NORTHWESTERN
Ù N I V E R S I T Y
LIBRARY
SHERMAN
COLLECTION
Presented by
TARED W. YOUNG
WAR PAPERS
AND
PERSONAL REMINISCENCES.
1861 = 1865.
READ BEFORE THE COMMANDERY OF THE STATE
OF MISSOURI, MILITARY ORDER OF THE
LOYAL LEGION OF THE
UNITED STATES.
PUBLISHED BY THE COMMANDBBY.
VOLUME 1.
ST. LOUIS:
BECKTOLD & CO.
1892.
fintered according to Act of Congress In the year 1891» by
W. R. HODGES.
For the Commandery of the State of Miisowri Military Order of the
Loyal Legion of the U. 5.,
In the Office of the Librarian of Congress at Washington.
ííOTICE.
This voluuie is composed of papers read at the stated meetings
of this Commandery, and with one or two exceptions are all that
have been placed in its custody. No attempt has been made to
arrange the contents in the chronological order of events or of
their presentation to the Commandery. The work is offered as
a contribution to those personal reminiscences which will be a
fruitful source of information to the future historian of the War
of the Rebellion.
W. R. Hodges,
Charles E. Pearce,
Charles Christensen,
Committee.
CONTEIíTS*
Early Events of the War in Missouri 1
By Lieutenant-Colonel James 0. Broadhead,
3d Cavalry, Mo. S.M.,U. S. V.
The Battle of Pilot Knob and the Eetrhat to Lbasburg— 29
By Brevet Brigadier-General Thos. C. Fletcher,
47th Mo. Infantry.
Experiences in Libby Prison 54
By Lieutenant-Colonel John W. Phillips, 18th Pa. Cavalry.
Captured by Mosby's Guerrillas 74
By Brevet Major Charles Brewster, Capt. and C. S., Ü. S. V.
The Appomattox Campaign 108
By Major-General Wesley Merrltt, U. S. A.
A Night with Farragut 132
By John C. Parker, late acting Vol. Lieut., Ü. S. Navy.
Wounded at Fort Donelson 146
By Brevet Lieutenant-Colonel James O. Churchill,
Capt. and A. Q. M., Ü. S. V.
The Battle of Athens 169
By Hon. Geo. W. McCrary, late Secretary of Wqr.
The Last Battle of the War. Recollections of the Mobile
Campaign 177
By Brevet Colonel Chas. S. Hills,
10th Kansas Infantry.
The Sinking Creek Valley Raid ." 191
By Brevet Major-General W. H. Powell.
* The Oommandery of the State of Missouri is not responsible for opinions ex¬
pressed in any paper printed in these volumes.
(V)
vi
Contents.
How the " Cumberland " went down 204
By Moses 8. Stuyvesaot, late Lieutenant Commander U. S. Navy.
The Battle of Pea Reoge, or Elk Horn Tavern 211
By Brevet Brig.-General John W. Noble, 3d Iowa Cavalry.
Some Reminiscences of Army Life 243
By Captain Everett W. Pattison, 2d Mass. Infantry.
From Second Bull Run to Antietam 2 «8
By Colonel Charles F. Morse, 2d Mass. Infantry.
Recollections of Cedar Creek 278
By Major H. M. Pollard, 8th Vermont Infantry.
Army Music 287
By Ist Lieutenant Loyd G. Harris, 6th Wis. Infantry.
Reminiscences of Chancellorsville 295
By Major Theodore A. Meysenburg, A. A. G., U. S. V.
The Affair of the Anglo-American 308
By John C. Parker, late acting Vol. Lieut. U. S. Navy.
Pope's Virginia Campaign ' 323
By Brevet Major-Gen. John D. Stevenson.
The Expeditions Against Fort Fisher 354
By Major Charles E. Pearce, 16th N. Y. Artillery.
Frank P. Blair in 1861 382
By Lieut.-Colonel J. F. How, 27th Mo. Infantry.
Eulogies 397
General U. S. Grant 399
By Brevet Major-General W. H. Powell.
General W. T. Sherman 416-430
By Brevet Lieut.-Colonel Henry Hitchcock, Major and A. A. G.
U. S. V. and Capt. Julius Pitzman, 6th Mo. Infantry.
Admiral D. D. Porter 434
By John C. Parker, late acting Vol. Lieut. U. S. Navy.
WAR PAPERS
AND
PERSONAL REMINISCENCES.
1861-1865.
EARLY EVENTS OF THE WAR IN MISSOURI.
BY LIEUT.-COL. JAS. O. BROADHEAD.
Prior to the inauguration of President Lincoln on the
4th of March, 1861, seven of the Southern States had
seceded from the Union, formed anew constitution, elected
officers, organized armies, instituted judicial tribunals, and
claimed to have established an independent government of
their own within the territorial limits of the United States.
The condition of affairs in Missouri, the known senti¬
ments and public declarations of prominent men who sym¬
pathized with this movement, were sufficient to satisfy those
who opposed the movement, that when the proper time
came, an effort would be made to unite the fortunes of
Missouri with those of this Southern Confederacy.
On the 21st of January, 1861, an act was passed by the
2 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
Missouri legislature providing for the call of a State con¬
vention, to consist of three delegates from each senatorial
district, to be elected by the people on the 18th of Feb¬
ruary, then next following.
The declared object of this convention was to " consider
the. existing relations between the government of the United
States, the people and governments of the different States
and the government and people of the State of Missouri,
and to adopt such measures for vindicating the sovereignty
of the State, and the protection of its institutions as shall
appear to them to be demanded."
The election was held as provided for by this law, and a
majority of Union men was elected. I was a member of
that convention, having been elected with fourteen others
from the city and county of St. Louis.
The convention met at the seat of government on the
28th of February, and after having duly organized
adjourned to the city of St. Louis, and on the 4th of
March it commenced its regular sessions in the Mercantile
Library Hall.
I shall not undertake to give the history of that conven¬
tion or its actions, except to say that it continued in
session at intervals for nearly three years, viz. : From
February, 1861, to October, 1863—holding a session some¬
times at Jefferson City— sometimes at St. Louis — that it,
by resolution, deposed the State government, at the head of
which was Claiborne F.Jackson—that it established a pro¬
visional government, with Hamilton R. Gamble at its head.
Early Events of the War in Misso^iri.
3
It is needless for me to say that the whole country was
in a ferment of political excitement, — the issue of union
or disunion had been fairly presented before the people ;
questions which for many years had agitated the public
mind were brought before them for practical solution ;
States had seceded, armies had been raised and organized,
forts and arsenals had been seized ; the State government
of Missouri was in the hauds of those who sympathized
with the States which had determined to sever the bonds
of union, and no one with any political fore-sight could
fail to see that unless some active steps were taken by those
of us who favored the Union cause to prevent it, that our
State also would soon be carried into the Southern Confed¬
eracy. We know that revolutionary movements are al¬
ways aggressive in their very nature — and that the timid
and the doubtful are swept onward by the waves ; to be
quiet and resistless was to submit, and this we could not do.
During the first week of the session of the legis¬
lature of Missouri, the first week in January, 1861,
an emissary from one of the seceding States was re¬
ceived by both houses in joint session at the capi¬
tal— he styled himself a "commissioner from the State
of Mississippi to the State government of Missouri."
It is needless to say that he was received with distin¬
guished consideration. The object of his mission was to
induce Missouri to take the same course with Mississippi.
It was obvious to every one that an attempt to dissolve
the Union must result in a conflict of arms, and the Union
4 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
men of Missouri were determined, if they could prevent it,
that this Stale should not be dragged|into the Southern Con¬
federacy. During the month of January, 1861, various
consultations were held in St. Louis to form an uncon¬
ditional Union party, composed of men of all parties, who
believed that nothing which had then happened and nothing
which was likely to happen could justify a dissolution of
the Union, and early in the month of February of that year
a meeting was called at Washington Hall to perfect such an
organization ; the meeting was held and a Committee of
Safety was appointed to take the entire management of the
Union cause; that committee consisted of Oliver D. Filley,
then mayor of the city, John How, formerly mayor, Sam'l
T. Glover, Frank P. Blair, James O. Broadhead and J. J.
Witzig. The committee, as at first appointed, consisted of
five, whose names were proposed by Mr. Blair, and he was
afterwards on motion added to the committee.
It was agreed at that meeting that steps should be taken
to organize the Union men into military companies, and to
furnish arms to such companies, as they could be procured.
The general direction and management of this movement
was left to the Committee of Safety.
The Union men of St. Louis, under the direction of this
Committee of Safety, proceeded to organize, arm and drill.
The headquarters of this committee were at Turner Hall,
corner of 10th and Walnut streets. They labored with
energy and fidelity in the fulfillment of their mission, and
by the 2Ist of April four regiments of volunteers were
Early Events of the War in Missouri.
5
raised and organized by the election of officers and were
ready to be mustered into the service, but had no arms.
In the meantime those on the other side were not idle ;
companies of minute men were being organized by the dis-
unionists, and preparations and movements made, clearly
indicating a purpose to take Missouri out of thç Union.
I may mention here that on the 6th of February, 1861,
Capt. Nathaniel Lyon arrived at St. Louis in charge of a
company of regulars from Fort Eiley. He took charge of
the military defenses of the arsenal; the ordnance stores,
however, were not under his control. During the month
of January, Major Bell, who had command of the arsenal,
being suspected of disloyalty to the government, was or¬
dered by Gen. Scott to the eastern department ; he declined
obeying the order and tendered his resignation, which was
accepted, and Major Hagner was put in command.
Gen. Lyon, although he arrived on the 6th of February,
was not put in command of the troops and defenses of the
arsenal until the 19th of March, but he had frequent con¬
sultations with the Committee of Safety in the meantime,
in regard to the condition of affairs in St. Louis, and his
O '
advice, of course, was of great value. After the order was
issued from Washington, Adjutant-General's office, placing
him in command of the troops and defenses of the arsenal.
Major Hagner still claimed that he had charge of the ord¬
nance stores — consisting at that time of about 40,000
stand of arms and a large supply of ammunition.
The matter was submitted to Gen. Harney, then in com-
6
War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
mand of the " Department of the West" and he decided in
favor of Major Hagner — which was a fair construction of
the order; but Gen. Harney thereupon ordered Major
Hagner to supply Gen. Lyon with such arms and ammu¬
nition as he might require.
I may mention here that the Committee of Safety had a
detective force of their own, employed partly by their own
means and partly by means furnished them by the friends
of the Union cause, and were thus enabled to keep Gen.
Lyon informed of the movements of the secessionists — and,
I may say here, that in looking over some of my old papers
the other day, I found quite a number of copies of a letter
which had been prepared by that committee and sent to
Union men in different parts of the State, and as a part of
the history of the times I produce one of them, as follows : —
" St. Louis, 1861.
"My Dear Sir: The friends of the National Union,
without regard to opinions which have heretofore divided
the people into separate parties, are impressed with the
paramount importance and imperative duty of forming at
once throughout the State a great Union party, opposed to
secession aud rebellion, and devoted to the maintenance of
that old government under which our people have lived so
long and so happily.
" To this end a full and frequent correspondence between
our friends throughout the State is essential. We should
know our friends from our foes ; we should know what
Early Events of the War in Missouri.
1
facilities and means exist for promoting our common object,
and also what steps are being taken at any time to defeat
our wishes. We are ready to communicate without delay
such information as you may desire, and specially request
to be informed on the receipt of this, or as soon as you can
furnish a satisfactory answer to the following inquiries :
Has any organization been made or attempted in your
county, or adjoining counties, under the late military bill
of the Missouri legislature? If so, give the number of
men, names of ofiScers, number and kind of arms, kind of
oath taken, and such other facts as you may deem material.
"Have any vigilance committees been formed? If so,
give names of oflScers, number of men, purposes of such
committees, place of meeting, conduct, etc., etc. Have
any persons been ordered to leave their homes? If so,
state their names, where have they gone, when they went,
for what cause ordered off, and by whom compelled to
leave. Please give us your opinion of the extent of the
Union sentiment of your county and such other general
information as may be valuable, and write us frequently.
" As regards the said military bill, those who are fully
competent to judge, pronounce it unconstitutional and
treasonable, and hence its requirements may be properly
resisted, and ought to be resisted.
" We earnestly recommend a perfect organization of
Union men as fast as possible with arms, if to be had — if
not, without them. In the agricultural districts where
a population is sparse and organization difficult, we advise
8
War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
complete enrollment of the Union men. By these means
our friends will learn their strength, and should occasion
require, can act efectually. This very enrollment will, of
itself, deter opponents and protect us against acts of oppres¬
sion. Finally, we feel fully justified in predicting that our
State will not, under any circumstances, go out of the
Union. We are fully convinced that our government
possesses the will, the power, and the means for effectually
crushing treason wherever it exists — that we shall soon be¬
come an undivided country, and that our country's enemies
will be covered and overwhelmed with an eternal disgrace.
" Any communication you may make shall, if you desire,
be regarded and treated as perfectly confidential."
Those in my possession were what were left, as we had a
largo number lithographed. To those that were sent out we
received answers which enabled us to obtain correct infor¬
mation of what was going on in different parts of the State.
1 acted as secretary of the committee and I still have in
my possession a number of those letters.
On the 16th of April Gen. Harney wrote to the Adju¬
tant-General of the army at Washington, that the St.
Lonis arsenal was threatened.
On the 17th of April Governor Jackson wrote the
following letter to the Secretary of War:—
" Executive Department of Missouri, )
Jefferson City, April 17, 1861. S
" Sir: Your dispatch of the 15th instant making a call on
Missouri for four regiments of men for immediate service
Early Events of the War in Missouri.
9
has been received. There can be, I apprehend, no doubt
but these men are intended to form a part of the present
army to make war upon the people of the seceded States.
Your requisition in my judgment, is illegal, unconstitu¬
tional, and revolutionary, in its objects inhuman and dia¬
bolical, and cannot be complied with. Not one man will
the State of Missouri furnish to carry on such an unholy
crusade. C. F. Jackson,
Governor of Missouri.
Hon. Simon Camekon,
Secretary of War, Washington City.''
The letter was published in the newspapers, and there¬
upon Gen. Blair, assuming to act for the Union men of
Missouri, as he had a right to do, telegraphed to the Sec¬
retary of War oflFering to furnish four regiments of volun¬
teers for active duty, and asking that an officer be appointed
to muster them into the service; and on the 21st of April
Blair received a telegraphic despatch from the Secretary
of War accepting the four regiments which had been ten¬
dered ; and on the same day Lieut. Schofield received
orders from Washington to muster the volunteer regiments
into the service. This order came by telegraph to the care
of Gen. Blair; when this order came several members ot
the Committee of Safety including myself were at Blair's
residence, and the Hon. John How and myself undertook
to find Lieut. Schofield and deliver him the order ; he was
at that time acting as teacher of mathematics in the Wash¬
ington University. It was on Sunday and we had some
10 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
difficulty in finding him. Schofield, upon receiving the
order, went immediately to the arsenal to confer with Gen.
Lyon; thereupon Capt. Lyon sent the following letter to
Blair :—
" Saint Louis Arsenal, April 21, 1861.
«' Dear Sir : Mr. Schofield has no authority to arm and
equip these men, if he enrolls them, nor any instructions
given about the location and disposal of them ; and without
the sanction of General Harney to this matter we are liable
to serious difficulty, as the General may, on hearing what
is transpiring, order my arrest, even while trying to arm
the men, for violating his orders about issuing arms; and
as he has the rank and authority, he may direct the volun¬
teer force away or to disperse. We do not seem to be
starting out right with the instructions Mr. Schofield now
has. Lieutenants Saxton and Schofield will explain more
fully what I have not time to write.
Yours, truly,
N. Lyon.
To F. P. Blair, Jr., Saint Louis."
Upon the urgent request of Blair, however, he deter¬
mined to take the responsibility, and that night they were
received into the arsenal, mustered into the service armed.
The first regiment was commanded by Col. F. P. Blair, Jr.
At this time I think there were less than 300 United
States regular soldiers at this post and some of them raw
recruits. I do not recollect the exact date of the arrival
Early Events of the War in Missouri. 11
of Totten's battery and Capt. Sweney's company of in¬
fantry.
A few days after this Gen. Harney was ordered to
Washington, and Capt. Lyon was left in command of the
Department of the West.
On the 30th of April, 1861, the following order was issued
from the War Department :—
" War Department, April 30, 1861.
" Sir : The President of the United States directs that you
enroll in the military service of the United States the loyal
citizens of Saint Louis and vicinity, not exceeding, with
those heretofore enlisted, 10,000 in number, for the pur¬
pose of maintaining the authority of the United States and
for the protection of the peaceable inhabitants of Missouri,
and you will, if deemed necessary for that purpose by your¬
self and by Messrs. O. D. Filley, John How, James O.
Broadhead, Samuel T. Glover, J. I. Witzig, and Francis P.
Blair, Jr., proclaim martial law in the city of Saint Louis.
"The additional force hereby authorized shall be dis¬
charged in part or in whole, if enlisted, as soon as it appears
to you and the gentlemen above named that there is no danger
of an attempt on the part of the enemies of the govern¬
ment to take military possession of the city of Saint Louis
or put the city in control of a combination against the
government of the United States, and while such additional
force remains in the service the same shall be governed by
the rules and articles of war and such special regulations as
12 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
you may prescribe. It shall, like the force heretofore di¬
rected to be enrolled, be under your command. The arms
and other military stores in the Saint Louis arsenal, not
needed for the forces of the United States in Missouri, must
be removed to Springfield or some other safe place of de¬
posit in the State of Illinois, as speedily as practicable by
the ordnance officer in charge at Saint Louis.
[Indorsements.] L. Thomas, Adjutant-General.
" It is revolutionary times, and therefore I do not object
to the irregularity of this.
W. S.
" Approved April 30, 1861.
A. Lincoln.
" Colonel Thomas will make this order.
Simon Cameron, Secretary of War.
" Capt. Nathaniel Lyon,
Commanding Department of the West."
(See volume 1, page 675, of Rebellion Record, Docu¬
mentary History of the War, for a copy of this order.)
And now, having arrived at a period in the early history of
events in Missouri, when the unconditional Union men felt
that they were in a condition to meet the enemies of that
cause in armed conflict if it became necessary, I will say
nothing about the events which followed, but ask to say
something about the two men who above all others were
chiefly instrumental in securing Missouri to the Union
Early Events of the War in Missouri. 13
Frank P. Blair, Jr., and Nathaniel Lyon — I knew them
both, and I think I can say I knew them well.
No higher praise, in my judgment, could be bestowed
upon the actions of any one, than to say of him, that
what was done by him at the time it was done, was the
thing that ought to have been done.
This may bo truly said of the distinguished individuals
whose names I have mentioned; they now belong to history,
what they did or what they failed to do, in the emergency
which called them into the field of action and made them
central figures and prominent characters in one of the
grandest dramas which has been enacted in the whole
period of our national history, is justly the subject of
criticism at this day, if at this day it is possible for us to
speak without prejudice or partiality of the events which
occurred during this eventful epoch.
In the earliest period of the fierce conflict they were
prominent actors ; they had the wisdom to comprehend,
what few of those around them did comprehend,— the
sagacity to foresee and the courage to execute what duty
required in the crisis which presented itself.
Missouri was the field of their first and greatest achieve¬
ments, and whatever Missouri owes, or whatever the
country owes to the fact that during the struggle she
maintained her allegiance to the government, is due mainly
to them.
I shall not now speak of the particular events which
marked that period of her history, and in which they
14 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
were such prominent actors; because whilst the world
knows but little of what transpired in the State during
that period, time would not permit me, nor would it be
proper on an occasion like this to mention the conflicts,
first of opinions and then of arms, which made this State
the seat of civil war in its most appalling forms.
But passing by all the excesses incident to a state of war,
and considering alone that, at the present hour, the result of
that contest is acknowledged to be the establishment of a
perpetual union — as perpetual as it is possible for human
effort to make it — and of universal liberty throughout the
land—and recognizing the fact that the result is ac¬
quiesced in by men of all parties, almost without excep¬
tion, as the best that could have happened, all things
considered, it is proper that in the spirit of an impartial his¬
torian, we should allude to the character and services of
those who were so largely instrumental in achieving such
results.
From the 6th of February, 1861, when Capt. Nathaniel
Lyon arrived at the St. Louis arsenal with his company of
regulars from Fort Kiley, until the 10th of August of the
same year, when he met his death at the battle of Wilson's
Creek, was a period full of stirring scenes and important
and interesting events, and during that period the fate of
Missouri if not of the impending contest was determined.
When Gen. Lyon came to St. Louis, the time had
arrived in which men could no longer take a middle
course in the hope of a peaceful settlement of the contre-
Early Events of the War in Missouri. 15
versies which divided sections and States, and neighborhoods
and families. Such men as Blair and Lyon, with prophetic
vision, saw that the conflict must come, how soon no man
could tell —because no mau could foresee what imprudent
step might at any time bring it on. They were both known
to each other to be unflinching advocates of the same cause.
From their first acquaintance they became firmly united, not
only in the bonds of personal friendship, but in the support
of the cause to which they had pledged themselves.
The one a clear-headed, fearless soldier, who, whether
amid the everglades of Florida, where in his early manhood
his soldierly qualities were first put to the test, or beneath
the walls of the city of Mexico, or protecting an exposed
frontier against hostile Indians in the rugged mountains of
Northern California, always knew what duty required of
him and was always ready to perform it.
The other a soldier and a statesman ; born a soldier and
reared and educated as a statesman in a school of
politics which taught him what a priceless heritage
was the indissoluble union of the States of this
Republic, and how necessary union was to liberty
and the preservation of popular government. They
believed that these were imperiled. They were both
men of more than ordinary intelligence and foresight,
well read in the history of other nations, and familiar with
the political condition of affairs in this country, and with
what had transpired, and was then transpiring around them,
they saw that the government was in danger, not merely
16 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
from the men who held the reigns of power for the time,
but in their judgment the spirit and nature of the govern¬
ment established by our fathers — a government which had
given us a high character among the nations of the earth,
which has given us liberty regulated by law and secured
by a written constitution, freedom of speech, religious
toleration and full power to the individual to develop
the highest faculties of the human intellect; which has
protected our property upon the high seas, and our persons
wherever the national flag has waved, whether upon the
land or upon the sea—and recognizing the fact that it was
formed and put into action by the sacrifice of lives just as
valuable as theirs, and that its preservation was worth just
as much, when the time for action came, " with charity
for all and with malice towards none," they entered the
contest and submitted themselves to the sacrifice.
Hailing from different sections, and reared under differ¬
ent social influences,—the one born and educated among the
icy hills of New England, the other nurtured beneath the
softer rays of a southern sun—they were both Americans in
sentiment, and united in the same canse and animated by
the same lofty ambition, they entered upon their work with
unfaltering devotion as leaders of men, because it was
their nature to be such. Others followed, until company
after company, and regiment after regiment from Missouri
entered with them into the contest. How well they all per¬
formed their parts you all do know better than I can tell
Early Events of the War in Missouri. 17
you — they were always iu the front, and at the post where
danger threatened most.
To secure Missouri to the Union was their first object,
and it was done chiefly through their instrumentality, as I
myself do know.
The regiments that were raised in 8t. Uouis in the
spring of 1861, chiefly under the auspices of Gen. Blair,
and placed under the command of Gen. Lyon, secured Mis¬
souri to the Union cause, and this, in my judgment, the
impartial historian who comes to learn all the facts con¬
nected with that period will say ; and he will say further,
that had Missouri taken the other side of that contest the re¬
sult might have been, most probably would have been, dif¬
ferent. Kentucky would doubtless have gone as Missouri
did, and if the military lines between the Federal and Con¬
federate forces had been in the early history of the contest
drawn along the Missouri river from Kansas City to Alton,
down the Mississippi to the mouth of the Ohio, and at the
Ohio to Wheeling, who can say what would have been the
result? That such an event did not occur is due more to the
wisdom and courage of Lyon and Blair than to the efforts of
all others combined; that they were inspired by a lofty
patriotism, unstained by the promptings of a selfish ambi¬
tion, their whole history will bear me witness ; and so long
as the cause to which they devoted themselves has a friend
in this broad land of ours, their services will be held in
gi-ateful remembrance.
Those of us who love this State of our adoption — this
2
18 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
young giant now bounding forward in the pathway of prog¬
ress— can afford to forget the internal dissensions and
bloody strifes which characterized her history during the
war, and the lawless outbreaks which have occurred since,
in the consciousness that she is not the border State of a
Northern or Southern Confederacy — but that she stands
firmly moored to the constitution which binds together the
sovereign States of this Confederacy.
The actions of the illustrious men of whom I have spoken
have passed into history — as will yours also. They will
be read " with that burning interest which belongs to those
eras when nations were born and kingdoms were established
or destroyed."
I have mentioned some of the most prominent events in
Missouri, which occurred down to the 21st of April, 1861,
when the four volunteer regiments were mustered into the
service of the Union, and taken into the arsenal. They
were at once formed into a brigade under the com¬
mand of Gen. Lyon. Francis P. Blair, Jr., was Colonel
of Ist Kegiment. The other three regiments were com¬
manded by Colonels Sigel, Boerstein and Schuttner. The
Union men then felt confident that the arsenal was safe,
and that the arms and ammunition stored there could be
preserved to the government. I may mention here that on
the 20th of April the arsenal at Liberty, Missouri, had
been robbed and all the arms and ammunition taken away.
The Union men in St. Louis, aided by the Committee of
Safety, continued their organization of troops, and very
Early Events of the War in Missouri. 19
soon five other regiments were ready to be mustered into
the service. The commanders of these regiments were
Almstedt, McNeil, B. Gratz Brown, Kallman and Stifel.
These five regiments were organized into a brigade called
the United States Reserve Corps, and Capt. Thomas
Sweeney was chosen Brigade Commander. I was on his
staff as Brigade Qu arter-m aster with the rank of Major.
These were three-months men.
Col. Stifel's regiment was, I think, the last that mustered
in the service. On the return of his regiment from the
arsenal, on the way to its headquarters in the northern
part of the city, when it reached the corner of Fifth and
Walnut streets, a large crowd of citizens opposed to the
Union cause had collected along the sidewalks, hooting at
the soldiers and abusing them with opprobrious epithets.
At length some one in the crowd fired off a pistol, whether
at the soldiers or not I am not able to say, and immediately
they commenced firing at random ; some of the windows of
the Presbyterian church at the corner of Fifth and Walnut
were shattered by minuie balls. The officers attempted to
put a stop to it, but the firing continued with occasional
shots, as far up as Pine street. Three soldiers were killed
by chance shots, supposed to be by members of the
regiment.
During the time of the organization of the first four
regiments above referred to, the Missouri State militia
under the direction of Gov. Jackson, had formed an
encampment on the outskirts of the city, between what
20 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
was then the Market street road and Olive street, for pur¬
poses best knovvn to the authorities of the State. It was
called Camp Jackson. The Berthold mansion, corner of
Fifth and Pine, was the headquarters of the minute men —
an organization gotten up, as was claimed by the Union men,
for disloyal purposes; men from various parts of the city
were collected there, and thence taken to Camp Jackson
and mustered into the State service.
It was apprehended by the Union men of St. Louis that
an effort would be made by the State militia at Camp Jack-
nso to take the arsenal at St. Louis, as the Liberty arsenal
had been taken, but the State militia was deficient in the
necessary arras for that purpose. Early in May the
Committee of Safety got information through their detec¬
tives that Colton Greene had been sent down south for the
purpose of procuring arms from the Confederate govern¬
ment at Montgomery, and that he had, through the Confed¬
erate authorities, succeeded in getting a supply of arms
from the arsenal at Baton Kouge, Louisiana, and that they
were then being transported by steamboat to St. Louis.
On the 8th of May the steamer " J. C. Swan," under the
command of Capt. Jones, entered the harbor of St. Louis
with a Confederate flag at her mast-head and unloaded a
large number of boxes marked Tamaroa marble, and con¬
signed to Messrs. Greeley and Gale, two noted Union men,
as we all know. These were taken out to Camp Jackson
under the direction of the chief of police. On the way
out one of the boxes fell off a dray and was broken, dis-
Early Events of the War in Missouri. 21
closing the fact that they were filled with munitions of
war. Of this fact Gen. Lyon was duly informed. On
the 9th of May about 3 o'clock in the afternoon, I received
a notice from Gen. Lyon as one of the members of the
Committee of Safety to meet him at the arsenal that
night. 1 went down in company with Mr. Glover and found
all the other members of the committee there. We held a
consultation with Gen. Lyon in one of the upper rooms of
the building in which he had his quai'ters, and continued
in consultation until midnight. The question under con¬
sideration was whether he should with the force he then
had under his control, demand the immediate surrender of
the militia at that place. A vote was taken and a majority
of the committee decided in favor of that step, and we
then adjourned. I may mention, however, that Mr. Glover
suggested that inasmuch as the arms taken from the Baton
Kouge arsenal belonged to the United States, District At¬
torney Asa Jones, Esq., be requested to sue out a writ of
replevin in the name of the United States against the
officers in command at Camp Jackson, that the writ be
placed in the hands of the marshal and that he call on
Gen. Lyon for a posse comitatus to aid him in enforcing the
writ. No one objected, but Gen. Lyon evidently determined
to take his own course regardless of the writ, for when
Marshal Eawlins with the writ in his hands reached the
arsenal about ten o'clock the next morning he found
the arsenal gates closed and sentinels guarding every
entrance. He demanded to be admitted — told the guard
22 War Papera and Personal Reminiscences.
that he was United States marshal, but they told him that
they had strict orders from the oflScer in command not to
admit any one. He was then ready to march, and would
have been on his way to Camp Jackson before that time
but for the fact that one regiment, that of Col. Blair, and
which was to have been brought up in a steamboat from
Jefferson Barracks, had been detained on account of a
severe storm which came on during the night and had to
march up by land the next morning.
The camp was taken without any resistance, and this is
a part of the history of those times with which you are all
familiar.
To those who were familiar with the secret movements
which were being made in St. Louis and in other parts of
the State by enemies of the government this step on the
part of Gen. Lyon was deemed a wise one. This opinion
was confirmed by facts which were afterwards developed.
A short time after this I was appointed by the Attorney
General, Assistant District Attorney for the Eastern Dis¬
trict of Missouri. Mr. Jones' health being bad, and I
was afterwards appointed District Attorney, I drew up
the first indictment for treason which I suppose was ever
drawn up in that court. This was against Claiborne
F. Jackson, governor. I also had a warrant issued for
the arrest of J. W. Tucker, editor of the State Journal,
a violent secession paper, then published in a build¬
ing on Pine street between Third and Fourth. The
examination was couducted before Benjamin F. Hickman,
Early Events of the War in Missouri. 23
United States Commissioner, and clerk of the United
States Circuit Court, in the room of the United States
Circuit Court. I obtained from him a search-warrant,
which was placed in the hands of Marshall Kawlins with
directions to search the desk of Mr. Tucker, at his office.
He did so, and amongst other papers, the following letter
from Gov. Claiborne F. Jackson was found:—
" Jefferson City, )
April 28, 1861. $
" * * * I told Gov. Price that, in my judgment, we
should not go out of the Union until the legislature had time
to arm the State to some extent, and place it in a proper
position of defense. This was, in substance, the sum total
of all I said to him. Governor Price said many things to me
in that short interview which I am not at liberty to repeat,
and which I could not do without doing violence to my
sense of honor, violating every rule of propriety which
governs the intercourse of gentlemen, and forfeiting all
claims to the position of an honorable member of the
community.
" If it be the purpose of Paschall and Price to make me
indorse the position of the Kepublican, and the miserable,
base, and cowardly conduct of Governor Price's submis¬
sion convention, then they are wofully mistaken. Lashed
and driven as they have been by an indignant and outraged
constituency from their position of ' unconditional Union,'
they are now seeking shelter under the miserable absurdity
of ' armed neutrality.' About the only truth in Paschall's
24 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
article is that in which he states my policy to be a ' peace
policy.' This is true. I am for peace, and so is every¬
body, except Lincoln and Frank Blair. You will do me an
especial favor to inform Mr. Paschall that when Governor
Jackson wishes his position upon matters of public interest
properly stated and set out before the people, he will take
some direct manner of doing it, and not rely upon the col¬
ored and garbled statements of a set of men who, under
the garb of friendship, seek to obtain his confidence only
to betray him, and play the part of pimps and spies.
" I do not think Missouri should secede to-day or to-mor¬
row, but I do not think it good policy that I should pub¬
licly so declare. I want a little time to arm the State, and
I am assuming every responsibility to do it with all possible
dispatch. Missouri should act in concert with Tennessee
and Kentucky. They are all bound to go out, and should
go together if possible. My judgment is that North Caro¬
lina, Tennessee and Arkansas, will be out in a few days,
and when they go Missouri and Kentucky must follow.
Let us then prepare to make our exit. We should keep
our own counsels. Every man in the State is in favor of
arming the State. Then let it be done. All are opposed
to furnishing Mr. Lincoln with soldiers. Time will settle
the balance. Nothing should be said about the time or the
manner in which Missouri should go out. That she ought
to go, and will go at the proper time, I have no doubt.
" She ought to have gone out last winter when she could
have seized the public arms and public property and de-
Early Events of the War in Missouri. 25
fended herself. This she has failed to do and must now
wait a little while. Paschall is a base submissionist, and
desires to remain with the north if every other slave State
should go out. This he proved in indorsing all those who
voted against Bast's amendment. The people of Missouri
must, I think, understand my position. Paschall knows
the people are twenty to one against him, and hence he
seeks to drag me into his aid and support. You should
denounce his course and expose his baseness. To frighten
our people into the most slavish position he parades before
them from day to day our defenseless attitude, and meanly
makes it out a thousand times worse than it really is.
Missouri can put in the field to-day, 20,000 men better
m'med than our fathers were, who won our independence.
If you can, I should be very glad to see you here on Tues¬
day evening. I hope you will fully comprehend my whole
policy, and without undertaking to shadow it forth, spe¬
cifically, or in detail, I only ask that you will defend me
from the false position in which Paschall and Price seem
disposed to place me. Call on every country paper to de¬
fend me, and assure them I am fighting under the true flag.
Who does not know that every sympathy of my heart is
with the south? The legislature, iu my view, should sit
in secret and touch nothing but measures of defense. Let
the measures of Mr. Sturgeon, Mr. Paschall, Mr. Taylor
& Co., in regard to their railroads, all go by the board. I
have not the patience or time to talk of such matters now.
Let us first preserve our liberties and attend to business
26 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
matters afterward. Let all our energies and all our means
be applied to our defense and safety.
Yours, truly,
C. F. Jackson."
J. W. Tucker, Esq.
That letter I retained in my possession for many years —
until about two years ago I gave it to the Missouri His¬
torical Society, and it is now among the archives of that
society.
At the time of the taking of Camp Jackson, Gen. Lyon
was the acting commander of the Department of the Mis¬
souri, Gen. Haimey having been ordered to Washington
temporarily. On account of this action on the part of Gen.
Lyon an effort was made on the part of a number of the
prominent citizens of St. Louis to have him removed. A
letter was prepared and sent by the Committee of Safety
directed to Montgomery Blair, but intended for the Presi¬
dent, justifying the course taken by Gen. Lyon. Col. F.
A. Dick, a brother-in-law of Montgomery Blair, the Post¬
master General, was also sent out to Washington for the
purpose of laying the facts before the President, and the
result was that instead of Gen. Lyon being removed, he
was given the rank of brigadier-general.
What took place after the Camp Jackson affair is well
known to all who were citizens of Missouri at the time.
The proclamation of Gov. Jackson calling for troops to
defend the State — the burning of the bridge across the
Osage River by order of Gov. Jackson — the movement
Early Events of the War in Missouri. 27
of Gen. Lyon by transports to Boonville—the flight of
Gov. Jackson from the capítol — the fight at Boonville —
the march of Lyon from Boonville to Springfield — the
battle of Wilson Creek on the 10th of August — the death
of Gen. Lyon, — all belong to the written history of the
events of that period. I may mention that Gen. Lyon in
his first report to the war department after his appointment
as brigadier-general said : —
" I would take occasion to remark that but for these
volunteers, the authority of the government in this State
in my opinion could not have been maintained. I will
state further, that they have submitted, with scarcely a
murmur, to the hardships which my restricted accommoda¬
tions, and limited supply of camp and garrison equipage,
and other necessaries have compelled them to undergo."
The Committee of Safety kept up a correspondence with
leading Union men in diflierent portions of the State. Rol¬
lins, Leonard, Bartholow, Lewis, Bingham, Phelps,
Boyd, Leeper, Bishop, Henderson, Dyer, Campbell and
others urging the organization of volunteer companies, and
aiding them in procuring arms.
I read an extract from a letter from one of these gen¬
tlemen— now an eminent statesman andan honored citizen
of Missouri :
" Louisiana, Mo., Nov. 21, 1861.
" Dear Broadhead : * • * You have no doubt learned
ere this of the safe delivery of our arms by Capt. Rowley's
command, from the regiment of Col. McNeil. I have been
28
War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
very busy organizing the boys and making our arms safe.
I think we are now getting everything right. The appear¬
ance of Capt. Kowley's company here on yesterday morning,
for a time produced wonderful fluttering and a great deal
of consternation with the most prominent of the seces¬
sionists. However, everything passed off well. * • *
We feel very thankful to you for the lively interest you
have manifested in our behalf here, in procuring us arms
for our defense. The thing is now all safe. There are
now 1,500 men enlisted in this county, and coming here
every day begging me for arms. lam disposed to set
them to drilling, and if the diflBculties continue, I have a
notion to raise a good regiment of 1,000 men and go into
service. Shall 1 try or not? • • *
Yours truly,
J. B. Henderson."
Similar letters came from other parts of the State.
Many other facts might be mentioned in connection with
the early history of the war in Missouri, but it would make
this paper too long, and I must close. The greatest difficulty
we had to contend against, was that there was so many of
our prominent citizens who were sincerely in favor of pre¬
serving the Union, but thought that the differences could
be amicably settled without a dissolution of the Union, but
they had mistaken the spirit of the Southern people and
especially the spirit of the leaders in the movement in favor
of a Southern Confederacy. It was obvious to us that there
could be no middle ground of safety.
The Battle of Pilot Knob.
29
THE BATTLE OF PILOT KNOB, AND THE
RETREAT TO LEASBURG.
BY BREVET BRIGADIER-GENERAL THOS. C. FLETCHER.
If there was an official report of the fight at Pilot Knob
and the retreat of the National forces to Leasburg, I have
been unable to find it; I am sure I made none. It was an
affair so remarkable in many respects, and of such mo¬
mentous results, that it seems to me proper to write my
recollections of it.
The real objective point of Price's march into Missouri
was St. Louis. Sherman was finishing the writing of the
record of the national title to Atlanta in iron and blood
before his march to the sea. Hood was about to dash
away northward to Nashville. The department of Mis¬
souri had been drawn upon for almost its entire available
force to re-inforce Thomas. It seemed to Price an oppor¬
tune time to return to Missouri. Rosecrans was im¬
ploring help; General A. J. Smith was sent to his assist¬
ance with a part ot his 16th Corps, and came by the only
practicable route — by boat. Mower, with his division of
Smith's corps, had to come overland. Smith arrived in
St. Louis in time to give Rosecrans assurance of abiL
ity to hold the line of the Meramec river. Mower fell in
30 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
Price's rear, and undertook the pursuit of a cavalry force
with an infantry column.
The fight at Pilot Knob delayed Price's entire force for
three days, giving Rosecrans time to make such disposition
of his forces as to not only make sure of the defense of St.
Louis, but to meet him at every important point. With
but little data accessible I rely largely for my facts upon
my memory and the memory of such of my comrades in
that battle as I have been able to confer with. If I shall
appear to be able to recount the part I personally bore
in the matter better than anything else, I hope it will not
be attributed to egotism on my part, but to the fact that
my memory of what I saw and did is of necessity more
vivid than my memory of what my comrades did.
I had been with the old Ist Division, 15th Army Corps,
on the Atlanta campaign. It was the night preceding the
battle of Dallas, sometimes called " New Hope Church
on one of our night marches and bivouacs in the rain, I
caught a cold, resulting in such soreness and stiffness of my
back that I was unable to mount my horse; by advice of the
surgeons I returned to Missouri and sought my home at
De Soto for rest and recuperation, but had not fully re¬
covered when General Rosecrans sent for me and told me
of the coming of Price's army towards Missouri, and ex¬
plained in detail his situation and the extent to which his
department was depleted of force and the terrible strait
to which he was driven, and asked me to gather up and
organize some force in southeast Missouri ; this was in
Hie Battle of Pilot Knob.
31
August, 1864. I at once sought out some of my friends to
assist me, who were older and better soldiers than myself,
and whose patriotism outweighed all consideration of rank.
Colonel David Murphy, who had won rank in the army and
had seen much service, accepted position as my adjutant.
Colonel Amos W. Maupin was my lieutenant-colonel.
Judge John W. Emerson left the bench of the Circuit
Court and belted on his sword as major. Col. John W.
Fletcher took off the straps of a lieutenant-colonel, which
he had won in the service, and put on those of lieutenant
and quartermaster. Judge Owens of the Circuit Court,
and many other prominent civil officers and citizens, en¬
rolled with me as privates.
Soon we had companies mustered under good and tried
men as captains.
Company A was commanded by Capt. James S.
McMurtry, who had pooled his blanket with my overcoat
in Libby and other southern prisons.
Company B, commanded by W. J. Buxton, of Jefferson
county.
Company C, commanded by Chas. A. Weber, Perry
county.
Company D, commanded by John W. Maupin, of
Franklin county.
Company E, commanded by Franz Dinger, of Iron
county.
Company F, commanded by Wm. P. Adair, of St.
Francois county.
32
War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
Company G, commanded by Morgan Mace, of Iron
county.
Company H, commanded by P. L. Powers, of Wayne
county.
Company I, commanded by H. M. Bradley, of Madison
county.
Company K, commanded by Gustav St. Gem, of St.
Genevieve county.
These formed the 47th Missouri Volunteer Infantry.
On the 15th of September, 1864, the regiment was full,
and duly mustered. Then there came other companies and,
urged by General Kosecrans, I went on to organize an¬
other regiment, the 50th Missouri, which was completed
after the fight at Pilot Knob, and of which Colonel David
Murphy was made colonel.
The companies of the 47th Kegiment were stationed in
their respective counties, where they were organized.
They were never drilled in battalion drill up to the time
of the battle of Pilot Knob.
About the 20th day of September, 1864, Price struck
Bloomfield. General Rosecrans thought that attack in¬
dicated Cape Girardeau as the first objective point, St.
Louis being the great object. At his suggestion I hastened
to Cape Girardeau, where I reported to Captain Hiram M.
Hiller, 2nd Cavalry M. S. M., who was in command of the
post, and we at once proceeded to gather in a force and
prepare defenses. Captain Weber's company, C, of the
47th Regiment, I brought from Perry county to Cape
The Battle of Pilot Knoh.
33
Girardeau. A rebel cavalry force skirmished up to White
Water, within a short distance of Cape Girardeau, and
then swung off to Fredericktown and Ironton. Boarding
a steamboat I came up to where I struck the railroad and
went thence to Pilot Knob, reaching there about noon on
Monday, September 26, on the last train that got through.
In the meanwhile, there had been concentrated at Pilot
Knob, companies A, E, F, G, H, and I of the 47th Regi¬
ment, and Co. F, 50th Mo., Capt. Robert L. Lindsay's,
though not then mustered in.
Arriving at Pilot Knob I reported to General Thomas
Ewing, and being next to him in rank was assigned to the
commandof the infantry force there present, which consisted
of six companies of my 47th Regiment, Lindsay's com¬
pany of the 50th, two small companies of the 14th Iowa
Veteran Soldiers, who had seen much service, commanded
by Captains Campbell and Lucas, both brave, experienced
andintelligent officers. Company H, 1st Regiment, M. S.M.,
commanded by Captain John Fessier, assigned as artillery
to work siege guns. To this we added a company of col¬
ored men, collected together and organized Monday after¬
noon preceding the assault on Tuesday, of which company
Captain Lonergan was assigned the command. A total
infantry force of 598 men for duty ; then we had Battery
H, 2d Mo. Light Artillery, Capt. W. C. Montgomery, with
four six-pound guns.
There was of cavalry a part of two battalions, 3d M. S.
M. Cavalry, and a part of Co. L, 2d M. S. M. Cavalry,
, 3
34 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
under Captain Amos P. Wright; a portion of Lindsay's,
Power's and Mace's companies were also mounted; all the
cavalry and mounted men were under command of Major
Wilson. This comprised the whole force, numbering of
all arms, 886 effective men for duty, to which must be
added about 35 citizens, who took arms and fought with
ns like veterans.
On my arrival at the fort, Ewing said to me at once,
" General Kosecrans telegraphs me to evacuate this place
and fall back on A. J. Smith at De Soto ; I have sent away
all Q. M. and commissary stores." I replied, "you can¬
not fall back now; the enemy has swept around from
Farmington towards Potosi, has cut the railroad and is in
force now between you and A. J. Smith," and thereupon I
undertook to telegraph General Rosecrans but the wires
were cut — a proof of my assertion that the only road by
which we could fall back on A. J. Smith was in possession
of the enemy.
Surgeon Chas. H. Hughes, in charge of the medical and
surgical department of troops on the Iron Mountain rail¬
road, was en route the same day to join us with medical
supplies, but found the bridge at Big river already burned,
and he had to fall back on A. J. Smith.
When we found that we would be compelled to remain
and fight, we at once began to dig some ditches extending
northward and southward from the fort. For my part
I had a high appreciation of a ditch. It had always been
my fortune up to that time to be of the assaulting party
The Battle of Pilot Knob.
35
with a single exception, and I had longed to have an in-
trenchment in which to receive an assault, and perhaps get
satisfaction for some of the hard times I have seen in as¬
saulting the enemy in his intrenchments. I need not de¬
scribe the old fort ; it was a small affair of hexagonal shape
inclosed by a high redoubt, with a wide dry moat sur¬
rounding it, and a drawbridge that would not draw. There
were mounted upon the parapets four heavy siege guns,
three 24-pound and one 32-pound. "We threw up earth
so as to elevate two of our field pieces to fire over the
parapets.
Among the loyal citizens who came to us and took arms
and fought by our side in sight of their homes, and whose
names should be preserved on the roll of honor, were,
James Lindsay, Richard Trow, F. T. Peck, M. B. Tet-
wiler, Eli D. Ake, C. R. Peck, W. W. Haywood, W. N.
Gregory, Wm. Leper and many others, whose names I
regret that I cannot now recall.
There were some ordnance stores there, some very in¬
ferior old muskets and plenty of ammunition. I distributed
arms to all who would take them and to make the ord¬
nance officer's accounts all right I afterwards receipted to
him for them, and the ordnance department at Wash¬
ington dogged me for fifteen years afterwards for a settle¬
ment of my ordnance account. The department has me
charged with great numbers of muskets, cartridge boxes,
etc. The U. S. owes me a balance on my pay as an officer,
which it holds from me till I shall account for those old
36
War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
muskets, etc. I thought the government got more than
their worth in that fight.
Colonel Murphy was an experienced artillery oflieer and
had won distinction in that arm of the service. He was
assigned to the command of all the artillery. Captains
McMurtry, Mace and Powers with their companies were at
the outpost at Patterson, nearly forty miles away, when
Price's advance struck them ; they skirmished their way
back to Pilot Knob with very little loss. Captain Bradley
was at Fredericktown and fell back to Ironton, where he
eflected a junction with Captain Dinger, whose company
was then at Ironton.
The gallant Major Wilson was everywhere, and used his
cavalry force to the best possible advantage in watching
the approaching enemy, and had some very lively skir¬
mishes with them on the 26th, in one of which he received
a wound in the head, which he regarded as only a very
slight affair, but which I am led to believe afieeted his
mind and which probably caused his capture the next day.
Captain Dinger made a stand at the court house in Iron-
ton on the 26th with his company, and fired upon the ad¬
vance guard of Price's force as it came into Ironton, but
seeing the main body of the enemy filing down into the
valley, fell back towards Pilot Knob with a part of his
company; another part of his company, under Lieutenant
George Tetley, remained at the court house through a mis¬
understanding of his orders until Wilson, with his cavalry,
came up with two pieces of Montgomery's Battery and the
The Battle of Pilot Knob.
37
two companies of Iowa Infantiy, and Dinger fell in with
them as they moved on towards the court-house, where his
company was reunited. Wilson drove back and held the
enemy in check until night, and in fact only fell back to
the fort at daylight on the morning of the 27th, and re¬
ported that as far as the eye could see the enemy was
moving down into the valley.
The night was one of anxiety and preparation on our
part. When it was fairly daylight, Joseph A. Hughes
volunteered to go up to the top of Pilot Knob and signal us
the movements and numbers of the enemy. His signal so
bewildered us as to numbers that we sent Colonel James
Lindsay, who was there without a command and who came
to us gun in hand, and on his arrival at the peak of the
Knob we learned that the valley at Ironton and Arcadia
was full of men, horses, wagons and artillerj'.
Edwards in his book, " Shelby and His Men," says Price
had Pagan's division, 4,000 men and four pieces of artil¬
lery; Maimaduke's division, 3,00O men and four pieces of
artillery; Shelby's division, 3,000 men and four pieces of
artillery, besides there were a number of unattached regi¬
ments and companies about equal to another division. If
we exclude Shell)y, who had gone round by way of Farm-
ington and Potosi, there were about 10,000 men and eight
pieces of artillery there present. Presently the sun tipped
the mountain tops ; I looked around me and, in view of what
I knew was coming, wondered at the selection of the site of
the foi't ; on every hand the mountains towered away above
38
War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
us, so near that a good rifle would carry a ball from the
summit of either of them into our midst. A dread of the
enemy's artillery on the mountains crept over me and I
suggested my fear to Murphy, who only replied, " Let them
put a gun on one of those mountains and I'll knock out
of it in a minute," and he well-nigh verified this assertion
later in the day. The situation was fully understood and
appreciated by the men. I encouraged them with assur¬
ances of our ability to hold the fort and cheered them with
the prediction that Pilot Knob would become historic and
forever a monument of our victory.
Wilson went down the valley a short distance with his
cavalry, and Captains Lucas and Campbell with their com¬
panies of 14th Iowa, deployed as skirmishers along the side
of Shepherd mountain and moved forward on Wilson's
right. They skirmished with the enemy and slowly fell
back to the fort. The day wore on ; Price was awaiting
the arrival of Marmaduke and his division, as I have
since learned. About noon the head of their column
came around the point of the mountain in full view and
changed direction, forming line of battle across the valley
from Shepherd mountain to Pilot Knob and extending
far up the sides of both mountains. They sent in a flag
of truce and demanded our surrender; General Ewing
returned a very polite but emphatic refusal. They then
moved their line forward some distance and halted and
again demanded our surrender, saying that they would
not be responsible for consequences in case of our refusal.
The Battle of Pilot Knob.
39
With unanimous concurrence of all the officers, who were
consulted, Ewing answered that we would risk the con¬
sequences, and informed him that he would fire on any
flag of truce thereafter sent forward, saying at the same
time, " They shall play no Fort Pillow game on me."
They then advanced their skirmishers and Murphy sent a
shell from one of our siege guns into their midst and the
battle began in earnest. I must not omit here to state that
after the first assault had been made, and while they pre¬
pared for the second one, another white flag was displayed
alongside the projecting high rock near the left of their
line ; we directed all our guns upon it at once and it
disappeared very suddenly.
We had put our infantry into the trenches outside the
fort; Maupin taking command of the force on the south
side of the fort, and I taking the other and supporting two
field-pieces outside the fort. On they came cheering wildly,
our artillery pouring upon them shot and shell. Still
they came on until within easy range, then we opened upon
them with our musketry by volleys ; they wavered, baited
and laid down, but for only a few moments, when as one
man they sprang up and rushed forward, so bravely that it
awoke in me a regret that such men should be so slaugh¬
tered ; but flesh and blood could not endure the fire we
poured upon them and again they wavered, fell back and
laid down and sought protection in the bed of the little
stream and behind whatever they could find as a protection.
Just then Ewing, fearing that we could not hold the trenches
40 fVa?' Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
against a cavalry force which came around Shepherd mount¬
ain dashing towards us from the west, led by Col. Alonzo
W. Slayback, ordered us into the fort, and through the
moat and sally-port up over the parapets we clambered.
When turning our artillery on the cavalry force of Slayback
it swung around to the northward along the base of Cedar
O O
mountain; meanwhile the assaulting force rose up again
and made one more last desperate dash at the fort, broken
by our terrific musketry, but still coming on — on up to
within twenty yards of the moat, then falling away like the
receding wave on the ocean's beach. Meanwhile the enemy
had taken a battery of artillery up to Shepherd's mountain,
and in two or three shots got the range of the fort, explod¬
ing a shell which in turn exploded a caisson killing and
badly wounding five of our men. Then it was that the skill
of Murphy was put to the test. He trained one of our
heavy guns upon the enemy's gun and sighted and worked
at it till I was wild with impatience. All the time he was
muttering imprecations on all rebels generally and especi¬
ally those on the mountain. At last he pulled it off. Ewing
watched through his field-glasses, and as the shot struck he
shouted with joy; it was a center shot and soon their firing
ceased from that source and their guns were removed to
their right on the shoulder of the mountain, nearer the
valley. The whole of our artillery was directed upon them
there and they soon disappeared behind the crest of the
ridge. My Confederate friends who were there tell me
that they were out of artillery ammunition ; but certainly
The Battle of Pilot Knob.
41
had plenty afterwards on their raid ; where they got it I
have never been able to learn ; certainly, they got none at
Pilot Knob except what was fired at them. When the
battle began Maj. Wilson, with a small detachment of his
cavalry and part of Dinger's company, was out on our
left near the furnace of the Pilot Knob iron com¬
pany ; a force of the enemy dashed along the side of the
mountain swinging around the base of it, while another
force came down the Farmington road cutting off Wil-
O C
son completely. He, with his men, and Captain Din¬
ger and a part of his company surrendered, and were
taken away as prisoners in full view of us ; we could not
shell the enemy that surrounded him without killing him and
his men. Wilson was a loyal, patriotic citizen, a brave and
efficient officer: we never saw him again. He, with the
other prisoners, was taken away to a point in Franklin
county, about ten miles north of Union, where he with five
of his men, were turned over to the guerrilla chief, Tim
Reeves, and were by him and his gang murdered in cold
blood. Capt. Dinger and the other prisoners were paroled
and turned away. For this shameful violation of the rules
of war, in the case of Wilson and his men. Gen. Rosecrans
issued a retaliatory order. Five rebel prisoners were selec¬
ted and soon after executed at St. Louis in retaliation for
the murder of Wilson's men. Eleven Confederate majors
in our hands were compelled to draw lots to determine who
should be shot in retaliation for the murder of Wilson.
The man so selected was in charge, for a time, of Lieut.
42 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
Col. Chas. S. Hills of the 10th Kansas, then on staff
duty. Col. Hills became interested in him. The night
before the morning fixed for his execution Col. Hills ap¬
pealed to Hon. Henry T. Blow, one of the noble-hearted,
patriotic men who deservedly stood near to the great gen¬
erous-hearted Lincoln. He telegraphed Mr. Lincoln and
the answer came to stay the execution, and it remains stayed
until this day.
When the last desperate charge had been fully repulsed,
the last ray of the setting sun had faded from the mountain
top and the evening shadows were beginning to fall in the
valley ; the firing ceased, not a shot was heard ; the silence
was only broken by the groans of the wounded who lay every¬
where on the field ; the enemy lay in the gullys, ravines,
and behind logs — in every place of concealment, waiting the
coming darkness to cover their retreat. Murphy was still
full of fight and feeling glorious over success, mounted the
redoubt and proceeded to address the audience in our front
as it lay in concealment, daring and defying them to come
on, and in a voice so loud that it woke the echoes of the
mountains, reflected upon their courage and parentage.
Out of admiration of his daring they refused to shoot him,
as they could easily have done. Night came on. Surgeon
Carpenter organized his corps of assistants, among whom
was Dr. James R. McCormack, and proceeded to care as
best we could for the wounded, both our own and of the
Confederates who were left on the fleld near the fort ; the
dead were left where they fell. The Confederate killed and
The Battle of Pilot Knob.
43
wounded as the count was subsequently given to me by
persons who made it, numbered 1,468, and long after the
battle a number of bodies were found on the mountain sides
that had not been included in the count. Our loss in killed
and wounded up to that time was twenty-two killed, forty
wounded and sixty-seven missing (prisoners).
Then we counseled together what we would do ; Ewing,
Maupin, Murphy, Emerson, also Col. Hills of Ewing's
staff and Maj. Williams of a Kansas regiment (the two
latter named oflScers stood deservedly high in the confidence
of Gen. Ewing, they were good soldiers and men of ex¬
cellent judgment) ; we knew that the severe loss we had in-
fiicted on the enemy would be avenged if we remained till
the next day; we knew that Gen. Mower was somewhere in
Price's rear, but we did not know where or when he would
reach us, if at all ; we knew that A. J. Smith was almost
within hearing of our artillery; we felt that if we had one
division of his veteran corps then and there to sally out
upon the enemy in his demoralized condition we could
drive him back to Arkansas, but we also knew that Gen.
Rosecrans would not send Smith to our assistance for fear
of uncovering St. Louis ; here we were completely sur¬
rounded by an overwhelming force without hope of re-in-
forcement or succor. It was plain that we could not stay
there and very nearly as plain that we could not get away.
Our only course was conceded to be that we must make
effort to get away and take the chances. All around us
everywhere were the camp fires of the enemy ; our only
44 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
course was to cut our way through the enemy's lines. This
we resolved to do. While we were making our prepara¬
tions for this desperate sally, a woman came to us bearing
a message from Col. Alonzo Slayback, a Confederate officer,
a kind-hearted and noble man, as many of us knew him
afterwards, advising us to make terms and surrender, that
we could not withstand the force that would be brought
against us in the morning; this he did unofficially and as
our friend — he had personal friends among us, Ewing
among them ; we thanked him through the same messenger,
and informed him that we had determined to fight it out.
Our preparations complete, I undertook to lead the way
with the infantry force, and selected 100 men who had seen
most service, putting Capt. McMurtry in command for the
advance. There was a pile of charcoal at the furnace, only
a few hundred yards from the fort, as large as the Lindell
hotel, said to have been $80,000 worth, which had become
ignited by explosion of shells during the fight and then stood
there a vast white coal of fire lighting up the whole valley ;
this annoyed us greatly. Quietly getting my infantry
formed by companies we moved about one o'clock in the
morning out at the sally-port into the moat, out by the en¬
trenchment on the north side of the fort, and forming our
' O
line in the shadow of the church, tents and straw was laid
on the drawbridge to deaden the sound of the artillery
passing over it; the artillery followed the infantry, the
cavalry bringing up the rear. Montgomery commanding
his artillery and Capt. P. L. Powers commanding rear
The Battle of Pilot Knob.
45
guard of mounted men. It was a solemn hour; a night
attack is always fraught with dangers and horror exagger¬
ated by the imagination because unseen, and to my mind
the situation was the more terrible because we did not
know if we would strike the enemy where his line was
weakest or strongest. In low tones the commands were
given and repeated along our line and we went forward in
column by twos route step, arms at will, taking the Cale¬
donia road. On we went, every ear intent to catch the
word of forward into line, for the charge, still we went on
unchallenged. On either side of the road the enemy lay
about their camp fires, pickets and sentries stood idly
about the fires not twenty rods from the road, mistaking
us no doubt for a body of their own force moving into
position ; they gave no evidence whatever of seeing or
hearing us. We had left in the magazine in the fort about
twenty tons of powder and a large lot of fixed ammunition.
Gen. Ewing detailed Sergt. Danl. Flood of the 3 M. S. M.
cavalry to apply a slow match to it. When we had gone
about a mile outside the enemy's lines suddenly the heav¬
ens were lighted up by a grand column of fire ascending
hundreds of feet above the mountain tops and making the
whole region to reverberate with a sound as though a
mighty thunderbolt had riven Pilot Knob from its base-
to its peak.
Gen. Piice himself told me after the war was over, as did
also Col. W^ni. Lawson, at whose house in Arcadia Price
made his headquarters, that he did not know until 8
46 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
o'clock next a. m. that we had evacuated and blown
up the fort. His men had spent a great part of the night
in making scaling ladders with which to scale the para¬
pets of the fort the next morning, and when our magasine
blew up they thought it had been an accident and that
those of us who had not been killed would surrender in the
morning at once. Shelby was at Potosi ; he had been
ordered back to Pilot Knob and about 9 o'clock in the
morning we met his advance guard near Caledonia. All
our mounted force, men and oflScers, dashed at them and
we succeeded in wounding and capturing several of them.
Arriving at Caledonia we reasoned thus: Shelby is in our
front with four times our number, he will fall back to Pine
Hill, a strong position, to wait for us; then it was that we
first thought of making our way towards the S. W. Branch
R. R. (now St. L. & San Francisco). Turning off at
right angles from the Potosi road we marched towards
Webster. About 8:30 o'clock that morning. Gen. Price
afterwards informed me, that he ordered Gen. Marmaduke
to pursue us. Col. Lawson told me that he heard the
order given so that when we left that road, Shelby, with
4,000 men, was in our front and Marmaduke with 3,000 in
our rear. We reached Webster at night, halted and rested
some hours, then resumed the march, dark, raining, and
muddy, but on and on we went. Our theory was that
Shelby would go back to Potosi and take the Steelville
road so as to intercept us where our road crosses that road.
This proved to be correct so far that a detachment of his
Hie Battle of Pilot Knob.
47
force did come by that road aod reached the point where
we crossed it only about a half hour after we had crossed
it and gained the ridge road beyond. From Pilot Knob to
Webster the roads and the country were perfectly familiar
to me and more so to Col. Jno. W. Fletcher, our quarter¬
master. When we reached Webster we were fortunate in
finding Mr. Wingo, a gentleman upon whom we could rely
and who acted as our guide during our march on Wednesday
night. Our route, after crossing the Steelville road, lay
generally along the crest of the x'idges between the Cour¬
tois and the Huzzah Fork, to the Meremec. The enemy
soon came up with us on Thursday morning ; we selected
our position where he could not easily flank us, made our
disposition and waited till he came within easy musket
range, deploying the infantry and cavalry on either side of
the artillery and then turned loose on them with grape and
canister and musketry by volley. Montgomery worked
his field-pieces for all that was in them. We drove
them back with loss. This occurred again and again
during the day. Six distinct charges of that kind
we repulsed that day ; whenever we drove them back we
limbered for the rear and weut quick time ; we required no
rear guard to keep up stragglers. Our cavalry remained
in the rear to notify us of their coming. We lost in killed
on the retreat four, in wounded eight. The enemy's loss
we could never ascertain; it must have been considerable ;
we emptied many saddles, one riderless horse came over to
48 ¡Var Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
us and I mounted and rode him in lieu of my own which
was shot just at that time.
It had rained all Wednesday night after we left Webster ;
as we approached the Meremec, I had great fears that it
would be so swollen that we could not cross, but to our joy
we found no difficulty in crossing. After that our road lay
for some miles up a narrow valley flanked on either side by
hills somewhat rough and stony, but by iio means imprac¬
ticable for moving a cavalry force at will. As we emerged
from the valley the country was less broken and grew more
level and open as we approached Leasburg; there was no
trouble in handling cavalry at that point. The enemy
dashed up on either flank and cut the railroad above and
below the station at Leasburg, but not before a train came
up to the station, fortunately for us, having on board some
much — very much, needed commissaries and some en¬
trenching tools. Murphy had already reached there with
a small advance guard and had piled up some cord wood
and railroad ties, behind which, and into the railroad cut,
we rushed just as darkness fell upon us. The enemy made
a vigorous assault upon us making lurid by their fire in the
darkness their rushing line. We replied so vigorously that
one volley sent them back with the loss of three killed and
a number wounded ; we had marched sixty-one miles in two
days and nights, fought a half dozen or more pretty severe
skirmishes, had been pursued all the way by a force of eight
times our number and had neither ate nor slept during the
whole time. All that night we worked by large details to
The Baille of Pilot Knob.
49
strengthen our position. Friday morning at daylight the
enemy marshaled his force along the rising ground in full
view and safe distance of us and sent in a flag demanding
our surrender; this was declined in a manner showing that
it would not be entertained in any shape or form. We had
no flag, it was left floating over the fort, and went up to
heaven in the explosion of the magazine. Mrs. Lea brought
forth from some hidden recess and presented us a fine flag
and we hoisted it over our new fort. They then made dis¬
position of theirforceas if for an assaultand skirmished up
within a short distance and then fell back and again during
the day appeared ^^in view but made no demonstration.
Saturday morning we neither saw nor heard them. About
noon Col. Beveredge commanding 300 men of an Illinois
Regimentof cavalry, came to our relief from towards Rolla.
After midnight on Saturday night we marched out towards
Rolla and met Col. John S. Phelps with a regiment of cavalry
at a point below Cuba, and Gen. Sanborn with other por¬
tions of cavalry force at St. James. Thus on Sunday
morning we marched up the road and Marmaduke and
Shelby marched down the road ; we went on to Rolla, when
Gen. McNeil and Sanborn with their whole force of nearly
3,000 cavalry at once moved out for Jeflerson City, beating
Price there whereby the capital was saved. Gen. Ewing
and Col. Murphy also left and came in the rear of the rebel
force to St. Louis, leaving me in command at Rolla. Ewing
had a gi'eat ovation on his arrival in St. Louis. We had
not been heard of after the fight on the 26th of September
4
50 Wci7- Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
till the 4th of October ; there was great anxiety in the city
and elsewhere for our safety. We were thanked in general
orders of the department, and afterwards by resolution of
the legislature. Gen. Price was severely criticised by the
Confederate authorities for the Pilot Knob affair; some of
those criticisms were unjust to him.
From a letter written by Thomas C. Reynolds to the
Confederate secretary of war I make this extract.
Writing of Price he says: —
"He lost several hundred of his best soldiers in the
repulsed attempt to storm the well-ditched fort at Pilot Knob,
which the Federal commander abandoned, as the St. Louis
papers previously stated he would have to do as soon as our
artillery could command it from the neighboring mountain.
The garrison, unobserved, evacuated the place by night,
carrying off its field artillery, and no less important a per¬
sonage than Colonel Fletcher, then Lincoln candidate and
since chosen for the position of Federal governor of Mis¬
souri, well known to be there with his regiment. ' General
Price refused to order immediate pursuit.' Shelby left
for eighteen hours to await orders at Potosi, reached
Caledonia only two or three hours after that force had
passed through ; the brigades tardily sent after it were wisely
withheld, when worn out by a forced night march, from
attacking it in the entrenched position it had found time to
construct, and it thus effected a complete escape."
In his book, " Shelby and His Men," Maj. Edwards, who
was a gallant Confederate officer, makes some corroborative
The Battle of Pilot Knob.
51
statements of what I have written and I append to this
paper the following extracts from that author. He
says: —
" At Caledonia the advance of Marmaduke's division
was met in pursuit of Ewing's forces, which had, by some
mistaken generalship, been allowed to escape from Pilot
Knob. It seems General Price moved against Ironton on
the morning of September 26th, and drove the Federals
into the town, but they evacuated Fort Curtis, an unim¬
portant work between Arcadia and Ironton, during the
night, and took position in Fort Davidson, at Pilot Knob,
one mile from Ironton. This was an ugly angular fort,
too, surrounded by a deep, wide ditch partially filled with
water, almost impossible to get over at any time, and
doubly difficult certainly under the fire of artillery and
musketry. General Price's determination to attack was
made suddenly and against the wishes of his subordinates.
Marmaduke, far east at Fredericktown, was ordered to
march west to this place ; upon his arrival were further
orders bidding him prepare for the assault upon Pilot
Knob.
On the 27th, the skirmishers were driven from Shep¬
herd's Mountain, and portions of the two divisions of
Fagan and Marmaduke charged the fort right gallantly.
The assault was repulsed with loss, but the investment and
the fire from the assaulting lines continued until dark, and
all the day of the 27th. At nightfall Ewing silently
52 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
destroyed his magazines and retreated with his whole force
toward Bolla very much surprised, no doubt, at finding his
road perfectly open and not a sentinel to dispute the pass¬
age. Pursuit was not attempted until the night following
the next day, when Ewing had passed through Caledonia
on his life or death retreat. Had pursuit been at once
ordered and Shelby notified of the escape, Ewing could
have been crushed like a nutshell between two divisions
and the defeat at Pilot Knob fully avenged, but getting no
orders at all, nor even hearing of the success or defeat of
the army, Shelby returned like a true soldier to where he
thought danger the greatest, and arrived loo late to meet
Ewing before he had turned from the road leading to
Potosi. When at last ordered to pursue. Gen. Marma-
duke advanced rapidly with Shelby from Caledonia
and, after, a short rest, the two divisions pressed on
all the long and weary night of the 28th. Ewing's
rear was struck about daylight and vigorously attacked,
but retreating over a splendidly defensive road — for it ran
between two large streams, often flanked by perpendicular
cliffs of great height, he could not be reached at all except
by charging down upon the rear in column of fours ; yet,
under the many great disadvantages. Gen. Marmaduke
pressed him sorely until nearly night, when Shelby took
the lead and made a last grand charge upon the tired
Federals. It was too late, however. Darkness came down
thick and impenetrable. Ewing reached the Southwest
Branch at Leasburg, and threw up heavy fortifications
The Battle of Pilot Knob.
53
during the night. Not desiring possibly to attack him the
next morning in a splendid position, and behind formidable
works, with men who had marched forty-eight hours and
fasted twenty-four. Gen. Marmaduke withdrew toward
Union, destroying all munitions of war falling into his
hands that were not needed in the equipment and supply
of his own troops."
" It has been asserted by some of Ewing's officers that,
upon the appearance of Gen. Price's forces, a consultation
was held to consider the question of surrender, and that the
alternative was to be chosen in the event of the investment
being made complete. Gen. Price failed in this by leaving
open one broad main road — the very road of all others
most desirable for Ewing's purposes; he simply marched
out and away without the least difficulty. Gen. Ewing
fought splendidly, too, after getting well on his retreat.
