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A  HOLY 
 
 Commonwealth^ 
 
 o  R 
 
 Political  Aphorilms, 
 
 Opening 
 
 The  true  Principles  of  Government : 
 
 FOR 
 
 The  Healing  of  the  Miftakes;  and  Refolving  the 
 
 Doubtsy  that  nioft  endanger  and  trouble 
 
 ENCjLAND  atthistime:   (if 
 
 yet  there  may  be  hope. ) 
 
 And  directing  the  Defircs  of  fober  Chriftians  that 
 long  to  fee  the  Kingdoms  of  this  world,  be- 
 come die  Kingdoms  of  die  Lord,and  of  his  Chrift . 
 
 Written  by  Richard  Baxter  at  the  invitation 
 of  James  Harrington  Efquire. 
 
 With  a  Preface  to  them  that  have  caufed 
 our  Eclipfes  fince  1646. 
 
 Aod  a  Sounder  Anfwcr  to  the  HealiogQu  eftidfl. 
 'Andchcjfc/i//*/  Method  forreftoringP^r/. 
 
 Lcndcn,  Printed  for  Thomas  Vnderlrill  and  Francis 
 Tyton,  and  are  to  be  fold  at  the  Sign  of  the  An<* 
 char  and  Bible  in  Panls  Churchyard,  and  ac' 
 d\tThrceDxg£ersijiIrlsstftrcet,  1659.  -5 
 
To  all  thofe  in  the  Army  or 
 
 elfwhere,  that  have  caufed 
 
 our  many  and  great  E- 
 
 clipfesfince  1646. 
 
 Gentlemen, 
 
 •Eingfummoned  by  M.x?*mes 
 Harrington  Efquire,  to  give  an 
 account  of  my  Political  Princi- 
 ples, I  found  none  at  the  Pub- 
 lication, fo  meet  to  receive  ic 
 as  your  felves.  Your  pra&icea 
 allure  me,  that  between  Ttur  Judgments  and 
 Confciences,  and  Mint,  there  is  no  little  dif- 
 ference. And  I  think  it  not  meet  to  differ  in 
 points,  which  our  fouls,  and  the  Churches 
 Peace  depend  On,  without  giving  you  the  rea- 
 fons  Qt  my  Diflent.     Some ,  I  underfhnd  are 
 
 A  3  much 
 
The  Preface. 
 
 much  offended,  that  I  vindicate  the  honour  of 
 Providcnce,and  the  ProteftantReligion,againft 
 the  accufations  of  the  Papifts,  by  which  they 
 have  made  it  odious  abroad.  But  I  am  ftill  of 
 die  Opinion,  that  the  Honour  of  God,  and  the 
 oofpel  (hould  be  dearer  to  us,  than  the  honour 
 of  thofe  that  fin  againft  them :  ( and  is  fo  to 
 every  upright  heart  s )  and  that  the  truth  of  E- 
 vents  may  be  recorded^  and  Hiftory  ihould  be 
 impartial,  and  Providence  on  both  fides  have 
 its  due.  They  that  have  not  read  fuch  Books, 
 as  [The  Scotifh  and Englifh  Presbytery  di [covered 
 by  a  (fret  ended)  French  Divine >  The  Image  of 
 both  Churches~]md  other  Revilers  and  Slander- 
 ers of  the  Church,  and  that  know  not  the  in- 
 famy  that's  caft  on  our  names  through  moft  of 
 the  Chriftian  world,  are  no  fit  Cenfurers  of  my 
 words.  While  my  hand  may  write  I  will  never 
 betray  the  Caufe  of  Chrift  to  Papifts  or  Infidels, 
 for  fear  of  the  difpleafure  of  any  that  are  cul- 
 pable. And  if  I  have  thought  that  corruption 
 tainted  any  of  the  Army,  they  thought  fotoo 
 that  furprized  them  at  Burferd,  that  profecuted 
 Thomffon  and  his  Adherents,  that  (hot  fome  to 
 death,  imprifoned  others,  cafliiered  more  ( to 
 pafs  by  the  reft.)  Repentance  doth  not  jufti- . 
 fie  fins,  but  confefs  and  forfake  it :  Nor  doth 
 it  hate  the  Reprover,  but  rather  the  Tempter, 
 and  the  Flatterer,  and  cometh  with  love  and 
 
 fubmiflion 
 
The  Preface. 
 
 fubmiffion  to  the  light,  which  the  impenitent 
 evil  doers  haxfitfoh .3.10^.1. 
 
 I  deiire  you  to  believe,  that  it  is  not  from 
 atime-ferving  ipirit,  nor  want  of  love  to  your 
 immortal  fouls,  or  of  faithfulnefs  to  my  dear- 
 eft  ancient  Friends,  nor  of  deep  compaflion  on 
 the  Land  of  my  Nativity,  that  I  meddle  not 
 here  with  reproof  or  Aggravation  of  your  fin. 
 But  it  is, 
 
 1.  Becaufe  that  Do<flrine  mult  go  before 
 Application  :  It's  meet  that  the  Light  be  firft 
 fet  up,  which  by  its  manifefting  efficacy  may 
 bring  fincere  ingenious  minds  to  felf-reprchen* 
 fion,  and  freely  to  fay  more  againft  themfelves, 
 then  before  they  could  endure  to  hear  from 
 others.  And  till  this  Light  have  difcovered 
 finne,  and  humbled  the  foul,  1  find  themoft 
 Companionate  Reproofs  do  but  exafperate,  and 
 feem  reproaches  •,  and  all  men  are  thought  to 
 hate  the  perfon  that  hate  the  finne :  Innoceney 
 and  Penitence  are  much  more  patient,than  guilt 
 and  impenitency  are.  * 
 
 2.  becaufe  I  find  that  felf-conviftion  work- 
 eth  in  you,  and  hath  brought  you  already  to 
 more  confeffions  than  Volumes  of  Arguments 
 from  me,  were  ever  like  to  have  procured. 
 And  when  Nature  hopefully  begins  a  Cure,  it 
 muft  not  be  difturbed  by  violent  Medicines. 
 You  have  already  difcerned   and  confeffed, 
 
 A  i\  that 
 
The  Preface. 
 
 that  you  contribntedby  your  wanderings  into  un- 
 righteous paths*  to  our  difcompofed  State  !  and 
 that  zfrecial  pre fence  of  God  was  with  that  Par- 
 liament, which  you  then  pulPd  down,  or  for- 
 ced out.  The  Officers  of  the  Army  m  Scot- 
 land confefs  ( as  the  Publick  Intelligencer  tells 
 us.  May  16  J  That  [dlmoft  all  the  Afjertors 
 of  a  glorious  Caufe  had  manifeflly  declined  it, 
 by  a  dtfeBion  of  many  years :"]  Adding,  [  We 
 cannot  but  acknowledg  to  our  exceeding  great 
 forrow  and  (hame,  that  our  (elves,  though  rve 
 hope  mofr  of  us  through  weaknejs  and  frailty, 
 not  out  of  defign,  hnve  very  much  contributed 
 to  thoje  provocations,  which  have  caufed  God 
 to  depart  from  our  ifrael:  and  we  could  hear- 
 tily wifh,  that  even  among  thofe  that  help  to 
 make  up  your  own  number,  there  had  not  been 
 An  helping  hand  to  this  (ad  and  deplorable 
 work  0  And  therefore  they  befeech  God  [  To 
 heal  the  back  [tidings  of  his  people,  and  not  to 
 charge  unto  their  account  in  this  his  day  of  their 
 deliverance >  their  mif carriages  while  they  were 
 wandering  in  dark  and  flipper  y  places,  af- 
 ter the  imaginations  of  their  own  heart s*~\  Pe- 
 nitent Confeffions  will  be  fome  reparation  of 
 your  honour.  This  much  from  another,  in 
 any  of  thofe  many  years,  that  you  lived  in  the 
 finne,  would  by  fome  have  been  called  a  fecond 
 Qangrena,  and  a  Scandalum  wagnatum  i  It  is 
 
 bur 
 
The  Preface. 
 
 but  lately  that  it  was  proclaimed  Treafon,  to 
 fay,  that  [  This  Parliament  is  in  being  ]  A 
 man  might  have  been  hang'd  then,  for  faying 
 that  which  is  now  publickly  Declared.  And  if 
 you  be  indeed  fincerely  penitent,  we  are  not 
 only  in  Hope,  but  paft  all  doubt,that  God  who 
 hath  fhewed  you  the  finne  of  forcing  out  the 
 laft  hundred  and  twenty  Members,  will  fliew 
 you  alib^the  finne  of  the  Imprifoning  and  Se- 
 cluding above  an  hundred  and  fourty  at  once, 
 long  before.  Some  of  them  I  am  acquainted 
 with,  and  have  reafon  to  judg  them  to  be  men 
 fo  eminently  wife  and  holy, as  to  be  unlikely  to 
 be  the  betrayers  of  the  Commonwealth.  The 
 keeping  out  alfo  thefe  men  fince  \  the  calling  of 
 the  nominal  Little  Parliament,  the  Fabrication 
 of  an  Inftrumcnt  of  Laws  without  a  Parlia- 
 ment, and  many  other  a&ions  of  thefe  times:, 
 we  doubt  not  but  you  Will  ere  long  repent  of: 
 Finding  you  in  fo  fair  a  beginning,  I  (hall  not 
 difturb  or  exafperate  you  now,  by  the  aggrava- 
 ting, or  fo  much  as  defcribing  of  your  finnes, 
 or  giving  them  the  Names  which  the  Laws  of 
 God  and  man  do  give  them.  Only  may  I  be 
 bold  to  intreat  you,  impartially  and  often  to 
 read  over  Rcm.i$.  i  Pct.z.  13, 14,15, 16,17. 
 Numb.i6.  2  Pet.2.  Luke  12.13,14.  2dmh. 
 i7-M>25 >*7-  2  Tim.s.  and  beg'of  God  to 
 help  you  to  underftand  them  \   and.  fall  not 
 
 on: 
 
"the  Preface. 
 
 6ut  with  God  and  his  holy  Word. 
 
 And  give  me  leave  to  lay  one  Argument  be- 
 fore you,  which  may  fave  you  from  all  tempta- 
 tions tolmpenitency,  if  from  the  ( real  or  fup- 
 pofed )  faults  of  Governours,  or  their  differ- 
 ence of  Judgment  from  you,  you  fhould  ever  be 
 tempted  to  juftifie  your  fin. 
 
 To  refift  or  depofe  the  Befi  Govern  ours  in  all 
 the  world  that  have  the  Supremacy  is  forbid- 
 den to  Subje&s  on  pain  of  damnation.  But  the 
 Beft  Governours  in  all  the  world  that  have  the 
 Supremacy,  have  been  refitted  or  depofed  in 
 England:  I  mean,  i.  Them  that  you  called 
 the  Corrupt  Majority >  or  an  hundred  tourty  and 
 three  imprifoned  and  f  ecluded  Members  of  the 
 long  Parliament,  who  as  the  Majority  had,you 
 know  what  Power :  and  the  remaining  Mem- # 
 bers,  that  now  fit  again  (fo  many  of  them  as 
 are  living.)  2.  The  Powers  that  were  laft  laid  ' 
 by.  I  fhould  with  great  re  joycing  give  a  thou  - 
 fand  thanks  to  that  man,  that  will  acquaint  me 
 of  one  Nation  upon  all  the  Earth,  that  hath 
 Better  Governours  in  Sovereign  Power  ( as  to 
 Wifdome  and  Holinefs  conjunct)  than  thofe 
 that  hwivebeen  refilled  or  depofed  in  England. 
 Now  if  it  were  never  fo  clearly  proved,  that 
 Subjeds  may  refift  and  depofe  bad  Sovereigns 
 (  of  which  you  have  my  judgement  afterward  at 
 large  3  yet  the  Best  muft  be  obeyed  and  exce- 
 pted 
 
The  Preface. 
 
 pted  for  Violation,  or  elfe  none  at  all  muft  be 
 obeyed  and  excepted :  (  which  is  an  opinion  in- 
 confident  with  humane  Societies,  as  well  as 
 with  Chriftianity.)  If  a  Heathen  perfecuting 
 Nero  muft  be  obeyed,  not  only  for  wrath,  but 
 for  Confcience  fake,  and  that  as  a  Minitter  ( or 
 Officer)  of  God,  then  certainly  the  Beft  on 
 Earth  muft  be  obeyed,what  ever  faults  you  can 
 charge  upon  them.  If  any  underftand  not  the 
 truth  of  the  Minor,  let  them  firft  confider  the 
 men  refifted,  their  parts,  and  principles,  and 
 pra&ices,  and  then  confider  their  Laws  and 
 pubHck  endeavours  to  attain  the  principal  ends 
 of  Government,  and  then  enquire  into  the  ftatc 
 oi  the  beft  govern'd  Nations  in  the  world,  and 
 tell  me  whether  England  under  their  Govern- 
 ment, were  not  like  to  have  been  more  happy, 
 than  any  one  of  all  the  Nations.  If  this  con- 
 vince not,  (  and  dark  eyes  perceive  not  an  E- 
 clipfe  )  ftay  till  the  effects  of  the  late  Eclipfe  do 
 prove  it  in  another  manner. 
 
 Objecfl.  But  the  beft  Governours  may  deflroy 
 the  Commonwealth  by  a  particular  Act yand  there- 
 in may  be  refitted. 
 
 Anfrv.  They  cannot  be  called  the  Beft  Go- 
 vernors that  would  deftroy  the  Common- 
 wealth. Would  they  have  made  it  mord  un- 
 happy than  the  Romane  Empire  under  Nero  ? 
 Or  than  the  beft  Nation  known  this  day  on 
 
 Earth? 
 
ibe  Preface. 
 
 Earth  <  Every  probable  or  poffible  danger,. or 
 every  certain  hurt  orlofs,  is  not  the  deftrufti- 
 on  of  the  Commonwealth.  Nor  are  all  things 
 deftru&ive  to  the  Commonwealth  that  are  , 
 judged  fo  by  diffenting  Snbjc&s.  Either  the 
 Treachery  and  Deftru&ion  was  controvertible 
 or  Notorious  and  paft  Controverfie.  If  con- 
 trovertible, the  Truftees  of  the  Nation,  and 
 not  a  party  of  Subjects  are  the  Judges.  If  No- 
 torious, why  is  it  not  decerned  by  all  others, 
 or  by  the  mod  <  Not  only  I,  but  twenty  for 
 one  (  as  I  have  reafon  to  believe )  throughout 
 the  Nation,  of  men  truly  fearing  God,  ate  of 
 another  mind. :  Subje&s  are  not  allowed  to  re- 
 fift,  whenever  they  are  confident  that  Rulers 
 would  deft roy  the  Commonwealth  i  much  lefs 
 when  they  would  but  crofs  thefti  in  their  opini- 
 ons, or  hurt  them  in  their  -perfonal  Jnterefts  5 
 And  leaft  of  ail  may  they  dfcpofe  their  Rulers. 
 
 O  England  I  Haft  thou  forgot  the  Marian 
 dayes  !  Haft  thou  no  companionate  thoughts 
 t)t  the  Nations  of  the  Earth  i  Among  wThom 
 the  Power  of  Godlinefsis  fo  rare  <  Shall  the 
 belt  of  Governours,  the  greateft  of  Mercies, 
 ieem  intolieiable  <  Oh  how  happy  would  the 
 beft'of  the  Nations  under  Heaven  be,  if  they 
 had  the  Rulers  that  our  Ingratitude  hath  caft  off? 
 \Ecrhearing  therefore  iuch  Reproofs  as  1  ima- 
 gine you  cannot  bear,  will  you  bear  with  me, 
 
 while 
 
The  Preface. 
 
 while  I  prefume  to  tvtfhiov  thefe/nv  things  >fot 
 the  prevention  of  much  worie  to  us  and  you: 
 i  •  I  wifh  you  may  be  tender  of  your  Brethei ens 
 Confidences,  and  while  Oaths  or  Engagements 
 are  doubtful  to  them  in  thefe  unfit  tied  time^that 
 they  may  not  become  fnares,  either  to  our  Ma- 
 giftrates,  Minifters  or  People :  Let  not  men 
 toohaftily  be  forced  to  engage  to  a  Power  that 
 about  a  Moneth  ago-  it  would  have  been  judg- 
 ed Treafon  to  acknowledg !  Ungodly  men  of 
 feared  Confciences,  will  engage  to  any  thing 
 for  their  worldly  ends !  If  you  would  not  take 
 in  thofe  into  your  truft,  and  (hut  out  them  that 
 fear  an  Oath,  or  the  violating  of  a  Pfomife, 
 then  be  not  too  forward  with  iuch  Impositions. 
 You  know  what  Changes  of  the  Government 
 we  have  lately  feen,  iince  things  were  taken  in- 
 to your  hanas :  iuJi  as  I  never  read  of  before. 
 Our  old  Conftitution   was  King,  Lords  and 
 Commons^vhich  we  were  fworn,and  fworn,and 
 fvvorn  again  to  be  faithfull  toDand  to  defend:The 
 King  withdrawiflg5the  Lords  and  Commons  ru- 
 led alone,though  they  attempted  not  the  change 
 of  the  Species  of  Gcvernment.Next  this  we  had 
 the  Minor  part  of  the  Houfe  of  Commons  in  the 
 exercife  of  Sovereign  Power,the  corrupts/  art- 
 ty,zs  you  called  them,being  caft  ou t:and  by  them 
 we  had  the  Government  changed^Regality  and 
 a  Houfe  of  Lords  being  caii  off.   Mext  this  we 
 
 had' 
 
The  Preface. 
 
 had  nothing  vifible,  but  a  Generall  and  an  Ar- 
 my. Next  this  we  had  all  the  whole  Conftitu^ 
 Hon  and  Liberties  of  the  Commonwealth  at 
 once  fubverted:  Certain  men  being  called  by 
 the  name  of  a  Parliament,  and  the  Sovereign 
 Power  pretended  to  be  given  them,  and  exer- 
 cifed  by  them,  that  never  were  chofen  by  the 
 People^  but  by  we  know  not  whom  ( fuch  a 
 ia£t  as  I  never  heard  or  read  that  any  King  in 
 England  was  guilty  of,  fince  Parliaments  were 
 known.)  Next  thts,  we  had  a  Prbte&or  go- 
 verning according  to  an  Inftrument,  made  by 
 God  knows  who.  After  this  we  had  a  Prote- 
 stor Governing  according  to  the  Humble  Pe- 
 tition and  advice :  ( and  fworn  to  both.)  And 
 now  wc  are  wheel'd  about  again.  And  would 
 you  have  had  all  the  Nation  fworn  or  engaged 
 to  all  thefe  various  forms,  and  that  fo  fuddenly5 
 before  they  can  feel  well  where  they  ftand? 
 Should  you  have  defired  us  all  to  engage  to  that 
 which  you  now  difclaim  your  felves,andtohave 
 followed  you  fo  farre  in  that  which  you  now 
 Repent  of  as  your  finne  <  The  cafe  is  weighty ! 
 Incomperably  beyond  the  Eftates  or  Lives  of 
 particular  meft.  Should  we  change  fo  rafrly, 
 and  continue  in  it  fix  years  impenitently,  and 
 then  come  off  again,  and  fay,  Wc  followed  the 
 Imaginations  of  our  own  hearts,  what  would 
 you  judge  of  us  for  our  finne,  and  for  our  lying 
 
 in 
 
The  Preface. 
 
 in  it  fo  long  ?  And  what  a  referable  Nation 
 would  fo  guilty  a  Nation  be  <  Verily  if  you  be- 
 lieve that  there  is  fuch  a  thing  as  Godlinefs  and 
 Confciencc  in  us,  you  cannot  expeft  in  fuch 
 quick  and  frequent  turns  as  thefe,  that  all  that 
 love  their  fouls  fhould  follow  you.   Efpecially 
 when  you  are  publifhing  your  long  miftakes  5 
 which  fhould  make  you  fearfull  of  ibrcing  us  to 
 follow  you  again,  amjus  to  be  your  hafty  fol- 
 lowers.    They  thatf  fe  been  deceived,  and 
 fo  deceived,  and  foi    Received,  and  fo  con- 
 fident in  it,  and  fo  *|ry  with  them  that  told 
 them  of  it,  may  be  deceived  again  for  ought  we 
 know.    Should  we£fc  called  to  as  frequent 
 Engagements  as  you  have  made  mutations  in 
 the  Government,  were  it  not  the  way  to  ba- 
 nitli  confeience  out  of  the  Land,  and  to  teach 
 men  to  fwallow  any  thing  that  is  offered, 
 and  to  finne  till  they  believe  that  nothing  is  3 
 finne? 
 
 Artd  confider  how  Minifters  efpecially  are 
 dealt  with.  The  Pamphlets  that  flatter  you 
 tell  the  world,  that  the  Minifters  no  doubt  will 
 follow  you  any  whether,  and  will  alwaies  be  on 
 the  ftronger  fide  :  yet  others,  ( if  not  the 
 fame)  proclaim,  that  we  are  feditious,  turbu- 
 lent, and  unworthy  of  Protection ,  becaufe 
 we  do  in  fome  things  diflent.  And  thus  they 
 have  laid  fuch  a  fnare  f»r  our  teputations  with 
 
 you 
 
The  Preface. 
 
 you,  that  no 'man  living  can  avoid.  For  we 
 muft  aflent  ordiilent,  obey  or  difobey.  If  we 
 follow  you,  we  are  called,  bafe  temporizers 
 that  love  our  bellys  and  Benefices  better  than 
 our  confciences.  It  we  do  not,  we  are  called 
 feditious,  turbulent,  Tray  tours,  and  what  fuch 
 tongues  (hall  pleafe.  And  this  by  men  that 
 heve  feemed  Religious,and  forget  what  pathes 
 themfelves  have  trod  .But  man  is  not  our 
 finall  Judge :  We  w^ij^his  appearance  that 
 will  pais  xht  finall  i  Kms  fentence  upon 
 them  and  us. 
 
 Much  lefs  ihould  it^yer  enter  into  your, 
 thoughts  to  require  othlts,  tojufttfieyom  for- 
 mer actions.  While  yob  are  bewailing  part 
 your  feives,  enforce  not  others  to  juftifie  the 
 reft.  Even  where  Chriftianity  is  unknown, 
 fuch  a  thing  would  be  abhorred.  Every  man 
 hath  a  foul  to  lave  or  lofe  ?  and  &  confidence  of 
 his  own,  which  will  accufehim,  for  his  own 
 tranfgreflions,  and  not  for  other  mens'.  If 
 your  Works  have  been  good,  the  Reward  will 
 be  your  own  ^  and.  if  you  force  men  to  own 
 them,  it  will  not  procure  them  your  Reward  : 
 If  they  do  prove  evill,  why  ihould  the  Nation, 
 ox  any  one  that  did  not  commit  them,  be  drawn 
 into  the  gu  U  I  If  you  have  laved  a  mans  life, 
 or  laved  the  Nation,  and  I  had  no  hand  in  it, 
 WDuld  you  not  bear  with  my  nnhappy  folly,  if 
 
 I  glory 
 
The  Preface. 
 
 1  glory  that  I  had  no  hand  in  it,  and  fay,  It  was 
 no  deed  of  mine  i  If  you  haddeftroyed  a  mans 
 life,  what  reafon  had  I  or  another  to  fubfcribe 
 to  it  i  Our  Juftification  of  your  a&ions,  is  no 
 Juftification  at  the  Barre  of  God,  or  ef  any 
 well-informed  confidence.  Take  heed  of  fuch 
 Impoiitions,  that  more  cruelly  invade  the  Li- 
 berty of  mens  confidences  than  ibber  Turks 
 or  Heathens  do  attempt.  What  confciences 
 would  you  bring  before  the  Lord,  and  what 
 Names  would  you  leave  to  all  Generations,  if 
 you  fhould  do  fuch  things  as  thefe,  that  have 
 gone  fo  farre,  and  ventured  more  than  many 
 lives,  for  Liberty  of  conference?  You  know 
 that  honeft  men  will  not  go  againft  their  con- 
 fciences, what  ever  it  coft  them,  when  others 
 will :  And  therefore  onneceflary  Engagements 
 will  ltrengthen  the  unconfcionable,  and^ngage 
 
 youin a  perfecution  of  the  beft,  and  who  will 
 have  the  word  of  that  at  hit  i  Our  quietneife 
 under  the  Lord  Protestor  is  much  to  be  afcri- 
 bed  to  his  prudent  (liunning  fuch  engagements. 
 The  world  is  net  fo  ilmple,  but  they  can  fee 
 what  is  aimed  at,  wnen  unneceflary  fnares  are 
 laid  before  us.  And  no  Army  is  fo  ftrong, 
 or  fure,  but  that  an  Army  of  the  Prayers 
 of  perfecuted  Innocents  may  overcome 
 them. 
 
 2.  My  fecond  wifh,  is,  That  whatever  be 
 a  our 
 
7 he  Preface. 
 
 our  difference  in  (mailer  things  5  you  wduld 
 prove  true  to  the  Intcreft  of  Chrift  in  the 
 Main,  and  not  be  enlnared  by  the  masked  In- 
 fidels or  Papifts  of  thefe  times,  to  fide  with 
 them  againft  your  Brethren,  that  are  nearer  to 
 you.  Do  good  if  you  would  be  efteemedgood. 
 He  knoweth  not  Christianity  ,  that  doth  not 
 know,  that  the  Intereft  of  Chrift  doth  much 
 confift  in  the  H  O  L  IN  E  S  S  E  and  CON- 
 CORD  of  his  Servants :  and  therefore  in  a 
 HOLY  andCONCORDANT  MI- 
 NISTRY: And  in  the  reftraint  of  the  re- 
 ducing enemies  of  Chrift,  If  we  fee  once  the 
 Do&rines  of  Infidelity  and  Popery  propogated 
 (  under  what  Name  we  do  not  much  regard,  ) 
 and  the  able,holy,concordant  Miniftry,  begin  to 
 be  undetermined,  we  (hall  foon  know  what  you 
 meanJjyitj  and  what  it  is  that  you  are  about. 
 And  ir  Gods  Ele<5t  (hall  be  put  to  cry  to  him 
 night  anddpy,  will  he  not  avenge  them  though 
 he  long  delay  <  I  tell  you  he  will  avenge  them 
 jpeedily,  Luk.  18.6,7. 
 
 3.  My  third  wifhis  but  that  our  Parliaments 
 may  be  Holy,  and  this  afcertained  from  Gene- 
 ration to  Generation,  by  fuch  a  neceffary  Re- 
 gulation of  Elections,  as  I  have  alter  here  at 
 large  defcribed  :  that  all  thofe  that  by  wicked- 
 nefle  have  forfeited  their  Liberties,  may  nei- 
 ther cboofe  nor  be  chofen:  but  yet  no  Faction 
 
 exalt 
 
Tfo  Preface, 
 
 exalt  themfelves,  and  oppreife  their  Brethren 
 on  this  pretence :  that  fo  both  Promfctto&s  and 
 Parti dU  Elections  may  be  avoided,  and  we  mav 
 become  a  Holy  Nation,  and  a  Kingdom  of  the 
 Lord  and  ot  his  Chrift.  And  that  none  ot  the 
 .en  Truftees  of  the  People,  may  be  de- 
 prived c  freedom  at  their  entrance,  by 
 unn:  ^agemerits-  but  if  they  find  it 
 needrull  to  the  Nations  good  to  reftore  a  Re- 
 gulated-well-limited  Prince,  they  may  be 
 free  as  thole  of  the  contrary  opinion. 
 
 If  Honeily  and  Godlinelle  be  the  things  you 
 aim  at,  you  will  find  my  Principles  futted  to 
 your  ends :  And  as  I  l&e  not-the  D  i 
 formes,  io;  t  fond  of  any  other,  above 
 
 the  reft.     1  c  and  c; 
 
 ly  men  may  be  lecurcd  to  the  n  in  the 
 
 KigheftPov*  that  which  I  hx  i        fted 
 
 you  the  fureft  way  to,  in  this  hook,  which  if 
 .you  will  read,  perhaps  you  may  fee  the  errcur 
 of  thofe  Principles,  which  have 'led  you  into 
 Etrours  of  Pradice.     I  wrote  it  pr  for 
 
 the  ufe  of  the  multitude  ot  wtll-mganing  Peo- 
 ple, that  are  tei  :t>  irfbrpe 
 Authority,  andme<  jrnmen: 
 fore  they  have  any  call  from  G  i  .:ble 
 underftanding  ot  its  Principles.  1  never  in- 
 tended it  for  learned  men  tl  Po- 
 
 ticks  ^  but  for  fuel  Ve  Pra&itioners 
 
 a  2  before 
 
The  Preface. 
 before  they  have  been  Students.  An  imparri- 
 all  reading  I  think  may  fatisfie  you5that  neither 
 the  People  as  [uch,  nor  the  Godly  as  juch,  are 
 the  Original  of  Authority,  but  that  it  mud 
 come  from  the  Univerfal  Sovereign  •,  and  I 
 have  (hewed  you  the  flream  of  its  deriva- 
 tion. 
 
 I  had  thought  here  to  have  added  fome  more 
 Arguments  againft  the  Peoples  being  the  Origi- 
 nal o£  Power.  As  i.  Governing  Power  muft 
 be  exercifed  in  the  Name  of  God  fr  Magi- 
 ftrates  are  his  Officers.  But  the  People  have 
 no  fuch  celeftial  Power  as  to  grant  Commif- 
 fions  in  the  Name  of  God.  1  hey  may  cboofe 
 or  nominate  the  Per/on,  but^ii;*  not  the  Power. 
 Our  Charter  enbleth  the  Burgefles  tochoofe 
 their  Baylitf :  but  he  is  ridiculoufly  ignorant, 
 that  will  hence  conclude,  that  the  people  or 
 Burgeiles  are  the  Original,  of  his  Power  •,  or 
 that  know  not  that  they  never  had  it  ,  but  that 
 it  flows  immediately  from  the  Charter  as  the 
 Inftrument  of  the  Sovereign  who  is  the  Giver 
 of  it.  So  whether  Princes,  Lords  or  Parlia- 
 ments be  Sovereigns,  the  People  may  choofe 
 or  nominate  the  Perfons,  but  the  Charter  of 
 the  univerfal  King  ( in  the  Law  of  Nature  or 
 Scripture  J  is  the  immediatelnftrument  of  the 
 Authority,  as  being  the  aft  of  that  will  of  God 
 which  doth  convey  it. 
 
 2.  n 
 
The  Preface. 
 
 2.  If  the  People  be  naturally  the  Subjecft 
 or  Original  of  Sovereign  Authority ,  then  they 
 muft  or  may  exercife  that  Authotity  themfelves 
 without  Electing  others  to  do  it :  But  the  con- 
 fequent  is  falfe :  the  people  may  not  exercife  it 
 (  ordinarily  )  themfelves.  For  every  man 
 knows  that  it  is  monftrous  confufion,  and  mo- 
 rally impoffible.  How  can  the  people  of 
 France*,  Spain,  Hungary ,  Brittaine*  much  leffe 
 of  the  Turkiili  Empire,  all  leave  their  Houles 
 and  Employments,  and  meet  together  to  make 
 Laws,  where  the  Aflemblies  may  confift  of  fo 
 many  millions  as  cannot  poflibly  confult.  He 
 feems  diftradied  that  is  for  fuch  diftra&ed  Go- 
 vernment. 
 
 If  you  Objed,  That  the  Romane  People 
 did  perfonally  Refolve,  and fo  did  Exercife  their 
 Sovereign  Porver  ? 
 