He had great advantage in the formation of the country
over which his road ran, yet his pursuers greatly outnum¬
bered his little band, and might have ridden over it a dozen
times after it was overtaken. Gen. Marmaduke's failure
to do this arose from the fact that he desired Gen. Clark,
who was new with the cavalry, to learn something about its
management, and, therefore, gave into his hands the entire
control of the pursuit. This was unfortunate, and prevented
the capture of Fletcher, whose election it was most desirable
to prevent. After Shelby moved to the front it was too
late to accomplish anything, and Ewing escaped hand¬
somely, as he deserved to do after his exhibitions of such
indomitable pluck and endurance."
54 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
EXPERIENCES IN LIBBY PRISON.
BY LIEÜT.-COLONEL J. W. PHILLIPS.
On the 12th day of November, 1864, in one of the
numerous cavalry skirmishes between that arm of the serv¬
ice in the valley of Virginia, I had the misfortune of being
made a prisoner of war. At that time I was a major of
the 18th Pennsylvania Cavalry, one of the regiments com¬
posing what was known as the 3d Cavalry Division of the
army of the Potomac, our commanding oflScer being Gen.
Geo. A. Custer. Gen. James H. Wilson, who formerly
commanded this division, had brought it from near Peters-
burgh, Virginia, in the preceding August to join Gen.
Sheridan's forces in the valley of Virginia, and had joined
the main body of Sheridan's army near Winchester, about
three weeks prior to the battle which was fought there on
the 19th of September, 1864.
After the series of successes which Gen. Sheridan gained
over Gen. Early, beginning at Winchester and followed up at
Fisher's Hill, and which resulted in the driving of Early's
army in confusion up the valley, at least to Waynesboro
twelve miles above Stanton, we fell back to a line about
twenty miles north of Stanton, and while resting there,
preparing to make that famous retreat in which Gen. Sher-
Experiences in Libby Prison.
55
idan swept the country from the Blue Kidge to the Alle-
ghenies, and as far north as Cedar Creek, as with a broom of
fire, Gen. Wilson was relieved to take a command in con¬
nection with the army of the Cumberland, and Gen. Custer
was assigned to the command of our division in his place.
On the 12th day of October, as we were falling back,
leaving nothing in our wake but a line of smoke that crossed
O O
the valley at right angles and reached from mountain to
mountain, our division had crossed swords with the Con¬
federate cavalry under Gen. Kosser, and had routed them,
capturing six pieces of artillery and his wagon train.
On the 19th of October had occurred the famous battle
of Cedar Creek, to reach the scene of which Sheridan had
made his famous ride, and after reaching it had wrested a
splendid victory from the very jaws of defeat. In this
contest our cavalry division had played a very prominent
part. Crossing Cedar Creek just before dusk after the
retreating foe, between Cedar Creek and Fisher's Hill, a
distance of less than five miles, it had captured fifty-one
pieces of artillery with caissons complete, together with a
large number of wagons, ambulances and prisoners.
All of us supposed that Gen. Early after this last
experience at Cedar Creek would not trouble us any more,
but that he would keep his army (what was left of it) either
up the valley near Stanton, his base of supplies, or else
that he would join Gen. Lee near Petersburg where he
could be of some substantial service. It was in consequence
of this belief that, on the morning of November 12th, when
56 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
it was announced the enemy's cavalry were on our front,
we started out to meet them with the expectation that it
would again be a trial of strength between these arms of
the service. In such a contest we had no doubt as to the
result.
The 3d Cavalry Division started up the valley from
our camp a few miles southwest of Winchester, on what is
known as the back road, near the foot hills of the Allegheny
mountains. Another division advanced on what is known
as the middle road between the back road and the main
turnpike, and my regiment, which had its place on the left
of our division, was directed to keep up communication
with this division on the middle road. When we came in
sight of the enemy's line a charge was sounded, and away
we went, while the band on a knoll near by played " Hail
Columbia " in a most inspiring way. We drove the enemy
several miles, in fact up to, and across. Cedar Creek. I
was feeling out on ray left all the way for the other division,
but after repeated attempts in that direction, I ascertained
I could not find it. A halt was sounded on some part of
the line to my right, and I was somewhat astonished to hear
rapid firing almost immediately in my rear and some dis¬
tance from me. I was still looking out for my friends on
the left, and gradually falling back, when on a rising piece
of ground about one-half mile to my rear, I saw some peo¬
ple who, from their dress (many having on blue overcoats)
I supposed were friends. Taking my orderly I rode rap¬
idly towards them and approached within about two hundred
Experiences in Libby Prison.
57
feet, when suddenly a dozen guns were raised and a voice
cried out, " Drop that pistol," referring to the one I held
in my hand. I obeyed and soon found that I had surren¬
dered to Gen. Rosser in person. The trouble all arose from
the fact that Gen. Early's whole army was on Gen.
Sheridan's front. The enemy's infantry were not on the
road on which we had gone out, but were on the middle
road and turnpike, and my friends with whom I was to
keep connection had met them and had been driven back
while we had gone rapidly forward. In the timber through
which we passed this fact was not observed by me, and
thus a wide gap had been left into which Gen. Eosser
passed and came on my rear as stated. Thus, after nearly
two and one-half years active service, I was a prisoner for
the first time.
A few minutes after my surrender I was placed in charge
of a squad who, allowing me for the time to ride my horse,
conducted me rapidly in the direction of the center and
rear of the Confederate forces, and placed me in charge of
a body of troops who were guarding about two hundred
other prisoners, many of whom had been captured in a
manner similar to myself. Before reaching the other
prisoners, however, the troops having me in charge re¬
lieved me of everything valuable. They took my money,
watch, gum coat, overcoat, pencil, knife, breast-pin, and
in fact everything of any value, and by the time I reached
the other prisoners I could not have bought a biscuit with
all that I possessed. In company with the other prisoners
58 IVa?- Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
I was marched on foot up the turnpike road to Stanton.
This took three days, counting the day of capture. The
only ration I had the first day was a piece of pumpkin
which I secured in a cornfield through which we passed
and roasted it on a stick by holding it over the fire. The
second night was spent at New Market. The prisoners
were all kept in the open air, sleeping on the ground with
a cordon of guards surrounding. The ration given was a
little flour and raw beef. The night was cold with white
frost in abundance. There was very little fire to cook by
and nothing to cook on. We finally succeeded in getting
the broken lid of a skillet and on this baked some flour
cakes made up in water, and fried some beef without salt.
The third night we were in Stanton. Those of us who
were oflScers fared better at Stanton than we had done on
the march, being kindly permitted by the Confederate
officers in charge to remain in the quarters occupied by
them by giving them our word of honor that while so
indulged we would not try to eseape. The privates, how¬
ever, were placed in an open pen, and had the same kind
of treatment and fare that had been given them at New
Market. The whole party, however, officers and men,
were stripped of everything valuable. Many of them were
robbed of boots without any return, and were left barefoot.
There was not an overcoat left to the party. I saw a
sergeant in charge of the guard at New Market order a
cavalry man, prisoner, to take ofp his boots. He replied
that he could not get them off on account of blistered and
Experiences in Libby Prison.
59
swollen feet. This statement was a fact, bis feet were
badly blistered and swollen by the long walk on the bard
turnpike, be not being accustomed thereto. But bis boots
were comparatively new, and bis statement was not cred¬
ited. He was literally seized in my presence by bis arms
and heels and bis boots were torn from bis feet amid bis
groans and cries from pain. He was left to make the
balance of the journey barefoot, the ground being then
frozen. My boots were old and did not sufficiently excite
their cupidity, and so I escaped the bumiUation of having
them removed.
We were carried in cars from Stanton to Richmond, and
after a short delay in the provost marshal's office, were
placed in Libby prison.
Libby was, before the war, a large tobacco warehouse.
It stands on the banks of the canal, the lower side of the
building opening out level with the surface of the ground,
while the street on the upper side is on a level with the tops
of the windows of the basement. The upper stories above
this basement are three. These are divided off by parti¬
tion walls so ns to form three rooms on each floor. The
officers' prison to which I was assigned was on the second
floor above the basement, over what was known as the
office, and was a large room, probably 40 by 60 feet. It
bad large windows all around the three outer walls. These
were unprotected save by iron rods placed perpendicularly
and about four inches apart. There was not a pane of
glass nor a sash or blind in any one of them, nor anything to
60 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
hinder the passage of the cold and wind. The room was
heated by a single medium sized «'wood" stove placed
near the center thereof. The fuel consisted of about two
armsful of wood brought in once per day. The size of
this stove compared with what would have been required to
warm a room of these dimensions, even if it had been pro¬
tected by closed windows, when considered in connection
with the amount of wood furnished and the fact that the
whole place was open, makes the mention of it, as a source
of warmth, farcical. It was never intended nor expected by
those who put it there that it should heat the room. Sleep¬
ing was done, if at all, on the bare floor with no blanket,
bed or covering of any kind except the scant clothing we
wore. There was not an overcoat in the prison, and not a
single blanket large enough to cover a single person.
There were a few pieces or parts of worn out army
blaukets, but not one prisoner in fifty had even as much
as a piece. Each prisoner selected the least exposed place
available, and lay down on the bare floor with a brick, or
any other thing he could get for a pillow. When he got so
cold he could not stand it longer, he got up and stamped
the floor to keep from freezing. The winter of 1864-5
was a cold one, and there was much snow. The winds had
free course through every prison room at Libby, and the
suffering of the men confined under such conditions may
be imagined, but can never be described.
The rations consisted of a small piece of meat, either
Bermuda pork or poor beef, and a piece of corn bread and
Experiences in Libby Prison.
61
either boiled rice or pea soup. While the quality was fear¬
fully below any known standard, it could have been
endured had it been sufficient in quantity. But such as it
was it was not over half a ration.
The rice was so full of black weevil that it would have
been condemned in any country as unfit for any use. The
peas were the kind known as cornfield peas, long pods.
They were shelled by being flailed out on the ground in the
fields where they were gathered, and were very imperfectly
separated from the hulls. In gathering them up, there was
gathered with the peas a large quantity of dirt. Many
times they had been partially spoiled by age or dampness,
and contained the long crusted worm, which is the natural
product of peas in this condition. When seen, as they were
almost constantly in the pea soup offered as our ration,
these worms added nothing whatever to the palatableness of
the dish, but there was no use in trying to take them out
as they had been cooked before the ration was presented.
The cooking was done before the ration was served, and in
this manner: The meat was first boiled in a large kettle,
and after this was done the meat was taken out,
and the rice or peas, as the case might be, was
poured from the sacks into the liquor from which the
meat had been taken, with weevil, dirt, hulls, worms and
all, and the cooking went on. The rice or peas were
served in a tub made by sawing in half a whisky barrel,
and from this the officers, prisoners, through a committee
appointed by them, divided it out in tin pans, one for each
62 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
officer. No spoons, knives, forks, or anything resembling
them, or that could be used for them, were furnished, each
officer, prisoner, providing himself with a spoon made of
wood, and this in most cases was all the eating utensils
we had except the tin plate. I have frequently seen the
top of the rice when brought into the room, so covered
with black weevil, that I could not see the color of the
rice. And I have also frequently seen the bottom of the
tub of peas, when the top had been dipped out, contain
two inches of gritty soil, incapable of being used for food.
1 have always thought this mode of preparing the food was
an unnecessary cruelty, and intentional, for the reason that
the water with which this food could have been washed was
in abundance at the very door of the prison, and the menial
service was nearly all rendered by colored men who had
been captured while serving with the Federal army, and
who were serving, therefore, without pay. A simple
dipping of the rice iu water would have floated off all
the weevil, and a single rinsing would have freed the peas
of dirt, hulls and worms.
The prison walls and cracks of the floor were full of
vermin, — body lice, rendering it impossible to keep free
from them, and these, added to the kind and scarcity of
food, the want of clothing and fire, made prison life in
Libby, in the cold winter weather, anything but a luxury.
I had been in prison about three weeks when I was called
down to Major Turner's, the prison commandant's office,
and was gravely informed that I had been selected as a
Experiences in Libby Prison.
63
hostage, and would be placed in a cell in the basement of
the building, and be there confined and dealt with in the
same manner as was the officer for whom I was held. A
Confederate major by the name of Mills had, for some real
or supposed offense against the laws of civilized warfare,
been placed in a cell in one of the northern prisons. Four
other officers of lesser rank were on the same day selected
as hostages, and all of us were placed in one cell, about
seven by nine feet. This cell was on the dark side of the
basement up against the wall. There was a window with¬
out glass, at the top of the wall and cell, about 12 by 30
inches. The bottom sill of this window was on a level with
the street. Out of this window went a stove pipe from the
little stove that stood at one end of the cell. The cell floor
was of rough pine boards with one-half inch openings be¬
tween them. Water stood in a pool under the floor. It
was light enough to read on a fair day from 10 to 3 o'clock.
The wood given us was green sappy pine, a fuel very diffi¬
cult to burn under most favorable circumstances, and when
the wind blew from any quarter so as to strike the side of
the prison on which we were, no fire was possible on
account of the want of draft and ou account of the open
stove pipe permitting the smoke to be forced back in the
cell, almost choking and blinding us.
The cell contained no urinal or privy. We all used for
such purposes an open water bucket which stood iii a corner
of the cell on one side of the stove, and this was removed
but once per day. Owing to the cold, and the poor food.
64 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
every one of us in the cell was ill with urinal and bowel
troubles, and I have frequently seen the bucket used as a
privy overflow on the floor of the cell for hours before it
was removed. This with the crowded condition of our
cell made the stay there still more wretched. An open
bucket of drinking water stood on the other side of
the stove. When we were first placed in the cell
there was not a scrap of a blanket in it or belonging
to our party. I saw that an attempt to sleep on that
damp uncovered floor, with water standing under it
and but a few inches ofl", without blankets or bedding of
any kind, would be simply death, and I secured from the
guard a piece of paper, and wrote to Major Turner, re¬
questing somethiug to relieve our needs. I referred as
delicately as I could, to the fact that I knew that the U. S.
Sanitary Commission had sent down to the prison, for the
use of the prisoners, a large number of new blankets and
clothing, and stated that, in the event it was found impos¬
sible on account of the needs of the Confederates to allow
us the use of any of these new blankets, we would take it
as an extreme favor if he would send us some old ones, or
even parts of ones, anything indeed that would in some
degree protect us from the dampness of the cell floor and the
rigor of the winter's cold that was then on us. My letter
had the desired effect, and in a short time a soldier came
with an armful of scraps and pieces of old worn-out army
blankets for our use. With these, and the limited use of
the stove, we were probably as comfortable, barring the
Experiences in Lihby Prison.
65
close confinement and darkness, in the cell, as were our
brother officers in the room above.
We were constantly afflicted with kidney and bowel
troubles, and the fact that we were only let out of the
prison a few minutes once a day, having at all other times
to use the open bucket sitting in one corner of the crowded
room, frequently full to overflowing long before being
emptied, added no little to our other discomforts.
During the time of my confinement in prison I wrote to
my wife letters quite often and sent them by flag of truce,
but received no letters from her in return. One thing
always seemed strange to me, and that was no one in
the prison to my knowledge ever received a letter from any
source. There were three officers, in a cell nearly adjoin¬
ing ours, who had been in close confinement for twenty-two
months, and none of them had heard one word from
home since they had been in prison. I made repeated
inquiries among the other officers, and never found one who
had received a letter. 1 often appealed to the sergeant of
the guard about the letters, and found from him that they
were brought to the prison from the flag of truce boat, but
he seemed to know nothing further about them. About
the 1st of March, 1865, an exchange was arranged for those
of ns who were held in cells as hostages, and we were taken
back to the upper prison awaiting the day for its consumma¬
tion. The day before I left Libby I met a surgeon of the
First Tennessee Confederate Kegiment who came to the
prison as a visitor. I asked him about the letters sent to
5
66 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
prisoners, remarking at the same time that none had ever
been delivered to my knowledge. He seemed surprised,
and said there was a car load of such letters in one of the
rooms on the first floor of the prison. I begged him to go
to the room where they were deposited and look over the
top of the pile, and see if he could not find some for me
from my wife. He promised to do so, taking my name
and also the names of two or three other oflScers who hap¬
pened to hear our conversation. Early the next morning,
before he had time to return, I was sent from the prison to
the flag of truce boat for exchange. But I did not forget
the letters. I was curious to know whether any letters
were there for me, and I requested another officer who was
coming through by the following boat to see the doctor when
he came in, and receive from him any letters he might find
for me, and bring them through to Annapolis. He did as
requested, and did bring me five letters from my wife, all
of which had been laying in the room of the prison not
thirty feet from me, some of them for months. What
motive could have prompted this, which was at the same
time so uselessly cruel, I have never been able to fully
comprehend.
While the condition of the officers was as I have very
imperfectly detailed, that of the enlisted men was much
more terrible. They were less considerate of each other's
needs and rights, and the result was an unequal division of
the meager rations furnished, the strong getting a large
share and the weak a small, and frequently no share at all.
Experiences in Lihby Prison.
67
I saw numbers who were reduced to mere skeletons from
starvation. The dead were taken off daily from the prison
hospital, and many died in the prison before reaching the
hospital. The men in their famished condition would eat
anything. It came to be a by-word in the Bichmoud papers
that the Yankees preferred dog meat to ordinary army
rations, and this came from the fact that several citizens who
visited the prison at Belle Isle accompanied by pet canines
were forced to return home dogless, the pets having been
seized and torn limb from limb by the starving prisoners in
order to appease their hunger. The three oflBcers in the cell
near me had become expert, during their long confinement,
in the art of catching rats, and rat stew had become a luxury.
They were able to supply themselves with this, by first
catching the rats and then getting, from the inside guards
who were friendly, small quantities of fiour, and by using
an old oyster can as a cooking vessel on the little stove in
the cell, they succeeded in making what they called a very
palatable stew. In our cell, owing to the crowded condi¬
tion, we had no luck in the attempt to supply ourselves in
this manner.
When I reached Libby prison, as I have before stated, I
had no money or other valuable thing, save the coat, pants
and old boots I wore. None of the prisoners had any
money,except some one who, by taking extraordinary pre¬
cautions, had managed to hide it from the close search
of his captors, and from the like search of the prison
officials at the time of entry into the prison. There
68 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
was a surgeon of one of the regiments of our division
who was captured the same day that I was, and who
managed to secrete about his person a one hundred
dollar, seven thirty U. S. bond. At New Market, en
route to prison, being a surgeon he was paroled and
given the liberty of the town, and meeting there a strong
Union family, he was fed by them, and the good old lady
opened the lining of the cuff of the right sleeve of his coat
and sewed in there this one hundred dollar bond. He thus
brought it into prison. This coat, being old and much
worn, did not excite the cupidity of his captors. After we
were in prison a few days he revealed to me the secret of
his wealth, and taking two officers into our confidence, we
discussed how to make the money available. The risk of
keeping it in prison was great, and the risk of sending it
out to sell for Confederate money, and keeping that after
the exchange if we succeeded in making it, was much
greater. We finally agreed with the doctor to each borrow
from him twenty-five dollars, to be repaid after we were
exchanged, and to send the bill out and sell it at the first
favorable opportunity. We finally sent it out for sale by
a colored captive boy, who was treated as a trusty, and he
sold it to a Jew broker in Eichmond at the rate of fifteen
Confederate dollars for one of the bond. I have never
been more astonished than I was when this young negro
came up in the prison with his basket of provisions he had
bought, and in it brought concealed the roll of Confederate
notes which the one hundred dollar bond had procured.
Experiences in Libby Prison.
69
How he got in with it we never knew, but the money we
four thus acquired was a Godsend. I was taken to the
cell as hostage soon afterwards. While there, I was ena¬
bled to get food from the outside, by sending out by the
guards who watched in front of our cell inside the cellar,
and who, though serving as guards, were disloyal to the
Confederacy. Provisions that we could buy were very
dear. Flour was from a dollar to two dollars per pound ;
potatoes from three to five dollars per peck; ham or
bacon was rarely purchaseable, but cost about two dollars
per pound when it could be had.
I have said that the guards who stood in the basement in
front of our cell were very disloyal to the Confederacy.
They were placed on this inside duty for that reason, there
being a cordon of guards all around the prison on the out¬
side. These inside guards were deserting almost daily and
escaping to the Union lines, and they frequently gave us
their confidence and told us when they would start, and
would offer to take any letters written by us through, and
mail them after they reached Gen. Grant's lines. I sent a
half dozen letters to my wife in this way, all of which I
ascertained after my exchange she had promptly received.
It was a subject of frequent discussion among the officer-
prisoners, what was the real reason for the general treat¬
ment received by prisoners in the hands of the Confed¬
erates. The shortage of the ration we could account for
on the ground of the limited resources of the Confederate
government. But the many little, petty meannesses, such
70 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
as cooking the ration with bugs, weevil, worms and dirt, all
poured into the kettle and boiled together, when without
cost or trouble this could have been avoided ; the withhold¬
ing of all letters received for the prisoners, although every
letter was opened and everything of value taken out ; the
total absence of all and everything that might have been
provided to make the rooms more comfortable, such as the
closing of the great windows, the furnishing of even one
blanket to a man, or any other thing that would have made
it possible to sleep or rest on the cold prison floors, we could
not explain to our satisfaction except upon the theory that
a total disregard of the comfort and health of the prisoners
was the settled policy of the Confederacy. Again, and
again, I inquired of^the oflScer in charge the reason for such
treatment, and each time I was told that it was in retalia¬
tion for, and in keeping with the treatment received by
Confederate prisoners at the hands of the government of
the United States. It goes without saying that no such
statement was for a moment believed by me, for I knew
that no such treatment as the Federal prisoners in Con¬
federate hand were receiving, would, for a moment, be
tolerated in the north, if the facts were ti-uly known.
When I left the prison I had not long to wait for a vivid
illustration of the diflFerence in treatment received by the
Federal and Confederate prisoners. As I went ofi" the
Confederate flag of truce boat at its place of landing near
City Point, I met at the shore end of the gang plank a
number of returning Confederate prisoners who were being
Experiences in Lihby Prison.
71
exchanged under the same cartel, by which we were ex¬
changed; and among these was Major Mills, the officer as
against whom I had been held and placed in the cell. The
difference in our appearance was startling. 1 was thin in
flesh, pinched and sallow, ragged, dirty, covered with
vermin, and looking anything else than as a major in the
army. He was the picture of health, was dressed in a new
suit of Confederate gray, with his shoulder-straps on, and
was carrying a brand new leather traveling bag which
seemed to be well filled with clothing. I was introduced
to him there as the officer for whom he was being ex¬
changed. We shook hands, and as I did so I could not
help saying to him, that it might be that we had been
receiving the same fare and treatment, but if so it had
agreed with him much better than it had with me. . He
replied that he was very well. We parted, he with a
better outfit as to clothing than the Confederacy then
afforded, to take his place in the Confederate army, and
I to spending months under the physician's care in order
to restore my shattered health, that I might be able for
further duty.
The statement so frequently made by the Confederate
prison officials as to the treatment of Confederate
prisoners by the United States so weighed upon my mind
that I determined to investigate .and see for myself at the
first favorable opportunity after my exchange. Having,
on my arrival at Annapolis, Md., been granted leave
of absence for thirty days, on account of my physical
72 fVar Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
condition, I visited my wife in Northern Ohio. While
there I went to Johnson's Island, near Sandusky, to see
the manner of conducting the prison there, in which was
confined a large number of Confederate officers. My
special purpose was to see and note the differences, if any,
between their treatment and that accorded to us at Libby.
The officer of the day at Johnson's Island prison kindly
appointed me as his assistant for the day and gave me free
and full access to the prison. I went all over it, I con¬
versed freely with the officers confined there, quite a num¬
ber of whom I had known before the war, in fact two or
three were near relatives of mine from the State of Ten¬
nessee, and I am satisfied that I heard the truth without any
reservation. I found the prison to consist of a system of
wooden barracks so built and arranged as to form a hollow
square. In the center of this square was a small structure
called the post-office, in which the letters written by the
prisoners to friends where by them deposited. Each one
of the wooden buildings was arranged so as to accommo¬
date about thirty men. Around the inside of each, and next
to the outer walls, the sleeping bunks were arranged, one
above another. Each bunk had from three to five blankets
for bedding and cover. In or near the center of each building
was a large stove, fully capable of warming the room. Wood
was laying out in the open court, and the use of it was
unrestricted, the only requirement being that the prisoners
were to saw it into proper lengths for use. Many of the
prisoners had valises in which they kept their clothing.
Experiences in Libhy Prison.
73
The same ration was served to them as to the regular
soldiers of the United States Army, while in winter quarters
or in barracks ; and after repeated inquiries as to causes of
complaint, I heard noue except that the climate was too
cold for the health of many, and that they were confined
within the prison bounds. There was abundant room in
the open court for exercise ; letters were dispatched and
received daily, but opened and inspected of course. Each
prisoner had an account of moneys to his credit with the
commandant and could buy without restriction from the
camp sutler, whose store adjoined the prison, such deli¬
cacies as he desired.
From my personal knowledge derived from this visit to
Johnson's Island, while the recollections of the scenes in
Libby were fresh in mind, I state without any reservation
that the policy applied to the care of prisoners in the south,
was as difierent from that applied to the care of them in
the north, as night is different from day.
74 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
CAPTURED BY MOSBY'S GUERRILLAS.
BREVET MAJOR CHARLES BREWSTER.
While the memories of incidents of the late war are still
clear among the survivors, the following is contributed with
abridgment of many little occurrences which transpired at
the time : —
The army of the middle military division, under Maj.-
Gen. Sheridan, had already fought the battles of Winches¬
ter, the «' Woodstock Races " and Cedar Creek, leaving so
much of the fair Shenandoah valley as extended north and
east of the latter points, within the Union lines. At this
time, November, 1864, Winchester was used as a partial
base of supplies, in connection with Martinsburg, on the B.
& O. railroad, and my duties as commissary of subsistence
for the Michigan cavalry brigade accordingly divided my
time between the points named and that brigade, which
was then in the vicinity of Cedar creek. About the first of
November, 1864, I received at Winchester a special order
from army headquarters, which required me to go to the
cavalry corps headquarters at the front. The nature of the
order did not necessitate hasty movement, and as the coun¬
try thereabouts was then infested with Mosby's guerrillas,
and, as it had become customary and prudent for the
Captured by Mosby's Guerrillas.
75
troops to move with all trains and guards between the points
named, individuals usually sought the company of some
detail, escort or other body of troops going in the same
direction, when passing to and from the main army and
Winchester, and I had looked for such opportunity before
starting. Not learning of any such troops being expected
to leave Winchester on the morning of the 4th of November
that I could join, I started up the valley, accompanied by
an ex-cavalry officer, who had recently resigned from a
regiment serving in another military department, Private
Cruthers, my orderly, and Private Soule, from the detach¬
ment serving in the subsistence department at Winchester.
My friend, the ex-officer, had only arrived the evening
before from New York, on a proposed visit to see Sheridan's
army. He was, of course, in civilian's dress, a lawyer by
profession, and will be hereafter known as " H." After
riding about a mile we were joined by the saddler-sergeant
of the first Vermont cavalry, whose term of enlistment had
expired, and who was then on his way to corps headquarters
for his discharge papers, preparatory to starting home.
This sergeant made our number five — " all good men in
buckram " —but H. had no arms.
Our route lay directly over the main road or turnpike
leading up the Shenandoah valley. The morning was
cloudy, damp, and at times misty, with slight rain. Being
cool, overcoats and rubber ponchos were worn. We were
all well mounted and in the progress of our journey were
approaching a cross-road near Newtown, when we observed
76 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
upon another road, distant about half a mile on our right,
a party of about fifteen mounted men, dressed as Union
soldiers. When first observed they were moving from our
road and very soon turned, changed their course and re¬
turned to our road, reaching the intersection in advance of
us, turned to their left and moved toward us until we met.
As they approached we observed that they bore all the
outward appearances of a detachment of Federal troops, with
blue overcoats, ponchos, yellow hat-bands, etc. But we
suspected them, and knowing something from past expe¬
riences of Mosby's festive bush-whackers, we thought it
quite probable that some of them were then before us.
Although their movements seemed suspicious, we continued
on our course in uncertainty, rather than take the chances
of a timid, ridiculous letreat from a party of possible
Union soldiers. We approached at a walk, each party
taking the right side of the road, and when we were
abreast the right hand of each of them was instantly raised
and extended to the left towards us, holding a revolver
at close range, while at the same time they all
exclaimed, "Surrender! " and then wheeled their horses
closer to us and between our horses.
With an average of three pistols to each of our heads,
the invitation to surrender was irresistible, as also was
their further requests: "Your arms," "Your money,"
which came in quick succession. In responding, stating
that my pistols were in my holsters before me, I handed
over an ordinary pocket-book which contained about $30
Captured by Mosby^s Guerrillas.
77
in currency and two or three dollars in postage stamps.
This was naturally received as the sum total of my funds
in hand.
We scarcely had time to make compliance with these
persuasive behests, before we were quickly ordered to
"Move on," " This way," into the adjoining field east¬
ward, and until we had passed over and behind the crest of
a hill which hid us from view of the road, where we were
ordered to dismount and to exchange with our captors for
their more jaded horses.
Here it was that with evident expectation of producing
in our minds a sensation of profound astonishment and
consternation they informed us that they were " Mosby's
men." Here, also, our captors divided their party, and
we were left with three of their number, in charge of one
Dr. Sauer, with whom we took up a line of march, and
which was, at least, a very crooked line. We crossed
fields of all kinds, forded streams, followed hidden paths
and by-ways, thx-ough thickets of bushes and woods of
heavy undergrowth, passing silently and in single file
where one hand was required to keep the brush and over¬
hanging branches from our faces. We meandered swamps
and crossed streams, deployed through ravines, now turning
into an orchard, and then through a farmer's barn yard.
As the day advanced the sun came out bright and warm,
and our captors removed and hung their blue overcoats
across their saddles, displaying the gray uniform of the
Confederacy. Meantime we journeyed further into " Dixie
78 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
Land" and the monotonous ride was partly relieved by
conversation relating to the subject which was then upper¬
most in the minds of both parties. We had already learned
that the south was greatly interested in the chances of
President Lincoln's re-election, and our opinion was being
constantly asked about it. This was only four days
previous to election day in the north. Doctor Sauer rode
at my side most of the time. He was a young man of
good address, and had evidently been engaged in better
business before the war. He was sociable enough to speak
about lady acquaintances; inquisitive enough to ask if I
had a sweetheart's picture with me ; and impudent enough
when I produced a locket containing a fair brunette's
picture, to ask if I was going to marry her !
I have neglected to state that before leaving Winchester I
rode round to the office of Capt. Ellis, the depot commissary
of subsistence, to turn over to him for safety some govern¬
ment and other money which was in my possession, and
which he declined to receive for the reason that he had no
office safe in which to keep money. When captured I had
in my possession between $1,600 and $1,700 in greeubacks
in a large wallet in the pocket of my coat, which was closely
buttoned up. As our captors did not then search us, I
retained for some time this larger sum in the wallet. When
we resumed the journey after the halt, and were placed
under Sauer's guard, our number consisted of eight in all,
and we were directed by him to ride by twos, forming a
little column of four twos. After starting I was riding in
Captured by Moshy's Guerrillas. 79
front by the side of one of the guards, and Sauer was at
the rear riding by the side of " H."
We had gone only a mile or two when Sauer rode up and
directed the man at my side to change places with him and
to drop back to the rear with H., Sauer at the same time
reining his horse by my side as we continued our course.
He immediately informed me in a low tone that he
wanted that $1,700 in greenbacks which I had in my pos¬
session.
The truth flashed through my mind instantly : H. had
concluded that the jig was up with us, and that we would
be searched anyway, and, with an undefined hope for favor,
and in a spirit of conciliation, had told Saner of my little
wealth, when Libby prison and Castle Thunder were loom¬
ing up before us ! Remembering the old saying that " All
is fair in love and war," I answered:
" Oh, H. has told you about it, and thinks I still have
the mone}' in my pocket. I had the money in my coat
until just before starting, when I changed my coat and
placed the money in my desk at Winchester."
Sauer pretended not to believe this, and so stated,
repeating his request, to which I responded :
"You are welcome to every dollar upon my person. As
your prisoner, of course I expect you will search me, and
it would be useless for me to tell you what is not true. I
gave the money which was in my pocket to one of the men
who took my arms when we first met you." Although
Sauer pretended not to believe me, I firmly repeated sub-
80 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
stantially the above statement, in the conversation, without
showing much concern ; realizing, too, that being in charge
of us and of the guard, if there was any money to be
had he wanted it himself, and was not therefore likely to
mention the matter to his men ; and, moreover, that as an
officer he would not want to put his hand in my pocket for
the money. These reflections passed; through my mind
during our conversation and strengthened my resolution.
My statement was made more plausible by the fact of hav¬
ing previously delivered up one pocket-book and contents.
The conversation finally changed and I heard no more from
him about the money.
Early in the afternoon we reached the Shenandoah river,
at the ford leading to Ashby's gap, where a mounted
patrol or picket appeared on the opposite or south bank.
After exchange of signals between the picket and Sauer,
we crossed the ford, and rode up to the picket and halted,
without dismounting, in an irregular group facing toward
the sentinel, with whom Sauer entered into conversation.
In halting my horse I turned to H. and by a look which
he fortunately understood, indicated a wish for him to
approach, which he did by siding his horse to the left.
Keeping my face to the front as if listening to the conver¬
sation before us, I raised my hand slowly to my coat
pocket, quickly drew out my wallet of money and for an
instant held it behind me. H. observed the movement,
and now fully understood my purpose and received the
wallet, as I passed it to him by hurried yet gentle move-
Captured by Mosby's Guerrillas. 81
meñt, unobserved by others. It was soon hidden in the
capacious pocket of H.'s citizen dress.
Soon after entering Ashby's gap a halt was made at a
wayside house, where provender for both riders and horses
was found. While here a column of mounted men, all
wearing the blue overcoats of the Federal array, came sud¬
denly in view from a turn in the road, which proved to be
a company of Mosby's men moving in the direction from
which we had come. They passed without halting. Fol¬
lowing, at a short distance in their rear, rode
JOHN S. MOSBT,
the recent United States consul to Hong Kong. He halted
and spoke to Dr. Saner and soon turned his horse towards
me, asking my name and command. I answered, stating
that I belonged to the Michigan Cavalry Brigade.
Question. " That is Gen. Custer's brigade?"
Answer. "It was his brigade, until recently, when he
took command of the 3d Cavalry Division."
Q. "Then you are one of Gen. Custer's staff?"
A. "No, not since he went to the 3d Division."
Q. " Well, you were with him when he hung and shot
some of my men at Front Royal? "
A. "I was not there. I was with the supply train."
Q. " Well, you were one of the officers at that time; I
can't identify the particular men that put the ropes around
the men's necks ; and I have got a little account to settle
with Gen. Custer."
82 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
A. " I had nothing to do with it."
Thereupon the interesting free-booter rode on toward the
company, which had already passed out of sight.
A few minutes after Mosby passed, Private Prouty, of
the 7th Michigan Cavalry Regiment, approached and
made known to me his presence with our party as an
additional prisoner who joined us at this point from another
guard. He informed me that Mosby had spoken to him
after his capture the previous day, and had told him that
he intended to hang him. The man seemed to be dejected,
and his recital was not altogether inspiriting to us. I said
all I could to cheer him up, but without evident success;
and I confess that his mental condition impressed me as a
bad omen, whatever might become of the rest of us, and
so it turned out.
The poor fellow, who was young, in the prime of life
and to whom life was so dear, was one of the number put
to death two days later.
Putting this and that together, our little party became
Impressed with the idea that a hanging entertainment was
in store for us — an impression not calculated to elevate
our spirits wonderfully.
We were then immediately started on our road, which
was through and down from the mountain pass to the little
town of Paris which point we reached about dark, and
were taken to a neighboring barn upon a hill, where we
passed the night. We, the prisoners, were separated and
occupied grain bins, containing each some buckwheat
(Japlured by Mosby^s Guerrillas.
83
straw for our beds. H. and I occupied one of the bins
together, and one of the guards which occupied the barn
floor in the middle of the building, remained awake " on
post " with a lantern.
It was here that the necessity became apparent for trying
to secrete upon our persons the money which H. still car¬
ried. He and I were given one blanket to spread over us,
and this favored the attempt, which was quickly determined
upon.
Silence soon came to the old barn and its sleeping
occupants — a silence that made audible slight movements
in the rustling of the dry straw under us. H. was very
tired, and was soon sleeping soundly. Although I had
been repeatedly asked during the day for a pocket-knife,
I had as often denied having one, and had managed to slip
it into my stocking for greater security, knowing that it was
a useful article for a prisoner. After taking the money
from an inside pocket of H.'s coat, I proceeded with
my work as quickly as possible by the sense of feel¬
ing only, as I knew the money was in two parcels, each
having a paper strap pinned around it. The smaller pack¬
age I knew was composed of $50 and $100 bills. With the
knife I cut open the ends of H.'s shirt band at the back.
I then rolled several of the last named bills tightly into a roll
of about the size ot a lead pencil and pushed them into the
apertures in the band and pressed them along the sides of
the neck, where the rolls expanded and flattened out when
the pressure of my fingers was removed. This operation
84 Wa7' Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
was repeated with the wrist-bands. From this package I
also secreted what I estimated to be about $300, upon my
own person in like manner. After rousing H. from his
sleep and persuading him to help me pin the smaller bills of
the other package in different parts of his clothing, I also
slept. If a new but empty morocco wallet was subse¬
quently found under the straw pile, the finder doubtless
surmised long ago why it was placed there.
Early next morning the guard marched across a meadow
toward a tree which stood alone by a fence. We were at
first in grave doubts about the object of this movement at
that hour, but soon learned that our horses and equipments
captured with us, were to be divided by the captors who
were then present, together with their captain (Eichards).
My own horse proved in a speed trial, then made, to be the
fastest horse, and was allotted to the captain, and he
obtained an excellent horse that had seen service from the
commencement of the war, and had been in many battles
with the 1st Vermont Cavalry before he came to me.
Dear, noble, faithful bay, how sorry I was to part with
him forever; believing too, that his days of easy serv¬
ice and abundant regular food were probably ended.
During the first twenty-four hours of our capture I had
tried hard to recall to mind and locate in the past the face
of one of the two particular men who had taken my arms
and my money, whom I had seen somewhere before, and,
when the next morning we again met in the meadow, I
Captured by Moby's Guerrillas. 85
asked him if his name was not Magner, and if he had not
been in Minnesota, and if he had not brothers and a sister
living in Nicollet county, in that State, and if we had not
met in St. Peter ; it was evident by his face that I was
right, before he answered. He remembered the meeting,
and the circumstance secured for H. and myself a good
breakfast. He excused his connection with the guerrillas,
on the ground that the Union forces had destroyed and
appropriated all his property where he had lived when the
war broke out, in Missouri, and that he had joined Mosby in
a spirit of retaliation. It became very apparent subse¬
quently that he was an earnest disciple in the guerrilla
service, from whatever motives. His recitals of experience
and conversation illustrated how suddenly a man's nature
may descend from a civilized condition to that of a
remorseless cut-throat. It was hard to realize in talking to
this man whom I had known, and whose family I had known
well, that he could kill, and had killed, many of his
fellow-beings, needlessly.
The remainder of this day we were quartered in an old
empty store room in the village of Paris, where we joined
other prisoners who had been brought in by other squads,
making our number about thirty in all, includiug some
civilian camp-followers. It was a building to be remem¬
bered. Old-fashioned shutters covered the windows so
that no light was admitted except through the door, which
opened upon the main street of the village, in front of which
the sentry on duty and others lounged and " swapped lies,"
86 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
as they expressed it. Here we conversed most with those
men and listened to their recitals of deeds of butchery
of Union soldiers, wanton cruelty and heartlessness to
" prisoners and other captives " — to their fellow-men of
the same nationality. They had already become so hardened
to such acts and scenes that they found pleasure in boastful
narratives of them ; and the inside of the dismal store-room
bore confirming evidence of their statements. Along each
side of the room stood an old counter, upon which were
pieces of clothing and rags which had served as bandages,
soaked with human blood, dried and used again, showing
where wounded prisoners had bled and died. It was a
wretched hole, from which we were promised deliverance
when Mosby should return. In the meantime we had been
able to converse undisturbed, and had arranged for a detail
to be kept constantly at work cutting a hole in the floor for
our escape at night. Several secreted pocket-knives were
produced, and one man was kept at work under cover of
others standing near. The floor was found to be made of
very dry, hard oak plank, upon which work progressed very
slowly, but if we had not been removed that evening to
différent quarters the guerrillas would have found employ¬
ment next day in searching for some, if not all, of their
prisoners. I have forgotten to state that I was favored, as
an officer, during the day, by being taken to dinner at the
house of an elderly man who lived near by. When an
opportunity occurred he inquired how much money I could
give him if he should persuade Mosby to let me off; at
Captured by Mosby's Guerrillas.
87
the same time saying that he had previously succeeded in
effecting the release of a certain captain whom he named,
upon some pretext not disclosed. He did not state how he
expected me to obtain funds for carrying out this bit of
strategy, while I remained a prisoner, and certainly knew
that all prisoners' money was demanded when captured.
Placing no confidence in his proposition, I simply answered
that as my money had been taken I was unable to make
him any offer.
After being quartered that night in a log cabin, under
guard, we were conducted on foot to Rectortown, a few
miles distant. Along the entire length of the road we
observed blood stains, which the guard said was from a
wounded prisoner, and that the blood had dripped through
the floor of the cart upon which he had been hauled. At
Rectortown we were placed in a corn house or granary,
where we awaited the assembling of Mosby's command at
what was termed by them a " meeting" of all their com¬
panies. We noticed along the route, and each day subse¬
quently, that whenever any members were met by our
guards, notices were exchanged as a matter of common rule,
for circulation, not only as to this meeting, but also for
future meetings.
While we waited in the old corncrib which occupied a
prominent position on the crest of the hill, affording us a
good view of the surrounding country, Mosby's minions
assembled, coming from all points of the compass, remind-
88 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
ing me of Sir Eoderick Dliu's warriors arising as if from
the earth :
"On right, on left, above, below,
Sprnng up at once the lurking foe ;
Ât once with full five hundred men.
As If the yawning hill to Heaven,
A subterranean host had given."
We learned that these valiant men boarded at Mrs.
Smith's, Mrs. Jones', Auntie Plimpton's, Cousin Jami¬
son's, Granny Longnecker's, etc. They came quietly filing
in from " the region round about," singly and by twos
and threes, until the locality on the hill-top fairly swarmed
with their numbers, making as I then estimated, at least
five or six hundred. It will be remembered that these
men belonged to the invisible part of the enemy's forces
and the assembly was to us at this time a decided curiosity.
" 'Twere worth ten years of peaceful life one glance at that (ubiquitous)
array."
They seemed to be quite well acquainted with each othe r
and the " meeting" was seemingly one of real jollification,
and the contemplated lottery of human lives lent zest to
the occasion.
At length we, the prisoners, were directed by the guard
to "fall in" and form a line along the outside of the
building. The civilian prisoners, heretofore referred to,
were not among the number placed in line. We were then
told that seven of our number must be selected by lot and
Captured by Mosby's Guerrillas. 89
hung, in retaliation for men hung and shot by Gen. Custer
(as guerrillas and spies). Having had forebodings of this
fate in store for us during the past two days, this depress¬
ing announcement was not unexpected. But it was bravely
received, although the stolid faces along our little line of
twenty Union soldiers gradually turned pale, as a full
realization of the ordeal before us passed through each
mind during the preparatory pause.
Those who have entered into battle in the army where
the chances were strongly against them, will know some¬
thing of the feeling which came to us ; but to this feeling
was added a horror of the ignominious death of being hung
up to a tree, like a traitor or murderer, by these miserable
highwaymen.
Had we been the same men who had carried out the
orders for executing their comrades, for which revenge was
to be taken, there would perhaps be some ground for jus¬
tification, from their standpoint, by this scum of the rebel¬
lion, but we were all innocent of any irregular warfare.
Since then, after learning during years of Indian war¬
fare how our troops, when captured by Indians, are
treated, I have often thought how nearly akin to the feel¬
ing which then seemed to animate Mosby's gang, is the
pleasure of the savages at their evening entertainment,
when formed in an amphitheater, seated around their
captive bound to a stake or tree and burned to death.
The squaws walk around the victim, and ingeniously in¬
crease his torture and demonstrations of suflering by
90 tVar Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
thrusting firebrands in his face and body while life lasts.
Here were gathered farmers seated upon their horses, who
looked approringly on, as if the proceeding was the
enforcement of a stern, strict law in vindication of an
offended Confederacy, which demanded retaliation and
revenge as a " military necessity," for wrongful acts of
their enemy. Ghosts did not rise before them of the many
Union soldiers who had been wantonly butchered at night,
without warning, on picket posts, around camp fires, and a
hundred other places where fences, buildings and brush
afforded stealthy approach for attack without resistance,
and where prisoners were not wanted, and no quarter
given.
By virtue of my rank, I received the very empty honor
of being placed upon the right of our little line ; and it
was appreciated quite as much as a man naturally would,
when similarly stationed in any chain gang. On my left
stood the only other commissioned oflScer of our party.
First Lieutenant J. C. Disosway, of the Fifth New York
Heavy Artillery, who had joined us at Paris under another
squad.
One brief glance along our line showed, as by photo¬
graph, a view of mental disturbance in the expression of
faces. In that one look I saw bowed heads, and lips moving
in silent prayer. Life, with all its charms, was perhaps to
end here. Visions of dear ones at home, of hopes and
ambitions blotted out, and of airy castles vanishing — all
swept quickly through my mind, while the throng surged
Captured by Mosby^a OuerriUas. 91
around us, all eager for the show to begin. H., with the
nerve and stoicism of an old soldier, sauntered quietly
within view; but it was no time for conversation— " life
was too short."
About this time a man wearing a broadbrim hat rode up
by my side and lifted my chapeau, or cap, from my head,
and placed in its stead his old, slouch hat. I concluded
that his old hat was just about as good as any to be hung
in, and made no remark. It afterwards helped to disguise
me. Presently three men appeared before the left of our
line. One was a tall man,'with head uncovered, not
reverently, nor in deference to those standing before him,
but because just then he had use for the hat in his hand.
As he halted before the man standing at the left of the line,
we instinctively understood the plan of the lottery.
The hat was raised above a point of vision of its con¬
tents, and the first man was directed to reach his hand into
the hat and take out one piece of paper.
This was done and a slip of paper lifted out, which was
taken from his hand and examined by the two attendants.
This was repeated as they passed successively to each man
in the line. Those who drew blank slips of paper remained
in the line, and those who drew papers that were marked
in numbers were considered condemned for execution, and
were immediately taken out of the line and placed under a
special guard. Lieutenant D. drew a blank. When my
turn came to draw I reached my hand into the hat, at once
seized and distinctly felt three slips of paper. At this time
92 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
I did not know how many had drawn numbers, but having
a vague idea that it was probably a matter of some concern
to myself which of these pieces of paper I selected, my
action was a little slow. " Hurry up," said the man hold¬
ing the hat. By reason of being very tall, and holding the
hat for his own eyes only, he was able to see my tardy
movement. As he spoke I let go one of the three slips,
and, after an instant's pause, dropped the second piece, and
at the same time raised my hand with the remaining slip to
decide my fate. It was quickly taken and examined by the
trio, who announced that it was blank.
A few minutes of relief to some of us now passed, as
the conductors of the ceremony withdrew from our pres¬
ence. All of us now had drawn each one paper, hut only
five had drawn numbers, whereby it appeared, as we soon
learned, an excess of blank slips had prevented the distri¬
bution of all the seven slips which were numbered, and
this had to be adjusted by making the number of papers
conform to the number of men remaining, by another
drawing, to make up the required seven men.
Meantime one of the five who had drawn a prize, and
who was quite young, was so overcome that he gave vent to
loud lamentations. Being found to be a drummer boy,
Mosby ordered that, being one who did not bear arms, he
should be taken out of the line, and that another man be
drawn in his place. This left only four condemned, and
three more to be drawn.
By this time the man with the hat had returned, and we
Captured by Mosby's Guerrillas.
93
were again straightened into line, and, I may add, that by
this time also, we more than ever wanted to go home to
our parents.
But the casting of lots was resumed, and irregularly,
the fifth, sixth and seventh men, with dumb pale faces,
stepped out of the line to meet their death.
One of the three guerrillas who conducted the drawing
was a peculiar looking man, whose conduct was equally
peculiar. He was in excellent spirits. In fact, the whole
affair was an entertainment very much to his taste. He
was a red headed man, with bushy, untrimmed red beard,
and wore an infantry man's (federal) dress coat He
acted as a sort of provost marshal, and took charge of those
who were condemned for execution by the drawing; and
his general deportment, appearance and expressions, of
both face and language, were quite in keeping with a hang-
mau's duties. As each soldier drew a numbered slip, the
amiable red-head directed him to step out of the line, say¬
ing: " We'll give you a chance to stretch hemp. " You
can shake the dust off your feet," and other like cheerful
remarks.
I have forgotten to state that when we were first placed
in line and told what was to be done. Private George Soule,
of the Michigan cavalry, turned to me and said:
" Captain, I shall be one of the men drawn to be hung."
This was the second case of premonition, which appeared
among the seven men who were drawn, for both were
among the first who were drawn. Poor Prouty ; his sad
94 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
forebodings were confirmed by the fateful paper which he
drew. He was nearly paralyzed with emotion, and a
ghastly pallor covered his face. But it was an emotion
which all struggled to smother down during the pending
raffle for life or death.
After the sixth man had been drawn, four of us remained
on the right, to draw, and, as the first and second of these,
both successively drew blanks. Lieutenant Disosway and
myself exchanged glances which virtually said each to the
other, "One of us must be the seventh man; one of us
must go." Being on my left, his turn came first. Then for
an instant, I knew his thoughts were far away, with loved
ones at home ; but firmly and deliberately, he placed his
hand in the hat. Without waiting to see the result, I
turned to look at the bright afternoon sun, and the distant
woods, and thought: "Is this to be my inglorious end, to
be hung by the guerrillas? This same sun will perhaps
shine down to-morrow upon our lifeless bodies suspended
from trees."
The next instant I discovered the lieutenant's fatal draw¬
ing. He had drawn the last number. Raising his hat with
one hand he passed his other hand over his fevered fore¬
head, and, half turning to me, he simply said: "This is
tough." But I had reason to express some hope in his
behalf (which would not have existed for myself), and
accordingly tried to encourage him in the moment he was
permitted to remain standing by my side. Then we bade
each other good-bye as he turned away, and I never saw
Captured by Moshy^s GuerriUas.
95
him again ; but he was not hung. He was also afterwards
commissioned in the regular army and died in 1889.
To go back a day or two, to the time when Lieutenant
D. joined us in the old store room at Paris. I had observed
that one of Mosby's men, who went by the name of
Leslie, had come to the lieutenant several times and
conversed as an old acquaintance, and also learned that
some time previously, during the war, Leslie had been
a prisoner at Fort McHenry for a period, where Lieutenant
D. was then on duty as assistant provost marshal, and that
he retained warm feelings toward the officer for kind
treatment received at his hands while a prisoner. When
Lieutenant D. was captured by the party, Leslie was with
them and recognized the lieutenant, and on account of
past kindnesses offered him various little services and
attention, such as receiving his money and valuables for
safe keeping, etc., etc.
Putting this and that together, I was strongly impressed
that they were both masons, and accordingly reasoned that
if Lieutenant D. was a mason, a way would be found to
spare his life. This passed hastily through my mind when
the hat bearing a sentence of death to one of us was
approaching us, for the seventh man. I expressed this
hope to Lieutenant D. a minute later, when trying to
encourage him.
I clip from a recent copy of a Philadelphia paper, an
article purporting to be written by one of Mosby's men,
who was present and witnessed the proceedings described.
96 Wa7' Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
and narrates also the lieutenant's experience after we
separated at Kectortown. It is doubtless quite correct: —
At about 9 o'clock in the afternoon the different com¬
panies beganto arrive, several having Federal prisoners,
and shortly afterwards Col. Mosby, with the rest of his
men came up with twenty-five or thirty additional
prisoners. He immediately gave orders that there should
be a detail made from each company to take charge of
the prisoners, and that they should be carried to some
locality in the mountains, off from the general thorough¬
fares, where a house must be secured, in one room of
which the prisoners should be placed and kept under
double guard. We were also told to proceed to Kector¬
town by break of day next morning. (I happened to be
among the number of this detailed guard which renders
me so familiar with the circumstances. ) In pursuance of
orders, we proceeded next day to Kectortown.
" Among the prisoners I noticed a young oflScer (a lieu¬
tenant), who seemed to be suffering from lameness, and he
excited my compassion by his ineffectual effort to keep
up. Kiding up to him I offered him a seat behind me on
my horse, which he gratefully accepted. As we were in
the rear of the march and out of earshot we conversed
very freely, and he gave me several points in his history,
and I found him to be a refined and intelligent gentle¬
man. He stated that he had only recently been brought
from Lousiana, where he acted as an officer of artillery,
and he deeply regretted being captured here, as he
Captured by Mosby^s Guerrillas.
97
feared that he would never survive prison life. He was
the only son of a widowed mother, and had recently been
married to a young wife. He seemed deeply dejected,
and I cheered him as well as I could, not knowing myself
anything about the destiny of the prisoners.
On arriving at Eectortown we found Col. Mosby with
full command, drawn up in line, and he himself in consul¬
tation with his principal officers. One of these finally
advanced toward the squad which guarded the prisoners and
gave orders to draw them up in line. The adjutant then
rode forward and read an order. It stated that seven of
our men having been recently hung by the enemy it was
determined that seven of the prisoners should be hung in
retaliation, and that lots for these seven would immedi¬
ately be drawn. Upon reading of this order a scene
ensued which will be impressed upon my memory until
the day of my death. • • •
" In the course of twenty minutes, two officers ap¬
proached, one of them holding a hat, in which had been
placed a number of wads or balls of paper, corresponding
with the number of prisoners. Seven of these wads were
marked. The drawing then commenced, the officer with
the hat requiring the right hand prisoner to take out a
ball, which when drawn he handed to the other officer in
attendance who on opening pronounced it to be either
blank or otherwise. At first sevei-al blanks were drawn,
then came a marked ball, which was drawn by a cavalry
soldier of Custer's command, and hailing from Michigan.
7
98 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
This man coolly remarked that he was prepared to die for
his country. The drawing proceeded with various results.
I stood behind the young officer whose lameness I have
mentioned, and was much relieved when he drew a blank,
upon which I congratulated him. He turned and seizing
my hand pressed it with warmth.
" On the second drawing, my friend, the lieutenant, drew
a marked ball. I was shocked by this, and he was deeply
distressed, but exhibited a courageous resignation to his
fate. • Calling to him a soldier of his company, who had
also been taken prisoner, he requested him to take his
wife an empty pocket book and pencil case saying that
these were the only souvenirs he had left when condemned
to execution, and his last thoughts were with his wife and
mother. I was deeply affected at his fate and desired to
assist him if possible. Whispering to him, I asked if he was
a Freemason? to which he replied in the affirmative.
" Immediately after this the guard was ordered to march
off with the seven men who had been condemned. We
proceeded with them (I being one of the guard), only a
few hundred yards, when we were ordered to halt and await
further orders, and in a few moments a freshly mounted
squad of ñfteen men, commanded by a lieutenant and
equipped for a raid approached us with orders from Col.
Mosby that we should be relieved from the care of the
prisoners.
'• Among the number of this relief guard was an intimate
friend of mine, to whom I related the circumstances in
Captured by Mosby's Guerrillas.
99
connection with the lieutenant, and also informed him that
he was a Freemason. Being anxions to learn their desti¬
nation, I questioned him about the recent order, and he
informed me that they had been commanded to take the
prisoners across the mountains and as near to Sheridan's
headquarters as possible and there hang them. He promised
me that he would do all that he could consistently with
duty, in behalf of the condemned officer. They then pro¬
ceeded on their way and several days elapsed before I
heard anything of their movements. On meeting with my
friend he gave me the following particulars.
" They reached Paris on the same night after leaving us,
and were there met by Capt. Mountjoy, who was returning
from the valley with a batch of prisoners. Being a friend
of Mountjoy's he took the first opportunity of informing
him of the situation of the lieutenant and also informed
him that he was a Freemason, and requested that he
would try to save him. Upon hearing this, Mountjoy
requested an interview with the officer, and immediately
afterward he crossed the street to where he kept his own
prisoners and returned with two of them. These be pre¬
sented to the officer in charge of the prisoners as two of
Custer's men, whom he wished to substitute for the lieu¬
tenant. After some hesitation, and with a condition that
Mountjoy should assume all responsibility, the exchange
was made. The officer, after returning earnest thanks for
his life was hastily transferred to a batch of prisoners under
the care of a sergeant who was told to make all possible
100 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
haste to Gordonsville, and specially to get out of Mosby's
dominions' before the break of day.
" Thus, in the course of a little over forty-eight hours,
was the fate of this man reversed three times in the most
remarkable manner. At first, in the terrible ordeal of
drawing a lottery for his life, he escaped. Then by a
singular fatality the drawing was takén over again, and he
found himself condemned to a sudden and awful death.
When all hope was abandoned and he found himself on
the way to execution, deliverance came in a manner
equally as unexpected and remarkable."
The entertainment being over at this point, the remainder
of our party were at once started on foot for Kichmond.
H. and I now finding that we was not to be released as had
been promised us, agreed that whenever an opportunity
presented for either of us to escape we would do so,
separately if necessary. During the next three days we
journeyed circuitously and tediously towards Gordonsville.
Being cloudy and rainy weather, without sunshine, we
could not tell the points of the compass and could not,
therefore, intelligently attempt to escape. We finally
reached Flint hill, on the Front Eoyal turnpike, which
crosses the mountains, and were soon enabled to get our
bearings, and soon afterwards arrived at Little Washing¬
ton, a small village on the same road, where we halted
about noon in front of the hotel, on the main street.
Here the denizens turned out quite generally to look at
Captured by Mosby's Cfuerrillas. 101
the Yankee prisoners, and to compliment the guard on
their success.
Observing a colored woman at an open window in a log
cabin adjoining the hotel, 1 asked permission of the guard
to step over there to get a drink of water. Pennission
being granted a few steps brought me in front of the
colored woman, who handed me a gourd ñlled with water.
As I raised the gourd to my lips, in a low tone, I said to
her : ' ' Auntie, if I get away and come back here to-night
will yon take care of me?" Observing, as I drank, that
she hardly comprehended my question, I hastily said : "I
am a Yankee soldier," and repeated my question. Her
face lighted up, as she immediately answered, " Yes,
massa; 3'on come back here; I'll take care of yon."
We were soon moving again, and I had accomplished
one good move looking to escape. A few miles of wea7y
marching brought us to Sperryville, about dark. Here I
effected my escape alone, during the evening, by passing
the sentinel while he was conversing with his comrades in
the room where our party were placed for the night, and
started hastily on my solitary journey for Little Washing¬
ton, through the fields, reaching there before midnight.
Although McCausland's cavalry brigade had in the mean¬
time, arrived and encamped close to the village, I went
directly to the colored woman's log cabin under cover of
the¡¿darkness, and was heartily greeted by her husband
and herself, who gave me a comfortable shake-down on
102 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
the floor of the loft of the cabin and supplied me
abundantly with food.
Without stopping to recite all experiences on my return to
the Union lines from this point, suffice to say, that it was
accomplished safely, with the aid of the colored people on my
route. They were all remakably kind and seemed to think
they could not do enough to serve me, each one in turn
guiding me to their neighbors along the route, and received
by each confidently as with passport, I was led to think
myself a veritable patron of the underground railroad of
those days.
This experience embraced a stay of three or four days
in a hotel in the middle of the town of Front Koyul.
The house was closed for business and was in charge of, and
occupied by, an unusually intelligent colored shoemaker
and his wife, who stowed me away in an upper room,
where the windows were boarded up. Lomax's Confeder¬
ate cavalry division occupied the town, but I succeeded in
leaving at night, crossing the Shenandoah river seated
behind a trusty colored man, who had brought a horse
from a neighboring farm where he lived.
Realizing before leaving Front Royal the fact that I was
surrounded with Confederates for several miles, through
whose lines I must pass, my shoemaker friend assisted me
in blackening my face and hands, and after exchanging
my coat for an old grey homespun, which reached down to
my knees, my disguise, with the old hat and shoes uncere¬
moniously exchanged for me, was quite complete. A
Captured by Motby's Guerrillas.
103
night's travel put me outside of the Confederate cavalry
picket line, and to the comfortable mansion of the Tuley
estate, where loyal negroes were pleased to provide bounti¬
fully for me in the spacious basement quarters until the
next afternoon, when one of their friends conducted me
to the front of the Union cavalry picket line, which ex¬
tended either way until lost in the distance. The view
of those silent, motionless, mounted troopers, separated at
regular intervals, standing statute-like, gazing out toward
the enemy's country from an open, elevated region, was a
grateful, pleasing sight to an escaped prisoner.
We advanced until halted by a vidette, and again, until the
sergeant had been summoned, who thereupon conducted us
to the officer of the picket, and when within the line of the
Twenty-second New York cavalry regiment, questions and
answers were in order, while several of the officers drew
near, and while I was trying with water to scour from my
face and hands the blacking,which proved to be no easy task.
During this operation, and while at the same time I was
giving an account of myself, in response to questions per¬
tinent to the case, the contenances of one after another
relaxed as their suspicion gave way to smiles over my
ludicrous appearance as a contraband.
On reaching my brigade, to my amazement, I found
George Soule, one of my detail who was captured with me,
who drew lots, was one of the seven condemned, and who
escaped from the guard near the place of execution quite
miraculously. As he stated, the seven men had been
104 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
tied by the wrist of one hand each to a rope, and thus
marched on foot during the night for the designated
point of execution. The rope was long enough for one
end to be held by one of the mounted guard, who
rode ahead of the prisoners, and the other end of the
rope was carried by another member of the guard of
hanging party, who followed behind the prisoners march¬
ing in single file behind each other, while the rest of the
guard, rode on each side. During the night Soule had
managed to loosen the rope enough to get his hand free
when opportunity might offer. They had marched all
night, and the prisoners' last march was drawing near its
end, the destination being ordered by Mosby before start¬
ing, as the woods along and near the Berryville turnpike,
where the bodies of the men would be found by the Union
troops within the federal lines.
The first faint indications of approaching day were
already visible, and Soule realizing that his chances for
escape were growingdesparately slim. When passing over
a depression in the ground in a field, he quickly slipped
his hand from the rope and fell with his face on the ground,
fortunately without being observed. As soon as the others
had passed a few yards, he rose and ran on a backward
course for dear life and climbed a tree, where he remained
within hearing of the murder of his comrades.
He reached Winchester the next day and reported the
affair to the post commander, who sent a detachment in
search of the remains of the murdered men. The detach-
Captured by Mosby^s Ghierrillas.
105
ment found the dead bodies of four of the men suspended
from the limbs of a tree, and the fifth still alive, lying on
the ground, shot through the head and shoulder. He was
removed to the hospital in Winchester, and, it is to be
hoped, finally recovered, but I failed to learn.
It seems that the detail had been indulging freely in ap¬
plejack during their night's ride, and were not in the best
condition for their task at this time. They commenced
their work by tying one end of a rope around a soldiers
neck, throwing the other end over the limb of a tree, and
drawing him up. The second, and third and fourth man
were thus pulled up, and so barbariously was their
drunken work done, that by stretching and loosening
of the ropes, the poor victims' feet were left so close
to the ground, that their toes dug holes in the earth
in their death struggles. While this was being done
the despairing, crouching survivors were continuously
appealing for sudden death by shooting. By this time
the bungling work seemed troublesome enough to the exe¬
cutioners to consent to finish the others by shooting them,
and with this purpose two of the guai'ds turned each to
shoot one of the two remaining prisoners, one of whom
was shot through the head and shoulder, and left for dead
as above stated (he being conscious and feigning death),
and the other, the sergeant of a New York cavalry regi¬
ment, who was exchanged for Lieutenant Dissosway, a
muscular man, knocked up the revolver which was pointed
at him, and ran into the woods for dear life and escaped.
106 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
This much of the job being finished by the valorous
rangers, they attached to one of the suspended bodies, a
placard previously prepared by Mosby, informing Maj.-
Gen. Sheridan, with much flourish of words and phrase¬
ology, that^ these men were executed in retaliation for
seven of Mosby's men killed by Gen. Custer's orders,
" measure for measure; " that he " would raise the black
flag," etc. The War Department has this paper.
It is unnecessary to state how Gen. Sheridan and his
army trembled in their boots upon receipt of this informa¬
tion.
A few months after my return to camp I received a tel¬
egram from H., sent from Norfolk, Va., saying he had
escaped and had arrived there. During his absence his
friends had only heard from him through notices, which
were then published in the Eichmond Examiner and
copied in the New York Herald whenever a copy of the
paper found its way through Union lines. Among other
articles the New York Herald of that month contained the
following :
" A NEW YOBK CITIZEN CAPTURED BY MOSBY.
From the Richmond Examiner, November 12.
" G. B. H -, a citizen of New York, run into by
Mosby, was received at the castle yesterday, from Maj.
Boyle, Mosby's shipping agent. Mr. H is one of the
• swell mob ' of Broadway, in baggy trousers, and charac-
Captured by Mosby's Guerrillas.
107
terized his capture and incarceration in the castle as ' too
damned bad.' "
When I subsequently met him he narrated his experience
as a prisoner in " Castle Thunder," in Eichmond ; of his
obtaining from the Confederate Secretary of War, through
Mr. Lyons, a prominent lawyer of Richmond, an order for
his release; how the order was outrageously taken from
him and not returned ; how he was compelled to accom¬
pany a train load of prisoners who were being shipped by
rail to Salisbury, N. C. ; how the prisoners overpowered
the guard in their car at a wood station, and escaped; how
some of their number were recaptured, and how, finally,
after two long weeks of travel, he reached the Union lines
near Norfolk, with the aid of friendly negroes.
But soon the grand army of the Union marched triumph¬
antly to victory and to peace, and although thousands upon
thousands of the " countless throng " whose voices then
swelled the glorious, patriotic choruses, which the hills
and valleys of the south echoed back to loyal ears, have
already passed away in the onward march of freedom, can
we still say that " Time at last sets all things even," when
the government bestows positions of honor and emolument
in reward for disloyalty and bloody handed treason of the
very worst type ?
108 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
THE APPOMATOX CAMPAIGN.
BY MAJ.-GEN. WESLEY MEREITT.
The movement which resulted in the surrender of Lee
was inaugurated in the valley of Virginia in the spring of
1865. Sheridan, who with his army in the valley had for
six months or more been electrifying the country with his
successes, moved to join the Army of the Potomac, then on
the James, with the incidental work of cleaning up Early
with his remnant of an army on the way. The Sixth
Corps, which had shared our victories in the valley, had
joined the army of the Potomac by rail and water trans¬
portation. The cavalry marched late in February and
coming on Early's army at Waynesboro, captured or dis¬
persed it and proceeded on breaking up the Confederate
lines of communication, in which work long and varied
experience on the part of the command had made it most
expert.
The force moving from the valley of Virginia was the
First Division of cavalry under General Devens, and the
Second Division of cavalry under General Custer ; both
divisions were under command of General Merritt, and
were known as the Cavalry of the Shenandoah. The artil¬
lery, Batteries C and E, 4th Artillery, under Captain Miller,
also constituted an important part of this command.
The A'ppomaUïx Campaign.
109
At the White House, on the Pamunkey river, the cavalry
halted to refit. Its march from the valley had been through
terrific rain-storms and consequent mud, so that it had met
with a loss of about three thousand horses. General Sher¬
idan preceded the cavalry from the White House to City
Point, where the President, General Sherman and General
Grant were met for consultation. On the morning that our
cavalry reached the James, Mr. Lincoln was on a steamboat
just below Butler's Dutch Gap Canal, whither he had come
to see the cavalry as it moved over the pontoon bridge
across the James river. Looking through the window of
the little steamer's cabin, the sad face of the President
appeared like one whose heart was sick with hope deferred.
The fact that he was at army headquarters was perhaps
indicative of the belief on his part that the end of the war
was approaching. His anxiety was great lest Lee should
escape Meade's army, but if any one had predicted that in
less than two weeks from that day the cavalry, which was
then passing, would be in front of Lee's army one hundred
miles away from Richmond, and would hold that army for a
final surrender, it is not hard to conceive how this often
disappointed man would have received the prediction. But
so it was to be.
SHERIDAN'S ADVANCE.
Next morning, bright and early, we were off for the left
flank of the army, a position we had held seven months
before.
110 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
The commaud now consisted of the two divisions from
the Shenandoah valley, and Gregg's division of the Army
of the Potomac, now commanded by Crook. The first
two divisions, under Merritt, were increased on the day
after the battle of Five Forks, by McKenzie's division of
the Army of the James. The whole was about twelve
thousand as good cavalry as the world ever saw. General
Grant's orders were, " Move your cavalry at as early hour
as you can, and without being confined to any particular
roads." The object was to get the enemy out of his
works into the open, where he could be attacked with a
chance of success. If the enemy could not be forced out
of his works, the cavalry, supported by a light moving
infantry corps, preferably the Sixth, were to move round
the left flank of Lee's army and destroy his communi¬
cations. It was a well conceived plan. Its execution was
placed in the hands of a man who never failed.
Dinwiddie county, the scene of our first operations, is at
the head of the Dismal Swamp. The heavy rains which had
poured on our devoted heads during the march from the
valley had been general, and had gone far to converting this
not uninviting country into a part of the swamp itself, This
part of Virginia is of the region which has been cultivated
without being renewed since colonial days, and has grown
up in pines which cover the exhausted soil and is properly
called, in other parts of Virginia, the wilderness. I need
hardly describe the trials of a marching column in such a
country as this. Our wagons simply could not move. Our
The Appomatox Campaign.
Ill
horses on the roads could manage to progress, but woe
betide the luckless trooper who wandered off the beaten
road or attempted to take a short cut. His horse broke
through the crust and floundered helplessly on his belly
with no support for his feet.
On the night of March 30th, the cavalry were bivouacked
ai'ouud Dinwiddie Court House. Our wagons had not yet
reached us, nor were they likely to, but in those days we
carried on our horses supplies which could, with care, be
made to subsist a man about five days. These, with what
our foragers could find in any inhabited country, however
poor, rendered life supportable, if not luxurious. For our
horses we scarcely ever failed to find forage.
The Court House was a small, unpretentious hamlet, bat
though insignificant in population its location was of
considerable military jmportance. It is situated some
fifteen miles southwest of Petersburg, and is a center from
which many roads diverge. These led to the flank of our
army, as well as to the flank and rear of the Confederate
position. A year before the time we are considering, the
Confederate army protected country ten miles to the east of
Dinwiddie and our new position, gained without a struggle,
except with the elements, indicated how the toils were
being cast about Lee's army. But we were not to retain
our newly acquired advantage without a battle. The
Confederate cavalry marched on our flank without offering
resistance while we were approaching Dinwiddie, but at the
same time a force of infantry was moved from the intrench-
112 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
ments at Petersburg along the White Oak road to Five
Forks. On the last day of March, these combined forces
attacked our cavalry which had pressed forward to Five
Forks, and after an all day's battle, which raged with vary¬
ing success, forced us back to Dinwiddie. There we held
fast as the night fell and put an end to the fight. It was
all we wanted. An infantry corps was promised us by
daylight in the morning and our position at Dinwiddie was
the best we could have for this co-operation. That night
was spent in getting the cavalry in position for work in the
morning.
THE FIERCE CONFLICT.
It is not my purpose to describe the events of the battle
of the 31st of March. A competent writer, who was a
distinguished staff-officer of General Sheridan's, in closing
a description of the events of the day, says: "The sun
was nearly down, now but one more effort of the enemy
was yet to be made to get possession of Dinwiddie Court
House, and win some fruits of the hard day's work, which,
so far, had bore but barren honor. The thundering salute
to their cavalry had hardly ceased to echo through the
woods when the long line of their infantry slowly debouched
on the plain — infantry that was hard to beat. We used
to think that living was such a poor life with them that
they did not care much to continue it. They had an air
of abandon, a sort of devil-may-care swing in their stride,
as they advanced over a field, that was rather disheartening
The Appomatox Campaign.
113
to men that did not want to get shot. And these were
some of their best, — parts, or all of Pickett's and John¬
son's divisions of Anderson's corps. While they were
still deploying, Pennington's brigade of Custer's division
reached the field, and was immediately ordered to the right
to the support of Gibbs. Catching sight of the enemy,
Pennington's men burst into a glorious cheer as they
splashed through the miry road behind the rails, and from
left to right the shout was passed along, while General
Sheridan, cap in hand, galloped up the line with some
of his staff, and Generals Merritt and Custer, who were
with him at the moment, and drew the first fire of the
now advancing enemy. Mud and bullets fiew, and an
enthusiastic reporter of the New York Herald, who
was carried away by his feelings, at this juncture was shot
in the shoulder, following the General. Our artillery now
opened, and at such short range could not fail to be
destructive, and a moment later the carbines of five brig¬
ades were blazing in the twilight, the repeating Spencers
puflîng out their cartridges like Roman candles. The heavy
fire from both sides continued for a few minutes and, mean¬
while, darkness settled down upon us. Gradually the fire
from the enemy became fitful and irregular, and soon
ceased altogether, for, as they advanced across the open
ground, they seemed to count the cost of carrying oui
line, and weigh the advantages of holding the Court House
by such uncertain tenure as theirs would be, separated by
miles from their own army, and liable to be annihilated
8
114 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
before they could rejoin it. Acting on the conclusion of
this sober second thought, they contented themselves with
such glory as the day had brought, and, wrapping them¬
selves up in it, lay down in their tracks to rest as soon as
the slacking of our fire permitted."
In his oflScial report General Grant says of this battle
that General Sheridan displayed excellent generalship.
On the morrow the cavalry moved forward at daylight
and continued during the morning to press the enemy back
over the ground he had won from us as just narrated. By
noon the enemy were concealed in their works at Five
Forks, where they were too strong for the cavalry to attack
unaided. The infantry corps ordered to General Sheridan
was slowly coming up, and it looked as though another night
would fall before the harvest ripe before us could be gath¬
ered in. But with Sheridan delays were dangerous,
especially to the delayer, and they proved so on this
occasion to Warren, who commanded the belated corps, for
before the battle was won he was relieved from command
and sent to the rear. The causes which led to this are not
for us to discuss ; suflSce it to say, that the cavalry had
their orders and were ready to execute them. We were
confronting the heaviest part of the enemy's line and from
noon until four o'clock were awaiting the signal for the
onset. My orders from Sheridan were to hold close to the
intrenchments and when we heard the infantry fire, to open
in the attack to carry the works in front. This we were
ready to do. I left the General with General Warren and
The Appomatox Campaign. 115
rode to my lines and made the proper disposition of the
command. One brigade was kept monoted to pursue after
the works were captured. The remainder of both divisions
fought on foot. Soon after four o'clock a terrible fusil¬
lade on the part of our infantry began. The cavalry
moved forward to do its part of the work but found
the enemy in our front unshaken. Soon a staflF
officer, riding furiously, came with a message from
General Sheridan that the firing heard was a false alarm.
The infantry was not doing its work. The staff officer,
from whom I have quoted, says in reference to this:
" Ayers' division of Warren's corps had now entered the
woods and could hardly see five yards ahead, and the men
were nervous not knowing what to expect behind the trees
and bushes, and the greater part of one brigade soon grew
very unsteady, though in this dreadful roar of musketry
almost nobody on onr side seemed to be killed as yet.
"SHERIDAN IN BATTLE.
" One or two regiments broke and began to run. It was
a sudden panic begotten of a hidden danger and it was a
moment when a little personal example and stiff swearing
were badly needed. Fortunately General Sheridan hap¬
pened to be at hand, and together with his stafi" rode into
the ranks of his faltering troops, which were soon reas¬
sured and taking heart again came back to their places in
line. The opening fire of Ayers' division was immediately
116 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
echoed along the White Oak road by the carbines of Mer-
ritt's men, who gallantly responded to the preconcerted
signal for assault, and now started boldly forward to per¬
form tbeir part. They had the brunt of the fight to bear,
and to make a diversion in their favor it was necessary to
press the flank attack with all possible vigor." And further
on in his description of the battle the same writer gives us
the following vivid picture of Sheridan in the fight: "Al¬
ready he had brought order out of confusion by his magnetic
example, and had turned about the panic-stricken regiments
and brought their faces to the foe again. Now when the
line was steadied and moving forward to the attack, he took
his colors in his hand, and where the fire was hottest led the
men on, his horse plunging wildly under him, mad with the
excitement of the warring musketry, the hissing of the
leaden shower, and the crashing of the troops through
the woods. Here a ball went through the middle of the
flag and the sergeant who had been carrying it was killed ;
our quartermaster badly wounded at Cedar Creek was hit
again in the side, and two or three of the staflf officers had
their horses shot."
This time the attack was real and the cavalry carried the
works in their front, capturing artillery and prisoners. As
I put my horse over the works and rode into the field be¬
yond, I saw our indomitable chief riding down the line to
my right in the midst of the infantry, still carrying his
headquarters flag, and when I met him he was more excited
than I had ever before seen him, and exclaimed with a
The Appomalox Uampaign.
117
strong expression, very like an oath, " I have exposed my¬
self more to-day than ever before in my life. It had to be
done. It had to be done to make the men fight."
And now looking back over the events of the war after
years of peace, I am safe in saying that in all his brilliant
career as a leader of men in battle. General Sheridan did
no more glorious work than at the battle of Five Forks.
Without him that day to lead the infantiy, the affair would
have terminated in another of those failures, put to the
account of that too often badly managed army, and the
first step in the surrender of Lee would not have been
taken, in that direction at least.
The immediate result of this battle was that the whole of
the Confederate infantry force at Five Forks was captured
or dispersed, Petersburg and Richmond were turned and
were therefore untenable, and Lee with his army and Davis
with his cabinet were obliged to seek safety in flight. This
latter result took place on the day after the battle. That
day the cavalry occupied in taking possession of the South
side railroad and scouring the country for the dispersed
remnant of the force beaten at Five Forks, of which we
captured nearly six thousand prisoners, with all their artil¬
lery and transportation.
THE EETREiT FKOM PETERSBURG.
The occupation of the South side railroad left the Con¬
federate government but one railroad by which to leave
118 War Papers arid Personal Reminiscences.
Bichmond — the Danville. This Mr. Davis and his cabinet
availed themselves of on the night of the second, while Lee
with his army from Bichmond and Petersburg sought safety
in retreat towards Amelia Court House, where he intended
concentrating his army before continuing his retreat to the
South. From this time forth it became the duty of the
cavalry to keep touch with the retreating Confederates,
delaying their march by the way as mueh as possible. How
well this work was done the sequel shows. There was no
question but the destination of Lee's army was Danville,
North Carolina, and there was as little question as to his
route provided he was permitted to pursue it unmolested.
The cavalry started out on the third of April to head him
off and stand in his way with the cry " no thoroughfare "
until the infantry could arrive and enforce the proposition.
If you will refer to the map, you will see that Amelia
Court House, the point of Lee's concentration, was about
equi-distant from Bichmond and Petersburg. It is at the
apex of an isosceles triangle, whose base is formed by a
line running north and south connecting these two cities.
While it was not a point on the shortest line of retreat
from Petersburg, it was on the main road to Danville from
Bichmond, which was still open for use. The direct road
from Petersburg was closed for travel by the Union army,
the cavalry occupying Scott's Corner on Namozin Creek,
on the night of the second, so there was no other road for
the Confederate army, except that through Amelia Court
House.
The Appomatox Campaign.
119
On the morning of the third, Sheridan's light army,
consisting of the cavalry and the 5th Corps, moved off by
the left flank on its attempt to thwart the Confederates
as to their line of retreat. As we rode along it was
evident that the inhabitants of the country began to
realize that the hopes of the Confederacy in Virginia
were waning. On every hand we discovered signs of de¬
moralization and defeat. The pride of the native was
humbled. It was said that more Union men were developed
in the country that day than in all our experience before.
Their own soldiers who had marched that way the day be¬
fore had announced the collapse of their government, and
the colored people on the road side showed unmistakable
signs of exultation as we passed along. "Where are the
rebs? " was asked of a party of these people who lined a
fence by the way, when a gray-headed old contraband in
ragged garb, flourished his tattered hat and with a low and
grotesque obeisance replied, "They're siftin' south, sah,
a-siftin' along south."
That night we camped on Deep Creek. On the fourth
my command, including Mackenzie's division, moved in a
more northerly direction towards the Appomatox river ;
Crook's division headed for the Danville railroad at a point
between Jettersville and Burke's station, while the Fifth
Corps under Griffin made a short cut for Jettersville, a
station about flve miles southwest of Amelia Court House.
At Tabernacle Church I came upon a strong force of
cavalry and infantry which resisted my advance. This
120 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
they were forced to do to preserve a road ^or their retreat
on the south side of the Appomatox. About this time in¬
formation was brought to General Sheridan that Lee with
his army was at Amelia Court House making ready for his
march to the south along the Southside railroad.
Every effort was then put forward by him to concentrate
his command at Jettersville. The infantry arrived there
about five in the afternoon and was soon afterwards joined
by Crook. At Jettersville the advance captured in the
telegraph office a dispatch written by General Lee's chief
commissary, directing that 200,000 rations be sent up im¬
mediately by rail to meet his army on the road. This with
other evidences, patent to the mind of our chief, left no
room for doubt as to the wisdom of his original conclusions
as to the line of retreat. He set the 5th Corps to work
intrenching along Lee's intended line of march, and sent
couriers to Grant and Meade telling of the positions of his
troops and of those of the enemy and begging haste in their
movements, promising that if they reached the Danville
railroad by the following morning there was every proba¬
bility that Lee could not escape.
Let us now observe the position of affairs on the after¬
noon of the fourth.
Lee's army was at Amelia Court House. Sheridan with
the 5th Corps and Crook's division of cavalry was at Jet¬
tersville on the line of Lee's retreat. Ord with the Army
of the James was on the Southside railroad on his march
to Burke's Junction; Meade was going into camp with his
The Appomatox Campaign.
121
army at Deep Creek, sixteen miles — a day's march to the
rear, and my cavalry were about five miles southeast of
Amelia Court House, near Tabernacle Church.
SAILOB'S CKEEK.
With the rising of the sun on the morning of the 5th,
Lee's chance for escape vanished. Before this he had only
to move with his army and brush away the obstacles in his
path. After this, thanks to the energy of Sheridan in
moving his own force and the persistent begging on his
part to Meade and Ord to hurry on, nothing but a direct
interposition of Divine Providence could save the army of
Northern Virginia from falling a prey to its long time
enemy, the Army of the Potomac.
After waiting on the 5th till the sun was well up and
finding that Lee made no sign of pursuing the road to Dan¬
ville, it occurred to General Sheridan that the enemy was
perhaps engaged in avoiding Jettersville and trying to make
his escape by passing around to the westward. A recon-
noissance sent out by Crook soon discovered this to be the
case. General Davies captured near Fames Cross Koads a
thousand prisoners, five pieces of artillery and several
battle flags, and in addition destroyed about two hundred
wagons. He was in turn attacked by a Confederate force
on flank and rear and compelled to retire. About this
time a negro came into our lines with a letter written by a
Confederate colonel, who said, among other things, " Our
122 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
army is ruined, I fear." It was dated Amelia Court
House, April 5th, and contained the further information
that the army was in line of battle there. Taking this
letter as a text General Sheridan wrote to General Grant,
giving him an insight into the condition of affairs and
saying, " I wish you were here yourself. I feel confident
of capturing the Army of Northern Virginia if we exert
ourselves. I see no escape for General Lee." Grant,
who was with Ord on the Southside railroad, set out for
Jettersville at once and gave Ord orders to march on with¬
out camping until he reached the junction of the Southside
with the Danville railroad at Burkesville.
On the morning of the sixth, Lee having retired from
Amelia Court House, apparently striking for Lynchburg,
the forces of Sheridan, Meade and Ord also moved bright
and early, the cavalry with Crook's division in the lead,
marching for Deatonsville. On the road near Deatonsville
we could see the dusky wagon covers of the retreating rebel
train. Crook assayed an attack as soon as he got within
striking distance, but found the trains well guarded, a
column of Confederates on each side, and they handled him
very roughly without letting a wagon go.
Then was commenced a series of flank attacks by Crook's
and Merritt's cavalry which were continued through the
day, ending in the battle of Sailor's Creek. The plan was
for each of these cavalry commands to attack the flank of
the retreating army, each passing beyond the other in turn
seeking a weak point in the column through which it could
The Appomatox Campaign.
123
thrust its armed troopers aud bar the way. This advantage
was gained a few miles beyond Deatonsville, at Sailor's
Creek, where the cavalry cut off from the column a Confed¬
erate force under Ewell of several thousand men and officers,
including ßve generals. These were all captured after a
severe battle with the help of the Sixth Corps, which had
reported to Sheridan at the right time for this important
work. Before this, General Sheridan had despatched to
Grant a message as follows: From present indications
the retreat of the enemy is rapidly becoming a rout. We
are shelling their trains and preparing to attack their
infantry. Our troops are moving on their left flank and I
think we can break and disperse them. Everything should
be hurried forward with the utmost speed." To which
Grant and the forces in the rear responded with redoubled
exertion.
That night we slept on the fleld of Sailor's Creek,
sharing with the captured Confederates our blankets and
our rations. The next morning we started with a free and
open country before us. That part of the Confederate
army, from which we had cut off our victims of the night
before, had disappeared, wounded unto death, from view;
but the instinct of our leader unerringly directed us to the
next point of meeting, which was nearing the end.
The movements which led to the battle of Sailor's Creek
so interfered with Lee's line of retreat, as to force him to
cross the Appomatox river near there, and to make an
extended circuit to the north and west. With the river on
124 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
his flank he may have still hoped to escape or at least defer
the evil day. The cavalry on the night of the seventh
bivouacked near Prospect Station, Crook reaching that
point after having discovered and fought with the enemy
at Farmville. My march led through a more peaceful and
most delightful country via Prince Edward Court House.
THE LAST STAND.
On the morning of the eighth of April, General Sheridan,
before mounting, wrote to General Grant, " I will move
on Appomatox Court House," and suiting the action to
the word ordered the cavalry to move out. We had
scarcely started, before word was brought to General
Sheridan that there were four trains of cars loaded with
Confederate supplies at the depot near Appomatox Court
House.
This was twenty-five miles to our front, but the roads
were growing better, and our horses and men, notwith¬
standing their hard work, were in good condition. And
so, without following step by step the march of that day,
it is enough to say that the sinking sun found us near the
goal. The trains were captured before their guards knew
of our approach, and being manned by engineers and rail¬
road men from our ranks, for the cavalry had many such
in those days, were run out of the way beyond recapture
by the enemy, to whom we then turned our attention, cap¬
turing some twenty-five pieces of artillery, which had been
parked near the station, and taking in a lot of prisoners.
The Appomatox Campaign.
125
That night we slept on our arms in front of the army of
Northern Virginia, which, on the morrow, was to make the
final effort for its freedom.
On the morning of the 9th of April as soon as the first
streak of light shot up in the eastern heavens, the cavalry
was in ranks long before objects could be determined
twenty-five paces away; every cavalry soldier excited, his
eyes strained to the northward intent on making out the
enemy. We occupied a crest which looked down upon the
valley in which rested the hamlet that d.ay to become
celebrated for all time. We had taken up our position
after dark the night before and as the light advanced there
were changes to be made to better it. Soon in the valley
below we saw a line of infantry skirmishers advancing.
After them followed masses of troops in solid formation
and heavy artillery was being moved to vantage points on
the field. Not a shot had been fired, but the advance was
steady, and to us awfully solemn. The advancing skirmish
line alone consisted of more men than we could muster in
all our cavalry and closely in their rear followed the solid
columns with division fronts. "What are you going to
do?" said Crook to his fellow commander as they sat on
their horses together watching the advancing lines. " Hold
on as long as possible," replied he, " and if our infantry
does not come up, withdraw by the right flank." It
looked like opposing the force of a cyclone with
a wall of straw. Soon the skirmishers opened, the
sharp crack of the enemy's rifle answered by the dull thud
126 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
of GUI- cavalry carbines. Slowly our men retired and our
light batteries opened with shot and shell. To these in turn
the heavy guns of the enemy replied, ploughing up the
earth among our small guns so as to almost bury them.
The scene was grand — terrific. The heavy columns of the
enemy advanced not swiftly but surely. Our cavalry,
except the skirmishers, mounted and made ready to make
all possible resistance, but it looked as though the end of
our triumph was near and we must be overwhelmed. Sud¬
denly came a change. The advancing columns halted, the
skirmishers hesitated, and a long column of infantry in
blue advancing from our right, came " on right into line,"
just where we stood and prolonged itself to our left. It
was Gibbon's corps of the Army of the James. The effect
was magical. Never was the like seen before; never
perhaps will it be witnessed again. General Gordon of the
Confederate army, who commanded the advancing force,
told me afterwards that his orders from General Lee were
to advance and break through if there was cavalry only in
his front, but that if he found infantry there to withdraw,
as their army must then surrender. Our infantry had
arrived only just in time. A half hour later the cavalry
would have been driven from the field and Lee's army
would have made its retreat to Danville. Here again the
indomitable Sheridan had been at work. As the morning
dawned he rode to the commanding general of the advanc¬
ing infantry and induced him to hasten his march to the aid
of the sorely pressed cavalry. And he came none too soon.
The Appomatox Campaign.
127
As soon as the infantry of Gibbon had occupied our Jine,
the cavalry moved off to the left Hank of the Confederate
army, making ready to charge. Scarcely had we arrived
at a commanding position, from which we could see the
entire army at our feet, than a flag of truce was reported
to be approaching. When it came to the front it was
directed to General Sheridan, who, after receiving it,
turned to ride to the town of Appomatox, where the Con¬
federate officer who sent the flag was awaiting him. On
O O
his way the General and his party were fired on and nar¬
rowly escaped with their lives. The commander of the
troops who were guilty of this attempt at murder on being
expostulated with, and told of the flag of truce, replied
that his men were South Carolinians and never surrendered.
Soon the same warlike command opened fire on the cavalry,
when we turned loose on them Pennington's Brigade armed
with repeating carbines, who soon put an end to their war¬
like demonstrations. General Sheridan, who had in the
meantime arrived where General Gordon had taken sta¬
tion, complained of this unsoldierly conduct, and gives this
account in his personal memoirs of the occurrence : "As
they. Generals Gordon and Wilcox of the Confederate
army, wished me to join them, I rode up with my stafl",
but we had hardly met when in front of Merritt firing
began. At the sound I turned to General Gordon,
who seemed embarrassed by the occurrence, and re¬
marked : ' General, your men fired on me as I was
coming over here and undoubtedly they are treating Merritt
128 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
and Custer the same way, we might as well let them fight it
out.' He replied, ' There must be some mistake.' I then
asked, • Why not send a staff officer and have your people
cease firing, they are violating the flag.' He answered, ' I
have no staff officer to send,' whereupon I said I would
let him have one of mine, and calling for Lieutenant
Vauderbilt Allen, I directed him to carry General Goi-don's
orders to General Geary, commanding a small brigade of
South Carolina cavalry, to discontinue firing. Allen
dashed off with the message and soon delivered it, but was
made a prisoner, Geary saying, ' I do not care for white
flags. South Carolinians never surrender.' By this time
Merritt's patience being exhausted, he ordered an attack
and this in short order put an end to General Geary's ' last
ditch ' absurdity and extricated Allen from his predica¬
ment."
LEE'S SURRENDER.
And now there is little more to tell. After disposing of
the Carolinians, who perhaps were only gratifying an
ambition to fire the last gun of the Rebellion as they had
the first, I rode to the town to learn how matters were
progressing. There I found Generals Sheridan, Ord and
Gibbon of our army and Gordon and Wilcox of the Con¬
federacy. Wilcox had been my instructor in infantry
tactics at West Point just before the war. We renewed
our acquaintance cordially but naturally he, as well as other
Confederates whom I had known in days before the war.
The Appomatox Carrpaign.
129
were more or less constrained. Some of the younger ones
were awkwardly loud in bemoaning their fate.
Soon the time agreed on for the cessation of hostilities
had passed and we separated not knowing but the battle
would be renewed, but word came later that the truce had
been extended and that Generals Grant and Lee were to
meet for the surrender. Then came the events with which
all are familiar, including the meeting in the house of
McLean where the surrender was consummated. While
this was progressing, a number of general and staff officers
were lounging in the yard of the house and on the porch,
when a staff officer of General Grant invited us to step to
the door and witness this great event in the history of the
war. Several of us entered the house and passed along
the hall to the door of the room where General Grant sat
writing out his proposition for the surrender. If there was
any expression of triumph in the face of the silent General
it could not be detected. He was firm and quiet in his
manner and there was present on his features, which have
since become so familiar to Americans, an expression of
refined sympathy, which generous soldiers must always feel
for a brave, though conquered foe.
General Lee sat near a small table, his left hand resting
on the hilt of his saber. His grey uniform coat was
buttoned to the chin. His face, partially covered by his
fast bleaching beard, was careworn and indicated deep and
troubled thought. Besides these two principal personages
there were present staff officers, some of whom were busily
9
130 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
writing. It was a picture never to be forgotten. After
taking in the scene we walked away from the room, silently
as people do leaving a cathedral during a solemn service.
Soon the fallen chief of the Confederate army emerged
from the house and beckoned for his horse, which had been
unbitted by the orderly and permitted to nibble the grass
in the yard. All the officers near arose and stood in
respectful silence. General Lee appeared utterly uncon¬
scious of everything about him. Gazing towards his army,
the camp of which could be plainly seen in the valley
below, he raised his arms nearly horizontal and smote the
palms of his hands together three times; then mounting
his horse, which was now ready, rode off towards his army,
and we saw him no more, forever.
The history of a quarter of a century has been recorded
since that eventful day, and many of the leaders of the
Civil War have been gathered to their fathers. The two
central figures of the surrender have both departed from
the stage : one with the nations of the world watching at
his bedside while he struggled with his labor of love, for
his family and his country, succumbing only when he had
finished his work. The other bowed his head silently to
the King of Terrors, surrendering as he had surrendered
at Appomatox, a chivalrous, knightly soldier, of whom
Americans may well be proud.
The student of history in reviewing the details of this
nine days' campaign, cannot fail to be impressed with the
part in it taken by Sheridan. With him absent, it is not
The Appomatox Campaign.
131
bard to see that Lee's army would have succeeded in
joining Johnson. Together they might have made it
desperate for Sherman. But it is not my purpose to
speculate as to this. History when completed will do
justice to all concerned. The names of Meade, Ord,
Crook, Custer, Devens, Mackenzie, Gibbs, all of whom
have " passed over the river to the green fields on the
other side " will appear on the brightest pages of the
story, but leading all will be the name of Sheridan — the
hard hitting, unyielding soldier, who without ceasing night
or day during this eventful campaign, directed the advance
with the skill of a master in the art of war and by
argument, entreaty, example and never-ceasing effort
induced the armies in rear to keep up to their work for the
accomplishment of the final catastrophe — the surrender of
the Army of Northern Virginia.
132
War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
A NIGHT WITH FAKRAGUT.
BY JOHN C. PARKER, LATE ACTG. VOL. LIEUT. U. S. N.
After the formal investment of Vicksburg by Gen. Grant
and Admiral Porter the objective point of operations on the
Lower Mississippi was Port Hudson. Like Vicksburg
its front was a bold range of bluffs, rising perpendicularly
from the river to a great height, and from its natural
advantages a very strong position.
The river at this point makes an abrupt bend which sub¬
jected the ship.s in passing to a most destructive fire, both
as they approached and after they had passed the works.
At the head of the bluffs Thompson's Creek made assault
by land impossible at that point, and at the lower end of
these bluffs an immense ravine formed a natural ditch,
which could without trouble be swept both by a direct and
enfilading fire.
Gen. Frank Gardiner, the Confederate commander, dis¬
played unusual skill in the construction of his works and
the fortifications which, commencing at Thompson's Creek
on his extreme left, were continuous until they reached the
crest of the bluff on the river front of his extreme right.
He thus maintained an unbroken zig-zag line of perhaps
A Night with Farragut.
133
four miles. There was no point in all of this line where an
assault could be delivered without subjecting the attacking
column to a galling cross fire. The importance to the
Confederates of keeping open the mouth of the Red River
is apparent, when you consider that up to this time
Louisiana and Texas had been but little disturbed by act¬
ive military operations and constituted the vast territory
that furnished cattle and provisions to the armies east of
the Mississippi. Cattle by the thousands were driven to
points on the Red River and then transported by steamers
to the banks of the Mississippi, where they were distri¬
buted to the armies in the field. It was to cut off these
supplies and to effect a junction with Admiral Porter, then
above Vicksburg, that Admiral Farragut attempted the
passage of Port Hudson with his wooden ships.
The passage of strongly fortified positions with wooden
ships was first successfully accomplished by the Admiral
in his famous encounter with Forts Jackson and St. Philip
below New Orleans, which event occurring in the early part
of 1862, gave us the mouths of the Mississippi and New
Orleans. There are many difficulties to overcome in forc¬
ing a passage of this sort that those not familiar with the
details would never take into consideration.
The stage of the river, the constantly changing channel,
and the formation of bars and natural obstructions that our
pilots could have no positive information of, rendered the
passage of heavy draught ships of the class of the Hartford
(ffag ship), Mississippi and Richmond most hazardous.
134 War Papera and Personal Reminiscences.
The danger from torpedoes was not insignificant and these
large vessels presenting as they did an immense target at
short range, received every well directed shot fired at them.
Water batteries are easily silenced in a fight of this sort,
as an entire broadside of grape or canister can be concen¬
trated on them and the works swept clean. To silence guns
mounted on the crest of a blufi" is quite another matter.
You can fight a water battery " point blank," and if you
can stand in close enough it simply becomes a question
of pluck and good practice. When, however, you are sub¬
jected to a fire from the crest of a bluff and are liable to
have a shot sent down through your decks and perhaps
through the ship's bottom — you are placed at a great
disadvantage and as your line of fire is simply the extreme
crest of the bluff, where the least inaccuracy in calculat¬
ing distance will send your shot wide of its mark, the
enemy have practically all the advantage. The main
object, of course, in attempting the passage is to get by, and
more attention is usually paid to accomplishing this result
than in stopping to fight. The smoke of the guns soon
renders it difficult for your pilot to see distinctly and to
overcome this difficulty Admiral Farragut always stationed
his pilot along with himself in the mizzentop of the
Hartford where he could see over the cloud of smoke and
by means of a speaking tube, direct the men at the wheel.
These preliminary remarks are perhaps necessary to
explain why the Admiral did not carry all of his ships
through at the battle of Port Hudson and why one was
A Night with Farragut.
135
lost and others disabled. He had but one ironclad in his
squadron — the " Essex " — the balance of his ships
being the old time wooden sloops and gunboats. He had
had up to this time but little experience in fighting with
ironclads and once remarked in the hearing of the writer
that he preferred " wooden ships but iron men " and he
certainly had them in his squadron.
The "Essex" had for several months prior to the
attack on Port Hudson held the river between that point
and New Orleans and was constantly under fire. She had
repeatedly drawn the fire of the enemy's guns at Port
Hudson and was thus enabled to give the Admiral much
valuable information regarding their number, position and
calibre.
In March, 1863, Gen. Banks, who had relieved Gen.
Butler of the command of the department of the Gulf,
sent direct to Baton Rouge, La., a brigade of infantry and
took possession of that point, it having been abandoned by
the Federal forces after the battle which had been fought
in August, 1862, between Gen. Breckenridge commanding
the Confederate army and Gen. Williams commanding the
Federal army. Baton Rouge having thus been taken
possession of became the base of operations against Port
Hudson and a considerable number of troops were massed
there.
A few days after the troops had disembarked Admiral
Farragut arrived with one wing of his squadron to prepare
for the combined attack that was to take place. The army
136 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
commanded by Gen. Banks in person was to move out of
Baton Eouge and take possession of a point a few miles
south of Port Hudson known as the Cross Boads; this
point was not far distant from the river and communica¬
tion with the fleet was easy.
After mature deliberation these commanding officers fully
consummated their plans. The army under Gen. Banks was
to halt at the Cross Roads until flnal communication
was had with the Admiral and the exact hour named by him
when he would attack. The army -took possession and
the Admiral named the hour when the passage would be
attempted. He had arranged to be under the enemy's
guns at 11 p. m. It was understood between these
commanding officers that the army would make a demon¬
stration on the works of the enemy in the rear
in order that a diversion of his forces might take place.
Gen. Banks, however, displayed his usual " masterly
inactivity " and the army remained at the Cross Roads
disengaged listeners of the battle that was fought.
The Admiral upon his arrival below Port Hudson, on the
morning of March 14th, 1863, brought his ships to an
anchor, and then with his flag-ship, the "Hartford,"
steamed up to take a look at the enemy's position, and to
acquaint himself with the location and weight of the guns
he was to flght. As he neared the " Essex," lying at
her anchorage below the lower battery, which position she
had maintained for several months prior to the arrival of
A Night with Farragut.
137
the Admiral, he made signal for her commanding officer to
repair on board.
The writer, then executive officer of the " Essex," had
during these months made the position and calibre of the
enemy's guns a constant study, and had prepared a sketch
of the works which gave their position, calibre and range.
Capt. Caldwell, of the "Essex," taking with him the
writer, soon joined the Admiral, who was standing on the
poop deck of the " Hartford." He was surrounded by a
group of officers, consisting of Captain Jenkins, his fleet
captain, Capt. Palmer, commanding the " Hartford,"
Lieut. J. Crittenden Watson, his flag lieutenant, and some
younger officers.
He was at this time in the full pride of his manhood,
and presented a perfect picture of an ideal sailor.
Kather undersized, his figure was faultless, and dressed
with the neatness and care customary in the navy, he
appeared much younger than he was. His smooth face
with its prominent features was as clearly cut as a cameo
in which was blended firmness with gentleness. He always
wore the regulation service cap, and his face as it lighted
with a smile when returning the salute of the officers from
the " Essex," made an indelible impression, a mental pho¬
tograph, which time has never effaced. Steaming ahead with
the ship's company at quarters, the Hartford soon began
to draw the enemy's fire, and the shot from the lower
battery began to reach her.
At this moment the Admiral was standing under the
138 IVar Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
mizzeii boom and a shot having struck the boom further
aft, threw a quantity of splinters over the younger officers
standing near. The Admiral, who was intently observing
the range of the guns as they opened upon the flag ship,
hastily turned his head as the shot struck, and noticing
the slight muscular movement, the mere dropping of the
shoulder, which is the result of a close call from a solid
shot, exclaimed, with a smile, " What ! are you youngsters
dodging?" The words were scarcely spoken, when a
round shot struck the boom square over his head.
Dropping his left shoulder a mere trifle and without
moving an inch from his position, he turned his head
towards the young officers aud said, " Gentlemen, bravery
is a mere question of pride, but it is some comfort to dodge
even as much as that," illustrating his remark by raising his
left hand and with the first finger of his right, measuring
perhaps the width of his finger nail While delivering this
dissertation upon bravery he seemed perfectly unconscious
of his surroundings.
Having satisfied himself as to the enemy's guns he
ordered the engines stopped; the "Hartford" drifting
slowly down the stream, came to an anchor ahead of the
balance of his ships. He now made signal for the com¬
manding officers to repair on board, and in a few moments
every gig in the fleet was alongside of the "Hartford."
The group of his captains as they assembled on the quarter¬
deck of the flag-ship, was a notable one. Every one of them
had followed his flag through the gauntlet of fire at the forts
A Night with Fai~ragut.
139
below New Orleans, and in that little group stood some of
the most gallant and accomplished captains in the Ameri¬
can navy. With Capt. Palmer of the " Hartford " stood
Capt. Smith of the " Mississippi," Capt. McKinstry of the
•'Monongahela," Capt. Alden of the "Richmond," Capt.
Macomb of the "Genessee," -Capt. Watters of the
" Kineo," Capt. Caldwell of the "Essex," Capt. Hart of
the " Albatross," and Capt. Johnson of the " Sachem."
The Admiral was a man of few words and his orders
were direct and to the point. It was a matter of perhaps
thirty minutes after he had met his captains that they left
the Hartford's side with a perfect understanding of what
was expected of them. His order of battle was as usual by
divisions and the ships were to be fought by twos, that is
each of the large ships had lashed to her port side one of
the smaller ones. The " Essex " with the Mortar Flo¬
tilla was to I'emain behind and in case the Admiral was
successful in forcing the passage to hold the river below.
The orders of the Admiral placed his fleet in this posi¬
tion. Ahead of the balance of the fleet and close in to
the left bank of the river upon which the enemy's works was
situated was the "Essex;" astern of the "Essex " but closer
to the bank was the Mortar Flotilla ; out in the stream a
considerable distance astern of the " Essex " came the
"Hartford" and the "Albatross," then came the
"Mississippi," then the "Richmond" and the "Genesee,"the
"Monongahela" and the "Kineo" with the "Sachem " in the
rear. At exactly six bells on the night of March 14, 1863, the
140 Wa7' Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
" Hartford " displayed a white light over the taffrail, which
was the signal to get under weigh, and with scarcely a word
spoken or a noise made, the ships commenced to steam up
the stream. The " Hartford " was of course in the lead.
The general who commands an army usually sends his
battalions into the fight and remains in position where he
can overlook the condition of affairs. An admiral always
takes his ships into the fight and is subjected to exactly the
same danger as the boy who supplies the powder to the
guns.
The signal corps of the enemy had not been idle and had
constructed upon the river bank opposite their largest
batteries immense piles of pine knots which upon being
lighted became bonfires, the light of which being thrown
directly across the river and on the ships as they passed,
made them an easy target for the gunners on the opposite
bluff. The orders of the Admiral to the " Essex " were
to steam slowly ahead but not to open fire until the " Hart¬
ford" was abreast of her. The batteries of the enemy were
silent and the ships as they came upward made so little
noise that the silence was death-like. It was indeed a calm
before a storm. As the " Hartford " neared the " Essex "
the signal corps of the enemy lighted their signals and fired
a rocket. The " Essex" then opened the fight with her for¬
ward battery and in a few moments the entire fleet was
engaged.
The " Hartford " being in the lead soon had the " Cit¬
adel " battery on her starboard quarter, and as she steamed
A Night with Farragut.
141
ahead was thrown in bold relief by the huge signal fire on
the west bank of the river.
She stood out with the bright background of fire-light,
as clear as a silhouette. On her poop deck stood a group
of oflScers while the Admiral was mounted in the mizzen
rigging, his pilot being above him in the mizzentop. At
this time there was no smoke to obstruct the vision and
every particle of her spars and rigging were visible. A
moment later, when she commenced to fire her broadside
guns, clouds of smoke enveloped her and she was lost to
sight.
The " Essex " by this time had reached a point abreast of
the lower batteries and kept up a constant fire from her
forward and broadside guns. The Mortar Flotilla in
response to the signal gun of the " Essex," had also
opened fire and bombarded the works coutinuonsly until
the close of the action. From the confusion in the line of
ships ahead it became evident that some serious trouble had
been encountered, and a few moments later the " Monon-
gahela " drifted by disabled by a shot which had struck her
stern post and which rendered her propeller useless. The
" Richmond " soon followed her, a torpedo had exploded
under her stern and a shot had cut her steam pipes. As
the ships drifted out of the fight and the smoke lifted
from over the water, the " Mississippi " was seen ashore
and disabled opposite the center of the enemy's works.
There she lay perfectly helpless, her port bow piled high
up on a reef that made out from the west bank of the
142 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
river, her broad decks and high sides presenting an im¬
mense target to the Confederate gunners and almost every
shot fired struck her. She was at this moment receiv¬
ing the concentrated fire of all of the enemy's guns,
except those of the lower battery, which were being
engaged by the "Essex." Seeing her helpless condition
the " Essex" steamed up to her relief, but nothing could
be done to save her. On her bridge stood her grand old
captain, Melancthon Smith with his executive ofllcer, Lieut.
Geo. Dewey, presenting as magnificent a picture of sublime
courage as ever was seeu. Every particle of her decks and
rigging were lighted up by the blaze of the signal fires and
the dead and wounded could be counted as they lay on her
deck. Every movement made on her decks could be seen
by the enemy on shore and Capt. Smith, finding it impossi¬
ble to work her off, reluctantly gave the order for her
destruction, and having lighted a fuze that was laid to her
magazine and setting fire to the berth deck at three points,
she was abandoned. With as much deliberation as though
the ship's company were at Sunday morning inspection the
boats pulled away from her port side and her wounded
were soon on board the " Essex." She carried a large
ship's company but those who had survived were soon taken
out of her. The dead were left on board and the flames
having spread caused her sides to warp which threw her
head oflT the reef where she had grounded, and being caught
by the current she turned her head down the stream,
straightened herself up and with her entire lower rigging a
A Night with Farragut.
143
blaze of fire passed down with the current. Her port broad¬
side which had not been engaged in the action was now
being discharged right and left into the «'Essex" and the
Mortar Flotilla, the fire having reached the vents of her
guns. Drifting slowly down the river she soon reached
the foot of Profits Island, where the fuze trained to her
magazine did its work, and with a terrible explosion she
went to her death. She was a grand old ship and it was a
strange combination of circumstances that should have
brought her into the river after which she was named to
find her grave.
She was Perry's flag-ship in the Japan expedition and
was first put into commission after the Mexican war.
The loss on board of the "Mississippi" was severe.
Out of a ship's company of two hundred and ninety-seven
she had in killed and missing, sixty-four. She made a
gallant fight as she lay helpless on the reef, having expended
two thousand and forty-seven pounds of powder and two
hundred and seventy-five shot, shell, and grape.
On the " Richmond," Lieut. Commander Cummiugs, the
executive officer, had a leg torn ofi" by a shot, which threw
him from the bridge to the deck. As he was being raised
up he exclaimed, " Quick, boys, pick me up, put a tourni¬
quet on my leg, send my letters to my wife and tell them
I fell in doing my duty." When told that the noise he
heard was the escape of steam and that the ship could no
longer stem the current, he said, " I would rather lose
the other leg than go back. Can nothing be done ; there is
144 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
a south wind, where are the sails?" He died on the 18th
of March, four days after the battle, universally regretted.
Nothins was seen of the Admiral after the casualties
before mentioned had occurred, he having succeeded in
running the gauntlet of fire, and with the " Hartford " and
"Albatross" had come to an anchor above Port Hudson.
For the first time in his career he had met with disaster.
He started with eight ships and.carried only two through, but
it was enough to accomplish his purpose as he closed the
mouth of Eed Kiver and thus cut off the enemy's source of
supplies. He was, of course, now above the batteries and
could have no positive information as to the fate of the
ships that failed to get through.
It was here that his greatness of character showed itself;
and the following extract from his report of the engage¬
ment is perhaps without a parallel in the annals of war :
" In conclusion I can only say that I know not how far I
am responsible for this sad affair, but I take it for granted
that as the flag-ship came safely through and saw the
others following, the disaster must have been caused by an
accidental shot disabling a vessel and that the others stopped
to assist her instead of coming through and letting one of
the gun boats take her down ; hut I have too high an
estimation of each and of every one of the officers com¬
manding these vessels to imagine for a single instant that
everything in their power was not done to insure success."
Admiral Farragut was the greatest naval commander that
we know. With a manhood born of fifty years service on the
A Night with Fairagut.
145
sea he was as gentle in his nature as a woman. He com¬
bined the chivalry of Bayard with the bravery of Cœur de
Leon, and his square blue pennant at the fore was to his
captains what the white plume of Navarre was to the
chivalry of France. He has answered the last call of grim
boatswain Death, but lives in the annals of fame as the
greatest naval captain that the world has known since
Nelson fell on the deck of the " Victory."
10
146
War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
WOUNDED AT FORT DONELSON.
BY BREVET LIEUT.-COL. JAS. O. CHURCHILL.
Hospital, S. W- Cor. 5th & Chestnut Sts., ^
St. Louis, Mo., April 10th, 1862. ^
My Dear Parents :
Mrs. Filley said in her last, that I would write at length,
as soon as I was strong enough, and give you full particu¬
lars of my present surroundings, and a description of what
had occurred to me since I wrote you from Fort Henry
about the 10th of February. In order to do this, it will
require a very long letter, and as Dr. Barnes will allow me
to write but a few moments each day, on account of my
weak physical condition, it will take several days to
complete it, consequently the letter will appear to be an
old one when you receive it. It might be called,
" Wounded on the field and in hospital."
I wrote on February 10th, that we would probably be
ordered to Fort Donelson, which is located on the Cumber¬
land, about twelve or fifteen miles from Fort Henry,
on the Tennessee river.
We received the anticipated marching orders on Tuesday
Wounded at Fort Donelson.
147
the 11th, early in the afternoon, and moved at 4 p.m.,
arriving in sight of the works on the afternoon of the 12th.
Lieut.-Col. T. E. G. Ransom had command of the
regiment (the 11th Illinois infantry). Col. W. H. L.
Wallace, being in command of our brigade, the 2nd in
McClernand's Division.
This brigade consisted of the 11th, 20th, 45th and 48th
Regiments of Dlinois infantry, 4th Illinois cavalry, and
Taylor's and McAllister's Illinois batteries. Col. Oglesby's,
the 1st brigade of our division, took the right of the line
of investment, and we took position on their left.
Our regiment was on the right of the brigade, and our
company ("A") on the right of the regiment, and next
to John A. Logan's regiment, the 31st Illinois, which was
on the left of Oglesby's brigade.
The weather was very cold, snowing much of the time.
We were allowed no fires, for fear of disclosing our posi¬
tion to the enemy, so we had to take our " hard tack "
without its almost necessary accompaniment, hot cofiee.
Some of the boys, however, went into a ravine to the
rear two or three times, and made several camp kettles,
with which many filled their canteens. We had no tents,
but they would have been of little use, as we were in line
of battle most of the time, night and day. We would lie
down in the snow, each man with his musket in hand, and
be instantly on our feet atRansom's oft repeated " fall in,"
as the picket fiiring became heavier and nearer.
Our sufferings from cold were very great, and the men
148 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
seemed to be in a half frozen state, and were anxious that
something should " turn up " to ameliorate or change their
condition.
On Friday afternoon the gunboats opened fire upon the
enemy's works. Quite often the balls would pass over our
heads with a piercing shriek, cutting off the tops of trees,
which fell upon and about us.
Shortly after daylight, on Saturday the 15th, the fighting
commenced in earnest, almost the entire army of the enemy
coming out on their left, and impetuously attacking
Oglesby's brigade and ours, with the intention of cutting
their way out on the Nashville Boad. About 11 o'clock
the 1st brigade (Oglesby's) got out of ammunition and
fell back. Logan's regiment was the last to go. At his
request we covered his retreat, by moving by the right flank
in his immediate front. I was quite near him much of
the time.
He is a brave soldier ; his eyes flashed like fire, and he
was continually yelling to his men to "Give it to 'em,"
As he fell back he was shot through the arm. Shortly
after Bansoin was shot in the shoulder.
My time was fully occupied in pulling the dead and
wounded back out of the way, and getting cartridges from
their boxes, and replenishing those of the men who were
fighting. They kept a good line, and not one attempted to
run away.
A very large man of our company by the name of
Thompson, told me that morning, when we saw the enemy
Wounded at Fort Donelson.
149
moving towai'ds us, that he had a premonition that he
would be the first man killed ; it proved true ; a half hour
after he was shot through the heart. The next man killed
was Corporal Cronemiller, who was shot through the fore¬
head, and fell back into my arms, the hot blood spurting
into my face. In short, I will state here, that between 7
a. m. and 12 m. our company had 10 killed and 23 wounded,
or 33 out of 57. Our regiment 330 killed and wounded
out of 452.
Eansom was absent not over five minutes to get his wound
dressed, during which time the regiment was commanded
by Maj. Ne vins.
Our brigade was ordered to retire shortly after Oglesby
had fallen back, but the aid sent to our regiment was killed
before reaching us. The ground was quite hilly, and we
did not see the other regiments on our left, when they
moved away. At about 11:30 the enemy's infantry closed
in on our flanks, and Forrest's cavalry moved around and
took position in our rear, and we were entirely surrounded.
My attention was first drawn to this by the fact that our
men were being shot in the back, and on looking to the
rear saw the cavalry and immediately notified Ransom, who
at the time, was near the right tiank of our rapidly short
ening line.
He at once ordered the regiment to " face to the rear
and charge cavalry," which we did on the run, he in
advance. Up to this time I had not been hit, although I
had received two balls through my coat, and one through
150 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
the left leg of my pants. When I had gone, I suppose,
about ICQ feet, I felt as though I was suddenly struck with
a leaden whip across the thighs, and was pitched headlong
into a hole. My company passed on over me ; I had been
struck in the left thigh, just below the hip, by a 72-calibre
(nearly 3-4 inch), musket ball, which flattened on the
bone, and came out nearly in front. This came from the
infantry on our left.
Of course I learned this afterwards, as I did not know at
this time with what, or exactly where, I had been hit. I
at once got up and followed on. Before reaching the cav¬
alry line I selected the point at which I would go through,
and when within ten feet of it, on turning my eyes to the
right, saw a cavalryman with his rifle pointed at, and
within six feet of me; I threw my revolver (which was in
my left hand), round, but before I got a " bead " on him,
he flred and I fell on, and among a pile of dead and
wounded. In falling, my right wrist struck a sharply
pointed stub, my hand opened and my sword flew beyond
reach. This time it was a '« minie " ball that had struck
me in the center of the right hip-socket from above,
splitting off the outer half, and passing down by the thigh
bone, fractured it four inches below the head, and lodged
above the knee. The sensation was the same as the first,
this time, as before, I could not tell in which hip or thigh
I had been hit.
I attempted to get up, but could only raise my head —
my hips and lower limbs were as of lead. In a moment
Wounded at Fort Dondson.
151
the enemy's infantry were passing over me, and in less than
five, only their stragglers could be seen. They commenced
robbing and tearing the clothing from the dead and
wounded. I remonstrated, and told them that it was not
in accordance with civilized warfare ; that there was no
objection to their stripping the dead, but the wounded
required all they had to keep them from freezing. The
stragglers of an army are usually the worst men in it, and
purposely fall to the rear to rob the dead and wounded. Its
general character should not be judged by them.
The dead and wounded were thick about me, within a
radius of 15 feet, I counted fifteen dead men, and a
number of wounded.
I saw two men near by stripping Sergt. Bellman, of my
company, who was dead. I asked them to bring me
something from his pocket; one of them brought and
handed me his pocket-comb, which I now have, aud will
give to his father as a memento when I see him.
The air was filled with the cries of the wounded, to
which it was pitiful to listen, some with boyish voices were
calling " Mother," others shrieking as though in great
agony, many groaning, and occasionally one swearing like
a Spanish trooper. Presently there came along three
Confederate surgeons, who commenced to examine the
wounded, selecting those they thought would live; who
were turned over to the ambulance corps, and taken off as
prisoners of war. They gave me a thorough examination,
after which I asked them what they proposed to do with
152 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
me. They told me my right hip and thigh were both
broken, that the blood was fast dripping from the left leg,
that it was no use to take me off, as I would " peg out "
long before morning. I had fallen between the legs of a
wounded man, my head resting on his stomach; they
dragged him from under me, and it fell to the ground in
the snow.
I told one of the surgeons that I would like to be taken
to the hospital. He appeared to be a very pleasant
gentleman. He said, " To tell you the truth, we haven't
the facilities to get our own men off. We are taking as
prisoners now ouly those of you we think will live. If I
can return and take you, I will."
A dead man lay at right angles to my position, his head
against my right side, and another so that his head was
against mine ; to avoid it, I had to turn my neck to the left.
The head of a third was against my left breast. This man
was not yet dead, groaning occasionally. I asked him
where he was wounded ; he was unable to reply. Seeing
blood on his coat, I reached over, and found, and put my
finger into a large bullet hole in the left breast.
I now felt a very severe cutting pain just above the hips;
on reaching down I found I was lying on a two inch limb
of a neighboring fallen tree, my body being suspended as
if over a swing rope about six inches from the ground.
Seeing several Confederates near by I called them ; they
came to me, when I told them I desired to be lifted from
the limb, and away from the dead man at my right, so I
Wounded at Fwt Donelson.
153
would not be obliged to turn my head to one side. The
head occupied nearly two inches of the space where mine
would be if lying straight. One man took hold of my head,
another my feet, and one my shoulders. The one at my
feet lifted them first, fully three feet high. 1 could feel
the broken thigh bone cutting its way through the muscles
below. I gave such a piercing shriek that he dropped my
legs as though frightened. I told them to try it again, and
to all lift together. The one at my hips lifted first this
time, and I felt the sharp cutting bone coming through the
flesh. I put my hand down and could feel the end just
under the skin. I gave another yell, with the same result
as before. Then I told them that would do, and they left
in the direction of Dover.
Sergt. John Lamb, of my company, came hobbling up
to me. He had been shot through the heel, and could walk
but slowly and with great pain. I told him he would
certainly be taken prisoner, as they were already gathering
them up ; whereupon he turned and started away, but was,
I have since learned, caught by the enemy, and taken to
Nashville. On looking to my left, I saw a Confederate
cavalry man riding toward the fort. I hailed him. He
rode up and asked what I would have. I told him I wanted
to see his gun ; that I had just been shot by the cavalry,
and would like to know what arm they used. He passed it
to me. On examination I found it to be a Colt's revolving
rifle, nearly new, of 56 calibre. He said his regiment was
armed with them, and liked them veiy much, and that they
154 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
were a very efíeotive weapon. I replied that I was satisfied
with their efficiency and was a sample of it, then thanked
him, and he rode away. He had scarcely left me, when I
heard heavy musket firing in the rear. It drew nearer me
by degrees, when suddenly I saw a large number of Con¬
federate infantry passing by, many directly over me. I
held up my hand, and none stepped on me. They were
immediately followed by the " blue coats." I heard a
voice say, " Hulloa, what is the matter with you?" On
looking up I recognized Lieut. Morgan Potts. I knew him
before the war. He ran on the Illinois Central Eailroad
as an express messenger between Dunleith and Blooming-
ton, Illinois. I asked him what troops these were. He
said the 8th Missouri, and 11th Indiana — that he was
a first lieutenant in the 8th, and in command of his company.
He asked me what he could do for me ; I told him nothing
now, but to go on with his company and stop when he came
back. The Confederates passed down the ravine below
me, and over the rise on the opposite side, near where our
regiment fought in the morning, formed at once in battle
line, and opened fire. The two Federal regiments not
being in an advantageous position for an engagement, fell
back past me — I judged by the firing about forty yards —
formed in line of battle, and the fight opened. The
♦' Kebs " fired low, and the bullets " sist " all around me,
but as I was not in condition to dodge, I had to take what
came. Several struck the log near me, and the splinters
flew in my face. This log was next to the soldier on
Wounded at Fort Donelson.
155
my left ; from "t came the limb that was giving me so
much pain and annoyance. It seemed as though the battle
lasted an hour, when both parties stopped firing, and the
enemy retired towards Dover. I could hear no noise now,
except the cries and groans of the wounded. Some of
those near by, I could individually recognize as they grew
fainter and fainter, and finally ceased altogether. The
soldier on my left had stopped groaning before the last
battle, and putting my hand on the forehead, found it was
cold. The heads of the other two felt like pieces of ice.
I was bare-headed, having lost my cap when I fell the first
time. I could feel that it was growing very cold ; judged
it must be 15 or 20 degrees below freezing; the trees
snapped, and the branches and twigs moved with a sharp,
crispy sound. Night had come, and I was evidently
between the respective picket lines. All hope of being
taken from the field vanished, and I was left to my reveries.
My mind was unusually active, and involuntarily ran to
subjects singularly appropriate to the surroundings. I
thought of the cold December battle of Hohenlinden, and
recited Thomas Campbell's poem on that subject, and
reviewed Napoleon's return from Moscow, and thought of
the sufferings of his soldiers and soliloquizing, said,
" Some of them lived, and why not I?"
I must have remained in this thoughtful mood fully two
hours, when I began to feel great pain, which was caused
by the limb upon which I was lying, apparently cutting
into my side and back. My head was resting against the
156 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
dead man's on my right, and was getting very cold. In
attempting to raise it, I found it fast ; my hair had frozen
in the snow, and to the ground. I worked my hand under
it, and by using my fingers as a lever, pried it out, and
turned my neck, so as to bring my head against the dead
man's shoulder on my left. I did not forget to change it
every few moments during the rest of the night, so it
would not freeze down again. I then got out my knife,
and bringing it across to my left side, tried to cut oflT the
limb. After cutting at it for nearly half an hour, I found
I had made no impression upon it. It was of very hard
half-seasoned oak, and my position was such that I could
but just reach it. I was now seized with an intolerable
thirst, and commenced reaching about me, and filling my
mouth with snow. Putting my hand under me, the central
part of my body being six inches from the ground, and
held up by the limb, I found the snow had been melted
under my hips by the hot blood, but now there were
several small icicles of it from my pants, which were like
boards, and the wounds had apparently frozen up. This
undoubtedly saved my life, otherwise I would probably
have bled to death.
In feeling back of my head for snow, I felt a metallic
substance. It proved to be a canteen filled with some¬
thing frozen solid ; it evidently belonged to the soldier who
was drawn from under me. I took it by the strap, and
pounded it against the log, reaching over the face of the
dead man at my left, until I had broken the contents in
Wounded at Fort Donelson.
157
pieces ; then taking my knife, I cut out one side of it ; when,
what should I find it to be, but frozen cofiee, and what
a feast I had. Ask any soldier what he prefers when worn
out after a long fatiguing march—he will answer, " hot
coffee," without sugar or milk to demoralize it. Mine was
cold, but good and strong, and I ate of it until the last
fragment was gone. This over I again relapsed into my
soliloquizing mood, and reviewed all that had occurred the
past twenty-four hours, which seemed to me as many days.
Then I thought of the remark of the Duke of Wellington
at Waterloo, at the anxious hour, when he said, " Would to
God that night or Blucher would come." With me it was
"Would to God that day, or any one would come."
During the night I would occasionally give a hearty yell,
to see if my voice was growing weaker, but strange as it
may appear, I could discern no change. Finally welcome
streaks of light began to appear in the east.
Shortly after daylight, private Madden, of Company
" B " of my regiment, came to me, and said he was hunt¬
ing the body of his Captain (Shaw). I knew where he
had fallen and directed him to the spot, and advised him
to leave at once, or he would be captured, as I expected
the enemy would be around shortly. He being alone
could do nothing for me. (J. H. Madden is now ( 1886),
a merchant at Danville, Illinois, and a colonel and A. D.
C. on the staff of Governor Oglesby.)
On raising my head, I saw our assistant-surgeon, O. G.
Hunt, looking about among the dead. I hailed him and
158 Wa7' Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
he said, "I have been hunting for you for some time;
supposed you were dead." He had a rubber canteen across
his shoulder, which he handed me. It was filled with
whisky, and I drank of it until he took it from me. He
told me the fort had just surrendered, which was grati¬
fying news. He then left me, and returned in a short
time with seven or eight men of my company, carrying a
camp cot. I gave them instructions how to lift me, which
they carried out to the letter, and laid me carefully on it,
putting a blanket over me, and one under my head, then
started with me for the river. It was now about 10 a. m.,
Sunday. I had been lying there since noon on Saturday,
or twenty-two hours.
After going about half a mile the cot was let down, the
blanket slowly drawn back, and a man leaned over and
kissed me. I immediately recognized First Lieutenant
Fields, of my company. It looks very silly for any man
to kiss another, but this was pardonable. It was a kiss of
true affection, and I might say, congratulation, that I had
been found alive, and it was so received and appreciated.
Poor fellow, how little we thought then I would outlive
bim. He was mortally wounded at Shiloh, and is probably
dead before this.
On arriving at the river it was found that the hospital
boats were full, and I was carried on board General Grant's
headquarter's boat, the "New Uncle Sam." My boots,
pants, and stiffly frozen clothing, were cut in pieces to get
them off; then my cot was carried aft, and set down
Wounded at Fort DoneUon.
159
beside that of Colonel John A. Logan, who had been
wounded in the arm, as before stated.
In a few moments General Grant's chief surgeon exam¬
ined my wounds, and told me he could do nothing for me,
as all the appliances, such as my case required, were in
use. Mrs. Logan came the next day, and was very atten¬
tive to every want, and did everything she could for us.
After remaining here about a week, General Grant directed
the hospital boat, " City of Memphis," which was leaving
for Cairo, to come alongside, so that I could be carried
on board. As they raised the front part of the cot
to their shoulders to take me evenly down the stair-way,
both sides broke in two, and my legs and body were thrown
into the shape of the letter V. I felt the sharply
fractured thigh bone, which the rigid muscles had drawn
nearly into the hip-socket, cut its way through the flesh
below. This, and the sudden bringing into action of
the lacerated muscular fibers, gave me most intense pain ;
I set my teeth together and said nothing. Another cot
was procured and I was placed upon it, and taken on
board the hospital boat, and my cot set down in the after-
cabin .
Soon after, the four surgeons in charge came to me and
made a thorough examination of my wounds, then stepped
to one side and held a consultation. In a short time they
came to me and stated that they did not all agree, but a
majority thought a hip amputation of the right leg was nec¬
essary, and the left thigh, one thought, should be amputated
160 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
at the " upper third," as he called it. I told them I should
decide with the minority, and that under no circumstances
would I consent to either. After another consultation, they
told me that if I would allow them to give me chloroform
they would not touch either. I told them to go ahead, and
they commenced to administer it, and shortly after I was
insensible. On awaking and looking at my watch, I found
I had been 2 1-2 hours under its influence. I was suffering
most intense pain in the right foot and leg —raising my head
I saw both had been tightly bound with bandages. A wooden
surgical appliance with hinges so it would conform to the
shape of the leg and body, extended from my right side
down to my foot, where it terminated in a flat wooden
shoe, which was bound to the foot.
Strong bandages extended downwardly from the upper
end, which were fastened around the thigh. This was to
prevent the broken bone from moving further upward, and
to bring it back, if possible, to its original position. It
was too weak an afiair for me, and did no good whatever.
A block and tackle was the only thing that would over¬
come the eight days' contraction of the large and rigid
muscles of the thigh.
I called a surgeon and told him he must take the ban¬
dages from my foot and the lower part of my leg, at once :
that they felt as though they were in fire; that my feet
and legs had been frozen, and were extremely tender.
After some persuasion he reluctantly did so. In about
four days we arrived at Cairo, and I was taken from the
Wounded at Fort Donelson.
161
hospital boat and placed on board the steamer " War
Easrle," which immediately left for St. Louis.
There were a large number of wounded Confederates on
board, and several Confederate surgeons. With one I be¬
came well acquainted; he sat by me much of the time, and
attended to my wants. He was an educated and intelligent
physician. I am sorry I have forgotten his name and
command.
The cotton began to work out from between the wooden
apparatus on my leg, and the jarring motion of the boat
caused the brass rivet-heads and hinges to make holes in
the flesh, which were extremely painful and annoying.
We finally, after just one week's journey on both boats,
arrived bere, and I was carried to this hospital. Shortly
after my arrival. Dr. John T. Hodgen, the surgeon in
charge, came to me and took off the wooden "trap," I
must call it, as it was of no use, except for torture, the ex¬
tension screw being broken. He remarked, " That is the
most murderous machine I ever saw on a man."
I was now placed on a bed and thoroughly examined.
My throat had been very sore for several days, caused by
exposure, and it was found to be ulcerated and swollen ; it
was feared it would soon develop into diphtheria. iMy
neck, throat and breast at once received a thick coating of
iodine. Two ten pound bags of sand were fastened to a
cord, which passed over a pulley in the foot-board — this
was fastened to my right foot. As a counter-extension, a
rope was passed between my legs, coming up over m}-
11
162 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
breast, and fastened to the head-board. A few days after,
to partially relieve the cutting of the rope, the foot of the
bed was raised 18 inches, by placing boxes under the legs.
Sand-bags were placed under my right leg and thigh and
one against the right hip, to press in the head of the thigh
bone, which was being forced out of the socket by the end
of the fractured bone, which was still being drawn up¬
wardly by the large muscles of the thigh ; the right knee
being nearly four inches above the left.
Two weeks had passed since I was wounded, and this was
the first proper treatment that I had received, owing to the
want of suitable surgical appliances. I pressed Dr. Hodgen
closely, as to the probable chances of my recovery. He
appeared to be very reluctant to talk about it, but upon my
assuring him, that any opinion he might express would not
affect me in the least, he said, "You are in a very preca¬
rious condition, and it all depends upon your constitution,
and your ability to bear up under the treatment." In ten
days he said he could give a more certain opinion. At the
expiration of that time, he told me the chances were favor¬
able for my recovery ; that my blood was in excellent
condition, and that there was no offensive smell to the
suppurations from the wounds.
My personal sufferings were now greater and more
numerous than ever. I had a continued burning sensation
in my feet; my left knee was swollen, very painful, and so
sensitive that I could not bear the weight of the sheet upon
it.
Wounded at Fort Donelson.
163
" Proud flesh " got into the wound in the left thigh, and
it became necessary for Dr. Barnes to burn it out often with
caustic, which was a painful operation. The rope between
my legs, with which I was fastened to the head of the bed, cut
through the skin, because of the continued strain of the 20
pounds of sand attached to my foot. The bullet hole in the
right hip closed up, and a large boil formed immediately
over the fracture of the thigh, through which the suppuration
passed. A bed-sore formed on my back, and I could feel the
dry back-boneforabouttwo inches. My throat was still sore,
and now, to add to my perplexities, a bone felon started on
the third finger of my left hand. I never had one before.
The only remedy I ever heard was walking the floor, and
holding up the hand, a remedy that I could not well apply
in my condition ; besides I had many other serious matters
that demanded too much attention to wholly devote my
mind to even a felon. However, any one who has ever had
one knows that " a good healthy one " can play a good
tune of itself on the " nerve-string," and beat its own time.
As night came on these various parts would organize
into a " nerve concert," which would commence, as Parson
Dexter used to say about prayer meeting, at " early candle
light." They would all pitch in high " C," and soon be
several octaves above, the felon trying to keep to the front,
but sometimes I thought the honors were divided among
o O
some of the other prominent parts, and often it was
impossible to judge which was in the lead. After an hour's
entertainment of this kind I would become quite restive
164 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
and nervous, and twist about a great deal ; then would get
my stick and tap on the floor for Tom, the nurse, who
was immediately on hand. Getting my pocket-book from
under my pillo vv, I would take out a dollar and say,
" Another glass of morphine, Tom;" he would quietly slip
out and bring it to me. It would deaden the sensitiveness
of the nerves so much that I would lie quietly for some
time. Drs. Hodgen or Barnes would discharge him at once
if they should find it out, as he has authority only to deal
out such medicines as are given him for each patient and at
the proper times. He had previously given me my allot¬
ment of liquid morphine. I do not recollect of having
closed my eyes, except on the hospital boat, while under
the influence of chloroform, from the time I was wounded
until I had been here fully ten days, or for about 24 days.
My first naps were but momentary, in which I would
have unnatural dreams that would terminate in a very
disagreeable manner. For example, I would be in battle
and charge to the mouth of a cannon, when it would fire
and I would be blown to pieces. One night I dreamed that
two officers came and sat by me ; by their shoulder-straps I
saw they were colonels. I swallowed them both and they
passed down and into my fractured leg, took out their
swords and commenced hewing their way out. At this
grand "finale" I would awake with such a start that I
would throw my whole body out of position. Dr. Hodgen
would come in the morning and say, " What have you been
up to ; look at your leg at an angle of 45 degrees ; how do
Wounded at Fort Donelson.
165
you expect it will ever join together?" He would then
move it back to its proper place, go to the foot of the bed
and " line me up," and say, " Don't you stir again for the
next 24 hours, if you ever want to leave here."
The amputating room is directly across the hall, aud the
poor wretches " holler " so you could hear them a block
while undergoing the ordeal. I asked Dr. Hodgen one day
why he didn't give them more chloroform—he said he
gave them all they required, and that they would sometimes
yell like an Indian when they didn't feel the operation at all.
The " dead room " is at the end of the hall, just beyond
my room. The dead are taken there and dressed for burial.
I can see them when they take the empty coffins by my
door which is nearly always open in the morning, and
when they return them with the bodies. The most taken
out in one day since I have been here, was 27. It runs
from 5 to 20 usually. An undertaker by the name of
Smithers has the burial contract. When we hear his
men coming down the hall we call it, " The charge of the
Smithers' Brigade," aud some one usually says, "Well, you
don't catch me to-day, old fellow."
Dr. Hodgen is considered one of the finest surgeons in
O O
the west; his mind is wholly bound up in his profession.
He looks upon a wounded man as a piece of mutilated
flesh and bone, and his duty is, with nature's assistance, to
place it back to its normal condition. The individuality
of the subject is wholly lost sight of.
Frequently surgeons are here from Paris, London and
16ß War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
other large European cities to examine into our methods
of treatment. He would often bring them to my room,
throw down the sheet, explain the character of my wounds,
and his treatment, without speaking or paying any atten¬
tion to me whatever. I felt very much humiliated, and
made up my mind to devise some means to stop it. In a
day or two the Doctor came in with two surgeons, who from
their conversation, I learned were from London. As they
turned to leave, I said, " Stop, gentlemen," and holding
out my hand, said, "Fifty cents a piece, if you please."
The visiting surgeons looked surprised, but the Doctor
seemed to take in the situation, and said " All right."
Every time since then he has always asked my permission,
which of course is granted with the greatest pleasure.
My attending surgeon is Dr. A. S. Barnes, who lias
charge of this ward, the third. He is a good physi¬
cian and surgeon, and very attentive to his duties ; visits
me x'egularly in the morning, and at such other times as I
may require his services.
There are two female attendants who administer stimu¬
lants to the patients as prescribed by Dr. Hodgen. Since
I have been here, I am required to take a glass of whisky,
alternating with wine, every two hours, from 6 a. m. until
6 p. m.; we have also a male day and night nurse.
There are many prominent Union people here. Among
those who come to see me and others in the hospital are
Mrs. Chauncey I. Filley, who, as you know, is very
kind, and often talks to me an hour at a time. She
Wounded at Port Donelson.
167
brought her husband to see me one Sunday morning. He
said it was the first time he was ever in a hospital. He
is a wholesale queensware merchant on Main street
here. Mrs. Cheever, a step-daughter of Mr. John How, a
prominent citizen, comes quite often and brings me
quail on toast and similar delicacies from a noted French
restauranter named Gunnedowns or something like it.
Mrs. Collier, an elderly lady, comes frequently. One day
she brought her boy Tom, a sprighly lad in his "teens."
He has since come in quite often. He likes to hear
war and sea stories, with which I entertain him, and
he reciprocates by telling me about St. Louis and her
people.
There are also three maiden ladies named Biddle,
from Philadelphia. I am informed they are grandnieces
of old Commodore Nicholas Biddle. They spend most of
their time here attending to the wants of the wounded.
Mr. George Wohlbrecht, a gentleman who kept a large
cigar store in Freeport, of whom I used to buy cigars,
learning I was in hospital here, sent his wife and two
daughters to see me. One of them comes now almost
daily, and brings me some dainty delicacy. He has
recently opened some kind of a German pleasure resort
here, I think called the Tivoli.
Most of these people also attend to the wants of the
Confederates. By the way, I had a Confederate captain
in my room for several days. He was without means, and
168 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
I gave him money and all the stationery and postage
stamps he required.
Friends in Freeport have written, that as soon as Dr.
Hodgen notifies me that I can be moved on a cot, they will
send for me, and have me taken up the river on a boat to
Dunleith, thence to Freeport, via. the Illinois Central
Railroad.
I am now the oldest patient here, but one, out of 600.
This one is a Confederate who was shot through the
stomach at the battie'of Wilson's Creek.
I shall probably not write again until I arrive at
Freeport.
Good bye,
Your loving Son,
James.
The Battle of Athens.
169
THE BATTLE OF ATHENS.
BY HON. GEO. W. McCRARY.
The battle of Athens was not in any sense a great battle,
and in comparison with many subsequent engagements, it
may have been deemed insignificant. It was, however,
among the first of the conflicts between Union and Confeder¬
ate forces upon the soil of Missouri, and was also among the
earliest engagements of the war of the Rebellion, having
been fought on the 5th day of August, 1861. I have been
unable to find in the published official " war records " any
account of this engagement, and this fact, among others,
has led to the preparation of this paper. The fact that at
this battle, the blood of Missouri and Iowa soldiers was shed
in the cause of the Union, is of itself enough to make it
our duty to preserve from oblivion the story of the struggle
and victory. But this is not all. The engagement viewed
in the light of the moral effect, and of the more substantial
results achieved, was by no meaus unimportant or insignifi¬
cant. Those of us who then resided in that immediate
vicinity well remember the feeling of relief with which we
heard that the rebel forces under Green had been defeated
and driven back in confusion from the Iowa border, and it
is difficult now to estimate the effect upon the gathering
170 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
hosts of rebellion in Northern Missouri. It was, as I have
stated, the first confiict in that part of the State, and the
result was awaited with intense anxiety by both the loyal
and disloyal. The latter were boastful and confident of
victory, and their surprise was only exceeded by their dis¬
appointment when they were informed of the cool bravery
of Moore and his men, who proved themselves more than a
match for their rebel foes.