 I  anlwer :  No  plainer  Inftance  can  be  given 
 to  difprove  your  Doctrine.  The  Romane  Ci- 
 tizens were  a  fmall  Portion  of  the  People  of 
 the  Romane  Empire.  Did  all  the  People  of 
 the  Empire  ever  meet  toRefolve  on  Laws? 
 Or  dare  you  fay  that  Naturally  the  Inhabitants 
 or  Citizens  of  Rome  alone  were  born  the  Ori- 
 ginal of  Power,  and  Governours  of  the  reft 
 of  the  world?  What  difference  between  their 
 Natural  Right,  and  other  mens  i 
 
 And  that  the  confequence  is  valid,  ( that  the 
 ?.  ^  People 
 
The  Preface. 
 People  may  exercife  the  Power  themfelves  if 
 they  have  it)  is  evident  from  the  true  nature 
 
 this  Power.  For  it  is  an  office  Poivtr  un- 
 der God,  and  coniifteth  eflentially  in  two 
 parts:  i.  An  obligation  to  Govern,  making 
 it  a  Duty.  2.  A  Right  to  Govern^  warranting 
 the  Performance.  Now  he  that  is  obliged  to 
 G overn, finneth  if  he  do  not  •  and  he  that  hath 
 a  Right  to  Govern,  may  juitly  himfelf  Govern. 
 I  corifeffe,  in  many  other  cafes  ,  a  man  may 
 have  a  thing  taGive,  which  he  hath  not  to  life  : 
 But  it  cannot  he  Cohere,  hecaufe  the  very  na- 
 ture of  the  thing  is  referred  immediately  to  Ufe. 
 Governing  is  the  life  of  the  Rower :  and  the 
 Rower  in  queftion  is  a  Rower  to  Govern  $  and 
 not  only  to  choofea  Gcvernour-,  for  that  we 
 are  agreed  of:  and  I  will  not  fuppofe  the  Read- 
 er fo  ignorant,  as  not  to  fee  a  difference  be- 
 tween a  Rower  to  Rule*  and  a  Power  toChoofe 
 Rulers.  ( Popular  Church  Government  is  alto 
 concerned  in  the  decifion. )    *r 
 
 3.  If  the  people  are  naturally  the  Sovereign 
 Power, i\\zn  it  is  either  All  or  Part :  But  neither 
 AH,  nor  Part,  therefore.  1.  It  cannot  be  All 
 .conjunctly  :  becaufe  where  all  Govern,  none 
 tire  Governed  •,  and  fo  there  being  no  Subjects, 
 there  can  be  no  Sovereign  :  Nor  can  any  be 
 puniftie  \  againft  his  will ,  becaufe  the  Male- 
 fadtoi  the  All.     Nor  was  ever  fuch 
 
 a  thing 
 
The  Preface. 
 
 a  thing  yet  exiftent  in  the  world,  as  a  Govern- 
 ment exerciied  by  All  the  People:  it  is  a  con- 
 trad  i6ti  on.  It  you  fay.  It  (ball  be  exerciied  by 
 a  Party  then  it  is  not  the  People,  but  only  that 
 Part  of  the  People y  that  have  the  Power:   Ix  is 
 
 in,  therefore  that  it  is  not  Naturally  in  the 
 P<?0/>/*  ^///^ ;  for  the  Nature of  that  P^/  that 
 Governeth  is  the  fame  with  the  reft.  Either 
 the  Governing  Part  is  Ftatedly  determinate,  or 
 only  temporarily.  If  ftatedly  determinate,  (as 
 is  a  Senate,  a  Parliament,  Lords,  &c.)  this  is 
 but  a  Part  ele&ed  by  the  People  *  and  as  EleH- 
 tng  a  Governour,  is  not  Governing  $  io  a  Pow- 
 er of  Ele&ing  is  not  a  Power  of  Governing.  If 
 the  R-uling  Part  be  temporarily  determinate  >  (  as 
 is  a  Major  Vote  of  the  People  themfelves )  this 
 alfomult  come  but  from  the  Ele&ion  of  the 
 People :  for  by  Nature  an  hundred  and  one  are 
 not  the  Governours  of  Ninety  nine :  or  if  they 
 rvercjhat  would  prove  it  but  in  Part  of  the  Peo- 
 ple. Whoever  therefore  the  People  choofe, 
 whether  King,  Lords,  Senates,Parliaments,  or 
 their  own  Major  Partjt  is  but  a  Power  of  choofe- 
 ing  the  Persons  that  they  have,  and  not  a  Power 
 of  Governing. 
 
 But  th?  lateTranfa&ions  fatisfie  me,that  you 
 are  far  from  believing  the  Powsr  to  be  in  the 
 People-,  I  would  their  part  without  violation 
 might  have  relied  in  them  whom  the  People 
 
 a  4  Choie* 
 
The  Preface. 
 
 Chofe.  But  when  I  remember  and  look  about 
 me  upon  the  prefent  face  of  things,  I  am  not  in 
 much  fear  of  Popular  Power,  or  Liberty  either, 
 for  full  and  free  Ele&ions.  Though  the  name 
 do  ring  fo  much  in  my  ears,  and  Mr.  Harring- 
 ton may  think  his  work  begun,I  never  leffe  fear- 
 ed a  free  Commonwealth. 
 
 But  there  are  two  other  Opinions,  that  have 
 as  much  need  of  Confutation.  One  is, Whether 
 thefirength  and  Authority  he  not  the  fame,  and 
 that  (Irongeft  have  not  Right  to  Govern? 
 But  the  Brutiflmefle  of  the  Affirmative  I  have 
 after  manifefted.  Then  it  would  follow  that  a 
 Thief  or  Pirate  wants  nothing  but  ftrength  to 
 juftifie  his  a£Hons,even  before  God.  And  that 
 the  Army  is  to  Command  the  Generally  and 
 the  Common  Souldiers  muft  rule  their  Collo- 
 nels  and  Captains  becaufe  they  are  the  ftronger, 
 and  can  mafter  them  if  they  will :  And  that  no 
 People  ace  to  be  Ruled  by  ther  Prince  or  Parli- 
 ament, becaufe  they  are  the  ftronger.  And 
 that  the  Servants  muft  command  their  Mafters 
 ( if  he  have  not  an  aififtant  ftrength, )  and  the 
 Children  when  grown  up  muft  Rule  the  Aged 
 Parents,  &c.  But  wet  Heave  this  Authority 
 which  confifts  in  ftrength  to  ravenous  Beafts, 
 and  rapacious  JJirds,  and  to  Tyrants,  and  Re- 
 bels againft  the  Lord  and  all  juft  Power. 
 
 The  laft  Dmk  with  fqme  is,  Whether  Godli- 
 
 nefle 
 
The  Preface. 
 
 neffc  be  not  Authority \  and  the  Saints  the  Right- 
 full  Rulers  of  the  World  ?  This  alfo  I  have  after 
 Anfwered.  i.  If  all  Saints  be  Governours, 
 then  all  the  Subje&s  muft  be  wicked  •,  and  then 
 all  Commonwealths  malt  be  wicked.  2.  E- 
 very  foul  is  commanded  to  be  fubjeft  to  the 
 Higheft  Powers  5  even  the  Godly  to  the  Hea- 
 then 5  and  that  not  only  for  fear  of  wrath,  but 
 for  Confcience  fake,becaufe  they  are  Minifters, 
 that  is  Officers  of  God.  3 .  The  Godly  muft  ex* 
 cell  all  others  in  Obedience  ^  and  be  io  far  from 
 afpiring  after  Government,  that  they  muft  take 
 it  for  their  greatnelle  to  be  the  Servants  of  all ; 
 and  muft  fit  down  at  the  lower  end5and  be  hum- 
 ble and  not  exalt  themfelves,  but  imitate  Chrift 
 in  lowlinefs  and  meeknefs,that  in  his  ftate  of  hu- 
 miliation, faith ,  his  Kingdom  was  not  of  this 
 ftorld,  and  asketh,  who  made  him  a  $udgc>  or 
 divider  of  Inheritances  ?  and  himfelf  paid  Tri- 
 bute Money  to  Heathen  Governours.  Godli- 
 ncflfe  doth  doubly  difpofe  and  oblige  us  to  obey : 
 And  the  Godly  muft  eminently  excell  all  others 
 in  their  Obedience.  Even  the  c  ho  fen  Generati- 
 on, the  Royal  Pricflhood,  the  holy  Nation,  the  pe- 
 culiar People  are  commandedto  [ubmit  themf elves 
 to  every  Ordinance  of  Man  for  the  Lords  fake, 
 whether  it  be  to  the  King  as  Supream,  or  unto 
 Governours,  as  unto  them  that  arefentby  him 
 for  the  funijbment  of  evil  doers  y   and  for  the 
 
 praifc 
 
"the  Preface. 
 
 praife  of  them  'that  do  well  :  For  fo  is  the  will 
 of  God,  that  with  well  doing,  w?  may  put  to  fi- 
 lence  the  '  ignorance  of  foolifh  men.  Servants 
 rtmfl  he  fcfyect  to  their  Mafters  with  all  fear,  not 
 only  to  the  good  and  gentle,  huttothefroward, 
 i  Pec.  2.  9,i3*i4,i53i8.  fee  more  in  Eph.  6. 
 
 M°9:>  &c-  C°l.  .V22?  t0  theend^dx  2  Pet. 
 2 .  and  Epifcle  of  fade,  &c.  To  allow  men  to 
 Rebell  or  refill  Authority,  becaufe  they  are 
 Godly  ( though  their  Rulers  be  ungodly )  is  to 
 allow  thena  to  be  ungodly  or  difobedient  to  God5 
 becaufe  they  are  Godly :   A  palpable  contradi- 
 
 predi&lons  of  the  Power  of  the  Saints 
 none  to  ufurpe  a  Power:  no  more 
 edi&ion  that  the  Kings  of  the  Earth 
 
 ire  up  their  Power  to  the  Beafts5  doth 
 warrant  them  to  do  it.  Predictions  make  not 
 Duty^but  Precepts-,  and  Promifes  will  not  ferve 
 inftead  of  Commiflions  or  Donations,  nor  al- 
 low us  to  feize  on  the  thing  promifed3before  it's 
 given  to  us.  Nor  doth  the  prediction  or  pro- 
 mile  it  ferf  intend  that  Godiinefle  (hall  be  any 
 mans  Title  to  Government.  For  then  ( (till  ) 
 the  Subjeiis  muft  be  all  ungodly.  Pride  and 
 not  Godiinefle  breeds  the  Vermineof  fuch  im- 
 pious conceits,  through  the  power  of  temptati- 
 on by  the  Prince  of  Pride5  and  the  Sun  fliiue 
 of  Victory  and  profperity,  requiting  God  with 
 Evil  for  Good.  Object. 
 
The  Preface. 
 
 Object  But  at  leafi  if  ftrength  and  Godlineffe 
 meet  (  dndthefe  encouraged by  not  Able  Provid: 
 giving  fuccefi  )   do  they  not  warrant  thi 
 to  defend  their  Liberties  ,    though  not    tp  Go- 
 vern ? 
 
 Anfrv.  So  far  to  defend  them,  as  other  men 
 may  do :  ( that  is,  in  the  Cafes  mentioned  near 
 the  end  of  this  Book  )  but  they  are  not  difob- 
 liged  from  as  much  Obedience  to  the  higher 
 Powers,  as  is  due  from  any  others.  They  that 
 Refift  ihall  receive  to  themfelves  damnation. 
 Much  more  they  that  pull  them  down. 
 
 Objed:.  But  did  not  yon  Refjl  the  King  ? 
 
 Anfw.  Prove  that  fhc  r  was  the  Higheft 
 
 Power 7  in  the  time  of  r  that  he 
 
 Power  to  wake  thutWarrp,  v,  ie  made, 
 
 and  I  will  ofirer  my  Head  to  Jufuce  as  a  Re- 
 bell. 
 
 But  yet  though  Godlinefie  give  men  no  Au- 
 thority, yet  as  Freemen,  we  have  a  certain  Li- 
 berty h  and  Wickcdneffe  may  forfeit  this  Liberty  • 
 and  therefore  I  (hall  thus  far  ciote  with  you,that 
 the  Church  and  Commonwealth  ihould  be  ve- 
 ry near  commenfurate,  and  that  proved  un- 
 godly perfons  fliould  neither  Choofe  nor  be 
 Chofen.Reduce  eledions  to  the  faithfull,honeft, 
 upright  men,  and  fettle  an  impartial!  way  for 
 the  triall  of  them,  and  we  all  agree  with  you, 
 and  profeffe  it  to  be  the  only,  only,  only  way  to 
 
 cur 
 
The  Preface. 
 
 our  certain  and  perpetuated  peace  and  happinefs. 
 And  I  muft  teftifie,  that  I  have  reafoa  to  be- 
 lieve that  it  was  the  defire  of  the  Late  DifTol- 
 ved  Parliament  to  have  accomplished  this :  and 
 that  it  was  their  full  intent  not  to  exclude  Inde- 
 pendents, Anabaftifts,  or  any  truly  Godly  men 
 of  fober  lives,  from  the  enjoyment  of  their  Li- 
 berties, 
 
 But  if  now  it  be  in  the  hearts  of  any  to  fet  up 
 a  party  ( or  all  the  flireds  of  the  Dividers  con- 
 joy  ned  )  in  (lead  of  all  that  fear  the  Lerd,and  to 
 cry  up  themfelves  as  the  Godly  Party,  and  fub- 
 due  their  Brethren,  and  captivate  thofe  that  are 
 better  then  themfelves*  Let  them  expert  a 
 MunJleriQue,  and  the  Church  expert  a  New- 
 England  Vindication.  Dividing  partiality  will 
 but  (hew  your  want  of  Charity,  that  is,  of  San- 
 rtity.  And  if  Saints  that  are  no  Saints,to  pro  • 
 cure  Liberty  of  Confcience  for  them  that  have 
 no  Confcience,  will  go  about  to  fubjugate  the 
 Saints  indeed,  and  the  belt  informed,tekdereft, 
 Confciences,and  take  in  the  Loofe,whofe  Con- 
 fciences  can  (wallow  any  Engagements ,  and 
 turn  with  the  times,  the  Lord  will  be  the  a- 
 venger,  and  will  come  in  a  day ,  when  fuch 
 wicked  Servants  little  expert  him,  and  will  hew 
 them  in  pieces,and  give  them  their  portion  with 
 Hypocrites,  where  there  is  weeping  and  gnafli- 
 ing  of  tteth.     And  we  can  as  eafily  bear  their 
 
 Pefecutions 
 
The  Preface. 
 
 Perfections  now,  as  they  can  bear  the  fire  of 
 Hell  for  ever.  Their  indignation  againft  me  as 
 Cenjorious  >  will  not  free  them  irom  thofe 
 Flames. 
 
 For  my  part,  you  may  fee  the  worft  that  I 
 defigned  by  this  Book-,  which  was  written 
 while  the  Lord  Protc&or  (  prudently,  pioufly, 
 faithfully,  to  his  imroortall  Honour,  how  ill  foe- 
 veryou  haveufed  him  )  did  exercife  the  Go- 
 vernment :  And  for  ought  I  know  it  was  al* 
 molt  all  Printed,  before  the  Eclipfe  (only  the 
 Epiftles,  and  the  concluding  Meditation,  were 
 written  fince.  J  And  I  have/i^rtf  to  change  a- 
 ny  one  word  of  it  all,  that  you  may  fee  the  worft 
 of  my  Intendments,  and  that  true  Principles 
 will  ftand  in  all  times  and  changes,  though  to 
 the  fhame  of  thofe  changes  that  make  bad 
 times.  ^ 
 
 If  you  are  now  offended  with  my  pwin  for- 
 mer or  prefent  expreflions,  beware  left  ijgoani- 
 feft  your  impenitency .  I  am  as  able  to  ^Pthat 
 it  proceeds  from  Love,as  Lam  that  I  havcTtove 
 within  me.  And  remember  how  far  I  have 
 gone  with  you  in  the  War  •,  and  by  that  and 
 my  dcareB  Love  to  feme  of  yon^  am  more  ob- 
 liged to  fpeak  then  many  others,  left  I  be  guil- 
 ty of  your  fin.  Shall  an  Arch-Bifhop  GrindaH 
 fpeak  fo  plainly  to  Queen  Elizabeth,  (when  (he 
 would  have  diminifhed  the  number  of  Preach- 
 ers,) 
 
The  Preface. 
 
 ers5 )  and  an  Arch-Bifhop  G.  Abbot  deal  Co 
 plainly  with  K.  $am:s  about  the  Spanijh  match, 
 as  to  tell  him  expidly  that  Q  he laboured to  fet 
 up  that  mofi  damnable  and  Heretical  Doctrine  of 
 the  Church  0/Romc,  the  Whore  0/ Babylon  3 
 and  what  would  follow  :  and  then  bid  him^And 
 wow  Sir  do  with  me  what  yonpleafe.~]  (  See  Prins 
 Jntroduci.  p.  40.)  and  (hall  I  be  afraid  of  man 
 whofe  breath  is  in  his  Noftrils  <  yea  of  my  old 
 moll  intimate  ■Friends?  and  fo  afraid  as  to  be  an- 
 faithfulW  I  were  then  the  moft  unexcu  fable 
 wretch  alive. 
 
 Hear  the  Word  of  the  Lord  and  prove  not 
 difobedient :  [_  The  Lord  will  judge  you  every  one 
 according  to  his  waits.     Repent  and  tumyour 
 felves  ffom  all  jour  tran\gr  eft  ions ;  fo  iniquity 
 fhall  not  be  your  ruinc,  Ezek.18.3c.  [_Turnye 
 to  thz.Jgrd  with  all  yonr  hearts?  with  fafling, 
 weepitigj  and  with  mourning :  who  knows  if  he 
 voi^fLtirnandrepnt^  and  leave  a  blefiing,  &c.  j| 
 J(^H[i2!)  14.  if  God  have  fecial  mercy  for 
 jou/he  Q  wilUaufe  yon  topaffe  under  the  rod,and 
 will  bring  yon  into  the  bond  of  the  Covenant  ^  and 
 will  purge  out  from  among  yon  the  Rebels^  and 
 them  that  tranfgrefs  ag/tinfi  himi]  Ezek.  20.  ?75 
 38.  Be  not  £  ofthofe  that  rebell  againfl  the  light 
 that  knows  not  the  waies  thereof  and  abide  not  in 
 the  pathes  thereof  3  Job  24. 33.  [  Wajb  you, 
 -make  you  clean,  &c.     if  ye  be  willing  and  obe- 
 dient 
 
The  Preface. 
 
 dient,  ye  [kail  eat  the  good  of  the  Land :  hut  if 
 ye  refufe  and  rebelU  ye  [hall  he  devoured  with  the 
 Sword ,  Ifa.  1.16,19,  20.    Jer.  42.  i85  20, 
 £  Right  emfnefs  exalteth  a  Nation,  hut  fin  is  a  re- 
 proach to  any  people,*]  Prov.  14.  54.  Te  know 
 not  what  fpirit  ye  are  of,  Luk.9.  5  5.  The  wrath 
 of  man  rvorketh  not  the  righteoufnefje  of  God, 
 Jain.  1.  20.  if  ye  have  hitter  envyin?  and  ftrtfe 
 in  pur  hearts,  glory  not,  and  lie  not  again  ft  the 
 truth,  this  wifdom  defcendcth  net  from  above, 
 hu  is  earthly,  fenfuall  and  devilifh.     For  where 
 envying  andjlrife  is,  there  is  Confusion,  ande- 
 very  evil  work.     But  the  wifdom  that  ts  from  a- 
 hoveyis  frfi  pure,  then  peaceable,  gentle,   and 
 eafie  to  he  entreated,  full  of  mercy  and  good  fruits, 
 without  partiality,  and  without  H  T  P  O  C  R  I- 
 S  I  E\  and  the  fruit  of  Righteoufnefje  is  f own  in 
 peace  of  them  that  make  peace,  Jam.  2. 14, 18. 
 Thus  faith  the  Lord  the  holy  one  of  ifrael,  In  re- 
 turning and  reft  fhallye  be  faved^  in  quietnefle 
 and  confidence  fhall  be  your  firength  -7    and  y$ 
 would  not, Ifa. 30. 15.     While  they  prom ft  you 
 Liberty,  themf  elves  are  the  Servants  of  Corrup- 
 tion :    For  of  whom  a  man  is  overcome,  of  the 
 fame  is  he  brought  in  bondage ,  2  Pet.  2.  19. 
 Therefore  new  amend  your  waies  and  your  doings, 
 and  obey  the  voice  of  the  Lord  jour  God,  and  the 
 Lord  will  repent  him  of  the  evil  that  he  hath  pro- 
 nounced againft  you.     As  for  me,  behold  I  am 
 
 in 
 
The  Preface. 
 
 in  your  hand,  do  with  me  as  [eemeth  good  and 
 mcetunioyou,  Jer.26.1^14.  Ibefeech  you  pa- 
 tiently read  over  the  Reprefentation  or  Letter 
 of  the  London  Minifters,  to  the  Lord  Generally 
 $an.  18.1648.  and  their  Vindication-,  and 
 Mr.  Nathaniel  Ward\  Petition  of  the  Aflbcia- 
 ted  Counties,  and  his  Religious  Retreat  found- 
 ed to  a  Religious  Army. 
 
 An 
 
An  Addition  to  the  Preface^  being  a  Difcufion 
 of  the  Anfrver  to  the  Healing  Question. 
 
 Ecaufe  it  is  a  matter  of  fo  great  moment, 
 that  you  pafs  not  in  impenitency  to  the 
 Barre  of  God,(where  you  mud  all  fpee- 
 dily  appear )  and  that  the  many  Thoufands  of 
 this  Nation,  that  never  were  adually  guilty, 
 may  not  make  your  finnes  ( finnes  of  fiich  a 
 dreadfull  nature  )  to  become  their  own  by  ap- 
 probation 5 1  thought  it  my  duty  to  manifeft  the 
 fallacy  of  all  thofe  Arguments,  which  I  judged 
 might  mod  probably  deceive  you.  And  there- 
 fore iuppofing  that  thence  you  are  likely  to 
 fetch  matter  of  encouragement,  I  iliall  briefly 
 difcufs  the  wounding  Anfrver  to  the  Healing 
 gnejlion,  lb  far  as  may  concern  your  Confer- 
 ences. 
 
 i .  He  placeth  the  Caufe  in  two  things  •,  i  .p 
 3,4.  To  have  and  enjoy  the  Freedom  (by  way t 
 of  dutifall  compliance  and  condefcenftonfrom  all 
 the  parts  and  members  of  this  fociety, )  to  Jet  up 
 meet  persons  in  the  place  of  Snpream  Jjudica- 
 ture^nd  Authority  among  ft  them.  2.  ^>6*Pftc- 
 dom  in  matters  of  Religion ,  or  that  concern  the 
 fervice  and  w  or  fin f  of  God. 
 
 b 
 
An  Addition  to  the  Preface. 
 
 The  former  is  thus  enlarged,  p.  i  o.  That  the 
 body  of  the  good  people  in  their  military  capacity 
 and  poflure,  are  mofi  properly  Soveraign ,  and 
 pcfjejfe  their  right  of  naturall  SoveraigntyJ]  And 
 p.i  I.  £  Becoming  one  Civill  or  Politick  Incorpo- 
 ration with  the  whole  Party  of  honejl  Men,  they 
 do  therein  keep  the  Soveraignty  >  as  Originally 
 feated  in  them] elves •,  and  part  with  it  only  as  by 
 way  of  Deputation,  and Reprefentation  of  them- 
 felves,  &c.  3 
 
 The  fecond  (  Religious  Liberty y)  is  (  p.5,6, 
 7,  )  faid  to  be  that  [which  the  Nations  of  the 
 world  have  right  and  title  to  by  the  purchdfe  of 
 Chrifis  bloody  who  by  virtue  of  his  Death  andRe- 
 \tirreciion>  is  become  the  fole  Lord  and  Ruler  in 
 and  over  the  Confcience,8cc.  And  that  every 
 one  might  give  an  account  of  himfelfin  all  mat- 
 ters of  Gods  Worfhiy  untoGodandchrifi alone, as 
 their  own  Mafier  unto  whomthey  Hand  or  fad  in 
 judgment,  and  are  not  in  theje  things  to  be  ap- 
 prejjed,  or  brought  before  the  judgmefrt  Seats  of 
 Men.  For  whyfhouldfl  thonfet  at  naught  thy  Bro- 
 ther in  the  matters  of  his  Faith  andConfcience. 
 and  herein  intrude  into  the  proper  office  ofchnfly 
 &c.  By  virtue  of  this  Supream  Law  Sealed  and 
 Confirmed  in  the  Blood  of  Chriflto  all  Men*  it 
 is,  that  all  Magifl rates  are  to  fear  and  forbear 
 imcf?7<edling  with  giving  Rule  or  interposing  in 
 ihofe  waiters*— He  is  to  be  a  Minister  of  Terror 
 
 and 
 
An  Addition  to  the  Preface. 
 
 and  Revenge  to  thofe  that  do  evil  in  matters  of 
 outward  practice,  converfe,  and  dealings  in  the 
 things  of  this  life  between  man  and  man-,  for  the 
 cauft  whereof  the  judicatures  of  men  an  appoin- 
 ted and  fet  up.  To  exeeed  thefe  limits  is  not 
 fafe,&c.  ]  And  p.j.  he  would  have  )  this  re- 
 fraint  laid  on  the  Supr earn  Power,  before  it  he 
 eretted,  as  a  fundament  all  Confiitution  among 
 others >&cc.and  that  it  he  acknowledged  the  Volun- 
 tary aff  of  the  Ruling  Power,  when  once  brought 
 into  a  capacity  of  atfing  Legiflativrlyj  that  here- 
 in they  are  bound  up,  and  judge  it  their  duty  fo  to7 
 he,  hoth  in  reference  to  God,  the  Injlitutour  of 
 Magiftracy,  and  in  reference  to  the  whole  body, 
 &cj  So  much  of  the  Caufe. 
 
 2.  The  Perfons  that  he  fuppofeth  have  this 
 Soveraign  Power,  are  fometimes  faid  to  be  {the 
 Nations  of  the  world']  and  [  all  men  whofe  fouls 
 Chrifl  challenges  a  propriety  in,  to  bring  under 
 his  inward  Rule  in  the  fervice  and  worfhip  of 
 God,  ~]  &c.     And  the  ground  of  it  is  made  to  be 
 Nature  it  felfD  fometimes  it  is  [  The  whole  party : 
 of  Hone  ft  Men  adhearing  to  this  Caufe,p.^.[And 
 their  right  is  double,  1.  Naturall,  2.  By  the  fuc~ 
 cefs  of  their  Armes,this  is  reflored:"]  [They  have 
 added  to  the  naturall  right  which  was  in  them  be- 
 fore, the  right  ofConquefl,$.2.  fometimes  it  is, 
 the  whole  body  of  the  People,  that  the  right  and 
 freedom  w»s7  and  is  due  to,/>.  4.  3  fometimes; 
 
 IS  i  fctfte 
 
An  Addition  to  the  Preface. 
 
 [the  actions  proceeding  from  hearts  fmcfrely  af- 
 fefied  to  the  Caufe,  created  in  them  a  right,  to  he 
 of  an  Incorporation  andfociety  by  thcmf elves ->un~ 
 der  the  name  of  the  Good  Party.— -The fe  in  Order 
 to  the  maintaining  of  this  Caufe  have  food  by  the 
 Army,  in  defence  and  f up  port  thereof  again f  all 
 op pj fit i  on  whatever,  as  thofe  that  by  the  growing 
 light  ofthefe  times  7have  been  taught  and  led  forth 
 tn  their  experiences ,  to  look  above  and  beyond  the 
 ]  .cilery  farm,  and  outward  circum fiances  of  Go* 
 vernmcxt-,  into  the  inward reafon  and (pirit  there* 
 vfi  herein  only  to  fix  and terminate >&c.~]  p.p. 
 It  is  £  tht^hole  Body  of  the  adherents  to  this 
 Caufe,']  that  (n  the  jeveral  parts  of  the  Nations/ 
 that  mijl  choofe  a  General  Council  or  Conven- 
 tion of  Faithfult  Honest  and  discerning  Men, 
 
 :j.Lafily5  The  capacities  wherein  the  ferfons 
 n  'jitalified  have  acted  7have  been  very  variable* 
 -"And  very  feldom,  if  ever  at  a/i fo  exactly,  and 
 ■if)  ail  points  confonant  to  the  Ruli  of  former  Laws 
 and  Conjinutions  of  Government y  as  to  be  clear- 
 ed fully  jujlified  by  them,  any  longer  than  the 
 Law  of  juccejje  and  Conijueft  did  uphold  them, 
 hud  the  inward  warrant  of  tfujlice  and  Kiglr 
 fneife,  to  encourage  them  in  juch  their  affings. 
 and  la  ft  referve  which  they  have  had, 
 her  failed,  hath  been  their  military  ca- 
 orly  flriiUj  taken  for  the  flanding 
 
 Army, 
 
An  Addition  to  the  Preface. 
 
 Arm)>  but  in  the  largeft  fenfe,  wherein  the  whole 
 Party  may  (  with  the  Army,  &c.)  afjociate  them- 
 [elves. 
 
 I  pretend  not  to  an  infallibility  in  the  inter- 
 pretation of  thefe  words  $  but  that  they  may  do 
 your  Confciences  no  harm,  Ilhallfirft  tell  you 
 what  we  Grant,  and  fecondly  wherein  we  dif- 
 fent  from  what  doth  feem  to  be  here  exprefled 
 and  emplyed,and  the  reafons  of  this  difleat  fliall 
 be  annexed. 
 
 1*  We  Grant  that  the  Peoples  Confent  is 
 ordinarily  necefiary  to  the  confutation  of  the 
 Government,  and  that  their  freedom  is  taken 
 from  them,  when  this  is  denied  them. 
 
 2.  We  believe  that  notorious  wickednefTe, 
 and  divers  particular  crimes^  may  forfeit  this 
 Freedom  as  to  particular  perfons:  And  if  the 
 defign  of  this  Honourable  Writer  were,that  all 
 Honefi  men  indeed  with out  partiality  anddivijior, 
 might  have  the  liberty  of  choofing  and  being 
 chofen,and  none  (hut  cut,  but  thole  that  are 
 proved  to  have  forfeited  their  liberty-,  we  (hould 
 concurre  with  great  alacrity  and  joy  (  fo  be  it, 
 that  oppreffion  make  not  thofe  fc.ruples  or  diffe- 
 rences of  judgment  to  feem  a  forfeiture  of  our 
 liberty,which  are  not. ) 
 
 3.  We  Grant  that  the  Confciences  of  men 
 are  out  of  the  reach  of  the  Magiilrates  judg- 
 ment •,  further  then  they  areman&fted  by  their 
 
 b  3  words 
 
An  Addition  te  the  Preface. 
 
 Words  or  Deeds :  And  we  grant  that  the  U- 
 nity  and  Peace  of  the  Church,  muft  not  be  laid 
 on  lower  Controverfies,  but  on  the  Effentials 
 of  Religion,  even  of  Faith  and  Communion : 
 and  that  we  muft  tolerate  all  tolerable  differen- 
 ces among  honeft  men :  In  well  doing  all  men 
 fhould  be  encouraged.  In  ill  doing  through  mi- 
 stakes, well  meaning  men  muft  be  tolerated,as 
 far  as  Charity  to  Church  and  State,and  to  their 
 own  and  others  fouls  will  bear  it. 
 
 4.  We  believe  that  a  Prudent  Godly  Ma- 
 giftpacy,  is  fo  exceeding  great  a  bleffing  to  the 
 Nation,  (  above  any  forms  in  wicked  hands  ) 
 that  all  lawfull  means  ibould  be  ufed  to  procure 
 and  fecure  it  to  us  and  our  pofterity . 
 
 But  yet  thefe 'following  Propofitions  I  (hall 
 manifeft  to  be  moft  certain  truths. 
 
 Prop.  1. T^  freeChoice  of  Parliament  men  was 
 a  thing  that  on  all  hands  tva>s  granted  to  be  our  due > 
 And  therefore  could  not  he  the  Can  ft  of  the  Warre. 
 
 The  King  granted  it  •,  and  all  Parties  in  our 
 latter  Divifions  do  alien:  it:  fo  that  it  cannot 
 be  the  matter  of  any  New  Caufe  neither,  be- 
 cau'fe  we  know  not  of  any  Adverfaries  that  it 
 hath  confiderable  among  us,  unleife  thole  that 
 chofe  the  Little-nominall  Parliament.  Indeed 
 by  the  Difufe  of  Parliaments^  our  Rights  were 
 violated:  but  the  Peoples  Right  to  a  free  Choice 
 
 was  ftiil  acknowledged. 
 
 Prop. 
 
An  Addition  to  the  Preface. 
 