Athens is a village of several hundred inhabitants situated
on the Des Moines river about twenty miles above itsmouth,
in Clark county, Missouri. The Des Moines river at that
point and from there to its month, is the dividing line between
Missouri and Iowa. Opposite to Athens on the Iowa side of
the river is the village of Croton, and twenty miles distant is
the city of Keokuk on the Mississippi river in Iowa, three
miles above the mouth of the Des Moines. Croton is a
point upon the Keokuk and Des Moines branch of the
Chicago, Rock Island & Pacific Railroad, and prior to the
battle a considerable quantity of military stores and pro¬
visions was known to have been stored at that place. In
the spring and early summer of 1861, Captain Nathaniel
Lyon, U. S. A., then commanding Jefferson Barracks at St.
Louis, gave permission to David Moore of Canton to raise
troops for the defense of Northeastern Missouri. I am not
advised as to Captain Lyon's jurisdiction in the premises,
and finding no oflScial record upon the subject, I am led to
think that possibly the organization was in a measure
voluntary ; a sort of spontaneous rising and coming together
The Battle of Athens.
171
of loyal men for the defense of themselves and the flag.
No doubt the gallant Lyon gave encouragement, and such
sanction as was possible under the circumstances, to the
movement. At all events, a large meeting was held at
Kahoka, in Clark county, some time, I think, in May, 1861,
at which it was determined to raise a regiment and equip
it as well as possible for the service above indicated, and
by the early part of June a force of seven hundred men
had been enrolled and sworn into the United States service
for three years, or during the war. David Moore was
chosen colonel. As soon as possible after the organization
was completed the command marched upon .¿Etna, Scotland
county, Missouri, where a rebel force was stationed, under
Major Schacklett. This force retreated before Moore, with
little resistance, and after hauling down the rebel flag and
hoisting the stars and stripes. Col. Moore and his command
proceeded to Athens, where they went into camp to await
supplies. While in this camp the men were subjected to
military discipline and drill until August 4th, when Col.
Moore said, in a letter I have lately received from him:
" My scouts who were kept many miles in the front,
reported the enemy advancing in strong force from the
direction of Edina under command of Martin E. Green,
colonel, and another force under Colonel Franklin, from
Lancaster county, Missouri."
Col. Moore's brief account of the fight is as follows : —
" The two rebel forces, variously estimated at from nine
to fifteen hundred men, formed a junction at or near .Etna,
172 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
Missouri, and camped in the Fox river timber about four
miles from Athens. A dispatch was sent to Keokuk noti¬
fying the citizens that the enemy was advancing in strong
force upon Athens, and in two hours two companies of the
City Eifles arrived under the command of the gallant
William W. Belknap. With this command came Hugh W.
E. Sample, John W. Noble and others, numbering upwards
of eighty men. Many who here fired their first shots at an
enemy, afterwards joined Iowa regiments and won immortal
honors on many great battle fields for the Union and
freedom.
" During the night of the 4th, the line of sentinels was
often visited by grand-rounds and instructed in their duty.
At sunrise on the morning of August the 5th, the advance
mounted pickets were driven in, the long roll was beat to
arms and in one minute a line of battle was formed and
told off in groups of forty men. Each of my commands
numbered three hundred and thirty-three in line. Green
opened two pieces of artillery upon our center. The right
of his line was touching the river upon my left and his left
touched the river upon my right. Maj. Schacklet, with
his battalion was on Green's right with their flank
opposite the Iowa boys on the other side of the river.
When the artillery opened, my mounted horsemen filed
across the river, and Captain Spellman, with his company,
also crossed with his colors flying ; but Captain Small and
his company stood just where they were posted. Nearly all
the enemy's cannon shot flew over our heads. The women
The Battle of Athenn
173
and children of the village were sent to a big mill under a
steep bluff, where they were sheltered from the fire of the
enemy ; and the prisoners were sent under a strong guard
to Croton, opposite Athens. The firing soon became
general on the whole line. They were armed with shot-guns
and squirrel rifles, which were no match for our improved
muskets. The fight had lasted nearly two hours, when
those posted on the right and left were ordered by me to
stand fast and the center to fix bayonets and move forward
in common time. The men, however, soon broke into a
charge, and the enemy fled in every direction from th
field."
Colonel Moore states that the number killed and wounded
of the enemy was estimated at thirty-one and over, and
that the killed and wounded in his command numbered
twenty-three. He also says, " As the fruits of the victory
we captured many prisoners, four hundred and fifty horses,
saddles and bridles complete, hundreds of arms and a
wagon load of long knives with which they expected to
fight the infantry."
Speaking of the rebel commander in this early engage¬
ment, Col. Moore says: " General Martin E. Green was a
brother to Senator James S. Green, and was afterwards
killed on the works before Vicksburg, Mississippi. He
was not a brilliant man like his brother, but was regarded
as a very worthy citizen of Lewis county, Missouri. He
had no knowledge of tactics or military evolutions, yet
many of his command who remained in the service became
174 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
good soldiers." The purpose of Green's attack upon
Athens was believed to be primarily, to defeat and disperse
Moore's command and thus establish the supremacy of the
rebel cause in that portion of Northern Missouri, and sec¬
ondarily to cross the Des Moines river, invade Iowa and
capture the supplies then stored at Croton. And many
believed that the programme included, in case these points
was successfully accomplished an attack on the city of
Keokuk.
Immediately after the battle. Colonel Moore, with
his command, started in pursuit of the rebel forces.
Later he was joined by other troops under the command
of Generals Pope and Hurlbut. Green's command was
pursued by these troops for many days, but could not
be brought to an engagement. His forces sometimes
numbered as high as three or four thousand men, but they
would disperse when about to be attacked and re-assemble
later at another place. Moore's victory at Athens seems
to have greatly demoralized them. If Moore had been
ilefeated, it is easy to see that the results to the Union
cause might have been almost equally disastrous.
It seems proper that I should conclude this paper with a
brief sketch of the gallant soldier who commanded the little
Union army and won this first Union victory on a battle
field in the State of Missouri. Colonel, now General
David Moore, who so gallantly and ably defended Athens,
is still a resident of this State, residing at Canton, in
Lewis county. His regiment became the 21st Missouri
The Battle of Athens.
175
Infantry and did gallant service in Missouri so long as war
was flagrant within her borders, and afterwards went
South with the Union armies. General Moore greatly
distinguished himself at the sanguinary battle of Shiloh
where he served under Prentiss, under whose orders he,
with his gallant regiment, met, and for a time checked the
impetuous attack of the Confederate forces under Hardee.
While gallantly leading his men in this fierce struggle,
which has become historic, he fell, severely wounded, and
was carried from the field to suffer the amputation of a leg.
His own report of his part in this engagement is brief and
characteristically modest, thus illustrating the fact that
courage and modesty are qualities often combined in the
same person; but his superior oflîcers speak in high praises
of his gallantry and skill. General Prentiss says: "Col.
David Moore is entitled to special mention." And Col.
Quinn, of the 12th Michigan, who that day commanded the
6th Division, says: " It is no more than just that favor¬
able mention should be made of Col. Moore, of the
21st Missouri, who fell badly wounded while bravely
leading his men on, early in the day." Having lost
a leg in this battle, it might have been expected that
he would retire from active service. But not so. After
he had recovered and obtained an artificial limb, he
raised the 51st Missouri Kegiment and was for some time
in command of the post of St. Louis, aud first Sub-division
of the State. He took an active part in subsequent cam¬
paigns in the South, commanding for a time the 1st Brigade,
176 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
3d Division, and afterwards the 3d Division, 16th Army Corps
under General A. J. Smith. He was three times wounded
and had two horses killed under him. It is not too much to
say that this maimed and battle-scarred veteran deserves
to be honored by the people of the entire Union, and
especially by those of this State. He had served in the
Mexican war as captain of the 3d Ohio regiment under
Col. Samuel R. Curtis, Capt. James M. Love, now judge
of the United States District Court in Iowa, commanding
a company in the same regiment.
This sketch of the battle of Athens, and of the Union
commander in that fight, is, I am well aware, exceedingly
imperfect. It is, however, submitted for what it is worth,
and the hope is expressed that some one better qualified
and having better opportunities, will undertake the duty of
gathering the details and placing upon record a more
complete account of the engagement.
The Last Battle of the War.
177
THE LAST BATTLE OF THE WAR — RECOLLEC¬
TIONS OF THE MOBILE CAMPAIGN.
Br BKEVET COLONEL CHAS. S. HILLS.
The month of February, 1865, saw Canby's army
forming at New Orleans, preparatory to its movement
against Mobile. Sherman had cut loose from Atlanta
and was already far north of Savannah. Grant was press¬
ing Lee in front and flank at Richmond. Hood with the
remnants of a badly beaten and demoralized army was
being gathered in at Meridian, Selma and Mobile. Price
on the west of the Mississippi had fled with the little that
Pleasanton left of him, into Western Arkansas and the
Indian Nation, too weak to be again aggressive, and too
far removed from the objective points to be worthy of
attention. Thomas' army in Tennessee, and Steel's com¬
mand in Eastern Arkansas were now available for a new
campaign. Forts Morgan, Gaines and Powell, at the en¬
trance of Mobile Bay, had fallen the August before under
the combined attack of Farragut's fleet and Gordon Gran¬
ger's land forces, but the city of Mobile with its almost
impregnable fortifications, both shores of Mobile Bay above
the mouth of Fish river, and in fact nearly all of Alabama
12
178 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
with portions of Louisiana, Mississippi, Florida and Georgia
were still in the hands of the enemy.
This was now to have the attention of the army under
Canby. Steele with most of his old Arkansas command and
detachments, taken up from along the river, were gathered
into camp above New Orleans. A. J. Smith's 16th Army
corps that came up from Ked river in time to chase Price's
mounted infantry all over Missouri, fight the battle of Nash¬
ville and drive Forrest's cavalry to the Tennessee river,
reached Eastport, Mississippi, in time to catch the steamers
for New Orleans. With five thousand of Wilson's cavalry
that accompanied them they disembarked and went into
camp below New Orleans ou the 21st of February. My
regiment, 10th Kansas Veteran infantry, was a part of the
Sixteenth corps. On March 7th we shipped for Dauphine
Island, at the mouth of Mobile Bay, and arrived there on
the 8th. Two divisions of the Thirteenth corps and two or
three thousand heavy artillery and cavalry were in camp on
the island and on Mobile Point across the channel ; a total
force of about thirty-two thousand. Steele had already
gone to Pensacola Bay with some thirteen thousand efiect-
ives. Admiral Thatcher had a fleet of four monitors, five
or six ironclads and a half dozen or more tinclads in the
Bay. Wilson with fifteen thousand cavalry and artillery
had just crossed the Tennessee and was moving southeast
in the direction of Selma, the primary object being to pre¬
vent a concentration of Forrest's and other Alabama forces
in Canby's rear at Mobile.
The Last Battle of the War.
179
On the 20th of March we crossed the Bay in river
transports and tinclads, entered Fish river on the east
shore of the Bay and steamed up this narrow and crooked
river to Danley's Mills, thirty-five miles from Fort Gaines,
where we landed and threw up a line of earth-works.
Here we remained four days waiting the arrival of the
Thirteenth corps and the wagon trains that were coming
up over the swampy land route.
Steele left Pensacola the day we left Dauphine Island
and was marching north, parallel with us, some forty miles
to the east. On March 25th, the Thirteenth corps having
arrived, the movement commenced in the direction of
Spanish Fort, meeting considerable resistance from the
enemy. On the 26th my regiment was given the advance,
deploying as a skirmish line nearly a mile in length. The
country was covered with heavy pine trees and the soil at
times marshy, offering splendid opportunities for our
skirmishers. The enemy's cavalry in our front kept up
a continual fusillade and madefan occasional stand when
the ground was favorable, but a wheel from one of our
wings always forced them out. We drove the enemy
eleven miles this day, the men loading at one tree and
running to the next to fire and loadjagain, and though in
range of the cavalry carbines from daylight until dark, my
loss was only two men wounded. When within three miles
of the main works of Spanish Fort our division, Garrard's,
took the right fork of the road to Sibley's Mills to take
care of Cockrell who had crossed the bridge over Minette
180 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
Bay, and burned it and was now in position on the Blakely
Road. That night General A. J. Smith with Carr's and
McArthur's divisions of his corps and the two divisions and
a brigade of the Thirteenth corps, General Granger,
closed in on Spanish Fort.
Old Spanish Fort proper was situated on the bluff
overlooking the bay and directly opposite Mobile. It was
supported on the water side by Forts Huger and Tracy,
and protected by Forts McDermett and a long semi-circular
line of earth-works on its land side in its rear. This was
Canby's point of attack, while Thatcher's fleet operated
from the bay in front.
On the 27th Canby pushed his line to within six or eight
hundred yards of the enemy's main line of earth-works. It
was generally supposed that he would follow this movement
up immediately by an assault, but his leanings in the
direction of engineer work were so strong that he decided
upon a siege.
On the 28th, every available man including our division
that was holding Cockrell at Sibley's Mills, was put to
work making gabions and fascines, filling sand bags and
digging parallels and approaches, so that at the end of
three days over two miles of earth-works with heavy
revetments and bomb proofs had been constructed. Heavy
guns and other appliances for a regular siege were brought
up from Forts Morgan and Gaines. The succeeding days
to April 8th, saw little more than artillery duels and
skirmishes from the advanced lines, with occasional sorties
The Last Battle of the War.
181
from the forts, except the incessant digging and timbering
of the working parties.
In the meantime, Cockrell's rear was so threatened by
Steele, who was moving from Pollard towards the bay,
that he fell back towards Blakely, followed by Garrard's
division, with my regiment in advance deployed as skir¬
mishers. On April 2d, we formed a junction with Steele
and together forced Cockrell into his main works at
Blakely. These works extended nearly across the bend in
the Apalachee river opposite the mouth of the Tensas, a
continuous and complete line of fortifications about two
and a half miles in length, connecting nine redoubts with
six to eight embrasures each. A ditch twelve feet wide
and six deep extended along the base of the outer slope.
In fi'ont of the ditch were two lines of abattis, and beyond
for more than a thousand yards the heavy timber had been
felled and telegraph wire woven among the limbs. Tor¬
pedoes were thickly planted in the earth with wires
connecting, which when touched with the foot exploded a
dozen or more of these infernal sand-bombs. Beyond
these were the rifle-pits.
After dark of the first night of the investment an
advance was made, the men deployed as skirmishers, each
man carrying a spade in addition to his ordinary accoutre¬
ments. Three hundred running paces having been counted
by each, they began sinking themselves in the sand at a
lively gait, the fire from the enemy's rifle-pits accelerating
their movements astonishingly. In less than five minutes
182 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
they had all buried themselves, and before morning by
digging to the right and left, had met their neighbors and
completed the first parallel, the approaches having been
run to them in the meantime by working parties.
Spanish Fort and Blakely, the only shore defenses on the
east side of the bay, were now completely invested from the
land side, though both communicated with Mobile and each
other by the marshes, the river and the bay. The two
besieging forces were nearly five miles apart but in easy
communication by land and the ponton bridge over
Minette Bay. The fleet had cleared the channel of
torpedoes as far as Stark's landing, where Canby's supply
station was established, and some of the lighter draught
gun-boats had come up within easy shelling distance of
Spanish Fort, but the shallow water, the torpedoes and
rows of piles near Huger, made it impossible for them to
pass the fort and isolate it from Mobile and Blakely as was
intended. This was an investment that did not invest.
The same with Blakely, but the two garrisons saw fit to
remain and so long as they did, we regarded them as
largely ours.
Siege work was a new experience to most of us and we
enjoyed it, and besides we felt that the rebels in our front
were not altogether lonesome. The weather was fine, our
rations ample and we slept in our bomb-proofs when we
did sleep, out of the reach of the big shells (our men
called them camp kettles), which the rebel gun-boats
tossed over to us.
The Last Battle of the War.
183
The amount of digging and timbering done was enor¬
mous, no less than twelve miles of parallels and approaches,
many of the latter with bomb-proof coverings and of
dimensions sufficiently large to admit artillery, and revet¬
ments for afhundred guns, were constructed in front of
Spanish Fort, while at Blakely but little less was done.
The opposing rifle-pits and our outer parallels were no
more than eighty yards apart, and it is no wonder that
some of our Missourians scraped up an acquaintance with
some of Cockrell's Missourians. This led to quiet little
truces, when the muskets would be left in the trenches and
the blue and grey meet each other socially, half way, to
swap lies for ten minutes, and at other times trade coffee
for a Mobile paper and a plug of tobacco. When the truce
was ended and both sides started back to their works, the
Eebs would call out : " Say, Yanks, if you all git in first,
don't shoot till we uns git in." Nor did they; but woe to
the head that showed itself a half minute after. It was
thought a good joke to put a hat on a ramrod and lift it
three or four inches above the head-log to be riddled with
bullets, then waive the hat over the log and yell. At one
place, a hundred feet in front of our line and parallel with
it, lay a large pine log. One day a daring Reb was dis¬
covered by Corporal Tracy, peering over this log, but the
Reb ducked his head in time to save it,and refused to show
it again. The corporal watched for him, until, becoming
disgusted, he slipped over our works and crawled up to the
log, reached over and grappled him. It was a lively
184 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
tussle, but Tracy being the stronger man, brought the
Johnny over the log and into the works, making a breast¬
work of him as he dragged him in.
It was now nearly two weeks since the siege of Spanish
Fort began, and though there were no indications that the
enemy's works had suffered beyond repair, it was plainly
evident that the garrison was so worn and tired that it
could hold out but litttle longer. Canby probably had
now determined upon an assault along his entire front.
The batteries that had been unusually quiet all day of
April 8th, opened a simultaneous fire from their hundred
guns an hour before sunset, and kept it up unremittingly
until after dark. The fifty guns of the fort and the
redoubts, and the guns of Huger and Tracy replied, while
our fieet joined in the contest from the bay. Scarcely less
than two hundred guns, from one-hundred pounder rifles
and ten inch mortars and columbiads, down to field guns,
rained shot and shell for more than two hours. Early in
the bombardment General Carr, who occupied the extreme
right, made an advance, forced the enemy's pickets back
to their main works, and assaulted and carried them, cap¬
turing nearly all the officers and men in his front. It was
now dark and the surroundings unknown to the assailants.
The garrison made a determined effort to recover the lost
ground, throwing a heavy force of infantry against Carr's
line, but without success. With their left broken and the
whole line exposed to a flank movement, the remainder of
the garrison spiked their guns and under cover of the night
The Last Battle of the War.
185
escaped to Blakely and Mobile, leaving, however, in their
haste, nearly all of their pickets who were made prisoners
before midnight.
The next morning, April 9th, several of the heavy field
batteries came up from Spanish Fort to Blakely and took
positions in rear of our line. By ten o'clock orders for an
assault were given and regiments assigned their positions.
In Garrard's division of A. J. Smith's corps the movement
was to be made in three lines, and each from the corre¬
sponding parallels. This division occupied the left, and it
was on the extreme left of its line that the assault was to
commence. At 5:30 the last skirmisher on the left was to
leap over his works and run over the enemy's rifle-pits and
on to the ravine that lay midway between our line and
the enemy's works. He was to be instantly followed by
the man on his right and so on through the entire line,
giving it a direct front movement with right retired. This
was to be observed in general by the main line, the left
striking the enemy's works first, which if successful, would
develop into a flank and front movement combined, each
re-enforcing the other at every moment. Veatch's, An¬
drew's and Hawkins.' divisions of Steele's command were
on the right and were to immediately follow Garrard.
There was a space of more than a hundred yards between
Garrard and Veatch, but this was to be covered by an
expansion of Garrard's line as the movement progressed.
Rinaker's advanced parallel was within four hundred
yards of the enemy's right at redoubt No. 9, Harris', five
186 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
hundred yards from redoubt No. 8, and Gilbert's, five hun¬
dred and fifty yards from redoubt No. 7. Kedoubt No. 6
was opposite the open space on Veatch's left, and with No.
7, was to fall to Gilbert's brigade. The other five redoubts
were in front of Steele. At one p. m. the regiments
assigned to the skirmish line received orders to take posi¬
tions in the advanced parallel. This was done through the
zig-zag approaches without attracting the attention of the
enemy. It was not, strictly speaking, a skirmish line as
taught in the books, but rather a single rank with liberal
spaces for each man to act freely, and well adapted to a
rapid movement through the obstructions that lay in their
front, and strong enough to do efficient work. The One
Hundred and Nineteenth Illinois took the advance of Kina-
ker's brigade; the Eleventh Wisconsin Harris' ; the Tenth
Kansas and Company B of the Twenty-seventh Iowa, Gil¬
bert's. During the afternoon the main line and reserves
were all in position, and at 5 p. m. the batteries opened
a rapid fire which was met by a corresponding fire from the
enemy's works. At 5 :30 p. m. the assault commenced
from our advanced line on Garrard's left, and in less than
five minutes had extended to his right. The main line and
reserves soon followed. Both of Steele's lines went over
their works soon after Garrard's main line and the assault
became general. The advanced line in Garrard's front had
passed the enemy's rifle-pits with no opposition but a
volley from the sharp-shooters inside, and pressed on down
to the ravine that lay in their front. At this point the fire
The Leist Battle of the War.
187
from the forts was most severe ; gi'ape shot, canister and
shrapnel from the artillery, and at some points the minie
balls of the infantry poured into the ravine like a storm of
hail. The bugles that had just sounded a "halt," rang
out in the next breath a "charge." It was now the
enemy's main works or nothing. It was no quick-step nor
double-quick, but a run, that this line took, climbing over
the fallen trees, opening gaps in the meshes of the telegraph
wires and tearing away or leaping over the lines of
abattis. Artillery and musketry swept them in the face,
and sand-bombs burst from under their feet. At last the
ditch was reached. It was wide and deep, and from its
inner side rose the high sloping walls of the fort's breast¬
works. Behind these the garrison's infantry poured a
galling fire from the loop-holes, and the heavy siege-guns
rained grape from the embrasures. Some leaped the
ditch and climbed the parapets, others found bridges that
had not been drawn in, and others crossed on a single plank
and crawled through the embrasures while the guns were
being run back and loaded. Once inside they turned to the
right and swept down the line with fixed bayonets, doubling
up the enemy's flank, driving his men into the angles of
the forts where they surreudered by hundreds. Our flags
were now flying from four redoubts. Part of Garrard's
main line had reached the works. Hawkins', Andrews' and
Veatch's divisions carried the enemy's left up to redoubt
No. 5 soon after, Gilbert's brigade having pushed that far
down the line before Veatch's left had broken through.
188 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
Detachments that were hurried to the river captured most
of the enemy that sought to escape on the gun-boats. One
ironclad that was backing out and was a hundred feet
from the shore, fairly surrendered to the Tenth Kansas,
but finding that she could not be boarded that far out in
the stream, reconsidered her hasty action and steamed off
towards Mobile and escaped.
The siege of Blakely was now at an end. It had lasted
just a week and had been successful from every point. The
entire garrison numbering nearly four thousand, with forty
to fifty pieces of heavy artillery and all the small arms and
supplies, fell into our hands. Generals Lidell, Cockrell
and Thomas were among the prisoners.
Forts Huger and Tracy with no reason beyond showing
their indomitable pluck, held out against the combined fire
of the fieet and land batteries until the night of the 11th
of April, when the two garrisons quietly withdrew by
orders from General Maury to join in the evacuation and
retreat from Mobile. The enemy's fleet escaped the same
night up the Alabama and Tombigbee rivers, but event¬
ually surrendered to Rear-Admiral Thatcher without
battle. The mayor of Mobile, when abandoned by the
military force that had controlled the city for four years,
delivered it and its defenses, with four hundred heavy guns
and all the military stores, to General Granger and Bear-
Admiral Thatcher.
The campaign was well planned, and in general, well
executed and with but small loss. The fleet was
The Last Battle of the War.
189
unfortunate in having to combat the most practical and
thorough torpedo system in the world, and in waters
admirably adapted to their uses for both offensive and
defensive operations. Eight vessels were sunk by these
submarine batteries, while they held most of the
remainder of the fleet at bay outside the Blakely bar.
The land forces could hardly have established themselves
at Spanish Fort and Blakely, unaided by the fleet, and
certainly could not have maintained themselves there
through the two weeks' siege, without its co-operation ;
nor is it probable that forts Huger and Tracy would have
yielded to the land batteries alone.
It was thought by some that a heavy cavalry force
should have been thrown across the rivers above the head
of the bay, to cut off and capture the Mobile garrison
should they evacuate ; but these rivers were patrolled by the
enemy's gun-hoats, which would have made the ponton
crossings hazardous if not impossible. That a large por¬
tion of the garrison of Spanish Fort escaped under cover
of the night is probably due to the late hour of the bom¬
bardment, and assault by Can's division. Had both the
bombardment and assault occurred earlier iu the day, Carr
would have swept clear through the works, capturing
everything, or if any escaped, they would have been shelled
back by the Bay Minette batteries. That the entire
Blakely garrison was captured was due to their own
stupidity, as it was almost absolutely certain that the
190 fVar Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
besiegers would assault and carry the works the day after
the fall of Spanish Fort.
The campaign was closed, and the great drama of four
years was closing with it. Canby's army and Thatcher's
fleet had fired their last shots at Blakely and Fort Huger.
The Thirteenth Corps was distributed along the gulf and
Southern Alabama. The fleet remained in Mobile bay
and its rivers, and the Sixteenth Corps marched to Mont¬
gomery and soon after was disbanded. The war was over.
The Sinking Creek Valley Raid.
191
THE SINKING CREEK VALLEY RAID.
BY BREVET MAJ.-GEN. WM. H. POWELL.
Under President Lincoln's call of July 22d, 1861, the
organization of a cavalry regiment was effected at Ironton,
Ohio, during the months of August and September
following.
Recruited very largely in the counties of Scioto, Jack¬
son, Lawrence, Vinton, Morgan, Meigs, Putnam, Gallia
and Washington.
When ready for muster and commission, application was
made to Governor Dennison, of Ohio, and declined on the
plea, that the Secretary of War, Simon Cameron, had
ordered the governors of all the loyal* States to decline the
acceptance of any new cavalry regiments, and to muster
all cavalry in excess of forty regiments out of service.
Whereupon application was made to F. H. Pierpoint,
then provisional governor of that portion of Virginia now
known as the State of West Virginia, who, under the
authority of the war department, accepted, commissioned
and mustered the organization proffered as the Second
Regiment Loyal Virginia cavalry, into the volunteer
service of the United States at Parkersburg, Va.,
192 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
November 8, 1861. The State of West Virginia was not
admitted into the Union until June 20, 1863.
The writer enlisted as a private soldier in August, 1861,
and recruited a full company in Lawrence County, Ohio,
many of whom were employes in the Lawrence Iron Works
of which he was the general manager and financier, and
was elected and mustered as captain of Company " B,"
in said regiment. Serving in said rank until June 25,
1862, at which date he was promoted to the rank of major
in his regiment for gallant conduct in the battle of
Jennett's Creek, in eastern Kentucky, January 7, 1862.
Having completed our campaign work of 1862 as was
supposed, and enjoying our winter quarters at Camp Piatt,
on the bank of the Kanawha river about 12 miles above
Charleston, now the capital of West Virginia, much to the
surprise and gratification of the boys, they were in the
saddle and on the road, in obedience to the following
order :
<' Headquarters Kanawha Division,
" Charleston, Kanawha Co., Va.
" November 23, 1862.
" Special Order No.
" Col. Jno. C. Paxton, Commanding the 2d Eegiment
Loyal Va. Cav., will proceed with all the serviceable men
of his regiment to-morrow morning, Nov. 24th, to Cold
Knob Mountain in Greenbrier County, Va., via the Sum-
merville and Lewisburg road, leaving the Kanawha river
The Siriking Creek Valley Raid.
193
route at Canneltoii. On Cold Knob Mountain you will
overtake Col. P. H. Lane, commanding the 11th O. V. I.,
ordered to that point to reenforce your command. From
which position you will proceed against the camps of the
14th Rebel Va., cavalr}' regiment, located in the Sinking
Creek Valley, some two miles apart, in winter quarters,
recruiting. Break up the Organization if possible.
" Geo. Crook,
" Commanding Kanawha Division."
En route for Cold Knob Mountain, at which point,
the command is to be re-enforced by the 11th O. V. I., Col.
P. H. Lane commanding, from which point the movement
against the 14th Rebel Va. cavalry regiment, then in
winter quarters, recruiting, occupying two separate camps,
one in the Sinking Creek Valley, the other some two miles
west, near Williamsburg, both in Greenbriar county,
twelve miles west of Lewi.sburg, is to be made.
Leaving the Kanawha river valley route, at Cannelton, to
avoid suspicion as to the objective point of operation,
the column proceeded via the old road to Lewisburg,
passing through Summerville, at which point the command
arrived at 8 o'clock that evening, having traveled sixty
miles that day over very rough mountain roads. Camped
there that night.
Broke camp early on the morning of the 25th, and pushed
forward as rapidly as possible through a blinding snow¬
storm aud snow a foot deep on the ground. Accompanying
13
194 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
the advance guard composed of a lieutenant and eight men,
I encountered a squad of rebel scouts, a lieutenant and
eight men near noon, taking them evidently by surprise,
who on first sight, in utter disregard of my polite invitation
to halt, ran to and entered a log cabin but a short distance
awa}' on the road-side, where we afterwards learned they
had taken their dinners. Ordering the lieutenant and
guard to push forward and surround the cabin in which
they sought protection, and discovering the lieutenant had
made his escape into the woods beyond the cabin, I pushed
on after him, capturing him about a half mile away. I
have often wondered since why the fellow did not take
position behind a big tree, and with good aim, stop my
advance upon him, especially when he became convinced,
that I was pursuing him with a determined purpose to run
him down. On returning I learned that Lieut. Davidson
had driven the rebel scouts into the cabin, capturing the
entire squad, which result proved a very important factor
in the final mission of the raid, as no one escaped to report
the movements of the command.
Resuming the march, we pressed forward through the
afternoon and night of the 25th, arriving on the summit of
Cold Knob Mountain at early noon of the 26th, where we
found Col. Lane awaiting our arrival. Here the command
rested and fed.
After full conference between Colonels Paxton and Lane,
the latter decided that the condition of his regiment caused
by exposure to the terrible storm and deep snow of the
The Sinking (Jreek Valley Raid.
195
past twenty-four hours, rendered the continuance of the
march utterly impracticable, compelling him in justice to
his men and oflScers to return to their winter quarters at
Summerville.
Influenced by the action of Col. Lane, Col. Paxton
submitted to the oflîcers of the regiment the question of
returning to camp with Col. Lane and the 11th O. V. 1.
Which proposition met my decided and unqualified opposi¬
tion. For the reason that when Gen. Crook delivered
the order to make the raid upon the enemy in the Sinking
Creek Valley—knowing Paxton's failings, over which he
was disposed to throw the mantle of charity, and allow him
to accompany the expedition, rather than detain him in
camp, —confidentially charged me, not to return to camp
without good results, which I well understood and which
fact Gen. Crook has authenticated. Which, together with
the knowledge that I possessed, that the men in the ranks,
and many of the company Commanders, were in full accord
with my views, favoring a forward movement, I arose to the
emergency of the hour, assuming the responsibility of the
occasion, said to the colonel and those who sympathized
with him in his proposition, that if such a question was to be
seriously considered, I would call for volunteers to accom¬
pany me in the advance movement upon the enemy's camp.
This announcement, fully understood by Col. Paxton,
induced him to change his mind. Whereupon he gave me
orders as the major of the regiment, to make a detail and
move down the mountain, as the advance guard. Proceed-
196 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
ing to the right of the regiment then in line I ordered
Lieut. Jeremiah Davidson and twenty men of Company
G," to accompany me, and immediately moved out in
advance of the regiment. Proceeding about a mile I met
four rebel scouts in the sharp turn of the road. I instantly
commanded a halt. Seeing they preferred attempting their
escape to a surrender, I fired and charged upon them,
wounding one and capturing another. The remaining two
made good their escape. From our prisoners, I hastily
obtained valuable information as to the strength, location
and relative position of the two camps ; then pressed for¬
ward after turning the prisoners over to the advance guard
of the regiment, that came up as we were ready to move
forward again. The two scouts that escaped, having seen
but the advance of our advance guard, concluded, as we
afterwards learned, that as we did not press them closely
down the mountain, we were nothing more or less than
a squad of Union Home Guards living in that neighbor
hood.
On nearing the foot of the mountain, we discovered in
the distance in the valley, the two escaped scouts moving
leisurely towards their camp — the smoke of which was
perceptible to me. Checking up to prevent possible
exposure, 1 halted for a moment until the rebel scouts had
passed around a point in the turn of the valley out of my
view. Seeing the coast was clear, and conscious we had
no time to waste, I pushed forward rapidly to the point
where the scouts had disappeared from my view, which I
The Sinking Creek Valley Raid.
197
reached with my little band unobserved by the enemy.
Here I baited again a moment, to further, and for the last
time, examine more closely the situation; having gained
full view of the camp with the aid of my field-glass, and
judging by the actions of the enemy as they moved about,
that they were in a state of innocuous disuetude^' and
unapprised of our close proximity, and therefore unpre¬
pared to welcome us. Appreciating the golden opportunity,
I decided promptly to charge the camp. Announcing the
situation and my purpose to my heroic little command of
Lieut. Davidson and his twenty men, they answered, "We
will follow, where you will lead." At this moment I
turned toward the head of the valley, to see if our
regiment was in sight, discovering it had not reached the
foot of the mountain and, not having a moment to lose, I
wheeled the command into line, facing the camp and
charged my handful of men on a full run of a half a mile
down the Sinking Creek valley into the very center of the
enemy's camp, 500 strong. We were each armed with a
saber and a brace of Colt's 54 calibre navy revolvers,
giving us 220 shots, without cessation, which we held in
reserve to avoid alarming the other camp, some two miles
away, or to be used only in case of absolute necessity.
It was soon made evident that the camp was surprised,
and that their fire-arms were unloaded. As a brief and
very exciting hand to hand encounter ensued, in their
great confusion, some few of their number run up to us
grasping us by the legs and claiming us as their prisoners.
198 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
To such daring and undignified assaults and claims, we sim¬
ply responded politely by tapping them on the top of their
heads with our revolvers which we held in our hands,
felling several of the rudest of them to the ground, the effect
of which caused them to loosen their grasp upon our
exposed extremities. After thus dealing with them but
for a moment, I demanded the surrender of the camp, on
the condition of the protection of their lives, which demand
Lt.-Col. Jno. A. Gibson, Major B. F. Eakle and Capt. W.
A. Lackey of the 14th Regiment Virginia rebel cavalry,
promptly accepted and surrendered the command to me,
without reservation.
Thus I captured the camp of the 14th rebel regiment
Virginia cavalry, 500 strong, in the Sinking Creek Valley,
in Greenbriar County, Virginia, with Lieut. Davidson and
twenty men at noon on the 26th day of November, 1862,
without the loss of a life, or the firing of a gun or revolver,
giving to history one of the most brilliant,.daring and suc¬
cessful feats of the late war for the Union, and of the age.
Col. Paxton did not reach the camp until after the
surrender had been made, at which time the other portion
of the 14th rebel regiment Virginia cavalry in camp at
Williamsburg, came over to a point within respectful but
safe distance, to take a look at us. Seeing Col. Paxton
with the regiment coming to our support, concluded,
that discretion was the better part of valor, hastily
withdrew towards Lewisburg.
Thus the organization of the 14th Virginia rebel regi-
The Sinking Creek Valley Raid.
199
raent of cavalry, was rendered hors du combat for some
time, by the loss of half their numbers of officers, arms,
horses and equipments, and a beautiful silk flag made for,
and but recently presented by the lady friends of the
regiment in Staunton, Virginia, which at the earnest
solicitations of the captured officers was returned to
the donors. Many of the arms taken were measurably
worthless for efficient service, hence were destroyed. The
horses and equipments were serviceable and were taken to
camp. Amongst the guns captured was found a very fine
double barrelled London twist shot-gun, containing 18
large buckshot in each barrel, intended for some Yankee,
whom I cheated out of a full dose of rebel lead. The gun
is now in the possession of my only living son, H. L.
Powell, as a relic of the Sinking Creek Valley raid.
Having knowledge of quite a rebel force under Gen.
Gallatin Jenkins encamped at Lewisburg, but 12 miles east
of Sinking Creek Camp, the command hastened its
departure for Camp Piatt, via Summerville, leaving the
Sinking Creek Valley about 4 o'clock in the afternoon of
the 26th, continued the line of march all night in the bitter
cold without halting to feed men and horses.
The command from excessive service, beginning the
morning of November 24th, at Camp Piatt, except the
night of the 24th, when it encamped at Summerville, did
not go into camp again until the return of the regiment to
Summerville on the night of the 27th, which rendered the
task of caring for the regiment, and guarding the large
200 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
number of prisoners, an exceedingly difficult one, as it
seemed at times almost impossible to keep our troopers and
horses awake and on the move.
In addition to which, Gen'l. Jenkins in command of the
enemy's forces at Lewisburg having been apprised of our
attack upon and capture of the Sinking Creek Camp,
ordered out quite a force in hot pursuit with orders to
recapture the prisoners and to retaliate severely upon
our command.
Anticipating his purpose we were fully prepared for the
emergency. Col. Paxton having taken charge of the
prisoners and retreating column, pushed rapidly up on to
the mountain road, ordering me to organize and command
the rear guard. We were not disappointed in our expecta¬
tions; having passed out of the valley and about two miles
up the mountain side, the head of the enemy's column
made its appearance and fired upon our rear guard. I knew
well our position could not be fianked, hence when
apprised of his approach I instantly put my command in
such a position as the topography of the ground would
admit of to enable me to give him, much to his surprise, a
very warm and eflective reception, which continued about
ten minutes only. The result of which I never knew,
beyond the fact that it sufficed to determine his return to
Lewisburg, leaving us to continue our retreat the remainder
of the night undisturbed, for which I was devoutly
thankful.
Our officers, troops and horses, through loss of sleep.
The Sinking Creek Valley Raid.
201
rest and food, in the saddle and on the move for seventy-
four consecutive hours, through deep snow and severe cold,
with no time to feed or rest, were so nigh exhausted that
men and horses fell asleep on the road, causing frequent
halts in the column during the after part of the night of
the 26th, and early morn of the 27th, necessitating the
greatest vigilance to keep the column in rear of the prison
guard closed up. Having reached a point of safety and
suitable for feeding and resting awhile, at day-break on
the 27th, the bugle sounded a halt, in response to which
horses neighed, and men cheered. The adjutant called the
roll of the prisoners and the regiment, and found all
present.
After two hours rest and the mastication of the scanty
morsel of rations on hand, the column moved forward,
arriving at Summerville, Col. Lane's headquarters, at 8
o'clock that night, and went into camp.
The morning report of November 28th, showed quite a
number of troopers with feet so badly frozen as to
necessitate their remaining at this outpost until sufficiently
recovered to be removed to hospital at Camp Piatt. The
regiment left Summerville at 8 a. m., en route for Gauley
Bridge, or better known perhaps as Kanawha Falls, where
it arrived at 7 p. m., and after turning over the prisoners,
horses, etc., to Gen. E. P. Scammons, Provost Marshal, it
encamped for the night on the Huddlesou farm near Loop
Creek Landing, a few miles below the Falls. Taking up the
line of march early the next morning it reached Camp
202 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
Piatt, its winter quarters,during the afternoon of November
29th, 1862, greatly fatigued, yet happy over the brilliant
achievements in the Sinking Creek Valley, and the return
to camp without the loss of a man.
In this raid the troopers were in the saddle and on the
constant move day and night for 141 hours, save 8 hours
in camp on each of the nights of the 24th, 27th and 28th,
advancing and retreating, with scant forage for horses and
rations for men. Marching over rough, rugged mountain¬
ous roads, crossing streams and suffering intensely from the
extreme cold, stormy weather and deep snows, and because
successful, complaints and murmurings that would have
found vent under disasters, were substituted with rejoic¬
ings, forgetting what they endured, in the enjoyment of
their achievement. For gallantry and heroic daring,
exhibited in the charge described, the governor promptly
promoted Major Powell and 2d Lieut. Davidson, the former
to the rank of Lt.-Col. and the latter to 1st Lieut, in
their regiment.
The achievements of the Sinking Creek Valley raid by a
mere handful of men at noonday, far into the heart of the
enemy's country, requiring a continuous forced march in
the saddle of thirty-six hours from the Union lines to the
enemy's camp, under the most unfavorable conditions of
the weather and roads and season of the year, is but an
additional and striking illustration of what a few brave,
loyal and determined men can accomplish, and but the
evidenced veriñcation of the oft repeated trite phrase, " that
The Sinking Greek Valley Raid.
203
like begets like." And that an army of soldiers are but
a photographic, or charaeteristic, fac-simile of its com¬
manders.
My first year's experience, inspirations and impressions
in the war of 1861 and '65 for the Union, with the vol¬
unteer soldiers, characterized and shaped my conduct during
my entire term of service as commander of a company,
regiment, brigade and division, making it possible for me
to believe that success was ever attainable, at the will of
the commander. This fact was fully demonstrated by
Gen. Sheridan in the Shenandoah Valley Campaign.
204
War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
HOW THE "CUMBERLAND" WENT DOWN.
BY MOSES S. STUYVESANT, LATE LIEUT.-COMD'K. U. S. NAVY.
As an historical event, the sinking of the United States
ship Cumberland, by the rebel ironclad steamer Merrimac,
March 8, 1862, was not of great importance. It had no
influence upon the campaign in progress, nor did it teach
us anything before unknown in the science of naval
warfare. It was an episode merely, but will nevertheless
always have place in the history of the memorable rebellion,
and will doubtless serve as an inspiration to coming gener¬
ations as long as we shall have a flag to fight under.
One who was at the time a very young officer, holding
but a subordinate position on board the Cumberland, may
be permitted to relate, briefly, a history of heroism and
patriotism not often equaled in the records of battles.
The Cumberland was one of the old sailing frigates, cut
down, or razeed, as the term was, and lated in the navy
register as a sloop of war. She carried for those days,
a formidable battery, consisting of a 10-inch pivot gun
forward on the spar deck, a rifled 80-pounder Dahlgren
gun aft, and on the gun deck, in broadside, 22 9-inch guns.
She was a great favorite among the older officers, being an
excellent sea vessel — comfortable, speedy, and easily
How thf. (Juviberland^^ went Down. 205
handled in all weather. Full sparred, she carried a
"cloud" of canvas, requiring necessarily a large crew,
which numbered about 350, and contained a large propor¬
tion of trained men-of-warsmen. The Cumberland was
probably the last thorough representative of the navy of
former days, when the people fostered it, when tars were
tars, and seamanship had its value.
We had spent several months cruising off Hatteras, as
part of the first blockading squadron organized, and upon
being relieved from that duty, proceeded to Newport News
for the winter. This was a newly formed camp on the
east shore of the James river, where the latter empties
into Hampton Roads, and about four miles from Fortress
Monroe.
We found anchorage in about 12 fathoms, distant a few
hundred yards from some batteries on the water side of the
camp, and about ten miles from Norfolk, Va.
There does not appear to have been overmuch for us to
do during the winter months of our stay at Newport News.
The daily routine of man-of-war life was faithfully carried
on, varied only, that I can recall, by an attempted night
attack by our boats on a rebel battery on the opposite
shore of the James, there several miles broad.
But life was made interesting, if not anxious, by almost
daily reports of the progress toward completion of a
powerful ironclad vessel being constructed in Norfolk.
Our exposed position invited attack, and we looked for it
day and night for months. As the navy department had
206 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
full information on the subject, the subsequent loss of the
frigate was a needless sacrifice. It is difllcult to imagine
why she was left there to become the easy prey of the
enemy, nor why, if the rebels, with limited resources,
could reconstruct the Merrimac and cover her with iron in
a few months, we could not have done as much in as many
weeks.
But then we are to-day unprepared for defense even,
while spluttering of war with the most powerful maritime
nation in the world !
Ordinarily, our ships of war are trim and orderly in
the extreme, but for months, the Cumberland was strip¬
ped for battle — guns double breached — decks littered
with full shot-racks — the small arms within reach — and
the crew were constantly under drill, until every man
knew not only the duties of his own station at quarters,
but those of every station as well. With plenty of
sea room, a breeze, and an English frigate, or two of them,
as our foe, there might have been a chance for victory.
But when the armored Merrimac steamed out of Norfolk
and threaded her way among the shoals toward us, we
stood no chance — none whatever. It was iron and steam
against a sailing vessel of wood in a dead calm.
It was about one o'clock in the al'ternoon of a bright
spring day. There were probably 20,000 men in blue
and in gray on either shore of the river to view the combat.
There was no wind to fill our sails, nor was the tide
making much, if any. As soon as it became evident
How the Cumberland" -went Down. 207
that the enemy was about to call upon us, we went to
quarters, opened magazines and shell-rooms, reloaded the
guns, sanded the decks so that the blood of the fallen
should not trip up the living, and then waited — probably
ten minutes — for her to come within range. The Merrimae,
after rounding the long shoal off the point, headed directly
for us, firing once in passing at our sister ship, the
Congress, and receiving at the same time a shot from our
forward pivot gun. Her first shot at us struck the
starboard quarter-rail, throwing the pieces among the
guard of marines, wounding several of them. The second
shot struck the waterways, under the forward pivot, which
was our heaviest gun, and disabled it. Our firing became
at once very rapid from the few guns we could bring to
bear as she approached slowly, heading for our starboard
bow, where she rammed us under or forward of the
forc-chains. The shock of the collision was, of course,
perceptible, but was not violent, and was followed by a
rapid fire from her forward ports. The report speedily
came up from below of large quantities of water pouring
through the gap made by the ram, making it very evident
that the good ship was certain to go to the bottom.
Meanwhile, the Merrimae was being swung around by
the making tide, her ram breaking off in the operation,
and was soon in position abreast of us, distant say twenty
feet, both vessels firing rapidly, and every gun bearing.
Her shells found nothing to impede them, and passed
through the side of our ship, throwing splinters and
208 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
fragments of iron among our men on the gun deck, and
producing, in the course of the half hour ensuing, a scene
of carnage and destruction never to be recalled without
horror. In that time, our loss was not less than 100 out
of about 190 men stationed at the batteries on the gun
deck, where occurred most of the fighting aud casualties.
The wounded were carried below to the surgeon, from
time to time, but the dead and their fragments were
thrown to the other side of the deck out of the way.
It was a hopeless fight. Our shot, striking the inclined
sides of the Merrimac, bounded up and fiew over, dropping
into the water beyond. The gun captains, observing this,
were cool enough — some of them — to reserve fire until
the enemy, opening a port to run out their reloaded guns,
appeared to present the opportunity of throwing a shell
into the casemate. But the openings were narrow and
nearly filled with the muzzles of their guns projecting.
The ship, slowly sinking by the head, now had the water
up to the gun-trucks, on the gun deck forward, and
probably most of the wounded below were drowned at this
stage — but the firing continued. At one time, when the
current brought the enemy close alongside, we were called
away from the guns to board her, but, the two vessels
widening the interval again, prevented our getting on her,
which was undoubtedly very fortunate. The constructor
of the Merrimac has since stated that we could not have
penetrated the vessel, as she only had one hatchway into the
casemate, and that a very narrow one.
How the Cumberland" went Down. 209
Failing this, the men returned to their guns and continued
the action ; but the enemy now appeared to consider the
matter settled, and dropped astern. During this wonderful
combat, there was no sign of flinching, even at the most
appalling moments. Young boys, bringing powder, per¬
formed their duties attentively from the beginning to the
end of the action. We read of decimated regiments. One-
third of the Cumberland's crew are coffined in her. She
sank slowly by the head, every man at his post, until the
vessel, careening to port in the final throes, the last gun
was fired in the air, and the order given to abandon ship.
The wounded below, as before stated, were all drowned.
The survivors were mostly able to jump into the boats
before the final plunge. Some swam ashore, and a few
were taken off the masts and yards later, when the good
ship finally rested on the bottom of the river. The Merri-
mac was lying off in the stream, not over one hundred feet
distant, while the survivors were seeking safety from the
sinking ship carrying down with it — the flag yet flying at
the peak — more than a hundred of brave shipmates. All
of the officers of the Merrimac, and most of her crew, had
served in our navy. One can imagine that their feelings
were not to be envied as they then contemplated the
destruction they had wrought. We gathered in our boats
around the ensign, by that time trailing in the water, gave
it three cheers, and pulled ashore, where we took position
with our army brethren in the water batteries, and continued
the fight until sundown.
14
210 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
As an example to the navy, the sacrifice of the Cumber¬
land was not needed. The navy of to-day, as has been the
case since its earliest history, can be depended upon to do
its whole duty under all circumstances. But its personnel
is composed of much too good material to be recklessly
imperiled in unequal warfare. If it is to be called upon to
defend the national honor, or to maintain the policy of the
government upon any international question, it is entitled
to adequate weapons. The question of expense is, or ought
to be, secondary.
The blue jackets should have ships — ships enough —
the very best and fastest possible, carrying the most
destructive guns afioat — ships planned, not by Congress,
but by the men who will handle them.
Anything short of this will be unworthy a great people,
and unjust to as fine a body of men as can be found in any
profession in any land.
The Battle of Pea Ridge.
211
BATTLE OF PEA RIDGE, OR ELK HORN TAVERN.
BY BREVET BRIG.-GEN. JOHN W. NOBLE.
You all remember, upon the 10th of May, 1861, Camp
Jackson, at St. Louis, commanded by Brigadier-General
Daniel M. Frost of Missouri Volunteer Militia, was captured
by troops under command of Captain Nathaniel Lyon, of
the United States Army. Upon this event Sterling Price,
who was an experienced soldier, and had been called a
Union man, but opposed to making war on the South,
tendered his services to the State of Missouri, and was, on
May 18th, appointed major-general of the Missouri State
Guard by the then governor, Claiborne Jackson ; and under
him were appointed the following brigadiers — Donophan,
Parsons, Rains, John B. Clark, Merriwether L. Clark,
Watkins, Randolph, Slack and McBride, many of whom
we shall meet again.
On this same 18th day of May, at Jefferson City,
the State Volunteers were gathering in very considerable
numbers. A company from Cooper county was com¬
manded by Captain Robert McCulloch. The Independence
Grays, from Jackson, brought four brass six-pounders,
which had been taken from the United States arsenal at
212 War Papers arid Personal Reminiscences.
Liberty; and in other portions of the State the enroll¬
ment of the State troops was being pushed vigorously.
Gen. Wm. S. Harney was then in command of the
department of the west, and he and General Price made
an agreement that the latter " should maintain order
within the State among the people thereof;" and that, if
this were done, General Harney " would make no military
movements within the State."
On the 16th day of May, Nathaniel Lyon was appointed
by President Lincoln a brigadier-general of volunteers.
On the 30th General Harney was relieved of the command
of the department of the west, and General Lyon
assumed that command on the 31st.
General Lyon, besides some five hundred regulars and a
battery, at St. Louis, had about ten thousand oflBcers and
men. His aggressive character was now already well
known ; and it was deemed prudent by the States Eights
men to endeavor to engage him in a treaty like that of
Harney and Price.
A meeting was secured on June 11th, 1861, at St. Louis,
at the Planter's House, and was attended on the one side
by Governor Jackson, General Price and Thomas L.
Snead, aide-de-camp, while General Lyon was accom¬
panied by Colonel Blair and Major Conant. Mr. Snead, in
his valuable and frank narrative, styled " The Fight for
Missouri," to which I am indebted for much in this pre¬
liminary statement, gives the following graphic account of
the close of that assembly: —
The Battle of Pea Ridge.
213
" It was to no purpose ; they all sought, or pretended
to seek, the basis of a new agreement for maintaining the
peace of Missouri. If they really sought to find one, they
did not. Finally when the conference had lasted four or
fire hours, Lyon closed it as he had opened it. ' Rather,'
said he (he was still seated and spoke deliberately, coolly,
and with a peculiar emphasis) — ' Rather than concede to
the State of Missouri the right to demand that my govern¬
ment shall not enlist troops within her limits, or bring
troops into the State whenever it pleases, or move its
troops, at. its own will into, out of, or through the State ;
rather than concede to the State of Missouri, for one
single instant, the right to dictate to my government in
any matter however unimportant, I would (rising as he
said this and pointing in turn to every one in the room)
see you, and you, and you, and you, and you, and every
man, woman and child in the State dead and buried."
Then turning to the governor he said : ♦ This means
war. In an hour one of my oflScers will call for you
and conduct you out of my lines.'
" And then without another word, without an inclination
of the head, without even a look, he turned upon his heel
and strode out of the room, rattling his spurs and clanking
his saber. " * * "
In those words — in that action — was the future of
three campaigns — one ending in the death of Lyon, at
Wilson's Creek — one ending' in the death of McCulloch
and Mcintosh, at Lee Town, on the 7th of March, 1862,
214 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
and the defeat of Van Dorn and Price at Elkhorn Tavern,
on the 8th, by the Union forces, under General Samuel R.
Curtis, in the battle of Pea Ridge, the third embracing
Pilot Knob, and ending with the capture of Marmaduke
and Cabell, at Little Osage, and a second defeat of Price,
by Curtis, successively, at Independence, Big Blue and
Little Osage, in October, 1864.
Those words — hurled against Price — (who, beneath a
placid exterior and the mildest manners had great pride
and greater will)—had in them death and burial for
General Lyon indeed ; for Governor Jackson flight, and
for General Price intense and often repeated disap¬
pointment and utter defeat; but for the people of Missouri
the blessings of the Union and freedom— now brightening
every day.
But to understand the battle of Pea Ridge, another fact
must be borne in mind. The State of Missouri had not
passed an act of secession. At the election, on February
18th, 1861, for members to the convention to consider the
question of secession, the unconditional men in St. Louis
were elected by over 5,000 majority, and the State declared
against secession by a majority of 80,000. The convention
voted against secession.
The secretary of war of the Southern Confederacy, on
the 4th of July, 1861, wrote General Ben McCulloch, of
the Provisional Army of the Confederate States: " That
the position of Missouri, as a southern State still in the
Union, requires, as you will readily perceive, much prudence
The Battle of Pea Ridge.
215
and circumspection, and it should only be when necessity
and propriety unite that active and direct assistance should
be afforded by crossing the boundary and entering the
State."
There was thus a political obstacle to the free and full
co-operation of the forces of the Confederacy and those of
the State of Missouri.
This led to marked separation of the several commands.
McCulloch did not look upon the Missouriaus as the equals
of his Confederate forces. " He had in truth," says Mr.
Snead, who was aide-de-camp of General Price, and in
constant communication with General McCulloch, " no
confidence in the Missouri troops, and none in General
Price, or in any of his officers, except Colonel Weight-
man."
It was the knowledge that General McCulloch so felt,
that led General Price to surrender to him the command at
the battle of Wilson's Creek. And although General
McCulloch must have there been convinced of the
maguificeut fighting qualities of General Price's troops, it
is quite certain there was no restoration of good feeling
between the commanders. Immediately after that battle,
because Price marched to the Missouri river against his
advice, McCulloch became much incensed, refused his
co-operation and retired to the Arkansas river. When
subsequently Price retreated precipitately from Springfield,
before the advance of the Army of the Southwest, he
officially reported that, from the correspondence of the
216 JVa7' Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
commanders in Arkansas, " he was led to expect their
assistance, and relied upon it, and therefore held his
position at Springfield almost too long."
There was no union for them. The frail ties of an
alliance between a mere Confederacy on the one hand,
and a State represented hy a governor who was a fugitive,
on the other, were not sufficient to hold together the Texas
ranger, with all the passions and all the courage of the
border, and the placid but willful Missourian, who had
been a brigadier even in the Mexican war.
The individualism of secession was working its natural
results, and although Major-General Earl Van Dorn took
command of both these generals and their troops on the
1st of March, 1862, his army was not a unit, but two
distinct bodies of troops.
There was a common objective point for these two
forces, but there was, on the decisive day of the three
days' battle at Pea Ridge no mutual support, and scarcely
co-operation. The field at Lee Town was over two miles
from Elk Horn Tavern, and Van Dorn did not learn of the
death of McCulloch for several hours after it had occurred,
nor indeed until after that field at Lee Town had been
abandoned.
On the other hand. General Samuel R. Curtis, the com¬
mander of the Army of the Southwest, had not only the
confidence of his subordinates, but they were all seeking to
support the common cause ; not of Missouri, nor Texas, nor
The Battle of Pea Ridge.
217
Arkansas, but of the nation ; that master government that
Lyon had upheld in council, and died for on the field.
General Earl Van Dorn, a major-general of the Confed¬
eracy, found Generals McCulloch and Price within 30 miles
of each other, near Van Buren, Arkansas, March 1, 1862,
and assumed command amid salvos of artillery. He gave
out the most flattering promises of success, and promised a
campaign embracing even the capture of St. Louis. He
had the reputation of being a most brilliant and experienced
oflScer. And taking his popularity at its full tide, he
ordered an advance on the 4th of March, with five days'
rations. General Albert Pike, with his Indian regiments,
joined him on the march, and all seemed to promise well
for a short and decisive campaign against General Curtis.
The Union troops of the Army of the Southwest were
drawn from Missouri, Illinois, Iowa, Indiana and Ohio.
Those from Missonri were the Phelps reg. 2d Mo., 12th
Mo., 15th Mo., 17th Mo., 24th Mo., 1st Mo. cavalry,
Fremont Hnssars, Benton Hussars, Bowen's Battalion,
Welfley's battery, 1st Mo. Horse battery.
Those from Illinois were the 25th 35th, 36th, 37th,
44th, 59th Ills. 3d Ills, cavalry and Peoria battery.
From Ohio, 2d Ohio battery. Chapman ; and 4th Ohio
battery, Hoffman's.
From Indiana, 8th Indiana, 18th, 22d (Hendrick's), and
1st Ind. battery.
From Iowa, 4th Iowa, 9th Iowa, 1st Iowa battery, 3d
Iowa battery (Hayden), and 3d Iowa cavalry.
218 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
These troops were divided into four divisions. The Ist,
commanded by Col. Osterhaus, was composed of Missouri
and Illinois troops, and the 2d, by General Asboth, was
composed of Missouri troops and an Ohio battery. These
two divisions were commanded by Brigadier-General Franz
Sigel. The 3d division, commanded by Col. Jefferson C.
Davis, was composed of an Indiana brigade and an Illinois
brigade, with whom was the 1st Missouri cavalry ; and the
4th division was commanded by Col. Eugene A. Carr, and
composed of a brigade of Iowa and Illinois troops under
Col. G. M. Dodge, of the 4th Iowa, and a brigade of Iowa
and Missouri troops, under Col. Vandever, of the 9th Iowa.
The Confederate forces, under Maj.-Geu. Van Dorn, were
composed of Missouri State Guard, under General Sterling
Price, and of these were the Confederate volunteers, as
follows: Little brigade, in which were Ist infantry (Bur-
bridge, Colonel), 2d infantry (Kives), Wades' battery;
Churchill Clark's battery; Slack's brigade, in which were
Hughes' Battalion of infantry, also Bevier's and Kosser's;
Biggins' cavalry and Lucas' battery; also Colton Green's
brigade (the 3d).
Then came State troops (2d division) under Brig.-Gen.
Martin E. Green.
3d Division, Col. John B. Clai'k, Jr. ; Major Kuckers,
1st infantry, Congreve Jackson's (2d infantry). Major
Hutchison's 3d infantry, and Pointdexter's 4th aud 5th
infantry ; Peacher's 6th infantry.
The Battle of Pea Ridge.
219
5th Division, Col. Saunders ; detached infantry, cavalry
and Kelly's battery.
6th Division, Major Lindsey's, in which was Gorham's
battery.
Brigadier-General D. M. Frost commanded the 7th and
9th divisions, in which were Guibor's and Emmet
McDonald's batteries, and third brigade of volunteers
given above.
General Kain's 8th division, in which were Bledsoe's
battery, and Shelby's cavalry company.
The other wing of the army was commanded by
Brigadier-General Ben McCulloch, afterwards by Col. E.
Greer. It was composed of Col. Hebert's infantry brig¬
ade ; in which were 4th Arkansas, Col. McNair; 14th
Arkansas, Col. Mitchell; 16th Arkansas, Col. J. F. Hill ;
17th Arkansas, Col. Eector ; 2l8t Arkansas, Col. McEae ;
3d Louisiana, Major Tunnard.
Calvary Brigade, Brig.-Gen. James Mcintosh, in which
were 1st Arkansas Mounted Eifles, Col. Churchill; 2d
Arkansas Mounted Eifles, Col. Embry; 3d Texas, Col. E.
Greer; 4th Texas, Col. Simms and Lt.-Col. Wm. Quay le ;
6th Texas, Col. Stone ; 11th Texas, Lt.-Col. Dimond; and
Hart's, Provence's, Gaine's and Good's batteries.
Pike's Command, Brig.-Gen. Albert Pike: Here we
find the Cherokee regiment, Col. Stand Waite ; Cherokee
regiment. Col. John Drew ; Creek regiment. Col. D. N.
Mcintosh, and Welch's Texas cavalry.
220 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
Besides these there were Brook's Arkansas cavalry,
Crump's Texas cavalry, Whitfield's battalion of Texas
Mounted Rifles; Teel's Texas battery; 19th and 22d
Arkansas infantry.
From oflScial records it appears that the Union army
did not exceed 10,500 infantry and cavalry, with 49 pieces
of artillery.
The Confederate army amounted to 6,818 and 8 batteries
in Price's command; 8,384 and 18 cannon in McCulloch's,
while Pike commanded about 1,000. In all 16,202 infantry
and cavalry.
These figures are taken from the summary in the
Century's " Battles and Leaders of the Civil War," taken
from the oflScial records. I have compared them with the
original reports, and with other records, and the reports of
the adjutant-general of Iowa ; and I think they are to be
relied on. Indeed, it was reported, I remember well, at
the approach of the enemy, that his strength was at least
20,000, and that a great number of the people of the
surrounding country had been enlisted for a few days,
with promise of high wages for short service and much
property to be captured in the Union camps. The contin¬
gent fee was very large and proved attractive to the great
army of bush-whackers — now many of them " martyrs."
Upon the advance of General Van Dorn, General Curtis
withdrew his outposts, Vandever coming from Huntsville
and General Sigel from McKittrick's farm, southwest of
Bentonville, Carr from Cross-Hollow, and all taking
The Battle of Pea Ridge.
221
position on the high ground on the north side of Sugar
Creek, facing south.
On retiring through Bentonville with his rear guard, on
March 6th, General Sigel was attacked, but by the masterly
management of his artillery, much as he had done at the
battle of Carthage, he broke through the enemy, who, with
immensely superior numbers, had surrounded him. He
deployed two companies of the 12th Missouri at the head
of the column on the right and left as skirmishers, followed
by the body of the battery, with one company of the same
regiment on the right and one on the left of the pieces,
marching by the flank, and to flre by rank ; the remainder
of the regiment behind the pieces, with two companies of
cavalry to support the infantry on right and left ; and
the rest of the cavalrj', with one piece of artillery,
following in rear. He left Bentonville at 10:30 in the
forenoon, and reinforcements reached him only at 3:30
p. m. He sustained three regular attacks. It was a most
extraordinary and critical affair, as General Sigel reports
(AVar, &c., Records, p. 210); but both the hardihood of
the resistance and the celerity of the attack of the relieving
column, when once notified of the danger of their comrades,
gave assurance of a determined struggle on the 7th.
General Sigel had sent forward the greater part of his
command to the line on Sugar Creek early in the morning,
and he had with him, at Bentonville, about 600 men, and a
battery of five pieces. General Van Dorn reported (War
of the Rebellion, Vol. VIII., p. 283): "I therefore
222 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
endeavored to reach Bentonville, 11 miles distant (from
Elm Springs) by rapid marching, but the troops moved so
very slowly that it was 11 a. m. before the head of the
leading division (Price's) reached the village, and we had
the mortification to see Sigel's division, 700 strong, leaving
it as we entered. Had we been one hour sooner we should
have cut him oif with his whole force, and certainly have
beaten the enemy the next day."
General Sigel has refuted this statement by his history of
this whole affair in the Century papers, but he might have
found conclusive evidence in his favor from the report of
his adversary.
General Van Dorn wrote the above report March 27th,
1862 •— General Price had reported to him on the 22d of the
same month —as follows (War of the Rebellion Records,
Vol. VIII., p. 305): " With these (his troops) I reached
Elm Springs on the evening of the 5th, and on the morning
of the 6th advanced to Bentonville, where burning houses
indicated the presence of the enemy. Colonel Gate's
regiment of cavalry, Lieutenant-Colonel Cearnal's battal¬
ion, and mounted men of General Rain's command were
rapidly pushed forward to the east of the town, and soon
became briskly engaged with what proved to be the rear
guard ot General Sigel's forces, the main body of which
had passed through Bentonville that morning in the
direction of Elkhorn tavern, near which the enemy were
encamped in force and strongly entrenched."
Colonel Osterhaus also reports (War, &c.. Records,
The Battle of Pea Ridge.
223
p. 216) that he marched from McKittrick's farm, which
was only three miles southwest of Bentonville, at 2 o'clock
in the morning of the 6th, and was in camp at Sugar
Creek when the rumor that General Sigel was in trouble
reached him. It was he who, after the morning march of
16 miles, now led his men back at a double-quick, and
with a few rounds of spherical case and canister, and some
skirmishes, relieved his general from further pursuit.
The enemy's artillery played without success.
Gen. Peter J. Osterhaus was a citizen of Missouri, and
throughout these three days of fighting exhibited rare
energy, courage and military capacity. He rose to the
rank of major-general, and commanded a division of the
15th Army Corps.
When General Sigel reached the Union camp. General
Curtis' line was complete. The position had been selected
with great skill for defense, and had been well fortified.
Sugar Creek flowed at the foot of the hill, and the lines
faced it to the south, thus bringing the right of the line to
the west. General Sigel had the right wing. The
o o o
divisions were in the following order from right to left:
The 2d, Asboth ; the 1st, Osterhaus; the 3d, Davis; the
4th, Carr. The troops, of which my regiment, the 3d
Iowa cavalry, was a pait, were encamped in rear of the
main line.
The night of the 6th everything was put in readiness for
the assault anticipated in the morning. Nevertheless
General Curtis had become too well acquainted with the
224 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
locality and its possibilities, and was too good a strategist
to rest assured that the enemy would assail him on his
front, and therefore took care to impede any movement to
the rear. Immediately upon his arrival at Sugar Creek in
person, at 2 o'clock in the morning on the 6th, he detailed
parties to fell timber to obstruct approaches on the left,
and later in the day he directed some of the same work to
be done on the right. This work was in charge of
Colonel Dodge, who felled trees on the road which ran
parallel to the main road, or telegraph or wire road, and
some three miles from it.
I remember we had a captain in our regiment, O. H. P.
Scott — afterwards major — who had been a railroad builder,
and was always ready for a job of road building or timber
cutting ; and on the night of the 6th he was detailed, with
a number of our men, to obstruct the road beyond Lee
Town by felling trees across it. Our cavalrymen thought
this was not the branch of service they had enlisted for.
But the work proved of the very utmost importance — for
instead of assaulting our front, the enemy sought to pass
quite around our army, take General Curtis in reverse and
so capture him without possibility of escape. General
Van Dorn had a lively imagination. As in great things he
anticipated capturing St. Louis by the campaign, so, in the
small, he thought to hold Curtis' army in the hollow of his
hand.
The valley of Sugar Creek was low, and from a quarter
to a half mile wide. The hills high on both sides, and the
The Battle of Pea Ridge.
225
main road, from Fayetteville, by Cross-Hollow, to
Keetsville, intercepted the valley at right angles. The
road from Fayetteville, by Bentonville, to Keetsville, is
quite a detour, but it also comes up the Sugar Creek Valley.
A branch, however, takes oflp and runs nearly parallel to
the telegraph road — as said before — about three miles
from it. The Sugar Creek Valley, therefore, intercepts
all these roads (Curtis, Rep. War Rec's Vol. VIII., pp.
197, 198).
The flank and rear movements of the enemy was made
by this parallel road. And it was arranged by the rebels
that Price's forces should go quite around the Big
Mountain — a distance of some eight miles — come into the
telegraph road north of Elkhorn Tavern, at a gorge
called Cross-Timber Hollow, and move south upon the
Union camp before daylight (Van Dorn, Rep., p. 283).
General Van Dorn remarks in his report: " Borne
obstructions, which he, the Union general, had hastily
thrown in the way, so impeded our march that we did not
gain the .telegraph road until 10 a. m. of the 7th."
General McCulloch's command was also marched in the
night. The result was that McCulloch, too, was on the
Union right rear, later than anticipated by Van Dorn, and
so late that his movement was seen and reported to General
Curtis before it was completed. General Pike reports
(page 297) that he followed closely in the rear of McCul¬
loch's other troops, halting when he had passed the houses
on Pea Vine Ridge and counter-marched there, passing off
15
226 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
the Bentonville road to the south through the woods, with
instructions to form in line in rear of General Mcintosh's
brigade, which would itself be in rear of a line of infantry,
and that when the firing should begin, all men to dismount
and charge together. This movement was being made by
McCulloch, and he had reached far to the rear of our right
flank, when Colonel Osterhaus was sent by General Curtis
to Lee Town with instructions to strike the enemy, and
stop his progress at all hazards.
Colonel Osterhaus started immediately. He took with
him the cavalry force, composed of five companies of the
3d Iowa cavalry (Lieutenant-Colonel Trimble, and some
235 men and oflBcers), the Benton Hussars (Colonel
Nemett), two companies Fremont Hussars (Lieutenant
Howe), and three guns of Captain Ebert's battery; all of
which detachment was under the immediate command of
Colonel Cyrus Bussey of the 3d Iowa cavalry. I was
acting as his adjutant.
Our objective point was the enemy, and our duty to
strike it, regardless of consequences to ourselves. The
other forces of Colonel Osterhaus were to follow as rapidly
as possible, and the division of Colonel Davis was to
advance in the same direction. Colonel Carr took the 4th
division to the immediate rear, up the telegraph road to
Elkhorn Tavern and beyond, and General Sigel remained
for the while to protect the line of Sugar Creek.
Colonel Osterhaus was not long in finding the forces of
McCulloch. Rapidly advancing through the woods and
The Battle of Pea Ridge.
227
fields to our right-rear, beyond Lee Town, and taking
personal command, he brought the three pieces of artillery
immediately to the front. As we reached a small prairie
extending three hundred yards west and one hundred and
fifty yards north, surrounded on the north and west by
timber and brush, the enemy's cavalry was seen passing
north. The three guns were advanced, supported on
the right and left by the 1st Mo. cavalry. The 3d
Iowa cavalry was being formed in line in rear of the
guns, when two of its companies were ordered down the
road, to the west, to charge the enemy's line, supposed
to be half a mile distant. The 3d Iowa cavalry galloped
down the road, and going beyond the prairie, found them¬
selves in front of McCulloch's division of infantry,
already in line. This cavalry was armed with sabres and
revolvers only, but nevertheless the two companies wheeled
into line and fired, at the same moment they received the
volleys of musketry at short range. A large number of
men and horses were killed. Lieut.-Colonel Trimble was
wounded by a shot in the head, and the companies were
thrown back in some confusion. While this was taking
O
place, the three pieces of artillery had opened and had
fired but a few shots when the whole line of rebel cavalry
charged, led by the Texas regiments of Sims and Welch,
followed by the Cherokee Indians under Stand Waite and
John Drew. Waite's regiment charged on foot. The
enemy's charge was successful and captured the guns, hut
not the caissons. A considerable part of the Indian force
228 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
stopped with the captured " shooting wagons," falling into
confusion, laughing, talking, riding this way and that and
wholly regardless of orders. (Pike's Eeport, p. 288.)
Here and there a "ward of the nation" might be seen with
the harness of an artillery horse on, the trace chains
clanging at his heels and a collar over his neck, exclaiming
as such have been known to do on other occasions, " Me
big In'gen, big as horse."
But the charge did not entirely spend itself at the line,
and although broken, our cavalry held a running fight
with the enemy in the field to the rear. There is no doubt,
and I speak from numerous sources of information obtained
at the time and within the last few days, at least eighty of
the enemy fell in this hand-to-hand contest, which was
chiefly with the 3d Iowa cavalry. Some were shot and
some sabred, and the cavalry of the enemy soon drew off.
General Pike reports that the Indians, after the next Union
battery opened, could not be induced to appear in the open
field, but each man sought a tree in the woods beyond the
prairie. He also intimates that a mounted company of
other troops that came there into the open field as an
example of bravery to the savages, as soon as a shell or
two fell among them thought better of it, and gave the
Indians' method the preference. The whole of Gener.il
Pike's report is a naive statement of the worthlessness of
his soldiers and his own unfitness for command, and a
most remarkably minute topographical description of his
squirrel-track escape. Colonel Osterhaus reports concern-
The Battle of Pea Ridge.
229
ing this attack and repulse (page 217), that the gathering
of the enemy's forces was accomplished in the immediate
neighborhood of the headquarters of our army, being only
one and a half miles distant, and it was patent that the
enemy was preparing a most energetic attack on our right
flank, at the same time that they opened one in our rear.
" Notwithstanding my command," he says, " was entirely
inadequate to the overwhelming masses opposed to me,
which I learned afterwards were under the immediate
command of Generals McCulloch and Mcintosh, and com¬
prised of some of the very best drilled regiments in the
Confederate service and Indian regiments, I could not
hesitate in my course of action. The safety of our position
was dependent upon securing our right flank and keeping
back the enemy until I was reinforced."
By this time the infantry troops under Osterhaus were on
the immediate field with the other batteries, and Jeff. C.
Davis was advancing through the woods farther to the
right and south.
The 36th Illinois held the extreme left of Osterhaus'
line, and the line extending to the right was composed
in succession of HoflTmann's battery, the 12th Missouri
infantry, Welfley's battery and the 22d Indiana regiment.
The enemy soon advanced in full force, but were repulsed
by the batteries. Skirmishers were advanced by the 36th
Illinois, and soon discovered the enemy's infantry in
ambush in the woods in front. It was at this time that
General McCulloch was killed by Peter Pelican of Co. B.
230 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
(Col. Greiisel so reports, page 226, Mch. 12th, and
Colonel Osterhaus, page 218, Mch. 14). There is little
doubt but that General McCulloch, after the heavy fire he
met at his first advance, was desirous of learning the exact
position of the enemy; and came so far out of the timber
to see the field that he was observed and killed. He was
dressed in a black velvet suit, and his watch was taken by
the soldier Pelican to the colonel. Captain Hunt Wilson,
who was with Guibor's battery, has given much study to
this battle, and has written a graphic account from the
Confederate stand-point, and created a valuable painting of
locality and "the last hours of the fight." He says that
it is said by those who know, that it appears McCulloch
was shot with a small ball, the rifle wad was found in the
wound, and that the superior officers of Pelican did not
fully accredit him with the feat at the time. But the
reports above referred to agree, and the circumstances
point very strongly to their correctness. McCulloch was
not a man to be mistaken for a Union soldier by the most
ignorant of his troops, and his popularity was very great.
He met the fate of the hour and fell in advance of his
troops, while looking for the road to a victory that never
came.
The Confederates still strove to advance, but were each
time repulsed by Osterhaus, until 2 o'clock, when Col.
Jetf. C. Davis, having come upon the field, advanced upon
the right of Osterhaus, but at such distance that the right
flank of Osterhaus was left exposed. The enemy was
The Battle of Pea Ridge.
231
found by Davis, at this moment also advancing, and the
firing became terrific. I was at this time in the immediate
rear of the infantry line with the companies of my own
regiment, the 3d Iowa cavalry, then in reserve. The fight
was chiefly to the right front, where Davis first put in his
Second brigade, which suflfered a slight repulse, leaving
two guns of Davidson's battery. These were immediately
retaken, however, by the 18th Indiana, Colonel Washburn,
of the First brigade, which further advanced, retaking
another battery and driving the enemy from the field. Not
without assistance, however, from Osterhaus, who, when he
saw his flank exposed, threw the 12th Missouri at double-
quick on the near flank of the enemy, and supported the
attack with Welfley's battery. The roar of musketry and
artillery for about twenty minutes at the crisis of the battle
here was continuous. Our companion. Colonel Wells H.
Blodgett, has told me he was with this advance of Colonel
Davis in the 37th Illinois infantry. Colonel White's brigade.
Blodgett says that a portion of his regiment was armed with
revolving rifles, and having mistaken the enemy for some
of our own troops, until they were within short range,
when the boys found out their mistake, and had to turn on
the steam; they threw the throttle valve wide open and
" let her go Gallagher." These rifles, with the successive
volleys of the other regiments, and the immense bass of
the cannon, were the cause of this most stupendous roar.
It was cyclonic in sound and effect. The enemy's dead
were so thick in the woods that one could step from body
232 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
to body for over a hundred yards, I judge. It was the end
of the Lee Town fight. An Indiana regiment near the
edge of the woods raised the stars and stripes on high; and
there was no enemy dared assail it more. The cheers of
the Union troops rang far and near, carrying comfort, they
hoped, to their hard-pressed brothers at Elk Horn Tavern.
The horde of Indians scampered off to the mountains,
from whence they had come, having murdered and scalped
many of the Union wounded. General Pike, their leader,
led a feeble band to the heights of Big Mountain, near Elk
Horn, where he was of no use to the battle of the succeed¬
ing day, and whence he fled, between roads, through the
woods, disliked by the Confederates and detested by the
Union men ; to be known in history as a son of New Hamp¬
shire — a poet who sang of flowers and the beauties of the
sunset skies, the joys of love and the hopes of the soul —
and yet one who, in the middle of the 19th century, led a
merciless, scalping, murdering, uncontrollable horde of
half-tame savages in the defense of slavery—themselves
slave-holders — against that Union his own native State
was then supporting, and against the flag of liberty. He
scarcely struck a blow in open fight (see his report, page
286, and following). His service was servile and corrupt;
his flight was abject, and his reward disgrace.
Time will not permit anything like an adequate descrip¬
tion of the fight that occurred at Elk Horn Tavern, on the
7th, while the events already mentioned were taking place
at Lee Town. The distance between the two fields was
The Battle of Pea Ridge,
233
about two miles, and so completely separated, that Colonel
Hebert, one of the chief officers of McCulloch's troops,
having during the Lee Town fight become separated from
his command, was picked up and captured by a cavalry
detail coming over from Elk Horn to Lee Town.
When Generals Van Dorn and Price reached the rear at
Cross-Timbers, and were about to " close the back door "
on General Curtis, they were told by some Union soldiers
they were entirely unexpected; but their troops had
scarcely shown themselves on the open road, when they
met a sharp fire from the advance guard of the 4th Divis¬
ion, under Colonel Carr. The door would not close, and
it is evident from his report, that General Van Dorn
attributes the assurances he had received to Yankee inge¬
nuity, for he proceeds to remark that he found the Union
forces holding very good positions, and they soon opened
a heavy fire of artillery and small arms. Colonel Carr's
2d brigade, under Colonel Vandever, consisting of the 9th
Iowa, Phelp's regiment, Dubuque Light Artillery, and 3d
Illinois cavalry, took position at Elk Horn Tavern, the
infantry chiefly on the left, or west of the road; the artil¬
lery near the road. The First brigade. Colonel Dodge,
formed on the right of the road, to right of Vandever.
The 35th Illinois was on the left of Dodge's brigade, the
4th Iowa infantry in center, with one section of First
Iowa battery and a battalion of 3d Illinois cavalry on the
right, and there were four pieces of the First Iowa battery
on the Springfield road. Five companies of the 8th Indiana
234 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
supported the left and right of Carr's division in turn,
during the day. These companies had been brought over
from Lee Town as reinforcements, by our companion.
Genera! John E. Phelps, who was that day acting as aid-
de-camp to Colonel Carr. He was a volunteer of volun¬
teers, as he had not yet been mustered.
The opposing forces at Elk Horn were those of Price,
being the brigades of Little, Slack, Frost, Rains and
Parsons, with Bledsoe's, Guibor's, Clark's, McDonald's
and Wade's batteries.
These numbered some 6,000, while the Union troops
were only 2,500 (War Records).
General Van Dorn was on this part of the field, and
General Price, under him, did all that skill, courage and
ambition to be the savior of Missouri, could. He was at
every point, and with the final charge that came near
breaking our line. But General Curtis was also there,
on our side, and close up. When Colonel Carr sought
reinforcement that could not be sent, Curtis bade him
" persevere," and again " persevere." The Commanding
General, Curtis, had his body-guard on the right, under
Major Bowen, with two mountain howitzers, under Lieuten¬
ant Madison, a most excellent artillerist. Colonel Carr
was hit three times. Vandever's horse was hit twice.
Colonel Phelps had three horses shot under him, and
received a concussion from a shell. Geiger had a horse
shot. Major Weston, of the 24th Missouri, who had been
on provost guard duty, had two horses shot under him.
The Balde of Pea Ridge.
235
Major Coyle, of the 9th Iowa, was wouncled after Lieuten¬
ant-Colonel Frank J. Herron, of the same regiment, had
his horse shot, been wounded and so captured. Colonel
Dodge was wounded, and had three horses shot under him,
one having been struck with twenty balls. (War Kecords.)
As our wounded men were brought back they would
" Hurrah for the Union." (Carr's Eep., p. 260.)
There was undiminished enthusiasm on our side, even
when the enemy was forcing back our line at dark ; so much
so, that when General Curtis met the 4th Iowa, that was
out of ammunition and sullenly retiring, and ordered the
men to fix bayonets and charge, it was done with gallantry
and with complete success. Hayden lost his guns ; and I
must leave it to our companion. General Phelps, to tell you
how he recovered them, some at Champion Hill and some
at Vicksburg.
" There never yet was • Johnnie's ' power,
That could evade, if unforgiven.
The patient march and vigils long
Of ' Yanks ' who treasured up the wrong.
Of a captured Pea Bidge battery."
This may not be poetry, but it is a fact.
Asboth had, toward evening, come up to the support of
Carr. The Union line had retired, perhaps a mile, but was
unbroken, and the two opposing armies laid down to rest,
except the 9th Iowa, which went to camp for ammunition,
and returned at 12 at night, on the yet disputed field.
28Ö War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
Vandever had marched the previous day forty miles (8
War Kec., p. 266), and Dodge had been out until 12 the
previous night cutting timber, as we have noted. The
enemy had been marching all the previous night. These
facts account for some very peculiar features of the opera¬
tions that succeeded this battle of the 7th. One we have
noticed, that of the 9th Iowa, leaving the line and going to
camp, and returning without any attack from the enemy.
General Sigel moved also from Lee Town in the night,
immediately under the view of the enemy, and was not
assailed. Lieutenant-Colonel Lane's rebel report (p. 300),
says, his command (the South Kansas-Texas regiment),
was, on night of the 7th, " constantly in hearing of the
rumbling of the enemy's artillery, as it passed from the
battle field of the 7th (where the brave Texas ranger,
McCulloch, gave himself up as a sacrifice for his country's
good), to join the forces opposed to General Price," and
that he remained in sleepless vigilance until 1 a. m.
Another feature: When General Sigel got to the Elk
Horn field, early in the morning of the 8th, he took his
troops first back to his camps for breakfast, and then
returned to the field, the enemy no doubt, very tired and
very hungry, seemed to have sympathized with this military
strategy, so that it was not interrupted. General Sigel's
wisdom in this was proven, for when he returned, as I
heard him remark, " the rebels got their bitters."
But I anticipate. It was on the night of the 7th that I
became a witness to a scene that establishes that General
The Battle of Pea Ridge.
237
Curtis was the real commander and hero of this battle. It
is no injustice to General öigel to claim this for General
Curtis. Curtis had served in the Mexican war. He had
handled this Army of the Southwest for months with
unvarying success, and subsequently, although commanding
on many fields, he never lost a fight. General Sigel, in
his Century papers, himself expresses his entire satisfac¬
tion with General Curtis, and his gratification that Curtis
was disposed to treat him openly and justly. And in
the memoirs of General Sheridan, but now published,
that eminent soldier bears testimony to General Curtis'
very superior qualities. He says (Personal Memoirs,
Vol. I, p. 132): "Just after my return to Springfield
the battle of Pea Kidge was fought. The success of
the Union troops in this battle was considerable, and while
not of suflScient magnitude to affect the general cause
materially, it was decisive as to that particular campaign,
and resulted in driving all organized Confederate forces out
of the State of Missouri. After Pea Kidge was won,
certain eflforts were made to deprive Curtis of the credit
due him for the victory ; but no matter what merit belonged
to individual commanders, I was always convinced that
Curtis was deserving of the highest commendation, not only
for the skill displayed on the field, but for a zeal and daring
in campaign which was not often exhibited at that early
period of the war. Especially should this credit be awarded
when we consider the difficulties under which he labored ;
how he was hampered in having to depend on a sparsely
238 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
settled country for the subsistence of his troops. In the
reports of the battle that came to Springfield, much glory
was claimed for some other general officers, but as I had
control of the telegraph line from Springfield east, I
detained all dispatches until General Curtis had sent in his
official report. He thus had an opportunity, in advance of
some ot his vain subordinates, who would have laid claim
to the credit of the battle had I not thwarted them by this
summary means."
But to my reminiscence. My regiment being detached,
I, as adjutant, was sent to General Asboth for orders. I
reached him late at night. He, however, mounted his
horse and took me to General Curtis, whose tent we reached
as late, at least, as 11 o'clock. On entering we found the
general dressed, but lying on his blankets spread over
some straw on the ground, and apparently endeavoring to
catch a few winks of sleep. General Asboth gave him a
detailed account of both the enemy's position and ours,
with which he seemed quite conversant. General Curtis
finally remarked: " I have ordered Sigel over from Lee
Town. He has to come around Little Mountain, and if the
enemy sees or hears him, they may attack. I would not
be surprised to hear the guns at any minute. But he will
get here, and in the morning I will attack at Elk Horn
Tavern and will whip the rebels there, and when I whip
them there, I whip them everywhere." He then said to
me to take my orders from General Asboth and bade us
good night.
The Battle of Pea Ridge.
239
General Asboth, on leaving the tent, gave me the orders
for my regiment, and he returned to his quarters, and I to
the bush-heap fire by which I slept until daylight.
The event proved the entire sincerity and foresight of the
general. Sigel came. The attack on Elk Horn was made.
O C
The enemy was whipped there and everywhere.
General Curtis was a man of large brain force; he was
self-poised; he had great sagacity and was rather aggres¬
sive than otherwise. He had had control of the largest
public works as a civil engineer. Notably the harbor of
St. Louis, which owes its present existence to his skill as
city engineer under Mayor Kennett. Besides being a
graduate of West Point, he had served as before mentioned
in the Mexican war. He was easily the chief of the
generals who were with or against him.
But General Sigel is entitled to great praise also, for the
results. He had a quick eye and clear apprehension for
advantageous positions for artillery.
I was at liberty to be on the field, owing to the position
of my own regiment, and saw the battle of the 8th.
Sigel seized the elevation in the fields in front of Big
Mountain, and extended across it from a little northwest to
southeast, reaching the main road, and along this line he
planted battery after battery in the following order;
Elbert's 2d Ohio, Hoffman's three sections, Welfley's, Hoff¬
man's one section, Davidson's, Klaus'; all supported by
his two divisions, the driving and daring Osterhaus on his
right, Asboth on the left. Jeff. C. Davis had the right of
240 War Papers and Personal Peminiscences.
the main road, and extended over to where Dodge had been
the day before. Carr's division was on our right flank, and
our cavalry immediately in his right rear.
As soon as Davis advanced, Sigel coming with his now
refreshed troops, opened his batteries from his skillfully
selected position. The artillery fire along the whole line
was tremendous and broke the enemies' lines at the foot of
the mountain. It dispersed the troops on top of the over¬
hanging clifl"; driving off Pike and Hughes' command.
The latter was about to abandon its guns when Col. A. W.
Slayback called some of the men, and with ropes pulled
two pieces out of the storm of bursting shells, and suc¬
ceeded in getting them olF the field (see Hughes Confederate
Keport ).
Sigel's line poured its shot into Guibor's battery; it
drove away that of Churchill, decapitating that young and
daring soldier at the moment he was limbering up ; and it
took the last hope out of General Van Dorn, and as it
were paralyzed him. He became so disconcerted that he
suosequently asserted that he had no intention of fighting a
battle on the 8th, and only made a feint to enable him to
retreat. The 36th Ills, scaled the cliff, in their dark uniform
resembling a python climbing among the trees and rocks.
The shells were bursting over the whole rebel line. They
turned to the door they had expected to close upon our
army, and struggled for exit through the long hollow. A
last charge by our troops was made, all our lines were
regained and advanced. The cheers of our boys rang out
The Battle of Pea Ridge.
241
as they hurried on. The enemy fled in every direction :
Missourians, Texans, Arkansians, Choctaws, Cherokees and
General Pike up the hollow and thence, some to the right
and some to the left. The cavalry followed in quick
pursuit, and the battle at Pea Ridge was over. Vandever,
Herron, Davis, Osterhaus, Phelps and others had won their
stars and the gratitude of the republic.
Our army had been on the 6th faced south, on the 7th it
was faced northwardly, from northeast to southwest, and
on the 8th, north. The right had become the left and
almost back again. These movements were made in the
presence of a superior force, but all with accuracy and
success. They were opposed to troops of all arms and the
artillery fire on both sides was most remarkably good. The
loss was, for the Confederates, 1,000, at least, killed and
wounded, and 300 prisoners — for the Union army, 203
killed, 980 wounded and 201 missing, total 1,384.
It was a battle of the first class, and it held Missouri to
the Union with the cement of as loyal blood as was shed in
the war. Missourians reading of the gallant service of
Col. Phelps and his regiment against their misguided
fellow-citizens, took him to their hearts with a sympathy
and confidence that never ceased while he lived, and deemed
him, rather than Price, their representative soldier and
citizen ; and they came to honor loyalty and not disloyalty.
The country hastened to promote the oflScers of the army
of the southwest. Curtis was made a major-general, as
also was Sigel, Carr, Dodge, Vandever, Herron and others,
16
242 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
brigadiers. The country heard with praise and thankful¬
ness of the valor of its sons in this far distant battle in the
mountains.
The war drifted ofi to the east, and Price never returned
until in 1864, when he took his last forlorn and hopeless
ride across the State.
General Cui'tis, after Pea Kidge, went to Batesville,
arriving there on May 1st, 1862, and thence to Helena,
from which point he returned to take command of the
department, with headquarters at St. Louis, and thence
west where he again met General Price. The 3d Iowa
cavalry was again the front — capturing at the Osage
Gens. Marmaduke and Cabel. Here Curtis defeated
Price — defeated him finally and forever on the western
border of grand old Missouri —ever a Union loving and a
Union blessed and to be blessed State.
Some Reminiscences of Army Life.
243
SOME EEMINISCENCES OF ARMY LIFE.
BY CAPT. EVERETT W. PATTISON.
The attack on the Sixth Massachusetts at Baltimore was
an event of supreme importance in connection with the
secession movement. Until that hour multitudes at the
North had refused to be convinced that the conflict was
inevitable, and few persons of mature years had considered
the possibility of being personally called upon to bear arms.
But the tidings of violence in the streets of Baltimore as
they were flashed over the land, brought to every mind a
conviction not only that war had actually commenced, but
that at this juncture there rested upon each citizen a duty
to his country which could only be discharged by personal
service. Nowhere was the excitement more intense than
in that city of central Mssachusetts in which I was then
residing. Many of her citizens were in the ranks of the
famous Sixth ; and while we waited with uncertainty for
the list of casualties, not knowing what families would be
plunged into mourning, the feeling grew and deepened.
No battle in after years, with its long list of dead,
wounded and missing, created so profound an impression
as this comparatively bloodless afl^air.
244 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
The call for three years' troops which soon followed this
event, the enthusiastic response of the old Bay State to that
call, the promptness with which regiment after regiment
was raised, equipped and sent to the field, are matters of
history. I was then just twenty-two years of age, and
partook of the prevalent enthusiasm with all the ardor of
youth. My determination to enter the service was at once
formed. But preliminary to putting this resolution into
effect, I had a difficulty to remove as to which I experienced
no little misgiving. My father was getting tobe an old man.
His affection for his children was deep and fervent. Grave
doubts filled my mind whether he would willingly consent
that his oldest boy should encounter the hardships and risks
of war. It is true I was of age, and could have gone with¬
out his consent, but our relations had been too close and
intimate, and my respect and veneration for him was too
great, to permit my taking such a step without his appro¬
bation. At last I mustered up courage to broach the
subject, and with no little hesitation and tremulousness
made known my intention. His answer showed the true
Anglo-Saxon spirit. "I should be ashamed of you, " he
said, " if you did not go."
It was this same element in his character which led him
at a later period of the war, after the surgeon had reported
that my younger brother was physically unfitted for service
in the field, to offer the usual bounty to any one who would
go in his stead, and in addition thereto, to care for the
family of such substitute during his term of service.
Some Reminiscences of Army Life. 245
The same stern and determined spirit showed itself in that
younger son. He would not remain at home, notwith¬
standing the warnings of physicians, but entered the army
at eighteen as a private soldier, and remained in it, without
losing a day from active service, until the last gun had been
fired.
In April and May, ISfil, several Massachusetts regi¬
ments were in process of formation, among them one in
my own city, which was afterwards mustered into the
service as the Fifteenth. There was one feature in this
organization, however, common to most regiments in our
service, which was contrary to my notions of military
matters. It was formed on the militia plan. A number
of men constituting a company elected their officers.
Several companies combined to form a regiment, and these
elected the field officers. It seemed to me impossible that
the requisite discipliue could be maintained by officers thus
selected. And though I was offered a commission in the
Fifteenth, I preferred to wait. The time was not wasted,
as a portion of every day and night was given to drilling
under a drill-master hired for that purpose. About the
middle of May I heard that a regiment was being raised in
Boston, the colonel and lieutenant-colonel of which were
graduates of the military academy, had both seen actual
service, and in which it was declared that the strict discipline
of the regular army was to obtain. This was what I was
looking for. I took the train for Boston, and went out to
the camp. I found one of the officers — Capt. A. B.
246 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
Underwood, who was afterwards, while colonel of the
Thirty-third Massachusetts, wounded at Missionary Kidge,
and who before the close of the war became a brigadier-
general. Finding that I had an idea of enlisting, he
promised that if I would enter his company he would give
me the position of first-sergeant. I accepted it, signed his
roll, returned to my home to bid good-bye to parents,
brother and sisters, and next day reported at camp for duty.
This regiment was the one which afterwards became
famous as the Second Massachusetts Infantry. On the
29th of April, five days before the President issued his call
for three-year troops, the lieutenant-colonel and major of
this regiment had induced the secretary of war to sign a
paper agreeing to receive into the service of the United
States for three years, a regiment which Col. Geo. H.
Gordon was then raising. It thus happened that this regi¬
ment was the first in the United States to be organized for
a three years' campaign. It did not obtain the number
" One," because the regiment of Massachusetts militia
which held that number also went into the service. But it
was in fact first in point of time.
The ten companies of the regiment were soon raised,
and by the 20th of May all were in camp at Brook Farm
in West Koxbury, the place immortalized by the author of
Blythedale Komance. " On the gently sloping hill-side in
the wide pasture," which Hawthorne describes, we pitched
our tents. And here we remained until July 8th. The
days were spent in unceasing drill and in the performance of
Some Reminiscences of Army Life. 247
every military duty and observance which would be required
in active service in the field. I find from a letter written
on the 6th of June,* that the daily routine of life was as
follows: Up at a quarter of five; drill until half-past six;
breakfast at seven ; guard mounting at quarter before eight ;
drill again at half-past eight until half-past ten ; drill again
at half-past eleven until half-past twelve ; dinner at one ;
drill at half-past three for two hours; dress parade at half-
past six ; supper at seven ; tattoo and roll-call at nine ; taps
and sleep at half-past nine. After such a day's work as
that, it may well be imagined that I was ready for sleep,
and lost no time in getting into my blankets. It was a
pretty severe life for a young man who had never known
what work was, and whose most arduous tasks had been in
the school-room or study. It had its advantages, however.
For, considering that this was almost my first absence from
home, I might have had a severe attack of home-sickness if
there had been any time for it.
In the same letter I find a description of my accommoda¬
tions. They seemed scant and hard enough to me then,
although they were luxurious when compared with later
experiences. " The accommodations of soldier life are not
of the best," I write. " I have after a week and a half of
effort succeeded in obtaining a table. Not a chair, or a
camp-stool or anything but a small box ; and that is one
* This paper is made up almost entirely from the contents of my letters
written home during the first two years of my army life. E. W. P.
248 Wa7' Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
that one of my company left in here for a day or two. The
rain is pattering down on my tent, but doesn't come in
much. * * • I mess with the four under sergeants —
five in a tent. The privates mess twelve in a tent. I have
my meals alone, however."
On the 8th of July we marched into Boston, whence we
took cars for the west. An incident occurred in connection
with our departure which illustrates how little, even at that
late date, it being then nearly three months after the
attack on Sumter, people realized that the war was a terrible
reality. As the men were falling in preparatory to the
march from the common to the depot, one good mother in
Israel, gazing earnestly in the face of the colonel, said :
"We look to you. Col. Gordon, to bring all of these
young men back in safety to their homes." Safety ! That
was not exactly what those young men were going after
just then. Certain it is, if, on those many hard-fought
fields which made the following years glorious, there was
any place which safety had utterly abandoned, the Second
Massachusetts always found that spot.
The morning of the 9th of July found us in New York.
Never shall I forget that march down Broadway; that
magnificent regiment, with clean new uniforms, dark blue
coats and light blue trousers ; we having from the first
adopted the regulation uniform, the ranks full, 1,035 men
in line, every man wearing white gloves, every musket
and article of equipment as bright and neat as constant
rubbing could make it; the oflicers in full dress uniforms
Some Reminiscences of Army Life. 249
with chapeaux and epaulets, and the held with gaily
caparisoned horses. The men showed the effects of
their six weeks' drill and training. In precision of march¬
ing and in soldieidy bearing, few commands superior to it
have ever been seen on the streets of New York. Immense
crowds thronged the sidewalks, hung from the lamp-posts,
filled the windows of the stores and the balconies of the
hotels. The new call, " Hi! hi! hi!" had just come into
fashion, and as the head of the regiment approached
each square, it was taken up by the crowd, and
was passed from block to block, and repeated from
thousands of throats, until the last file closer had dis¬
appeared. It was such an ovation as men seldom receive.
Every eye sparkled, every heart beat proudly, and every
step was firmer for it.
We left New York at night, and when the drums beat
the assembly, the place where the companies had to fall in
was pitch dark. Yet to the wonderment of the throng
which pressed close up to our sentries, every first-sergeant
called the roll of his men without the slightest hesitation,
and called it correctly too. For in our training camp the
first-sergeants had been early taught to dispense with the
roll-book; it being required of each that he should be able
to call the roll of his company under any circumstances, in
darkness or storm, in camp or on the march, without the
aid of book or paper. There was not a first-sergeant in
the regiment who could not, on the darkest night, make up
his detail for guard or picket duty without missing a man.
250 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
We had been assigned to Patterson's command, who was
then operating near Winchester, with Johnson opposing
him. We joined this command at Martinsburg on the 12th
of July. Its movements, or rather non-movements, up to
the time of the first battle of Bull Run, and the subsequent
melting away of that army, which was composed mostly of
three months men — the settling down by three-years' regi¬
ments which remained to daily drill and discipline, and
to the earnest purpose of forming an army which should
on future fields show its metal, are all matters of history.
I shall refer to them only as they connect themselves with
my own experiences and those of the command to which I
was attached.
Most of the time, between the defeat at Bull Run and
that at Ball's Bluff, our regiment spent at a little insignifi¬
cant place in Maryland, with a name which seems to have
been conferred upon it with a special view to its occupancy
by troops, Darnstown ; and there day after day we went
through our tedious evolutions — squad drill, company
drill, battalion drill, brigade drill. We drilled with knap¬
sacks and without knapsacks—in warm weather and in cold
weather—in rain and cloud and sunshine alike. Oh! the
volleys of oaths that those hills heard ! For our regimental
oflScers believed in the virtue of swearing ; and while the
colonel damned the subordinate oflScers, the lieutenant
colonel damned the men. There was a true impartiality
about this damning that could but excite our admiration,
and, it is needless to say, that we would never have learned
Some Reminiscences of Army Life. 251
the various evolutions without it. For you know that
drilling and swearing have always gone together from the
time when that celebrated army was in Flanders.
This camp at Darnstown illustrates one of the uncer¬
tainties of military life — that uncertainty which, to my
mind, is one of its greatest charms. We marched into a
field by the road-side near that classic village on the 30th
of August. I find from a letter written on the 12th of the
next month, that on that August day our officers were so
confident that the halt made there was only temporary,
they did not for several hours permit us to pitch our
tents. About noon, however, the order came, and the
tents went up, for a single night, as was supposed. Yet
there we were on September 12th, and there we remained
for nearly six weeks after the latter date. I repeat, this
very uncertainty was one of the great charms of a soldier's
life. We knew what the present offered us. But into the
future we could not look, not even so far as a single hour.
That which appeared to be the most temporary and evanes¬
cent, was not infrequently, the most permanent. That
which we expected would endure, was often most uncere¬
moniously and suddenly terminated.
Thus, after we had gone into winter quarters at Fred¬
erick, and the nice warm huts had been built, with their
cheerful fire-places at the upper end, some one in authority
away up the line took it into his head on the 4th of
January — the very coldest part of the winter — to issue
an order that we should cook two days' rations and hold
252 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
ourselves in readiness to march. This order was received
on the 5th, and on the 12th we were still under marching
orders, and were still keeping our two days' rations cooked
and in readiness. On the 30th of January, the same state
of things continued, and the movement was finally made on
the 27th of February, just fifty-three days from the time
it was first received.
While camping at Darnstown, an incident occurred which
for a time threatened serious consequences, but which was
really of little account except as it showed how far apart,
in the matter of discipline, were regiments from the same
State. A private soldier in ours had been sentenced by
court-martial to be tied up one hour a day for three succes¬
sive days. On the first day the men of the Twelfth
Massachusetts, the camp of which adjoined ours, saw the
man undergoing his sentence. Immediately the cry was
raised: "Cut him down! cut him down!" and in an
instant our streets were full of excited men of the Twelfth,
who were going to i-elease that fellow at all hazards. They
little knew, however, with what stuflF they were dealing.
The regimental guard was quickly turned out and stood
quietly awaiting the rush. But the rush didn't come.
The rescuers glared at the guard a few moments, and then
permitted their oflScers to coax them back to their camp.
But during that afternoon, both the colonel of the Twelfth,
and Major-General Banks, commanding the corps, endeav¬
ored to induce our colonel to have the sentence on the
succeeding days carried out in some retired spot where its
Some Heminiscences of Army Life. 253
execution could not be seen. And when this was refused,
since it did not come in the form of an order from the
general commanding, Col. Webster, fearful that he could
not control his men, on both days took his regiment away
off to a distant field, and kept them on battalion drill
during the entire time the man was undergoing his
punishment.
I have already indicated that I was an admirer of mili¬
tary discipline. That of the Second Massachusetts was
strict, almost rigorous, and was carried into the smallest
details. The intercourse between oflicers and men was
limited to that which was ofiScial. While I was first-ser¬
geant I was in a company whose captain was the brother-
in-law of my most intimate friend. One of the other
captains and one of the lieutenants in the regiment had
been schoolmates with me, where our intimacy had been
more than usually close. Yet we never recognized each
other, except officially, until I was promoted to the line;
aud ou occasions when business called me to my captain's
tent I never sat down, but invariably stood with hat off and
at attention till the business which took me there was
transacted. When I received my commission I went to
my former quarters and bade good-bye to my fellow ser¬
geants, with whom I had been tenting for nine months.
And from that time all social intercouse between us ceased
until some of them were in turn promoted. Au incident
which partook somewhat of the ludicrous will illustrate the
extent to which this observance of the punctiliousness of
254 War Papera and Personal Reminiscences.
military etiquette was carried. One warm day after a pro¬
longed spell of drilling, the captain ordered a rest. All
the non-commissioned officers and privates threw them¬
selves upon the ground. The captain approached me to
give some directions, and as I made a movement to arise
and occupy the position of attention, he said: ««Never
mind. Sergeant, about rising; I have only a word to say
to 3-00." Unluckily at that moment the colonel appeared
in sight, mounting a ridge which had concealed his approach.
He rode up to the company, and said: «' Captain, is your
sergeant sick?" The captain saluted and responded in the
negative. ««You will report to your tent under arrest,"
he said to the captain. Then looking around and seeing
that there was no other officer with the company, he turned
to me and said: «' Sergeant, drill this company," and rode
off without another word.
I am aware that this may seem to be a needless mar-
tinetism. And so it doubtless appeared to us at the time.
But there can be no question that it was this insistence
upon the most rigid discipline at all times and on all occa¬
sions, in trifles as well as in important matters, which made
that regiment one which every general was glad to have in
his command, one which could be relied upon in any case,
be the emergency ever so grave.
While we were in winter quarters at Frederick, an enter¬
prising individual came along peddling stationery. He had
procured what purported to be a sketch of our encampment,
and had lithographed it for the letter heads and the backs
Some Reminiscences of Army Life. 255
of the envelopes. When our colonel looked at the picture
great was his indignation. The artist, impressed probably
with the idea that the scene would be monotonous if all the
sentries had their muskets at a carry, had represented one
of them standing in most unsoldier-like ease, his arm lean¬
ing on the muzzle while the butt of his piece rested on the
ground. The engraving was, of course, «'from a sketch
taken on the spot." But " the spot " was in the artist's
studio, and not in the vicinity of our camp. One thing is
certain, it would not have been well for any man on guard
duty in that camp to have been caught in the position occu¬
pied by the sentry in the picture.
A letter written home about this time contains a question
which forcibly recalls one of the many delusions and false
reports, which in those days were so constantly floating
about in the army and at home: " What do they think at
the North of Jeff Davis' death?" I write: " What effect
do they think it will have on the war? "
While at Frederick I received my commission as second-
lieutenant, and was assigned to Company E. I find in
one of my letters the following description of my captain,
which, as I omit names, there can be no indelicacy in
reproducing. " Who is that long, slim man on the left-
hand bed?" you ask. "He is rather slim both in face
and limb. He has a very heavy beard but so arranges his
hair as to give a feminine cast to his countenance. His
words of command are given in a soprano tone, and are
pitched in the key of E ; but when he converses this
256 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
is harshened into a grumbling tone. You will observe
at the foot of his bed a bottle, not round and black,
but square and of light glass. Yes, I am sorry to say
he is very dissipated — though on the comparatively
harmless drink of cod liver oil. Cod liver oil is his
morning solace, the companion of his meals, and ere
he goes to bed he drowns, in its mellifluous, slippery
waves, all the cares of the day. Verily, he drinketh much
cod liver oil. That is my captain ; the best captain and
most ardent lover of military life in the whole line. His
company have the utmost confidence in him, and he
is always ready to swear by his company. He is a man
of fine talents, a great reader and an author of no mean
pretensions, a member of a family well known in the annals
of the country, and a descendant of one who has occupied
the President's chair. With all his womanish ways and
looks he is ever ready for a fight, and is as cool in the
midst of carnage as when draining a glass of his favorite
cod liver oil
As I look back upon my relations with my captain,
many pleasant reminiscences come to my mind. He was
a great reader and his reading took a wide range. He
remembered, too, whatever he read, and could repeat
page after page from many authors. Many an hour has
been thus beguiled of its tediousness. On more than one
occasion, when in bivouac, and when we had been driven
by the cold rains of late autumn, to spend our hours in bed
in order to keep warm, we had lain snugly wrapt up in
Some Reminiscences of Army Life. 257
our woolen blankets with rubber blanket over all, and
while the rain pattered on our heads and the gusts of
wind whirled the smoke from the sputtering fire in our
faces, and filled our eyes with involuntary tears, the
captain would repeat whole pages from Bigelow papers, or
from Dickens, or some other equally entertaining writer,
until I would utterly forget the little discomforts and
annoyances which would otherwise have made life mis¬
erable.
I call to mind one debt I owe him which was of a more
substantial kind. As we were going into the battle of
Cedar Mountain — an affair which we plainly foresaw was
to be a bloody one — each committed to the other sundry
arrangements to be carried out in case of casualty to either.
Among other things he mentioned that he was expecting a
box from home. "If I get knocked over," he said, " 1
want you to enjoy the contents. Take them and use them
as if they were your own." When the action was over the
poor fellow was badly wounded and in the hands of the
enemy. It was many a long day before we met again.
But the box came to baud in due time. It arrived just at
the end of Pope's celebrated retreat from the Rappahan¬
nock, during a great portion of which we had been on half
rations, and the balance of the time on no rations at all.
The box was filled with the best things, liquid and solid,
(including cod liver oil) that Boston could produce and
that loving care could provide ; and the poor fellow, for
whom they were intended, was luxuriating in the delicacies
17
258 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
which wore served out in Libby Prison. I was too old a
soldier, however, to let my sympathy spoil my appetite ;
and two or three friends helped me stow the rations, which
we washed down with healths to their eccentric but good-
hearted owner.
I have mentioned the battle of Cedar Mountain. Among
my letters I find very full accounts of this action, contain¬
ing some incidents which will, perhaps, be of interest. For
the length of time the engagement lasted it was certainly
the bloodiest affair in which I participated during the entire
war. We were under fire a little less than thirty minutes.
In that time our regiment lost six officers killed and mor¬
tally wounded, two wounded and taken prisoners, one a
prisoner but not wounded, and four seriously wounded but
still within our lines, and several others slightly wounded.
Of twenty-three officers who led their men into action only
seven came back unhurt. Of 500 enlisted men 160 were
killed, wounded or missing. On no other field, except that
of Gettysburg, could our loss compare with this.
Cedar Mountain is a steep hill rising from a compara¬
tively level plain on the Gordonsville and Culpepper Pike.
Near the top is a house from which can be seen every rood
of ground for many miles around. On the roof of this
house Gen. Jackson was stationed, and with his glass swept
every avenue of approach. He knew as accurately as Pope
himself, the number and position of every command on the
Federal side, and just what force to send against them.
Upon our doomed brigade, consisting of three regiments,
Some Reminiscences of Army Life. 259
he hurled four brigades. They advanced obliquely on our
right flank, so that when their center reached our right,
their left far overlapped us and had already penetrated to
our rear. Then we were subjected to a cross-fire, and it
was that cross-fire that so rapidly swelled the list of cas¬
ualties. One officer of "ours"—Capt. Goodwin — had
risen from a sick bed to lead his men into this battle. Just
as the rebel lines turned our flank, volley after volley was
poured into his company. Capt. Goodwin was instantly
killed. His servant, who was near him, stepped forward
to take his body to the rear. He was killed and fell across
the captain's body. The first-sergeant then attempted to
get the body of the captain. He, too, was instantly shot,
and fell across the bodies of the captain and his servant.
A corporal and a private then renewed the effort to carry
off the body, and they, too, fell dead across the other
bodies. And there on the next day when we went to bury
our dead the five bodies were found, one on top of the
other, just as they had fallen.
When the colonel saw that the regiment was flanked he
ordered us to fall back about 200 yards, and there we took
up another position where we remained unmolested. While
executing this backward movement the coloi'-seroreant dis¬
covered that the eagle which surmounted the color staff —
a rich, heavily gold-plated one—had been shot ofi". He
was already some distance from the place which had been
occupied by our troops. But that eagle was not to be left
to become a trophy for rebels. Leaving the colors with
260 Wa?' Papers and Personal lleminiscences.
the color-guard, he retraced his steps, found the eagle, and
brought it back in triumph. And for this heroic act he
received his shoulder-straps.
There has been no little discussion as to which side won
the victory in this engagement, or whether either side was
victorious. I find in a letter written the next day after the
battle, some remarks on that point, which show the way I
looked at it when everything was fresh in my mind. From
this letter I quote: "For three reasons I say the enemy
did not gain the victory. The first is that we were only
driven back from our advanced position to that which we
originally occupied, and we had given the enemy so severe
a punishment that they did not dare follow us one foot.
The second reason is the great loss inflicted upon the
enemy. It was fully equal to, if not greater than, ours.
I know it in several ways. One of our oflScers, the major,
was mortally wounded. Yet the rebel surgeons said they
had so much to do in taking care of their own wounded
that they could not attend to him, and they had to send
and get help from our side for him. Again, under a flag
of truce our oflScers conversed with many of the rebel
officers. One of the latter said that the rebel loss was not
so great as ours, but that the Union men fought like devils.
But another — Col. Jeff. Stuart, a classmate of Gordon's
at West Point, by the way — said that it was the fiercest
fight of the war, and that their loss was tremendous. (I
remark here, parenthetically, that Lee's report makes the
Confederate loss 229 killed and 1,047 wounded — a total of
Some Reminiscences of Army Life.
261
1,276.) But the most convincing fact is that the enemy did
not dare again attack us ; and what is more, asked an
armistice to bury their dead, and during the armistice they
drew off their whole army across the Kapidan river."
Promotions were rapid in those days. " When I went
into that fight I was fourth in rank of the 2d lieutenants.
When I came out I was the sixth in rank of the 1st lieu¬
tenants. I entered the action a mere filecloser. I came
out in command of two companies. That happened in this
way. During the thickest of the fight my captain sent me
to the colonel with some information as to the approach of
a body of the enemy on our left. Just as I passed Com¬
pany F, a terrific volley swept over the regiment, and the
only officer of that company was badly wounded. As this
left his company without an officer the colonel ordered me
to take command of it. Later in the action my captain
was wounded and fell into the hands of the enemy. So I
had charge of my own company also. It was some two
or three weeks afterwards before there were enough line
officers to allow one to each company. And as the empty
tents flapping in the night wind called to mind our brother
officers, some lying in soldiers' graves, some pining in
southern prisons, a tinge of sadness colored our thoughts.
But such is war.
At Gettysburg, also, our loss was heavy; and there, too,
it was quickly over. I was then serving on the staff of
Gen. A. S. Williams, who, though only a brigadier, in that
battle commanded the Twelfth Army Corps. Towards the
262 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
latter part of the forenoon of that day, Gen. Mead and all
of his staff ofiScers, together with a large number of general
oflBcei s and their staffs, had gathered on a small rocky knob
that rises abruptly a short distance to the left of the pike
leading to Gettysburg. All were intently watching the
contest in which the right wing was then engaged. A
regiment was seen to move from behind the breast-works
and gallantly charge the strongest point in the enemy's
position. For some twenty minutes the unequal contest
was kept up. Then this regiment moved deliberately and
with a perfect alignment to the rear, then by the leit flank
a few rods, again by the left flank into their original
position. Here they knelt down and poured such a galling
fire into the enemy which had started in pursuit, that the
latter were glad to seek shelter. Every movement of the
regiment had been executed with the precision and care of
a review. From all sides I heard exclamations : Beautiful!
beautifully done ! What regiment is that? and like expres¬
sions. I had recognized the colors of my own regiment,
and my heart swelled with pride to which I sought in vain
to give utterance.
But fearful had been the cost of that brilliant movement.
It was a case, so common in warfare, of a mistaken order.
An order had been sent to the brigade commander to " feel
the enemy " at the point indicated. When the message
reached Col. Miidge, who was in command of the Second,
it had grown into an order to attack the enemy and carry
his position. The young commander, for he was only
Some Reminiscences of Army Life. '2GS
twenty-three, gave a sharp glance at the aide who had
repeated the dispatch, and with the quiet remark : "It's
murder, but it's an order," gave the word to advance.
Bravely he led his men on that forlorn hope. But he
never came back. He fell while leading the charge ; and
when the regiment returned it left with its commander on
the bloody field one hundred and thirty-four officers and
men. Forty-four in every hundred had fallen. For of
the 22 officers and 294 men who were sent to that useless
slaughter, only 182 returned unharmed. During the
carnage five color-bearers in succession were shot down.
But those colors never touched the ground. Before one
nerveless hand had relaxed its grip another had seized the
staff. And during the whole fight that flag which I had so
O DO
proudly recognized was borne aloft.by men who could die,
but could never see their colors trail in the dust. No
wonder one of the generals near me cried out in his
enthusiasm : "I never saw a finer sight than that regiment
coming back over that terrible meadow, facing about and
forming in line as steady as though on parade."
Among the officers who bore honorable wounds on that
day, was Capt. Tom Fox. He was one for whom I enter¬
tained a warm regard, and our friendship was mutual.
Our ages were almost equal, both having been born in
February, 1839. We graduated from college about the
same time. When the war broke out we were both
engaged in teaching, spending the hours not appropriated
to school duties in studying law. Both of us had thrown
264 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
our books aside to enter the service. He joined the regi¬
ment soon after I was commissioned second lieutenant,
and from that time our intimacy dated. I met him shortly
after the action on the 3d, and he was then in the best of
spirits. He was proud of his regiment and of what it had
done on that day. A ball had struck him on the ankle,
inflicting what all supposed to be a slight wound. " I will
go home," he cheerfully said to me, " and get a little rest
and visit my friends. This thing will soon heal, and I will
be back by the time the regiment shall be called into action
again." I bade him good-bye, without a thought that I
had seen him for the last time. But the wound was more
serious than we imagined, and in just three weeks after¬
wards he died.
As I look over these old letters, comical incidents are
mingled with the sad. I find in one, written the day
before Antietam, an amusing account of the fainting of a
man in the ranks. It was the day after the action at South
Mountain. We were toiling up the steep roads that aflbrd
the only passage over the ridge, now winding around
declivities, now attaining some vantage ground from which
we had an unobstructed view for miles, and again plunging
into thick woods which entirely shut out every prospect.
Just as the road entered a small patch of trees near the
mountain, a battery on the other side, and only about a
quarter of a mile ahead, opened fire. As one gun after
another boomed out, it seemed in that clear air as if we
were directly upon them. Suddenly there fell upon our ears
Sovie Reminiscences of Army Life.
265
the sharp ringing sound of a musket striking upon rocks.
As every eye turned in that direction there was seen the
hody of one of the most stalwart men in the command.
He lay stretched out at full length on the macadam by the
roadside, seemingly in a dead faint. One of the oflScers of
his company approached him and gazed intently into his
face. Then grasping him by the collar, with a vigorous
jerk he brought him to his feet, and while he assisted him
with his boot to retake his place in the ranks, he remarked
in a tone that could be heard the entire length of the
regiment: " The next time you want to faint, don't do it
with red lips." It is needless to say the poor fellow never
heard the last of that episode ; and he was known to the
close of the war as the-man-who-fainted-with-red-lips.
One more incident, and I will not further tax your
patience. The battle of Eesaca, in Georgia, was fought
in a very hilly and woody country. Eavines concealed
by trees and heavy underbrush, led in almost every
direction, and for this reason it was difficult to find a
position where our flanks were not more or less exposed.
An Indiana battery had been placed at the mouth of one
of these ravines, where it commanded the ground over
which the enemy must pass in advancing, and there it
had done magnificent execution. Charge after charge of
the rebels had been repulsed, and a large share of the credit
was due to this battery. The enemy evidently came to the
conclusion that those guns must be silenced at any cost.
There was a slight depression on the left flank of the bat-
266 TVa?' Papers and Personal Peminiscences.
tery ; but the forest seemed so thick and impenetrable there
that its captain did not anticipate any trouble from that
quarter. He reckoned without his host, however. Late
in the afternoon, while hotly serving his guns, he was
thunderstruck by an attack from the left and rear. His
infantry support almost immediately gave way. There
seemed nothing for it but that his Parrotts must go. The
rebels sprang upon them with a yell, and before he could give
the order to face about, the gray uniforms were swarming
upon him. But Gen. Williams saw his predicament. The
First brigade, which contained the Third M'isconsin, the
Second Massachusetts and the Twenty-seventh Indiana,
was near at hand and not engaged. The General rose in
his stirrups, pointed to the endangered battery, and
shouted: " Save it, men." I have never seen a job done
with more neatness and dispatch. That old First brigade
simply went for those guns. One tremendous volley was
fired; and then, without a shout or a sound, but with that
terrible earnestness which seemed to render cheers a mock¬
ery, they charged upon the gray coats. The battery was
saved, and in a few moments was pouring canister into
the enemy's lines with, if possible, greater energy than
before. But it was a treat to see that captain. He ran
up to the nearest regiment of the brigade with his great
long arms stretched to their utmost, and grasping as many
men as he could reach, he hugged and squeezed them to his
bosom. Tears of joy ran down his face, and he almost
sobbed out his incoherent words of thanks and praise. He
Some Reminiscences of Army Life.
267
said he had heard that the eastern army could not fight.
But it would not do for any man to say that in his presence
thereafter. From that event dated the fraternization be¬
tween the troops who had been transferred from the
Potomac, and the men who had fought in the west, which
during the long march to the sea, became cemented into
the closest friendship.
268 War Papera and Personal Reminiscences.
FROM SECOND BULL RUN TO ANTIETAM.
BY COL. CHARLES F. MORSE.
In August, 1862, my regiment, the 2d Massachusetts
Infantry, was with the Army of Virginia, under Pope.
Our own corps, that of General Banks, had lately been
engaged in the battle of Cedar Mountain, and had met with
severe losses there.
The losses in officers of the 2d Massachusetts had been
unusually heavy, and some of us, who, a few weeks before,
had been first lieutenants, were now among the senior
captains in the line, and often in command of two com¬
panies.
Altogether this was a very unhappy time for us, and it
was, perhaps, a more depressing period of the war than
any other, at least for those serving in Virginia. Rich¬
mond had not been taken, and after several months of
marching and fighting, our enemy had sullenly withdrawn
from its front, and instead of plans for the capture of the
rebel capitol, the minds of those high in authority were
earnestly engaged arranging for the defense of Washing¬
ton.
After the withdrawal of the army from Culpepper, Pope
took position along the north bank of the Rappahannock,
to watch the movements of Lee's army, while McClellan
From Second Bull Bun to Antietam. 269
transferred the Army of the Potomac from the James
river to Northern Virginia. So far as watchfulness went
there was no lack of it. There was little sleep by night or
rest bj' day, for at all hours we were marched and counter¬
marched from one fort to another to support batteries and
meet the advance of the enemy, who was reported to be
crossing at some one of these points. For fully ten days
the soldiers hardly took off their equipments, nor were the
horses in the batteries at the front once allowed to be
unharnessed.
One of my most distinct recollections of this campaign,
is the wretched condition of these poor animals from the
constant wearing of their harness in that hot August
weather.
Wagon trains had, of course, been sent to the rear, con¬
sequently there were no regular issues of rations, and three
days' issue was made to last for ten days.
The country was poor and the only thing which could be
had to eke out those meager supplies was green corn,
which, at that season was about right for roasting. It was
very different from " Marching Thro' Georgia," which
seemed afterward, in the light of this campaign, to be one
huge picnic.
In the meantime, while Pope was carefully watching the
fords of the Kappahannock, to our great discomfort,
Jackson was industriously moving his troops to our right,
and when this fact became established, a movement to the
rear was the order of the day.
270 Wc/r Papers and Personal Reminiswners.
In this movement northward along the Orange and Alex¬
andria Railroad, we first began to encounter the troops of
the Army of the Potomac, and make the acquaintance of
the commands which had thus far been known to us only
by name.
Jackson was now through Thoroughfare Gap, marching
towards Manassas, and the second battle of Bull Run
soon followed. We were within sound and easy support¬
ing distance of the troops engaged in that battle, but for
some reason, which we were never able to understand, oui-
corps was not called on during the two days' fight.
At the time we did not criticise this neglect severely,
although it is possible that the weight of our six or eight
thousand men might have turned the scale of that close
and hard fought contest.
After this battle came the northward march again, and
then the gloomy battle of Chantilly, where General Phil.
Kearney was killed. Our command was in the supporting
line, but not actively engaged. This battle, like so many
others fought in Virginia, began just before night.
The sky was heavily clouded and almost with the first
firing, began a crashing thunder storm with torrents of rain.
The battle went on fiercely until long after dark, but the
fire on each side gradually slackened and finally subsided
with the storm. The night was a most wretched one. We
were so near the enemy that no fires were allowed and all
talking had to be done in low tones. We were wet throimh
and the ground was soaking, so that there was nothing else
From Second Bull Run to Antietam.
271
to do except to wander about disconsolately waiting for
day to come.
Before daylight the army was again moving northward,
and late that night, at that time a part of the rear guard,
we marched inside the outer defenses of Washington. The
advance of the enemy was close in our rear, as we had
been well aware of by the scattering skirmish fire, which
had followed us through the evening, and which had
prevented any rest on that tiresome retreat.
There, is no doubt that the army was in a somewhat
demoralized condition, and with good reason, for the plain
English of it was, that after a few months aggressive
campaign we had been forced to seek shelter and protection
inside of the defenses of Washington.
McClellan, who had been gradually stripped of his army,
as the different corps had been assigned to Pope, had been
placed in command of these defenses. He was never
formally ordered back to the command of the Army of
the Potomac, but at the personal solicitation of Lincoln,
he took charge of the troops as they came inside the
defenses and exerted to the utmost his rare talent as an
organizer, to restore the army to a condition for effective
work.
The Army of Virginia ceased to exist without an order
of any kind, and a few days later we find McClellan's
orders dated headquarters. Army of the Potomac. Events
moved rapidly in those days.
On the 2d of September we had marched into the
272
War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
defenses of Washington, tired and dispirited, and on the
6th of September we were inarching again, this time toward
the enemy, rested, shod with new shoes, cheerful and full
of confidence that we were marching to victory. AH of the
conditions had changed, we were no longer retreating but
advancing ; the great mass of the army believed in Mc-
Clellan, every soldier's haversack was full, there was coffee
without limit, and the surroundings seemed as cheering as a
week before they had been discouraging.
The march did not interfere with the reorganization of the
army, which before many days was completed, and Banks'
command became the 12th Corps of the Army of the
Potomac.
General Mansfield, who was assigned to the command,
was a fine-looking, gray-haired veteran of the old regular
army; but we hardly became acquainted with him, as a few
days later he was killed, leading his corps into action at
Antietam.
Whittier, in his " Barbara Frietchie," tells of the march
of the " rebel horde " through the streets of the quaint
old town of Frederick. We followed closely on the heels
of Stonewall Jackson, and it was in this vicinity that Lee's
important order was found by a soldier of the 27th Indiana,
of our brigade, which disclosed his intentions to McClellan.
Camping one night near Frederick, we marched the next
day towards South Mountain, and all that afternoon and
evening was enlivened by the battle of that name, which
was directly in our front.
From Second Bull Run to Antietam. 273
Slowly the line of fire crept up the side of the mountain
and the last sounds of battle came from the summit, indi¬
cating plainly in that the day was ours.
Late in the night, after a long and tedious march, the
12th Corps bivoucked near the battle ground.
On the march next day occurred one of those dramatic
events which occasionally happened to relieve the tedium
of hard, active service, and stir the latent enthusiasm which
every soldier who was worth his rations was sure to have.
As I have said before, McClellan had a strong hold on the
mass of his soldiers. There were varied opinions as to his
ability, and his generalship on the Peninsula had been
severely criticised, but the personal feeling toward him was
very strong, particularly among the men in the ranks, who
regarded him and spoke of him always with real affection.
At the time I write of, the 12th Corps was marching
over the summit of South Mountain on the old turnpike
road, and had stretched below it, an extended view of as
beautiful a country as ever the sun shone on. In plain
sight for miles in each direction, the line of the turnpike
could be followed threading its way through fields yellow
with corn and wheat, and now filled with the long line of
infantry and artillery, and far in the rear, the endless
wagon trains.
Suddenly we heard in the distance, what seemed hardly
more than a murmuring sound, but which gradually swelled
into a roar, and looking back we could see caps going into
the air and could hear a mighty cheer which was taken up.
18
274 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
successively by regiment after regiment as McCIellan with
his staff rode rapidly by the marching line.
Whatever might have been our views when we were
coldly criticizing his campaigns, we were all alike brought
uuder the influence of his personal presence and the spirit
of the occasion, and at that moment McCIellan was the
hero and idol of the army. It was a sight and sound to
stir the blood, and the General as he appeared to us then,
seemed worthy of all this ovation.
He was a handsome man and he looked every inch a
soldier, with his clean cut face, strong figure and close
fitting uniform. He was a fine rider and always rode a
good horse, and he might have been selected as a type of a
perfect horseman and soldier, so far as all external attri¬
butes are concerned. The cheers died away in the distance
in our front, and we marched on, very confident that every
thing would be all right for our side in the battle which
was coming in a few days.
Another impressive sight was the massing of troops on
the afternoon before Antietam, in the fields in the rear of
what afterwards became the line of battle.
Before making a deployment on to this line, at least
50,000 men were massed as closely as the lines could be
brought together, and the entire mass did not cover but a
few acres of grcund.
Out of this field of troops, as the afternoon went on,
(bin lines of blue wormed themselves away, and late in the
evening the 12th Corps moved across the Antietam to a
From Second ßtill Run to Antietam. 275
position near the extreme right, and in the rear of Hooker's
1st Corps.
Before dawn we quietly roused our men to get their
coffee, and with the first streaks of daylight the battle
opened fiercely in our front. Mansfield, our gray-haired
commander, soon galloped back from the front where he
had been watching events, and ordered our division forward.
Fortune favored this movement, as the right of our line
lapped a little by the enemy's left, and we found ourselves
in an orchard on the flank and very close to the rebel line
in a cornfield.
After a few moments' sharp fighting, the enemy's line
wavered and we swept forward with a rush which carried
us through the cornfield and into the open field beyond.
It fell to the lot of the 2d Massachusetts to encounter
the 11th Mississippi of Hood's division in this charge, and
the battle flag of the latter was seized from the hands of
the color-sergeant as he fell, by a sergeant of our own
regiment. Later on in the morning we saw the grand ad-
O > O
vanee of Sumner's corps in three lines of battle into the
woods by the Dunker church where Sedgwick's division
was so terribly cut up. Still later in the day our first
division again moved forward and in the ensuing action we
suffered severely.
The field of Antietam was not so picturesque as that of
Gettysburg, but it was a fine open country, made up of
cultivated fields with groves of fine timber, and a belt of
woods along the Potomac. It was not like the fighting
27f> War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
ground in the wilderness of Virginia and Northern Georgia^
and from many points of view the movements of both
armies were plainly visible. In the morning of the day,
the cornfield which is mentioned so prominently in all
accounts of the battle, stood high with corn ready for the
harvest, but before night it was level with the ground and
thickly sprinkled with the dead of both armies.
The groves of fine large oaks were torn to pie<ies by shot
and shell, branches were lopped off and strewed the ground
much as if a western tornado had swept through them.
That night we bivouacked on the field surrounded by the
bodies of the dead which laid thickly about us, and we
went to sleep possessed with the idea that with the first
streak of dawn the battle would be renewed and pressed
to a successful termination.
The night passed peacefully and the day broke without
a sound except an occasional shot on the picket line. The
battle was over.
It was only given to a few commanders in our war, to
know the supreme moment when it was safe to risk every¬
thing for victory, — Grant and Sheridan had this instinct,
so had Stonewall Jackson. McClellan did not possess it,
if he had. Lee's army would never have crossed the Potomac
except in scattered fragments, and the great civil war might
have ended much sooner.
My own regiment lost heavily in this action, the most
severe blow being the death of our lieutenant-colonel, who
was a man of unusually high character and much loved by
From Second Bull Run to Aniietam.
277
both rank and file. I cannot refrain from quoting a few
lines from a letter which was written by the drum-major of
our regiment to a friend, telling of a meeting with Col.
Dwight after he was mortally wounded, as an instance of
the spirit that was inspiring men at that time.
He writes " I was with Col. Dwight and helped to dress
his wounds. The morning after the fight, while going to
join my regiment with my drum and fife corps, he stopped
us and requested as a last favor that we would play him the
Star Spangled Banner once more. As we played he raised
himself up, sulfering terribly, for he was mortally wounded.
When we had finished, he thanked us, and repeating the
last line of the song, he said, ' I hope that glorious old flag
will wave over this whole country again. So it may be.
So it shall be.' "
Our soldiers were not much given to sentiment, but this
feeling for the old flag existed deep down in the heart of
many a one in the Army of the Potomac and sustained him
through the weary months and years of hard campaigning
which were yet to elapse before the final victory at Apo-
mattox.
My own regiment shared the fortunes of that army until
after the battle of Gettysburg, and then with thinned
ranks, and hardly more than a handful of our original
comrades, we came west to march with Sherman, and with
him again at Washington meet the old Army of the Potomac
at the grand review.
278 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
RECOLLECTIONS OF CEDAR CREEK.
BY MAJOR H. M. POLLARD.
The morning of October 19th, 1864, was cold, intensely
dark, and came with a slight drizzle of rain, scarcely more
than a mist. I was on the staff of General William Dwight»
who commanded the first division of the 19th Corps. Our
army consisted of the 6th, 8th and 19th Army Corps and
three divisions of cavalry, one of which was commanded by
Companion Gen. W. H. Powell. We occupied the north
bank of Cedar creek, which there has an easterly course
and which, a short distance to the east of our left, empties
into the Shenandoah. Cedar creek was fordable anywhere
at that time, but it had on its north side steep banks cut
with occasional ravines.
The 8th Corps, commanded by General Crook, was on
onr extreme left occupying high ground, his left reaching
toward the Shenandoah, and his right resting on the valley
turnpike. It consisted of but two very small divisions, in
all not more than four thousand fighting men. Then the
19th Corps, commanded by General Emory, with its left on
the pike, but slightly further north than Crook ; overlapping
the right of the 19th Corps and partially in its rear was the
6th Corps. The cavalry was mostly on the right of the 6th
Recollections of Cedar Creek.
279
Corps. The 19th Corps had about six thousand effective
men and the 6th about eight thousand.
The commander of my regiment, Col. Stephen Thomas,
than whom no braver man ever lived, was general officer of
the day, having gone on duty the morning of the 18th.
That fact was known to me for I had had occasion to carry
an order to him on that day.
The Shenandoah had a passable ford about two miles
up the stream, south of our camp, but no place below the
mouth of Cedar creek for miles that was supposed to be
fordable.
Our army rested securely and, as we supposed, safely in
this camp for four or five days. The word had gone round
that we were to be paid there and we were also to be
reclothed, for winter was approaching in that mountain
region, and since General Sheridan had commanded us we
had hardly ceased fighting or marching long enough for the
quartermaster to come up ; but he had improved this
opportunity and, during the days we had been here, he had
brought to our camp clothing of all kinds, enough to give
every man an entire new suit, which was already for distri¬
bution when the battle came. General Dwight's head¬
quarters were on the banks of a rivulet which emptied into
Cedar creek just about half a mile west of the pike and
nearly in front of General Sheridan's.
I was sleeping soundly on the morning of the 19th, when
about half-past four o'clock I was suddenly awakened by
heavy firing on our extreme left. I sprang up, as did every
280 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
one around our headquarters, and got my horse saddled in
less time than it takes to tell it, and with Capt. Underbill, of
the 114th New York, also on General Dwight's staff, started
at once and as fast as it was safe to ride in such Egyptian
darkness towards Crook's command. We crossed the pike
and met a horde of men in all conditions of undress, but
all making excellent use of their legs. We were picking
our way through these stragglers and trying to ascertain
from them what was the matter, when the bridles of both
our horses were seized and we were ordered to surrender.
So closely had the rebels followed the rear of the fleeing
mob, that before either Capt. Underbill or myself were
aware of it, we had passed through and beyond our friends
and were confronted by the enemy, who at once recognized
us by our conversation. I was riding a high-strung,
powerful black mare and did not propose to be taken in.
One thrust of the rowell freed me from those who had
seized my bridle, and neither was I or my mare careful
whether she trod on men or not, for the bullets came like
hail, the din was fearful, and the company altogether
disagreeable. We got out with two bullets in my mare,
which, however, did her but little harm. Underbill was
captured and taken to Libby, but was exchanged in a few
weeks.
In the meantime Colonel Thomas, above referred to,
who being on duty and up and mounted, had got out his
brigade of three regiments and had faced them east, and
was doing a double duty, viz. : trying to stem the tide of
Recollections of Cedar Creek.
281
Crook's men and also holding in check Early, till the 6th
and 19th Corps could form. He did yeoman service there.
My regiment suffered more there in twenty minutes than
in any other engagement it was in. Of eighteen officers it
lost six killed and six others wounded ; over half its men
were killed or wounded.
I hastily returned to where our headquarters were when
I mounted, but they had departed leaving their tents
standing. I soon caught up with General Dwight and we
all did our utmost to stem the tide ; but as long as Early
pushed on we fell back. We were forced slowly back,
step by step, some three or four miles from our camp, when
a glad loud hurrah all along our left attracted our atten¬
tion, and at once came up General Sheridan. That instant
the battle was won. It was now about half-past ten or
eleven. Our lines were forthwith reformed, the stragglers,
influenced by the presence of Sheridan, came straggling
back ; we, rested and those who had been fortunate enough
to bring from camp food, ate. I was not among them.
Sheridan took in at a glance the situation. He utilized
everybody and everything; he re-arranged his entire
army and imbued it with that vim and courage which are
only begotten of perfect confidence ; he kept constantly in
view of his men ; he rode over every part of the field ; he
repeatedly stopped to converse with and encourage both
officers and men. We had as I have said, been pushed back
no more than four miles, and here we had been some hours
substantially unmolested. This was, I was going to say, a
282 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
fatal mistake of Early thus to cease bis efforts, but it was
rather his misfortune, for during those hours he had largely
lost control of his army. We had our camp well stored with
boxes of new clothing. Early's men were not only ragged,
but nearly naked, and wet and cold. They had at hand
the wherewithal to clothe themselves and be warm, and
despite all the endeavors of ofGcers, the forward movement
was for the time abandoned, and Mr. Johnny Eebel pro¬
ceeded, each after his own fashion, to deck himself in new,
clean, dry suits of Yankee blue. He was hungry; he
found our larders well supplied, and not an inch would he
budge till his fast was broken and his stomach filled.
Thus the hours slipped away, and in the meantime General
Sheridan came and Early lost a battle which, but for our
quartermasters and commissaries, he might have won;
since that day I have had a redoubled admiration for those
departmental ofiScers. Among all the prisoners taken by
us in the afternoon, every one whom I saw was dressed in
new blue.
But to return. The country between our camps and
where we were met by General Sheridan, is mostly an open
undulating country with but little timber, and from the
top of each acclivity we could see our morning camps and
the enemy between them and us. There was some very
hard fighting after we commenced our southward march
but it was not general. Here a charge of a brigade or
division and then a counter-charge, which cost us quite a
number of men ; here a dash for a stone wall or a fight to
Recollections of Cedar Creek. 285
keep it, there a race for the protection of a declivity and a
scramble through a hedge ; again a long halt for some part
of the line, which had more resistance than others, to come
up. All this prevented our advance but a short distance till
about three o'clock. Then, however, the fun commenced.
Torbet with his cavalry had made a detour and had struck
the enemy on his left flank.
Now, Early and this very army had already been flanked
and beaten twice by Sheridan in the past thirty days and
they didn't relish the maneuver. So their left commenced
suddenly doubling up and falling rapidly back, when
Sheridan, seeing this, seized the opportunity, put his horse
into a gallop, and with hat off and saber in hand rode along
the whole front of our line shouting, " Forward ! boys, we'll
sleep in our old tents to-night." And it was forward, and
as pretty a race as ever forty thousand men made ; up hill
and down dale, over fences and hedges, away went Early and
all his men, horses and guns, and we after them, horse and
foot, but with no guns, for Early had most of ours. So
close were we after the enemy that we recaptured all the
twenty-four guns they took from us in the morning, and all
the others they had save two or three, substantially all their
train and two or three thousand prisoners.