 Prop.  2.  That  the  People  had  right  to  choofe  a 
 Houfe  of  Commons,  that  fhould  have  the  whole 
 Soveraignty,  or  the  whole  Legiflative  Power,  wat 
 none  of  the  old  Caufe* 
 
 For  i.  No  fuch  thing  was  Afferted  and  De- 
 clared by  the  Parliament,  when  the  Caufe  was 
 fluted,  and  the  Wa^begun.  2.  Theyprofef- 
 fed  the  contrary  in  their  Declarations  of  the 
 Caufe,  and  in  their  Laws,  which  were  Enadied 
 by  Authority  of  the  King  and  Lords,  as  well  as 
 of  the  Commons*  Read  them,  and  this  will  be 
 paft  ail  doubt.  3.  And  the Proteftations and  Co- 
 venant confirm  it. 
 
 Prop.  3 .  It  was  none  of  the  old  Caufe,  to  af- 
 [ert  any  proper  Soveraignty  in  the  People,  either 
 as  People,  or  as  Godly  People. 
 
 For  1 .  No  fuch  thing  was  declared.  2.  The 
 Soveraignty  was  ftated  elfewhere.  3.  It  was 
 only  the  Rights  and  Liberties  of  the  People, 
 and  not  their  Soveraignty  that  was  Declared 
 for. 
 
 Prop.  4.  It  was  none    of  the  Caufe  of  our  • 
 Wane ,to  change  the  Conflitution  of  the  Common 
 wealth,  into  any  ether  form  than  we  found  it  in. 
 
 1 .  To  aflert,  this  were  to  lay  all  the  guilt  of 
 
 the  blood  and  miferies  of  the  Nation,  undefer^ 
 
 vedly  upon  the  Parliament,  and  to  proclaim  us 
 
 #all  Rebels,that  adhered  to  them.     For  it  is  pafl 
 
 doubt,  that  the  Soveraignty  being  mixt  cr 
 
 b  4  *       flributel 
 
An  Addition  to  the  Vrtface. 
 
 ftributed  into  the  hands  of  King,  Lords,  and 
 Commons,  no  part  had  Authority  to  change 
 the  Conftitution.  2.  On  the  contrary  it  was 
 the  Preferring  of  the  Fundamental!  Conftituti- 
 on that  the  Parliament  Declared  for.  And  par  • 
 ticularly  for  the  Perfon  and  Authority  of  the 
 King,  and  for  the  Power  and  Priviledges  of 
 Parliaments ,  of  which  the  Lords  were  part 
 and  Authors  of  thofe  Declarations.  It  is  there- 
 tore  an  injury  of  the  higheit  Natuce,  againltthe 
 Honour  of  the  Parliament,the  Englijh  Nation, 
 and  the  Proteftant  Religion  5  if  any  fliould  af- 
 firm that  they  raifeda  War  to  change  the  Go- 
 vernment, and  overthrow  the  Fundamentall 
 Conftitution,  and  that  when  they  fwore  us  to 
 the  contrary. 
 
 Prop.  5.  The  Remonftragce  of  the  ftate  of  the 
 Kingdom  -,  the  Declaration  of  the  Lords  and 
 Commons  of  Aug.  3.  1642.  Jetting  forth  the 
 Grounds  and  Rea\ons  that  necefitate  them  at  this 
 time  to  take  up  Defenfive  Arms  for  the  Preferva- 
 iion  of  his  Ma]  e  [lies  Perfon?  she  maintenance 
 of  the  true  Religion,  the  Laws  and  Liberties  of 
 this  Kingdom  ,  and  the  Power  and  Priviledges 
 if  Parliament  •,  aljo  the  Proportions  and  Or- 
 ders of  ]u\\^  10.  3642.  for  brin^m*  in  Money 
 and  Plate,  &c.  to  maintain  the  Prhuftant  Reli- 
 gion, the  Kings  Authority,  his  Perfon  in  his  Royal 
 
 ntty,  the  free  Course  of  Jufitcc,  the  Lam  of 
 
 the 
 
An  Addition  to  the  Preface. 
 
 the  Land*  the  Peace  of  the  Kingdom*  and  the 
 Priviledges  of  Parliament  againfi  any  force  that 
 jhaU  off  of e  them :  I  [ay  thefe  Declarations,  with 
 wo  Protefiations ,  and  the  folemn  Vow  and 
 C  oven  ant  *  do  fully  declare  what  was  the  Old 
 Caufe. 
 
 Though  no  man  have  more  reafon  to  know 
 it  then  the  Honourable  Author  of  the  Healing 
 Question, y^t  no  Evidences  can  fo  fully  Declare 
 it  to  us,  as  thefe  Declarations  and  Protefiations 
 which  were  purpofed  to  that  ufe. 
 
 Prop.  6.  It  was  none  of  the  old  Caufe  that  the 
 Peofle  jhotild  have  Liberty,  and  the  Magi fr  ate 
 fiouldhaveno  Power  in  all  matters  of  Gods  Wor- 
 9  flip,  Faith  andConfcience. 
 
 The  words  of  the  Honourable  Author  I  have 
 recited  before,  without,  any  exception,  reftri- 
 dion,  or  limitation,  that  I  can  find,  he  expref- 
 lyextendeth  the  Cafe  to,  [Matters  of  Religi- 
 on, or  that  concern  the  Service  and  Worfhif  of 
 God,  ^  p. 5 .  and  to  Q  matters  of  Faith  andCon- 
 fcience, ~]  and  Q  All  matters  of  Gods  Worfhif,  ] 
 p.  6.  of  which  he  faith,  We  muflgive  account  of 
 our  (elves  unto  God  andChrifi  alone,  and  that 
 £  all  Magift rates  mufi  fear  and  forbear  inter- 
 mcdling  with.']  Now  that  this  difcharging  the 
 Magiftrate  from  his  Duty,or  this  difabling  him, 
 or  flaring  of  his  Power,  and  this  extended  Li- 
 berty in  All  matters  of  Worfhip,  Faith,  or  Re- 
 ligion, 
 
An  Addition  to  the  Preface. 
 
 ligion,  was  none  of  the  old  Caufey  nor  is  any 
 GoodCaufe,  I  fhall  prove  but  briefly  (  yetfuffi- 
 ciently)  here,  as  intending,  if  God  will,  a  Trea- 
 tifeof  that  point  alone. 
 
 But  ftill  remember  that  it  is  no  Controverfie 
 among  us,  i.  Whether'men  (hould  have  liber- 
 ty for  True  Religion,  true  Faith5and  true  Wor- 
 fhip  of  God  i  For  thefe  fhould  have  more  than 
 Liberty.     But  whether,  there  fhould  be  Liber- 
 ty for  falfe  Religion,  falfe  Faith5and  falfe  Wor- 
 ship, if  the  perfons  do  but  think  them  true  * 
 And  whether  the  reafon  of  this  Liberty  be, that 
 the  Magiftrate  hath  not  here  to  do  i     2.  Nor 
 is  it  any  Controverfie  among  us,  whether  the 
 Magiftrate  can  judgof  Inward  Faith  and  Con- 
 fcience  immediately?   or  whether  he  fhould 
 compell  men  to  Believe  i  or  yet  to  profefTe  that 
 they  do  believe  when  they  do  not  i  It  is  a  work 
 that  is  beyond  his  power  to  compell  men  to  be- 
 lieve :  elfe  Charity  would  require  him  to  do  it. 
 And  we  are  far  from  thinking  that  he  (hould 
 compell  them  to  lye  and  diflemble  a  Faith  which 
 they  have  not.     But  th$  Queftion  is,  Whether 
 he  may  reftrain  them  from  publique  pra&ifing 
 falfe  Worfhip,  and  propagating  a  falfe  Faith  or 
 Infidelity,  and  from  drawing  others  to  their 
 mind  and  way. 
 
 i.  The  toleration  of  Popery,  by  too  much 
 connivance,  and  the  increafe  of  Popery  there- 
 by* 
 
An  Addition  to  the  Preface. 
 
 by,  was  one  of  the  great  offences  and  grievan-' 
 ces  that  this  ( and  former  )  Parliaments  com- 
 plained of  and  Declared  againft  in  their  Remon- 
 strances, therefore  that  Popery  fliould  be  tole- 
 rated,  or  that  none  but  Chrift  fliould  judg  men 
 in  all  matters  of  Worfhip,or  of  Faith,was  none 
 of  the  Old  Caufe  that  was  owned  by  that  Parli- 
 ament^ but  the  clean  contrary.  It  was  liberty 
 for  Popery, that  was  their  great  offence. 
 
 v  2.  The  fame  Parliament  made  it  the  old 
 Caufe,  to  Defend  the  Proteftant  Religion,  a- 
 gainlt  thofe  that  would  undermine  it  by  the 
 torefaid  encouragement  of  Popery :  therefore 
 they  never  made  it  the  (Old  Caufe,)  to  difown 
 their  power  in  matters  of  Religion,  and  to  give 
 liberty  for  all  Religions. 
 
 3.  The  faid  Parliament  made  it  a  part  oflheir 
 complaints,  that  the  Malle  was  To  openly  poqfc 
 mitted  at  the  Queens  Chappell,  and  fo  madj 
 permitted  to  come  to  it,  therefore  they  took 
 not  liberty  for  the  Mafie,  to  be  the  Caufe  they 
 fought  for.  I  marvaile  how  it  would  have  beea 
 interpreted,  in  the  beginning  or  midft  of  the 
 firft  War,if  any  in  the  Parliament  had  faid,  We 
 fight  for  Liberty  for  the  Mafs,  and  to  maintain 
 that  we  have  no  power  to  hinder  it,  nor  in  any 
 matters  of  Faith  and  Worfhip. 
 
 4.  The  fame  Parliament  ( that  are  the  Judg- 
 es of  the  Old  Caufe,)  did  put  the  Articles  of 
 
 Heligioo 
 
An  Addition  to  the  Preface. 
 
 Religion  (  and  that  not  for  an  Univerfal  Tole- 
 ration,but  for  eftablifhing  the  Proteftant  Caufe) 
 into  all  their  Treaties  with  the  King :  and  infift- 
 ed  on  them  above  all  i  therefore  they  made  it 
 not  their  Gaufe  to  give  liberty  to  the  Mafs,  or 
 to  difclaim  any  power  about  the  matters  of 
 Faith  and  Worfhip. 
 
 5.  The  fame  Parliament  calling  ah  Afiem* 
 bly  of  Divines,  Authorized  them  but  to  Advife 
 them,  and  that  only  about  fuch  matters  as  they 
 fhould  propofe  to  them  themfelves :  And  they 
 debated  all  that  was  propounded  to  them  ^  and 
 pafied  what  they  faw  meet :  therefore  it  was 
 none  of  their  Old  Caufe,  that  Magiftrates  have 
 nothing  to  do  in  thefe  things. 
 
 6.  The  fame  Parliament  fetled  the  Presby- 
 terian Government  by  many  Ordinances:  there- 
 
 tre  they  thought  they  had  power  in  fuch  mat- 
 rs. 
 
 7.  The  fame  Parliament  paft  an  Ordinance 
 againft  Herefles  and  Blafpheming  $  Enumera- 
 ting divers  that  are  againft  Faith  and  Worfhip  ; 
 therefore  it  was  none  of  their  Old  Caufe  to  af- 
 fert  a  liberty  in  fuch  things,  and  to  difclaim  a . 
 power  to  reftrain  them. 
 
 8.  The  fame  Parliament  made  Laws  againft  • 
 Popery,  and  put  an  Oath  of  Abjuration  on 
 them,  .and  executed  the  Ancient  Laws  againft 
 them :  therefore  they  did  not  fight  for  Liberty 
 forthcMafs.  S>.The 
 
An  Addition  to  the  Preface. 
 
 g.  The  fame  Parliament  made  it  their  great 
 Argument  and  Advantage  againft  the  King, 
 that  he  favoured  the  Papifts,and  intended  them 
 a  Toleration  or  Connivance:  And  on  this 
 fuppofition  they  had  thoufands  that  came  in  to 
 fight  for  their  Caufe :  therefore  they  made  it 
 not  their  Caufe  to  fight  for  Liberty  of  all  Reli- 
 gions, or  of  Popery  alone. 
 
 10.  The  fame  Parliament  folemnly  fwore 
 themfelves,  and  engaged  the  Nation  in  Prote- 
 ftations  and  a  Covenant  to  defend  the  Yrote- 
 jlant  Religion,  and  to  endeavour  the  Reformation 
 of  Religion  in  Doctrine ,  Difcipline  >  Wor- 
 fl)ip7  and  Government,  and  to  bring  the  Church 
 inthe  three  Kingdomes  to  the  near efl  Conjunction 
 and  Uniformity  in  Religion,  Confefion  of  Faith? 
 ,  &c.  With  much  more  that  (hews,  that  they 
 made  it  not  the  caufe  of  their  War  to  prove  that 
 they  had  no  power  in  thefe  matters. 
 
 ii.  The  fame  Parliament  difplaced  many  in 
 the  Univerfities^pon  the  account  of  matters^)! 
 Religion,  and  they  caft  out  abundance  of  Mini- 
 ftersupon  the  fame  account:  therefore  it  was 
 not  the  caufe  of  their  War  to  prove  that  they 
 had  no  power  in  thefe  things. 
 
 12.  The  fame  Parliament  accufed  and  con- 
 demned the  Arch-Bifhop  of  Canterbury  for  en* 
 deavom  ing  to  alter  Religion,  and  introduce  Po- . 
 ptry  by  befriending  it:  And  Whidebanke  and 
 
 others 
 
An  Addition  to  the  Preface. 
 others  were  accufed  for  befriending  Priefts  and 
 Jefuites :  therefore  they  took  it  not  to  be  a  mat- 
 ter beyond  their  power  or  duty  to  meddle  in 
 thefe  things,nor  was  liberty  for  Popery  the  Old 
 Caufe, 
 
 2 .  And  as  it  is  not  the  old  Caufe,  fc  it  is  not 
 zGoodCanJe. 
 
 For  i .  Itcontradi&eth  the  exprefie  revelati- 
 on of  the  will  of  God5  in  the  holy  Scriptures. 
 Mofes  had  to  do  in  matters  of  Religion  as  a  Ma- 
 giftrate  •,  and  fo  had  the  Ruling  Elders  of  ijrael 
 that  affifted  him :  And  fo  had  the  Kings  of  ijrael 
 and  fada,  as  is  well  known.  Infomuch  that  in 
 A  fas  daies  they  covenanted  to  put  him  to  death 
 that  would  not  feek  the  Lord  God  of  ifrael. 
 But  of  this  more  in  due  place. 
 
 2.  It  tendeth  to  the  ruine  of  the  Common- 
 wealth :  and  therefore  it  is  no  good  Caufe.  How 
 God  was  provoked  by  Aarons  Calf,  and  by  his 
 Sons,  that  offered  ftrange  fire  which  the  Lord 
 commanded  not^Levit.  10.  and  what  was  the 
 effect,  and  what  benefit  the  Calves  at  Dan  and 
 Bethel  brought  to  ifrael  and  to  tfercboams 
 Mode,  and  the  High  places,  and  other  errours 
 about  Worfhip,  brought  to  the  Princes  and 
 People  ottfuda,  we  need  not  particularly  recite. 
 Law  and  Providence  are  quite  changed,  if  To- 
 leration of  falfe  Worfhip  and  other  abufes  of 
 Rclieion^enwinot  to  the  mine  of  the  Common- 
 c-eakh,  '  3,Thar 
 
An  Addition  to  xht  Preface. 
 
 3.  That  is  no  good  Caufe  that  vilifieththe 
 Magiftrate,  and  teacheth  the  People  fotodo, 
 and  fets  up  the  Minifters  of  the  Gofpel  above 
 him,  more  than  a  Prince  in  worldly  fplendor 
 is  above  a  Slave*  But  fuch  is  the  Caufe  that  I 
 am  now  oppofing.  The  matters  of  Gods  Wor- 
 fhip,of  Faith  and~Religion,are  more  above  the 
 matters  of  this  world,  than  that  comes  to.  If 
 Magiftrates  be  once  taken  to  be  fuch  terreftriall 
 Creatures,  as  that  their  bufinefTe  is  only  about 
 thefe  vile  corporeall  things,  their  office  will  be 
 efteemed  of,no  better  than  the  Objecfl  of  it,  or 
 the  work  in  which  they  are  imployed. 
 
 4.  The  Decalogue  was  the  Vitall  part  of  the 
 J>e\vs  PoliticalLaws,and  everyCommandement 
 of  the  firft  Table  was  feconded  with  a  Penall 
 San&ion  :  therefore  thefe  things  belong  to  the 
 Magiltrate. 
 
 5.  That  is  not  the  Good  Caufe  that  tendeth 
 directly  to  the  deftru&ion  of  Faith  and  Piety, 
 and  the  Everlaftiug  damnation  of  mens  fouls  : 
 But  fuch  is  this  of  Libertinifm  which  we  oppofe : 
 For,  Popery,  Mahometanifm,  Infidelity,  and 
 Heathenifm,  are  the  way  to  Damnation:  But 
 Liberty  to  preach  up  and  to  pra&ice  them,  is 
 the  means  to  make  men  Papifts,  Mahometans, 
 Infidels,  and  Heathens  •,  therefore  this  Liberty 
 is  the  way  to  mens  damnation. 
 
 It's  well  known  by  exjrerieaec,  how  ready 
 
 the 
 
An  Addition  to  the  Preface. 
 the  multitude  of  ignorant,  unfetled  and  proud 
 people  are  to  be  led  into  any  damning  courfe, 
 if  they  be  dealt  with  by  men  of  voluble 
 tongues,  and  that  come  with  any  advantages 
 to  deceive  them.  A  man  that  will  deny  the 
 life  to  come,  or  revile  Chrift  and  the  Scrip- 
 ture, or  teach  men  to  worfhip  Mahomet,  or 
 the  Sunneand  Moon,  if  he  have-liberty,  and 
 a  plaufible  tongue,  may  look  to  have  Difciples. 
 The  preaching  of  wifehood  hath  as  true  a  ten- 
 dency to  damn  men,  as  the  preaching  of  truth 
 hath  to  fave  them.  None  can  be  wicked  a- 
 gainft  their  wills :  rie  that  will  bring  men  to 
 damnation,  muft  do  it  by  deceiving  them,  and 
 enticing  them  thither :  They  that  moil  pro- 
 mote mens  delufion  in  the  matters  of  Faith  and 
 Holy  pra&ice,  do  moft  promote  their  damna- 
 tion. 
 
 And  how  deadly  an  enemy  contention  is  to 
 charity  and  holy  living,  and  how. certainly  the 
 Liberty  in  queftion  will  kndle  continual  con- 
 tentions, is  a  thing  too  evident  to  need 
 J>i$6f.i: 
 
 6.  That's  not  a  good  Caufe  that  gratifieth 
 Satan,  and  promoteth  his  Kingdom,  and  his 
 malicious  ends :  But  fo  doth  the  Liberty  now 
 in  queftion:  For  it  is  his  Liberty  y  to  deceive  by 
 his  Inftruments,  and  fo  to  damn  as  many  as  he 
 can.    When  he  is  let  loofe  to  deceive  them  that 
 
 dwell 
 
An  Addition  to  the  Preface. 
 
 dwell  on  the  Earth  ,  it  is  faddeft  with  the 
 Church  $  Satans  Liberty  to  deceive,  is  not  the 
 Chunks  Liberty,  nor  jxirchafed  by  Chriit  for 
 us,but  is  a  heavy  judgment.  As  Chrift  teach- 
 eth  and  faveth  by  his  Minifters  and  Do&rine, 
 and  hath  liberty  when  his  Word  doth  run  and 
 hath  its  liberty  5  fo  Satan  teacheth  and  deftroy- 
 eth  by  his  Inftruments  and  Do&rine,  and  hath 
 liberty  when  they  have  liberty. 
 
 7.  We  muft  pray  for  our  feives  and  others, 
 that  £  we  be  not  led  into  temptation :  ]  There- 
 fore it  is  not  a  good  Caufe  to  let  loofe  Tempters 
 by  a  Law,  or  to  permit  men  to  exercife  their 
 
 f  wit  and  eloquence  and  other  Faculties,  to  draw 
 as  many  as  they  can  to  finne  -7  even  to  thofe 
 finnesthat  have  the  ftrongeft  tendency  toper- 
 dition. 
 
 8.  If  Magiftrates  muft  give  Liberty  fen  all 
 to  propogate  a  falfe  Religion,  then  fo  muft  Pa- 
 rents and  Mafters  alio :  ( For  their  coercive 
 Power  is  rather  lefle  then  the  Magiftrates  then 
 more;  and  they  are  no  more  Lords  of  Faith 
 or  Confcience. )  But  if  all  Parents  and  Mafters 
 fliould  give  fuch  liberty,  it  would  be  a  crime 
 fo  horrid  in  the  nature  and  efFeds,  as  I  am  loath 
 to  name  with  its  proper  titles. 
 
 9.  A  Pari:  It  tendeth  to  the  deftrtt&ioh  of 
 an  Army,  to  give  liberty  to  all  men  todo  their 
 word  to  draw  them  to  Mutinies  and  Rebellion: 
 
 c  It 
 
An  Addition  to  the  Preface. 
 
 It  tends  to  the  mine  of  Families,  that  all  have 
 liberty  to  do  their  worft  to  tempt  the  Sonnes  to 
 theft  and  drunkennefle ,  and  the  Wife  and 
 Daughters  to  whoredome  :  It  tends  to  the  de- 
 ftru&ion  of  the  Commonwealth,  if  there  be 
 liberty  for  all  to  perfwade  the  people  to  fediti- 
 on  and  Rebellion :  And  therefore  it  muft  tend 
 to  the  deftrudtion  of  the  Church,  and  of  mens 
 Souls,and  confequently  of  the  Commonwealth 
 in  the  chief  refpe&s,  if  all  have  leave  to  do 
 their  worft  to  preach  up  Infidelity,  Mahome- 
 tanifme ,  Popery ,  or  any  falfe  Do&rine  or 
 Worfhip,  againft  the  great  and  neceffary 
 Truths. 
 
 10.  The  particular  Churches  by  the  Power 
 that  Chrift  hath  given  them  in  the  Gofpel,  may 
 judg  men  for  Herefie  and  falfe  worfhip  •,  and 
 muft  not  give  fuch  liberty.  7*7.3.10,11.  A 
 man  that  is  an  Hereticky  after  thefirfi  andfecond 
 admonition  reject :  Knowing  that  he  that  isfuchy 
 is  fubverted,  and  finneth  ,  being  condemned  of 
 himfelf  ajoh.  10.  if  there  come  any  to  yon> 
 and  bring  not  this  Doffrinc,  receive  him  not  in- 
 to your  houfe,  neither  bid  him  >  Godfjtced:  For 
 he  that  biddeth  him  God  fpeed,  is  fart  alter  of  his 
 cvildeeds.  Rev.2. 14,15,20.  But  I  have  a  few 
 things  againfi  thee,  becaufe  thou  hafi  there  them 
 that  hold  the  Doflrtne  of  Balaam — So  haft  thou 
 aljo  them  that  holdthe  Doilrincof  the  Nicolai- 
 
 tans? 
 
An  Addition  to  the  Preface. 
 
 tins,  which  thing  I  hate— Becaufe  thou  [uffereft 
 that  woman  $cz,ah.el>  which  calleth  her  [elf  a  Pro- 
 fhetefle,  to  teach  and  to  f educe  my  Servants,  to 
 commit  fornication,  and  to  eat  things  offered  to 
 Idols.  Elymas  was  ftruck  blind  for  refilling 
 theGofpel*  and  this  (though  miraculoufly  } 
 by  the  Miniftry  of  the  Apoftle*  Ananias  and 
 Sapbira  were  ilain  for  thinking  to  deceive  the 
 Holy  Ghoft.  Simon  Magus  feared  ftich  a  judg- 
 mentforfuch  another  finne:  Paul  wiflitthem 
 cutoff  that  troubled  the  Calatians.  He  de- 
 livered Blafphemers  up  to  Satan.  All  this 
 (hews  that  it  is  not  true,  tY&tChrift  only  U  to 
 jndge&ch  Errours,  cr  that  we  are  to  give  ac- 
 count to 'him  alone.  (And  if  Pallors  may 
 judge  them  as  to .  non-communion  ,  Magi- 
 strates may  judge  them  as  to  a  necellary  re- 
 ftraint. ) 
 
 Hence  alfo  it  is  apparent,  that  Pauls  words 
 Rom.  14.  Who  art  thou  that  jud^efi  thy  Bro- 
 ther,  &c.  are  nothing  for  this  Lfoertinifme,  or 
 dtbafing  of  the  Magiftrate :  For  he  fpeaketh 
 not  to  them  that  cali'd  their  Brethren  to  the  Ma* 
 giftmes  Barre^but  to  them  that  cenfured  them 
 in  their  own  minds,  or  in  the  Church  by  too 
 rigorous  uncharitable  cenfures :  And  yet  no- 
 thing is  more  apparent  then  that  Paul  did  fe- 
 vetely  cenfure  greater  errours  inFaith  and  Wor- 
 iliip  himfelf,  as  tbeforementioned  paffages  bar 
 
 c  a  witneile; 
 
An  Addition  to  the  Preface. 
 
 witnefle:  He  calls  the  Judaizefrs,  dogs,  evil 
 workers,  of  the  concifton,  &c.  The  whole  con- 
 text (hews,  that  in  Rom.  14,  and  15.  it  is  about 
 ("mailer  matters,  yea  things  in  themfelves  in- 
 different, that  Paul  doth  condemn  thecenfuring 
 of  our  Brethren,  either  by  mental  orChurch- 
 cenfure,  which  is  nothing  to  the  fubverfion  of 
 mens  Faith,  by  damning  Herefies,  or  to  falfc 
 Worfhip  in  the  great  fubftantial  Points, 
 
 Object.  But  he  that  faith,  that  we  mufi  give 
 account  to  Chrifi- alone, excludeth  not  the  Church, 
 hut  only  the  Magiftrate :  For  Chrifi  judgeth 
 by  the  Church,  and  they  are  fnbordinate  to 
 him. 
 
 Anfrv.  i.Itisexprefsly  £  the judgment  feats 
 cf  men'}  that  by  the  Authouris  contradiiiin- 
 guifhed  to  the  judgment  of  Chrifi:  Ahd  the 
 Church,  both  Paftours  and  People  are  men,  as 
 well  as  the  Magiftrate.  2.  The  Magiftrate 
 alfois  iheMinifier  of  the  Lord,  Rom.ii.  and 
 what  he  doth  rightly  is  owned  by  the  Lofd,  and 
 he  is  fubordinate  to  Chriil  in  his  placets  well  as 
 Minifters  are  in  theirs. 
 
 11.  The  honourable  Author  tell  us  Pag.n. 
 that  £  the  de fired  and  expected  end  of  this  bleffed 
 work  in  the  three  Nattonsy  is  the  bringing  in 
 Chritt,  the  defire  of  Nations  as  the  chief  Ruler 
 Among  us.  3  Yea  Pag.  19.  That  the  choice  of 
 ferjons  bearing  his  Image  into  the  Magiftracy, 
 
 may 
 
An  Addition  to  the  Preface. 
 may  produce  to  the  Jetting  up  of  the  Lord himfelf 
 and  chief  ^udge  and  Lawgiver  among  us,']  Now 
 either   he   meaneth    that  Chrift  immediately 
 by  himfelf  lliall  be  the  Judge  ,  or  mediately 
 by  his  officers      The  firft  cannot  be  his  fenfe, 
 as  I  have  many  reafons  to  believe.     And  if  ic 
 be  Chrift  by  his  officers ,   then  either  by  Ci- 
 vil officers ,    or  church-officers.     The  firft 
 cannot  rationally  be  judged  to  be  his  fenfe :  For 
 a  Holy  Magiftrate  is  fuppofed  to  be  the  Means 
 to  bring  in  Chrift  as  Judge :  and  the  Means  and 
 End  are  not  the  fame.     And  if  it  be  the  Go- 
 vernment of  Chrifts  by  Cbitrcb-officers,t\m  is 
 intended,  I  know  not  in  particnlar  what  is  in- 
 tended.   For  if  neither  the  Government  by 
 Biihops,  Presbyters,  People,  or  all  conjunct, 
 or  any  that  we  have  had  in  England,be  the  Go- 
 vernment of  Chrift,  I  know  not  what  Govern- 
 ment by  man  we  can  expeft  that  is  truly  his  : 
 And  therefore  if  we  have  not  the  Government 
 of  Chrift  already,   I  defpair   of  having   it 
 (  Though  I  hope  we  may  have  it  better  exer- 
 cifed  by  his  Officers. )     For  I  dare  confidently 
 fay,  that  the  Government  by  the  Romane  Vice- 
 Chrifiyis  none  of  the  Government  of  Christ  that 
 we  Jhould  :hofe  for  7  and  that  I  have  f  roved 
 it. 
 
 But  this  is  my  Argument:  If  the  Legiflati- 
 onand  Judgment  by  Jefus  Chrift  among  us  be 
 
 c  3  "the 
 
An  Addition  to  the  Preface. 
 
 the  End  that  our  Government  (hould  aim  at, 
 then  the  liberty  in  all  matters  of  Worfliip,  and 
 of  Faith,  is  not  the  Good  Caufc  $  for  this  is 
 againft,  and  moft  inconfiflent  with  this  Go- 
 vernment of  Chrift.  I  appeal  to  Reafon,wbe- 
 ther  to  give  men  liberty  to  preach  down  Chrift 
 as  a  deceiver,  to  preach  up  Mahomet,  to  wor- 
 ship th?  Sun  or  Moon,  to  deny  the  Refurre&i- 
 on,  or  perfwade  men  that  there  is  no  life  but 
 this,no  Heaven  or  Hell,  and  to  cry  down  Scrip- 
 ture and  a  holy  life,  and  all  aftual  worfhip  of 
 God,  &c.  I  fay ,  whether  liberty  for  thefe 
 ( yea  or  the  MafTe  alone  )  be  liker  to  be  the 
 Government  of  Jefus  Chrift,  or  conducing  to 
 it,  then  is  the  reftraintof  all  this  Infidelity  and 
 impiety  <  Doth  Chrift  rule  more  when  all  we 
 have  leave  to  fpit  at  his  Name,  and  call  him 
 Beelzebub y  and  to  deny  his  Faith  and  Worfliip, 
 then  where  none  are  fuffered  to  do  this  *  This 
 will  be  believed  but  by  few  that  confider  of  it. 
 At  leaft  when  a  Chriftian  thar's  now  deluded 
 with  the  fpecious  name  of  Religious  Liberty, 
 fhbuld  fee  the  pra&ice,  and  hear  his  Saviour  re- 
 viled by  the  Jews,  and  the  Mahometans,  and 
 the  wicked  heardened  in  their  finne,  by  being 
 told  that  there  is  no  life  but  this,  it  would  make 
 his  heartto  turn  and  tremble,and  then  he  would 
 fay,  that  this  Liberty  fignifieth  the  Reign  of 
 Satan,  and  not  of  Chrift  j  and  that  it  is  the 
 
 loofing 
 
An  Addition  to  the  Preface. 
 
 loofing  of  the  Dragon,  and  no:  the  liberty  or. 
 the  Saints.  It's  an  unholy  Saint  that  would 
 have  liberty  to  reproach  his  Lord,  or  deny  the 
 Faith,  or  any  EfTential  Article  of  it,  or  to  {peak 
 againft  his  holy  Worihip. 
 
 1 2 .  Liberty  in  all-  matters  of  Worjhip  and  of 
 Faith,  is  the  open  and  apparent  way  to  fet  up 
 Popery  in  the  Land :  Therefore  it  is  not  the  Goed 
 Caufe. 
 