I have witnessed many races, both before and since then,
but for the numbers engaged in it that excelled all. Our
men were on most excellent terms with themselves during
the progress of this chase. Such shouting and jeering,
such expressions of contempt were never before heard
284 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
unanswered, for after the chase began there was
substantially no resistance by the enemy and but very little
execution done by us. It was a race and a chase, not a
battle, and the very men who had in the morning so
ingloriously fled were now the first in this chase,— their legs
were always good. We reached our old camp about dark,
and never were men more glad to get home. Many of our
tents were still standing and it was perfectly easy for each
regiment to find its old quarters. General Dwight and
staff reached the place they had so incontinently left
fifteen hours before and were proceeding to get their
breakfast, dinner and supper all in one, when he was
ordered to take his division and follow the cavalry and
support them in pursuit of the enemy. This we did, across
the creek and through Strasb urg, a little town some two
miles south of Cedar creek and then on to the foot of
Fisher's hill. But in the darkness of the night and, in the
perfectly exhausted condition of us all, we were forced to
stop and rest. It was then one o'clock, a. m., October
20th, and for the first time since the 18th, I then tasted
food. One of my messmates, however, had had his canteen
replenished with whisky on the 18th, and two or three
swigs at that had kept me alive during all that time. We
now found the fore half of a cow which the enemy had
killed and the hind half of which they had taken with them.
We soon had a fire and a savory broil although we lacked
salt. It was doubtless the best beef I ever ate, and I
Recollections of Cedar Creek.
285
remember the ground and my saddle made a downy bed
and pillow; no dreams, no nightmares, no indigestion.
In the morning Johnny had gone and we looked to see
where we were. From prisoners we found, that on the
18th Early had massed his entire force, of about the same
number of men we had, on Fisher's Hill; at night he had,
with about half of his force, forded the Shenandoah and
then marched down it on the east bank till he had passed
Crook's left. Then without a sound he had again forded
the river at a place where the water was up to the armpits
of the men and a strong current. But accoiitered as they
were they plunged in ; such was the mettle of the men we
had to flght. No wonder they sought our dry goods after
such a bath on such a morning. The remainder of Early's
army had been advanced during the night, as near as they
dared come, and immediately after Crook had thus been
flanked it attacked us in front. When we got back to
camp next day we found that our old clothes were good
enough for us, and our boys wore them till our quarter¬
master again sought the shoddy market.
I served under many men during the war, but under
none who so completely commanded the love and confidence
of his men as Sheridan. I don't believe that, after he
arrived on the ground, there was a doubt in the mind of
any man but that we should whip the enemy. Of course no
one dreamed that our victory would be so complete, but we
all absolutely and completely believed that Sheridan was
invincible.
286 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
I believe that we would not have been forced back any
further than we were had not Sheridan come at all. It's
true, we would have had a severe fight there, but our
army, after the effect of the surprise was over, and that
was before Sheridan came, were in good fighting shape.
They wore, it is true, somewhat disorganized and scattered,
but General Wright of the 6th Corps, who was in command,
was a gallant and experienced oflScer and had the entire
confidence of his corps, and was well known to the balance
of the army as a good soldier, for he had been with us two
months. I think we could and would have held our own
for we were on high commanding ground, notwithstanding
O O O » O
our small number of guns. But the victory we gained
was due to Sheridan, and it was, in my opinion, his most
brilliant military achievement.
Army Music.
287
ARMY MUSIC.
BY FIRST LIEUT. LOYD G. HARRIS.
No army in this or any other civilized country is complete
without music. The brass bands, drums, fifes, the song
and chorus on the march or by the camp-fire, are a necessity
to infuse a national spirit, keep the men cheerful and assist
in making the army a successful one.
At the commencement of the late civil war, every regi¬
ment organized, started to the front, keeping step to the
inspiring music of their own brass band, and while
each and every one believed and was ready to take an
oath that their band was the best in the army, our men
were just as ready to wager anything, from a box of cigars
to a month's pay, rations included, that our band, that
of the 6th Wis. infantry, was without exception the worst
of all.
On the march from Kalorama to the camp near Chain
Bridge, an able-bodied private of Company F, broke his
right leg in a vigorous effort to keep step with the dismal
music from our band. It was a serious mistake when
the higher powers allowed that band to go back "from
whence they came." They should have been sent to the
front to frighten the rebels with that one old tune — then
followed by a charge by the entire brigade.
288
War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
After a year in service, regimental bands were abolished
and only one allowed for each brigade. I remember how
mortified we were once on a division review, where we were
anxious to excel another regiment of our brigade. We had
to march to the music of an Indiana band, a good one by
the way, but just as we wheeled into column of division and
started to pass the general with his staff, also a brilliant
array of Washington belles and citizens, who were expect¬
ing a great deal from us, the band struck up an operatic
selection, no doubt very elegant for a grand concert, but a
flat failure for marching. Our men lost step, and those
in the front muttered subdued curses on the rear ranks
who were stepping on their heels and trying to climb over
their knapsacks ; the line looked like a rail fence, and our mild
and gentle lient.-colonel, who was never known to have
any vices or use an oath, lost his temper and was heard
shouting, "blank that blank band." They must
have heard him for suddenly the tune changed, the
step was taken — and in perfect time the crack regi¬
ment of the division passed in review; yet how much easier
it was for the old 2d, with their band playing thé only
tune their colonel allowed them to play, no matter how
grand the review— " Rory O'More." No opera for them.
IT'S JUST TWENTY YEARS AGO,
but there comes to my memory, clear and distinct, the
songs of olden times. How often, on the long weary
Army Music.
289
march, when it seemed as if our sore and tired limbs
almost refused to go on — it was then the full swelling
notes from a good band, rallied us from the road-side,
into line, flag unfurled, muskets ata right shoulder shift,
gleaming in the bright sun, and the regiment appeared
infused with new life and energy as they jauntily
marched along. Then as the band ceased, a chorus of
voices were heard, and Company C — " The Jayhawks,"
would sing :
" O never mind the weather, but get over double trouble,
For we are bound for the happy land of Canaan."
When finished. Company K, despite the religious warn¬
ings of its first captain, in stentorian tones, as one voice
would roar :
"My name It Is Joe Bowers
I have a brother Ike,
I came from old MiáSourl,
Just all the way from Pike."
Yes, they sang the many verses of the famous " Joe
Bowers," even the sequel where " Sally had a baby and
the baby had red hair." The regiment always cheered that
verse. Company E, were not to be surpassed and often
rendered the song made famous by Lieut. Derby (John
Phœnix) :
" My name Is Jake Kaiser,
I was born In Spring garden.
To make me a preacher
The old folks did try,
19
290 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
But it's no use a talkin',
For I am a hard one,
I am bound to be a butcher
By jlnpio or die."
SONG OF KERB'S SKULL CRACKERS.
The nationality of Company D, will not be questioned
when the reader is informed that the following song was
indorsed by them :
" Here's a health to Martin Hannegan's aunt,
And I'ii tell ye the reason why ;
She eats bekase she is hungry.
And drinks bekase she is dhry.
" And if ever a man
Stopped the course of a can,
Martin Hannegan's aunt would cry —
Arrah, fill up your glass.
And let the jug pass
How d'ye know but your neighbor is dry?"
MORE SENTIMENTAL.
In the beautiful songs of " German Vaterland," company
F excelled. How often, when " twilight approaches the
season, that ever is sacred to song," did I steal quietly to
their camp-ßre, and, perhaps partly concealed by the shadow
of a friendly tree, listen to the brave veterans, many of
them from over the sea, as in the bright fire-light, their
voices in pure harmony rang out on the quiet scene :
" Blue is the floweret called the forget-me-not.
Ah! lay it on thy heart, and think of me."
Army Music.
291
Or in merry tones they gave ;
" The pope he leads a happy life,
He knows no care of married strife."
But few are left of that happy circle, who sang the
beautiful German songs, that made the nights seem short
and whiled away many a lonely hour.
"BENNY HAVENS O!"
The favorite song of the day was, " John Brown's body
lies a mouldering in his grave, but his soul goes marching
on." It was a song for the eastern regiments, while with
us, " Tramp, tramp, the boys are marching," and " Rally
around the flag," were quite popular. Every oflScer in our
regiment who sang the solo of " Benny Havens, O," was
killed in battle. Brown was the first, and he died on
Antietam's bloody field. Brave Ticknor, who fell in the
charge at Gettysburg, was the last who ever sang it. The
fatality attending it made us a little superstitious, and I was
among the number who refused to sing it.
" Robinson Crusoe " was the " greatest eflbrt " of mine
in the singing line. A brave old general took ofiense at it,
but before the war was closed, at a dinner in the Astor
house. New York, pledged in wine, we shook hands across
the bloody chasm, and the song was buried forever.
THE STAR SPANGLED BANNER.
Those who served in the " grand old Army of the
Potomac," will remember the bright star-light night in
292 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
December before the battle of Fredericksburg. The twO'
mighty armies were facing each other. Ours (the
"Iron Brigade") was directly in front of the Bernard
Mansion. About midnight the noise and clatter of
approaching cavalry aroused us, and we watched with
wonder as a large cavalry brass band came trotting up,
then wheeling started for the front, never halting until
close to our picket line. Then like a grand anthem from
a powerful organ the music of the "Star Spangled Ban¬
ner," floated out on the still midnight air. Many thou¬
sand soldiers on both sides heard it for the last time.
This incident had almost escaped my memory, but it was
suddenly revived some three weeks ago, when I read the
thrilling account of the great disaster that befel the Ameri¬
can and German war vessels at Samoa. When I came to
a certain paragraph I was choked with swelling emotions
and laid the paper down.
It had been my good fortune, after the war, to serve
awhile with Commander, now Admiral, Lewis A. Kimberly,
a gallant oflScer, and every inch a sailor, and I felt that I
thoroughly understood and fully sympathized with his
appalling situation. The "Trenton" had become unman¬
ageable and was slowly but surely drifting toward the
terrible reef on which the German gunboat had been
crushed and had suffered the loss of her offlcers and crew,
save one lieutenant and four men. Brave Kimberly and
his men could not carry out the old traditional motto of
Lawrence: " Don't give up the ship," for it seemed as if
Army Music.
293
the Almighty God had willed otherwise, but they could
follow the example set by brave George Morris with our
-companion, M. S. Stuyvesant, and the noble souls who
went down twenty-eight years ago in Hampton roads, on
the old " Cumberland," with their flag proudly floating at
the masthead. Then in the face of death, brighter than
the " sun of Austerlitz," flashed out the wonderful pluck
of the American navy. Up went the stars and stripes,
amid the cheers of 450 noble officers and men, and then
above the noise and din of that terrible tornado, was heard
the "Star Spangled Banner," played by the ship's band.
Thousands of miles from their beloved country, and the
" loved ones at home," they heard it as they supposed for
the last time. But Divine Providence favored them at last
and nearly all were saved. No wonder our whole country
was thrilled with admiration for such heroic conduct, and
even the cold, conservative press of England is yet teeming
with praise for the officers aud crew of the "Trenton"
who cheered the British gunboat " Calliope " which by her
superior engines was enabled to draw away slowly but
surely from the jaws of death. Companions, if 1 have
strayed from my subject, "Army Music," it was only in
an humble way to pay tribute to navy music, as played
by the " Trenton's " band in far-off Samoa.
Music in the army, as now in every-day life, played an
important part. It was the sunny side of a wild life, and
now, as years roll along and our hair whitens with age, and
our voices not round and full as in days of yore, yet we
294
War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
shall not forget the old songs in the " Sweet bye-and-bye,"
but, at our reunions, revive them ; not perhaps for the words
nor the music they contain, but for the memory of those
who have fallen, and for " The days of Auld Lang Syne."
Reminiscences of ühancellorsville.
295
EEMINISCENCES OF CHANCELLORSVILLE.
BY MAJOR T. A. MEYSENBERG.
After the battle of Bull Run, the second conflict on this
memorable ground, and the resultant battle of Antietam,
driving the rebel army from territory north of the Poto¬
mac, the severe losses and distance from base of operations
of the Southern army, caused quite a cessation of hostili¬
ties, and a general recuperation. Fredericksburg became
the objective point, both armies concentrating at or near
the crossing of the Acquia Creek and Richmond Railroad,
then the direct line of communication between Washington
and Richmond. With the exception of the attempt made
to attack Fredericksburg, the stronghold of the Confederate
army, direct, a thorough rest and re-equipment was en¬
joyed by the army under Gen. Hooker, who assumed
command on January 26th.
With the advent of Gen. Hooker's command of the
army, a new era seemed to dawn on the troops, now
thoroughly equipped. Gen. Hooker detached all cavalry,
except a squadron, from the différent corps, forming one
cavalry corps, so much needed to counteract the successful
raids of Stuart's rebel cavalry. In my diary, date, April
10th, 11 a. m., I have this note : " The President arrives
296 Wa?- Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
at headquarters." V\'^hile the presence of President Lin¬
coln at that time could not produce the enthusiasm that it
would to-daj'', such an event to-day making any army
invincible, so, to speak, the greatness of the man to whom
we extended the hospitality of our humble tents, inspired
even a subordinate like your humble servant. As adju¬
tant-general, it was my good fortune to come in contact
at headquarters with our President, and, presumably,
owing to my youthful appearance, the President's little
son. Tad, seemed to take a fancy to one, who, in his esti¬
mation, appeared so near his own age.
Never, I presume, has any army been reviewed by the
head of a nation, representing greater intelligence, more ex¬
cellent equipment, and thorough patriotism, than the Army
of the Potomac. Twelve thousand cavalry passing in review
before the President, who, in a fatherly way, commented
upon the deeds in store for the sons of the nation ; although
having seen large bodies of troops, nothing has impressed
itself so upon my mind as the filing past of regiment after
regiment of cavalry, saluting, and in return receiving the
President's recognition and smile of pleasure. There was
no cause for the expression of dissatisfaction for any part
of the army, producing that mortification which a squadron
commander during a review of Emperor William I, ex¬
perienced. The oflicer and his squadron had been captured ;
while passing before the emperor, the latter, recognizing
thç command that had capitulated, covered his head, which
had remained uncovered, the severe rebuke stinging the
Reminiscences of Chanceîlorsville.
•297
officer so, that, wheeling about, and riding up to the em¬
peror, saluted, placed a pistol to his head, and shot him¬
self. Never can I forget the beautiful, benign expression
of Lincoln in meeting the enthusiasm of not less than one
hundred and thirty thousand willing soldiers.
Mr. Lincoln had departed not more than two days, when
I learned of orders given the cavalry under Gen. Stoneman,
to move, and as I supposed, since no official communication
had reached corps headquarters on the subject, the infantry
and artillery would soon follow. With the feeling that
nothing could interfere with our march to Richmond, I had
endeavored to secure all possible information regarding the
roads and topography beyond the Rappahannock. It was
at this period when the topographical department of the
army in the field was established on a broad basis, making
it compulsory that suitable officers be detailed for the neces¬
sary work in each brigade, all to be concentrated in the
hands of Gen. Warren, whose abilityas an engineer officer,
impressed itself on every one who came in contact with him.
It may be said with safety, that before Fredericksburg, the
army experienced many important innovations such as are
necessary from time to time to maintain its efficiency.
The department in Washington showed their appreciation
by sending to the adjutant-general of the 11th Corps, a
large box of instruments of considerable value for to¬
pography, all of which were distributed to the officers
detailed for that service.
As stated, the cavalry on the move, other developments
298 War Pampers and Personal Reminiscences.
were eagerly looked for on every hand. Unbounded con¬
fidence in our strength, in the leadership of the command¬
ing general, and the experience, judgment and bravery of
our corps commander. Gen. Howai'd, victory seems
assured. At last, on April 17th, the coveted order to
march is received; ammunitions and rations are dealt out;
the trains are in superb order, the 11th Corps, thirteen
thousand strong, marches to Hartwood church to encamp
for the night. Early on April 28th, the command resumes
its march, reaching Kelly's Ford on the Bappahannock by
night ; but little delay experienced in crossing, thanks to
the efforts of Captain Comstock, of the engineers, in
building the pontoon bridge. Gen. Howard's Corps takes
the lead to the Bapidan. Now in the enemy's territory,
some little opposition is expected, but the hoped for a brush
does not materialize, the enemy's cavalry preferring to
amuse itself with our rear guard. The rebel detachment
covering Germanna Ford, already dislodged by the 5th
Corps after crossing the Bappahannock at Ely's Ford, the
11th and 12th Corps have only the elements to contend
with. Artillery and trains crossing the rapid and pebbly
stream afford considerable amusement, in one instance a
mule with suicidal intent accomplishing drowning in three
feet of water.
April 30th, a slightly rainy Thursday morning, finds the
entire right wing of the army on the march towards
Chancellorsville and Fredericksburg, the 12th Corps in
advance, reaching the former point at noon, now less than
Reminiscences of Chancellorsville.
299
half a day's good marching from the flank of Lee's army.
The 2d and 3d Corps arrived by Banks and U. S. Fords
during the day, making a total of five corps, or about
75,000 men. Every minute ihe coveted order to advance
the following day, is expected ; the bright sun never shone
upon a body of soldiers so full of enthusiasm and energy,
so sure of success and complete victory, as that of Friday
mui'ning. May 1st. Napoleon, in his " Maxims of War "
says, " The strength of an army, like the power in
mechanics, is estimated by multiplying the mass by the
rapidity ; a rapid march augments the morals of an army
and increases its means of victory. Press on !" With two
corps, or about 40,000 men, under Sedgwick, south of the
Potomac, below Fredericksburg, and some twelve miles
distant some 75,000 men under Hooker, it seems that Lee
could hardly have withstood the pressure, provided Napo¬
leon's maxim had governed. However, Thursday evening
nothing could be accomplished owing to the lateness of the
hour, an early move being expected on Friday, May 1st;
waiting in vain for orders to march, the beautiful early May
morning passed away in idleness; soon disappointment
could be read on every face, relieved only by the accasional
report of a cannon. Impatience, I presume, brought my
superior. Gen. Howard, to Chancellorsville, where I accom¬
panied him. Eeturning to corps headquarters, delight
came in an order to advance although but a short distance,
but before this command could be executed, it was revoked,
and the corps remained inactive, losing from hour to hour
300 IVa?' Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
that morale which promptness of action produces. It is
not my purpose to criticize, or give an account of the battle
such as we find in Gen. Dodge's valuable book on " Chan-
cellorsville," but I will only relate my personal experience
as indicated by the title of this paper.
As stated, after being ordered to retain the position
occupied near Dowdall's Tavern, Friday afternoon seemed
extremely long, officers and men indulging in expressions
of dissatisfaction, heightened by the audible artillery duel
in our front, if I may call that direction the front, in which
we had marched, that is, towards Lee's army at Fredericks¬
burg. Accustomed to intrench when at rest, and the corps
forming now, instead of the rear guard of an advancing
army, the right wing, rifle pits were constructed to the
south and west, something unnecessary, had the original
plan of campaign been followed up. This, of course, im¬
plied defensive measures, and abandoning the offensive.
With the exception of an occasional alarm of the pickets,
Friday night passed in the utmost quiet, the alarms being
evidently produced by reconnoitering cavalry, constantly
feeling our lines. Early Saturday morning, May 2d, my
diary says, " Six o'clock. Gen. Hooker and several of his
staff appeared at headquarters," producing an instinctive
damper on my spirits, not because I did not hail the chief
of the army with joy and pride, but because it meant a
change of campaign, and apparently giving up the advance.
The satisfaction expressed by the commanding general
in reviewing the measures of defense, found an over-
Reminiscences of Chancellorsville.
301
whelming echo in the cheering of the corps, as Gen.
Hooker, the handsomest and most martial-looking soldier of
the entire army, since the loss of Gen. Kearney at Chan¬
tilly, passed regiment after regiment. During Saturday
morning and noon, I received information that Lee's army
was retreating in a southwesterly direction towards Orange
Court House. Inasmuch as such information, received
through superior channels, could as a rule be regarded as
reliable, I felt that the corps would now be called upon
to march south to intercept the retreat and to attack the
flank of the enemy's army. Two or three brigades of the
11th Corps were called for to advance when the army
under Jackson had been reported retreating. Beyond
this, nothing of a definite nature transpired, except a little '
firing coming from the outposts towards the west and
southwest, supposed to be reconnoitering cavalry. Con¬
stantly feeling that the corps would be called to action,
horses were fed, saddled, and my dinner made a very hasty
repast, such as one would partake of anticipating some
engrossing labor. The enemy in our front disappears ;
the detached brigades return to camp to resume their
function as reserve of the corps, being placed en echelon.
It is about six o'clock when musketry firing is heard on
our right wing ; it cannot be anything but cavalry attack¬
ing our troops going west, it being impossible to bring
infantry past the front and right of the entire army.
The firing becomes rapid, and in volleys by companies; the
advance retreats, and is thrown upon regiment and
802 IVar Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
brigades, which have to right face. The pressure of
Jackson's corps attacking the close column, some 25,000
strong, roils up our thin line without receiving the least
check from the regiments, which, by this time, have
faced from the oblique to the front of the now rapidly
advancing enemy. Jackson heeds Napoleon's maxim.
Striking the reserve of the corps, a halt is called by the
obstinacy of some of the regiments prepared to receive the
onslaught. However, the avalanche seems too great ; the
panic stricken soldiers, who had been taken at a disadvant¬
age, cannot be reorganized. Every effort is made by the
officers to check the retreat; the enemy in plain sight,
within a hundred or more yards, firing as they advance,
render it impossible to reform the battalions. Captain
Dessauer, one of my bravest comrades, falls by my side;
Gen. Howard's horse, opposing the wishes of the rider,
rears and falls with him, fortunately without causing any
serious injury. By this time a stand is made by the
reserve troops; this brings new encouragement and re¬
newed effort to all the officers endeavoring to stem the
panic ; the sabei is freely used to assist in persuading the
fleeing soldiers,but of little avail; and had every officer
known the true condition of things, it would have been too
apparent that the open fields at Do wall's Tavern could not
be held against the overwhelming numbers of the enemy.
The reserves give way ; the rifle pits are abandoned ; the
retreat to Chancellorsville takes place along the road now
full of officers, who have been compelled to give up the
Reminiscences of Chancellorsville.
303
labors of checking the moving masses, forming a cavalry
escort for the one piece of artillery of Captain Dilger's
battery, which is being retired and fired as fast as charged.
At last the clearing, near Chancellorsville is reached ; it
is sundown; the 2d Division of the 3d Corps, under Gen.
Berry, with a formidable number of guns, stops the
further movement of the enemy, and with the cannon
firing over our heads, the battalions, regiments, brigades
and divisions are reformed, taking the left wing of the
little army now opposing Jackson's corps. The balance
-of the 3d Corps, now marching by the right flank to the
northwest, assist materially ; Jackson's army, at this time,
losing its commander in reconnoitering our lines. A beau¬
tiful clear night aids the commander of the army in
arranging the battle lines, now entirely reversed; the rear
in the morning is now the front ; an effort is made by Gen.
Howard to give the corps an opportunity to redeem itself,
hut the disposition rules otherwise ; ordering it to take a
part of the line in the defensive, when in the morning of
Sunday, May 3d, intrenchments are begun for a thorough
defense.
Monday morning greets the now digging corps with the
booming of cannon and occasional musketry, so provoking
when consigned to inactivity, beyond the devising of
means for self protection. The defensive has been
assumed; the enemy is, so to speak, besieging a larger
force ; reminding one of the soldier who captured a num¬
ber of men by surrounding them. Meanwhile, Lee is not
304 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
idle; while now and then amusing the army, largely
intrenched, with a small force, gives his attention to Sedg¬
wick at Fredericksburg ; the entire afternoon of Sunday
we hear cannonading in that direction ; our minds are
full of misgivings of Sedgwick being crushed by nearly
the entire army of Lee without our helping him ; soon,
over the happenings of the last two days, every face
shows disappointment, feeling intuitively that if he will let
us we shall make a safe retreat, since there is no prospect
of taking the offensive, if the opportunity goes by of
assisting Sedgwick, now not over six miles distant, having
placed Fredericksburg between his crossing of the Rappa¬
hannock and his present position. The firing indicates
that Sedgwick is making a stand, and later in the day
that he is retiring. These surmises, indulged in without
any positive information, have been substantiated by facts(
with slight modifications. During our inactivity, the pos¬
sibility of an aggressive movement or an attack renders it
necessary to thoroughly familiarize ourselves with the
territory in our front, for this purpose. Gen. Howard
orders me to accompany him in his reconnaisauce ; I sug¬
gest that it be made on foot, the distance to be traversed
being quite limited, not over a mile. With the general's
customary bravery and fearlesss exposure, leaving all
orderlies or other escort behind, we mount our horses,
approaching the exterior line of outposts in good order;
the rebel sharpshooters recognizing us as officers of some
rank, fire as we go along, until near the end of the line the
Reminiscences of Ghancellorsville.
305
aim is so good, that a ball^jenetrates my saddle blanket into
the vitals of my horse, causing it to expire without moving a
muscle. Again admonishing my rather reckless chief to
join ine in my enforced walk, he consents, in completing
our survey. However, the day goes by without any dis¬
turbance, and even the night remains perfectly quiet in our
front.
The afternoon of the 5th, Tuesday, brings a heavy
storm, the usual result of an artillery duel ; it rains in
torrents, putting an end to all hostilities. Evidently the
retreat has been determined upon, since at 10 o'clock at
night I am directed to report at array headquarters for
orders for the corps. It is nearly two o'clock in the
morning when the directions to retire to the pontoon bridge,
built in our rear across the Rappahannock, are received.
Every thing passes off in good order; the corps following
the 2d in crossing the river, and at 6 a. m. of May 6th,
marches to former camping grounds.
This ends one of the most memorable campaigns of the
Army of the Potomac. Encouraged by this success, the
army under Lee, after a few weeks' rest, early in June,
resumes the offensive by invading Maryland and Pennsyl¬
vania, bringing about the battle of Gettysburg, which under
the leadership of Gen. Meade, redeems the reputation of
the army.
Now a few words regarding the conduct of the Eleventh
corps, when by the flank march of Jackson's corps, rout
and defeat were inevitable. While under any condition,
20
306 Wa?' Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
disiuembermeut of division brigade, regiment or company-
organization is unpardonable, there are many extenuating
circumstances connected with the events of May 2d. It
must be admitted that any body of troops, marching and
facing east, in the best of spirits, when attacked from the
west in the flank or rear, must loose much of the morale
necessary to withstand an onslaught, such as Stonewall
Jackson was in the habit of making. Scattered over a long
distance, with the enemy presumably to the east and
south, no soldiers in the world could have done much better
than the Eleventh corps. It has been suggested that a large
part of the corps being German, and some of the regiments
near the muster out, the failure to stand its ground must be
ascribed to these circumstances. The muster rolls will
show that, out of 13,000 men, only 4,000 were German,
and, while the time of some of the regments in the army
was about to expire, the Eleventh corps had none to be
mustered out until after the battle of Gettysburg, in July.
That the misfortune which overtook the Army of the
Potomac, and the Eleventh corps in particular, must be
found in the violation of all rules of warfare, there is
no question. The defeat became inevitable after the first
of May, when it was apparent that the original, beauti¬
fully conceived movement, had been abandoned. The
battle of Gettysburgh soon following, brought on a new
era, engaging the entire army, and giving the victory to
the largest batalions.
lu conclusion, in justification of the valor and ability of
Reminiscences of Chancellorsville.
307
the many officers, such as Howard, Devens, Barlow,
Steinwehr, Schurz, Williams, Smith, Underwood, and
others, I will quote the remarks of General Thomas, than
whom there was no truer, braver, and talented commander.
Thomas says, commenting upon the night engagement
preceeding the battle of Chattanooga: "The bayonet
charge of Howard's troops, made up the side of a steep
and difficult hill, over two hundred feet high, completely
routing and driving the enemy from its baricades on its
top, will rank with the most distinguished feats of arms of
this war,"
308
War Papers a.nd Personal Reminiscences.
THE AFFAIR OF THE "ANGLO-AMERICAN."
By John C. Parker, Late Actg. Vol. Lieut, U. S. N.
Two events which occurred in the month of July, 1862, so
completely changed the plans of Flag OflScers Farragut and
Davis, that the practical evacuation of our position at
Vicksburg resulted. The first was the remarkable passage
of the Confederate iron clad steamer " Arkansas " through
our fleet above Vicksburg, to a safe anchorage under the
heavy guns of that Gibraltar of the Mississippi. The
second was the hasty departure of Farragut for the Gulf
of Mexico, in obedience to an order received from the Sec¬
retary of the Navy, to no longer expose his wooden ships
to the danger of destruction by torpedoes and batteries.
This order was the result of a fear that England would
intervene, and that we would soon become engaged in- a
maratiine war with that strong power. We were certainly
not in a condition at that time, to cope with a foreign power,
and the war cloud of intervention, so frequently seen in
the eastern horizon, kept our government in constant
ajîprehension.
This fear of intervention, was the result of the feeling
engendered by the capture of Mason and Slidell by
Commodore Wilkes, and this bold aet was a thorn in
The Affair of the ^'Anglo-American." 309
the British side for a lonif time, even after diplomatic
skill had averted trouble, and the country has cause
to be grateful to Mr. Lincoln for having honorably
extricated us by the exercise of diplomacy, worthy of a
Metternich, from most serious trouble, and at a time when
we had our hands full at home. The capture, in itself, was
certainly a violation of international law. These Confed¬
erate commissioners were simply passengers in a private
merchant steamer, having embarked at a neutral port, and it
is quite wonderful that England, with her belicose tendency
when her flag is involved, should have not demanded so
abject an apology that either our humiliation or war would
have resulted. Commodore Wilkes possessed the same
bold spirit that actuated Paul Jones and Ingram, and did
not hesitate to throw all fine questions of international law
to the winds, when he saw in the persons of these two
passengers, Confederate officers of high standing, sailing
safely under the British flag bound for a British port,
who upon landing would at once become Confederate
commissioners, whose mission was to exchange Confederate
States cotton for British arms. Our foreign representa¬
tives were constantly reporting that they feared British
intervention, and it was the reception of one of these
reports in July, 1862, that caused the Secretary of the Navy
to order Farragut out to sea.
At this time, July 22d, 1862, the west bank of the river
opposite Vicksburg was occupied by a small force — a
brigade commanded by Gen. Williams. With these troops
310 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
fresh from the east, he was attempting to cut a canal
across the point opposite Vicksburg to enable transports to
pass through and thus render the enemy's guns inoperative.
The plan miscarried, however, and the troops exhausted by
the hard work of digging through swamps under the burn¬
ing July sun, succumbed to the ravages of swamp and
malarial fevers, until, as General Williams reports, " The
well were unable to take care of the sick." The with¬
drawal of Farragut, of course, obliged the withdrawal of
this little army, and when he went down stream he
convoyed them in their transports as far as Baton Eouge,
where they went into camp. Flag Officer Davis, upon the
evacuation of the west bank by the troops and the
withdrawal of Farragut, moved his fleet up the river as far
as Helena, Arkansas, and thus the entire Mississippi river,
from Helena down to Baton Rouge, La., was evacuated,
and the first attempt on Vicksburg rendered a failure.
The U. S. steamers "Essex" and "Sumter," of the
Mississippi Squadron had, with Farragut, passed the bat¬
teries at Vicksburg, and were now below that stronghold
and attached to the west Gulf Squadron, under his
command.
Farragut, upon arriving atBaton Rouge, proceeded at once
to the Gulf, leaving Captain W. D. Porter as commanding
officer of the small naval force left at that point, which
consisted of the "Essex," "Sumter," "Kineo," and
'Kathadin." The "Essex" was an iron clad steamer,
8 guns, the " Sumter " was a ram, 2 guns, having been
The Afair of the ^^Anglo-American." 311
captured from the enemy in the fight at Memphis, on June,
8th, 1862. The "Kineo" and " Kathadin " were small
wooden guns boats, two guns each. After Gen. Williams
had gone into camp at Baton Rouge he was, on the morning
of August 5th, 1862, attacked by a large force commanded
by Gen. Breckenridge, and a bloody battle ensued in
which the navy by means of signals was enabled to render
most efficient service, and to supply the want of artillery
that existed in the army.
The army signal oflScer, having arranged with Capt.
Ransom, of the "Kineo," stationed one signal officer at
the front, a naval officer on the high tower of the State
house, a point which commanded a view of the entire
surrounding country, and another of the deck of the
"Kineo," we were thus enabled to get both direction
and distance, and to deliver a destructive fire of nine inch
shells into the enemy as they approached Gen. Williams.
This shelling occurred late in the afternoon. During the
O
morning the lines of Gen. Williams were so extended —
covering as they did with a thin line the whole front of
the enemy— that we could render little assistance, but in the
afternoon, the enemy having carried some portion of our
line of battle, caused a change in the formation which
was now more concentrated, and we were thus enabled to
open on them, which we did with the "Essex" and
"Sumter" on their right flank, and the "Kineo" and
" Kathadin " on the left.
At this time Gen. Williams was killed while gallantly
312 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
leading his men, and a feature of this battle was that the
heaviest fighting took place in a cemetery that was
situated in the rear of the town. It was a hard fought
battle and our troops, wasted and worn by sickness and
disease, stood up all day before a superior force, and when
night came on had regained the original line of battle that
they had occupied in the morning. During the night
Breckenridge fell back in full retreat, and thus ended the
last array fight on the Lower Mississippi of that year.
When Breckenridge commenced the fight, on the morning
of the 5th, smoke was seen up the river, and we soon learned
from Confederate officers that we captured that it was our
old friend the " Arkansas," with the gun boats " Webb "
and " Music," which vessels had been ordered down from
Vicksburg to destroy us while Breckenridge was destroy¬
ing the army. They laid in sight all day, hut from some
cause failed to attack us. We kept onr weather eye open
all through the night expecting, of course, to be attacked
by them. When morning came Capt. Porter hove up his
anchor and started up stream to force a fight. He opened
on the " Arkansas " as soon as the " Essex " got within
range, and in a few moments the destruction of that vessel
became a matter of history. The following laconic report
explains itself:
" Gun Boat ' Essex.'
Off Baton Rouge, Aug. 6th, 1862.
"Sir: —This morning at 8 o'clock I steamed up
the river, and at 10 o'clock attacked the rebel ram
The Affair of the Anglo-American." 313
^Afkansas ' and blew her up. There is not now a frag¬
ment of her left.
" Very respectfully your obedient servant,
" W. D. Porter,
" Commanding Division Flotilla Western Waters.
" Rear Admiral D. G. Farragut."
When Admiral Farragut made his report of her destruc¬
tion to the Department he commenced it with these
words : —
'• It is one of the happiest moments of my life that I
am enabled to inform the department of the destruction
of the ram ' Arkansas ' " etc., etc.
Congress gave Porter a vote of thanks and promoted him
from Commander to Commodore.
The retreat of Breckenridge was followed on August 21st
by the evacuation of Baton Rouge by our little army, and
the gun boats " Kineo " and " Kathadin," having gone
below to join Farragut, left Capt. Porter with only the
"Essex" and "Anglo-American," the " Sumter" having
been destroyed at Bayou Sara on August 14th.
The "Anglo-American" was a small wooden steamer,
which had been used before the war as a towboat for sailing
ships entering the mouth of the Mississippi river bound
for New Orleans. She had low pressure boilers and a walk-
ing'beam engine ; she was captured from the enemy and was
314 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
put into coraniission by Capt. Porter on August 21st, he
arming her with one small rifle forward, and a boat howitzer
aft. She was officered by details from the " Essex " and the
" Sumter's " officers, who, after the loss of that vessel,
were ordered to duty on the "Essex." She was com¬
manded by Kobt. K. Kiley first master and executive officer
of the " Essex," who had with him two line officers, H. A.
Glassford first master and executive officer, and John C.
Parker third master. There was no attempt made by Capt.
Porter to give her a regular ships company, he being too
short handed on board the " Essex " to have her weakened
by supplying the " Anglo-American, she consequently had
but few men on board of her, and the same firemen who
served in that capacity when she was captured, were retained
in their positions after she was put into commission by
Capt. Porter. There was barely enough of our regular
men on board to man one gun, and there was no magazine
shell room or place where ordnance stores could be
secured.
Before this time, August 21st, Gen. Ruggles of the
Confederate army had occupied Port Hudson with a con¬
siderable force, and was hard at work fortifying that
naturally strong position, and was mounting heavy guns as
fast as they could be received from the Confederate
government. On the 28d of August, four days after the
troops nad evacuated Baton Rouge, Capt. Porter, with the
"Anglo-American "and the" Essex," steamed up thestream
to inspect the reported works being erected at Port Hudson,
The Affair of the ^^Anglo-American." 315
and to take possession of a small quantity of coal that was
held by citizens at Bayou Sara. He had the misfortune to
burst his 10 inch Dahlgren gun while shelling the men
engaged in building fortidcations, and to see the coal
burning as he approached Bayou Sara. Matters now
commenced to assume serious proportions. Here were two
vessels between the two points held by the enemy almost
out of coal, short of provisions and ordnance stores.
The case was one that required prompt action, but Cap¬
tain Porter was equal to this, as he had been to all other
emergencies, and it was but a short time before the
" Anglo-American " received orders to go at once to New
Orleans to procure a full supply of provisions, coal and
ordnance stores. On the night of the 24th the "Essex"
convojed the frail " Anglo-American " down stream by
the works which now had several guns. The passage
down was without special moment, and we arrived at
New Orleans on August 25th. Some delay ensued in get¬
ting the stores and provisions required, and it was not
until the 28th that we left.
Captain Porter had arranged to remain below Port Hud¬
son to again convoy the " Anglo-American " by the guns,
he, however, became impatient at our enforced delay and
returned to Bayou Sara, where he proceeded to punish the
citizens who had been firing at us for several days, and
who had destroyed the coal that he expected to secure.
We arrived in sight of Port Hudson at ten o'clock on
the morning of the 29th, and at once saw that we had
316 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences. '
trouble ahead of us. A hasty conference between Captain
Kiley and his two line officers, resulted in a determination
to make the attempt to pass upward by the batteries and
save the " Essex," and thus enable her to hold the lower
river. The line officers were given final instructions,
the senior being ordered to remain on the upper deek
while the junior was ordered to the lower deck, where we
had our small rifle, and where the firemen were stationed.
The moment that we arrived abreast of the lower works,
that had guns in position, the order came to fire, as we
could plainly see from the movements being made in the
works, that guns were being trained upon us. We were
unable to fire our rifle, a passing heavy shower having wet
the cartridges and the gun was useless.
A moment later and the shot and shell were crashing
through our little craft, sending the splinters in every
direction. A shot having carried away the flue-cap of the
starboard boiler, and one of the fire doors being torn away,
the firemen deserted their posts and the result was a rapid
reduction of steam pressure, it soon falling from thirty
to fifteen pounds; with this latter pressure we were notable
to much more than to hold our own against the current,
and we became an easy target, every shot that was fired
going through us.
One of the officers soon discovered the reason of
this slowing down, and with his navy revolver cocked
managed to persuade the firemen to leave the for¬
ward hold where they had taken refuge when deserting
The Affair of the "Anglo-American." 317
their posts, and to go back to the fire doors. Keniembering
that there were several barrels of resin on the port
guard near the boilers, he hastily seized an axe and in a
very short time the contents was broken up and thrown
into the fire under the boilers. The great heat caused
by the combustion of the resin generated steam very
rapidly, and it was not long before this officer saw
with unspeakable joy that the pressure was increasing and
soon her paddle wheels commenced to strike the water with
a business like sound that was heavenly music to those who
heard it. The I'iver being at its lowest stage, we were
forced to hug the foot of the bluff closely and, in so doing,
were obliged to almost brush a water batter}' that paid us
its respects. The enemy had at work on us that morn¬
ing, two 32-pound guns and 18 field pieces, and as they
were not under any fire or subjected to any sort of dangei',
it was, of course, mere target practice for them with a frail
defenceless wooden steamboat as a target. We were
obliged to hug the foot of the bluffs until Thompson's creek
was reached. At this point the bluffs commence and conse¬
quently the channel changes, veering to the left, and then
ranging in a straight line for perhaps a mile northward.
After we had succeeded in reaching Thompson's creek we
turned our vessel's head to the left, and all made a mental
calculation of how long it would take us to getont of range.
We expected to catch a heavy fire from the rifle-field pieces,
as we steamed up this long reach, and we were not mis¬
taken. The guns were concentrated and we were under
318 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
their combined fire, until at last, we managed to get out
of range. This last fire was very destructive, being stern
on, they sent shot and shell tearing through us from stern
to stem, and after being under fire for one hour and twenty
minutes, we escaped, and a most wonderful escape it was,
since every vital part of the machinery was in some way
injured, but not to an extent that disabled it. The boilers
were hit several times, and a man-hole plate in the starboard
boiler was cracked — the outboard bearing of the shaft was
carried away by a shot, and there was scarcely a place any¬
where in sight that did not show signs of damage. Before
going under the batteries, the glass windows of the pilot
house were hastily removed, and two thin mattresses from
the cabin below triced up on either side of the pilot. This
was the only precaution taken, or change made on board
the vessel. The first shot which passed through her engine
room found one of our contrabands, all unconscious of
approaching danger, amusing himself by picking on the
" old banjo," and the shot having passed within a few feet
of where he stood, he, without uttering a sound, jumped
overboard, banjo in hand, and was seen no more. Another
contraband who was near him, espied an empty flour barrel
and crawled into it head flrst, thinking like the ostrich,
that so long as his head was under cover his body was safe.
He was driven from his position by a seaman named Lyda,
and ordered to keep out of the barrel.
She was struck in all seventy-three times and was almost
The Affair of the Anglo-American^ 319
torn to pieces, and it was most remarkable that none were
killed and but two wounded.
We managed by superhuman efforts to regain the
" Essex " a few miles up the river at Bayou Sara, and by
dint of hard work and a liberal use of shot plugs managed
to keep her afloat and to repair her machinery after a
fashion, but the holes in her upper works we never touched
and she was consequently for the balance of the voyage the
best ventillated vessel in the navy. After Capt. Porter had
taken on board of the " Essex " the provisions and ordnance
stores the Anglo-American had brought him, he started up
the stream with the avowed intention of passing by
Vicksburg and rejoining Flag Officer Davis, who was
still at Helena. This passage was a remarkable one.
We were constantly followed by a force on both banks of
the river and it was impossible to make a landing without
having a fight, and those who died were buried overboard
lashed in their hammocks with a nine inch shot at their
feet. Vicksburg was reached after a time, as the " Essex "
would scarcely be called a fast steamer, making only about
five miles an hour against the current. Upon engaging the
lower batteries and finding the enemy's guns much more
formidable than they were two months before, and that it
would be impossible to pass them, he reluctantly turned his
head down stream, and after again being escorted by a
cavalry force, arrived at Port Hudson, which by this time
had become a very strongly fortified position, we again
passed by it.
320
War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
Porter in his report says: —
"The 'Essex' was struck with heavy shot fourteen
times. As nearly as I can judge the enemy had in position
from thirty-five to forty guns of 10 inch, 9 inch and 8 inch
calibre in three batteries commanding the river to the ex¬
tent ot five miles. A 63 pound, 32 pound and also a 10
inch shot lodged in the ' Essex,' but without material
damage. We were under fire an hour and three-quarters
during which time our guns were worked well and inces¬
santly and I have reason to believe the enemy was consid¬
erably damaged. In the various encounters I have had
since I left St. Louis on my last cruise July 6th, the
* Essex ' has been struck by heavy shot perceptibly one
hundred and twenty-eight times, glancing shots have left no
record, three have broken the iron and but one through, and
that at a distance of a few feet from the battery delivering
it."
After the " Anglo-American " had rejoined the " Essex "
Capt. Eiley made the following report : —
" Sir: In pursuance of your order I proceeded down
stream on the 24th inst. for NewOrleans, arriving there on
the morning of the 25th. We loaded up with coal and left
that city at 3:15 p. m. on Thursday, the 26th instant.
Nothing of importance occurred until I reached Port Hud¬
son. I noticed earthworks had been thrown up on the
bluffs as well as the water line, but no guns being in sight.
The Affair of the Anglo-American.^^ 32i
I kept on for about a mile, when another line of earth¬
works was discovered, as well as indications of rifle pits.
I immediately ordered my rifle 50 pounder to he
fired. At this moment the enemy opened on the
heat. My rifle gun unfortunately could not he used, as
the cartridges had been made wet by a just passed heavy
rain. Our howitzer was useless, as no ammunition could
he obtained for it at New Orleans. We are now just
abreast of the last mentioned earthworks, the enemy's guns
playing on us with great rapidity. I could see two 32-
pounder cannons and eighteen field-pieces 6 and 12
pounders. The fire was so heavy on my frail wooden boat,
that had it not been a matter of urgent necessity to reach
you, I should have dropped hack, as I had no protection
for the machinery, and the fire was so heavy that the
firemen were driven out from their post. I determined
from the importance of the case, to push on and rejoin you,
if possible. I am happy to report we succeeded. The
following casualities occurred; Mr. Parker, pilot, severely
wounded in the hack from a bursting shell, and James
Banes, seaman slightly wounded by splinter over the eye.
We received seventy-three shots — fifteen heavy shots, the
balance 12-pounder and heavy grape. One 32-pounder
struck the upright brace of the walking beam, breaking it
in two.
" It is with pleasure I here state the gallant conduct of
Mr. H. Glassford, Executive OflScer, and Mr. B. S.
Williams, pilot, who never left their posts of danger, and
21
322 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
by their energy and coolness contributed to the saving of
the boat. Mr. Miller, Chief Engineer, Mr. Parker, Third
Master, and Mr. Jacobi, of the " Essex" all did their duty
nobly.
Pope's Virginia Campaign.
323
POPE'S VIRGINIA CAMPAIGN.
BY BEEVET MAJOR-GENEEAL JOHN D. STEVENSON.
At no period during the War of the Rebellion did graver
responsibilities confront, or more alarming anxieties perplex,
the national authorities, than those embraced within the
dates of April 4 and September 3, 1862. The impatience
of the country at the inactivity of the great army organized
by McClellan, was no longer mere mutterings of discontent,
but had voiced itself into universal demands for action.
On to Richmond ! was a mandate that must be obeyed. The
Peninsula campaign was determined upon and the initial
movement began as early as March 17. April 4, General
McClellan with his army was solving the problems of the
advance from Fortress Monroe. In assenting to the Penin¬
sula movement the President was immovable upon one
point, Washington was to be left entirely secure. The
recollections of the battle of Bull Run with its disasters ;
the panic and demoralization it produced at Washington j
the army of Johnson at Manassas, a menace to Washing¬
ton for months, had deeply impressed upon the mind of the
President that the security of the national capital was
paramount to all other considerations, although true that
Johnson had retired from Manassas to the Rappahannock.
324 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
With the Army of the Potomac in the Peninsula, what was
to prevent Johnson from seizing the Federal capital? The
President was immovable; Washington must be seeure be¬
yond a peradventure. There is no doubt that McClellan
had promised this security to the President, and had made
such dispositions as he thought were adequate for the
purpose.
As the several corps of the army disappeared from the
front of Washington, the provisions for the security of the
national capital were developed. An inspection of the
organizations and the numerical strength of the reserved
force, convinced the President that no such protection as
stipulated for existed. A President's order was issued
retaining McDowell's corps at Washington.
The President, by a series of orders, provided for the
security of the capital ; the department of the Kappahan-
nock was erected with McDowell in command; Banks was
given the valley of the Shenandoah; Fremont the mount¬
ain department, the aggregate of these several commands
being 55,000 effectives. The line of defense was from
Moorefield, West Va., to Fredericksburg; numerically
strong with a fatal element of weakness; three armies
under independent commanders. A sense of security was
the result at the capital ; the operations in the peninsula
were watched with the most intense interest.
McClellan complained of the loss of McDowell ; and as
his operations progressed, continuously called for re-en¬
forcements. To silence these clamors the President
Popens Virginia Campaign.
325
deterinined to assemble a force at Fredericksburg under
McDowell; the force being McDowell's army with Shield's
division of Banks' corps, 40,000 strong.
Fredericksburg was a position from which the front of the
Federal capital could be covered, it was a point from which
co-operation with the right of McClellan was practicable ;
a movement of McDowell's army in co-operation was the
most effective aid.
The 24th of May, was designated as the day for
McDowell to commence his movement. Why this move¬
ment was not made, and what changes were a necessity, are
matters of pertinent inquiry.
During the early months of spring Stonewall Jackson had
attacked Shields at Kerns town near Winchester ; finding
himself decidedly worsted, he speedily withdrew from
the fight and retired down the valley. Banks in pursuit
forced him to find cover near Swift-Kun-Gap, Banks with
his command taking position at Strausburg. Jackson
being re-enforced by the command of Ed. Johnson on the
9th of May, attacked Milroy and Schenk at McDowell,
West Va., forcing them to retire to Franklin uniting
with Fremont. Jackson fell back to Staunton, rested and
reorganized his command; in a few days united with
EwelTs division, and on the 22d of May surprised, cap¬
tured and dispersed Kenly's command, an outpost of
Banks, at Front Royal. Banks moved at once to Win¬
chester; his force by the detachment of Shield's division
reduced to 6,000 ; he was at once attacked by Jackson and,
326 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
after a fierce fight, being largely outnumbered, he retired
across the Potomac at Williamsport.
The dispatches received at Washington announcing the
movements of Jackson and the disasters that had befallen
Banks were most alarming ; the line of security no longer
existed ; the center was gone. How far-reaching the
operations of Jackson would be and whether the security
of Washington was involved, created a most intense feeling
of uncertainty. Preparations were made at once to meet
the emergency. The movement of McDowell was sus¬
pended, two of his divisions were ordered to the valley,
Fremont was ordered to take the field. In a few days
Jackson retired to Winchester content with the discom¬
fiture of Banks and the spoils gathered. The scope of the
movement, when developed, was the destruction of Banks,
general demoralization ; if possible the relief of the enemy
from the pressure of the threatened movement of
McDowell ; this last purpose was unquestionably a result.
Fremont's effort to intercept the retreat of Jackson was
a failure, he pursued him with vigor and forced him to
battle at Cross-Keyes with no very decisive results ;
Jackson crossing the Shenandoah river, burning the bridge
behind him ; the same day he struck a part of Shields'
division driving it with severe loss from his front.
Content with his work, Jackson took position where he
could give aid most speedily to Gen. Lee when required.
The active operation of Jackson ceasing, Fremont took
position at Mount Jackson ; Banks with his command
Popens Virginia Campaign. 327
reorganized and consolidated at Winchester; McDowell at
Manassas with King's division at Warrenton, in a few days
King was ordered to Fredericksburg. McCall's division
was sent to McClellan. This was a virtual restoration of
the old lines with the old element of weakness, independent
commanders.
We must now look for a moment at the condition of
affairs in the front of Bichmond. The battle of Fair Oaks
had been fought, involving heavy losses on both sides— per¬
haps the most potent result was the disabling of Johnson,
General Lee being placed in command of the Confeder¬
ates. McClellan made a new distribution of his forces,
leaving Fitz John Porter on the north side of the Chicka-
hominy river with twenty thousand men ; he concentrated
his remaining forces, seventy thousand, on the south side,
pushing the advance to within four miles of Bichmond, the
coveted objective. Whilst these operations were going on
he was more clamorous than ever for additional troops ;
McCall's division, as we have seen, was sent to him; he
was still urgent in new demands.
The President earnestly desired to aid McClellan. To
send him McDowell, as he urgently demanded, was to
uncover Washington ; this, with a reasonable assurance of
success, would have been the right thing to do; but all
that McClellan promised was to do his utmost to destroy
the rebel army; if he failed, what then?
The President, as a solution of his perplexities, issued
his order of June the 26th, creating the Army of Virginia.
328
War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
"June 26, 1862.
"Ordered, first: The forces under Major-Generals
Fremont, Banks, and McDowell, shall be consolidated and
form one army to be called the Army of Virginia.
" Second, the command of the Army of Virginia is
specially assigned to Maj.-Gen. John Pope as commanding
general.
" Third, the army of Virginia shall operate in such man¬
ner as, while protecting Western Virginia, and the national
capital from danger and insult, it shall in the speediest
manner attack and overcome the rebel forces under Jackson
and Ewell, threaten the enemy in the direction of Charlottes¬
ville, and render the most effective aid to relieve Gen.
McClellan and capture Richmond."
This order was a radical change of the condition of the
several forces constituting the Army of Virginia, — it was
concentration, unity, strength. The order indicates the
purposes of the President, to protect Washington, aid Mc¬
Clellan by threatening important lines of the enemy and
occupying a position of menace to the enemy, thus reliev¬
ing the pressure upon McClellan.
The designation of Maj.-Gen. Pope to the command of
the Army of Virginia, was the President's own act. Gen.
Pope was a graduate of West Point, had made his reputation
in the west, and at the commencement of hostilities, given a
command in Missouri. He rapidly developed as an officer
of clear Judgment, prompt action, earnest patriotism, high
Popens Virginia Campaign.
329
courage, aggressive at all tiihes. He had commanded the
army sent against New Madrid, and Island No. 10, effecting
their capture with many prisoners and other trophies ;
opening the Mississippi river to Memphis ; then ordered to
Corinth had command of the left wing of the army during
the siege, under Gen. Halleck, receiving the highest com¬
mendations of his chief.
The President was personally familiar with Gen. Pope's
military record ; they were both citizens of Illinois. It
was most natural that he should have watched with interest
and pride this rising soldier, and when the time came con¬
firmed his estimate by giving him a command with
responsibilities as great, and as the sequel proved perhaps
greater than those of any of the other army commanders.
To suppose that General Pope sought or desired this
command is to do that oflScer great injustice ; he earnestly
remonstrated, said he was attached to his western com¬
mand, knew and was known by his troops, that the ties of
toils and dangers shared, successes gained, were too strong
to be broken ; on the contrary, to take the command of the
Army of Virginia would bring under him oflScers and organ¬
izations strangers to him and to whom he was unknown.
It would subordinate officers of superior rank, might breed
jealousy; comradeship and that confidence that is the out¬
growth of personal association, would not exist, he did not
want the command. These remonstrances were all over¬
ridden.
General Pope assumed the command thus forced upon
330 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
him. He at once issued the necessary orders for the concen¬
tration of the army of his subordinates. Fremont asked
to be relieved, General Sigel was given his command, by
the 20th of July, the army of Virginia was in position ;
Sigel at Speryville the left. Banks between Speryville and
Warrenton, Kicketts at Warrenton, King at Fredericksburg.
The army was about 38,000 effectives. The position taken
by General Pope, recurring to the order of June 26th,
could not be criticised, it covered the approaches to the
Valley and Washington, at the same time the army was in
position to threaten the enemy in the direction of Charlottes¬
ville and to demonstrate against Richmond. Recurring
again to the Army of the Potomac, the whole aspect had
undergone a change ; the battles of the Peninsula had been
fought; McClellan was entrenched at Harrison Landing,
too strong to be assailed, in his own opinion, too weak to
again assume the offensive ; the Confederates were engaged
in filUng up their depleted ranks, jubilant over the failures
of McClellan and more defiant than ever.
The responsibilities of the commander of the Army of
Virginia had assumed proportions never anticipated. The
Army of the Potomac at Harrison Landing precluded all
unity, — the Confederates were in position to assail either.
If General McClellan would resume the offensive.
General Pope's duty was palpably to demonstrate against
Richmond, drawing off from McClellan as much of the
Confederate forces as possible. This was evidently
General Pope's conclusion, for we find him occupying
Pope's Virginia Campaign.
331
the Rapidan with his cayalry and sending a strong expedi¬
tion to Gordonsville. That General Pope was correct in
his estimate of the effect of his operation upon the
enemy, was put beyond the question, by General Lee
sending Jackson with 18,000 troops to Gordonsville, driving
hack Pope's raiders. General Pope, more aggressive, occu¬
pies Culpepper Court House, advancing a brigade of
Banks' to Cedar Mountain; at once General Lee sends
General A. P. Hill to Jackson with 18,000 re-enforcements
(the number of both of these commands is stated by
General Lee, and were their actual strength); the opera¬
tions of General Pope had produced the desired result.
It being a problem to General Lee what McClellan
would do, until solved he had to confront him, the aggres¬
sive movements of General Pope must be met. On the
7th of August, Jackson, who in consultation with General
Lee had planned a campaign for the destruction of General
Pope, began his movement from Gordonsville. August the
8th, Lee wrote Jackson: "Your movement against
the enemy in Culpepper is judicious. I hope you
may be able to strike him moving * * * relying
upon your judgment, courage and discretion, and trusting
to the continued blessing of an ever kind Providence, I
hope for victory. R. E. Lee, General." General Pope being
fully advised of Jackson's advance, at once pushed Banks
forward with his whole corps to Crawford, moved Ricketts
with his division in supporting distance, ordered Sigel to
Culpepper Court House, and King's division from Freder-
332 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
icksburg. On the moiuiing of the 9th, the advance of
Jackson approached the position of Gen. Banks with the
head of his column deployed. About 5 o'clock in the
evening, Banks fiercely attacked, driving the enemy at all
points. Gen. Early in his report says : " Holding my posi¬
tion under a most vigorous attack with the left of the line
broken, but for the timely arrival of Hill's division the
battle was lost to the Confederates." Hill's arrival turned
the tide of battle; Banks made a desperate effort to repel
Hill's brigades. On no field during the war was there
more desperate fighting, or nobler instances of individual
courage displayed ; the preponderance of numbers decided
the battle. Banks was driven. Gen. Pope, arriving on the
field with Kicketts' division, the battle was over. The
battle of Cedar Mountain, as fought, was clearly the result
of a misconception of Gen. Pope's orders by Gen. Banks.
Gen. Pope would doubtless have fought Jackson on the
next day, when he would have had his whole army in hand.
Jackson, handled as roughly as he was by the small corps
of Banks, 8,000 in all, had he encountered Pope's whole
force, would have found his mission " to suppress Pope's
army," as ordered by Gen. Lee, a contract he could not
fill. Jackson seems to have taken this view himself. On
the 11th Pope's army was in his front ; Jackson, abandoning
his mission, precipitately retired behind the Rapidan.
Gen. Pope advanced to the Rapidan. The failure of
Jackson's mission and the aggressive movement of Gen.
Pope, was no part of Gen. Lee's programme.
Pope's Virginia Campaign.
333
As soon as it became apparent to Gen. Lee that Mc-
Clellan would not resume the offensive, he determined to
take the field in person. On the 27th of July he had
written to Jackson to suppress Pope ; the effort in that
direction as we have seen was a failure. Gen. Lee
promptly issued orders for the concentration of all his
dispensable force to join Jackson's command.
The estimate of the military qualities of the Army of
Virginia by Gen. Lee had undergone a decided change ; it
was to him an important factor in his proposed future
operations.
Gen. Lee at once held council with his lieutenants,
Generals Longstreet and Jackson, upon his arrival at the
front, on the 15th of August, he proposed to destroy Pope's
army, thus uncovering Washington and opening the way to
its capture or an inroad into the Northern States. The
immediate work before them was specially discussed. Gen.
Lee proposed to turn Pope's right flank and drive him to
the lower fords of the Eappahannock for a crossing.
Longstreet differed with Lee; his plan was to turn Pope's
left, seize Kelly's Ford and Rappahannock Station, interpos¬
ing oetween Pope and Fredericksburg and uncovering his
lines of supply. The plan of Longstreet was adopted ; the
initial movement thus settled, it was determined to make
the movement if possible before re-enforcements could reach
Pope from the Army of the Potomac; the 19th was the day
fixed for the movement.
334 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
Gen. Pope realized the great changes in the general
military situation that had been brought about.
He was fully advised of the situation in the Peninsula, be
knew that the authorities at Washington being unable to
furnish the re-enforcements demanded by McClellan, had
given up all hopes in that quarter and had determined to
withdraw the Army of the Potomac, and consolidate it with
the Army of Virginia; he fully realized his position,— it
meant that Gen. Lee with his army, flushed with their suc¬
cesses over McClellan, would have to be met. The
immensity of the re.sponsibilities thus placed upon him did
not dismay him. Advising the Commander-in-Chief, Gen.
Halleck, on the 16th, of the position and greatly superior
numbers of the Confederates, he was told to hold his
position as long as possible, tbat timely re-enforcements
would reach him. On the 17th, having become possessed
of Gen. Lee's order for his movement, he determined to
retire behind the Eappahannock, and so informed Gen.
Halleck. His movement was approved, but at the same
time he was told that the line of the Eappahannock must be
held at all hazard. If held for forty-eight hours he
would be so strongly re-enforced that he could assume the
offensive. By the evening of the 19th he was in position
on the north bank of the river commanding all the fords.
His line extended from a point about three miles east of
Kelly's Ford to Beverly Ford. On the evening of the 20th
the advance of Longstreet was at Kelly's Ford, the next
morning Jackson was in front of Eappahannock Station.
Pope's Virginia Campaign.
335
The 21st and 22d Gen. Lee devoted to repeated bnt futile
efibrts to force a crossing. Late in the evening of the 22d
he abandoned his efforts on the left, and commenced his
movement to the right, seeking a crossing higher np the
river.
Up to this point in the campaign. Gen. Pope had proven
himself equal to the work he had been charged with. He
had organized his army, giving to the forces composing it
the strength of unity under a single head ; he had placed it
in position with rare judgment, so as to cover West Vir¬
ginia and Washington ; he had made such demonstrations
as to force Gen. Lee to detach heavily from his army in
front of McClellan ; he had forced Jackson to abandon his
offensive, and hastily seek shelter behind the Eapidan ; he
had, at a critical time, in the face of largely superior
forces, retired to the line of the Rappahannock; finally, he
had forced Gen. Lee to abandon his first plan of campaign
by Pope's left flank. These were successes that Gen. Pope
had brought about with the means under his personal con¬
trol, he had been sustained by the hearty support of all his
subordinates.
Before pursuing the movements of the armies further, it
is very important to refer to several facts having an im¬
portant bearing upon Gen. Pope's future operations. The
relative strength of the opposing forces is a factor. The
original strength of Pope's command was 38,000, the only
re-enforcement was Gen. Reno's division, 8,000 from Burn-
side's corps, making Pope's command, deducting the losses
336 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
at Cedar Mountain, 43,000 ; Gen. Lee, in his letter to Jack¬
son, of the 27th of July, says: "I send you A. P. Hill
with 18,000 men; you have about the same number with
you, deducting 5,000 for losses and straggling at Cedar
Mountain, leaves 30,000. Longstreet's eleven brigades
can be safely computed at 30,000, and Anderson's division
5,000; we have a total of 65,000, exclusive of cavalry."
The relative strength was approximately as 4 to 6. The
cavalry of the Army of Virginia, by its arduous service,
was virtually used up. Gen. Pope had called the attention
of Gen. Halleck to its condition, had asked for additional
regiments, made requisitions for horses, all in vain. If
cavalry is metaphorically the eyes of an army, the Army of
Virginia was without eyes. The remainder of the cam¬
paign was handicapped by the want of this essential and
indispensable arm.
Thus far Gen. Pope had operated with troops in hand.
His future operations were to be in a very large degree
dependent upon certain contingencies. A speedy and
adequate re-enforcement, under oflScers in hearty sympathy
with their chief. It may as well be stated here as later
that all the re-enforcements received were Gen. Heinzle-
man's two divisions, commanded by Generals Hooker and
Kearney, 11,000, Gen. Porter's command, two divisions,
9,500, Gen. Keynolds' division, 2,500. The command of
Gen. Heinzleman was without artillery, with forty rounds
of ammunition, the field officers without horses, brought by
trains on the railroad to Warrenton Junction, and without
Pope's Virginia Campaign.
337
wagons. These troops were from the Army of the Potomac.
No other commands reported except Gen. Sturgis, with a
small force during the last days of the battle at Manassas,
Gen. Pope was, as he aptly says, " chained by one leg by
the instructions of Gen. Halleck to keep up his connection
with Fredericksburg."
To return to the active operations of the campaign. As
the Confederates moved up the river Gen. Pope corre¬
spondingly extended his line until he found it was being
attenuated too much, he at once suspended the movement ;
this enabled Jackson late in the day to push over Gen.
Early with a small infantry force and one or two batteries,
at Sulphur Springs. Gen. Longstreet had moved to the
right occupying the position of Jackson's troops as they
moved out. That night a furious rain-storm drenched both
armies; in the morning the river was impassable, all the
bridges, except the railroad bridge, were swept away.
Gen. Pope at once ordered Gen. Sigel to attack and capture
or destroy Early. The attempt was made but it was
found that a tributary to the river intervened, eflfectually
defeating the movement ; during the night Early was with¬
drawn. The 23d and 24th were spent in mutual heavy
artillery practice, varied by a bold effort of a detachment
of Sigel, under Gen. Bohlen, crossing the river and attempt¬
ing to capture the rear of Jackson's train, an attempt
which failed and in which the commanding officer, a most
gallant soldier, was killed. On the 25th Jackson com¬
menced his flank movement. This movement was plainly
22
338 War Paper's and Personal Reminiscences.
visible to Pope's signal officers and duly reported to
him. An approximately correct estimate of the force was
made. It was a problem to Gen. Pope what this movement
portended; — whether it was a movement to the Valley,
or to his rear by Thoroughfare Gap, or against his right
flank. The massing of Longstreet's command at Sulphur
Springs, warranted Gen. Pope in providing for it as he did
by occupying Warrenton, here at the beginning of his
manifestly most responsible work, and it may be said of all
the operations that were to follow, the want of an efficient
cavalry force became apparent. For the deficiency in
this arm Gen. Pope was in no wise responsible. Too good
a soldier to complain, he accepted the situation, stimulated
to more earnest work with the means at hand. He sent
scouts and spies after Jackson to find out if possible the
purpose of the movement, but it seems without result.
He ordered the commanding officer at Manassas Junction to
send scouts to Thoroughfare Gap. On the 26th Gen. Pope
made a new disposition of his army, occupying a line
from Kelly's Ford to Warrenton, still maintaining his
«onuectioii with Fredericksburg. He at the same time kept
a vigilant watch over the enemy at Sulphur Springs. This
new disposition of the army put Gen. Pope in position to
■cover the Warrenton Pike and his only source of supply,
the railroad, and if the emergency demanded it in falling
back, to bring him nearer his base and in reach of
the anticipated re-enforcements. But above all he was
a barrier to any approach to Washington on the direct
Pope's Virginia Campaign.
339
line, and in such position as all his conferences with
the authorities seemed to demand. The night of tlie 26th,
Gen. Pope knew that his line of communication was inter¬
rupted at Kettle Run. He at once ordered a force from
Warrenton Junction to be sent to the Run, ascertain the
facts and report to him at once. Before daylight the
reports received convinced him that Jackson with his com¬
mand was in his rear, in possession of the railroad, and had
captured Manassas Junction with all the stores at that point.
On the 23d Gen. Pope knew that the command of Gen.
Cox was at Washington; he also knew that Gen. Sturgis
was ready with his command awaiting transportation; he
had been assured that Franklin with his corps would be
sent forward ; he had ordered a strong division of these
expected re-enforcements to occupy the Junction. He had
to rely upon the authorities at Washington to take care of
his rear ; to have done so himself would have compelled
him to use a part of the troops required at the front; this
he could not do; it were better to fall back with his army.
To have fallen back until forced to do so, was to give up
the prime plan agreed upon,— to give battle on the Rappa¬
hannock line or as near that line as possible. Gen. Pope's
reliance for the protection of his rear having failed him, this
unexpected condition demanded prompt action. Gen. Pope
was a man of quick resolves ; he did not dally with propo¬
sitions demanding instant solution ; he determined to move
with his whole army after Jackson and if possible destroy
him before Gen. Lee could effect a junction.
340 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
This movement of Gen. Pope has been the subject of
much criticism, all based upon the theory that the true
move was to have occupied a position in front of
Thoroughfare Gap, thus interposing his army between Lee
and Jackson, preventing his passage through the mountain
range or, if a passage was effected, defeat Lee ; when
either of these results should be accomplished, more
especially the latter, Jackson could be attended to. If
Gen. Pope's army had been thus disposed, at least thirty
hours must have intervened before the arrival of Gen.
Lee, then the time for the determination of the issues must
elapse, in the meantime what of Jackson? In the light of
what occurred, we know now, that the only effort to con¬
front Jackson, was the sacrifice of a small force under Gen.
Taylor. With Gens. Halleck, McClellan, Cox, Sumner,
Franklin, Sturgis and not less than 40,000 men at Wash¬
ington, nothing was done, in fact it looks as if a paralysis
of fear and dread dominated the hour. Jackson, full of
energy, the most aggressive of soldiers, without opposition
for thirty hours, seems not to have been considered, but
Gen. Pope it is said should have made the movement as
soon as Jackson was known to have started. There is a
sufficient answer to this, that it would have presupposed
the movement of Jackson an absurdity ! But more
important, it involved the abandonment of the understood
plan of the campaign. We will not waste more time
upon what might have happened if these paper suggestions
had been realities ; right or wrong they are in the pro-
Pope's Virginia Campaign.
341
fundities of the unknown. The orders of Gen. Pope were
issued on the 27th about daylight, reaching the several
commands at an early hour. McDowell and Sigel were
ordered to move by the Warrenton Pike in the direction of
Gainsville, Reno to Greenwich, Porter to Warrenton
Junction, Banks to same point with trains. Gen. Pope
went in person to the Junction. These dispositions were just
such as the conclusions Gen. Pope formed, required ;
Jackson was isolated from Lee. The first proposition ?
Jackson must be located. This was speedily done. During
the evening of the 27th, Gen. Hooker struck Ewell, near
Bristoe, Ewell after a sharp fight retiring along the railroad.
During the night Gen. Pope, who was with Hooker,
became satisfied that Jackson with his command was at
Manassas Junction. This location of Jackson was correct.
Gen. Pope at once issued a series of orders to meet the
then ascertained status. To support Hooker, who was
short of ammunition, he ordered Porter to make a night
march so as to reach Bristoe station, by daylight (Porter
did not move as ordered). Gens. Reno and Kearney were
ordered from Greenwich, McDowell and Sigel were
ordered to move to Manassas Junction, the movement to
be made with the right resting on the Manassas Railroad.
Upon reaching Manassas on the morning of the 28th, Gen.
Pope found that Jackson had retired by several roads to
the north in the direction of Centreville. This necessitated
a change of the previous orders. McDowell was directed
upon receipt of the order, to move from the point where
342 Wa?' jPapers and Personal Reminiscences.
the order reached him, to Centreville, using the Warrenton
Pike ; Porter was at Manassas; Banks, who had charge of
the trains, was ordered to move by roads east of the
railroad to Centreville. Gen. Pope with the commands of
Heinzleman and Reno pushed on to Centreville. All these
orders and movements had but one object, to force Jackson
to a stand, a result which we know now, was accomplished.