 The  Antecedent  hath  fuch  evidence,  that 
 it  would  be  injurious  to  a  wife  mans  under- 
 ftanding,  to  fuppofe  that  he  doth  not  fee  it 
 (that  Popery  were  thus  likely  to  be  fet  up. ) 
 And  he  that  feeth  it,  and  yet  would  effect 
 it.-— 
 
 Confider  i.  How  futable  Popery  is  to  a  car- 
 nal inclination,  (as  I  have  manifeited  elfcwhere.) 
 2.  What  plaufible  Reafons  Papifts  have  to  de- 
 lude poor  fouls,  from  pretended  Univerfality, 
 Antiquity, efc.  3.  And  how  few  of  the  vul- 
 gar are  able  to  defend  their  Faith,  or  to  anfwer 
 the  two  great  Sophifticall  Queitions  of  the  Pa- 
 pill,  Where  hath  your  Church  been  Vifibleinalt 
 Ages  f  and,  How  prove  you  the  Scripture  to  be 
 the  Word  of  God?  4.  And  how  it  will  take 
 with  the  People  to  be  told  that  their  Fore-fa- 
 thers all  died  in  the  Roinane  Faith.  5.  And 
 above  all,  what  a  multi  tude  of  Jefuites,  Fryers, 
 *nd  Prieftscan  they  prepare  for  the  work,  and 
 
 c  4  pour 
 
An  Addition  to  the  Preface. 
 pour  out  upon  us  at  their  pleafure,  from  Flin- 
 ders, France^  Rome,  and  other  places.  An  J 
 how  tftefe  men  are  purpofely  trained  up  for 
 this  deceiving  work,  and  have  their  common 
 Arguments  at  their  fingers  ends  •,  which  though 
 they  are  thredbare  and  tranfparent  fallicies  to 
 the  wife,  yet  to  the  vulgar,  yea  to  our  unftudy- 
 ed  Gentry,  they  are  as  good  as  if  they  had  ne- 
 ver been  confuted,  or  as  the  beft.  6.  And 
 what  a  world  of  wealth  and  fecular  help  is  at 
 their  becks  in  France \F  landers, It aly,S fain,  Ger- 
 many,dec.  They  have  Millions  of  Gold,and  Na- 
 vies and  Armies  ready  to  promote  their  work, 
 which  other  Se&s  have  none  of.  7.  And  what 
 worldly  Motives  have  their  Priefts  and  Fryers 
 to  promote  their  zeal  i  Their  fuperiours  have 
 iuch  variety  of  Preferments,  nnd  ample  Trea- 
 fures  to  reward  them  with,  and  their  fingle  life 
 alloweth  them  fo  much  vacancy  from  Dome- 
 ftick  avocations ,  and  withall,  they  fo  much 
 glory  in  a  Pharifaicall  zeal  in  compaffing  Sea 
 and  Land  to  make  Profely  tes,  that  it  is  an  in- 
 credible advantage  that  they  get  by  their  indu- 
 flry :  the  envious  man  by  them  being  fowins  his 
 tares,  whileft  others  deep,  aad  afbaot  half  fo 
 Induftrious  in  refilling  them. 
 
 8.  What  abundance  have  they  lately  won 
 in  England,  notwithftanding  they  have  wanted 
 publique  liber ty,and  have  ooly  taken  fecret  op- 
 
 portu- 
 
An  Addition  to  the  Preface. 
 
 portunities  to  feduce  i  Perfons  of  the  Nobili- 
 ty, Gentry,  and  of  the  Clergy,  as  well  as  of 
 the  common  people,,  and  zealous  Profeflbrs  of 
 Religion  of  late,  as  well  as  the  prophane  have 
 beenfeduced  by  them.  Princes  in  other  Coun- 
 tries have  been  wonne  by  them  $  and  the  Pro- 
 teftant  Religion  cunningly  workt  out:  And 
 what  a  lamentable  encreafe  they  had  made  ia 
 England  before  our  Warres,  by  that  conni- 
 vance and  favour  which  through  the  Queen  was 
 procured  them  ,  ( though  incomparably  ihort 
 of  this  abfolute  Liberty )  is  fufficiently 
 known. 
 
 9.  And  it  is  not  the  leaft  of  our  danger , 
 that  the  moft  of  our  Miniftersare  unable  to 
 deal  with  a  cunning  Jefuite  or  Prieil :  And  this 
 is  not  to  be  wondered  at  •,  confidering  how  ma- 
 nay  of  them  are  very  young  men,  put  in  of 
 late  in  the  neceffity  of  the  Churches  (  which 
 the  world  knows  who  have  caufed )  and  there 
 muft  bz  time,  before  young  men  can  grow  to 
 maturity,  and  an  unfurnifhed  Nation  can  be 
 provided  with  able  experienced  men  •,  And  the 
 cetiation  of  Popifh  aflaults  of  late,hath  difufed 
 Minifters  frcto  thofe  Difputations :  The  Re- 
 formation feemed  to  have  brought  down  Po- 
 pery fo  low,  that  we  grew  fecure,  and  thought 
 there  was  no  danger  o?  it :  And  the  Papifts  of 
 late  have  forboja  much  to  meddle  with  us 
 
 bare- 
 
An  Addition  to  the  Preface. 
 
 bare-f  ac'd,  and  have  plaid  their  game  under  the 
 vizor  of  otherSe&s^  and  withall  young  godly 
 Minifters  hare  been  fo  taken  up  with  the  great- 
 er work  of  winning  fouls  from  common  pro- 
 phanenelle,  that  moft  have  laid  by  their  Defen- 
 five  Arms,  and  are  grown  too  much  unac- 
 quainted with  thefe  Controversies.  We  have 
 fo  much  noted  how  Controverfie  in  other 
 Countries  hath  eaten  out  much  of  the  Power 
 of  GodlinefTe,  that  we  have  fallen  by  difufe  into 
 an  unacquaintednelfe  with  the  means  of  our  ne- 
 cefiary  Defence  •,  and  while  we  thought  we 
 might  lay  by  our  weapons,  and  build  with  both 
 hands,  we  are  too  much  unready  to  withftand 
 the  adverfary.  Alas,  what  work  would  Li- 
 berty for  Jefuites  and  Fryers,  make  in  our 
 Congregations  in  a  few  Monethsfpace !  I  muft 
 confefs  this,  though  fome  will  think  it  is  our  di- 
 shonour. It  is  not  from  any  ftrength  in  their 
 Caufe  ( for  they  argue  againft  common  fenfe 
 it  felf  ^ )  but  from  their  carnal  advantages,  and 
 our  difadvantages  fore-mentioned.  It's  eafier 
 f  o  pull  down  then  build  -7  and  to  fet  a  Town  on 
 fire  than  to  re-edifie  one  Houfe  $  and  to  wound 
 than  to  heal* 
 
 10.  And  then  if  Popery  (hould  come  in, 
 what  meafure  Proteftants  may  look  for  at  their 
 hands,  we  need  not  go  out  otEngUxdznd  Ire- 
 land  for  proof. 
 
 Heave 
 
An  Addition  to  the  Preface. 
 
 I  leave  it  therefore  to  the  Judgment  of  all 
 men  that  are  not  faft  afleep  in  their  fecurity,  and 
 utterly  unacquainted  with  the  advantages  of  the 
 Papifts,  Whether  this  Define  of  Engaging  the 
 Magifirates  by  a  Fundamental  Confiitution,  not 
 to  meddle  with  Matters  of  Faith  and  Worjhip, 
 hut  leave  them  all  to  Chrifi  alonty  be  not  the 
 frefem  fetting  up  of  Popery  in  England  5  and 
 the  delivering  all  the  fruit  of  our  La- 
 bours, Prayers  and  Vi&ories  into  the  Papifts 
 hands { 
 
 And  I  would  be  refolved,  Whether  he  that 
 is  not  wife  enough  to  know  this  ?  Or,  He  that 
 knoweth  it,  and  yet  would  do  it  f  Be  either  of 
 them  deftrable  Rulers  for  this  Common- 
 wealth? 
 
 Obj.  But  Liberty  for  Popery  and  Prelacy  8 
 Still  excepted. 
 
 Anfw.  By  whom  <  Not  by  the  Honourable 
 Anfwerer  of  the  Healing  Queftion.  Clean 
 contrary,  it  is  [  Matters  of  Religion,  or  that 
 concerns  the  Service  and  Worjhip  of  God,  yea 
 All  matters  of  Gods  Worjhip  ,  ice.  ~j  without 
 any  fuch  exceptions  at  all.  And  if  all  Worjhip 
 be  out  of  the  Magifirates  reach,  than  fo  is  the 
 Majfe^  and  the  preaching  for  it.  And  if 
 all  Matters  of  Faith,  then  the  Papifts 
 Faith. 
 
 But  if  there  had  been  aa  exception  againft  Po- 
 pery 
 
An  Addition  to  the  Preface. 
 pery  put  in,  it  would  have  been  to  little  pur- 
 pofe,  as  long  as  a  general  Rule  is  laid  down  that 
 condenineth  that  exception.     For  if  it  be  the 
 ftanding  Rule,  that  matters  ot  Religion  and 
 Faith,  and  all  matters  of  Worship  are  out  of 
 the  Magtflrates  power  :  To  fay  then,  that  Po- 
 pery fiall  be  excepted  from  Liberty,  is  to  fay, 
 The  Magiftrate.  ihall  £  intrude  into  the. proper 
 office  of  Chrip  3  ( as  the  Honourable  Author 
 fpeaks,^*g\6.)  to  reftrain  the  Papifts.     The 
 unr>:  ifonablenefle  of  this  will  quickly  procure  a 
 repeal.     And  how  can  fuch  a  Senate  deny  the 
 Papifts  Liberty  ,  when  they  plead  their  own 
 Principles,  yea  their  Fundamental  Conftituti- 
 on  for  it  i  It's  paft  doubt  this  Do&rine  deliver- 
 eth  up  England  to  the  Pope :  I  know  Infidels, 
 and  alfo  many  tolerable  Se&s  are  all  at  work  as 
 well  as  Papifts :  But  Infidels  go  againft  fo  much, 
 fo  clear  prevailing  light,  and  make  fuch  a  hor- 
 rid motion  to  mens  fouls,  and  the  tolerable 
 Se<5h  are  broken  into  fo  many  parts,  and  with- 
 all  would  ufe  us  tolerably,  if  they  (hould  pre- 
 vail, and  all  of  them  are  void  of  thofe  Maga- 
 zines of  Learned  men,  and  Money,  and  Arms, 
 and  Power  at  their  backs,  which  the  Papifts 
 have,  that  it's  eafie  to  fee  that  the  Papifts  ( yet 
 fmiling  on  the  Infidel  >  would  fwallow  up  all. 
 I  am  paft  doubt  that  I  (hall  offend  by  thefe  cx- 
 pVeffions,    But  if  it  were  my  own  cafe,I  fhould 
 
 hardly 
 
An  Addition  to  the  Preface 
 hardly  yeeld  to  die,  left  my  friend  would  take 
 it  unkindly,  if  Irefiftcdhim,  that  would  ami- 
 cably deprive  me  of  my  life.  And  fhould  I  fi- 
 lently  fee  the  Nation  and  Churches  here  un- 
 done, left  I  give  offence,  when  the  matter  is 
 of  greater  confequence  than  ten  thoufand 
 lives  i 
 
 So  much  to  the  Old  Caufe :  now  of  the 
 Per  Jons. 
 
 Prop.  7.  It  is  not  the  Party  that  hath  own- 
 ed, and  now  owneth  the  fore-aefcribe&  Cau[e, 
 that  have  the  Right  of  being  free  Citizen*, 
 or  of  Compofing  the  Commonwealth  ,  or  of  Go* 
 verning  or  chooftng  Governours,  any  more  than 
 thofe  that  own  it  not :  Nor  is  any  man  to  be 
 dive  fed  of  this  Right ,  for  not  owning  this 
 Caufe :  And  ihould  that  Party  only  take  them- 
 felves  for  the  free  Ele&ors  of  our  Parliament, 
 and  divert  all  others  of  their  freedom,  it  would 
 be  one  of  the  moft  tyrannical,  impious,  perfi- 
 dious ads,  that  Hiftory  ever  revealed  to  the 
 world,  and  would  prepare  for  the  perpetuall 
 ftiame  of  the  Agents  (to  fay  nothing  of  the  mi- 
 fery  of  their  fouls.) 
 
 I  prove  it.  1.  Falfhood  and  wickednefTe 
 can  give  none  aright  to  Chufe,  or  to  Govern, 
 nor  can  the  want  of  it  prove  men  void  of  that 
 Right :  But  the  Caufe  here  defer ibed  isfalfe  and 
 wicked:  The  firft  branch  of  it  £  That  the  Peo- 
 
An  Addition  to  the  Preface* 
 
 pie  have  the  natural  proper  Soveraignty.  ]  I 
 have  proved  falfe  in  this  Book:  But  yet  I  infift 
 not  fo  much  on  this,  i.  Becaufe  it  is  but  £  Li- 
 lerty  of  choice"]  which  we  all  maintain,  that  fome 
 men  mifcall  by  the  name  of  [_Soveraignty.~]  But 
 for  thofe  that  mean  ill,  as  well  asjpeak  ill,  their 
 opinion  fubverteth  the  foundations  of  Govern-^ 
 ment. 
 
 And  the  other  part  of  the  Caufe  [  thcllni- 
 vtrfal Liberty  in  matters  of  Faith  and  Worfhip, 
 dnd  the  nullity  of  the  Duty  and  Power  of  the 
 Magistrate  herein  ]  I  have  proved  it  ( and  hope 
 to  do  more  fully  )  to  be  a  wicked  Caufe.  And 
 if  none  fhall  have  Power  or  Liberty  in  the 
 Commonwealth',  but  thofe  that  own  fuch  a 
 wicked  Caufe,  let  the  world  judge  on  what 
 grounds  you  go,  and  what  kind  of  Common- 
 wealth we  (hall  have  conftituted. 
 
 2.  By  this  Rule  (of  confining  Power  and 
 Liberty  to  the  owners  of  the  fore-defcribed 
 Caufe)  the  Old  Parliament  muft  be  excluded 
 from  all  Power  and  Liberty,  and  fo  made 
 flaves:  For  they  fully  fignified  their  Judg- 
 ment to  be  againft  it :  Not  only  in  all  the  fore- 
 mentioned  waies  and  ads,  butj  alfo  by  Aftsor 
 Ordinances  aginft  prophane  Swearing,  and  for 
 the  holy  observation  of  the  Lords  Bay,  and  divers 
 the  like  about  Religion. 
 
 3-  And  all  the  Parliaments  that  have  been 
 
 eyer 
 
An  Addition  to  the  Preface. 
 ever  fince  ( that  which  the  people  chofe  not,  { 
 call  not'a  Parliament : )  have  all  difcovered  their 
 Judgments  againft  this  Caufe. 
 
 4.  So  did  the  old  Lord  Prote&or  Cor  Gene- 
 ral, which  you  mil)  in  his  time. 
 
 5.  So  did  all  the  Parliaments  in  King  J-ames 
 and  the  beginning  of  King  Charles  his  time, 
 that  madefuch  ado  againft  the  connivance  at^ 
 and  encreafe  of  Popery  and  Arminianifm  (  & 
 you  may  fee  in  Mr.  Buftworiks  Collections : ) 
 And  were  none  of  thefe  fit  to  be  exempted 
 from  flavery,  and  to  be  free  men  in  a  Common- 
 wealth  i 
 
 6.  This  very  Parliament  as  it  was  before 
 its  diffolution,  declared  themfelves  of  another 
 mind^  and  medled  with  matters  of  Religion  and 
 Worlhip,  as  in  many  inftances  I  can  quickly 
 prove. 
 
 7.  The  Army  according  to  this  Rule,  muft 
 be  enflaved.  and  deprived  of  Liberty  and  Pow> 
 er.  For  they  have  more  than  once  declared 
 themfelves  againft  this  Univerfal  Liberty  in  Re- 
 ligion, Firft  in  their  Agreement  of  the  People, 
 and  then  in  the  Injlrument  of  Government  $  and 
 now  in  their  Propojals  to  this  Parliament,  they 
 exclude  from  Liberty ,Popery,and  Pre  lacy  ^nd  all 
 that  profefi  not  Faith  in  God  by  JefusChrifl,  or 
 in  the  Trinity  5  and  that  profeffe  m  to  believe 
 the  holy  Scriptures.     And  it  the  Anpy  alfo 
 
 muft 
 
An  Addition  to  the  Preface. 
 
 muft  be  denied  Liberty,  who  ihall  have  it  i 
 when  yet  you  defcribe  the^W  Party  by  their 
 adhering  to  the  Army?  Even  in  this caufcj, 
 which  the  Army  was  againft?  They  were  in- 
 deed for  too  much  Liberty,  but  not  for  fuch  a 
 Liberty  as  this. 
 
 8.  The  fame  I  may  fay  of  all  thofe  Judges 
 and  Citizens  of  London,  and  other  perfonsof 
 quality,  that  owned  the  Inflrument  of  Govern- 
 ment. 
 
 g.  Yea, 1  may  boldly  fay,  That  it  is  the 
 farre  greateft  part  of  the  godly  in  the  Land  that 
 muft  be  disfranchized  by  this  Rule :  For  the  far 
 greateft  part  of  them  abhorre  the  thoughts  of 
 Liberty  for  the  Ma(Je7  and  for  preaching  up 
 Popery,  Mahomet  anijm  or  Infidelity:  Molt  ot 
 them  defired  the  Acts  for  the  Lords  Diy  , 
 which  fheweth  that  they  are  for  no  fuch  Li- 
 berty. 
 
 10.  And  if  it  were  a  juft  and  pious  opinion, 
 yet  there  is  nothing  in  it,  that  our  Liberties 
 fhould  lie  upon.  It  men  have  a  natural  Right 
 to  their  Liberties,  as  you  intimate  ^  how  can 
 it  be  proved  that  this  Right  is  loft  to  all  that  do 
 not  thus  debafe  the  Magiftrate,  and  arc  not  {or 
 fuch  extended  Liberty  i  We  may  differ  much 
 more  than  this  I  hope,  without  forfeiting  our 
 Civil  Liberties.  Good  men  are  as  lyable  to 
 differ  in  judgment  about  a  point  in  Politicks 
 «  (^whict 
 
An  Addition  to  the  Preface. 
 
 ( which  is  little  ftndied  by  them  )  as  of  Religi- 
 on: And  in  Religion  it  felf^  if  other  differen- 
 ces deprive  us  not  of  Liberty,  why  fhouid  this 
 only  be  thought  fufficient.  If  one  that  belie- 
 vetb  not  a  life  to  come,  may  have<  Liberty  ^ 
 why  may  not  one  who  thinks  thatfuch  fiouldnot 
 be  tolerated  to  fr  of  agate  their  unbelief?  Are 
 thofe  uncapable  of  Liberty  in  England,t\\zt  have 
 Liberty  in  all  other  Chriftian  Commonwealths'; 
 And  are  thofe  uncapable  of  Liberty  in  England 
 now,  under  the  intended  Commonwealth,that 
 have  hitherto  enjoyed  it,  and  confuted  the 
 Commonwealth?  We  (hall  then  fee  how  Li- 
 berty is  promoted. 
 
 Prop.  8.  Conqneft  doth  give  neither  the  Ar- 
 m%  northe  friends  of  the  j ore- described  Caufe, 
 any  Soveraignty,or  Right  to  deprive  us  of  our  Li- 
 berty that  dtforvns  that  Caufcor  any  Right  to  Rule 
 us,.or%  to  Refijl  our  Rulers. 
 
 I  prove  it  thus :  i.  They  fought  and  con- 
 quered but  in  the  capacity  of  Subjefts  %  and 
 therefore  could  win  no  more  then  the  Rights  of 
 $ubje&s  to  themfelves.They  fought  not  for  $o~ 
 veraignty  to  themfelves,  therefore  they  won  no, 
 Soveraignty  to  themfelves.  I  (ijppofe  they  will 
 not  fay,  they  fought  for  it -7  nor  { fir  more  than 
 the  Securing  and  Improving  of  the  Rights  and 
 Liberties  which  they  had  before. 
 
 2.  What  Armies  win  (  befide  their  pay  andt 
 £  iawtv.U 
 
An  Addition  to  the  Preface. 
 lawfull prize)  they  win  for  their  lawful!  Go- 
 vernours.  under  whofe  Authority  they  fight, 
 and  not  for  them(elves.  If  Towns  and  Ca- 
 ftles  won  by  Warre  be  not  the  Armies,  but 
 the  Civil  Powers  under  whom  they  ferve,much 
 lefife  is  Soveraignty  theirs  by  Conqueft.  If 
 any  could  win  it  by  Conqueft  it  was  the  Parlia- ' 
 ment,  to  whom  the  Souldiers  did  profefle  fub- 
 jedion. 
 
 3.  The  Parliament  that  had  a  part  in  the  So- 
 veraignty were  not  ( juftly )  conquered  by  the 
 Army :  Therefore  the  Soveraignty  could  not 
 be  won  from  them  by  the  Conqueft.  For  the 
 Parliament  had  no  Warre  with  the  Army,  or 
 none  wherein  the  Army  could  have  a  juft  Caufe 
 and  pretence  of  Conqueft, 
 
 4.  It  is  the  Peoples  Right  to  choofe  their 
 Governours. 
 
 But  the  People  of  England  (  befides  the 
 Cavaliers  )  were  not  conquered  by  the  Army : 
 Therefore  they  have  notloft  their  Right  by  be- 
 ing conquered,  nor  can  be  denied  the  exercife 
 ot  it,  nor  can  any  pretend  a  Power  ot  Ruling 
 rhem  by  Conqueft  without  their  choice. 
 
 1 .  That  we  are  not  conquered  by  the  Army 
 i*  p&ift,  in  chat  we  never  tought  againft  them, 
 ;  he!  therefore  could  not  be  conquered  by 
 them. 
 
 2.  In  that  many  of  us  fought  for  our  Liber- 
 ties as  w  ell  as  they.  Obj, 
 
An  Addition  ta  the  Preftee. 
 
 Obj.  Bnt  the  Army  were  not  Mercenary  Soul- 
 diers,  and  therefore  are  mt  tied  to  the  Lam  of 
 fucb. 
 
 Anfve.  Either  the  meaning  is,  that  they  ne- 
 ver took  pay,  or  elfe  that  they  made  not  their 
 pay  their  ultimate  end.  The  firfl  will  not  be 
 laid  or  believed.  The  fecond  is  a  fecret  of  the 
 Heart :  but  charity  binds  us  to  believe  it  to  be 
 true:  For  it  is  a  hard  Queition,  Whether/^ 
 a  mercenary  Souldier  that  kills  men  meerlyfor 
 eight  pence,or  two  {hillings  fix  pence  a  day  ( or 
 more  )  be  not  as  bad  as  a  Cannibal,  that  killeth 
 them  to  eat.  Sure  we  are  he  is  unworthy  the 
 name  of  a  Chriftian,  if  not  of  a  man.  And 
 it's  no  good  confequence,  that  men  have  acqui- 
 red Soveraignty,  or  a  Right  to  Refill  the  So- 
 veraign ,  becaufe  they  were  not  fo  inhumane. 
 And  yet  none  can  fpeak  fuch  things  certainly  of 
 ajiy  but  himfelf,becaufe  we  know  not  the  hearts 
 of  others. 
 
 2.  But  ftill  they  fought  as  Subjects,  though 
 not  as  fuch  Mercenary  Soiddiers^  and  therefore 
 as  Subjetls  they  were  bouad  to  continue  in  Obe- 
 dience tor  confcience  fake. 
 
 5.  If  Conqueft  be  a  Title  either  to  Rule, of 
 rifift  Rulers,  then  it  is  either  the  General  only, 
 or  the  Army  under  him  that  hath  won  to  them- 
 felves  this  Right.  It  the  Gentrd  enly,  then 
 thr  Army  are  ncverthelefs  Subjects  (till:  If  to 
 
 da 
 
An  Addition  to  the  Preface. 
 
 the  Amy 7  then  cither  to  the  officers  only,  or 
 to  the  common  Souldiers.  To  the  officers  only 
 it  cannot  be  ^  for  the  fame  reafon  thac  will  put 
 by  the  General  from  that  Soveraign  or  Right, 
 will  fttt  by  them.  And  if  it  did  not,  how  (hould 
 we  know  whether  it  were  All  the  officers y  or 
 which  of  them*.  If  it  be  the  common  Souldiers 
 that  have  won  the  Soveraignty  ,  and  fo  it  is 
 in  the  Major  Vote,  why  then  do  the  Officers 
 prefume  to  command  them  i  Yea  then  they 
 muft  be  Ruled  by  them,  as  their  Supream  Go- 
 vernours. 
 
 6.  If  Conqueft  were  a  Title  to  Soveraign- 
 ty it  would  belong  to  all  that  conquered :  And 
 I  doubt  not  but  there  are  ten.,  if  not  twenty 
 Souldiers  in  theCountrey  that  have  laid  down 
 Arms  fince  the  enemy  was  conquered,  for  one 
 that  is  yet  remaining  in  the  Army  that  had  a 
 part  in  that  Conqueft. 
 
 7.  If  Conqueft  were  fuch  a  Title,  I  have 
 reafon  to  believe  that  it  is  but  a  fmall  part  of  the 
 Army  comparatively  that  have  that  Title,  as 
 being  not  in  the  Army  at  the  Conqueft :  I  be- 
 lieve that  moft  of  them  are  fince  come  in,or  ve- 
 ry many  at  leaft. 
 
 8.  You  fay  that  the  Good  People  not  in 
 Arms,  owning  the  fapieCaufe,  have  the  fame 
 Right:  Therefore  it  is  not  meerly  by  Con- 
 eucftv    For  they  conquered  not  fo  much  as  we 
 
 that 
 
'An  Addition  to  the  Preface, 
 
 that  continued  in  the  Army,  till  the  firft  Warre 
 was  ended. 
 
 9.  The  trefent  Officers  at  this  lafi  Change 
 were  not  ail  of  a  mind,  that  yet  had  an  equal 
 hand  in  Conqueft.  And  how  comes  an  Opini- 
 on to  make  one  part  of  the  Conquerours  to  be 
 the  Rulers  of  the  reft  t 
 
 10.  If  Conqueft  gave  the  Army  Power  to 
 Rule  or  Reiift,  then  it  feems  they  had  juft 
 Power  to  put  out  this  Parliament  when  they 
 did  it,  and  may  do  fo  again,  if  they  think  it 
 beft:  And  may  they  do  fo  by  all  future  Par- 
 liaments in  their  time,  or  not  ?  If  not,  how 
 come  they  to  have  more  Power  over  that  Par- 
 liament \v\i\ch  they  ferved  under,  than  over  o- 
 thers  i  If  they  have  fuch  Power  over  all,  then 
 why  do  they  not  tell  us  fo,  and  exercife  the  Go- 
 vernment themfelves. 
 
 In  a  word,  here  is  no  room  for  any  rational 
 plea  for  a  Right  of  Soveraignty  by  Conqueft. 
 And  if  there  were,  it  would  be  in  the  Majo- 
 rity of  the  Conquerours,  that  are  not  in  the 
 Army.  And  if  there  be  no  Right  ef  Sove- 
 raignty, there  muft  be  Subjeftion,  and  no 
 more  Right  of  Refifting  than  other  Subjects 
 have.  And  if  it  be  confined  to  the  owners  of 
 the  fore-defcribed  Cauje,  then  the  Army  is 
 excluded,  that  hath  difowned  that  Caufe :  Or 
 if  they  did  own  it,  it  feems  they  would  lofe 
 d  3  their 
 
An  Addition  to  the  Freface. 
 
 their  Power, when  ever  they  fhould  change  their 
 opinion. 
 
 Teach  not  all  Armies  ( that  fay  they  have 
 higher  ends  than  money )  to  take  themfelves 
 for  the  Conqueroars  of  their  Soveraigns :  And 
 teach  not  future  Parliaments  that  Do&rine, 
 left  they  choofe  a  cheaper  flavery  from  the  ene- 
 myDrather  than  theraifingof  an  Army  to  depofe 
 themfelves. 
 
 In  all  this,  I  pretend  not  that  the  Honou- 
 rable Authour  is  any  further  againft  my  Pro- 
 potitions,  than  his  plain  expreffions  fatif- 
 tie  the  Reader:  For  I  am  not  fure  in 
 this  point  of  Conqueft  that  I  well  underftand 
 him. 
 
 But  I  may  fafely  conclude.  That  they  that 
 go  againft  \_  the  Laws  and  Conftitutions  of 
 Government  ]  and  take  [  Succejje  and  Con- 
 quest for  their  Law  ]  and  Q  their  military 
 capacity  for  their  utmoft  and  Lift  referve,  in 
 cafe  all  other  fail,  ~]  (  : >s  he  (peaks,  pag.g.  ) 
 have  a  lamentable  Qiufe ,  and  fetting  their 
 wifdome  againft  the  Lords,  and  making  their 
 conceits  or  intereft  their  Law,  do  fall  under  the 
 terrible  Threatnings  of  the  Word,  againft  the 
 Refifters  of  Authority. 
 
 Prop.  9.  They  that  pretend  £  the  imv.tr d 
 warrant  cf  J-nflice  and  Ki'?hteeufne(fe~]  ( z$ 
 hefpeaketh^.  9.  J    and  \^the  inward  reajon 
 
 and 
 
An  Addition  to  the  Preface. 
 
 And  fpirit  of  Government  ]  for  the  violation 
 if  Laws    or    Confiitutions ,    or   Refifiing   of. 
 Authority,  as  being  above  £  the  Letter,  Form, 
 outward  circumflances,  and  empty  Jbadows  ~]  do 
 reject  the  Government  of  the  Lord,  and  become 
 their  own  Governonrs.  ] 
 
 Reafon  i.  The  Rule  of  Righteoufnefle  is 
 without  us  in  the  Laws^  and  there  can  be  no 
 fuch  thing  as  an  Inward  Righteoufnefle,  which 
 is  contrary  to  that  outward  Law,  the  Rule 
 of  Righteoufnefle.  There  can  be  no  fuch 
 thing  as  an  inward  Righteoufnefle  >  that  is 
 not  conformed  to  the  Rule  of  Righteouf- 
 nefle, becaufe  that  conformity  is  its  eflential 
 form. 
 
 2.  It  it  be  the  Intention  of  a  good  end, 
 that  ts  here  meant  by  the  Inward  Reafon  and 
 fpirit  of  Government  2  it's  commonly  known 
 that  the  means  muft  be  good  as  well  as  the 
 end-,  and  that  a  Good  end  will  not  juftifie  bad 
 means. 
 
 3.  Were  it  the  proper  fenfe  of  the  Law  that 
 is  called  [  the  reafon  and  faint  of  it  3  that's  di- 
 ftinguiihed  from  the  Letter,  we  (hould  all  ac- 
 knowledge, that  the  fenfe  is  the  Law,  and  the 
 Letter  is  but  to  fignifie  the  fenfe  or  mat- 
 ter: So  that  all  would  not  have  failed  ,  to 
 caft  them  on  their  military  capacity  as  a  lafre- 
 ferve. 
 
 d  4  4.  We 
 
An  Addition  to  the  Frefacel 
 
 4.  We  all  Jconfefle  that  there  are  cafes  in 
 which  the  Law  of  God  may  nullifie  contradict- 
 ing Laws  of  men,  and  the  end  being  of  Gods 
 appointment,  and  the  means  but  of  mans,  or 
 clfe  but  of  Pofitive  inftitution ,  when  the 
 means  ceafeth  to  be  a  means,  and  is  inconfiftent 
 with  the  end,  it  may  ceafe  to  be  a  duty*  But 
 1.  That  will  not  allow  men  to  fet  up  means 
 of  their  own,  forbidden  by  God  ^  and  to  do 
 evil  that  good  may  come  by  it.  2.  And  I 
 have  proved  that  it  muft  be  a  greater  neceffity 
 than  any  could  be  here  pretended.  As  it  is 
 dangerous  pretending  a  Neceffity  of  Violating 
 other  Laws  as  in  the  Letter-,  and  to  murder, 
 commit  adultery,  fteal ,  bear  falfe  witneffe, 
 upon  that  pretence  •,  fo  it  is  dangerous  as  to  dif- 
 honour  our  Natural  or  Civil  Father,  or  Refift 
 them",  much  more  to  depofe  them,  on  fuch  a 
 pretence,  where  there  is  not  indeed  a  warranting 
 neceffity. 
 
 I  long  thought  that  the  too  eafie  pleading 
 the  Reafon  and  fpirit  of  Gods  Laws  and  Or- 
 dinances of  Worfliip  againft  the  Letter  and 
 Form,  would  grow  to  the  like  afage  of  Ma- 
 giftracy  and  mans  Laws.  But  what  God  hath 
 joyned,  no  man  fhould  feperate.  As  the  Bo- 
 dy may  be  kept  under,  and  ufedasa  fervant  to 
 the  foul ,  when  yet  to  feperate  them  is  felf- 
 jxmrder  3  and  as  the  outward  Ordinances  of 
 
 Worfliip 
 
An  Addition  to  the  Preface. 
 
 Worship  muft  be  ufed  in  a  fubferviency  to  the 
 internal  graces  of  the  Spirit  $  but  not  be  caft  off 
 on  fuppofition  that  they  are  hinderances :  So 
 Magiftratesand  their  Laws  muft  be  obeyed  in 
 a  fubordination  to  God  and  his  Laws  5  but 
 not  caft  off,  refilled,  or  depofed,  without  and 
 againft  the  Authority  of  the  Univerfal  Sove- 
 raign. 
 
 But  if  all  this  were  other  wife,  yet  the  own- 
 ers of  the  fore-defcribed  (  evil  YCaufe  y  have 
 nothing  from  the  Spirit  and  Reak  of  Govern- 
 •  ment,  againft  them  that  have  th^Vifdom  and 
 Honefty  to  difown  it. 
 
 Yea,  if  menflioald  really  do  good  to  a  Na- 
 tion by  fuch  unwarrantable  Refiftance,  it 
 will  not  juftifie  them  from  the  guilt  of  the 
 finne. 
 
 Prop.  10.  For  all  this  the  Honourable  Author 
 dothaffert,  (pag.  10,)  That  £  unto  the  wisdom 
 of  the  Laws  and  Orders  of  the  Soveraign  judica- 
 ture, the  Sword  is  to  become  mofi  entirely  fab- 
 ]ttt  and  fttbfcrviem :  ]  Therefore  fo  [bouldyour 
 Sword  have  been  to  the  Parliament  that  vert  vio- 
 lated. 
 
 They  are  no  fmall  fruits  that  would  be  pro- 
 cured by  your  conviction,  if  thefe  evident  Rea- 
 fons  might  prevail  for  your  Repentance* 
 
 1.  Your  fouls  would  be  faved  from  the 
 '  guilt* 
 
 v .  •  z.  Thoufands 
 
An  Addition  to  the  Preface. 
 
 2.Thou(knds  may  be  faved  from  making  the 
 fume  their  own  by  anafter-coftfent  or  approba- 
 tion. 
 
 $.  You  will  ftop  here,and  go  on  no  further, 
 and  no  longer  keep  out  fo  many  faithfull  Mem- 
 bers, under  the  name  of  the  corrupt  Majori- 
 ty, And  when  we  are  fet  in  joynt  again,  by 
 your  .Reftitution  to  your  Subje&ion  and  Inte- 
 grity, and  our  Rulers  Reftitution  to  their 
 Power  and  Truft,  and  the  Peoples  Reftitution 
 to  their  RigtAnd  Liberties,our  Peace  and  fafe- 
 ty  will  be  Reftored. 
 
 As  I  was  concluding,  I  received  two  Wri- 
 tings :  One  by  Mr.  Harrington,  expreffing  his 
 juft  indignation  againft-an  Oligarchy,  or  the  fet- 
 ting  up  of  a  felt- conceited  Party,  in  ftead  of  a 
 true  Commonwealth*.  The  other  to  Mr*  Har- 
 rington in  a  Letter  (  of  the  fame  ftyle  with 
 the  Anfwer  to  the  Healing  gueftion)  plead- 
 ing for  the  Godly  s  Inter  eft  ,  and  a  Senate  to 
 have  the  Propoftng  and  Executive  Power.  I 
 leave  it  to  the  Reader,  whether  the  way  I  here 
 hold  be  not  the  true  Mean  between  the  cx- 
 treams  <  That  All  be  acknowledged  free  Ci- 
 tizens, that  jfubjeft  themfelves  to  God  in 
 Chrift,  and  td  the  true  Soveraign  Power :  yet 
 fo  as  that  wickednefle  forfeit  their  Li- 
 berty. 
 
 Anchve  muft  e^rneftly  crave,  that  the  God- 
 
 h 
 
An  Addition  to  ihc  Preface. 
 
 ly  Party  may  not  be  defined  by  the  fore- men- 
 tioned points  of  the  ill  Caufe  (  Popular  Sove- 
 raignty,  and  common  Liberty  in  all  matters  of 
 Worfhip,  and  of  Faith,  as  things  without  the 
 reach  of  Magiftrates. )  The  lefle  Humility, 
 the  leffe  GodlinefTe :  But  how  little  Humility 
 have  they  that  take  all  to  be  ungodly  through 
 the  Land,  that  agree  not  with  them  in  this  bad 
 opinion  i  It  is  Q  the  whole  Party  of  Honefi 
 men  3  that  the  Authour  of  the  Healing  <%ue- 
 ftion  would  have  one  civil  Incorporation,  pag# 
 ii.  where  he  ibevvs  the  danger  to  [the  Army 
 and  their  Governours,  that  may  come  by  fa- 
 ting and  keeping  up  themselves  in  a  divided 
 inter  eft  from  the  reft  of  the  Btdy  of  Hone  ft 
 men.  ~]  But  he  that  can  confine  the  whole  body 
 of  hone  ft  men?  to  fo  narrow  a  room  as  the  Own- 
 ers of  the  aforefaid  Caufe,  will  give  away  one  of 
 his  beft  Arguments  ( his  Chanty  )  by  which  he 
 (hould  prove  himfelf  an  Honeft  man. 
 
 And  we  as  earneftly  crave,  that  neither  fuch 
 a  Senate,  nor  any  other  new  form  of  Govern- 
 ment, b?  impofed  on  the  Nation  or  fet  up  with- 
 out their  free  confent. 
 
 And  if  thefe  juft  demands  fhould  be  denied 
 us,  and  we  fhould  be  unrighreoufly  enflaved  by ' 
 our  Brethren,  we  Appeal  to  the  Jufticeof  the 
 moft  righteous  God. 
 
 The  fnare  is  here  laid  fo  open  to  our  eyes 
 
 ( even 
 
An  Addition  to  the  Preface, 
 
 I  even  the  Defign  to  fet  up  a  party  over  us,  that 
 by  a  Fundamental  Conftitution  (hall  be  engaged 
 to  debafe  the  Magiftracy,  and  let  in  Popery  and 
 Impiety  upon  the  Land,)  that  nothing  but  force 
 can  procure  the  Body  of  the  Nation  to  Confent. 
 If  ever  fo  vile  a  thing  be  done,  and  the  name  of 
 Liberty  or  Commonwealth,  be  ufed  as  a  fcora 
 to  an  enflaved  Peace,  the  Lord  be  Judge  be- 
 tween us  and  our  Oppreffours. 
 
 Adam 
 
Adam  Cont^en  the  Tefuites  Di- 
 rections for  Preferring 
 and  Reftoring  Popery 
 and  ChangingReligion  in 
 a  Nation,  before  the  Peo- 
 ple are  awake :  In  his  Poli- 
 ticks, Lib.  z.cap.  1 6, 1 7, 1 8. 
 
 Cap.   XVI. 
 
 IStojhewthat  Princes  mujl  determine  of  no- 
 thing  in  Religion,as  having  Power  to  defend 
 that  which  the  Pope  determineth  of  but  no 
 fewer  to  appoint  or  change  any  thing  themselves  ' 
 or  judge  of  Controversies ,  as  pag.  673.  The 
 Church  mufi  Judge,  And  the  Prince  mufi  Exe- 
 wte, 
 
 Ca?, 
 
The  Jefuites  Dire&ions 
 
 Cap.  XVII. 
 
 Is  to  (hew 7  That  to  prefervc  Religion,  that  is, 
 Topery  where  it  is,  no  ether  Religion  fhould  he 
 •permitted:  and  that  Riches  tend  much  toftrength- 
 en  the  Clergy  and  preserve  Religion  :  And  {coin- 
 ing  the  poverty  of  Proteftant  Minifters,  faith, 
 That  after  their  frjl  attempts,  their  Mini  ft  ry  de- 
 clineth  into  meer  contempt ',  and  that  poverty  and 
 neceftity  forceth  them  to  pleafe  the  people.  Lajl- 
 ly,  he  perfwadeth  to  fpeedy  punifhing  of  the  er- 
 roneous, and  cutting  them  off  in  the  firft  appear* 
 ance,  and  to  prohibit  their  Bonks , and  to  take  heed 
 of  Julian's  device,  of  deftroying  Religion  by  Li- 
 berty for  all  Sects :  (  Thus  they  do  in  Spain,Ita- 
 ly,  Auftria,  Bavaria:8cc. ) 
 
 Cap.  XVIII. 
 
 The  way  to  bring  in  Popery,  and  work  out  the 
 P  rot  eft  ant  Religion,  he  thus  defcribeth  : 
 
 I.  That  things  be  carried  on  by  (low  but  jure 
 proceedings,  as  aMaftcian  tunes  his  Inftmment 
 by  degrees  :  Lofe  no  opportunity  •,  but  yet  do  not 
 precipitate  the  wotk. 
 
 R.  2.  Let  no  Prince  that  is  willing  deft  air : 
 for  it  u  an  eafie  thing  to  change  Religion.  For 
 ivhenthe  common  people  area  while  taken  with 
 Novelties  and  diver  fit  e>  cf  Religion  ,  they  will 
 Jit  down  and  be  aweary, and  give  up  themfelves  to 
 their  Rulers  wills. 
 
 Rt  3.  The  Doctors  and  leading  P afters  mutt  be 
 
 put 
 
for  Reftoring  Popery. 
 
 futout:  but  if  that  may  be  all  at  once :  but  if  that 
 cannot  be  Jet  it  be  by  flow  degrees*  When  the  Lead- 
 ers are  down  all  will  fubmit. 
 
 Here  he  pretends  the  examples  of  fome  Prin- 
 ces that  expelled  Lutheranifm,  and  giveth  his 
 advice  under  the  cover  of  inftances  : 
 
 i#  The  pnrpofe  of  changing  Religion,  and  ex- 
 tir fating  Lutheranifm,  mull  be  concealed :  Not 
 but  thatfome  of  the  wifer  fort  may  know  it,  but 
 the  People  mujl  not,  left  it  Jhould  mcv* 
 them. 
 
 2.  Somemufl  be  fubornedto  beg  importunate- 
 ly of  the  Prince  for  Liberty  to  exercife  their  Reli- 
 gion, and  that  with  many  and  gentle  words,  that 
 Jo  the  People  may  thigh  the  Prince  is  not  enclined 
 to  Novelty,  but  only  to  Lenity,  and  to  a  tender- 
 ne(Jefor  tender  confciences,  and  that  he  doth  it 
 not  as  from  himfelf.  For  the  Vulgar  ufe  to  com- 
 mend a  Prince,  that  cannot  deny  the  Subjects  their 
 tie  fires,  though  they  arejuch  as  were  fit  to  be  de* 
 nied. 
 
 3.  One  or  two  Churches  only  muft  be  de fired  at 
 firfi,  as  being  fofmall  a  matter,  that  the  people 
 will  not  much  regard. 
 
 4.  When  the  Zeal  of  Profeffours  begins  to  rife 
 againfi  the  change,  they  are  to  be  pacified  by  ad- 
 mitting both  parties  to  conference  before  tbt  Go- 
 vernours. 
 
 5.  Let  they:  he  a  Decree  f$r  Pacification,  that 
 
 one 
 
The  Jefuites  Dire&ions 
 $ne^  party  do  not  rail  at  the  other,  nor  calum? 
 niate  them.  And  \o  the  errours  that  are  ib 
 he  brought  in  wiU  have  great  advantage,  when 
 they  are  covered ,  and  may  not  he  contract- 
 Bed,  or  [o  much  as  named  :  And  Jo  the  Ra- 
 ters will  be  thought  to  be  onely  Lovers  of 
 Peace ,  and  not  to  intend  a  change  of  Reli- 
 gion. 
 
 6.  Next  that  let  there  be  fome  pnbUcJe  Di- 
 fyutatiori  between  the  Parties  ,  but  with 
 fome  difadvantage  to  them  that  are  to  be 
 outed. 
 
 7.  Let  all  this  be  done  but  on  pretence 
 that  the  fever al  Parties  may  be  joyned  loving- 
 ly together  in  Peace  :  And  when  the  Mini- 
 sters refufe  this ,  let  them  be  accufed  of  un- 
 peaceableneffe ,  and  pride ,  and  objiinacy  ,  arid 
 dif obedience  againfi  the  Magi  fir  ate,  and  not  for 
 their  Religion. 
 
 8.  When  it  comes  to  the  putting  out  of 
 fome  Miniflers ,  and  the  People  begin  to  Pe- 
 tition for  them ,  let  the  matter  be  carried fi- 
 lentty  ;  and  in  the  mean  time ,  let  the  People 
 be  told ,  that  it  is  because  thofe  Miniflers  are: 
 heady,  ob  (I  in  ate  men  •,  that  the  People  may  be 
 perfvaded  that  the  Minifiers  are  faulty,  and 
 have  deferved  it  ,  and  may  be  put  one~ 
 ly  to  defire  Liberty  for  the  more  Peaceable 
 fntn. 
 
 S.Wheri 
 
for  Reftoring  Popery; 
 
 9.  When  thus  the  people  are  deluded,  and  there 
 is  no  danger  of  a  re  ft  flame, then  turn  the  Minifters 
 mt  of  the  Churches ,  and  put  in  thofe  that  you 
 would  fet  up  in  their  ftead. 
 
 10.  Then  change  the  Univerftties,  and  tell  all 
 \he  Fellows  and J  Scholars ',  that  theyfhall  hold  their 
 places  if  they  will  turn,  elfe  not,  &c.  many  will 
 change  Religion  with  the  Rulers. 
 
 11.  Next  he  inftanceth  in  Aafia  where  the 
 Prince  pretended,  that  all  the  Profefjors  and  Mi- 
 nifiers  places  were  void  at  the  death  of  his  P re- 
 dec  eft  or,  and  he  had  the  diftcfall  of  them  i  by 
 LatP. 
 
 12.  And  the  change  was  there  made  (  as  he 
 pretends)  by  flow  degrees,  one  or  two  Opinions 
 only  changed  at  the  frft,dnd  not  the  whole  contro- 
 verted part  of  the  Religion  -7  andfo  the  people  wiU 
 think  it  hut  as  a  [mall  matter  to  yield  in  one  or  two 
 Opinions,  and  he  eafily  brought  to  obey. 
 
 13.  Laftly,  They  fall  to  writing  againfi  each  c- 
 ther^  and  thofe  that  have  the  Court-favour  feem 
 to  can  fit* 
 
 All  this  Advice  is  about  the  third  Direction  ? 
 I  that  is,  how  to  work  out  the  Minifters  late- 
 ly, which  he  covers  under  rietended  inftan- 
 ces  of  luch  as  have  changed  Religion  in  Ger- 
 many. 
 
 4.  The  fourth  Rule  is ,    To  put  out  of  Ho- 
 
 Inours,  Dignities,  andpublime  ofvees^  ail  thofe 
 e 
 
The  Jefultes  Dire&ions 
 that  are  mofi  adverse  to  Popery  :  It  is  but  juft  that 
 thofe  that  hinder  the  fafety  of  the  Commonwealth  , 
 fhouldbe  deprived  of  the  honours  and  Riches  of  the 
 Commonwealth,  if  men  are  depofedfor  hey  nous 
 Crimes,  why  not  for  Blafihemy  and  Contempt 
 ef  Truth  ?  (you  muft  believe  the  J>efuite  that 
 this  is  the  Proteftant  Cafe.)  if  thofe  of  a  con- 
 trary Religion  be  left  in  honour  and  fewer,  they 
 m/L  be  able  to  crofs  the  Prince  in  many  things, 
 and  encourage  the  People  of  their  own  Reli- 
 gion. 
 
 5.  The  fifth  Rule  is ,  That  when  a  Here  fie 
 (for  fo  is  the  Proteftant  Religion  to  them)  is 
 wholly  to  bx  rooted  out,  and  this  mujl  be  done  by 
 degrees,  and  in  a  way  of  re af on,  and  cannot  be 
 done  by  meer  Command  and  Power,  then  you  muft 
 firft  fall  on  thofe  opinions  that  the  Common  Peo- 
 ple are  moft  againfl,  and  which  you  can  quickly 
 make  them  think  abfurd  :  fo  he  inftanceth  in 
 feme  that  would  work  out  Lutheranifm  3  that 
 fj>eak  honourably  of  Luther,  and  fell  on  them 
 only  under  the  name  of  Haccians  :  fo  the  Armi- 
 nians  at  Utrecht,  when  they  would  extirpate  Cal- 
 vinifme ,  made  a  Decree,  that  no  man  fhould 
 Preach  any  thing,  that  feemed  to  make  God  the 
 Author  of  fmne.  Thus  a  Magiflrate  that  would 
 bring  i#  Pcpcry,  muft  fall  upon  fuch  hey  nous  0- 
 pimoxs,  which  the  impudent  themf elves  are  half 
 /ijhamedof^  and  bring  thefe  into  the  light  that 
 
 they 
 
For  Reftoring  Popery.1 
 
 they  may  be  odious,  andfo  the  Teachers  willlofe 
 allthdr  Authority,  when  the  people  fee  that  they 
 are  taken  in  a  mamj cefl  fault. 
 
 6.  Thefxth  Rule  to  bring  in  Popery,  anda- 
 bolijh  the  Proteflants  Religion,  is,  to  makeufe  of 
 tbe  Proteflants  Contentions.  How  eafie  is  it ^faith 
 he  )  in  England  to  bring  the  Puritans  into  Order, 
 if  they  be  forced  to  approve  of  Bifhops  ?   or  to  re- 
 duce the  Puritans  in  the  Low  Countries,  if  the 
 Prince  adhere  to  the  Arminians  i  For  the  Varie- 
 ty of  Opinions  makes  them  doubtfully  that  before 
 feemed  certain-,    fo  that  when  the  Magi  fir  ate 
 joy  net  h  with  one  fide,  he  eafily  overturns  the  other  y 
 and  leaves  the  whole  obnoxious :   As  Paul  did  by 
 the  difjention  between  the  Pharisees  and  Saduces, 
 joyning  to  one  fide,  he  efeaped4     This  (  faith  he  ) 
 I  would  principally  p  erf  wade  an  Orthodox  Magi- 
 fir  ate  to  ( that  is3  a  PapiftJ     For  he  may  with  & 
 much  advantage  make  ufe  of  the  Proteflants  dif- 
 agreements,  as  of  the  Papifls  Concord,  toextir: 
 pate  Proteflants.     As  in  Wanes,  it  is  not  only 
 the  skill  and  flrength  of  the  Generall,  but  often 
 alfo  the  Carlefneff'e  of  the  Enemy*  or  his  Miflahe 
 that  give  very  great   advantages  for  fuccefje. 
 When  rigid  Calvinifm  was  a(Jaulted by  theLu- 
 therans  in  the  heat  of  the  Paroxyfm,  it  wxs  exas- 
 perated, and  the  fuddain  reflraint  did  much  hurt  :\ 
 But  now  the  Arminians  have  of  their  own  accord 
 let  go  tire  hardefi  part  of  their  ri?or,  and  jud%  t 
 
 e  z  ealymiftS 
 
The  Jefuites  Dire&ions 
 Calvinifts  to  be  impious, md  per fecute  them  in  the 
 very  Univerfity,  and  in  other  Towns  the)  force 
 them  to  banifhment  *?  and  would  venture  to  do  more 
 and  Crueller  things,  if  they  were  not  afraid  of 
 the  firength  of  the  adverfe  Party.  Verily  tf 
 Prince  Maurice  alone  did  hut  fl  and  for  the  Ar- 
 miniafls  5  the  rigor  of  the  contra-remonftrants 
 would  flag-,  or  he  broken. 
 
 7.  The  feventh  Rule  is  to  forbid  the  Prote- 
 ctants pivately  orpubliquely  to  Afj'emble  toge- 
 ther. 
 
 8.  The  eighth  Degree  mufl  be  to  proceed  to  fe- 
 verity  of  Laws  and  puniflments  :  Here  he  en- 
 deavours to  prove  this  violence  lawfully  (Fire  and 
 fagot,  is  referved  to  the  Iaft.)  But  this  violence 
 though  it  mufl  be  for  the  change  of  all,  need  not 
 be  exercifed  on  all.  Cut  off  the  Leaders  ,  and  the 
 multitude  will  follow  the  Authority  of  the  Rulers. 
 Shame  will  retain  [owe,  and  fear  others,  but  a 
 vain  fecurity  will  prevail  with  mo  ft, ^  when  they 
 know  not  how  to  help  it*.  Within  thefe  few  years, 
 C  if  he  fay  true, )  above  anhundredthouf and  have 
 been  turned  to  Popery  in  Vtmce^and  more  in  Ger- 
 many. Not  any  of  the  Princes  ^/"Germany  that 
 Aid  endeavour  to  draw  ever  his  People  to  the  Ca- 
 tholicksj  did  ever  find  any  force  or  Refiflance 
 contrary  to  his  Laws.  Note  this  all  you  flande- 
 lous  Paprfts  that  accufe  Protefbnts  fo  much  of 
 Rebellion  to  hide  your  own  :  Here's  a  ^fejuites 
 
 Teftimotiy 
 
for  Reftoring  Popery. 
 
 Teftimony  on  Record  for  our  vindication. 
 
 His  next  Rule  is+  The  good  life  of  the  Popi/h 
 Magijtrates  and  Clergy :  (  And  that  let  them  ufe 
 as  much  as  they  will.) 
 
 Chap.19.Htf  commendeth  many  [matter  helps : 
 As  3 .  Mmjcky  to  entife  people  by  delight.  2.  To 
 catife  all  at  their  marriage  to  profefje  the  Popifh 
 Religion*  and  Jo  rather  then  go  without  a  Wife  or 
 Husband  they  will  do  it.  3.  So  alfo  to  deny  to 
 Protefiants  Church-Priviledges,  at  Baptifm,  Bu- 
 riall>&cc. 
 
 LaHly  he  Concludes y  That  where  the  work  mufl 
 be  fecretly  done  by  degrees  ,  the  Magi f  rate  must 
 keep  the  Institutions y  Prefentation,  Confirmation* 
 and  Examination  of  Mini  ft  er  sin  his  own  hand  ?> 
 andfo  (  if  he  cannot  cafi  them  out  at  once  )  he 
 mufl  cafi  out  the  moft  dangerous,  (  that  is,  the  a- 
 bleft  Proteltant  Paftours,)  and  put  over  the 
 Churches?  the  Di [agreeing,  andthofethatdonct 
 mind  matters  of  Controverfie  much  ,  and  thofe 
 that  are  addicted  to  their  own  Borne fick  bufinefjes 
 (  worldly  men, )  andfuch  as  are  addicted  to  the 
 Rulers :  Let  him  coole  the  heat  of  Herefie,  (  he 
 means  true  Religion  ^  )  and  let  him  not  put  out 
 the  Unlearned:  and  fo  their  ReligiomviH grew 
 into  contempt. 
 
 Let  the  Magi  ft  ate  cherifh  the  Diffentions  of  the 
 erring  (  he  means  the  Protectant )  Teachers  : 
 And  let  him  procure  thtm  often  to  debate  together* 
 
 e  3  and 
 
The  Jefukes  Dire&ions 
 
 and  reprove  one  another.  For  fo  when  all  men 
 jee  that  there  is  nothing  certain  among  them>  they 
 will  eafily  yield  to  the  truth  (  he  means  Popery.) 
 And  this  Difcord  is  profitable  tofhew  the  manners 
 of  thofe  wicked  men.  For  he  that  will  read  the 
 Contentious  Writings  tff  Lutherans  againjl  Cal- 
 vinifts,  or  Calvinifts  againjl  Lutherans  3  will 
 think  he  readeth,  not  the  invectives  of  men  a- 
 gainfi  men,  hut  the  furies  and  roaring  of  Devils 
 a^ainfl  Devils.  A  fair  warning  !  But  the  Je- 
 fuite  tells  you  not  what  is  done  at  home  J  From 
 theft  things  the  Ruler  may  talce  occafion  for  a 
 change:  Let  him  enquire  into  the  Original  ofthefe 
 accusations:  And  if  he  find  them  true  Joe  maypumjh 
 the  Guilty jf  falfejje  may  punijhy(t\m  is>caftout) 
 the  Accufers. 
 
 I  have  given  you  the  fumme,  ( not  the  literall 
 tranflation)  of  this  Jcfuites  Politicks,  for  the 
 bringing  in  of  Popery  into  a  Nation :  It  all 
 fuppofeth  that  the  Rulers  feem  not  to  be  Pa- 
 pifts  themfelves,  that  they  may  do  this  in  the 
 dark. 
 
 ThefummeofCamipmeltisCcuitfell,  for  the 
 promoting  of  the  Spanish  inter  eft  in  tngland,  in 
 guecn  Elizabeths  daks:  was,\.Ab$ve  all to 
 
 breed 
 
for  Reftoring  Popery, 
 
 treed  diffentioni  and  discords  Among  our  f elves. 
 2.  To  have  Seminaries  inVhndo:sythatjor  the 
 changing  of  our  Religion,  mayfirftfow  the  feeds 
 efDivtfion  in  points  of  natural  Sciences.     3 .  By 
 fuborned forreiners  to  promise  great  matters  to  the 
 great  ones  here.     4.  To  promtfe  to  King.  James 
 the  help  of  Spain,  fo  he  would  fet  up  Popery,  or 
 at  leafl  not  hinder  the  Indian  Fleet.     5.  At  the 
 fame  time  to  perfwade  the  chief  Parliament  men, 
 to  turn  England  into  the  form  of  a  Common- 
 wealth 5  by  telling  them  that  the  Scots  mil  be 
 cruell  when  they  come  to  Rule  tbem,&c.     6.  To 
 perftvade  gueen  Elizabeth   that  King  James 
 would  revenge  his  Mothers  Blood,  &c.     7.  To 
 exafperaie  the  minds  of  the  Bifhops  againfi  King 
 James,  by  perfwading  them  that  he  was  in  heart  a 
 Papift9a»a  would  bring  in  Popery.     And  by  thefe 
 means  the  feeds  of  an  inexplicable  War  will  be 
 fown  between  England  and  Scotland,  Jo  that  no 
 fatty  will  have  leave  to  difiurbe  the  Spaniard. 
 Or  if  King  James  prevail,  he  will  he  a  friend  to 
 Spain.     Or  if  the  I  (land  be  divided,  or  the  King- 
 dom made  F.leffive,  we  fhall  neither  have  mind 
 nor  Power  to  enlarge  our  Dominions :  Or  if  the 
 If  and  be  turned  into  the  form  of  a  Com?non- 
 wealthy  it  may  keep  contjnuall  War  with  Scot- 
 land, and  mannage  all  its  affairs  fo  fiowiy,  as 
 that  they  can  linlehurt  the  Spaniard.  8.  the  Ca- 
 tholicks  here  alfo  are  to  be  awaked  and  fined  up* 
 
 e  4  that 
 
The  Jefuites  Pire&ions 
 
 that  the  Spaniard  may  take  thefirjl  opportunity  to 
 enter  upon  England  undeit  pretence  of  helping 
 them* 
 
 8.  The  Irifh  are  Per  leaded  to  Rebellion.*  Thtft 
 (  with  the  hiring  of  the  Dutch  to  defend  the  Spa- 
 nifh  plate-  Fleets  and  fall  out  with  us,  that  we  may 
 not  hinder  it )  are  thefumme  of  this  Fry  an  defign 
 againfl  England* 
 
 Their  Method  to  win  particular  perfons,  you 
 may  find  in  Cofterus  Prctf.Encheirid.  Thoma  a 
 JefudeconverfeGent./.8,^r.2#  §.  2.  p.  544, 
 545.  Poflevinus  Lorichius5ov. 
 
 1.  Be  fur  e  to  keep  the  Refyondents  part, and  not 
 the  Opponents.  It's  not  fo  cafe  to  prove,  as  to 
 wrangle  againfl  Proofs. 
 
 2.  Follow  them  with  certain  ^teflions,  'which 
 the  vulgar  are  not  verft  in.  As  1.  Where  was 
 your  Church  before  Luther  <  or  where  hath  it  been 
 vifible  in  all  ages  ? 
 
 Q^2.  'How.  prove  y cm  that  you  have  a  true 
 Scripture  that  is  the  Word  of  God  among  you  ? 
 
 QT  3 .  What  ex  pre/ Word  of  God  do  the  Cat  ho- 
 licks  ( the  Papifis  )  contradict  ? 
 
 Q.4.  How  prove  you  that  you  have  a  truly 
 called  Mimflry,  that  is  to  be-,  heard  arid  believed 
 ly  the  people  ? 
 
 <\5.  By  what  warrant  did  you  feparate  from 
 
 thi 
 
for  Reftoring  Popery. 
 
 the  Catholick  Churchy  and  condemn  all  your  own 
 forefathers,  and  all  the  Chri fit  an  world  ? 
 
 Qj5.  if  you  will  [epar ate  from  the  Catbo- 
 Uek  Churchy  what  reafon  have  you  to  follow  this 
 Seci,  rather  than  any  one  of  all  the  reft  ? 
 
 Qzj.  What  one  man  can  you  name  from  the 
 beginning  that  was  in  all  things  of  Luthers  or 
 Calvins  Options* 
 
 0^8.  Do  you  not  fee  that  God  doth  nofblefthe 
 Labours  of  your  Minifters,  but  people  are  as  bad 
 as  they  were  before  ?  what  the  better  are  you  for 
 hearing  them  ? 
 
 Many  morefuch  filly  guefliom^  they  train  up 
 their  Deceivers  to  fropoundandprofecuteywhicha 
 knowing  man  difcerneth  eafilj  to  betranfiarext 
 Cheats  •,  but  the  Ignorant  may  be  gravelled  by 
 them.  And  if  I  find  it  neceftar^and  have  time, 
 God  willing  I  (hall  furnijh  we  Ignorant  with  the 
 true  Refolutions.    , 
 
 THE 
 
*»T^  <&*  «A»  «*»  *&*  *$*  «£♦  «E,  «&»  *$*  <j&*  9&*  <&*  «fc*  4 
 
 *fM 
 
 %2>c&f  «$»**  *$*  **>  *-$*  «$>  *£*  ***  **>  «&>*  «#»  *&>  ^> 
 
 THE 
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 Chap.  I. 
 
 THfrtf  #  4  God  that  is  mans  Creatour,  pro- 
 ved, p.  4. 
 Chap.  II. 
 
 (70^  is  the  Soveraign  Ruler  of  Mankind:  proved 
 and  that  this  is  in  Order  to  another  lifcs. 
 
 p.  6. 
 Chap.  III. 
 
 Of  the  ConfiitHtion  of  this   Kingdom  of  God, 
 
 p.i8. 
 
 Vindicated  againfi  Tho.  White    a  Papifi. 
 
 p.  21. 
 
 And  againfi  Mr.  James  Harrington,^     p.45. 
 
 Chap.  IV. 
 
 ?/  the  Admnifiration  of  this  Univerjall  King- 
 dom 
 
The  Contents. 
 
 dom*  p«42 
 
 Government  neeeffary  by  Dhine   Ordination 
 
 P-52 
 Chap.  V. 
 
 Of  a  particular  Commonwealth  in  genet all  fub 
 
 ordinate  to  the  Univerfall  p.  5  8 
 
 'the  People  as  fuch    have    no    %overaigi 
 
 Power.  p.63. 
 
 Chap.  VI* 
 
 Of  the  divers  forts  of  Commonwealths.       p.  j6. 
 That  Democracy,  or  popular  Government  is  n- 
 
 fually  the  worfi.  p.  85?.  proved  by  twenty 
 
 Reafons. 
 of  the  objective  or  mater  tail  differences  of 
 
 Governments,  p.  106.  ofthejuft  andun]uft\ 
 
 Limitation  of  the  Soveraign. 
 
 Chap.  VII. 
 
 Of  the  Fundation>  efficient  and  conveying  Cau- 
 fes>and  means  of  power. p.  121.  God  as  the  Uni- 
 verfall Soveraign,  is  the  Originall  of  all  Go- 
 verning fower. 
 The  difinlt  afts  by  which  he  convey eth  it  tc 
 
 Man.  p.  1 24 
 
 What's  necefarj  Dif}ofitively  to  the  being  oj 
 
 Authority.  p.  128, 
 
 What  providence  doth  tofet  up  or  take  down\ 
 
 p.  1 34 
 
 Th\ 
 
The  Contents^ 
 
 The  Peoples  part.  p.lSfl 
 
 Wicked  people  jhouldnot  chooje  Governors  in 
 a  Chriftian  Commonwealth :  proved  fully. 
 
 p.i68,i72,<£r, 
 
 Of  forced conjent.  p.181.  (  many  other  Cafes 
 through  the  Chapter  are  resolved.) 
 