Let us now notice incidents that had a very important
bearing on Gen. Pope's operations. Prompt movement is
an essential in all military movements. Gen. Sigel had
impeded the march of the command of McDowell which
included his own corps, on the morning of the 28th, by
incumbering the road with a wagon train against positive
orders, thus delaying the column several hours, which as
the sequel proved, enabled Jackson to make his movements
from Manassas without interference. Again, Sigel moved
with his right resting on the Orange and Alexandria rail¬
road, instead of Manassas road, throwing his command out
of position several miles too far south ; Gen. McDowell
detached Ricketts with his division to Thoroughfare Gap.
This was no part of Gen. Pope's plan; he proposed to
destroy Jackson without reference to Lee's passage
of the Gap. We shall see that Gen. Pope subse-
sequently issued a most important order, evidently having
no information of Ricketts being detached. The order of
Gen. McDowell, judging from results, seems to have
produced very little delay in the advance of Longstreet, the
head of his column arriving at the Gap late in the evening
Pope's Virginia Campaign.
343
of the 28th. Finding his passage would be disputed he
sent at once one or two brigades through Hopewell Gap to
drive off the opposing force. Kicketts retired to Gainsville
and from there to Bristoe, and for several hours his where¬
abouts was a mystery to both Gens. McDowell and Pope.
Gen. Sigel early in the day was fired upon by a small party
of Confederates on his left ; he made a short halt, but the
party soon disappearing he resumed his march ; this party
was the rear of one of Jackson's columns, on the march from
Manassas. If Gen. Sigel had moved on the Manassas road
as his order contemplated and without the delays of the
morning, he would have made the same development his
movement by the New Market road effected later in the
day. Before the order to move by the Warrenton Pike
reached Sigel he was at Manassas Junction ; Gen. Pope was
at or near Centre ville. Gen. Sigel, not wishing to retrace
his long march, moved by the New Market road in the
direction of Centerville. As he approached the Pike he
encountered the enemy, resulting in a sharp fight extending
into the night. Gen. King moving on the Pike about 5
o'clock was fiercely attacked by the enemy near Groveton.
The attack was made by Ewell's command and was most
determined, designed to prevent a junction with Reynolds
who was on Sigel's left but a mile distant ; Gen. Gibbon's
brigade with Doubleday in support made a most successful
resistance, for the numbers engaged, the casualties were
enormous. Gibbon held his position, forcing the assailants
from the field ; the fight terminated at night. Gen. Pope
344 fVar Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
arriving at Ceutreville drove the rear of Hill in the direction
of Gaiiisville.
Gen. Pope with the information of the results of the day
before him, Sigel in front of the enemy with his corps and
Keynolds' division, King's division holding the Pike with
the enemy in his front. Hill's division retiring in the
direction of Gainsville, the object he had so assiduously
sought had been accomplished,— Jackson must fight. Gen.
Pope's orders were prompt.
Sigel was to renew the battle in the morning, Kearney
and Hooker were to attack on the right of Sigel, the left
of Jackson. McDowell was ordered to hold his position on
the Pike, at the same time an order was sent to King in
person to hold his position on the Pike ; both of these
orders were made under the belief that McDowell's two
divisions were in solid. Both of these orders miscarried.
King, who was sick, had turned over his command to Gen.
Hatch ; McDowell had gone to Manassas to personally in¬
terview Gen. Pope, who had gone to Centreville. He did
not see Pope and in returning to his command lost his
way so that he did not join it until the next morning.
In the meantime his whereabouts were unknown to Gen.
Pope. During the night Gen. Pope, learning that King's
division had retired from the Pike in the direction of
Manassas, having ordered Porter to Centreville, he counter¬
manded the Centreville order, in lieu of it ordered
Porter to move with his corps and King's division on
Gainsville. This order was designed to again occupy the
Pope's Virginia Oampaign.
345
Pike which had been left open by the retirement of King
and Eicketts. Whilst these orders were being sent Gen.
Pope had no knowledge of the movements of Eicketts or
communication with McDowell.
After issuing the order to Porter, Gen. Pope substituted
the order known as the joint order to Gens. McDowell and
Porter, which was delivered to Gen. Porter on his line of
march from Manassas Junction. The only material
variation was a clause calling attention to the fact that
they would be compelled to fall back that night or early in
the morning to Centreville for supplies. Gen. Pope, by
this movement, evidently designed to place his force in
position to intercept any retreat of Jackson in the direction
of Gainsville, and if Jackson adhered to his position to be
able to attack his right flank and rear.
This movement expended itself in the advance of the
head of the column to Dawkins Branch, with skirmishers
well to the front. Gen. McDowell, who was with his
division in the rear, finding the column halted, rode to the
front. He says on coming to the front he told Porter,
after a survey of the field, to attack the enemy in his front,
that he, McDowell, would take his divisions by the Sudley
road and attack on the left of Sigel. Porter, ou the
contrary, avers that McDowell told him he Was too far out,
that it was no place to fight. We will not enter into this
controversy. Gen. Pope's order clearly contemplated that
this was to be an offensive movement agamst the enemy
when found; neither Porter nor McDowell attempted to
346 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
carry out their orders, McDowell left with his command
by the Sudley road, reporting to Gen. Pope on the field,
telling him of his action and the position of Porter's
command. Gen. Pope sent Porter the 4:30 order, to
attack the enemy at once. Porter was immovable.
Gen. Pope, in planning the attack by Heintzleman,
Eeno and Sigel, had considered that the movement on the
right and rear of Jackson by McDowell and Porter would
unquestionably be made as ordered after the lull in the
fight at noon, reforming the lines and furnishing new
supplies of ammunition to the troops. So expectant and
confident was Gen. Pope that he personally assured the
commanding officers of the corps and divisions that relief
in that quarter was certain.
The arrival of General McDowell elicited from General
Pope the peremptory order of 4:30. Porter on the receipt
of that order, which he alleges was after 6 o'clock, ordered
Morrell to deploy for attack, but finding it too late sus¬
pended the preparations The order of 4 :30 which was
attempted to be executed so late in the evening that it had
to be abandoned, was no more obligatory, than the order
he had carried all day. The detail of the battle shows
that Jackson was driven from his original line on and east
of the Pike to the Eail-Eoad-Cut, a practically strong
entrenched line, his entire left was driven and so heavy
was the attack on the right center that on the arrival of
Longstreet he was immediately called on for aid. So
vigorous were the assaults upon the point that Lee in
Pope's Virginia Campaign.
347
person directed Longstreet to send troops at once to
relieve the pressure.
Longstreet responded by planting his batteries so as to
enfilade Pope's columns of attack.
The effect of the movement of Longstreet was to put an
end to the successes of Pope, and by the deployment of
Longstreet on Jackson's right, to extend the line of battle,
and after a determined battle with severe loss, forcing
back Pope's left, the battle extending in the night to 9
o'clock. No one can study this battle, without according
to General Pope, a full understanding of the position of
Jackson, and such dispositions for attack, as ought to have
brought about the destruction of Jackson's army. There
can be but little doubt, if Jackson had been assailed on his
right flank and rear in the early hours of the battle before
the arrival of Longstreet he must have been defeated.
Had the attack been made upon the head or flank of
Longstreet as he came upon the field, as it was the plain
duty of Porter to have done, the relief so earnestly demanded
by Jackson would have failed him, leaving all the chances
of battle with General Pope.
If Porter had pushed forward his column with the same
spirit, ability, courage and patriotism that distinguished
him at Gaines Mill and Malvern Hill, who doubts that
Longstreet would have had his hands too full for any
prompt and eflective aid such as he rendered Jackson?
Porter laid idle the whole day in sight of the enemy and
in distinct hearing of the battle. If he had been in reality
348 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
exercising the supreme right of a corps commander — to
disobey an order which, in his judgment, would have in¬
volved the useless sacrifice of his command, what was there
to prevent his following McDowell to the front?
After the battle Gen. Pope carefully considered the
situation and determined to renew the fight in the morning.
His first order was to require Porter to report with his
command. This order was obeyed, but, strange to say,
one of his division commanders, Morrell, and Gen. Griffin,
with his brigade and Piatt's command, did not report— they
had gone to Centreville. One third of the fighting force
of the command did not touch the field. The battle
of the 30th was commenced by Gen. Pope under the idea
that the Confederates were retiring; a variety of circum¬
stances had given color to this belief. At midnight Long-
street's lines retired from Pope's left front; Jackson
had withdrawn from his extreme left. When these facts
became known, they were so consistent with the idea of a
retreat, that when confirmed by the testimony of our own
oflSoers and men, who, being prisoners in the Confederate
lines, had escaped, there was no doubt but such was the
fact. The movements were ordered to be made along the
Warrenton Pike and Haymarket road. Porter in advance
on the Pike with King's division on the right rear, Rey¬
nolds on the left rear; Heintzelman with his division
to the right of Porter, supported by Rickett's division,
Sigel and Reno in reserve. The movement commenced
about 4:30; Porter advancing Morrell's division, was
Pope's Virginia Campaign.
349
soon engaged. King's division, under Hatch, was deployed
on the right, and Reynolds, discovering the enemy in
strong force on the left, immediately deployed; the battle
at once became furious. Jackson was driven to his rail¬
road embankment and held his position with great difficulty.
Porter was driven back ; the idea of pursuit was aban¬
doned. Pope and McDowell at once realized the situation ;
the purpose of Lee soon developed—the effort to turn
Pope's left and cut him off from Centreville; there were
several positions that must be held on the left — Bald Hill,
the Hany House Hill, these positions were strongly held,
and Sigel, Reno and Ricketts were all speedily brought to
the south of the Pike to meet the determined flank attack.
The battle lasted until midnight, the losses on both sides
were heavy. Lee failed to reach the Pike. After night
General Pope retired his ar.my to Centreville. There he
found Franklin with his corps. The next day he was
joined by Sumner. General Pope found his army unable
to resume the offensive, but still a cover to Washington. No
move was made by Lee on the 31st. On the 1st of Sep¬
tember the battle of Ox Hill or Chantilly was fought ; this
was an effprt of Jackson, with two of his divisions, to
interpose between General Pope and Fairfax Court House.
Reno and Kearney met the attack after a spirited fight,
during the prevalence of a severe rain-storm. Jackson
was driven from the field; two of our best soldiers, Kearney
and Stevens, were killed. Ox Hill was the last of the
series of battles of the Army of Virginia. On the 2d of
350 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
September the order was issued to retire to Washington.
On the 3d the Army of Virginia ceased to exist.
The career of the " Army of Virginia " will illumine the
historic page, whenever its marches, endurance, patriotism
and courage shall be truly chronicled. No army was
charged with greater responsibilities — none proved more
worthy of the trust.
Gen. Pope was placed iu command of the Army of Virginia
in disregard of his remonstrances. What he was expected
to do, and what he was finally called upon to do, as the
striking contrasts were being developed — no doubt filled
his mind with many doubts and distrusts and caused his
heart to pulsate with fears that the demands made upon him
were greater than he could meet. Gen. Pope had a special
duty " to protect Washington;" how much was involved
in the expression he himself had to learn iu the vicissitudes
of his campaign.
The organization of his army was routine work and with
skill born of experience, the materials furnished were soon
moulded into proper form ; he speedily placed his command
in a position responsive to the requirements of his orders.
He was a cover to Washington, he was a thorn to the
enemy. His force in its creation was auxiliary — it
became the main force; from a side figure Gen. Pope
became the central figure. The eyes of the country,
abandoning all other fields, were centralized on Pope and
his army. The hopes and prayers that had failed to produce
results, were renewed with an unfailing trust, when the
Pope's Virginia Campaign.
351
country realized that the great army sent to the Peninsula
had failed in its mission. The Army of Virginia was
invested with a new interest. A superior and exultant foe
was to be met. The safety of the capital was involved,
perhaps the perpetuity of the government itself. Gen.
Pope was a soldier in its true significance. He believed in
organization, subordination, courage physical and moral,
patriotism that exalted the national life above all else, that
is ever ready for self-sacrifice. Unselfish, he was always
considerate of others; self reliant, he knew his success or
failure depended upon others; giving his soul to his work,
he expected a like devotion from all his subordinates.
Gen. Pope must be estimated by a true standard, the work
he was to perform and how it was executed.
The campaign of Gen. Pope from its inception to the
abandonment of the line of the Bappahannock has been
universally commended.
The failure to occupy Thoroughfare Gap can be specu¬
lated upon, but was no part of Gen. Pope's plan. He let
go his Eappahannock line with one controlling purpose, to
destroy Jackson. Every movement made by his orders
directly conduced to this result. Gen. Pope knew that for
his plans to succeed, there must be hearty co-operation of
all his subordinates — that obedience to orders was the
corner-stone to success.
The unexpected happenings of the 28th,— the mistake of
Sigel of his line of direction, the absence of McDowell
from his command at a most inopportune time, the with-
352 War Papem and Personal Reminiscences.
drawal of King's division, the movements of Eioketts — all
untoward events, were still absolute blows, from which
there was no escape, and for which there was no atone¬
ment.
But the utter failure of Porter to obey the orders of the
29th, was the severest blow Gen. Pope received. His at¬
tack was based upon the theory, that the attack of the right
and rear of Jackson would consummate a victory, as it was
revealed to him that no attack would be made ; on the
contrary, that Gen. Lee with his whole army was before
him, it only nerved him to greater exertion. The battle
of the 80th is Pope's most enduring monument. He com¬
menced the battle with the impression the enemy were re¬
treating. He had to deploy his columns into lines of battle
to confront the advancing lines of the enemy. For five
hours the enemy pour their masses upon Gen. Pope's
exposed left. Pope with unflinching nerve, and that skill
which is the inspiration of battle, meets every assault and
finally when the battle ceases, he retires from the field with
his organizations preserved ; the battle though lost was a
crown to the army, its greatest glory.
When the enemy made their last assault upon the Army
of Virginia at Ox Hill—worthy of its fame, it was still
responsive and repulsed the assailant.
When the true history of Pope's campaign is written.
Gen. Pope will be a monumental figure. His campaign
was the most responsible, I might truly say the most suc¬
cessful, of the war. With an inadequate force scantily
Pope's Virginia Campaign.
353
supplied, he had to meet face to face the best generals of
the Confederates, with their best troops in superior force
flushed with victory. With the failure of promised help,
with many misconceptions of orders, with positive dis¬
obedience of orders, with unexampled exhaustive marches,
with short supplies, with many fierce battles, wasting his
command, he thwarted all the attempts of the enemy.
Under Gen. Pope, the Army of Virginia was the security
of Washington, exemplified. With Gen. Pope, disap¬
pointed hopes were a stimulus, failure in one direction
evoked more vigorous effort in another.
As the events of the campaign seemed to bear most
heavily against him he was the more determined to extort
success. On the field of Manassas he appeared the great
soldier; while he was under heavy attack he changed his
entire plan from a pursuit to a defensive battle. And
when the battle closed, he left the field, with the enemy in
no condition to pursue. He had crossed swords with the
greatest soldiers of the Confederacy — adding lustre to his
record. Though the battle was lost, laurels were won;
though no pseans were sung, a grand work had been
accomplished. Gen. Lee had utterly failed in his plans. If
Lee was a victor. Gen. Pope had earned the laurel.
23
354
War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
THE EXPEDITIONS AGAINST FORT FISHER.
BY MAJOR CHARLES E. PEARCE.
lu the month of December, 1864, General Lee tele¬
graphed to General W. H. C. Whiting, commanding the
defenses of Wilmington, that unless Forts Fisher and
Caswell could be held, he would be obliged to evacuate
Richmond.
In addition to the strategical importance of the posi¬
tion, supplies suflScient for the continuous equipment and
maintenance of an army of sixty thousand men, were
being persistently brought in through the intricate channels
of the Cape Fear river, despite the watchful blockade of
the Federal squadron. The practical inability of the gov¬
ernment to seal the port of Wilmington was also a
subject of international consequence, and constituted a
reasonable pretext in furtherance of the efforts of rebel
agents abroad to secure an intervention of the powers.
The constant and almost uninterrupted outflow of cotton
and other southern products, and the hardly less frequent
importation of war material, not only sustained the foreign
credit of the Confederàcy, but frequently threatened the
Federal government with serious complications in Europe,
and especially with England where the wide-spread belief
The ExpeditioiiS against Fort Fisher. 355
in the eventual success of the rebellion, was closely akin to
the hope that a permanent and boundless free-trade market
would thus be established for her manufactures.
It is easily perceived that there was strong ground for
General Lee's solicitude. If the expedition against Fort
Fisher had been undertaken when it was originally pro¬
jected by the department of the United States navy, a
successful issue might, as was intimated in Lee's dispatch,
have changed the whole complexion of the eastern cam¬
paigns. Occurring after Sherman had made his lodgement
on the coast, and when Lee's army was sure to be crushed
between the two great mill-stones whose movement was
narrowing day by day, it became an event somewhat out¬
side the direct line of their operation, and although con¬
tributory as a factor in hastening the grand result, was
nevertheless hardly necessary, as the result was inevitable
in any case, under the conditions which existed in the
winter ot 1864.
Lee's army was doomed when Thomas destroyed Hood
at Nashville. He was practically beaten on his own lines
when Gordon's desperate emente at Fort Steadman demon¬
strated that he was unable to break Grant's tightening grip.
The question as to the issue of an engagement in the
defenses of Petersburg was then subordinate to the more
serious question, as to where he could stand after leaving
those defenses, with Sherman's matchless army of veterans
moving towards him in the open, without a contestant.
Whatever spectacular grandeur there might be in a dying
356 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
struggle, a wise and humane statesmanship would have
dictated a cessation of the war when the result became
inevitable, and thus have saved all subsequent effusion of
blood.
The Fisher expeditions in their actual bearings were
therefore incidental in character, although designed as an
essential auxiliary in the grand campaign. As a study in
military science, they present many interesting and in¬
structive features, and the capture of this stronghold will
always be classed among the heroics of the war.
The rebel defenses at and near the mouth of the Cape
Fear river were unquestionably the most formidable erected
during the war of the rebellion.
The water approaches in 1864 were narrow, intricate,
and under the most favorable conditions exceedingly diffi¬
cult to navigate. There being hai'dly more than ten feet
of water at flood tide it required the most skillful piloting
to take in vessels of ordinary draught. With a system of
torpedoes having electrical connections, planted in these
narrow channels, the reaching of the river and the interior
defenses by gunboats and monitors was more than a
hazardous undertaking.
The outlying defenses in December 1864, were Forts
Caswell, Shaw, Campbell, Bald Head, Deepwater Point
and Smith's Island, mounting 48 guns of heavy calibre and
24 lighter pieces, all bearing upon the old inlet. The nar¬
row new inlet between Federal Point and Smith's Island
was guarded by the guns of Forts Johnson, Buchanan, and
The Expeditions against Fort Fisher. 357
the island, while upon the river itself from the western
side bore the armament of Smithville, Eeeve's Point, Fort
Anderson and other scattering batteries. The coast line ex¬
tending from Masonsboi'o Sound southward was protected
by a number of redoubts of no special strength or conse¬
quence, while upon the river were a number of gunboats
and other armed craft ready to co-operate in case of
attack.
The main fortification, however, upon which the Confed¬
eracy relied for the protection of its blockade running trade
and the city of Wilmington, was the celebrated Fort Fisher,
situated near Federal Point, on the peninsula between the
river and the ocean, a chef d'ceuvre of engineering skill
and perseverance.
It was constructed in the main, after the plans and under
the supervision of Maj.-Gen. W. H. C. Whiting, an accom¬
plished engineer and a graduate of West Point.
Although four years were consumed in the work, it was
not fully completed at the time of its capture in January,
1865. The conception and execution of this matchless en¬
terprise reflects the highest credit upon the genius of the
brave officer who was not only its founder, but who sacri¬
ficed his life in its defense. It was really the first instance
of the erection of an earthwork, having the proportions and
character of a permanent fortification, and anticipated by
a considerable period the system of construction which has
come largely into vogue, as one of the sequences of the
war.
358 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
The land face of the fort extended between ocean and
river, nearly across the peninsula, and was distant about
a mile and a quarter from its extreme point, on which
stood Fortress Buchanan, a strong work mounting a heavy
armament, and fully commanding the narrow channel of
the new inlet, and also the interior field.
The land front about 1,450 feet in length, consisted of a
half bastion on the river side, connected by a curtain, with
a bastion at the coast angle. The parapet was over 25
feet thick, averaging 20 feet in height, with 17 traverser
rising 10 to 12 feet higher and running back on their tops
about 40 feet from the interior crest. At the top, these
traverses were from 8 to 12 feet in thickness and sloped at
an angle of about 40 degrees. They were generally bomb
proofed and constructed with apartments for magazines,
quarters, and refuge during heavybombardment. Through
the middle traverse on the curtain was a bomb-proof
postern whose exterior opening was covered by a small
redan for two field-pieces placed to give flank fire along the*
scarps. The earth for these enormous traverses, bastions
and parapet, was excavated partly from an exterior water
ditch, and partly from the interior of the work. A
line of heavy sharpened palisades, 12 feet in height,
and loopholed for infantrymen, ran from ocean ta
river at a distance of 50 feet from the exterior
slope. This line was provided with a banquette, and a
position for a gun between the left of the front and the
river, and another between the right of the front and the
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The Expeditions against Fort Fisher. 359
ocean. Between each pair of traverses on the land front
were one or two heavy guns, the whole construction pre¬
senting a series of batteries, each in a measure independent
of the other and protected by its own walls. The ground
in front of the palisades, for a distance of over 500 feet,
and over which an assaulting column must pass, was thickly
planted with torpedoes, each containing upwards of 100
pounds of powder and all connected with the fort by a
system of electrical wires. The guns on this front were
nearly all invisible from the ocean and could not be struck
by naval projectiles other than by a curved fire or at an
angle.
The sea front, nearly 4,000 feet in length, consisted of a
series of batteries in irregular alignment, mounting 24 guns
of heavy calibre, and connected together by strong para¬
pets. These batteries were protected by the same system
of traverses as upon the land front, although on this side
they were only partially completed. Near the middle of
this line was mounted the famous 150-pound rifle, manu¬
factured and presented to the Confederacy by Sir William
Armstrong. At the sonthern end of the sea front and bear¬
ing up the beach, was the famous mound battery which But¬
ler expected to demolish by the explosion of his powder ship.
Within, and running diagonally across the fort from north
to south were lines of rifle pits, and midway between their
termini, two batteries of Napoleon guns trained to sweep
the interior in case of a hostile lodgement. The entire
work, bastions, parapets, curtains, and traverses were con-
369 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
structed wholly of earth and sand, and revetted with
swamp sod the shape, cohesiveness and strength, being
secured by natural angles of slope.
Thus constructed Fort Fisher could neither be demol¬
ished by powder ships, nor battered down by any naval
fire that could be brought against it. During the bombard¬
ments of the first and second expeditions, upwards of 75,000
of the heaviest explosive projectiles known to modern
warfare, were showered upon its ramparts from more than
600 guns and yet its resisting or defensive power as a for¬
tification, was not seriously impaired at the time of its
surrender. According to the testimony of military en¬
gineers after inspecting the fortifications of Sebastopol and
the celebrated Malakoff tower, which so long resisted the
allied powers, none of these defenses possessed the strength
of Fort Fisher. In view of the fact that no fort of that grade
* was taken by assault during the war of the rebellion, it
might without exaggeration be considered impregnable, if
properly defended and supported. It is remarkable that in
these vast projections to protect the city of Wilmington,
points of weakness outside the great citadel should have
been left practically unguarded, when they were so well
known to Gen. Whiting, and to the rebel war department,
through his frequent petitions for authority to complete his
system of defense. The possibility of successfully landing
a besieging force with stores and munitions on the main
coast, or of an approach by the navy and riding at anchor
within 800 yards of shore, does not seem to have been con-
The Expeditions against Eort Fisher. 361
sidered or was at least ignored by the Richmond authorities,
and thus the door was left open through which a permanent
lodgement could be made, and operations conducted in
either direction.
As early as 1862 the importance of seizing Wilmington
for a base of movement and supply, and the Cape Fear
river in order to terminate its facilities for blockade run¬
ning, was urged upon the government by the secretary of
the navy.
But the campaigns of that and the succeeding year en¬
gaged the whole strength of the array, and no co-operating
land force sufficient to justify the undertaking could be
obtained from the war department.
In the summer of 1864, the subject was brought to the
earnest consideration of Lieutenant-General Grant. After
examining the details of the project General Grant con¬
cluded that in view of Sherman's steady progress in the
southeast, and his own circumvallating movements about
Richmond and Petersburg, Lee could less afford to spare
any considerable detachment from his command for the
defense of Wilmington, than the Federal government an
expedition for its reduction.
He therefore proposed to effect the capture of Fort
Fisher by surprise, and promised that 12,000 veteran
troops should be detailed and ready to move by October
15th of that year. Vice-Admiral Farragut was selected to
command the naval force. His inability by reason of ill-
health led to the choice of Rear-Admiral David D. Porter,
362 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
who, on October 11th, assumed command of the North
Atlantic Squadron. A failure in Grant's movements on
the left of his lines again delayed the expedition, and it
was not until November that the necessary orders were
issued.
Instead of 12,000 men, as originally contemplated, a
force of 6,500 was detailed. This consisted of Ames'
2d division, 24th Army Corps, numbering 3,300 men,
divided into three brigades commanded respectively by
Gen. N. M. Curtis, Col. G. A. Pennypacker, and Col.
L. Bell; General Paine's 3d division, 25th Corps, having
about the same aggregate, and two batteries of artillery.
From the early correspondence of the Navy in reference
to the subject, it was expected that General Gilmore would
be chosen to command the army detail. But the previous
tactics of that distinguished officer seemed in the esti¬
mation of General Grant to have smacked of timidity, and
as with a limited force a bold and vigorous attack appeared
to be the essential of success. General Weitzel, then
in the army of the James, was selected. It was
unfortunate that military courtesy required the trans¬
mission of communications relative to the expedition,
through the headquarters of the army of the James.
General Butler, at no time contemplated as an active
participant in the enterprise, thus became possessed of all
its details and by withholding the instructions of the com
mander-in-chief from Weitzel, was enabled to hold him in
a subordinate position. The land force comprised a superb
The Expeditions against Fort Fisher. 363
corps of officers and men, and under the conditions which
existed, the enterprise seemed not only practicable, but
comparatively easy of achievement, provided that the
intended surprise could be effected. It was therefore not
unnatural for General Butler to assume, that inasmuch as
he outranked both Porter and Weitzel, he might by forcing
himself into chief command reap the prospective laurels of
victory, and thus strengthen himself in his own department
against the well-known low estimate placed upon his
military abilities by both the war department and General
Grant.
No two men in the service were less calculated to har¬
moniously co-operate in a military enterprise than Admiral
Porterand General Butler. They became bitterly hostile in
the New Orleans campaign, and after the disaster at Fisher,
not even the courtesies of the service were a restraint upon
their mutual animadversions. The fact that they never
personally met in council during the entire progress of the
expedition, shows the extreme tension of their relations.
It was by no means a favorable augury for the outcome.
Weitzel, although commander by the assignment of gen¬
eral orders, became a simple chief of staff, and from the
time of leaving Hampton Roads exercised no discretionary
powers.
In the month of October, 1864, a large powder magazine
was accidently exploded at Erith, England. The results
were disastrous and wide-spread. This incident impressed
General Butler with the idea that a powder ship would be an
364 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
auxiliary sufficiently effective to destroy the works near
Federal Point, or at least demoralize their garrison to an
extent that would render gunboats and heavy ordnance
an ornamental rather than necessary adjunct of the
expedition.
The scientific questions involved in the theory do not
seem at an earlier day to have engaged the attention of
either the war or navy department. The examinations
which followed produced a difference of opinion, the weight
of which, however, was strongly against placing any reliance
upon an explosion at any point within the possible reach of
the navy. The report of the engineer department clearly
demonstrated its fallacy. General Delafield stating that
the effect would be about the same as " firing feathers from
muskets." The project found no favor with either Admiral
Porter or General Grant.
Nevertheless preparations were carried forward in con¬
formity with Butler's scheme. The expedition was delayed
six weeks and to an extent that its success was jeopardized
even before it had sailed from Hampton Roads.
When finally ready, nine days more were wasted in the
preliminaries of a movement which was intended to be a
surprise. Lack of co-operation, and the subordinating of
Weitzel to the position of a mere intermediary, were fast
becoming serious factors.
On the 13th and 14th of December, the most powerful
fleet ever assembled on this continent, comprising 55 war
vessels and over 600 guns, started on its mission of war.
The Expeditions against Fort Fisher. 365
Owing to the poor sailing qualities of the gunboats and the
necessity of towing the monitors, Admiral Porter needed a
headway of from 36 to43hours. He therefore advised rendez¬
vousing at Beaufort, and that a final start be made together
from that port after all preparations were concluded. From
physical reasons, and the fact that the army was the auxil¬
iary force, it was incumbent upon General Butler to defer to
the needs of the navy. Acting independently — however,
at midday on the 14th, together with the transports, he sailed
directly to a point about 20 miles ofi" Masonboro inlet ( 18
miles up the coast from Fort Fisher ), arriving there during
the night of the following day (Thursday, December, 15).
Porter with the war vessels moved to Beaufort 70 miles
from Fort Fisher, where he was delayed until the 18th,
shipping the ammunition and other necessary supplies
which had to be taken on at that place. On the 18th, dur¬
ing the evening. Porter reached the appointed rendezvous
25 miles ofi" the new inlet to Cape Fear river.* Butler mean¬
while had run short of coal and other necessaries, and the
sea being rough, on the 19th he ordered the entire fieet of
transports to Beaufort, where he remained until December
23d. Thus the two arms of the service were at sixes and
sevens on the eve of battle.
Up to this time the miscarriage of arrangements cannot be
wholly charged to General Butler, for the cxjjedition should
* Note.— Gen. Butler claims that so far as the transport fleet was
concerned this rendezvous was changed, and that he ordered his fleet to
meet off Masonboro Sound, of which change Porter was notified.
366 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
never have left Hampton Roads until every detail had been
perfected for a movement directly to the point of attack.
Nor should Porter have been delayed at Beaufort from the
15th to the 18th of the month, when he knew that the
transport fleet was lying off the coast waiting for the navy.*
After vainly endeavoring to secure a conjunction, the
admiral on December 23d, late in the night, ran the
powder vessel, the " Louisiana," freighted with 215 tons of
explosives, to a point within 500 yards of the fort and fired
the fuses, the fleet drawing off about twenty miles to avoid
the possible effects of concussion. The explosion which
followed at 1:30 the next mot niug, was wholly non-pro¬
ductive of any important result. Not a man was injured,
not a gun dismounted, not a sod displaced. The only im¬
pression made upon Col. Lamb commanding the fort, was
expressed in his telegram to Wilmington, " enemy's gun¬
boat blown up," and thus beyond the sounding of an alarm
the powder-ship had performed no oflSce in the expedition.
Ten hours were now consumed waiting for the army.
About noon of the 24th, the navy moved up to within easy
range and opened with its entire available armament,
continuing the fire without intermission until twilight. At
five o'clock in the evening. General Butler with his trans¬
ports came upon the scene.
♦ Note. —Butler states that the weather was fine and sea smooth on
December 16lh, 17th and 18th, while Porter, quoting from his log hook,
says, that on those days there was a heavy swell rolling on the beach and
that no boat could laud.
The Expeditions against Fort Fisher. 367
The weather was fine and the surf light. Instead of
debarking his 6,500 men, which, according to all testi¬
mony might easily have been done before midnight, and
making dispositions for an assault at daybreak, twelve
hours more were wasted, and it was not until five o'clock
in the morning of the 25th that Weitzel went on board
the flagship to arrange for the landing.
Meanwhile the rebels were repairing damages which up
to this time were not of material consequence, — 23 men
wounded and 5 gun-carriages disabled. About 2 o'clock
in the afternoon of the 25th the landing began, and 2,300
men were thrown upon the beach about three miles from
Fort Fisher, and between what were known as the Flag
Pond and Half Moon batteries. The former surrendered
to a boat's crew before the skirmishers reached it. The
latter was captured by the army.
The regular garrison of Fort Fisher consisted of five
companies of the 36th N. C. Kegiment numbering about 700
men, nearly all comparatively raw troops. On the 23d of
December, about 300, mostly junior reserves, and some
marines, were thrown in as a re-enforcement, making a total
strength of about 1,100 troops, who up to that time had
seen but little if any active service.
Immediately on the landing of his brigade General Curtis
deployed a strong skirmish line, and without opposition
moved up to the fort in perfect order, advancing until many
or his men were under cover of the counterscarp, where
they were only exposed to the chance enfilading fire of the
368 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
navy. Some of Curtis' men crowded on through the
broken palisades, Lieut. Walling of the 142d New York
bringing off a rebel flag that had been knocked from its
staff" by a shell. It was apparent that the accurate fire of
the navy had driven the garrison into their bomb-proofs,
and that they were likely to remain there as long as they
were safely housed ; our only loss was ten men, wounded by
scattering fragments of our own shells. The prize was
within grasp. There was absolutely no resistance. A bri¬
gade of battle-scarred veterans stood panting like leashed
hounds eager for the dash. The situation was not even
a crisis. It was simply a phenomenon. Curtis, confident
of the result, begged for leave to make a rush
with the force at hand. But the oi'ders were peremptory
to simply reconnoitre from the closest possible proximity,
and not to attack, and fearing lest something of that sort
might be done under a liberal construction, Butler particu¬
larly charged the brigade commanders that they would be
held personally responsible for the outcome of any excess
of their oflicial instructions. He had himself remained on
board ship, sending Weitzel to examine the fort and report
as to the practicability of an assault. While Curtis' men
flushed with expectation, were moving forward to take pos¬
session of the fortress and present it as a Christmas gift to
the nation, Weitzel stopped on a little knoll 800 yards
away, surveyed the work according to orders, and then re¬
turned to the commander-in-chief with the information that
from an engineering stand-point it was impregnable. Where-
The Expeditions against Fort Fisher. 369
upon General Butler, with the bloody visages of Wagner and
Port Hudson conjured before him, without further investiga¬
tion turned a deaf ear to the urgent appeal of the brave Curtis
and his men, and signaled peremptory orders to withdraw
and re-embark the troops. Thus without a struggle, the
fairest opportunity presented during the war of the rebel¬
lion was ignominioiisly lost.
Unquestionably General Weitzel was a brave ofEcer and
possessed of large experience. But while his report was
perhaps defensible on scientific grounds, yet it cannot be
doubted that if he had been the chief of the land forces or
possessed of discretionary powers while standing on that
little knoll, he would, with the opportune facts in hand, have
ordered a charge upon the works.
The protests of Curtis' war-worn veterans against what
they termed a cowardly' retreat were loud and indignant,
and they who were nearest rebel lead were the most bitter
in their denunciations. The comedy however was not yet
ended. General Grant had given positive written orders
that if the projected assault should fail or should be deemed
impracticable, the land forces should immediately entrench,
and open a regular siege to be supported by re-enforce¬
ments of men and munitions.
However hazardous a direct assault might be, this part
of the scheme was certainly practicable and free from
unusual danger. In violation of these orders, Butler, hav¬
ing learned that Hoke, with 6,000 men, including reserves
and cavalry, had been sent to the support of Fort Fisher,
24
370 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
determined with his superior force to quit the field
entirely, and, after giving instructions for the re-embark-
ation, actually started for Fortress Monroe at midday of
December 26th, leaving 700 men without rations on shore,
to get off, when and as best they might, with the aid of
the navy launches. Epitomized, the expedition which had
been the dream of the navy department for three years,
which in all its appointments was unequaled in perfectness,
weight of metal, experience and valor of men, bombarded
a beleaguered fortress for two days, shut up its garrison in
bomb-proofs, pushed its assaulting columns in parade order
far within charging distance, and then without crossing a
sword, retired before about a thousand undisciplined troops
and junior reserves, after having killed three and wounded
sixty-six of the enemy, besides dismounting one 10-
inch gun and temporarily disabling nine gun-carriages.
General Butler's official report was made on the 3rd of
January, and five days later he was, by order of the Presi¬
dent, removed from command of the department of Virginia
and North Carolina.
The naval officers were deeply chagrined over the failure
of the costly expedition which had promised so much, and
justly indignant at the remarkable conduct of General But¬
ler. Undismayed however by the report of Weitzel as to
the strength of Fort Fisher, Admiral Porter with the un¬
yielding grit of a Yankee sailor, determined to stick to the
work, and in default of other assistance, to undertake the
reduction of the fortress with his ponderous floating bat-
The Expeditions against Fort Fisher. 371
teries. He therefore remained ia position with a portion
of his fleet, sending the balance back to Beaufort for fresh
supplies of ammunition and provisions. His letters of
December 26th and 27th to the Secretar}' of the Navy,
strongly protested against an abandonment of the enter¬
prise, and anticipating the approval of the government, the
gallant admiral immediately began preparations for a re¬
newal of the siege. His suspense was of short duration.
On the 28th, General Grant wrote : " Dear Admiral, Hold
on, if you please, a few days longer, and I will send you more
troop.s with a different general." On the 31sl, the Secre¬
tary of the Navy advised him that a co-operating land force
would leave Hampton Roads on the following Monday, under
the command of General Alfred H. Terry. In testimony
of the unshaken confidence of the commander-in-chief in
the courage and ability of the troops composing the first
expedition, the same forces were detailed, and to them was
added by special request of General Terry, Abbott's 2d
brigade of the 1st Division of the 24th Army Corps, com¬
posed of the 6th and 7th Ct., the 3d and 7th N. H., and
6 companies 16 N. Y. H. A., about 1,200 fighting men.
Various other auxiliaries with a siege train were ordered to
follow the expedition and rendezvous at Beaufort, in order
to be within easy reach in case the projected assault should
prove unsuccessful.
On the 6th of January, the transports with the army con¬
tingent, sailed from Hampton Roads under sealed orders,
which were to be opened when off Cape Henry. Gen.
372 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
ïeiry himself was ignorant of his destination until at sea.
On the day of departure a furious storm arose and continued
with more or less violence until the eleventh. The progress
of the vessels was thereby greatly impeded, and much dam¬
age was done, which had to be repaired before operations
were resumed. On the morning of the 12th, the whole fleet
got under way for Federal Point. Meanwhile the rebels had
been equally industrious. The damages sustained during
the first bombardment were fully repaired, and the defensive
strength increased by more than 1,000 of Lee's veterans.
The non-efiectives were removed and preparations made to
meet any renewal of the attack. No less than 13 différent
southern regiments were represented in the Fisher garrison
and defenses at the time of the capture. Many of these
had become inured to war in the Army of Northern Vir¬
ginia. The defensive strength aggregated between 2,400
and 2,500 men. Hoke's rebel division of about 6,000 effect¬
ive veteran soldiers, under the chief command of General
Bragg, were also moved down the peninsula from Wilming¬
ton to a position within striking distance, for the purpose of
confronting the Union army on landing, and of assaulting
it in the rear, when it moved to the attack of the defenses.
Between these hostile forces. Gen. Terry landed on the open
beach nearly five miles from Fisher. On the 1st of Janu¬
ary, General Whiting had advised the rebel Secretary of
War of a probable renewal of the undertaking, detailing at
length the weak points in the water and land defenses, and
earnestly begging authority to make such dispositions as
Tlie Expeditions against Fort Fisher.
373
experience showed to be necesäary. The indorsements, with
their respective dates, upon this timely warning, form an
interesting commentary upon the imbecility of the Rich¬
mond powers.
" January 8, 1865.
" Respectfullv submitted for the consideration of the
President.
" Jas. H. Skddon, Sec'v of War."
" January 14, 1865.
" The proposition written might be advantageously re¬
ferred to General Bragg.
oo
' ' Jefferson Davis . ' '
" January 15, 1865.
callin
indorsement of the President
•' Refer to General Bragg calling his attention to the
" J. H. Seddon."
" January 20, 1865.
" No further disposition required, Fort Fisher having
fallen.
" H. L. Clay."
From the time of arrival at Beaufort and meeting of
the army and naval commanders, there was a perfect sym¬
pathy and accord between them, each deferring to the other
in matters appertaining and necessary to their respective
departments.
374 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
Fort Fisher was now to be assailed by shells and charg¬
ing columns instead of powder-boat pyrotechnics and en¬
gineering theories. There was neither dissension as to the
object to be attained nor jealousy as to the means of
attaining it.
Arriving off Federal Point about midnight of the 12th,
preparations were immediately made for landing the army.
By 4 o'clock the next morning the navy was pouring a
sweeping fire into the woods along shore, while the heavier
vessels and monitors, having taken position, began hammer¬
ing at the fort. Before 9 o'clock 200 small boats were
emptying troops into the rolling surf, and thousands
of veterans eager for the conflict were scrambling
through the water to dry land. With the alacrity charac¬
teristic of old campaigners, tin plates, bayonets, hatchets
and jackknives came spontaneously into use, and the
moments were few before rifle pits were dug and entrench¬
ments thrown up sufficient to cover the position. Mean¬
while pickets and skirmishers plunged into the interior,
driving the outposts of the enemy before them, and soon
established an advanced position. In five and a half hours
the whole force of 8,000 men with 10 days' rations, a large
amount of surplus ammunition and entrenching tools, were
safely landed with but few aceidents. Before nightfall the
position was comparatively secure. Within a couple of
hours dispositions were made and a greater part of the
force took up an advance towards the fort, spreading
across the peninsula to the Cape Fear river. Soon after
The Expeditions against Fort Fisher. 375
midnight the deployment reached a position about
two miles from the works, and here a strong entrenchment
was thrown up, reaching from ocean to river. By 8 o'clock
of the morning of the 14th, the line was sufficiently strong
for all defensive purposes. The fire of the navy during the
debarkation was incessant, and being continued against the
land face of the fort during the disposition of the army,
soon began to produce damaging effects, dismounting guns
and tearing gaps in the line of palisades. Bodies of troops
were pushed forward to points within charging distance and
quickly made themselves secure in rifle pits and " gopher-
holes." Everywhere were life, activity, and eagerness.
The struggle was near at hand. There was no halting.
Impatience made every moment seem an hour. Terry and
his subordinates, Curtis and Comstock, pushed up to within
500 yards and reconnoitered. The determination was as¬
sault. In the evening the two commanders met to arrange
O O
the details of attack. Porter, with his accustomed zeal,
proposed to send in a force of 2,000 sailors and
marines, armed with cutlasses revolvers and rifles, to
charge the sea face and east angle and wedge themselves
between the two wings of the garrison. The real purpose
of this unique movement was to create a diversion in favor
of the army, and by thus forcing a division of defensive
strength, to reduce to a minimum the opposition to the
main attack, which was to strike the fort at its northwest
angle. The sailors and marines, under Fleet-Captain K. K.
Breese, were landed at 10 o'clock the next morning and
376 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
moved up to within about a mile of the works. This distance
was soon reduced to 700 yards by the aid of hastily made
rifle pits and trenches. At 2 o'clock in the afternoon of
the 15th final dispositions were made. The three brigades
of Ames' division, selected for its assault, were rapidly
moved into position. A company of sharpshooters, armed
with repeating carbines, weie thrown forward to the near¬
est possible point, and Curtis with his brigade moved
cautiously up behind, until resting on the outward side of a
slope they had closed their charging distance to less than
250 yards. The time appointed to strike was three o'clock.
It was 3 :25 before all was ready. Meanwhile the gunboats
and monitors from distances varying from 1,000 to 70O
yards, had for three hours been pouring in a terrific
storm of shot and shell upon the land face to disable the
enemy's guns and cut away the palisades in front. So ac¬
curate and effective was this fire that the rebels were unable
to discharge a heavy piece during the entire attack, and all
but two were dismounted or rendered entirely useless. At
half-past three the order was given, and Porter was sig¬
naled to change direction. Owing to a feint made by
a portion of Terry's command, which was apparently
misunderstood by Breese, the intended concert of action
was lost. The sailors, cutlasses and pistols in hand^
led by the brave Lieuts. Preston and Porter, dashed
forward to within 50 yards, where they were staggered by
a murderous fire of musketr}' from the parapet. A few
gained a foot-hold on the top, but were swept away like
The Expeditions against Fort Fisher.
377
chaff. The rebels exposed themselves with savage reck¬
lessness, shouting their defiant cries which pierced the din
of battle. At this most critical moment, the marines as¬
signed as sharpshooters to keep the parapet clear, totally
failed in their duty, and the brave tars, unused to this sort
of combat, struggled on for a moment, then reeled in the
whirlwind of death and broke into utter rout, leaving 300
of their number killed and wounded, and among the former
the gallant Preston and Porter, who fell in the advance of
the line. In less than fifteen minutes this part of the
struggle was over. Disastrous as was the issue, it pro¬
duced, however, the diversion hoped for. The rebels
in large numbers flocked to the sea face, where the
defenses were weakest, evidently with the idea that this
was the main assault. The error was fatal, and shots
from the rear soon broke upon their hurrahs. On the
order to charge, Curtis with his brigade jumped from
their trenches and made a rush over the heavy, marshy
land, wading in places waist deep, on through the pal¬
isade, over torpedoes and obstacles, until they had en¬
veloped the west land front angle and planted their feet on
the parapet. Peunypacker and Bell came hard after, sweep¬
ing away the enemy near the river and making secure the
lodgement which Curtis had won. Turning then to the left,
the three gallant brigades charged up and down the great
traverses, each one a fort, fighting hand to hand, the rebels
contesting every inch with the courage of desperation, until
nearly one-half the front was won. Victory seemed
378 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
farther and farther away as up and over the heavy
mounds the struggle for the mastery raged on. But if
progress was slow it was steady and unchecked. Porter
signaled to know if he should cease firing and Terry
replied, " Fire away ; your shells are doing good execution."
The Ironsides and the monitors were then shifted so as to
fire through the openings in advance of the charging
columns, their lines of range being directed by the army
signals. The vast interior was also swept by showers of
projectiles to keep off re-enforcements and demoralize the
garrison. So the confiict raged till dusk.
Conditions were now becoming critical. Half the land
face was gained but the rebels were compacting as their
limits narrowed. The charge had lost its impetus.
Battalions wavered. Six hundred brave fellows had gone
down, and the survivors were wearing out with the strain
of the terrible work. Hoke with his 6,000 men began to
demonstrate, and his skirmish lines pressed vigorously on
Terry's rear defenses. If he should boldly charge in force
it would be a serious matter even though he was held
in check. It was a supreme moment. He should
have charged if the cost was half his army. He
wavered before the bold show of defense, then retired.
A great chance was lost. Whiting on his death bed
openly charged Bragg with cowardice. It would be
diflScult to find a term more oppropriate. Notwith¬
standing the crisis within the fort, and an impending
battle with superior forces on his rear lines, Terry kept his
The Expéditions against Fort Fisher. 379
head and held his grip. The marines, reorganized after
their bloody repulse, were sent to occupy the position of
Abbott's brigade in the rear, and a thousand fresh veterans
were thrown forward at a double quick. The rebels, despite
their stubborn resistance,were now forced steadily back from
bomb-proof to bomb-proof and down the sea face to the
Mound Battery. At this point, beaten and demoralized, they
broke into panic and fled toward Fort Buchanan on the end
of the peninsula where at 10 o'clock in the evening, they
surrendered as prisoners of war. The loss of the rebels in
killed and wounded was about 400. Both General Whiting
and Col. Lamb were desperately wounded. The former
subsequently died. The registered rebel prisoners numbered
2,056, oflScers and men, inclusive of those slightly wounded.
Seventy-two heavy guns, besides a large quantity of small
arms, material of war, and stores, also fell into our hands.
The loss of the Union army was about 700, that of the
navy 804. Among the former were the three brigade
commanders, Curtis and Pennypacker being seriously, and
Bell mortally wounded, while among the latter were the
lamented Preston and Porter, both killed in the naval
charge.
Thus, while the commander of the former expedition was
testifying before " the committee on the conduct of the
war," that Fort Fisher was impregnable against assault, the
troops of his former command were demonstrating to the
contrary against twice the numerical strength which resisted
the first attempt.
380 War Papers and Personal Peminiscences.
With the fall of the rebel stronghold the port of Wil¬
mington was hermetically sealed.
When the signals announced the surrender there came a
spontaneous outburst of joy from the entire fleet. Thou¬
sands of rockets and roman candles illuminated the night,
while every gun sent forth its congratulations to meet the
huzzas which rang fi'om the parapets of the fallen fortress.
Alas, that rejoicing should so soon turn to sorrow.
Early the next morning a large bomb-proof magazine, in
the northeast coi ner of the fort and near the temporary
hospitals, was exploded by a careless accident, and nearly
300 lives were blown into eternity in the twinkling of an
eye. It was a sad ending, and a deep shadow of gloom set¬
tled upon the whole command.
During this entire conflict, the artillery practice
of the navy was wonderful for its precision and
effect. As stated by General Whiting, in his official
report to General Lee: "By 12 on Sunday not a gun
remained on the land front. The palisade was entirely
swept away. So deeply did the enemy's shot plough that
the torpedo mines in advance were isolated from the wires
and rendered useless. Not a man could show his head in
that infernal storm. Such was the condition when the
parapets were manned on the enemy's ceasing firing for as¬
sault." During the movement of the storming columns in
response to Terry's signal "to fire away," the navy
dropped its deadly missiles under signal guidance with
almost unvarying accuracy, in front of the columns as they
The Expeditions against Fort Fisher.
381
advanced from traverse to traverse, until the whole line
of parapet was captured.
Immediately on the fall of Fisher and the movement of the
gunboats into the river, the rebels blew up Fort Caswell
and destroying, as far as hasty means would permit, the
neighboring fortifications, abandoned all their positions
near the mouth of the river, and retreated to Wilmington,
which, after a short campaign, was captured on the anniver¬
sary of Washington's birthday. The honors of the victory
at Fort Fisher are equally due to the army and the navy.
Notb. — The discrepancies between the statements of Confederate
and Union officers, as to the strength of defensive force in Fort Fisher at
the time of its capture, is due to the fact that the former exclude the
troops at Battery Buchanan, the marines and those engaged in duties
other than actual fighting, while the latter include the entire aggregate
of killed, wounded and captured on the night of January ISth. Imme¬
diately after the surrender the writer made an official roster of the entire
captured force. This did not include some desperately wounded nor
those killed by the explosion on the morning of the 16th. This roster, of
which a copy is still retained, contains names, companies and regiments ;
officers, 122 of all grades, non-coms, and privates 1,934. Of the aggre¬
gate 300 are recorded as wounded. The unrecorded killed, wounded and
lost in explosion were on a safe estimate, 375, making a total force of
between 2,400 and 2,500. O. E. P.
382
War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
FRANK P. BLAIR IN 1861.
LIEUT.-COLONEL JAMES F. HOW.
With the fullest appreciation of my inability to put in
appropriate language, the thoughts which my subject sug¬
gests ; with equally strong convictions that the ablest minds
should glean from their choicest stores, the words necessary
to form a proper tribute to the noble man of whom I have
undertaken to speak ; my only apology for entering upon
this self-allotted task must be found in the fact, that
nowhere in the archives of this, the only organization of
Union officers of the late war existing in Missouri, appears
any record of the achievements of the man to whose clear
brain, cool head, and dauntless energy, is mainly due the
fact, that our State was prevented following her sister
States of the south in their efforts to dissolve the Union.
Others could do him fuller justice, others could present in
more entertaining form that which should be said of him ;
but I yield to no one, iii admiration of my hero, and
what is lacking iu what I say, must be ascribed to the fact
that my tongue caunot fully voice the sentiments of my
heart.
F. P. Blair, Jr., was born in Lexington, Ky., February
19th, 1821. It is not my intention to attempt even a brief
synopsis of his career, or to touch on that portion of it prior
to the year of 1861. Closely identihed with political life
Frank P. Blair in 1861.
383
from his early manhood, the history of his State and coun¬
try bear ample record of the prominent position he took
therein. Since Benton, no name stands more conspicu¬
ous than does his among the men of Missouri ; bold
and fearless, no doubt exists or could exist as to his
stand on all matters of public interest, and by his utter¬
ances and his acts he was ever ready to be judged, and his
friends are content to submit his reputation to such a
judgment.
It must be difficult for you, who have since then made
St. Louis your home, as it is even to us who were here in
1861, to fully realize the changes in the physical character
of our city that have taken place since that time. Then, a
little over 27 years ago, 17th street was almost the western
boundary of the thickly-settled portion of the town, which
numbered a population of about 160,000. This community
containing a large element from the southern States, or
their descendants, it is not surprising that the number who
espoused the southern cause largely exceeded those who
stood by the old flag. And as party lines became closely
drawn, the nearest relationships were abruptly sundered
and the friends of yesterday became the enemies of to-day.
Under such circumstances it meant much for a man to
stand true to the Union, with the feeling that his old
associates and friends looked upon him with distrust or
aversion. But at that time there was no question con¬
cerning the stand taken by Blair. With his associations,
even with ties of relationship closely drawing him to the
384 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
south, he did not for a moment hesitate to boldly take his
position in the front rank of those who felt that the main¬
tenance of the Union was above all else, and around him
rallied that little band who must ever be prominently
identified with the history of those times as most ready
to imperil their all for the protection of the government,
and who recognized in their leader a man whom no dan¬
ger could intimidate, no disaster dishearten, and who was
always ready to sacrifice everything in support of the
cause for which he had enlisted.
The action of the extreme southern States, following the
election of Lincoln, convinced those most alive to the true
state of affairs that we were on the eve of trouble which
would admit of no amicable settlement; in which one sec¬
tion of the country would be arrayed against the other, and
the existence of the Union would be at stake. Those
who predicted the coming storm were in a minority all
over the land; the more general sentiment, even among
many who had given the subject much study and thought,
being, that the danger would be averted by some compro¬
mise that would settle, for the time at least, the existing
differences. Among those who did not entertain this lat¬
ter belief, Blair stood conspicuous, and early in the year
1861 the first company of soldiers was organized in Mis¬
souri in anticipation of the state of afiairs, which he so
clearly predicted.
Of that company, called into existence so early, under
the shadow of no law of the State or the United States,
Frank P. Blair in 1861.
385
Blair was captain, and enrolled in its ranks were many who
were destined to be closely identified with the thrilling
events of the next four years.
Many of them have gone long ago to answer to the roll-
call in the rendezvous beyond the silent river. One of
them, the only one of that gallant band, I believe, is a
most honored member of this commandery — Henry
Hitchcock. That company was but the forerunner of many
others formed throughout the town, recruited chiefly from
the clubs, which during the preceding fall, had taken an
active part in the political campaign as " Wide-awakes,"
destined under the name of " Home Guards " to do more
effective work. All these companies were necessarily
brought into existence in the greatest secrecy, their meeting
places, leaders and membership being only known to the ini¬
tiated, so closely were they beset by the enemies of the
cause in which they were enlisted. At the same time meet¬
ings of those true to the government were held nightly
in the upper story of the building on the southwest
corner of Fifth and Olive streets, where only those
whose sentiments could be vouched for, could pass
the sentinel to be added to the nightly increasing list
thus early banded together for the purpose of retaining
our State in the Union at all hazards. Conspicuous
among those rallying points, was Turner's Hall, which
is still standing on the corner of Walnut and Tenth streets.
Sanctified as it has been by the numbers who, in the begin¬
ning of 18(11 there obtained the first rudiments of that mili-
25
386 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
tary education which enabled them to render such eflScient
aid in the services they were called upon subsequently to
perform, this unpretentious looking building should forever
be held sacred in the memory of every true lover of his
country.
Neither were the secessionists idle in these stirring times,
but, bolder, because stronger in numbers, they also were
early organized and acquiring the mysteries of army drill
in numerous localities in the city, until, gaining sufficient
confidence, they recklessly flaunted from their headquar¬
ters, on the corner of Fifth and Pine streets, then and now,
one of the most conspicuous corners of the city, a rebel
flag, on the 4th of March, 1861, the day when Abraham
Lincoln entered upon that administration which was to be
fraught with so much trouble, sorrow and anxiety to the
country, and was to terminate so sadly to himself.
During these times Blair seemed to be ubiquitous.
Wherever there was a gathering to consider the situation
and future prospects of the country, there he was, aiding
with his advice, almost dictating the course to pursue.
At Turner's Hall and the score of other meeting-places,
where recruiting was in progress, few were the nights that
passed that did not find him present. While at the
Arsenal he was a constant attendant, his opinion sought for
and taken by the commander there on every question that
presented itself for consideration. At his residence on
Washington avenue, between Eleventh and Twelfth streets,
he was never found, except when incessantly engaged in
the great work, of which he was the acknowledged leader.
Frank P. Blair in 1861.
387
His rooms, constantly crowded with citizens, not only of our
-own city, but of the entire State, formed a rallying point
for those had the great work at heart, all of whom
were anxious to follow the directions of their leader, upon
whom they felt the retention of the State in the Union
most depended. Conspicuous in his position, the most
feared and therefore the most hated man in the community,
hy those he was so vigorously opposing in their efforts
against the government, it is not to be wondered that
curses and threats greeted his ears in his daily walks
through our streets, or that the bullet from the pistol of
a would-be assassin interrupted for a moment his mid¬
night work in the privacy of his home. But those who
thought to intimidate him, little knew the character of the
man with whom they had to contend ; no threats or danger
could turn him a hair's-breadth from his course —fear was
unknown to him, as foreign to his thoughts in those dark
days of 1861 as when he stood on the battle field before
Atlanta, calm and unmoved, though surrounded by the
enemy, with death seeking its victims on every side of
him.
In that spring of 1861, when hope of a peaceful solu¬
tion of the difficulty still held possession of most men's
minds, when the call for three months troops had not even
been decided on, then, and in the few succeeding months,
Blair was doing the most important of his life's work,
which, had it even ended then, would have placed his name
high up on the pillar of fame and would have entitled him to
388 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
the full made of gratitude of his fellow-men. Untiring,
vigilant, full of resources, prompt in action and able in
counsel, his influence was strongly felt alike in his State
and in the cabinet of the nation, in behalf of the great
cause for which all his energies were exerted.
Both sides having thus secured organized troops, which
though drilled were unarmed—the eyes of each were turned
towards the Arsenal and its contents as necessary in the im¬
pending struggle. Blair was in no doubt regarding the
course to pursue, and through his instrumentality. Major
Hager was removed from his command at the Arsenal, and
Lyon was appointed his successor. The wisdom of this
change need not be argued before the men who remember
the brief but brilliant career of the brave man, who, in those
important few months, so ably assisted Blair in all his fforts.
Quickly followed the order from Washington furnishing
arms to the Home Guards, an order inspired, as we find by
an examination of the records of the war department, by
letters and telegrams from Blair, urging the necessity for
such action.
Then came the startling news of the attack on Sumter,
and as the echo of those shots reverberated throughout the
land the whole country was awakened to the fact that peace
was no longer possible and that the rebellion had to be sup¬
pressed by force of arms. The call for three months' men
was the immediate result. Missouri's quota under this call
for five regiments, was promptly filled by the Home Guards,
and F. P. Blair was selected as colonel of the 1st Missouri,
Frank P. Blair in 1861.
389
and at almost the same time, we find among those promi¬
nently identified thus early with the cause and occupying
oflScial positions among the troops, Stevenson, McNiel,
Coleman, Murphy, Fletcher, Cole, Leighton and others who
are still with us. Almost simultaneously with this move¬
ment, came to the representatives of the faithful adher¬
ents of the Union cause in our city, that memorable
letter from the President, reading as follows: —
" War Department, April 30th, 1861.
"Capt. Nathaniel Lyon, Commanding Department of the
West.
"Sir: The President of the United States directs that
3'ou enroll in the military service of the United States, the
loyal citizens of St. Louis and vicinity, not exceeding,
with those hitherto enlisted, ten thousand in number, for
the purpose of maintaining the authority of the United
States for the protection of the peaceful inhabitants of
Missouri ; and you will, if deemed necessary for that pur¬
pose bj' yourself and by Messrs. Oliver D. Filley, John
How, James O. Broadhead, Samuel T. Glover, J. Witzig
and Frank P. Blair, Jr., proclaim martial law in the
city of St. Louis. ♦ * • "
Well might Gen. Scott, ripe in years spent in military
service under the strict guidance of military law, while
sanctioning the order and recognizing the necessity of the
same, feel that this act of placing in the hands of a body
390 Wa?- PapevH and Personal Reminiscences.
of citizens the power to place a city under martial law, was a
radical departure from all the military usages with which he
in his long life had become acquainted ; a feeling which he
had to express, as he indorsed upon the letter: "It is
revolutionary times, and therefore I do not object to the
irregularity of this."
How well these civilians carried out the great trust im¬
posed in them is amply evidenced by the history of our
city at that time. How unostentatiously they exercised
that trust, is apparent from the fact that not until long
after but few knew the important power that had been
placed in their hands.
Affairs rapidlj' assumed a position which showed the
wisdom of all the preparations which had been made. Not
two miles from where we are now assembled, in what was
then a beautiful suburban grove, and where is now a
thickly-settled portion of our city, were gathered about
the first day of May in, as they claimed, a peaceful encamp¬
ment, the State Militia of Missouri. Tweuty-seven years
have passed since then, and it is neither my desire or object
to discuss the purpose of that encampment. There seems
little, if any, reason for doubt, that certain avenues of that
camp bore the names of men who had already taken a prom¬
inent stand against the government ; that flags surprisingly
resembling the southern colors flaunted in different locali¬
ties within the camp inclosure, and that arms, purloined
from United States' arsenals, were hidden within its tented
walls and these facts, coupled with the expressed sentiments
Frank P Blair in 1861.
391
of many of the militia, seemed reasonably good evidence
for feeling that the encampment was assembled for pur¬
poses hostile to the government. So felt Blair and Lyon,
and so feeling they determined that the encampment should
not be continued, and on May 10th, four days after the
camp was organized, they marched against it with the
Home Guards and captured it.
The bloodshed following the capture in a disturbance
arising between the soldiers and some of the citizens
intensified the excitement raging in the community, and
during the next few days other collisions of similar char¬
acter occurred and the line of separation between the
Union men and the Confederates became more sharply
drawn. The governor of the State and the legislature
at once took a more decided stand in favor of an alliance of
Missouri with its sister States of the south, and it became
hourly more apparent that the State could only be retained
in the Union by force. Every day was fraught with new
developments, the community felt uncertain and restless,
the soldiers who had been in Camp Jackson were rapidly
finding their way into the enemy's lines ; the southern
cause was under Gen. Price gaining numbers and organiz¬
ing throughout the State ; Harney had been removed at
the recommendation of Blair, and the latter and Lyon
were making vigorous preparations in the city for an
aggressive campaign should it prove necessary, and loyal
citizens, conspicuously those mentioned in the letter pre¬
viously quoted, were giving their time and means to aid
392 Wa?' Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
them, to the extent of even advancing from their own
purses, the money needed to equip regiments with clothing
and accoutrements, which the government was then unable
to furnish.
Through the friends of leading men on each side a final
attempt at reconciliation was made, in conformity to which
Gov. Claib. Jackson met Gen. Lyon and Blair at the
Planter's House, in this city, on June 10th. An exciting
conference took place lasting a greater portion of the day,
the temper of which can be readily surmised by Lyon's
statement in the interview: " that rather than concede to
the State for one moment, its right to dictate in any mat¬
ter, he would be willing to see every man, woman and
child in the State dead and buried." At the close of the
interview the governor was conducted out of the city.
The terrible suffering and bloodshed of the next few years
were briefly outlined in Lyon's closing utterances on this
memorable occasion, — " this means war."
Within twenty-four hours Jackson's proclamation was
issued, calling for 50,000 militia to " drive out igno-
miniously, the invaders who had dared to desecrate the
soil " of the State.
Then, events exciting and of great moment, followed
each other with rapid succession. The governor's call for
troops to resist the General Government met with a hearty
response from all quarters of the State ; a portion of the
Union troops, a number of which had hitherto been sent into
the State from St. Louis, were, the day after the governor's
Frank P. Blair in 1861.
393
proclamation, en route to Jefferson City. Bridges on the
railroads leading to that place were destroyed by command
of Price, and that general, with the governor and State oflS-
cials, abandoned the capital and sought refuge atBoonville.
Another detachment of the Federal regiments under Sigel
and Gratz Brown, and commanded by Sweeney, were about
the same time sent in the direction of Springfield. On June
17th, near Boon ville, the Union troops overtook the State
troops, and Lyon, who was in command, dispersed the
enemy, in this, the first engagement of the war in Missouri ;
a battle in which the killed and wounded on both sides did
not number twenty, but still an engagement of untold
importance as inaugurating a contest which was to continue
until the supremacy of the government was no longer
questioned within the State.
Snead, formerly a prominent citizen of St. Louis, and
during the war a trusted staff officer of both Claib. Jackson
and Price, in his well-written work ou the " Fight for
Missouri," a book for which he deserves much praise for
the impartial manner in which he has treated a subject
which his intimate connection with the southern cause
must necessarily have led him to approach in no unbiased
frame of mind — in speaking of the fight at Boonvilie, says :
" It was indeed the consummation of Blair's statesmanlike
scheme to make it impossible for Missouri to secede, or,
out of her great resources, contribute abundantly of men
and material to the southern cause, as she surely would
have done had her people been left free to do as they
394 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
pleased;" certain it is that thenceforth there was no ques¬
tion about the position of Missouri as regards her relations
to the Union. The so-called Southern Confederacy might
continue the barren claim to her as one of their sisterhood,
but it was a claim carrying with it but scant comfort to
those advancing it. For the four succeeding years,
Missouri was one of the battle grounds of the war ; standing
on the boundary line between the North and the South, a
barrier through which the southern armies could not
penetrate. No one can tell what the result of the war
would have been, had Missouri been allied with the south,
but all must appreciate the great advantage that it was
to the Union cause that she was not so allied ; and, for
these beneiits; for the fact that from this State, waver¬
ing in the balance, when the notes of war were first
sounded there responded to the call for troops for the pres¬
ervation of the Union, one hundred and nine thousand
soldiers, a number exceeded by those furnished from only
five of the other States, despite the dissension within its
borders. For all the benefits arising from the fact that Mis¬
souri remained loyal and true, Frank P. Blair is entitled,
more than any one else, more, indeed, than a score of any
other men, to the praise.
It has been my purpose to explain as briefiy as possible,
the stand assumed by Blair during those terrible days, in
the first half 1861, with no intention of following his sub¬
sequent career. After that time he belonged more to his
country than to Missouri. Where the fight was hottest at
Frank P. Blair in 1861.
395
Chickasaw Bluffs, through the privations and dangers of the
Vicksburg campaign, in the perils of the march and battles
through Georgia, amid the shot and shell on that 22d day
of July before Atlanta, he was couspicuous, fearless and
invaluable — the work that he did, the debt a grateful
country owes to him, must be apparent to all who read the
history of the war. With no desire to detract, in the
slightest degree, from the full measure of honor due to his
fellow-commanders, I feel that in the niche of fame, no
volunteer general should occupy a higher place than he.
Feeling thus I still point to his work in the early part of
1861, as the work for which we, as Missourians, owe him
the greatest and most lasting debt of gratitude ; and in the
prosperity of our commonwealth ; in the proud position we
have taken among the States of the Union ; in the grateful
remembrance of a people who should not and will not for¬
get the perils he encountered, the skill and bravery he
displayed in their behalf, must those who admired him
and loved him, look for a monument more lasting than the
bronze statue which stands far beyond the boundaries of
the St. Louis that he knew, looking down on the city that
he loved and served so well.
Çulo^i^s.
Ulysses IS. Grant.
399
ULYSSES S. GRANT.
BY WILLIAM H. POWELL, BREVET-MAJOR GENERAL.
General U. S. Grant was born April 27tb, 1822, in
a little one-story house on the banks of the Ohio river,
in the village of Point Pleasant, in Clermont county,
in the State or Ohio. His eventful life covered a period
of sixty-three years and three months lacking four days.
Our grand and great old commander, in whom we all
had the most implicit confidence in the days of the terrible
conflict through which we passed in 1861 and 1865, is dead.
Nay, not dead, but at rest. He will never die in the hearts
of the American people. But his influence, like the orb of
day, will rise to shine the brighter and the clearer, through
the cycles of time, until the land that gave him birth shall
be destroyed in the final conflagration of the earth when
time shall be no more.
His lifeless form has received the last tribute of re¬
spect from his comrades, his nation, and the mourning
millions of the whole earth who recognized his greatness,
honored his achievements, experienced his humanity and
now mourn his loss.
The unparalleled world-wide admiration manifested to¬
ward the great American soldier in life, but now, in death.
400 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
the subject of our national grief, made mourning uni¬
versal, not only throughout the length and breadth of our
own land, north, south, east and west, but reaching out iu
its universality wherever the sun sheds its rays, covering
all oceans, seas, lakes and rivers, every land and nation
upon the habitable globe. Yes, companions, methinks I
see the vast army, who, in the field of fierce confiict
and sufierings, who died for their country while exe¬
cuting the orders of him whose tongue is now silent in
death, who passed over to the other side from under the
shadow of the flag, standing side by side with the great
marshal of our valiant hosts, the martyred Lincoln, look¬
ing down over the battlements of heaven upon the scenes
and ceremonies of August 8th, 1885, mourning with us that
a great and mighty man had fallen.
Great and mighty man, did I say? Yes, verily, a great
man, whose greatness will continue to unfold and develop
as the years pass by, and the time comes when, freed from
passion and prejudices, his acts and conduct can and will
be judged and rewarded by impartial jurists.
What an example for the young men of this generation,
that the son of a poor tanner, without influence and friends
until his own God-given, inherent genius, developed into
well formulated action, that yielded such wonderful results,
had won them, without wealth to purchase place or posi¬
tion of power, should advance step by step through all
the vicissitudes of constant service and mingled blunders
and successes, in spite of all the jealousies and combina-
Ulysses S. Or ant.
401
tions of political and military factions, till at the end of a
four years war, equaling in magnitude the greatest con¬
flicts of the past ages, he stood at the head of the greatest
and grandest armies of the world, crowned by popular
acclaim by the nations of the world Our Greatest Soldier.
Such disinterested vindication is surely a satisfactory
answer to all criticism, and suflScient evidence of his
unquestioned greatness.
As critics we may reason on his career ; we prove from
our individual stand-points that at but few stages in his
histoiy did he show personal evidence of marked ability ;
we may demonstrate what we may have supposed to have
been his mistakes, as did General Halleck at Fort Donel-
son and Shiloh through prejudice and jealousies, or we
may, on the other hand, swell the praises of his perhaps
overzealous subordinates and admirers and hero worship¬
ers. Be that as it may, after all, his career was wonderful,
his success without a parallel. I feel that I am not claim¬
ing for him more than his conduct warrants, nor more
than your judgment readily approves, when I venture
to say that no man loved his country more or served it
better.