 Of  Fundamental  Laws,  and  of  the  conflicting 
 Att.  p<i825i83# 
 
 "The  People  give  not  the  Power.  p.  190. 
 
 How  the  Conflitution  may  or  may  not  be  chang- 
 ed, p.ipj. 
 Chap. VIII- 
 
 of  the  be  ft  form  of  Government  and  happy  eft 
 Commonwealth*  p.  8. 
 
 A  Theocracy  or  Divine  Government  defcrihed7 
 
 jo  far  as  we  may  attain  it.  p.  2  09. 
 
 Bow  near  the    Church  and  Commonwealth 
 
 fhould  be  commenf urate  p.  2 1 6. 
 
 The  Reign  of  Chrift  and  the  Saints  on  earthy 
 
 which    may    be   boldly    promoted   by     us. 
 
 p.221. 
 No  form  of  Government   in   the  hands  of 
 
 wicked  unfit  men  >  will  make  a  Common- 
 
 tveahhfo  happy,  as  the  worft  form  with  fit 
 ;cn. 
 
 r.  Harringtons  models  infxffcim  to  the 
 
 ends  pretended.  p.  2  24. 
 
 Ch 
 
 AP. 
 
'  The  Contents. 
 
 Chap.  IX. 
 
 How  a  Commonwealth  may  be  reduced  to  thu  The- 
 ocraticall  tempt >  if  it  have  advantages  > 
 and  the    Rulers    and   People  are   wiL<ng. 
 
 P.  24*. 
 
 Bight  Rules  of  practice  y  principally  to  be  coh- 
 
 fidered  by  all  that  deftre  a  HOLY  and  HAP- 
 
 PT  Commmonwealth. 
 
 Chap.X. 
 
 Of  the  S over aigns  power  over  the  Pallors  of  the 
 Churchy  and  of  the  differences  of  their  offices. 
 
 p.285* 
 
 Where  many  Cajes  arerefolved,  aswhofhall 
 
 judge    of  Controverfies   and  Here  fie  ?   of 
 
 excommunicating    the    chief  Magiflrate . 
 
 of  Governing  Minifiers,  and  of  the  Magi- 
 
 firates  duty  in  matters  of  Religion. 
 
 9  Chap.XI. 
 
 vf  the  S over aigns prerogatives,  or  Jura  Regalia, 
 or  power  of  Governing  by  Laws  and  judge- 
 ment. ¥-3l3' 
 A  Law  defined,  and  the  Definition  explain- 
 ed, and  vindicated  from  fome  exceptions. 
 
 p.317. 
 
 Here  the  Reader  mufi  observe,  that  having  de- 
 
 fined  a  Law  in  gentry  in  hafle  I  forgot  to 
 
 addt 
 
The  Contents* 
 
 adde  the  Definition  of  a  Polieall  Liw  ia 
 fpecie.  But  there  needs  but  tno  things  to 
 he  added  to  the  General  Definition.  I  •  That 
 it  be  made  by  a  Politic  alls  over  aign^.That 
 it  be  for  a  Politicall  end>  even  the  geodef 
 the  Commonwealth. 
 Of  abrogating^  and fufp ending  Laws^  appoint- 
 ing Magiftrates,  and  other  Jura  Majeftatis, 
 
 Chap  .XII. 
 
 of  due  obedience  to  Rulers,  and  of  Reftfiance  : 
 
 Rom.  13.  expounded.  p.  346. 
 
 How  far  we  muft  obey^  not  reftft.  p.  354,  &c. 
 Where  many  cafes  are  refolved. 
 
 In  what  Cajes  we  may  dijobey  or  refiHtheper- 
 fons  that  have  power,  p.375.  Where  many 
 weight j  Cafes  are  refolved.  As  about  Hea- 
 then Princes.  P-439* 
 
 How  far  we  may  fight  for  Religion.  p*44i.Sa- 
 ravias  objections  anfwered.  P445- 
 
 The  Caujes  and  Evil  of  obedience.       p.45*. 
 
 Chap.  XIII. 
 
 \Mn  Account  of  the  Reafons  that  perfwaded  me 
 (  and  many  others  )  to  take  up  Armes  in 
 obedience  to  the  Parliament  in   the  Lafe 
 Wanes  :    Tendered  for  their  fatis fattion 
 1    that  are   uv^ufll-j   offended  through  their 
 
 mijtakifig 
 
The  Contents. 
 
 ?nifiaking    of  Hhe    Cafe :     Or    in  hope  of 
 
 I  greater  benefit  to  my  felf,  if  they  can  prove 
 
 that  I  have  erred.  P456. 
 
 Meditations  upon  the  unexpected  Neivs  of  the 
 
 fe\   Viflofoing  of  the  LJl  free  Parliament ,  and 
 
 j owe  other  fafjages^A^nW  25.  p«49X* 
 
 A 
 
I 
 
 A  Hcly  Common-wealth. 
 
 If  work^is  not  to  write  a  Treat  If e  of  Pc- 
 Imckj  ^taking  in  all  thai s  meet  to  le 
 underftood.  concerning  the  Jnftitution  , 
 Confiitmion  and  Ac.miniftration  of  a 
 Common-weal  :  nor  yet  to  follow  the 
 CMethode  that  would  be  rctfuifite  for 
 fuch  an  Undertaker',  but  only  to  lay  down  a  few  Political 
 Apho  rijmesy  containing  thofe  things  that  are  denjed  or 
 faffed  over  by  [erne  of  the  frond  Pretenders  to  Politicks  y 
 that  opdofing  the  Politician  to  the  Divine  ,  acquaint  us 
 that  their  Politicks  are  not  Divine^  and  consequently 
 noneyor  worfe  then  noneiand  alfo  to  clear e  upfome  of  thofe 
 things  thatfeeme  to  me  to  be  too  darkly  delivered  in  the 
 Writings  and  fpeeches  of  many  good  and  learned  men  ; 
 and  which  the  Confciences  of  many  are  much  perplexed 
 about  y  in  thefe  times  ;  to  the  great  lofs  ami  hazard  of 
 Church  and  Common-wealth  :  And  I  muft  begin  at 
 the  Bottom ,  and  touch  thofe  Prxcognita  which  the 
 Politician  doth  pvt^uppok^becaufe  I  have  to  do  with 
 fomc ,  that  will  deny  as  much ,  as  (hame  will  fuffcr 
 them  to  deny. 
 
 Chap.  I. 
 tThere  is  a  God ,  that  is  mans  Creator. 
 
 Thef.i.  There  are  men  inhabiting  the  e  art  hi 
 
 HE  that  denyeth  this,  denyeth  himfelf  to  be  a 
 man  ,  and  therefore  is  not  to  be  chfputed  with : 
 yet  proveth  it  to  others ,  while  he  denyeth  it . 
 
 B  Thef, 
 
2         There  Is  a  (jod  ^  that  is  mans  Creator. 
 Thef.  2.   (JWan  is  not  Eternal ;  bnt  had  a  beginning 
 
 We  fee  it  of  all  the  Individuate  y  that  they  bj 
 Generation  receive  their  Exiftence  ;  There  is  nc 
 man  alive  now  here  in  flerh  ,  that  was  alive 
 a  thouiand  years  a^o.  Generation  fucceedeth  Gene- 
 ration. And  as  all  men  that  are  now  on  earth  hac 
 a  Beginning  ?  fo  muft  there  be  one  firff  wan  that  alfc 
 had  a  Beginning.  Or  elfe  he  muft  have  been  a  pun 
 Aft  ,  without  Compofiticn  ,  or  imperfe&ion ,  felf 
 fuflficienc ,  and  without  caufe ,  and  fo  not  have  beer 
 Man  but  God  y  and  therefore  not  the  fuppofite  thai 
 wefpeakof :  And  as  he  had  been  infinite  in  Durati- 
 on af  art  ante  ^  fo  muft  he  bzapartepoft:  for  thai 
 which  have  no  caufe  ,  can  have  ditfblution  or  end 
 But  this  is  not  the  cafe  of  man  :  therefore  man  had  z 
 Beginning. 
 
 Thef.   3.  Man  did  not  make  himf elf. 
 
 For  before  he  was  ,  he  was  n»t:  and  that  which  u 
 not ,  cannot  work.  Nothing  can  do  nothing  :  who- 
 foevcr  made  him  ,  knew  what  he  did ,  and  how ,  anc 
 why.  But  neither  he  that  was  not ,  nor  his  parents 
 knew  either  what  was  doing  while  he  was  formed  in 
 the  womb  >  and  how  he  was  fafliioned  ,  aor  to  what 
 end  each  part  and  motion  was  appointed.  Therefore 
 neither  did  we  make  our  felves  .  nor  are  our  Parents 
 the  principal  caufe  of  our  Bern*.  Nor  could  the  firfl 
 man  be  made  by  himfelf  when  he  was  not,  or  his  Pa- 
 rents that  had  none.  ^ 
 
 Thef. 
 
Tlxrtis  a  <jod  >  that  is  mans  Creator.         3 
 Thef.  4.  jherefcr:  'man  hath  a  fuptrier  Maker. 
 
 If  he  be  anefteft,  he  muft  have  a  caurc.  Nothing 
 below  can  be  his  principal  Caufe  :  Nothing  doth  lay 
 claim  to  fuch  an  honor;  Nothing  is  fufficient  for  fuch 
 a  work :  All  things  below  are  effeits  thcmfelvcs  ,  and 
 therefore  have  their  caufes. 
 
 Thef.  5 .  Man  being  a  living  Creature >  confi fling  of  foal 
 and  body  ,  his  foul  Is  vegetative  ,  fenfitlve  and  rati- 
 onal ,  (  or  intcllettnal )  and  hath  an  Intellect  to  dl- 
 rell^  a,  Will  to  ch'ufe  or  refufey  and  a  Power  to  execute 
 Its  Commands. 
 
 Senfe  it  felfe  is  a  fufficient  Diicerncr  that  we  are 
 fenfible:  and  Senfe  and  Reafon  that  we  are  vegeta- 
 tive: And  Reafon  fufficiently  difcerneth  that  w*eare 
 rational :  not  by  an  immediate  intuition  of  the  Pow* 
 er  but  by  an  immediate  IntelledHon  of  its  own 
 Afts.  Wnile  I  reafon  to  prove  that  man  is  rationall, 
 and  you  reafon  againft  it,  we  both  prove  it, 
 
 Thef,  6.  Wifdom  is  the  due  qualification  of  mans  Un- 
 derstanding ;  and  Virtue  ,  or  moral  Goodneffe  of  his 
 Willy  and  tAblllty  y  and  Promptitude  for  Execution 
 of  his  executive  tower. 
 
 Mans  foul  is  capable  of  thefe ;  and  fome  in  a  lefs  , 
 and  fome  in  a  more  excellent  degree  are  polTefled  at 
 them:  fofew  men  will  confefs  thcmfelves  to  be  whol- 
 lyvoid  of  Wifdom  and  Goo  !nefs  y  that  we  need  no: 
 prove  the  exigence  of  thefe  Endowments. 
 
 B  z  Th 
 
4        There  is  a  (]od ,  that  is  mans  Creator. 
 
 Thcf.  7 .  He  that  made  many  doth  excel/  all  men  that 
 he  ever  made  in  all  ferf  Bions  of  under ft anting  , 
 Will  and  Tower. 
 
 For  no  one  can  give  that  which  he  hath  not  to  give, 
 either  formaly  or  eminently  :  Nothing  of  it  felt  can 
 make  that  which  is  better  then  it  felf  :  for  then  all 
 thefuperabundantperfe$ionofthecfFe<a  fhould  be 
 without  a  caufe.  He  therefore  that  made  man  ,  muft 
 needs  have  more  Power, Wifdom  and  Goodnefs  then 
 all  the  men  that  are,  or  ever  were  in  the  world  •  bc- 
 caufe  they  had  none  but  what  he  gave  them. 
 
 Thef.8.  He  that  is  the  principal  caufe  of  man  ,  is  an 
 Eternal^  Immrnfe  ,  moft  perfect  Being  y  an  infinite 
 Tower  y  Wifdom  and  Goodnefs \  that  isy  he  is  (jod. 
 
 Either  man  was  made  by  a  Creature,  that  had  him- 
 felfe  a  Maker,  or  immediately  by  the  uncaufed  Pri- 
 mitive, Simple^ndependent  being,  which  is  the  caufe 
 of  all  things  elfe.  If  he  were  made  by  a  Creature , 
 that  Creature  being  but  a  dependent  Being ,  could  be 
 but  dependent  inks  caufation,  andfo  could  be  but 
 theinftrument  of,  or  fubfervient  to  the  principal 
 caufe.  And  as  the  firft  caufe  is  not  diminished,  er 
 lofeth  not  any  of  his  pcrfe&ion  by  making  the  Crea- 
 tures, and  communicating  to  them,no  more  is  he  the 
 lefs  in  any  effeS,  becaufe  he  ufeth  them :  But  as  they 
 have  no  Being  but  from  him,  fo  they  can  do  nothing 
 but  by  himjand  as  his  perfe&ions  arc  as  glorious,  as  if 
 there  were  no  Creature  in  Being;fo  the  eff  efts  >  which 
 as  his  inftrumentsjthe  Creatures  perform,are  as  much 
 
 his 
 
There  is  4  fyd  >  that  is  mans  Qrfatorl         5 
 
 his  own,  as  if  there  had  been  no  Inftruments.  For  if 
 they  are  Creatures  >  they  can  neither  have  nor 
 do  any  good  but  wholly 'from  the  Creator;  fo  that  if 
 it  could  be  proved ,  fas  it  cannot)  that  the  firft  caufe 
 did  immediately  make  man  ,  yet  would  it  not  alter 
 our  cafe  ,  or  conclude  him  to  be  ever  the  lefs  our 
 Maker. 
 
 And  that  he  is  an  eternal  Being  without  Beginning 
 or  caufe,  is  clear :  For  elfe  there  fhould  be  a  time  > 
 (as  we-may  call  it )  when  there  was  Nothing.  And 
 if  ever  there  had  been  a  time  when  there  was  AV 
 thing ,  there  never  would  have  been  any  thing  :  For 
 nothing  can  do  nothing,andmake  nothing:  He  there- 
 fore that  thinketh  God  had  aBeginning,thinketh  that 
 he  wascaufedby  nothing,\\ithout  a  caufe:  and  lb  that 
 all  things  were  made  by  nothing, 
 
 wind  as  the  Eternity  of  God  is  thus  moft  clear^nd 
 is  his  Immenfity.  For  he  made  not  that  which  is 
 greater  then  himfelfe,  or  that  can  comprehend  him , 
 elfe  he  fliould  communicate  more  then  he  hath  *  and 
 the  effeft  to  be  beyond  its  total  caufe,  which  isim- 
 poflib'.fc:  And  if  he  comprehend  all  things ,  and  be 
 greater  then  all  things  ,  he  muft  be  immente.  And 
 that  he  is  infinite  in  Power,  Wifdom, and  Goodneffe, 
 and  fo  moft  perfe&  •,  is  clear ,  be  caufe  ail  the  Power , 
 Wifdom  and  Goodneffe  of  the  Creature  is  from  him; 
 and  therefore  he  hath  more  himfelfe  then  all  the 
 Creatures  have:  and  therefore  is  infinite  in  all.  If  all 
 the  Power,  Wifdom  and  Goodnefs  in  all  the  world 
 were  contra&ed  into  one  perfon,  it  muft  be  left  then 
 his  that <giveth  all.  None  can  make  that  which  is 
 better  then  itfelfe.  I  pafs  by  all  other  Argumencs,as 
 intending  at  this  time  no  other  demonftrations ;  but 
 B  g  tbcfe 
 
6       God  is  (the  Soveraigv  Ruler  of x  Aim-kit W- 
 thefe,  from  chelate  v  which  we  are  to  treat 
 
 or'.  And  from  theic  the  conclulion  is  now  made 
 plain,  that  TBE%E  Is  <tAGOD:  and  that  PlE 
 CREaTLDMAN. 
 
 \     Chap.  IL 
 Godisthe'Soveraign  Ruler  of  Man- 
 kind. 
 
 Thcf.  9.  The  foul  of  wan  is  capable  of  knowing  that 
 there  is  a  9  od,  whofe  everlafiing  favour  is  his  happi- 
 mfs^  an  (  of  loving  him,  do  firing  h'im ,  and  feeing  to 
 enjoy  hi  mi  and  he  may  k^'ow,  that  nothing  here  bdorv 
 can  be  his  proper  end  and  happ\nefs% 
 
 rHE  experience  of  all  that  have  the  leafttfrne  , 
 Godlinefs  doth  aflfure  us  of  the  truth  of  this. 
 Thus  it  is  with  them:  They  are  convinced  of  the  va- 
 nity of  all  things  elfc*5  and  their  defires  are  fct  on  the 
 life  to  come.  And  what  they  f  lafefs ,  the  reft  of  men  - 
 are  capable  of. The  foul  liveth  quite  below  itfelfe,and 
 without  any  true  fatisfa&ion  or  content ,  or  any  true 
 improvement  of  its  faculties  y  that  lives  for  no  more 
 then  temporal  things,  and  looks  for  no  life  after  this. 
 
 Thefe.  10.  The  nature  of  man  is  fitted  to  be  here  ruled 
 by  the  hopes  and  fears  of  a  life  to  come  :  and  without 
 thefe  the  world  cannot  be  ruled  according  to  (he  natn- 
 turc  vf  man. 
 
 \\c  Dgi  dtfaft*  that  moft  of  the  world  is  ruled  by 
 
 fomc 
 
God  is  the  Saver aign  Hjder  of *  Man -kind.  7 
 fomc  hopes  and  fears  of  a  life  to  come .  Mahonx- 
 tansy  and  moft  Infidels  profefs  to  beiieve  it ;  Efpeci- 
 ally  their  Law-givers  ,  who  therefore  make  the  bet- 
 ter Laws.  And  the  fame  nature  of  man  y  and  common 
 experience  deciareth ,  that  were  it  not  for  fuch  hopes 
 and  fears,  che  world  would  turn  Car.nibds^  and  bi  like 
 f o  many  ravenous  beafts.  Men  in  Power  would  have 
 nothing  iufficient  to  reftrain  thsm  from  the  greateft 
 wickednefs ;  and  fecret  Murders,Burmn~;s,  Stealings, 
 Slanders,  Whoredoms ,  and  other  Villanies  would  nil 
 the  world.  So  that  the  Hopes  and  Fears  ,  and  con- 
 fequendy  the  Frcm'fez  and  Threats  of  a  Happinefs  or 
 Miferyheareafrer,  are  Gods  means  agreeable  to  hu- 
 mane nature  ,  for  the  due  Government  of  mankind. 
 
 Thef.  1 1 .  Therefore  the  foal  of  man  is  immortal ,  and 
 he  is  made  for  a  life  to  come  ,  where  he  jhall  be  for 
 ever  happy  or  miserable. 
 
 i 
 
 For  God  maketh  his  Creatures  fuitable  to  their 
 ufe  and  ends.  Every  work-man  will  fit  hi;  tools  ,  or 
 other  work  to  the  cad  he  makes  them  for.  God  bath 
 nor  beltowed  thefc  noble  faculties  on  man  in  vain. 
 If  he  would  have  had  him  uncapable  of  enjoying  God 
 hereafter,  he  would  have  left  him  as  he  hath  done  rhe 
 bruits,  uncapable  of  knowing  him,  defiling  and  feek- 
 ing  him.  If  he  would  not  hzvt  given  us  another  life, 
 nor.  punifh  the  wicked  with  a  future  mifery ,  he 
 would  not  have  promifed  or  threatned  fuch  thi 
 nor  ruled  the  world  by  the  Hopes  and  Fears  of  them. 
 For  Go&is  not  impotent  or  defective  in  Wifdom  and 
 Goodnefs ,  that  he  fhould  choofe  ,  o-  be  neceiftcare^, 
 to  govern  the  world  by  deceits  and  lies.  He  hath  hi* 
 
 B  4  choice 
 
S     Cod  is  the  Sovereign  Ruler  of  Man-kind. 
 
 choice  of  better  means :  and  tells  us  in  the  nature  of 
 his  works  for  what  he  made  them. 
 
 Thef.  12.  Were  there  not  a  life  to  come  for  man  ,  his 
 Knowledge  ,  Dejires  ,  Hopes  and  Fears  ,  would  he  his 
 tormrat  ,  and  the  noblenefs  of  his  nature  above  brutes  y 
 would  make  him  fo  much  more  mi fer  able  than  they  , 
 and  the  wife  [I  mtny and  the  befi  would  bejnoft  unhap- 
 py :  which  are  things  not  to  he  believed. 
 
 It  is  apparent ,  that  the  knowledge  of  a  God  and 
 
 Happincfs  >  which  we  may  not  enjoy,  would  tantalize 
 
 us;    and  the  fore-knowledge  of  an  everlafting  mife- 
 
 ry>as  poflible  and  probable  to  the  ungodly  *  would  be 
 
 a  continual  caufe  of  fear  and  care  to  us :    And  there 
 
 is  nor  a  Heathen  that  ever  I  yet  met  with  ,  or  fcarce 
 
 ever  heard  of,  thar  dare  fay,  He  isfure  that  there  is  no 
 
 life  to  come  :  They  all  confefs ,  That  it  may  be  fo  9  for 
 
 ought  they  know >  though  fome  of  them  take  it  to  be 
 
 unlikely  and  do  not  believe  it.    Now  the  very 
 
 Tofftbillty  which  is  difcerned  by  almoft  all ,  and  the 
 
 Probability  which  is  difcerned  by  molt  ,  muft  needs 
 
 excite  abundance  of  cares,  aud  fears  ,  and  forrows, 
 
 which  would  be  all  in  vain,and  delufo:y,and  vexatious, 
 
 if  there  were  no  fuch  thing,as  a  life  to  come>which  is 
 
 the  Objeft  of  thefe  affections :  yea,the  wifer  any  man 
 
 is,  the  more  he  knoweth  the  infufHciency  and  vanity 
 
 of  all  below,  and  the  great  Probability  of  a  life  to 
 
 come;  (  fuppofing  him  to  be  without  a  certainty  ) 
 
 And  therefore  if  there  were  no  fuch  future  ftate,  the 
 
 wifeft  men  fhould  be  the  moft  deluded  ,  and  fo  prove 
 
 in  the  end  the  moft  foolifh  ,  which  is  a  thing  not  to 
 
 •be  foppbfed,  that  the  mod  wife  and  perfect  Author 
 
 c(  nature  fhould  be  guilty  of.  God  would  not  hav£ 
 
 given 
 
Cod  is  tbt  Sovereign  %t?lerQf  Man-kind.     9 
 
 given  man  wifdome  as  his  Excellency  ,  and  the  image 
 .of  his  Maker ,  thereby  fetting  him  a6ove  the  reft  o£ 
 the  inferior  world ,  and  all  this  to  make  him  indeed  a 
 more  miferable,  deluded, befooled  Creature,  and  the 
 fcorn,as  ic  were  of  nature  I  The  Lord  of  nature  doth 
 better  fuice  his  works  unto  their  ends ,  and  is  not  the 
 common  deceiver  of  the  world. 
 
 Thef.  13.//"  there  veere  no  life  for  man  but  this  ,  \nens 
 pious  performance  of  their  duty  to  God  and  man  ,  and 
 their  prudent  care  of  their  own  felicity  would  be  their 
 lojfe  ',  and  mens  wickgdnefs  and  folly  would  be  their 
 galny  and  the  worji  would  be  leafl  miferable  i  which 
 are  things  not  once  to  be  imaomed. 
 
 It  is  impoflible  that  any  man  ihould  be  a  lofer  by 
 God  ,  and  by  the  faithful  performance  of  his  du- 
 ty;  Satan  himfelf,  when  be  would  make  man  mife- 
 rablc ,  endeavorcth  to  that  end  to  make  him  flnful , 
 as  the  onely  way  ;  and  never  dreameth  of  making 
 him  miferable  oy  his  duty  ;  nor  hath  the  impuden- 
 cy  to  move  that  he  may  be  deftroyed  for  well-doing  : 
 It  is  abhorrent  from  the  wifdome  and  goodnefs  of 
 fhe'bleffed  God,  to  fet  man  in  the  world  upon  a 
 courfe  of  duty  ,  which  the  more  he  performeth  ,  the 
 more  he  lofeth  by  it.  The  work  is  good ,  or  elfe  it 
 could  not  be  our  duty  :  and  the  doing  of  good  mud 
 *end  to  our  good,  and  not  to  our  hurt.  It  is  man$ 
 perfe&ion  or  excellency  to  be  obedient  to  his  Ma- 
 ker ,  and  to  exercifc  wifdom ,  piety  ,  honefty  ,  and 
 a  due  care  of  his  own  felicity,  to  which  his  nature 
 doth  fo  potently  incline  him  :  therefore  to  think  that 
 this  is  his  folly  or  lofs ,  is  a  contwdi&ion  to  the 
 wuuxc  of  the  thing. 
 
 And 
 
[10  God  is  the  Sovereign  Ruler  of  Man~kindm 
 
 And  that  fuch  a  cow  re  of  dury  is  naturally  incum- 
 bent on  us  is  evident :  For  nature  teacheth  us_  that 
 the  God  that  made  usfhould  be  feared,  and  loved, 
 and  fetved  above  alband  that  we  fhould  live  foberly , 
 righteoufly  and  pioufly  ;  Yea  ,  more  then  fo  , 
 when  the  worfer  fort  of  Infidels  and  Heathens 
 cannot  fay  ,  that  they  are  fare  their  is  no  life  to  come  : 
 and  when  the  mofi'f  the  world  believe  there  is  ;  and 
 when  the  common  reafori  of  man-kind  (  even  of  the 
 Heathens  )  acknowledged  it  to  be  probable  ,  in  this 
 cafe  ,  the  plaineft  voice  of  %eafon  doth  com- 
 mand ,  us  ,  to  make  it  the  very  care  and  bufi- 
 nefs  of  this  life  to  make  preparation  for  another. 
 When  we  all  know  how  fhon\  uncerain  and  certain- 
 ly vain,  and  unworthy  to  be  much  regarded ,  the 
 pleafures ,  and  profits  and  honours  of  the  world  are, 
 or  any  thing  that  it  can  ycild  us  ,  Reafon  tells  us  that 
 he  is  worfc  then  mad,  that  will  not  prefer  a  probable 
 everlafling  happinefs ,  and  the  avoiding  of  a  probable 
 future  mifery,  before  fuch  things  as  theft?.  And  there- 
 fore Reafon  telleth  men,  that  if  there  be  fuch  3  proba- 
 bility of  future  joyzs  andforrows  ,  it  flionldbe  the 
 principal  care  ancj  bufiue'fs  of  our  lives  to  attaine  that 
 joy  ,  and  avoid  that  forrowe  ( though  there  were  no 
 certainty  )  fo  that  mans  natural  Reafon  concludeth 
 that  the  principal  work  of  his  life  on  earth  ,  fhould  be 
 to  prepare  for  anothet  life ,  fo  exceeding  great  a  mat- 
 ter as  that ,  being  not  for  a  lefler  to  be  neglected ,  or 
 rafhly  ventured. 
 
 But  now  if  after  this,  there  were  no  fuch  life  of  fu- 
 ture joyes  and  forrows  for  us ,  then  all  this  care  and 
 diligence  were  loft  ;  and  that  courfe  of  life  that  wif- 
 dome  it  felf  dire&s  man  to  ,  woufcTbe  in  vain  ,  which 
 
 is 
 
God  is  the  Sovereign  Ruler  of  Max-kind.       1 1 
 is  not  to  be  imputed  to  him  that  givcth  wifdom  un- 
 to man :  And  as  he  that  performeth  his  duty  moft 
 carefully  to  God,  would  fufter  moll  in  the  world  (  as 
 experience  telleth  us  )  and  moil  be  deprived  of  the 
 pleafures,  and  honours,  and  profits  which  the  flefh 
 defireth,  and  fo  be  deprived  of  that  which  fenfuality 
 accounteth  felicity  ;  fo  on  the  contrary  fide  ,  the 
 naoft  impious  and  unconfcionable  mtn  would  be 
 freed  from  all  the  forefaid  cares  and  fears,  and  la- 
 bours of  wife  men  for  another  life ,  and  would  have 
 liberty  to  plcafe  their  flefh ,  and  live  in  all  the  feafu- 
 all  delights  that  they  can  attain ,  and  fo  they  would 
 be  gainers  by  their  folly  and  badnefs;and  consequent- 
 ly folly  would  be  wifdom,  and  wifdom  would  be  fol- 
 ly ;  good  would  be  cvill ,  and  evil  would  be  good.     It 
 [  being  certain  then  that  a  fojfibilitj  and  probability  of 
 another  life  is  obvious  to  the  light  of  nature  ,  and 
 that  this  fojfibilitj  and  probability  obligeth  every  man 
 in  reafon ,  to  live  here  in  preparation  to  another  fife, 
 and  to  think  no  paines  or  cofl  too  great  for  fo  great 
 an  end,  and  consequently  that  the  God  of  nature  , 
 hath  in  nature  prefcribed  man  this  work;it  muft  needs 
 fol!ow,that  either  there  is  fuch  a  life  indeed  hereafter, 
 or  elfe  that  God  hath  made  our  nature ,  and  appoint- 
 ed our  lives  to  be  all  but  vain, and  falfe,and  delufory, 
 and  commanded  us,  or  dire&ed  us  to  that  as  good, 
 which  (hall  be  ourlofs;  andfhewedus  that  as  evil, 
 which  would  be  our  gain;  And  if  God  cannot  or  will 
 not  govern  the  world  without  this  courfe  of  delufion, 
 falfhood,  and  fruftration ,  then  he  is  below  fome  of 
 his  creatures,  or  at  leaft  not  perfe&  in  power, wifdom 
 andgoodnefs :  and  then  thpre  is  no  God ,  and  then 
 there  is  nothing. 
 
 Thcf 
 
1 2       God  is  tkejSovertogn  Ruler  of  Man-kind. 
 
 Thef,  14.  It  is  not  the  ejfential  conftittttive  farts  of 
 man^  by  which  he  is  proximately  capable  of  his  fe- 
 licity or  end  ,  but  his  moral  perfections  and  accepta- 
 blenejfe  to  God. 
 
 1.  Otherwife  aH  men  fhould  be  happy ,  becaufe  all 
 arc  men  ,  which  is  not  true.  2.  Otherwife  there 
 fhould  no  means  be  appointed  for  man  to  ufe  ,  in  or- 
 der to  his  end  ;  for  he  hath  his  natural  powers  with- 
 out any  induftry  of  his  own.  3.  Elfe  there  fhould 
 be  an  equality  or  felicity  to  the  obedient  and  difobe- 
 dient  ,  the  vertuous  and  vitious  ,  and  confequently 
 vertue  were  no  perfeftion  and  no  vertue,and  vice  no 
 vice;  duty  no  duty  ,  and  fin  no  fin,if  all  tended  to  the 
 fame  eijd,  and  were  equally  confident  with  our  wel- 
 fare. 4.  The  light  of  nature  teacheth  all  men,  that 
 vice  defervcth  punifhment ,  and  vertue  praife ,  and 
 that  Murderers ,  Traitors,  and  other  wicked  perfons 
 deferve  not  that  happineffe  in  this  world,which  others? 
 have,l)ut  forfeit  their  accommodations  or  lives; 
 and  that  there  is  a  certain  laudablcnefs  or  capablenefs 
 in  humane  a&ions,  according  to  which  men  fhould 
 be  efieemed  and  ufed  ,  and  that  it  fhould  go  well  with 
 the  good ,  and  ill  with  the  bad. '  ? .  And  mans  hap- 
 pineffe being  Gods  gift,  can  be  given  to  none  but  up- 
 on his  termes,  and  to  fuch  as  are  acceptable  to  him. 
 6.  And  the  corruption  of  the  beft  things  makes  them 
 wortt ;  and  therefore  a  bad  man  is  worfe  then  a  beaft, 
 and  muft  be  more  unhappy  ;  as  a  bad  Angel  is  worfe 
 then  a  man:  who  otherwife  confidercd  in  his  effenti- 
 als  was  much  above  us. 
 
 Thef. 
 
God  is  the  Sovereign  %?der  of  Man-kind.     13 
 
 Thef.  15.  Man  therefore  muft  be  fitted  for  his  felici- 
 ty and  conduct*  1  to  his  endy  by  moral  meanes. 
 
 For  the  means  muft  be  fitted  to  his  intel- 
 lectual nature,  and  the  motives  to  hi?  faculties.  God 
 movcth  not  living  creatures,  as  he  doth  the  inani- 
 mate :  We  caft  a  ftone  ,  but  we  drive  a  beaft.  God  can 
 carry  a  man  up  and  down,  as  if  he  had  no  life  of  his 
 own :  but  if  he  had  intended  to  do  thus  ordinarily  by 
 him  ,  he  would  not  have  given  him  life :  for  he  doth 
 not  his  excellent  works  in  vaine ;  fo  God  can  move 
 man  as  beafts  are  moved,  fufpending  his  reafon ,  and 
 drawing  him  by  meere  fenfitivc  baites ,  and  moving 
 him  byobje&s  that  fliall  neceflitate  his  faculties  to 
 aft ;  but  if  he  had  intended  10  ufe  him  as  a  beaft,  he 
 would  have  made  him  but  fenfirive  as  a  beaft,  and  not 
 have  given  him  the  nobler  faculties  of  adifcurfive  in- 
 tellect, and  free-wil  in  vaine.  To  thefe  therefore 
 muft  the  means  be  fuited. 
 
 Thef.  16.  UWan  oweth  perfect  dutj  to  his  Maker,  and 
 muft  have  moral  means  agreeable  to  his  nature  to  di- 
 red  him  in  this  duty  ,  *nd  oblige  him  to  it. 
 
 He  that  is  capaple  of  duty  ,  and  is  what  he  is  ,  and 
 hath  what  he  hath  intirely  from  God  ,  muft  needs 
 owe  himfclf ,  and  all  that  he  can  perform ,  to  God , 
 and  therefore  muft  have  inftru&ions  ofhif  Makers 
 will,  and  be  direfted  by  him  concerning  his  duty , 
 which  elfe  he  cannot  perform* 
 
 Thef. 
 
1 4      God  is  the  Sovenign  Ruler  of  Man-kind. 
 
 :  Thef.17  U\fan  is  a  fociable  creature^  and  muft  be  ob- 
 liged according  to  his  nature ,  to  the  amies  of  rela- 
 tion and  foci ety. 
 
 We  arc  fociable  through  natnyall  inclination  ,  and 
 alfo  through  necejfity ,  being  every  man  inefficient 
 for  hiinfelf,  and  needing  the  help  of  others  to  our 
 prefent  fubfiftence ,  and  iafe,  and  pleafant ,  and  com^ 
 fortable  being ,  and  to  further  us  in  Gods  fervice,  and 
 to  our  ultimate  end :  And  vv*  are  made  fociable  for 
 the  common  good  ,  and  the  propagation  and  pre- 
 servation of  mankind:  and  principally  becaufe  that 
 holy  focieicies  honour  our  Maker  more  then  holy 
 feparate  perfons. 
 
 Th  ef.  18 .  Thefe  Moral  means,  muft  be  the  Revelations 
 of  our  end  y  and  the  frefcript  of  duty  neceffary  to  its 
 attaimnent^andthe promifes  of  good \  and  cemmwati- 
 4ns  ofpuniftment  necejfary  to  provokj  us  to  perfor- 
 mance y  with  needfull  exhortations  and  dehortationsy 
 and  fitch  fubfrvient  helps  :  that  is  ,  man  is  made  a 
 Creature  to  be  inftrutted  by  Dottrinc  y  ruled  by  the 
 ufe  of  Laws. 
 
 For  an  unknown  end  inviteth  not  the  Rationall 
 Creature,  nor  is  intended  or  fought.  As  bruits  mult 
 be  drawn  by  fenfitive  objefts ,  fo  man  muft  be  drawn 
 by  intellectual  objects  fuited  to  the  nature  of  man.  And  j 
 thefe  obje£ts  muft  be  propounded,  that  they  may  be  | 
 apprehended  :  And  as  fenfitive  ob jefts  are  offered  to 
 beafts  to  work  upon  their  fenfitive  appetite  aud 
 fanta(ie>by  way  of  neceflity  (becaufe  that  is  agreeable 
 to  their  nature)fo  are  iheooje&s  of  the  Rational  foul 
 
 pro- 
 
Cod  is  the  Saver  aign  Ruhr  of  OM&vkind.  I 5 
 propounded  to  our  Intellect  and  free  will  ,  that  they 
 may  be  rationally  and  freely  received  ,  which  is  a- 
 greeable  to  humane  nature*  And  as  we  have  natu- 
 rally  a  power  of  Volition  nd  Nolition  ,  chufing 
 andJefufing,  and  the  Affe&ionsof  Love,  and  De- 
 fire,  and  Joy ,  and  Hope  ,  and  Fear>  &c.  fo  none  of 
 thefe  are  made  in  vaine;  and  therefore  all  muft  have 
 their  obje&s :  and  thefe  muft  be  the  great  things  of 
 the  life  to  come  which  we  are  made  for,  with  the 
 matters  of  this  life  that  help  or  hinder  them  ;  or  clfe 
 they  cannot  be  the  obje&s  that  are  moft  fuitable  to 
 our  faculties ,  and  for  which  it  is  that  we  are  men.  So 
 that  it  is  plains  from  the  nature  of  man  >  that  he  is  a 
 Creature  to  be  governed  by  Laws. 
 
 Thef.  19.  If  man  muft  know  his  End  and  Meatus  ,  by 
 Doftrine^  and  be  obliged  by  Lawsy  then  muft  there  be 
 Judgement  and  Execution  of  thefe  Laws. 
 
 For  Laws  are  vain  and  delufory  without  execution, 
 and  will  diiliononr  the  Government  ;as  if  he  could 
 not  rule  without  vaine  Promifes  and  Threats.  Laws 
 are  the  Subjefts  Rule  of  Duty ,  and  the  Judges  Rule 
 of  Judgement  :  therefore  moft  certainly  if  God 
 have  Laws,  he  will  have  judgement  according  to  his 
 Laws. 
 
 Thef.  20.  If  man  muft  have  Laws ,  andthofe  Laws 
 be  executed,  then  muft  there  be  a  King,  or  Soveraign 
 Governour  of  man. 
 
 -  For  there  can  be  noeffeft   without  its  caufe :   no 
 Laws  without  a  Lawgiver,  no  Judgment  without 
 
 a 
 
1 6      Cod  is  the  Severaign  Ruler  of  Man-kind. 
 
 a  Judge,  Legislation  ,  and  judgement  with  the  exe- 
 cution of  the  fentence,are  the  parts  of  Government: 
 and  therefore  are  the  Afts  of  a  Governor. 
 
 Thef.  21.  The  Sovereign  Tattler  of 'mankjnd  mnft  be 
 but  one ,  and  one  that  hath  fuffclency  or  chief  eft  A$- 
 tltnde^  and  hlgheft  Title. 
 
 i.  Mankind  hath  One  Original,  and  one  Common 
 nature,and  one  End,and  their  Creator  and  Governor 
 is  that  end ,  which  all  fhould  intend,  and  are  capable 
 remotely  in  their  naturals  to  attain  and  enjoy:  there- 
 fore they  can  have  but  one  Soveraign. 
 
 2.  He  that  is  the  Soveraign  Ruler  of  the  world 
 muft  fas  to  Aptitude^  i.  Have  wifdom  enough  to 
 know  all  the  Subjc&s  y  and  all  the  fecrets  of  their 
 hearts,  and  to  difcerne  each  vertue  and  vice  ,  each 
 duty  and  fin  that's  done  within  by  their  thoughts, 
 wills ,or  affedUons:and  alfo  he  muft  oe  wife  enough  to 
 know  all  the  concernments  of  all  his  Subje&s  through 
 the  world ,  and  all  at  once  ;  and  to  know  what  Laws 
 to  make  for  them,  and  all  the  means  that  are  fitted 
 for  their  Government. 
 
 2.  And  he  muft  have  fo  much  goodnefle  as  to  be 
 immutably  true  to  the  common  end  of  the  Govern- 
 ment ,  and  to  be  indefeftible  in  Truth  and  Jufticc. 
 3 .  And  he  muft  have  fo  much  power,  as  to  be  able  to 
 Protect  all  his  Sub  jefts  in  the  world  ,  and  to  reprefs 
 all  Enemies  whatever  >  and  to  rpward  all  according 
 to  their  works,  and  to  punifh  all  that  fhall  offend,and 
 fee  to  the  execution  of  his  Laws. 
 
 3.  And  befides  this  Aptitude  t  he  muft  have  the 
 chiefeft  Title  to  be  their  Soveraign . 
 
 Thef. 
 
God  is  the  Sovereign  %tder  of  Mtn-Und.       1 7 
 
 Thef.  22,  Therefore  God^andonly  God  Is  the  Sovereign 
 Ruler  of  mankind  y  as  havirg  alone  4 he  fufficiency  or 
 aptitude  in  his  infinite  perfections  ,  and  the  Higheslr 
 Title  by  Creation^  and  a  plenary  propriety  thence  re- 
 fusing. 
 
 i.  God  and  he  only  hath  the  fulneffe  of  wifdom  * 
 goodnefs,  and  power •>  neceflary  to  fo  great  a  work.  Or 
 if  thefe  perfe&ions  in  any  creature  were  proportion- 
 able to  the  Government  of  all  the  world.i  .Yet  were 
 all  this  but  in  dependency  upon  God  ,  and  therefore 
 that  creature  were  not  apt  for  foveraign  Rule  ,  as 
 having  and  doing  nothing  of  itfelf,  but  by  a  higher 
 Caufe.  2.  -Creation  is  a  Foundation  from  whence 
 themoft  abfolute  Right  of  Government  doth  refulc 
 that  is  imaginably  but  in  the  order  following. 
 
 Thef.  25.  God  having  created  man7  a  Rational  free 
 Agent  ,  to  be  Ruled  as  aforefaid  ,  and  conferred  on 
 him  all  the  benefits  of  which  he  is  naturally  poffeffedy 
 doth  by  a  neceffary  refnltancy  ft  and  related  untd 
 man,  in  a  threefold  relation  y  viz.  our  Abfolute  Lord- 
 (or  Owner)  oar  Soveraign ,  Ruler ,  (or  King)  and 
 */*r/w0/?bountifuIl  Benefactor;  and  man  {lands  Re* 
 lated  unto  God  as  his  own,  his  fubjeft  (as  to  obliga- 
 tion) and  his  Beneficiary. 
 
 Man  being  firft  confidered  more  generally  as  a 
 Creature ,  whatever  he  is^muft  needs  be  his  Makers :  ■"' 
 Creatio  n  gives  fo  perfeft    a  Dominion  as   leaveth  no 
 pretence  for  a  competition,  to  the  Creature  himfelf, 
 or  any  other  Creature ,  fo  that  making  us  of  nothing  , 
 
 C  H 
 
1 8       Of  the  Con^itution  of  Gods  Kingdom. 
 
 it  is  impoflible  but  we  ftiould  be  his  Own :  and  there- 
 fore Dominion  or  propriety  is  the  firft  refult  of  our 
 Creation. 
 
 Man  being  confidered  as  before  defcribed,  a  ratio- 
 on al  free  tAgent  to  be  Ruled  Morally ,  or  by  Laws;  it 
 fcext  follovvcth  by  neceffary  refultancy,  that  his 
 Maker  and  Owner  ,  is  his  Sovereign  King  ;  having 
 the  Jus  Imperii ,  as  well  as  the  Jus  Dominii ,  which 
 none  elfe  can  have  but  derivately  and  fubordinately 
 to  him,wc  have  then  evinced  from  the  nature  of  man 
 (waving  other  arguments  further  from  our  fubje&  ) 
 that</0_D  IS  THE  S.OPE  RAJG^E 
 RULE'K  OF    M AN-K  IT^V. 
 
 Chap.  III. 
 
 Of  the  Conftitution  of  Gods  King* 
 dome. 
 
 Thef.  24.  The  World  then  is  a  Kingdom  whereof  God 
 is  the  King  ,  and  the  form  of  the  Government  is 
 Monarchia  abfoluta  ex  pleno  Dominio  jure  Crea- 
 tionist an  abfolnte  Monarchy  fr&m  or  with  a  ple- 
 nary Dominion  or  propriety  of  perfons  and  things  , 
 by  the  Title  of  Creation. 
 
 BEcaufe  this  is  the  foundation  of  all  my  following 
 difcourfe,  as  I  have  evinced  it  from  nature  ,  fo 
 I  ftiall  for  the  ufe  of  them  that  are  pretenders  toChri- 
 ftianity  ,  more  fully  manifeft  it  from  Scripture ,  and 
 then  anfwer  what  fome  fay  againftit.  Though 
 he  is  not  a  Chiiftian  indeed   that  belie vtfh   it  not  y 
 
 (nay 
 
Of  the  Confiitution  of  Gods  Kingdom*  Ip 
 (nay  he  is  a  certain  Athcift y  it  being  a  denying  God 
 to  be  God  ,  do  deny  him  to  be  the  Governour  of  the 
 world  )  yet  becaufe  fome  among  us  that  renounce 
 not  Chriftianity  openly  ,  and  fome  that  pretend  to 
 it  and  to  a  belief  of  Scriptures,  do  yet  directly  or  in- 
 directly deny  this ,  I  fhall  at  lcafthelp  all  to  (top  their 
 inouthesj  while  they  own  the  Scriptures. 
 
 Pfal.  29. 10.  The  Lordfnteth  King  for  ever.  ]  Pfa* 
 47.  6y  7.  Singfraifes  to  our  Kingy  fing  praifesjor  God 
 is  the  King  of  all  the  Earth.]  Pfal.  10. 16 .  The 
 Lord  is  King  for  ever  and  ever  .]  Pfal.  24.  10.  The 
 Lord  of  HoJtsy  he  is  thiKing  of  glory.  ]  Ifa.  43.  if./ 
 am  the  Lord  jour  holy  One  ,  the  Creatour  of  lfrael  y 
 your  King.]  Zach.  14.  9.  £  And  the  Lord  fhall  bee 
 King  over  all  the  Earth y  in  that  day  fhall  there  be  One 
 Lerd<>  and  his  T^am?  One*  ]  I  Tim.  1 . 1 7.  |~  Now  unt9 
 the  King  Eternal  7  Jmmortaly  Invifible  y  the  only  wife 
 God  ,  be  honour  j  and  glory fy  for  cver%  and  ever yAmen^\ 
 1  Tim.6.  i$.\jVhois  the  blejfed  and  only  Potentate  j 
 the  King  of  Kings  9  and  Lord  of  Lords.  [  Mai.  I.  14. 
 [  For  I  am  a  great  Kingyfaiththe  Lord  of  Hefts y  &c^\ 
 Pial.  47.  8.  Godreigneth  over  the  Heathen  ]  Pfal.4 
 47.2.  [For  the  Lord  mo  ft  high  is  terrible;  he  is  a 
 great  King  over  all  the  Earth.  ]  Pfal.  95.  3.  For  the 
 Lord  is  a  great  Gody  and  a  great  King  above  all  GodsJ\ 
 In  the  Lords  Prayer^  having  firft  acknowledged  his 
 Celeftial  dignity  and  Paterrial  relation  >  and  prayed 
 for  the  Hallowing  of  his  name( which  is  our  ultimate 
 end)  We  next  pray  for  the  coming  of  bis  Kingdom  j 
 and  next  for  the  doing  of  his  will  y  or  aftuall  obedi- 
 ence to  him,  and  that  In  all  the  Earth  as  it  is  in  Hea- 
 ven y  acknowledging  him  King  of  Heaven  and  Earthy 
 and  we  pray  for  Trovifion  y  Remiffton^v^ProteEiiom 
 Ci  from 
 
lo  Of  tbeCon^itution  of  Gods  Kingdom. 
 from  him  as  our  King  ,  making  it  the  conclufion  of 
 our  prayers,  and  fumme  oi  our  praifes ,  that  the 
 Kingdom^  Tower ,  and  Glory  are  his  for  ever.  J  The 
 Prophetkall  Kin^  doth  thus  begin  his  folcain  praife 
 to  God,  i  •  Chro.g.  lo,  1 1 . 1 2.  Bleffed  be  thou  ,  Lord 
 God  of Tfraelour  Father  for  ever  &  e  ver. Thine  O  Lord 
 is  the  great  neffeyaxd  the  power^nd  the  glory , and  the  Vi- 
 tloryy&  theMajeJtyfor  all  that  is  in  theHeaven  and  in 
 the  Earth  is  thine:  thine  is  the  Kingdom  0  Lord  ,  and 
 thou  art  exalted  as  head  above  all^  both  Riches  and  Ho- 
 nour come  ofthee^and  thou  Relgnefi  over  all ,  and  in  thy  ' 
 hands  is  power  and  might  %  and  in  thy  hand  it  is  to 
 wake  great ,  and  to  give  strength  unto  all.  ]  Pfal.  2  2, 
 17,28.  ARtheends  of  the  Earth  {hall  remember  and 
 turn  unto  the  Lord:  and  all  the  kindreds  of  the  Nations , 
 {hall  w  or  {hip  before  thee:  For  the  Kingdom  is  the  Lords y 
 and  he  is  the  Governor  among  the  Nations  •  ]  And 
 ^Pfalm  145. 1,  5,11,12,13.  [  They  {hall  fpeahj>f  the 
 Glory  of  thy  Kingdom  ^and  talk  of  thy  Power;  to  make 
 known  to  the  fons  of  men  his  mighty  Attsy  and  the  glo- 
 rious Ma)eJly  of  his  Kingdom :  thy  Kingdom  is  an 
 everlafting  Kingdom  ,  and  thy  Dominion  endureth 
 throughout  all  fenerations.  Pfalm  103.  I9.  [The 
 Lord  hath  prepared  his  Throne  in  the  Heavens ,  and 
 his  Kingdom  ruleth  over  all.  ]  Verfe20.  The  An- 
 gels do  his  Commandments ^hearkning  to  the  voice  of  his 
 word.  /  Verfe  22*  His  Dominion  alfo  extendeth 
 to  all  his  works  in  allplaces.  Ifa.  37.  16.  faith  Hezt- 
 kjah  ,  [  Thou  art  the  Cjod  ,  even  thou  alone  ,  of  all  the 
 Kingdoms  of  the  earth  ;  thou  haft-  made  heaven  and 
 earthy  Pfalm  146.10.  The  LorA {kail  reign  for  c>ver7\ 
 Pfalm  97. 1 .  The  Lord  reigneth^  let  the  earth  re  Joyce.'] 
 Pfalm  99.I.  The  Lordreignethy  let  the  people  tremble.'] 
 
 Pfalm 
 
Of  the  Conftitution  of  Cods  Kingdom.       2 1 
 
 Pfalm  g^.g.With  righfeoufnefs  Jkall  he  judge  the  world, 
 and  the  poplewi-h  equity.)  2  Chron.  20.  6.  Jekofa- 
 phat  faith,  (  O  Lord  God  of  our  fathers  >  art  not  thou. 
 God  in- He  averted  rukft  thou  not  over  all  the  kingdoms 
 of  the  heathen?  &c.  i  Pialm 67.  4.  £  Thou  Jhalc 
 judge  f  he  people  righteouJLyy  and  govern  the  Nations  upon 
 earth.) 
 
 -  It  will  be  ufelefs  to  add  more ;  for  he  that  will  not 
 believe  thefe  >  will  not  believe  more.  From  his  Le- 
 gation, and  other  Acte  of  government,  I  fball  ful- 
 lier  prove  the  point  anon.  That  God  is  our  cheif  Go- 
 vernor. 
 
 B  it  one  Thomas  Anglus  ex  Alhiis  Eaft~faxonumy 
 in  t nghlh,  Thomas  white%  a  Papifi ,  in  his  book  about: 
 T  r  :ry  ,  and  his  other  Writings ,  would  perfwade 
 us,rhp.t  fuch  notions  as  thefe  are  but  Metaphorical , 
 an.,  the  conceits  of  vulgar  heads,  when  properly  ap~ 
 plycJ  to  God,  and  that  indeed  they  that  are  wifer, 
 kno.y  rhat  God  goyerneth  as  an  Engeneer,  that  is,  by 
 a  phyiifrall  Promotion  only ,  as  men  govern  Clocks 
 and  Watches ,  or  the  Pilate,  governeth  a  ftiip.] 
 
 But  1.  Scripture  cannot  be  fo  eluded  by  any  that 
 truiy  .believed  it  to  be  G  ods  \Vord>  its  evidence  is  fo 
 plain  and  full.  All  that  it  faith  might  elfe  be  denyed 
 with  fuch  an  anfwer  as  this ;  But  affirmation  is  no 
 proof. 
 
 2.  It  is  before  proved  v  that  a  meerPhyfical  mo- 
 tion and  Government  is  not  fuited  to  the  nature  o£ 
 the  rational  Creatu  re  :  but  that  he  muft  be  governed 
 by  the  propofal  of  convenient  Objc&s ,  it  is  by  Laws 
 or  moral  Government.  3 .  If  man  can  be  governed 
 without  Laws,why  do  Parents  command,  and  Princes 
 make  Laws ,  and  judge  men  by  thena.   4.  Man  muft 
 
 C  3  b- 
 
*  2     Of  the  Confyitution  of  Cods  Kingdom. 
 
 be  ruled  by  his  Creators  WilL^not  meetly  as  operat- 
 ing phyfically  by  afecret  influx,  but  as  known  ;  And 
 we  cannot  know  Gods  Will  immediately;  for  no 
 man  hath  feenGodat  any  time ;  who  hath  gone  up 
 into  Heaven  /  but  we  muft  go  to  the  word  that  is 
 nigh  us,  Tfym.  10.  Only  by  Signs  can  we  know 
 Gods  Wiil  concerning  our  Z)uty  ;  and  thofe  figns  ar& 
 laws. 
 
 ButlfuppofethatMr.^A//*  doth  mean,  that  God 
 hath  laws,  but  yet  thefe  Laws  do  infallibly  deter- 
 mine,  and  obje&s  neceflfitate  the  Will  ,  andfo  all 
 Cauiality  is  properly  phyfical,  and  that  which  we  call 
 Moral ,  affe&eth  as  neceflarily  as  that  which  we  call 
 Phyficall ,  though  man  cannor  fee  the  force  of  caufes 
 in  their  connexion  and  fecret  influence. 
 
 But  i .  If  this  were  true ,  that  moral  operations 
 thus  caufe,  yet  (till  it  is  one  thing  to  govern  a  rational 
 Creature  by  the  force  of  duly  propofed  Objefts ,  and 
 another  to  move  him  as  a  lifelefs  ftone  :  And  if  the 
 firft  way  of  Government  be  granted  as  to  God,  he 
 will  ftill  be  the  uhiverfal  Monarch.  (And  let  them 
 confider  how  the  Pope  can  reign  as  Vice-God,  or 
 Vice-Chrift,  if  God,  if  Chrifthimfelfdo  not  reign.  ] 
 
 But  2.  Wefhallnotbeleevefuch  bold  Affertions 
 without  better  proofe  then  he  hath  given,  i.  Becaufe 
 we  know  that  there  is  true  contingency  in  the  world, 
 which  his  Affertion  would  overthrow .  2.  we  know 
 that  there  is  a  Will  in  man  that  is  a  felf  determining 
 Principle  ,  and  naturally  free  ,  and  that  this  part  of 
 the  naturall  excellency  of  man  ,  that's  called  Gods 
 Image ,  and  maketh  him  capable  of  moral  proper 
 Government,  with  Bruits  are  not.  3.  Becaufe 
 Jus  Do&rinc  of  Neceflitation  by  a  train  of  Obje&s  , 
 
 over? 
 
Of  the  constitution  of  Gods  Kingdom.        2  5 
 
 overthroweth  all  Religion  ,  and  not   only  denyeth 
 the  fcope  of  Scripture  ,  but  blafphemeth  God  >  and 
 denycth  the  before  manifefted  Truths ,  which  the 
 light  of  nature  doth  reveal.    For  which  way  ever 
 men  will  wrig2le,thcre  isnofliift  lefc ,  for  them  that 
 hold  this  unreliable  caufation  of  Objeds ,  as  to  the 
 Will,  but  plainly  they  muft  affirm,  that  God  is  the 
 principal  caufe  of  all  fin,  f  fo  far' as  it  is  capable  of 
 a  caufe  )  and  confequently  of  all  the  calamities  and 
 damnation  of  the  finners.     For  whether  it  be  by  ne- 
 ceflitating  phyfical  predetermination  ,  or  by  necessi- 
 tating objc&s ,  is  all  one.     God  is  the  chief  caufe  of 
 the  faculties  of  the  foul  that  arefuppofed  thus  to  be 
 neceflitated  ,  And  God  is  the  chief  caufe  of  the  Ob- 
 jefts  y  and  their  difpofition ;  (  and  all  the  temptati- 
 ons ,  according  to  the  oppofed  Do&rine  )  fo  that 
 God  is  hereby  made  the  chief  unrciiftable  deternia- 
 ing  caufe  of  them  to  fin ;  even  as  much  as  by  make- 
 ing  fire  and  ftraw  ,  and  fetting  them  together ,  he  i> 
 the  caufe  of  the  combuftion.     And  then  that  he 
 fhould  hate  fin  which  is  principally  his  own  work  > 
 and  fend  his  Son  to  die  for  it ,  and  damn  the  impeni- 
 tenr  for  it ,  will  not  be  believed  ,  but  taken  for  fceni- 
 cal  Delufions,  by  thofe  that  practically  hold  this  Opi- 
 nion.    And  fo  Scripture  and  Chriftianity  is  made  a 
 fcorn ,  and  all  Religion  and  Conference  overthrown. 
 All  this  we  will  believe  ,  when  Mr.  white  hath 
 proved  that  a  CM  an  is  a  Beaft^  and  that  the  frill  hath 
 no  more  freedom  then  the  Appetite  of  a  Bmt.  But 
 he  debafeth  the  noble  nature  of  man ,  and  knoweth 
 not  the  natural  liberty  of  the  Will,  which  makes  man 
 capable  of  a  Government,  different  not  only  from 
 the  motion  of  a  Jack,  or  Clock,  or  Ship,  but  alio 
 
 C  *  from 
 
2  4    Of  the  Constitution  of  Cods  Kingdom. 
 
 from  the  driving  of  Coach-horfe.s  >  or  the  over-fighc 
 and  ordering  of  a  Hock  olfheep  ,  vvho  are  not  gover- 
 ned by  Laws  and •  judgement.  What  Biafphemy 
 more  odious,  then  to  make  God  the  chief  nece-flita- 
 ting  caufe  of  all  the  fin  that  is  committed  in  the  world, 
 and  then  to  make  fuch  a  flir  againft  it ,  and  preacjj 
 them  from  it>&  irinift  the  penality  of  it  on  Chrifhand 
 damn  men  for  it  in  everlafting  miiery  \  But  as  ?.  ra  n 
 takes  it  for  his  honour  that  he  can  make  a  Watch  that 
 by  natural  inclination  can  go  of  it  jfclf  withquthis 
 own  continuall  motion  ,  foGod  hath  .honour:.-.  !iim- 
 felf  by  making  a  free  Agent  that  can  determine  ic  lelf, 
 and  be  the  principal  ( though  not  of  its  Acljon  as 
 A£lion, )  yet  of  its  determination  or  A&ion  as  com- 
 parative: and  though  moral  Habits  may  yet  be  iirong 
 Inclines  of  the"  Will, and  moral  freedom  may  be 
 loft,  (  and  is  in  the  unfandtified  )  yet  natural  liberty 
 remaineth  as  eflential  to  the  Will  ;  and  even  in 
 Heaven  it  will  be  infallibly  determined  to  good  , 
 not  by  the  deftruftion  of  the  natural  Power  or  liberty 
 initielf  ,butby  theperfe&ionof  the  moral  Habit, 
 andtheprefence  of  the  moft  glorious  Objedi ,  and 
 the  fecurity  and  manutenency  of  thepromifed  grace 
 of  him  whom  we  fhall  there  behold  for  ever.  And 
 i  hough  in  this  life  Objed^s  may-determine  the  htel- 
 'lettper  modum  natnra  by  neceflitation3(  further  then 
 it  is  commanded  by  the  Will ,  and  its  ads  ziz.jartici- 
 taiivi  Uleriixi6f*nie  habits  may  be  fo  potept  as(with 
 convenient  Objefts ),  infallibly  and  constantly  to  de- 
 termine the  Will;  yet  it  is  not  fo  wichall  >  nor  do 
 JJabits  as  fich  ,  or  Okjefts  as  fuch ,  Necejfitate  the 
 Will ,  and  determine  it  by  the  way  of  nature ,  as  they 
 do  the  Scnfe  and  Jntelleft. 
 