Praise others as we may, honor them as is their just due,
still the deeds and fame of our departed chieftain whom
we mourn to-day, whose memory we so tenderly cherish,
places his name upon the world's roll of honor as the great¬
est soldier of his day. In inaZs, patient and silent ; in
battle, watchful and determined; in reverses, active, cheer-
26
402 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
ful, hopeful; in victory merciful, modest and magnani¬
mous to the vanquished. His genius won for him the com¬
mand of our armies.
His success as commander-in-chief of the armies in the
field placed him at the head of the American nation, where,
in the simplicity of his greatness and natural self-poise, he
exhibited new talents, maintaining himself with marked
ability for eight years in the administration of the gov¬
ernment in its then existing peculiar and unparalleled
complexity.
Criticism is often selfish and vicious, based upon preju¬
dice and passion, whilst right action that secures good
results, though at the sacrifice of life on the field of battle,
or party and personal friendship in the former, is com¬
mendatory and justifiable, and but clearly demonstrates
the greatness of the mind that conceived, and the power of
the will that executed.
Follow our old commander in his military career, begin¬
ning at Belmont, to Fort Henry, Fort Donelson, Shiloh,
Vicksburg, Chattanooga, the battle of the Wilderness,
March 5th, 6th and 7th, 1864; Spottsylvania C. H., May
9th to 12th, 1864 ; Five Forks, Petersburg, Richmond and
Lee's surrender at the Appomattox, April 6th, 1865, when
his magnanimity and true character and greatness was
magnified and crystallized in the terms of surrender sub¬
mitted by him to General Lee. In that hour of conflict,
prejudices and bitter animosities engendered by the war, I
ask you, was there not something grand, bordering on the
Ulysses S. Grant.
403
divine influencing the conduct of Grant toward Lee, as
they sat together at Appomattox, indicating a sublimity
of character and superhuman power that freed him from the
common sentiment of the masses, as with pen in hand, he
formulated the terms of surrender of the Confederate
armies — that has since proven an important factor in allay¬
ing the bitter prejudices of the south, and won for its
author the highest encomiums of praise.
How beautifully the following hues express the senti¬
ments of the soldiers in their lamentation over the slowly
ebbing tide of life of their dying hero:
It seemed to me that yesternight
I heard the branches sighing
Beneath my window, soft and low :
" The great war chief is dying."
His marches o'er, his battles won.
His bright sword sheathed forever.
The ffrand old soldier stands beside
O
The dark and silent river.
While fame for him a chaplet weaves
Within her fairest bowers,
Of Shiloh's never-fading leaves,
And Donelson's bright flowers ;
Grim Vicksburg gives a crimson rose
Embalmed in deathless glory.
And Appomattox adds a star
To crown the wreath of glory.
404
War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
He's dying now: the Angel Death,
Insatiate and impartial.
With icy fingers, stoops to touch
The Union's old field marshal
Who, like a soldier brave, awaits
The summons so appalling.
While o er the land from sea to sea.
The silent tear is falling.
Still in the veterans' hearts to-da}»^
His battle drums are boating:
His bugles always blew advance —
With him was no retreating :
And tenderly, with moistened eye,
Columbia bends above him.
And everywhere the sorrowing heart
Tells how the people love him.
From golden-fruited orange groves
To where the pines are sighing.
The winds waft messages of love
To Grant, the hero dying.
The old world sends across the way
A token of its sorrow ;
The greatest chief alive to-day
May fall asleep to-morrow.
O, touch the hero gently. Death,
The land is filled with weeping.
And he is passing like a child —
The counterfeit of sleeping,
A million boys in blue now stand
Ulysses S. Grant.
405
Around their dying brother;
The mighty world knows but one Grant,
'Twill never know another.
So let him die with honors crowned
To live fore'er in story ;
The fields he won, the land he saved.
Will be his lasting glory.
O, mighty Ajax of the North,
Old field marshal immortal.
My saddened heart's with thee to-day
Before the darkened portal.
I listened to the winds last night —
How mournful was their sighing.
It seems to me a nation sobs
O'er Grant, the soldier dying.
O, touch him, touch him softly. Death —
Insatiate and impartial ;
He is the Union's mightiest chief —
!My cherished old field marshal.
On July morn the twenty-third
The news reached every nation ;
Grant died this morn, as he had lived.
In silent resignation.
The million boys in blue now stand
Around their departed brother ;
This mighty world knew but one Grant —
We will never know another.
406 fVar Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
Of the long line of illustrious men who have left their
impress upon our own country's history, there have been
three who will stand above all the rest, and side by side
with each other. Washington, who was the father of his-
country; Lincoln, who guided the Ship of State through
the late storm of civil strife; and Grant, the great general,
who saved the nation from overthrow in the sanguinary
struggle for national life. What a glorious trio of patriots,
each and all of them worthy examples. While the Ameri¬
can people cherish the names and imitate the virtues of
these great patriots and benefactors of their race, the
nation which the one founded and the other saved will live
and prosper. Bacon said that " death openeth the good
fame and extinguisheth envy." So these three—Wash¬
ington, Lincoln and Grant, while they lived lives of truth
and were each raised up in the providence of God for a
great work, which they performed as though specially pro¬
vided and guided by divine wisdom, yet the}' did not escape
the shafts of envy and malice ; their great lives were often
clouded with sadness because the world could not read the
secrets of their hearts as they struggled for the right.
But death in each case openeth the good fame and
extinguisheth envy.
Washington is called the Father of his Country, first in
war, first in peace and first in the hearts of his countrymen.
Lincoln, by universal consent of mankind, is recognized
as the emancipator of the slave race of America, and the
friend of oppressed humanity everywhere. While Grant,
Ulysses 8. Grant.
407
with firm step, steady hand, and a heart full of devotion to
duty, with faith in God and man, moved on and on in the
work assigned him in the field, and still on as a statesman
in the councils of the nation, amid the fierce shafts of
opposition, until his work was finished. And now that he
has passed beyond the reach of envy and hate and out of
everybody's way, the world will assign him his place as
an honest man and a patriot without a blot upon his
record.
Grant's genius was always ready. It was always
brightest in an emergency. Ail his faculties were
sharpened in battle; and the man who, to some, may have
seemed dull, or even slow, was then the most prompt and
decided.
In the last years of the war, after Grant became com¬
mander-in-chief, there was need for a combination of his
best traits. Developed as he then was by experience,
taught by circumstances, learning from all he saw, and
even more from what he had done — as few men have ever
been developed or taught or have learned by patient sub¬
mission to duty to his country more than self — taught him
directness and steadiness of purpose, clearness and
certaint}' of judgment, self-reliance, and immutable
determination which carried him through the Wilderness,
which refused to be recalled from Kichmond when Early
threatened Washington, which kept him in front of Peters¬
burg when the country was impatient at his apparent lack
of success, which determined for him when the moment
408 Wa?' Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
had come to assault the works which had detained him so
long.
He seemed to possess the peculiar faculty of penetrating
at once to the very heart of things. He was quick to see
the point to strike, or the thing to do, and seeing it he
never wavered in his judgment if the circumstances upon
which he based his decision remained unchanged.
This prominent trait in his character was fully demon¬
strated when his army at tíhiloh was badly broken into
fragments, and thousands taken prisoner, and thousands
more had, through the utter demoralization, gone to the
rear. When General Buell came upon the field in advance
of his troops, still miles away, who in that seeming darkest
moment of the first day's struggle rode up to Grant near
the river; seeing the situation, supposing all was lost, and
not a ray of hope remaining, asked Grant, " What
preparations have you made for retreating. General? " To
which Grant replied, " I haven't despaired of whipping
themyet." " But if you s/iomW be whipped," replied Buell,
"how will you get your men across the river? These
transports will not take 10,000 men." " If I have to cross
the river," said Grant, " 10,000 will be all I shall need
transports for." His army then was 30,000 strong.
It was as a fighter, rather than a maneuverer, that the
" silent man " was so remarkably distinguished as in con¬
tradistinction to others who had preceded him in the
command of the armies.
He was ready in resources and prompt in decision at
Ulysses S. Grant.
409
Belmont, Donelson, Shiloh, Vicksburg, Chattanooga, in
the Wilderness, Spottsylvania, Five Forks, Petersburg,
Richmond and Lee's surrender.
But it was his invincible determination that knew no
fear, that marked his career at Shiloh, that won all his
victories and secured peace and quiet to our land, which he
so much desired and which won the admiration of the
whole earth, and the hearts of his own people and nation.
Follow him now into civil life, after the close of the war,
into the diflScult cabinet position forced upon him by Presi¬
dent Johnson, and in his conduct during the memorable
impeachment trial of the president, familiar to many if
not all here this evening, his greatness failed him not ; well
do each of us remember how earnestly and trustingly the
eyes and hearts of the people of this nation were then fixed
hopefully upon General Grant.
Said one : "I remember seeing General Graut when
President Johnson was crazed with rage ; when the war
minister, Stanton, was hedged in with bayonets ; when the
country was trembling from center to circumference with
excitement; when the Executive and Congress each seemed
about to call out under arms their respective partisans, and
once more plunge the people into civil war, that amidst all
that terrific excitement the people looked only with hope
and confidence to General Grant, who, unmoved by the
tempest of passion raging around him and spreading over
the land, conscious of his own ability to control the storm
and quiet the elements of discord, sat in his headquarters
410 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
quietly and serenely smoking his cigar; now receiving
anxious inquiries from the president's friends, and anon
receiving a delegation of grave but excited senators;
assuring all — nay, convincing all — in his own way, that
the republic was safe.
I ask you, call you not such a man greater than they all?
And 3'et, some assume to say that General Grant was merely
a fortunate man, achieving his success from the failures and
reverses of his predecessors in command. Fortunateresults
follow only clear judgment, determined purpose, and in¬
domitable execution, and are but the legitimate sequence of
cause and effect, and so regarded by General Grant, as in¬
dicated by him in some ofhis many notable sayings, such as:
" I do not believe in luck in war any more than luck in
business."
" A general who will never take a chance in battle will
never fight one."
"I propose to fight it out on this line if it takes all
summer."
During the advance on Kichmond, in May, 1864, it is said
that after a hard fought battle in which the loss in both
Grant's and Lee's armies was very great. Grant's corps
commanders met that night at his headquarters to propose
to him a council of war to consider the situation, which was
granted, and which resulted in advising Grant to fall back and
cover Washington. The silent man listened only, and on
the retirement of the council bade them good-night ; near
midnight Grant issued an order to his commanders to be in
Ulysses ¡S. Grant.
411
readiness at four o'clock next morning to " move to the
front by the left flank " and engage the enemy; upon re¬
ceipt of which several commanders collected together im¬
mediately and repaired to Grant's headquarters to ask if
there was not some mistake in the orders they had received.
Reporting to Grant the purpose of their second visit, and
the supposed mistake in the orders they had received, he
promptly asked, "What were the orders you received?"
when his order was correctly reported, to which he replied,
" Such were my orders ; ' " to which the corps commanders
suggested, " If you attempt such a movement, Lee will go
to Washington," to which Grant significantly replied : " If
Lee goes to Washington, I will go to Richmond: be in
readiness to execute my order." Do you call such deter¬
mined purpose luck? The sentiments contained in these
few brief terse sayings clearly defines Grant's true charac¬
ter and pre-eminent qualifications as a military genius and
commander of great armies, and wise executive, and fully
demonstrates the true secret of his own great success.
If it were true that Grant was not a great, but a merely
fortunate man, I ask why did not some other general cap¬
ture Vicksburg? AVhy did not some one of the many
generals previously commanding the army of the Potomac
drive Lee out of Richmond? And why did not some one
or more of the great statesmen at the national capital
during the impeachment trial, calm the storms of human
passion and political strife, and restore quiet, confidence
and stability to the countr}'.
412 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
As in war, so in peace, his greatness, courage and mag¬
nanimity characterized his entire life and formulated the
beautiful canopy of peace and good-will to all mankind
that lent its soft gentle shadows to cover, as a veil, the
terrible struggle in the hour of death from the loved ones
who watched by his side, as his great soul bade adieu to
mortal abode, to put on the grand uniform we trust in the
eternal armies of heaven. At the surrender of Lee he was
as impassive as on the most ordinary occasions. No exult¬
ation over the conquest of the conquered hero; and until
some of his subordinates had congratulated him he seemed
not to have realized that he had accomplished one of the
greatest achievements in modern history ; and when they
began without orders to salute him with cannon, note the
nobility, magnanimity, courage and greatness of the man
as he directed the tiring to cease, lest it should wound the
feelings of the prisoners, who, he said, were once again our
countrymen.
And again, when a committee of Congress, headed by
Charles Sumner, waited on him to propose that a picture
should be painted of the surrender of Lee, to be placed in
the rotunda of the national capitol, he told them he should
never consent, so far as he was concerned, to any picture
being placed in the capitol to commemorate a victory in
which our own countrymen were the losers.
It is now too early to properly estimate General Grant.
We are too near him. We are still in the shadow. As,
drawn by the inexorable drive-wheels of time, humanity
Ulysses S. Grant.
413
moves away, from the rocky, mountain deliles of war, in
which so many were overwhelmed, down the foot-hills and
out upon the wide plains of ordinary, commonplace history
and experience, men and women will pause again and again
at each passing station, and contemplate the sublime heights
from which they are regretfully receding. Then the great
character of General Grant in all its majesty and grandeur
will stand out before them, sublime, eternal, and they will
appreciate, as we cannot to-day, the life which has just been
rounded up. They will see the rugged inequalities, the
clouds and darkness, and the sunlight gloiies, then they will
in some degree comprehend its height and depth, its length
and breadth.
We walk about within the great shadows; soldiers who
fought with him, citizens who honored him.
We think of the great war, of the stirring events in which
he took so prominent a part. We think of the soldiers of
the grand army of the republic who have preceded him to
the silent land. We see in our midst his comrades whom
we knew in the prime of life, in the vigor of young manhood.
We see their heads whitening with " the snows that never
melt." We observe their halting steps. We realize that
soon, ah, too soon, they, like the soldiers of the revolution,
will have all disappeared.
We think of what might have been had they not given
the vigor and glory of their young lives to their great work.
We think of what might have been had the war been pro-
414 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
louged, had not a man equal to the emergency arisen out
of the darkness to organize victory.
We see what is: A nation united, redeemed, enfran¬
chised, a great people prosperous and happy, a republic of
near sixty million souls, making greater advances since
these heroes laid down their arms than in all its previous
history.
We try to realize what is to be, the grandeur and glory
to which this great republic will yet attain ; we think of
men and women and children gathered around millions of
happy firesides in the days that are to be blessed with peace
and plenty.
We think of them talking how their ancestors fought
and he led, and repeating the story of the achievements
of their fathers and grandfathers linked and blended for¬
ever with the name of General Grant.
This is no hero worship. His was not mere military
glory. There is no path, however weary and sorrowful,
which he has not trod. He drank to the dregs the bitter
cup of poverty and want, of humiliation, of sorrow. He
stood before kings and was himself a ruler mightier than
they. Without brilliant personal endowments, such as
arrest the attention and dazzle the eye, by the quiet force
of persistent eflfort directed by sound discretion and con¬
stant devotion to duty he performed where many failed.
The record of his extraordinary life is made up. His
courage, his fortitude, his gentleness, his simple unaffected
devotion, his patient endurance, his constancy, will be the
Ulysses S. Grant.
415
themes of encomium and panegyric so long as men think
and act and labor and love. Farewell, great leader, illus.
trious citizen, noble benefactor, generous, faithful friend.
Rest forever in that peace which your own deeds achieved,
and your own voice commanded. Rest forever upon the
bosom of humanity, close to that gentle master in whose
service you never faltered.
" The whole earth is your sepulchre."
" All time is the millennium of thy glory."
Farewell. Farewell.
Companions of the Military Order of the Loyal Legion
of Missouri : We are furnished an opportunity and called
upon at this time to bid adieu to our old commander and
chieftain. He has been dropped out of the ranks on
earth, but his name will stand on the muster-roll of eter¬
nity, and when called, the adjutant will answer " Absent,"
for the soldier never dies.
May we, who remain to keep the camp fires burning,
ever hold a place in each circle and in each memory for
him. And when the archangel of time shall beat the
reveille of the resurrection morn, may we and all the
valiant hosts who gave up their lives for free government be
permitted to pass in grand review before the God of
nations, marshaled by him who said, " Let us have peace,"
into an eternity of peace forever. Farewell. Farewell.
416 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
GENERAL WILLIAM T. SHERMAN.
BREVET-COLONEL HENRY HITCHCOCK,
With one heartfelt and spontaneous impulse, the people
of a great city, the representatives of an imperial State,
assembled to pay the parting tribute to the illustrious, the
venerated, the beloved dead. They brought not merely the
tribute of their admiration for the splendid genius of the
great commander, bnt also for the exalted patriotism and
matchless courage of the illustrious citizen. With the laurels
which they reverently laid upon the grave of the departed
hero were mingled the humbler but more precious chaplets
of a tender and devoted personal affection. He loved the
people of St. Louis, among whom he lived so long, and in
whose midst, by the side of his beloved wife and his idolized
soldier boy, he chose his last resting-place. They mourn
for him as for an honored and beloved friend; and among
them none more sadly or more sincerely commemorate his
genius, his patriotism and his personal virtues, than the
men whom he once so sternly and relentlessly opposed in
those stormy days of civil war.
But the citizens of St. Louis, the people of Missouri, are
not alone in lamenting so great a loss. A few days ago,
when the electric wires that span this continent first bore
General William T. Sherman.
417
from ocean to ocean, from the lakes to the gulf, the news
that General Sherman was ill, that the symptoms were
serious, too soon followed by tidings that his life was in
danger, a responsive thrill of anxiety pervaded the land.
Amidst the whirl and bustle of great cities, in whose most
brilliant circles his striking presence and picturesque speech
were a unique feature, eagerly sought; among the surviv¬
ing pioneers of the Pacific coast, with whom his name
was a household word, the trials of whose early days
he shared and in his Memoirs has portrayed with
characteristic simplicity and graphic power; by many a
quiet fireside, made more bright from time to time by the
welcome and too brief visits from one who never forgot a
friend ; in thousands of modest homes where his name was
the symbol and embodiment of proudly cherished traditions
of honorable service for the Union, to old and young
alike, in every sphere of life, to the generation which
shared his toils and to that which now comes forward to
confront the problems of the new order, suddenly came
the consciousness that to the last of the three great com¬
manders the final summons had come. Brief hope was
given by the marvelous vitality which for a time resisted
eveu the last enemy. The wires were burdened with
messages of anxious hope, with words of loving sympathy
and condolence for those whom he tenderly loved and whose
grief a nation made its own.
Then, to him, swift and peaceful, came the end. To the
people of the nation whom he so greatly helped to preserve
27
418 War Pa'pers and Personal Reminiscences.
their priceless inheritance, an indissoluble Union, a govern¬
ment whose majesty and strength should vindicate itself, not
only to the world, but best of all, in the restored prosperity
and harmony of a reunited people, — to them remained
only the last sad privilege of testifying their sorrow, their
sympathy, their admiration and their love ! How sublime,
how universal was the response ! The chief magistrate of
the nation and the members of his cabinet, in officially
honoring the memory and public services of General
Sherman, added the earnest and touching expression of
their personal grief. Appropriate resolutions adopted by
the Senate and House of Representatives were supported
in eloquent words of heartfelt eulogy by distinguished
members of both houses, conspicuous among them being
men whom during other and darker days he met in hostile
array. Like action by the executive officers and assemblies
of great commonwealths, including our own State, and of
the chief municipalities throughout the land, echoed the
sorrowful strain.
Yet, due and appropriate as they are, the merely official
honors paid to his exalted rank and illustrious public
services, are small when compared with the significance of
those countless messages, which from every quarter bore
to the bereaved household the tributes of tender personal
sympathy for them who survive, the admiring homage to
the memory of the departed. No man was ever more free
than General Sherman from petty vanity or egotism, no
man less capable of being swayed by such influ-
General William T. Sherman.
419
ence from a conviction of duty or from the resolute
purposes to which such conviction gave birth. But his
warm personal attachments, and a keenly sensitive tempera¬
ment, though controlled by a powerful will, made him feel
deeply the regard of those whom he esteemed and loved,
or in whose welfare he was specially concerned ; and one
who knew and loved him, recalling that generous and char¬
acteristic trait, may well believe that no public distinction
would have been more highly prized by him than the
knowledge that the citizens of his birth-place and early
home and those of the city of his adoption and chosen
resting-place, dwelt with affectionate pride upon their own
association with his illustrious career; and that no oflScial
honor would have been so highly valued by him as the
fervent and loving tributes to their old commander from
the thousands of veterans who now lament his loss.
That this belief is not unwarranted, may we not gather
from that touching letter, written months before, expres¬
sing his regard for his comrades of Ransom Post, his
thanks for their affectionate remembrance, and that last
wish which we were privileged to assist in fulfilling? In
pursuance of that wish, his last journey was made.
Accompanied by those whom he loved best, and by distin¬
guished comrades in arms, his mortal remains passed from
city to city, from State to State, meeting at every step
some new testimony of reverent and sorrowful affection.
Under such circumstances, we have assembled to adopt
420 Wa?' Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
some fitting though inadequate tribute to the memory of
the illustrious man whose remains were laid in our midst.
I shall not attempt, in the few moments permitted
to me, to dwell upon the career of General Sherman, to
analyze the qualities which made him not only one of the
most conspicuous, but, — unless Napoleon Bonaparte be
excepted, — the most unique figure, as I think, among the
men of military genius of modern times. For that, even
were the critic competent, the time has not come, nor is
this the occasion. We have met to bear witness, in sin¬
cere and simple phrase, to our love and veneration for the
man. The time of which he was so great a part, the
quality of his genius, and what it accomplished, the tre¬
mendous struggle for national life and integrity to which
he contributed so much, and his merits and achievements
as compared with those of his coadjutors and adversaries
in that fearful strife, — these are themes for the historian,
when the requisite materials shall be in hand, and when the
perspective of time shall afford a broader and juster view.
He who would comprehend the majesty of Mont Blanc,
monarch of mountains, will not wisely stand on its rugged
flank or at its foot. Only to the distant gaze does its snow-
clad dome rise surperb above the neighboring peaks and
glow resplendent in the eternal sky.
What is that mysterious, elusive, marvelous quality
of mind or mental power that we call genius?
Many attempts have been made to define it, but
never, so far as I know, with success— any more
General William T. Sherman.
421
than the physicist has yet been able to determine the nature
of electricity, which is most like it in the physical world.
It is not merely great mental power, for talent answers that
description, and the difference between talent and genius
is a difference, not of degree, but of kind. By one, genius
has been defined as, " the capacity of taking infinite pains."
It is said that Sir Isaac Newton, when asked in what
consisted his marvelous mathematical genius, answered,
that if he had anything that could be called genius, it was
the power of patient thought. Perhaps the least unsatis¬
factory description of genius yet given — for how can that
be defined which is known only by its effects? — isthat —
"It implies high and peculiar gifts of nature, impelling
the mind to certain favorite kinds of mental effort, and
producing new combinations of ideas, imaginary, and the
like. Genius is connected more or less with the exercise
of imagination, and reaches its ends by a kind of intuitive
power."
However it may be defined. General Sherman was a man
of genius. Kemembering that great talents, still more
great executive ability, is something different in kind from
genius, I may be pardoned, perhaps, for venturing the
belief that he was not only a great military genius, but the
greatest, if not the only one, in the strict sense of that
term, that the last half century has produced.
Each one of the descriptions already quoted was illus¬
trated by his mental habits. To the casual observer, his
quick and nervous manner, the flash of his eagle eye, the
422 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
brusque command, might give token of hasty conclusions,
of disregard of details, of eager and impatient habits of
thought. There could be no greater error. Nothing was
more characteristic of his plans, nothing more noteworthy
in the general orders which outlined their execution, than
the marvelous foresight, itself the fruit of patient thought,
which included and took into account each probable con¬
tingency, each necessary detail, every other being brushed
aside as an incumbrance. Of this, if I do not greatly
mistake, the March to the Sea and the campaign which
followed it, furnish to the well informed and competent
military critic the most convincing proof.
In his memoirs, the events or external facts, so to speak,
of those wonderful campaigns, are recorded with absolute
truthfulness; but he was narrating events, not expounding
or lecturing upon them, and their complete significance,
from my present point of view, no more appears from that
narrative than the record of the alternate moves in a brill¬
iant game of chess reveals to the looker-on the subtle and
far-reaching combinations by means of which the victory
is won. How thoroughly he understood, that upon a
due care for details depended the successful management
of armies, how completely he was master of all that relates
to the equipment, training and eflective handling of troops,
may be learned from the closing chapter of those memoirs,
entitled the " Military Lessons of the War."
That General Sherman, on the other hand, was a man of
genius, in the more familiar sense that his processes of
General William T. Sherman.
423
thought were intuitive and like the lightning's flash, that
his meutal powers included the exercise of an imagination
which swiftly combined facts, often seemingly unrelated,
and the perceptions and ideas derived from them, so as to
produce new and great results, I need hardly insist. It
would be presumptuous folly for me to speak as one
having any knowledge of military science. But in this
respect, by common consent, he was surely pre-eminent.
Of such a man it goes without saying that he was original
and self-reliant in planning great movements ; but it was
equally a part of his mental constitution that they should
be based upon principles deduced from experience, as
recorded by the great writers on military art. How these
should be applied to great strategic movements, and how
they were applied during the civil war, was the subject of
an article from his peu, published within a year or two
past, in one of the leading magazines.
It was part, and also proof, of this imaginative power
that his perceptions both of facts and of ideas were extra¬
ordinarily clear and distinct. The atmosphere of his mind
was lucidity itself. What he saw was pictured there, once
for all. His memory of things and persons and events in
which he was interested was extraordinary, as the earlier
chapters of his Memoirs show ; and it was unimpaired, I
think, to the last.
But while we admire the genius, some of whose elements
have been thus imperfectly sketched, it was the man whom
we loved, — a man whose splendid powers were but in-
424 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
struments given him to be wielded by bis moral nature for
good or for evil, as that nature, by bis own choice, should
be exalted or lowered.
In this aspect also, the occasion forbids, — nor would I
presumptuously attempt, — the portrayal of General Sher¬
man's character and life. Few men have been so widely
known, few more justly loved. We meet here this even¬
ing because we love him and would lovingly honor bis
memory, if only in simple and disjointed phrase ; leaving
to a later day the complete justice which that love will
surely demand.
It is a familiar truth that some men possess a quality of
fascination, sometimes described as personal magnetism,
difficult, often impossible to explain. It seems to corre¬
spond, on the moral or spiritual side of man's nature, to
that indefinable quality of genius ou the intellectual side ;
though neither implies the possession of the other. No
man who knew him need be told that General Sherman had
this quality to a remarkable degree. It was one phase of the
quality with which he was born, like Agamemnon in Homer ;
a leader of men. It resulted in part from his singular
mental gifts. His swiftness and clearness of apprehension,
the lightning-like quickness of his thought, the wide range
of his reading, his uncommon store of information and in¬
cident acquired from extensive travel and acute observation,
his remarkably accurate and retentive memory, and his
consequent command of language, were gifts which implied
uncommon powers of speech and conversation. Add to
General William T. Sherman.
425
these a keen sense of humor and a quick, but never credu¬
lous or sentimental sympath}', with all sorts and conditions
of men, and the proverbial picturesqueness of his conver¬
sation was the natural result.
But all these brilliant gifts, though emphasized by his
martial figure and striking presence, do not account for the
charm of his companionship. Brilliant a man may be, and
yet his very brilliancy may repel. But with General
Sherman's brilliancy was mingled, as the genial warmth of
the sun in May mingles with the brightness of its rays, a
kindly sympathy and genuine consideration for others,
truly delicate and unselfish in its very nature, which no
brusqueness of manner or temporary pre-occupation of
thought could hide. Again and again I have been
amazed at the patience and forbearance with which he
listened to complaints, and claims for relief or advance¬
ment, whose want of merit would have justified a summary
refusal long withheld. I have spoken of him as one who
never forgot a friend. You who hear me may answer for
your own experience. Two incidents, in themselves
unimportant, but characteristic, will perhaps illustrate what
I mean. On a certain Thursday afternoon in April, 1865,
his own headquarters being at Kaleigh, North Carolina, on
the march northward, seeking an encounter with General
Joe Johnston, he gave final orders for the whole army to
move early the next morning. Two hours later an aid de
camp, dashing down the street at a gallop, looking every¬
where for the general, met him returning to his head-
426 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
quarters with a staff officer whom he had invited to
accompany him for a walk, and hurriedly informed him
that General Kilpatrick, commanding his cavalry in the
advance, was awaiting him at the other end of the military
telegraph, with an important communication from General
Johnston. The result of that communication was the well-
known conference between them at Dunham's station.
The walk from which he was returning when the message
was received was a visit to an old citizen of Ealeigh, a
brother of a distinguished Confederate general, whom he
had not seen for many years, but hearing that he resided
there called in person to inquire for his welfare and allay
his possible anxieties.
In October, 1864, the same officer, assigned to the staff
at General Sherman's request, reported to him for duty at
Kome, Georgia, shortly before the March to the Sea
began, and when every moment and every thought of
his was burdened with its final plans and preparations.
The new-comer was just from St. Louis, and the thing that
first and most impressed him was the fact, that on that first
evening, long after every one in the headquarters camp
was sound asleep, except the slowly pacing sentinel, he
was literally cross-examined by his chief, fairly bom¬
barded with questions as to the personal well being,
health and whereabouts of every friend the general
had in St. Louis ; and they were many, even then.
It was a trifling incident, but it was characteristic of
the man.
General William T. Sherman.
427
Another and still finer phase of the same considerate
regard for others was the scrupulous integrity, both moral
and intellectual, which was revealed in his high and deli¬
cate sense of honor in all his dealings with other men. Of
this, as of those other qualities, it were easy to cite nu¬
merous instances. It must sufilce here to say, that no man
ever talked or theorized less about the honor of a soldier
than General Sherman, and I have never known any man
who exemplified it in a higher degree.
What General Sherman was to his men, not merely as
the leader whom they would follow wherever he would
go, but as the friend in whom they trusted, is part of
the history of the war. Ready to share every danger,
provident and careful of their needs to the utmost of his
power, exacting of them the obedience to duty which he
exacted still more rigorously from himself, he was always
" Uncle Billy " to the rank and file. Of his view of their
relations to each other and to their common country, I
know no better statement than his order of May 30, 1865,
announcing to the Armies of Tennessee and of Georgia
that the time had come for them to part. Reviewing the
events of the preceding twelve months, that order closes
with words so briefiy but so clearly setting forth his own
conception of the object and justification of the war, that
I may be pardoned for quoting it.
"Your general now bids you farewell, with the full
belief that, as in war you have been good soldiers, so in
peace you will make good citizens ; and if unfortunately
428 War Pajpers and Personal Reminiscences.
new war should arise in our country, Sherman's army
will be the first to buckle on its old armor and come
forth to defend and maintain the government of our
inheritance."
These words, in the broad sense of inflexible devotion to
duty and maintenance of the supremacy of law, are the key
not only to his exploits as a soldier, but to his life as a
man. Beside them, and because they also illustrate his
convictions and his character, let me place some other
words, taken from his letter to the mayor of Atlanta : —
"You cannot qualify war in harsher terms than I will.
War is cruelty, and you cannot refine it. • * • But you
cannot have peace and a division of our country. * * •
I want peace, and believe it can only be reached through
union and war, and I will ever conduct war with a view to
perfect and early success.
" But, my dear sir, when peace does come, you may
call on me for anything. Then I will share with you the
last cracker and watch with you to shield your homes and
families against danger from every quarter."
The period of a generation has passed. The old flag
still floats over a re-united people. A new generation is
coming on the stage, ready to assume, and fast assuming, the
responsibilities of freedom, — of union, to be maintained
and preserved only through the supremacy of law. What
perils lie before them we know not. God grant that in the
time to come those perils may ever be met with the
splendid courage and the inflexible devotion to duty which.
General William T. Sherman.
429
above all else, have crowned, not more with glory than
with fervent love and admiration, the career of the
departed hero to honor whose memory we have met here
to-night.
430
War Papers a,nd Personal Reminiscences.
GENERAL WILLIAM T. SHERMAN.
CAPTAIN JULIUS PITZMAN.
On very few occasions during my life have I so much re¬
gretted being unable to give proper expression to my feel¬
ings as I do this evening; and as both Colonel Hitchcock
and many great orators throughout the United States have
so well portrayed the person and character of our beloved
departed general, I will only attempt to narrate a few inci¬
dents which fell within my personal observation during
the time I served on his staff, which incidents in my
opinion foreshadowed his eminent military genius and
pluck, later displayed in his historical March to the Sea.
In May, 1862, I was attached to the staff of Major-
General Halleck, commanding the United armies of the
Mississippi Valley and detailed to make the topographical
map of the battle field of Shiloh to accompany the official
report, and I was thus exposed to the deadly vapors arising
from the dead bodies of men and horses on the battle field.
I became ill and in consequence thereof, when the army ad¬
vanced on Corinth, I remained much of my time at head,
quarters. While there Gen. Sherman, who then com¬
manded the right wing of the army, one day earnestly
requested Gen. Halleck to allow him to give up his base of
General William T. Sherman.
431
supplies and to move his army towards Ripley, southwest
of Corinth, and advised him to advance the left wing of the
army towards Jacinto. Sherman's advice was not accepted
and Beauregard evacuated Corinth on the 29th of May and
escaped unmolested to the south with his entire army.
Many of our companions were probably with Grant when
the attempt was made to march on the high land route by way
of the Cornith, Holly Springs, Oxford and Granada to
Vicksburg. When it was ascertained that not sufficient
provisions could be brought down to keep the advancing
army supplied. Gen. Grant, with the consent of President
Lincoln, ordered Gen. Sherman to take about 30,000 men
and provisions by boat down the Mississippi to the
Yazoo River; Sherman's orders were to attempt to gain
a foot-hold on the high land in the rear of Vicksburg and
to meet Grant's army there about Christmas. The attempt
by Sherman to gain a foot-hold on the high land failed as
you all know on account of the impassability of Chickasaw
Bayou and of the strong fortifications erected opposite to
each ford. On the 2d of January, 1863, Gen. Sherman
was superseded by Gen. McClernand, and from the latter
he learned that in consequence of the destruction of
Grant's store of supplies at Holly Springs by Van Dorn,
Gen. Grant had fallen back to Memphis. Well do I
recollect that he said that evening while looking over the
maps before him: "lam surprised that Grant did not
push forward when he found the stores destroyed in his
> >
rear.
432 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
I might cite many instances showing his disposition in
the early part of the war to attack the enemy boldly and
to penetrate the interior of the Southern Confederacy, but
I will not take up your time with a lengthy descrip¬
tion and only add a few remarks referring to the time
when it was not considered an honor by the masses to serve
on the staff of either Grant or Sherman. Grant
was charged with being a drunkard, and Sherman with
insanity, by a large portion of the press, which was influ¬
enced by those cowards who ran back to Pittsburg
Landing, during the battle of Shiloh, and who attempted
to hide their disgrace by abusing their officers. Subse¬
quently many of our people at home, whose friends and
relatives were among the nine thousand Federals killed and
wounded at Shiloh, naturally believed those newspaper
reports and a strong public clamor for the removal of
Grant and Sherman was the natural result.
This public disfavor was strongly reflected in that part
of the army, which was sent down subsequently to re-en¬
force Halieck, and so strong was the public pressure that
Grant, though nominally second in command, had, in
reality, no command at all, and Sherman was only up¬
held in his command by General Halleck, who appreci¬
ated the valuable services rendered by him. It is in such
times of reverses and public disfavor that a man's char¬
acter is shown in its brightest light, and no matter how
gloomy and stormy the horizon appeared at the time,
those that knew Sherman and fought under him only clung
General William T. Sherman.
433
to him with greater love and affection, convinced that such
devotion and patriotism, combined with great military
genius, would in due time be recognized by the public and
by our government at Washington.
Sherman's brilliant success in later years has silenced all
opposition and at his death millions of patriotic men
have closed their offices and shops to honor the dead
hero, but to those that were closely connected with him in
those dark days, it is not the great general over whose
death they mourn, but over the loss of a noble-hearted
and warm frieud and companion.
28
434
War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
ADMIKAL DAVID D. PORTEE.
JOHN U. PARKER, LATE ACTING V. LIEUT Ü. S. NAVY.
The death of Admiral Porter at the ripe age of seventy-
eight removes from the scene of action the last of those
famous naval officers who formed a connecting link between
the past and the present. It has broken the chain that
bound us to the diiys when our little navy, with inferior
ships and guns, destroyed or captured, almost every
British ship they met, and as long as history is read, the
names of Captain David Porter, of the "Essex," Paul
Jones, Decatur, Perry, Lawrence, Biddle and McDonough
will be revered. Admiral Porter came of a race of
fighting sailors, his great-grandfather, Alexander Porter,
commanded a ship in the merchant marine before the
revolution. His grandfather, David Porter, commanded
two ships during the war of the revolution, and his
father. Commodore David Porter, of the "Essex,"
was the most distinguished naval officer of the war
of 1812, he having with one ship captured a score
of vessels and so weakened his own ship's company by
details of prize crews, that he finally met with disaster
in Valparaiso bay. On board of the "Essex," in that
last fight Farragut served as midshipman—and thus the
Admiral David D. Porter.
435
death of these two admirals, Farragut and Porter, the one
an active participant and the other the son of the most
famous captain of that war, destroys the last living tie that
binds us to that glorious past.
Admiral David Dixon Porter was born on the 8th day of
June, 1813, at a time when his distinguished father was adding
luster to our flag on the southern seas. At the age of
eleven, ho made his first cruise with his father in the " John
Adams," against pirates in the West Indies, and at the age
of fourteen, fought his first naval battle, and was appointed
a midshipman in the U. S. Navy, on the 29th day of Feb¬
ruary, 1829, when sixteen years old.
He served bis country sixty-two years, and in that
time arose from the position of midshipman to the
exalted rank of admiral, a rank that has been held but
twice in the history of our navy, and a rank that dies
with him. It is not strange that born of such a race with
mch a heritage that he should have been true to his blood and
traditions. He was an ideal sailor, brave to a fault, noble
in his nature and loyal to his flag.
His flrst active command was during the Mexican war,
when, as a lieutenant of five years' standing, he commanded
the "Spitfire" at the bombardment of Vera Cruz. He
afterwards served as commander of various ship and navy
yards, until April, 1861, when, with the "Powhatan," he
safely convoyed the troops that re-enforced Fort Pickens at
Pensacola. He afterwards served with the " Powhatan " in
the blockading squadron on the gulf coast. It was at his
436 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
suggestion and earnest appeal that the West Gulf squadron
was formed — that magnificent fleet whose heroic passage
of the forts at the mouth of the Mississippi gave us the
first foothold on the southern coast. The plan was his
own conception, and when complimented by Secretary
Wells, in being asked to name its commander, instantly
requested that his father's old midshipman. Captain
Farragut, be ordered to hoist his flag on the " Hartford."
Porter, then a commander, being ordered to purchase and
equip that famous mortar flotilla, which rendered such
effective service at the passage of the forts and afterwards
at Vicksburg and Port Hudson. For his splendid service
in the West Gulf squadron he was promoted to the command
of the Mississippi squadrons and it was while in command
of those famous fighting vessels that he earned the thanks
of Congress and the rank of rear-admiral, his commission
being dated July 4th, 1863, the date of the surrender of
Vicksburg. He was subsequently ordered to the command
of the North Atlantic squadron and made his last great
fight of the war at Fort Fisher and was again thanked by
Congress.
When peace came, Farragut was made a full admiral and
Porter vice-admiral, and later, in 1870, upon the death of
the great admiral he was made the admiral of the navy
with the express provision that the exalted rank should die
with him.
Admiral Porter was one of the most accomplished sailors
of our time. He loved the sea ; fearless in his nature,
Admiral David D. Porter.
437
he was full of resources. With his ready sword he cut the
Gordian knot of difficulties, and whether on the wide ocean
or in the narrow stream his splendid acquirements as an
officer always bore him triumphantly through dangers and
difficulties that would have destroyed an ordinary man.
His courage, his manhood, were never better displayed than
when, during the ill-fated Red river expedition, he found
himself cut off from return above the falls at Alexandria.
In his desire to afford every possible assistance to the army
he had gone forward with his fleet to what seemed certain
destruction. The genius of Lieut.-Col. Bailey, of the 19th
Army Corps, formulated the plan and the zeal and energy
of Porter made possible the saving of a splendid fleet, and
the result was the accomplishment of one of the most
remarkable feats of military engineering that the world has
ever seen. Ever ready to co-operate with the army, he
was singularly free from the petty jealousies that so often
existed between the two branches of the service. He
shared with Grant the glory of Vicksburg, and divided
with Terry the honors of Fort Fisher. Always eager to
accord honor where it was due, his reports of his joint
operations with the army are marvels of honest candor and
manliness. In his report of the saving of his fleet in Red
river, he says : —
" Words are inadequate to express the admiration I feel
for the ability of Lieut. Col. Bailey. This is without
doubt the best engineering feat ever performed. Under
the best circumstances a private company would not have
438 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
completed this work under one year and to an ordinary
mind the whole thing would have appeared an utter impos¬
sibility. Leaving out his ability as an engineer, and the
credit he has conferred upon the country, he has saved to
the Union a valuable fleet worth two million dollars. More,
he has deprived the enemy of a triumph which would have
emboldened them to carry on this war a year or two longer,
for the intended departure of tjie army was a fixed fact
and there was nothing left for me to do in case that event
occurred but to destroy every part of the vessels so that the
enemy could make nothing of them. The highest honors
that the government can bestow upon Col. Bailey can never
repay him for the service he has rendered the country."
His zeal in giving assistance to Gen. Grant at Vicksburg
was in keeping with his character. Being asked to co¬
operate from above at the time when Grant advanced from
that direction, he without a moment's hesitation pushed his
ironclads into the " Yazoo pass " and afterwards to Steeles
Bayou, Black Bayou, Deer Creek, Bölling Fork and
then into the Sunflower, a distance of over seventy miles
in streams scarcely wide enough to afford his vessels
a passage, and which the enemy blockaded by sim¬
ply felling trees across. Grant having abandoned his
approach from above, again requested Porter to co-operate
with him, but this time from below; of course this meant
running by the batteries of Vicksburg — a duty which
Porter performed in the most gallant style, taking up his
position below.
Admiral David D. Porter.
439
During all the time that he was thus employed at Vicks-
burg he was constantly carrying his operations up the
White, Cumberland, Tennessee and Ohio rivers, his field of
operations extending over an area of hundreds of miles.
Ever active, always alert, he was to the navy what Gen.
Sherman was to the army, and it is a matter of great
satisfaction to know that these two great commanders
were friends not in the mere commonplace way — but
that they were friends who loved each other. Thev have
fought together and they have died together, each taking
with him to his grave the highest trust of his respective
service and mourned by a nation in tears.
On that sultry day when Vicksburg fell, Sherman's
first thought was of Porter, and the following letter testi¬
fies his appreciation of the great service rendered by the
admiral : —
" Dear Admiral: No event in my life could have given
me more pleasure or personal pride than to have met you
to-day on the wharf at Vicksburg, a Fourth of July so
eloquent in events as to need no stimulus to elevate its
importance.
•' I can appreciate the intense satisfaction you must feel at
lying before the very monster which has defied us so long
and seeing your once disunited fleet again a unit, and better
still, the chain that made an inclosed sea, of a link in the
great river forever broken. In so magnificent a result I
Headqdar "
440 Wa}' Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
stop not to count who did it. It is done and the day of
our nation's birth is consecrated and baptized anew in a
victory won by the united navy and army of our country.
God grant that the harmony and mutual respect that exists
between our respective commanders, and shared by all true
men of the joint service, may continue forever, and serve
to elevate our national character threatened with ship¬
wreck. Thus I muse as I sit in my solitary camp out in the
woods far from the point for which we have jointly striven
so long and so well, and, though personal curiosity would
tempt me to go and see the frowning batteries and sunken
pits that have defied us so long and sent to their silent
graves so many of our comrades in the enterprise, I feel
that other tasks lie before me and time must not be lost.
Without casting anchor, despite the heat and the dust and
the drought I must again into the bowels of the land to
make the conquest of Vicksburg fulfill all the conditions it
should, in the progress of the war. Whether success attend
my efforts or not I know that Admiral Porter will ever
accord to me the exhibition of a pure and unselfish zeal in
the service of our country. It does seem to me that Port
Hudson without facilities for supplies or interior communi¬
cation must soon follow the fate of Vicksburg, and leave
the river free and to you the task of preventing any more
Vicksburgs or Port Hudsons on the bank of the great inland
sea.
" Though farther apart, the navy and army will still act in
concert, and I assure you that I shall never reach the banks
Admiral David D. Porter.
441
of the river or see a gunboat but I will think of Admiral
Porter, Captain Breese and the elegant and accomplished
gentlemen it has been my good fortune to meet on armed
or unarmed decks of the Mississippi squadron. Congratu¬
lating you and the officers and men of your command at
the great result in which you have borne so conspicuous a
part.
" I remain, as ever, your friend and servant,
" W. T. Sherman, Maj.-Gen.
" Admiral Porter, Comdg. Miss. Squadron."
Admiral Porter, in his report announcing the fall of
Vicksburg, says : —
" History has seldom had an opportunity of recording so
desperate a defense on one side with so much courage,
ability, perseverance and endurance on the other; and if
ever an army was entitled to the gratitude of a nation, it is
the Army of the Tennessee and its gallant leaders."
Porter's confidence in Sherman was unbounded—and
when the general having on May 19th carried a bluff that
enabled him to extend his fiank to the Mississippi, asked
him to send a vessel down to silence a water battery, he did
so at once and the result was the loss of the "Cincinnati"
with 25 men killed and wounded, the vessel going down
with her colors nailed to the stump of a mast.
Speaking of General Grant, he says: "So confident
was I of the ability of General Grant to carry out his plans
when he explained them to me, that I never hesitated to
442 War Papers and Personal Reminiscences.
change my position from above to below Vicksburg. The
work was bard, the fighting severe, but the blows struck
were constant." And so, after their long and distinguished
careers, these two old friends have passed away—dying
almost at the same time, they cemented by their demise the
friendship of a life-time and have passed into history as
the last of those famous commanders whose heroic deeds
makes us feel proud of our birthright.
INDEX.
Adair, Wm. P. Capt., 31.
Appomattox Campaign, 108.
Alden, Capt., 139.
"Albatross," 139.
Athens, Battle of, 169; Importance
of victory, 174.
Andrew's, Gen., Division, 187.
Asboth, Gen., 218.
Army Life, Beminiscences of, 243-
Antletam, Field of, 275.
Army Music, 287.
Affair of the Anglo-American, 308;
Description of boat, 313.
Army of Virginia, Order creating,
328; Ceases to exist, 350.
Armstrong, Wm. Sir, Gift to Fort
Fisher, 359.
Ames, Adelbert, Gen., Command in
Fisher Expeditions, 362, 372.
Abbott's Brigade, at Fort Fisher,
371.
Broadhead, Lieut.-Col. J. O., 1, 4.
Blair, Frank P., 4; Col. 1st. Eegt.
18.
Boenstein, Col., 18.
Brown, B. Gratz Coi., 19.
Boonville, Battle of, 27.
Buxton, W. J. Capt., 31.
Bradley, H. M. Capt., 32.
Blow, Henry T., 42.
Brewster, Chas. Brev. Major, Cap¬
tured by Mosby's Guerrillas, 74;
Escape from Mosby, 101.
Banks, Major-Gen., 135; Com¬
mands department of Shenan¬
doah, 324; Fights battle of Cedar
Mountain, 332.
Brickenridge, Gen., 135.
Butler, Major-Geu., 135; Assumes
Command of Fisher Ex., 363.
Bellman, Sergt., 161.
Barnes, A. S. Dr., 163 et seq.
Biddle, the Misses, 167.
Belknap, W. W.,172
Blakely, Fort, 182 ; Investment of,
183, 184; Assault of, 185; Sur¬
render of, 187, 188.
Bussey, Cyrus Col., 226.
Blodgett, W. H. Col., 231.
Bowen, Maj., 234.
Bull Bun to Antietam, 268.
Berry, Gen., checks the enemy at
Chancellorsvllle, 303.
Belt, L. Col., at Fort Fisher, 362, 377.
Breese, K. B. Fleet Capt. at Fort
Fisher, 375.
Bragg, Braxton Gen., Commands
Wilmington defenses, 372, 378.
Blair, Frank P., in 186i, 382;
Action in 1861,384; Secures re¬
moval of Major Eager, 388 ; Col.
1st Mo. Inf. 388; Becommends
removal of Harney, 391 ; Inter¬
view with Claib. Jackson, 392;
At Chickasaw Bluffs, and suc¬
ceeding battles, 395; Services to
the Government, 395.
(443)
Index.
Campbell, Capt., 33.
Custer, Geo. A. Gen., 3(1 Cav. Div.
Army of Potomac, 51; Commands
2d Dlv. of Cav., 108; Battle of
Five Forks, 113.
Castle Thunder, 79.
Crook, Geo. Maj.-Gen. His Com¬
mand In Sheridan's movement to
the left, 110; Movement for Dan¬
ville railroad, 119; Junction at
Jettersville, 120; Battle of
Sailor's Creek, 122, 193 et seq.;
at Cedar Creek, 281.
Caldwell, Capt., 139.
Cummings, Lieut.-Com., death of,
113, 111.
Churchill, J. O., Brev. Lieut.-Col.,
116; wounded, 150: terrible ex¬
periences at night, 155, 156, 157;
rescued at last, 158 ; breaking of
cot during removal, 159 ; consult¬
ation of surgeons, arrival at St.
Louis, 161.
Cheever, Mrs., 167.
Collier, Mrs., 167.
Canby, Maj.-Gen., 177 et seq.
Carr, E. A. Brig.-Gen., 180 et seq.;
wounded three times, 231.
Cockrell, Gen., 179 et seq.
"Cumberland." How went down,
201; armamentandcrew,201,205;
attack of Merrimac, 207; sinks,
209.
Clark, P. B. Brig.-Gen., 211.
Clark, M. L. Brig.-Gen., 211 et seq.
Conant, Maj., 212.
Curtis, S. R. Gen., 211 et seq.
Generalship of, 237.
Cabell, Gen., 211.
Cedar Mountain, battle of, 258,
259; Confederate loss at, 261.
Cedar Creek, recollections of, 278,
Early's attack, 280; arrival of
Sheridan, 281; pursuit of Early,
283.
Chancellorsville, campaign of, 295;
attack of Jackson,301 ; Berry with
2d Div. 3d Corps checks Jack¬
son's movement, 303; retirement
of 11th Corps, 305; conduct of
11th Corps, 306; prominent ofl3-
cers at, 307.
Curtis, N. M. Gen., at Fort Fisher,
362, 377.
Comstock, C. B. Gen., Engineer
Fort Fisher Ex., 375.
Coleman, C. D. Col., in 1861, 389.
Coie, Nelson, Col., in 1861, 389.
Dinger, Franz Capt., 31 ; skirmish
at fronton, 36.
Dissosway, J. C. Lieut., draws the
fatal number, 91.
Devens, Chas. Gen., commands 1st
Div. of Cav., 108; Lees surren¬
der, 128.
Dutch Gap Canal, 109.
Dewey, Geo. Lieut., 112.
Davidson, Jeremiah, Lieut., 196.
Donophan, Brig.-Gen., 211.
Dodge, G. M. Col., 218 et seq.
wounded, 235.
Davis, J. C. Coi., 218 et seq.
Dwight, Col., death of, 277.
Dwight, Wm. Gen., 278.
Emerson, Jno. W. Major, 31.
Ewing, Thos. Gen., in command at
Pilot Knob, 33; refusal to sur¬
render, 38; ovation in St. Louis,
19.
Index.
445
" Essex," 135 et seq. ; flght at Port
Hadson, 816; passage of Vicks-
burg, 319.
Eakle, B. F. Maj., 198.
Elk Horn Tavern, battle of, 211-
Ebert's Battery, 226.
Emory, Maj.-Gen., 278.
Enlogiei, 397.
Fletcher, Thos. C. Gen., 29; in At¬
lanta campaign, 30; organizes
force to meet Price, 31; officers
of, 31 ; Command at Pilot Knob,
38 to 42; Retreat from, 43; In
1861, 389.
Fessier, Jno. Capt., 33.
Five Forks, Battle of, 112; Results
of battle, 117.
Farragut, a night with, 132 ; Confer¬
ence with and orders to officers
of fleet, 137, 138, 139; Description
of, 137 ; Dissertation on bravery,
138; Report of Passage of Port
Hudson, 144; Departure for Gulf
of Mexico, 308; Detailed for
Fisher Ex., 361.
Fort Donelson, Wounded at, 146.
Fort Donelson, Battle of, 148.
Fields, Lieut., 158.
FUley, C. I. Mrs., 166.
Franklin, Col., 171.
Forrest, Gen., 178.
Frost, D. M. Brig.-Gen., 211.
Fox, Tom Capt., Death of, 264.
Fremont, Maj.-Gen., Commands
Mountain department, 324; Re¬
lieved by request, 330.
Fort Fisher, Expeditions against,
354; Description, 358; Compara¬
tive strength, 360 ; Defensive
force, first Ex., 367 ; Do. Second
Ex., 372; Attacking force. First
Ex., 362; Do. Second Ex., 371;
Losses in, 379.
Gamble, H. R. Prov.-Gov. of Mo., 2.
Grant, U. S. Gen., Command to
Sheridan in movement to the left,
110; Lee's Surrender, 128; Orders
Expedition against Ft. Fisher,
361 ; Orders to besiege Ft. Fisher,
369 ; Letter to Porter, 371 ; Eulo¬
gy on, 399.
Gibbon, John Gen., his corps from
Army of the James re-enforces
Sheridan on the left, 126; Lee's
Surrender, 128; Successful action
at opening of Second Bull Run,
343.
Gardiner, Frank Gen., 132.
"Genessee," 139 et seq.
Green, Martin E. Gen., 171 et seq.
Green, J. S. Senator, 173.
Granger, Gordon Maj.-Gen., 177 et
seq.
Gilbert, Brig.-Gen., 186.
Gaines, Fort, 180.
Gibson, Jno. A. Lieut.-Col., 198.
Gibor's Battery, 219.
Greer, E. Col., 219.
Geiger, Maj., 234.
Gordon, Geo. H. Col., 246.
Hamey, Gen., 5, 8; Ordered to
Washington, 11, 212.
Henderson, J. B., Letter, 28.
Hughes, Chas. H. Surg., 34.
Hills, Chas. S. Col., 42.
Hart, Capt., 139.
"Hartford," 138 et seq.
Hunt, A. G. Asst. Surg., 167.
Hodgen, John T. Surg., 161 et seq.
446
Index.
How, John, 16T.
Hills, Chas. S. Col., 177.
Hawkins, Gen. Division, 187.
Huger, Fort, 180 et seq.
Hebert, Col., 219.
Howe, Lient., 226.
Hoffman's Battery, 229.
Herron, F. J. Lient. Col., 285.
Harris, Loyd G. Lieut., 287.
Hooker, Joseph Maj.-Gen., at Chan-
cellorsvllle,296; fights Ewell near
Bristoe, 841.
Howard, Haj.-Gen., commands 11th
Corps at Chancellorsville, 298.
Hoke, Gen., at Ft. Fisher, 869,872,
378.
How, James F. Lient. Col., Frank
P. Blair in 1861, 382.
Hitchcock, Henry, in 1861, 886; Eu¬
logy on Gen.W. T. Sherman, 416.
Illinois, 119th Inf., 186; 25th, 85th,
36th, 37th, 44th, 59th Inf., 8rd
Cay., Peoria Bat., 217.
Iowa, 27th Inf., Co. B. 186; 4th, 9th
Inf., Ist, 3rd Bat., 3rd Cav., 217;
charge of, 227.
Indiana, 8th, 18tb, 22d Inf., 1st Bat.,
217; 27th Inf., at Resaca, Ga.,
266.
Jackson, Claiborne F., Deposed as
Gov. of Mo., 2; Letter of protest
to War Dept., 8; Indicted for
treason, 22; Flight, 27, 211; In¬
terview with Lyon, 892; Proc¬
lamation, 892.
Jackson, Camp, 20 ; Taking of, 26.
Johnson, Capl., 139.
Jenkins, G. Gen., 199.
Jackson, T. J. Gen., Attack on 11th
Corps at Chancellorsville, 801 ; At¬
tack on Shields near Winchester,
825; Attack on Milroy, 825; At¬
tack on Banks at Winchester,
825 ; Retreat after Cedar Mount¬
ain, 882.
"Kineo," 189 et seq.
Kansas, 10th V. Inf., 178; Ad¬
vance from Danphine Island, 179,
188.
Lyon, Capt. Nath. M., Command of
St. Louis Arsenal, 5 ; Letter to
Blair, 10; In command of the
Dept. of the West, 11; Death of,
27, 211; Appointed to command
St. Louis Arsenal, 888; Ordered
to enroll citizens in Mo., 889;
Determines to capture Camp
Jackson, 891; Famous declar¬
ation to Claib. Jackson, 892;
Fights first battle in Mo., 893.
Liberty, Mo., Robbery of Arsenal,
18.
Lindsay, R. L. Capt., 88.
Lucas, Capt., 88.
Libby Prison ; experiences in, 54 ;
Description of, 59; Commander
of, 62.
Lincoln, President, at City Point,
109; Military orders at close of
Peninsula campaign, 824 ; creates
Army of Virginia, 827.
Lee, R. E. Gen., retreat from
Petersburg, 117; Surrender of,
128; Advises Jackson to attack
Pope, 831 ; Telegram to hold Ft.
Fisher, 854.
Logan, John A. Col., wounded,148.
Index.
447
Lamb, John Sergt., 153.
Logan, John A. Mrs., 159.
Last battle of the war, 177.
Lldell, Gen., 188.
Lane, F. H. Col., 193.
Lackey, W. A. Capt., 198.
Llndsey, Maj., 219.
Lee Town fight ; end of, 232.
Longstreet, James Gen., adoption
of his plan to destroy Fope, 333 ;
Heads ofi Fope's attack, 347.
Lamb, Wm. Col., commands Ft.
Fisher, 366 ; Wounded, 379.
Leighton, Geo. £. Maj., in 1861,389.
Missouri, early events of the war,
1; Three months men, 19.
McNeU, John Col., 19; March to
Jefferson City, 49 ; In 1861, 389.
Missouri, 47th Vol. Inf., 32.
McMurtry, J. S. Capt., 31.
Maupin, Jno. W., Capt., 31.
Mace, Morgan, Capt., 32.
Murphy, David, Adjt., 31 ; Colonel,
32 ; Commands artillery at Filot
Knob, 36, 38, 49 ; In 1861, 389.
Montgomery, W. C. Capt., 33.
Mosby's Guerrillas, 74.
Mosby, John S. Col., Treatment of
prisoners, 81, 97.
Merritt, Wesley Maj.-Gen., 108;
Commands Cav. of the Shenan¬
doah, 108; His command in Sher¬
idan's movement to the left, 110.
Battle of Five Forks, 112 ; At Din¬
widdle Court House, 113; Move¬
ment towards Appomatox river,
119; Fight at Tabernacle church,
119; Junction at JettersviUe, 120;
Battle of Sailor's Creek, 122;
Fired on by enemy under fiag of
truce, 128; Lee's surrender, 128.
Mortar Flotilla, 141.
" Monongahela," 141.
"Mississippi," Loss of, 142, 143;
Loss on board of, 143.
McKinstry, Capt., 139.
Macomb, 139.
Madden, J. H. Frivate, 157.
McCrary, Geo. W. Hon., 169.
Moore, David Col., 170; Descrip¬
tion of fight, 171, 172, 173; Sub¬
sequent career, 174, 175,176.
Mobile Campaign, BecoUections of,
177; Defenses of, 177, 178; U. S.
Vessels in Bay, 178.
McArthur, Brig.-Gen., 180.
Maury, Gen., 188.
McDermett, Fort, 180.
Morgan, Fort, 180.
" Merrimac," 204 et seq.
McBride, Brig.-Gen., 211.
McCulloch, E. Capt., 211.
Marmaduke, Gen., 214.
Missouri, Fhelp's Keg., 2d, 12th
15th, 17th, 24th Inf., 1st Cav.,
Fremont Hussars, Benton Hus¬
sars, Bowen's Battalion, Welfieys
Bat., 1st Horse Bat., 217.
McCulioch, B., Brig.-Gen., 219 et
seq.
Mcintosh, J., Brig.-Gen., 219.
Madison, Lieut., 234.
Mass. Sixth Inf., results of attack
on, 243.
Mass. Second Inf., first three years
Keg. 246 ; In camp at Darnstown,
250; Discipline, 258, 254; Cap¬
tain of Co. £., 255, 256 ; At Cedar
Mountain, 258; Death of Capt.
Goodwin, 259; The £agle regained
448
Index.
269; Charge at Gettysburg,
Death of Col. Mudge,263 ; Loss of
the regiment, at Resaca, Ga., 266,
268; at Antietam, 275.
Morse, Chas. F. Col., 268.
McClellan, Maj.-Gen., 271; Per¬
sonal appearance and popularity,
of, 275; Peninsula campaign,
323; Dispositions after Fair
Oaks, 327.
Mansfield, Maj.-Gen., 272.
Meysenburg, T. A.Major, 295.
McDowell, Maj.-Gen., Commands
department of Rappahanock, 321 ;
At Fredericksburg, 325.
Nevins, Major, 149.
Noble, Jno. W., 172; Brev. Brig.-
Gen., 211.
Nemett, Col., 226.
Oglesby's brigade, 147 et seq.
Osterhaus, Col., 218; Fighting
qualities of, 223.
Pilot Knob, Battle of, 29; Delays
Price, 30; Fort at, 36; Losses in
battle of, 43.
Price, Gen., Invasion of Mo., 29;
Force at battle of Pilot Knob,
37; at Pea Ridge, 211 et seq.
Powers, P. L. Capt., 32.
Pilot Knob, Retreat from, 44.
Phelps, Jno. E. Col., 49, 235.
Phillips, J. W. Lieut.-Col., 54.
Prisoners, Comparative Condition
of Union and Confederate, when
exchanged, 71.
Parker, John C. Lieut., A night
with Farragut, 132; Affair of the
Anglo-American, 308 ; Eulogy on
Admiral D. D. Porter.
Port Hudson, Land attack on, 136 ;
Passage of, by Farragut, 140,141 ;
Loss of ships in passage of, 144.
Palmer, Capt., 139.
Potts, Morgan, Lieut., 154.
Prentiss, B. M. Gen., 175.
Powell, W. H. Brev. Maj.-Gen.,
191¡ 278; Eulogy on Gen. U. S.
Grant, 399.
Pierpoint, F. H. Gov., 191.
Paxton, Jno. C. Col., 192;
Powell, H. L. Mr., 199.
Pea Ridge, Battle of, 211; Strength
of Union and Confederate forces
at, 220; Attack on Sigel, 221;
Rout of enemy, 241.
Parsons, Brig.-Gen., 211.
Pike, A. Gen.,217 et seq; Incapac¬
ity of, 228; Atrocities of In¬
dians, 232 ; Disgrace of, 232.
Pelican, Peter, Kills McCulloch,
229.
Phelps, Jno. S. Col., 241.
Pattison, Everett W. Capt., 243.
Pollard, H. M. Maj, 278.
Parker, John C. Lieut. U. S. N.,
308; Third master of gunboat
"Essex," 314; Eulogy on Admiral
D. D. Porter, 434.
Porter, W. D., Capt. Succeeds
Farragut at Baton Rouge, 310;
Destroys the "Arkansas," 312;
Promotion to Commodore, 313.
Pope's Virginia Campaign, 323;
Review of, 347; Concluding ac¬
tions of, 348, 349.
Pope, John Gen., Assigned to com¬
mand army of Virginia, 328;
Abilities as an OfiScer, 328 ; Ef¬
fect of his strategy, 331 ; Disposi¬
tions prior to Second Bull Run,
Index.
449
334,335, 336, 338, 339 ; Criticisms
on plans of, 340; Effects of orders
to McDowell and Sigel, 341;
Orders to Porter, 341 ; Objective
of Plan, 342; Joint order to Mc¬
Dowell and Porter, 345; His 4.30
order to Porter, 346; Remon¬
strates against being placed in
command of Army of Virginia,
350; His character, 351.
Porter, Eitz John Gen., Effect of
his failnre to obey Pope's orders,
352.
Pearce, Charles E. Major, Fort
Fisher, 354.
Porter, D. D., Rear Admiral, Com¬
mands navy at Fort Fisher, 361,
370; Enlogyon, 434.
Porter, Lieut. U. S. N., at Fort
Fisher, 376.
Preston, Lieut. Ü. S. N., at Fort
Fisher, 376.
Pennypacker, G. A. Col., Com¬
mands brigade at Fisher, 362,
377.
Paine, Gen., Command in Fisher
Expeditions, 362.
Powder Ship at Fort Fisher, 363;
Explosion and effect, 366.
Pitzman, Julius Capt., Eulogy on
Gten. W. T. Sherman, 430.
Quinn, Col., 175.
Reynolds, Thos. C., Criticism on
Price at Pilot Knob, 50.
"Richmond," 139 et seq.
Ransom, T. E. G., Lieut.-Col., 147.
Rinaker's Brigade, 186.
Rains, Brig.-Gen., 211.
Randolph, Brig.-Gen., 211.
Resaca, The rescue of a battery at,
265.
Ricketts, Gen., Retires before
Longstreet, 343.
St. Louis Com. of Safety, 4; Se¬
cessionists in, 6.
Schofleld, Lieut., 9.
Sigel, Col., 18; Brig.-Gen., 218 et
seq.; Succeeds Fremont in Army
of Va., 330.
Schuttner, Col., 18.
Sweeney, Thos. Brig.-Gen., 19.
Smith, A. J. Gen., Re-enforces
Rosecrans, 29.
St. Gem, Gustav. Capt., 32.
Slayback, A. W. Col., at Pilot Knob,
40, 44.
Sheridan, P. H., Gen., Successes
over Early in 1864,54 ; At battle of
Cedar Creek, 55; Campaign in
1864, 74; Joins Army of Po¬
tomac, 108; Meets Lincoln, Grant
and Sherman at City Point, 109;
Movement to the left of Army,
109; Battle of Five Forks, 112; At
Dinwiddie Court House, 113; His
action in battle, 115; Pursuit of
rebels after abandoning Peters¬
burg, 119; Messages to Grant and
Meade, 120, 123, 124; Laststand
125; Lee's surrender, 128.
Sanitary Commission ; Supplies
sent to Libby Prison, 64.
Sailor's Creek, 122.
Smith Melanthon, Capt., 139.
" Sachem," 139 et seq.
Shaw, Capt., 157 et seq.
Shacklet, Major, 171 et seq.
Sample, H. W. E., 172.
Spellman, Capt., 172.
29
450
Index.
Small, Capt., 172.
Smith, A. J. Maj. Gen., 180 et seq.
Spanish Fort, 180 ; Investment of,
180, 181; Capture of, 184.
Steele, Maj.-Gen., 185 et seq.
Sinking Creek Valley Bald, 191 ;
Capture of Scouts, 194; Capture
of rebel camp and prisoners, 192,
193.
Scammons, E. F. Gen., 201.
Stuyvesant, Moses S. Lieut. Com.,
204.
Slack, Brig.-Gen., 211.
Snead, T. L. Col. 212.
Sanders, Col., 219.
Scott, O. H. P. Maj., 224.
South Mountain, an incident in bat¬
tle of, 265.
Stoneman, Gen., Commands Cav¬
alry in Chancellorsville campaign,
297.
Sedgewick, Gen., at Chancellors¬
ville, 299.
Stevenson, Jno. D. Gen., 323; In
1861, 389.
St. Louis in 1861, 383.
Sherman, W. T. Gen., Eulogies on,
416, 430.
Thatcher, Admiral, 178 et seq.
Thomas, Gen., 188.
Tracy, Fort, 180 et seq.
Trimble, Lieut.-Col., 226.
Thomas, Stephen Col., 279.
Terry, A. H. Gen., Commands
Second Ex. against Fort Fisher,
371, 378.
Underbill, Capt., 280.
Veatch's, Brig.-Gen. Uiv., 185, 187.
Virginia, 2d Loyal Cav., 192; 14th
Beb. Cav., 193.
Van Dorn, Earl Gen., 216 et seq.
Vandever, Col., 218.
Woodward, A. B. Capt., 246.
Wilson's Creek, Battle, 14, 27.
Weber, Chas. A. Capt., 31.
Wright, Amos P. Capt., 34.
Wilson, Major, wounded and cap¬
tured, 36 ; Murdered by guerrillas,
41.
Wilson, Jas. H. Gen., in Valley
Campaign, 1864, 64; In Army of
Cumberland, 55.
Warren, G. K. Gen., his delay at
Fivp Forks, 114.
Watson, J. Crittenden Lieut., 137.
Williams, Gen., 135, 266; Attacked
at Baton Bouge by Breckenridge,
311; Death of, 312.
Walters, Capt., 139.
Wallace, W. H. L. Col., 147.
Wohlbrecht, Geo. M., 167.
Wilson, Maj .-Gen., 178.
Wisconsin, 11th Inf., 186; 3d Inf.
at Besaca, Ga., 266.
Watkins, Brig.-Gen., 211.
Wrightman, Col., 215.
Welfley's Battery, 229.
Wilson, Hunt Capt., 230.
Washburn, Col., 231.
White, Col., 231.
Weston, Maj., 234.
Williams, A. S. Gen., 261.
Whiting, W. H. C. Gen., Commands
defenses of Wilmington, 354;
Index.
451
Coastructs Fort Fisher, 357;
Warning to rebel gov't, 372;
Charge against Bragg, 378;
Wounded at Fisher, 379; Report
to Lee, 380.
Weitzel, Geodfrey Gen., at Fort
Fisher, 362, 368.
Wilmington, defenses of, 356, 357.
Walling, Lieut., captures flag at
Fisher, 368.