 Bat 
 
Of  the  Constitution  of  Gods  Kingdom.        25 
 
 But  my  Objections  areoffmall  moment  to  Mrv 
 jvhitcy  for  he  will  grant,  me  the  conclution  as  a  cer- 
 tain thing ;  He  oft  affirmeth  ,  (in  his  treat  of  Purgm 
 and  elfewbere)  That  God  hath  no  vindictive  Judge- 
 mentor'jvftice ;  And  he  demonttratethy  that  all  the 
 world  ,  or  as  good  as  all ,  iliall  be  happy  ;  (if  you  take 
 alifo:demonlt;a:ion  that  is  but  ufhered  in  with  an 
 £rgo)ln  Hi  Enclid.Metaphyf.Stoech.K.  this  is  his 
 Propof  \6.Mentes  incorporate plenty;  ad beautudvneni 
 perveniunt.  And  will  you  fee  it  demonftrated*? 
 \Cumenim  inftrumentum  propter  tttionem  feu  effet- 
 t  urn  propter  qutrnft^  injlrumentum  Mud  eft '  fftiftantU- 
 Uter  malum  quod  ftibftantiam  fui  ejfeclus<no»  eStnatuin 
 p.rficere:  §>uare  cummundusfit  inftruventum  ai  per-- 
 ducendas  mtntes  incorporate  ad  Beatitudinem,  nifihoc 
 ejficiat  ,  ent  fubftantialiter  mains  ;  fubftantia  autem 
 Be  atifcandi  genus  humanum  clareefi ,  ut  tot  particn- 
 lares  aniniA  beatificentur  ut  que.  deficiant  nmjintfutfi- 
 cievtes  ad  partem  confiderabilem  totius  mttltitudinis 
 conftitHendam^  &c.  So  again  Be  Med.G/fmm.jhatit* 
 
 jinfw.  1 .  But  who  ran  tell  how  many  arc  a  consi- 
 derable part  ?  If  one  of  a  thoufand  may  i  perifti ,  and 
 yet  ^©d  efcape.your  Judgement 3  why  not  one  of 
 nine  hundred  /  and  why  not  one  ofeignt  hundred? 
 and;why  not  halfe,  ormoft.  2.  But  will  not  your 
 cenfure  fall  heavy  on  God  upon  your  grounds,if  any 
 at  all  pei;iih  ?  If  fo  ,  why  were  you  fo  modeft  ,  as  to 
 be  aihamed  to  fpeak  out  ,  and  fay ,  that  you  demori- 
 ftrate  that  none  fhall  perifh  ?  *%.  Experience  eel  let  h 
 us,  that  it  is  too  coniidcrable  a  part  of  the  world  that 
 are  ungodly  \  fenlual,  Gluttons,  Drunkards,  Whore- 
 mongers, Murderers,  yea,  moft  of  the  work!  by  far 
 
 that 
 
2  6       Of  the  ConftitutienofGods  Kingdom. 
 
 that  are  Infidels  and  Idolaters ,  and  millions  that  be* 
 lieve  not  a  life  to  come ,  and  feek  not  after  ic,  yea » 
 that  hate  and  perfecute  them  that  do.  And  fhall  all> 
 or  almoft  all  thefe  be  faved  ?  What  danger  is  there 
 then  in  fin,  and  what  is  the  ufe  of  Chriftianity  ,  or  Pi- 
 ety, or  Confcience,  if  the  Heathens ,  and  Infidels , 
 and  impious  are  fo  generally  happy  ?  Is  this  Popery? 
 and  this  the  Champion  of  the  Roman  caufe  ?  4.  Do 
 fuch  Papifts  as  thefe  believe  the  Scripture  ,  thatfo 
 frequently  and  plainly  fpeak  the  contrary ,telling  us, 
 That  [the  Gate  is  fir  ait ,  and  the  way  is  narrow  that 
 leads  to  life,  and  few  there  bethatfinde  it ,  Mat.  7.  and 
 that  many  fhallfeek^ to  enter  in ,  and  (J  all  not  be  abley 
 Luk.13.24.  ]  and  that  it  is  a  little  fiock^tim  (hill 
 have  the  Kingdom ,  Luk.  1232.]  And  that  without 
 Holincfsnone  ]h all  fee  God,  Heb.  1 2  •  14.  Nor  enter  in- 
 to his  Kingdom  without  Regeneration  yand  Converfiony 
 and  mortifiing  thefiefh,  and  living  after  the  jprit ,  and 
 doing  tlnwill  ofGody  John.  3. 3,  <j.Mat.  18.3. Rom. 
 S.I,  13.  Mac.  7.  22,  23*  And  thatGod  hateth  Hi  the 
 Workers  of  iniquity  <>  Pfalm  ^ .  5 .  And  that  he  will  fe- 
 parate  thern  as  the  Goats  from  the  flieep,  and  judge 
 them  to evcrlafting  fire,  Mat.  25;  and  that  Chrifi 
 will  come  inflaming  fire  ,  rendring  Vengeance  to  them 
 that  know  not  God  ,  and  obey  not  the  G  off  el  of  our  Lord 
 Jefus  Chri&%  2.  Thef .  1 .9, 1  o.  andfunijh  them  with 
 tvcrlafiing  deft  rutt  ion  from  his  pre  fence.-  And  that  all 
 theyfhall  be  dawned  that  obey  not  the  truth  y  but  had 
 pleiafure  in  unrighi-eoufnefsy  2.  Thef.2.1 2.  lAnd  that 
 their  worm  never  d*eth  »  and  their  fire  is  not  quenched  , 
 Mark  9.43,44.4^.46.  Are  not  thefe,  and  many  fuch 
 paftkges  plain  enough?  Or  is  he  a  Chrittian  that  be- 
 lieves them  not  ?  Ai  \d  is  he  not  of  no  Religion ,  or  a 
 
 falfe 
 
OftbeConfiitution  of  Gods  Kingdom.  *? 
 falfe  Religioner  falfe  to  his  Religion,that  is  a&amed 
 to  own  it,  but  will  pretend  to  be  a  Papift,  a  Chriftian, 
 when  he  is  no  fuch  thing?  5.  Nay,  would  not  Juli- 
 an ,  and  moft  fober  Heathens  have  been  afhamed  of 
 thefe  men?  and  Jews,  and  ^Mahometans  think  them 
 unworthy  of  their  Communion?  When  all  thefe 
 pfofefs  to  believe  the  neceflity  of  honcfty  at  lcaft,  to 
 the  attainment  of  felicity!  Butthefe  mph  pluck  up 
 aft -Religion  by  the  roots ,  and  tell  almoft  all  the  fwi- 
 nifh  impious  difhoneft  perfons  in  the  world  of  x 
 certainty  of  fal  vat  ion.  (but  wo  to  them  that  truft  to 
 their  demonftrations)  Forfooth,  The  world  is  naught 
 if  it  bring  thm  not  to  happinefs !  And  what  need  then 
 of  Honefty  to  Felicity,  when  the  rout  of  the  difhoneft 
 are  fure  of  it  without  it  ?  Arc  thefe  principles  fit  for 
 Magiftrates  to  allow  their  people  to  read,  unlefe  they 
 defirc  their  perdition?  6.  But  to  his  Demonftrati- 
 on\  Before  he  had  come  to  his  Ergo ,  he  had  many 
 things  firft  to  have  proved ;  as,  that  the  World  is  a  to- 
 tal  and  fujficient  lnftrument ,  without  fupernaturall  or 
 fpetiall  Revelations  ;  That  this  lnftrument  is  not  only 
 a  propounded  and  commanded  means ,but  that  God  hath 
 absolutely  decreed  and  refolved  de  event*,  y  to  accom- 
 pli^ the  felicity  of  all  (or  almoft  all  )  men  by  it  : 
 and  that  with  almoft  all  the  Heathen*,  and  Jdolaters, 
 and  Whore-mongers ,  and  Murderers  in  the  world , 
 this  lnftrument  doth  not  only  bring  Felicity  to  their 
 choice,  (  and  the  way  to  felicity  )  but  alfo  unrefiftably 
 or  effettnalh  caufethemto  choofe  it,orfave  them  with' 
 out  J uc h  a  choice;  and  that  ttiere  is  nothing  for  man  ti 
 do  for  his  felicity ,  but  to  be  wheeled  to  it  by  the  inftru- 
 mentality  of  the  world;  and  that  the  haters  of  holinefi 
 (hall  be  happy  without  Holiffefs7thu  is,  Happy  without 
 
 HtppinefS) 
 
2  &      Of  the  Constitution  of  Gods  Kingdom. 
 
 happwtfsy  or  found.andhealthfull  without .hqaltb  ,  or 
 elie  iTnall  be  made  holy  by  the  world  at  the  departing 
 of  their  foulcs>  and  that  agaiaft their  wills ,  when  he 
 hath  proved  iuch  impieties  and  -  contradi&ions  as 
 thefc,  tye  fhalTreview  his  demcnft  ration. 
 
 But  his  great  foundation  is  £propof.  4.  Dctts  Creaf. 
 cetera  propter  ipfarnet :]  demonftrated.  thus,  [  Cxm 
 enim  nihil  extra  Veum  fit  till  amablU  (v\  hich  was  be- 
 fore demonftrated  in  fpigfit  of  Scripture  and  natujjc, 
 too)  &  natnm  per f  cere  ipfam  y  clarum  efiyfi  [olus. 
 Deus  confideretpir  yindifferens  e$eyCreata  jintly&c  nei 
 Qjiare  cnm  A  gens  ex  cognitione "agat  ex  Intentioncb^y 
 clarum  efty  Deum  in  ere  at  tone  intendere  bonum  ip fa- 
 rum  creatHrarum  yfeu  ere  are  i lias  ,:  ut  ipfis  >  nonfib\*:> 
 berk \fl . 
 
 Anfw.  i. It  feems  then  God  loveth  not  the 
 Creature ,  and  yet  made  the  world  for  them  only  , 
 arid  hot  hirrifelfe.  He  will  make  them  bppy  \vlthout 
 l6ve :  But  it  hath  of  old  b*en  thought  a , defciipnon 
 of  love,  vellebonum  allcmut  ipfi  'benefit  :  to  will 
 the  felicity  of  another.  2. .  The  will  of  GpcUs  the 
 beginning  of  all  things:  and  therefore .  the  will  .of 
 Godmuft  be  the  end.  The  .§ood  pleafureof  his 
 will  produced  all  things,'/ and .the' "  fulfilling  or  plea- 
 fare  of.the  fame  will  is  the  end-  of  all  things.  Its  not 
 poflibie  that  God  fhould  have,  any  ultimate  ..end  but 
 himfelf,  nor  > that  any  of  his  operations  'fhould  be 
 ultimately  for  any  thing.below  him  that  is  their  Ori- 
 ginal ;  Can  the/  infinite  God  j  make  a  temporary  fi- 
 nite imperfect  Creaturerthe  ultimate  end  of  his  in- 
 tentions ,  This  were  to  mak?  it  God ;  it  being  his 
 prerogative  to  be  the  Omega  as  well  as  the  Alpha , 
 Thomas  Animas  is   more  to  be  regarded'  her*  then, 
 
 Thames 
 
tffthe  Constitution  of  Gods  Kingdom.  29 
 Thomas  ex  Albiis  ,  r.q.103.  a.  3.  crUtrav%  finis  gu- 
 herna^ionis  mundi fit  aliqtiid  extra  mundnm  ?,  R.  Cum 
 prixcipinmrerum  ft  alt  quid  extrinfecum  a  totonniver- 
 foy  fc'ilictf  Dchs>  necejfe  eft  quod  eti am  finis  rerun*  jit 
 quoddambomm  extrinfecum  <>&  hoc  rat  tone  apparct  , 
 err.  And  before  £  Cum  finis  rsfpondeat  principio  , 
 non  pstejl fieri  ut  principio  cognito^qnis  fit  rernm  finis 
 ignoretur  J  And  doth  not  Wt.nhite  think  that  God 
 was  die  beginning  of  all  ?  That  which  is  chiefly  loved 
 by  the  principal!  Agent,  is  chiefly  intended  ip  his 
 principal  works  at  leaft:  but  Mr.  white  thinks  that  no 
 Creature  is  amiable  to  God  ,  therefore  none  can  be 
 loved  by  him  :  therefore  none  can  be  his  ultimate 
 
 2.  But  you  fay  >  \twas 'indifferent  to  God  whether 
 Jhey  were  created  or  no  i  Anfw.  To  his  commodity  it 
 was  indifferent,  that  is,  he  needed  them  not :  and  to 
 his  tv  ill  it  was  free ,  if  you  mean  that  by  indifferency : 
 But  yet  that  free  will  chofc  to  make  a  world  ,  and  to 
 communicate  his  goodnefs  to  his  Creatures  ,  for 
 their  felicity  and  not  for  his  own,( that  could  receive 
 no  addition  from  them  )  but  yet  for  himfelf  ,  even 
 they  and  their  felicity  being  ultimately  for  the  good 
 pleafure  of  his  will.  God  can  fulfill  0:  pleafe  his  own 
 free  will,  without  receiving  any  addition  of  felicity  , 
 and  yet  all  the  felicity  of  the  Creatures  fhallbe  but  a 
 means  to  that  his  pleasure. 
 
 %  That  which  was  Gods  ultimate  End  muft  be  before 
 his  intention(  the  finis  ch\)  for  it  is  not  pofflble  that 
 he  fliould  intend  fo  much  for  nothing;  for  that  which 
 was  not  amiable  or  exiftent ,  nor  could  be  fo  much  as 
 in  ejfe  cognito  ,  if  the  will  of  God  had  not  firft  caufed 
 ic  :  and'God  doth  not  wholly  and  dire&ly  go  out  of 
 
 him- 
 
3  o  Of  the  Conflitution  of  (jodi  Kingdom* 
 himfclf  in  his  Volitions  :  Buc  no  Creature  had  a  be. 
 ing  before  Gods  Intentions  ,  nor  could  their  bein< 
 be  intended  by  him  with  out  the  pre-exiftence  of  hia 
 to  whom  their  being  fhouldbe  ultimately  refer- 
 red* 
 
 3.H0W  for  Intent io  fims  is  properly  agreeable  tc 
 God ,  and  what  it  is  that  is  called  by  us  ,  Intentm 
 in  God  ,  is  no  more  known  to  you,  then  how  man) 
 ftars  are  in  the  firmament ,  and  when  proud  men  wil 
 reduce  the  greateft  matters ,  and  cleareft  certainties . 
 to  their  uncertaine  fancies  they  magnifie  themfelves 
 to  their  own  perdition ,  and  prove  the  moft  peftileni 
 enemies  to  the  Church  and  truth. 
 
 I  conclude  then  that  ultimately  God  doth  not 
 make  his  Creatures  ut  ipfis  bqnefit^wt  he  makes  them 
 and  difpofeth  of  them ,  fome  to  felicity  ,  and  fome  to 
 fervitude  or  mifery  for  their  fin  ,  but  all  to  the  flea- 
 fure  of  his  will.  His  will  is  the  fountainebzyond 
 which  nocaufeistobeaffigned  ,  and  his  will  is  the 
 end ,  beyo  nd  which  there  is  no  end.  And  one  would 
 think  th  is  foouldbe  no  controverfie. 
 
 And  4.  I  would  know  of  this  man,  whether  he 
 would  take  it  for  a  happineffe  or  net ,  to  be  a  Toade 
 or  a  Snake.  If  not,whether  God  is  bound  any  more 
 by  the  Law  and  rcafon  of  his  Creation  to  make  all 
 men  happy  that  deferve  mifery ,  rather  then  t<?  make 
 all  Toads  and  Serpents  to  be  men  ,  tkat  never  finned. 
 If  it  crofs  not  the  reafon  of  his  works,  that  you  ftiould 
 labour ,  and  weary  and  famifli,  and  beat  and  kill  your 
 Horfe  or  Oxe ,  that  finned  not :  why  £hould  it  croflfe 
 the  reafon  of  his  Creation  to  condemn  the  obftinate 
 defpifers  of  his  grace  ?  If  you  fay  [  beemfe  he  made 
 men  for  everlafting  htppinejfc  t  and  not  beafts ,  ]  I  An- 
 
 fyver, 
 
Of  the  Constitution  of  Gods  Kingdom.       31 
 
 fwer,  1.  It  is  the  temporal  hafpinefsoi  beaftsthatis 
 denyed  them.  2.  He  made  wicked  men  no  more 
 for  happinefsjthen  Snakes  and  Toades,  (unlefs  amece* 
 dcKtly  to  offer  them  that  happineffe  which  they  re- 
 fufe.) 
 
 But  let  us  hear  the  proof  of  this  ftrange  conclufion 
 of  yours ;  That  [Nihil  extra  Denm  eft  amabile  ab 
 iffo.  Prop.  3.]  This  is  all  £  Cum  nihil  fit  amabile 
 quod  no* fit  bomm  (  true  )  neqne  bonum  nifi  habittan  de- 
 lettet  haUntem  ,  (  pircly  falfe  )  &  delegare  habente* 
 fit  eumperficcre  ( falfe  as  univerfally  afferted)  C*** 
 dcU&atio  fit  free iptns  actus  cognofcentis  ,  palam  efi  y 
 bwne  bomm  effe  intr  infect  perfcttivum  cognofcentis  y  cut 
 efi  bomm ,  fed  mhil  efi  intrinfec  e  perfeftivttm  Deiy  cum 
 in  eo  fit  effentialiter  omnis  plenitudo  entis  feu  perfefti- 
 oMis  :  nihil  itaqne  extra  J)eum  efi  Bomm  &  ama- 
 bile. 
 
 Anfwer.  I.  There  is  a  B§num  infe  &  fimf  licit er ,  35 
 Well  as  a  Sonum  alicui  refpeftivttm.  As  all  love  is 
 not  of  CoHcupifcentU  proceeding  from  defeft  ,  (  nor 
 ftri&ly  aAciti*, )  fo  all  good  is  not  defired  or  ufed  as 
 a  means ,  nor  is  bonum  habimmy  or  defired  ,  but  fomc' 
 loved  (imply  for  it  felf. 
 
 2.  All  delegation  or  complacency  is  not  to  per- 
 fe&  him  that  hath  it.  Scripture  mod  frequently  a- 
 fcribeth  love  ,  delight ,  and  complacency  to  God , 
 which  are  not  to  perfeft  him.  I  conclude  then,  that 
 1.  God  loves  the  creature  as  Love  fignifieth  his  will 
 to  doe  it  good.  2.  He  loves  the  good  which  he  hath 
 communicated  to  the  Creature,  as  good  according  to 
 its  proportion ,  with  a  love  of  fimple  Approbation 
 and  Complacencie.  Not  that  he  loves  any  thing  in 
 it  but  wiwt  is  from  him!  nor  fo  without  himfelf ,  as  if 
 
 alj 
 
3  %  Of  the  Conflitution  of  <jods  Kingdom* 
 all  did  not  live,  move  and  be  exiftent  in  him  ;  but  yet 
 die  good  communicated  to  the  Creature. is  diftin<9 
 from  God  himfelf  .All  that  isfrem  Godisgosd(hz  faw 
 that  which  he  had  made  to  be  good  ,  and  very  good  ■ 
 Gen.l.)  But^W  may  be  accounted  amiable  to  God: 
 therefore  all  that  is  from  Cod  may  be  accounted 
 amiable  to  him. 
 
 5.  What  a  God  would  this  man  feign  to  the 
 world  that  loveth nothing  that  he  hath  made,  (ioi 
 he  can  love  nothing  that  is  not  amiable  J  when  in- 
 deed he  hateth  nothing  that  he  hath  made ,  but  for  fin 
 which  he  made  not, and  he  is  love  it  fclf .  The  mag- 
 nifying of  Gods  love  to  man  in  the  work  of  Chrift  is 
 his  Incarnation  ,  Life,  Do&rine ,  &c.  and  the  work 
 of  the  Spirit,  and  all  Gods  Ordinances ,  and  the  End 
 of  all  his  Mercies,  and  the  very  work  and  ufe  of 
 Heaven  it  felf.  And  this  learned  man  that's  blinded 
 with  pride  >  would  teach  us  now  that  God  loveth  no 
 man  and  nothing  but  himfelf ,  God  knows  better 
 then  you  what  love  is  in  himfelf  who  hath  expreffed 
 it  of  himfelf.  Ask  any  honeft  man  on  earth  whether 
 he  believes  this  do&rine  y  or  would  have  it  true ,  that 
 God  loves  no  man. 
 
 4,  And  what  a  world  of  Creatures  doth  this  man 
 feign  thit  are  none  of  them  good  and  amiable. 
 
 5,  And  fee  whether  he  teach  us  not  all  to  deny  our 
 love  to  God.  For  1.  To  tell  men  that  God  loves? 
 no  man  ,  is  the  way  to  have  no  man  love  him.  2.  If 
 God  muft  love  nothing  for  himfelf ,  becaufe  nothing 
 is  sjood  to  him,  it  will  follow  that  man  mutt  love  no- 
 thing for  God  ultimately, upon  the  fame  account.  As 
 nothing  can  add  to  God ,  fo  we  mutt  love  nothing  as 
 that  which  can  add  to  God ;  And  therefore-  if  that 
 
 be 
 
Of  the  C0#(tiM*M  °f  G^d%  Kingdom.       3  3 
 
 .reafon  enough  againft  Gods  loving  any  thing  for 
 himfelfe,  ic  will  be  rcafon  enough  againit  our  loving 
 any  thing  for  him.  And  if  God  doe  all  for  ann>  be- 
 caufe  he  can  have  no  oih^r  end  f  then  man  muft  on 
 the  fame  reafon  doe  all  for  himfelf.  And  therefore 
 when  he  makes  God  mans  End,  he  can  mean  but  the 
 final  objeA  that  makes  us  happy  ,  which  is  onely  to 
 love  God  for  our  felves ,  as  our  own  felicity.  Buc 
 that  God  fhould  be  more  loved  fimply  for  himfelfe, 
 then  as  our  felicity  is  apparent :  i .  In  that  nature 
 taught  the  Heathens  to  love  the  common  good  ,  a- 
 bove  their  own  felicity  :  therefore  our  own  felicity 
 is  not  our  higheft  end.  A  valiant  Heathen  would 
 havefacrificed  his  life  for  his  Countries  good:  not 
 onely  for  a  reward  to  himfelf  in  another  world ,  nor 
 onely  for  the  fame  ( if  their  Profeflions  may  be  cre- 
 dited J  but  for  the  common  good.  2.  And  the  light 
 of  natural  Reafon,  telleth  all  them  that  have  not  cap* 
 fivated  Reafon  tofelfifanefle  ,  that  every  man  fhould 
 xlo  thus :  If  the  Common-wealth  ihould  perifli  unlefe 
 niy  life  redeemed  it ,  or  if  my  death  would  favc  the 
 lives  of  ten  thoufand  that  are  of  greater  uie  then  I , 
 my  Reafon  rclls  me  I  ihould  readily  facrifice  my  life 
 for  them ,  though  I  had  no  reward  for  it  to  my  felf: 
 which  vvas  the  ground  of  Pauls  words ,  %pm.  9.  3.  [/ 
 could  w I '(h  that  my  [elf  were  accurfedfrom  Chrljt  ^for 
 my  brethren ,  &c.  ]  Not  that  he  a&ually  made  fuch  a 
 hoicc ,  for  it  was  not  offered  to  his  choice :  but 
 that  it  was  more  eligible,  if  it  had  been  offered,  and  if 
 the  perdition  of  one  could  be  the  falvation  of  thou- 
 fands ,  it  were  ia  it  felf  an  evill  to  be  undergone  for 
 fo  great  a  good ;  if  it  had  been  fo  appointed  us  of 
 God.    The  greateft  good  is  greatliefif  to  be  defired , 
 
 D  chough 
 
34       Of  the  Confiitutim  of  Gods  Km 
 
 rhough  it  be  not  our  own.    He  that  won 
 
 felf  be  annihilated,  rather  then  the  Sun  fl 
 
 ken  out  of  its  natural  place  and  office,  o 
 
 annihilated ,  though  it  were  fuppofed  tl 
 
 furvivc)  fhould  go  againft  the  cleareft  I 
 
 jure.    That  which  refilicth  this  within  us 
 
 inftin& ,  or  loathneflfe  to  dye  or  be  mifcra 
 
 is  in  every  fenfible  %Ammal ,  and  therefo 
 
 fubje<fted  to  Rcafon  as  the  Appetite  is.   T 
 
 not  take  away  the  appetite ,  and  make  a  m, 
 
 ter ,  and  loath  fweet ,  &  c  .  but  k  may  fc 
 
 cannot  take  away  our  hathnefs  to  be  mifer 
 
 may  tell  us  that  we  (hould  fubmit  to  it  fo 
 
 mongood.  And  this  fheweth  that  man: 
 
 fona!   felicity  is  not  his  higheft  end  ,  eve: 
 
 of  natural  reafon.    And  if  fo,   it  is  mo 
 
 that  if  we  muft  goe  above  our  felves ,  We 
 
 the  higheft ,   which  is  to  God :   whofe  p 
 
 complacency  in  his  works  ,  is  above  all  tl 
 
 the  works  themfelves  ,  when  we  fay  [J 
 
 his  end  and  oars  ]  w£  meane  that  [  tb?   cot 
 
 efhis  Excellency  to  his  Creatures ,  and  his± 
 
 pearance  in  them  ik   his  Complacencie  :  ]  1 
 
 Glory  and  Appearance  is  but  Mater] ally  h 
 
 the  complacencie  of  his#7//)  which  was  the 
 
 is  formally  his  End. 
 
 And  ifftill  you  dream  like  a  man  of  I 
 God  can  have  no  delight  and  complacenci 
 thing  but  himfeif ,  becaufc  he  ncedcth  no 
 it  cannot  perfeB  him.  lAnfw.  i.  Bell 
 (  whether  in  himfelfe  or  another  )  is  not  i 
 as  mam  delight^  nor  is  it  to  be  comprehe: 
 and  therefore  from'things  beyond  our  re* 
 
Of  the  C0n$itution  of  Gods  Kingdom.       3  5 
 cot  deny  the   evident  truths  that  are  within  our 
 reach.    As  God  doth  firlttake  pleafure  inhimfdfe 
 without  any  note  of  imperfe&ion  ,  and  deferves  ncc 
 to  be  accounted  imperfect ,  becaufehe   is  not  moft 
 happy  without  that  pleafure ,  fo  he  next  taketh  plea- 
 fure in  his  Image ,  or  the  appearance  of  his  perfecti- 
 ons fliining  forth  in  the  Creatures  ;  which  will  be 
 moft  eminently  in  his  Son ,  as  the  Giorified  Head  of 
 the  Church ,  and  then  in  the  glorified  Church  his  bo- 
 dy.    And  when  he  hath  told  us  that  he  lovethand 
 ukjs  pleafure ,  and  ddighteth  in  his  Sonne ,  and  his 
 Church,  it  is  but  a  folly  of  a  high  nature  for  us  to  ,con- 
 tradift  him ,  and  fey  ,    he  fpeaketh  all  this  after 
 our  conceits ;  We  grant  that    the  expreflions  are  A- 
 nological  or  Metaphorical :  But  therefore  we  con- 
 clude they  are  not  meere  falhties ,  but  fignifies  fom- 
 what  tranfccnccnt  in  God ,  that  hath  lb  much  ana- 
 logic orlikenefsto  the  Love ,  Complacency,  Delight 
 of  man,  that  we  cannot  fitlier   conceive  of  it  then 
 under  thefe  notions.  -  And  therefore  we  muft  con- 
 clude both  that  God  detighteth  ,  or  takes  pleafure  in 
 his  works,  and  loveth  Chrift ,  and  his  Church ,  and 
 yet  that  he  doth  not  this  to  perfeft  himfelfe ,  or  adde 
 any  thing  to  his  own  felicity  :  but  the  very  Compla- 
 cency of  his  Will  is  his  higheft  End  ;  and  therefore 
 as  it  is  folly  to  askc  the  Original  of  Gods  will  which 
 is  the  Original   of  all  things  >  fo  it  is  no  lefs  to  askc, 
 what  is  the   end  of  his  will,  which  is  the   End  of  all 
 things.    To  heap  up  here  the  plain  abundant  Tefti- 
 mony  of  Scripture ,  that  there  is  Complacency  and 
 Love  in  God ,  to  a  Chriftian  is  ncedlelfe ,  (and  to 
 moft  Heathens)  but  to  Infidels  that  believe  not  the 
 Scripture ,  is  vaine.  See  Aqum.  1.  q.  io.  art.  2.  pro- 
 
 E>2  vih£ 
 
$6      Of  the  Confkitution  of  Gods  Kingdom. 
 
 ving  that  God  loveth  all things^  contrary  to  this  23rr« 
 tifb  Thomas  ,  that  faith  ,  he  loveth  nothing  ,  becanfe  no± 
 thing  is  good,  We  ftiall  only  give  him  leave  to  con- 
 clude what  he  pleafc  as  of  himfelf.  If  he  will  needs 
 maintain  that  he  is  not  good  himfelf  nor  amiable  to 
 God ,  and  confequently  to  no  good  men ,  let  him 
 have  his  liberty. 
 
 In  his  precedent  propofition.   2.  He  would  per- 
 fwadea  fool  that  yet  he  is  Orthodox  ,  while  he  main* 
 taines  that  [  Ens  primum  eft  Cjubernator  Univerfi  five 
 Deus  :  but  his  defcription  of  Gubernation  telieth  us  his 
 fenfe  )  Gttbernatorcm  dicimus  cum  qui  ex  cognitione  & 
 potest  ate,  per  alios  agenda  dirigit  &  efficlt  J  fo  that  it 
 is  a  Phyfical  Government  only  that  hath  ejection  ever 
 conjunct  with  direU'ion   that  he  meaneth.     And  fa 
 his  Moral  Government  by  Laws  fitted  to  free  Agents, 
 where  his  Sapiential  Excelhncie  is  purpofcly  fet  forth 
 to  our  obfervation  and  admiratioa  ,  and  when  he*- 
 ffeEleth  not  all  things  that  he  commandeth  as  a  Go- 
 vernor ,  this  is  caft  out  of  doors  5  further  then  as  it  is 
 fancied  to  be   a  Phyfical  engine.    But  x.  God  doth 
 notcaufeall   the  fin  of  the  world,  and  make  that  a 
 part  of  his  Government  of  the  world  ;    nor  doth  he 
 the  lefs  Govern  when  he  Commandeth  ,  becaufehe 
 doth  not  effe&  mens  obedience  ?  but  permit  them  to 
 difobey.  We  magnifie  his  Omnipotential  operations, 
 and  that  in  the   very  falsification    of  his  fervants  ; 
 but  we  will  not  therefore  deny  his  Sapiential  frame 
 of  Government  >  nor  fay  that  God  Governed)  noc 
 when  his  Laws  are  Broken ,  unleffc  by  caufing  men 
 unavoidably  to  breake  them.  Thefe  blafphemous  do- 
 tages are  no  part  of  our  Belief. 
 And  that  you  may  fee  how  he  profitcth ,  he  con- 
 cluded 
 
Of  the  Constitution  of  Gods  Kingdom.        3  7 
 
 dudeth  his  Book  in  thefe  words^Palameft  ,  Deo  ni- 
 hil rcliqnHm  ejfe  prater  Creationem  &  confervationcm, 
 hoc  efi  nihil  omnino  de  Gubernatione ,  fed  earn  integre 
 cornmijfam  ejfe  crcatnrisjton  erraturis  a  legibus  divinis 
 in  CrCAtionc  ipjis  /W/7/Vjthat  his.  Nothing  is  left  to  God 
 but  Creation  and  Conversation^  that  is  >  Nothing  at  all 
 ef  Government*  &c.  this  is  wholly  from  the  beginning 
 committed  to  Angels  So  that  it  is  not  enough  to  over- 
 throw the  whole  frame  of  Moral  Government  of 
 free  Agents  ,  but  the  very  Phyfical  government 
 which  is  left,  is  wholy  in  the  hand  of  Angels,  and  no- 
 thing of  it  left  to  God- 
 But  1.  Its  nevertheless  the  work  of  God,  if  it  be 
 the  work  of  Angels ;  Though  he  ufe  means ,  yet  im- 
 mediatione  virtntis  &  fttppofiti  >  he  is  yet  as  neere 
 himfelfe  to  the  effeft,  as  if  there  were  no  means,and 
 as  fie  is  not  the  lejfe  by  the  Exigence  of  Angels ,  fo 
 he  Doth  not  the  leffe  becaufe  of  the  Agency  of  An- 
 gels. 
 
 2.  The  proof  of  this  univerfall  Government  of 
 Angels  isnone,but  the  Ergo  of  a  dreaming  man,that 
 fnorteth  Syllogifmcs,  And  therefore  if  we  (hould 
 not  deny  it ,  we  muft  yet  remember  what  Paul  ad- 
 vifeth  us  concerning  Mr.  white^  and  the  Bhemenifts 
 and  fuch  like  ,  whom  in  their  Anceftors  he  was  ac- 
 quainted with,  Col.  2.  18.  J^Let  no  man  beguile  j  ou  of 
 Ijonr  reward,  in  a  voluntary  humility  ^andworfoipping  of 
 Angels^  intruding  into  thofe  things  which  he  hath  not 
 feen,  vainly  puft  up  by  his  flejhly  mind.  ]  (  And  who 
 would  not  worfliip  Angels  if  they  are  our  only  Go- 
 vernors! But  yet  6e  makes  praying  to  them  as  need- 
 lefs,  as  it  is  to  pray  to  the  Sun  to  fliine  ,  or  to  the 
 poafe  to  move  the  Clock.) 
 
3  %    Of  the  Confyitution  of  Gods  Kingdom. 
 
 3 .  Is  it  Angels  rhat  lend  or  give  the  holy  GhoSl  fy 
 renew  and  jaH$ifie  the  Lied  of  God  ?or  to  infpire  the 
 Pttphets.Vrovz  thisif  you  can.  Or  is  rhe  Holy  Ghoft 
 fome  Angel?  Neither  can  you  prove  that.  You  finde 
 not  in  Nature  or  Scripture  that  the  Image  of  God  is 
 wrought  by  Angels  on  the  fouls  of  men/ 
 
 4.  Did  not  the  fecond  Perfon  in  the  Trinity  im- 
 mediately aflume  the  nature  of  man?was  he  conceiv- 
 ed by  Angels?  Incarnate  by  Angels? yea  not  immedi- 
 ately incarnate  at  all  ?  nor  immediately  lived  in  flcfli 
 on  earth ,  dyed,  rofe  againe,  Intercedeth  for  us  ,  &c. 
 Doth  God  doe  all  this  remotely  only ,  and  Angels 
 Proximately  ?  Then  Chrift  was  an  Angel  ?  ^ndisit 
 Angels  Proximately  ,  and  Chrift  remotely  that  ftiall 
 judge  the  world. 
 
 '  ?.  Though  I  deny  not  but  Angels  might  be  firv ice- 
 able  in  giving  UWofes  Law ,  yet  how  prove  you  th'at 
 Angels  are  our  Law-givers  ?  Laws  we  have ,  and 
 Laws  Divine  ?  and  they  are  none  of  them,  given  us 
 in  the  name  of  any  Angel  as  his  Laws.  Very  much 
 weafcribe  to  them,  in  their  miniftration  for  the 
 heirs  of  life ,  and  in  the  Government  of  the  world: 
 butwefhall  notdefie  them,  and  deny  Godt-o  be 
 God.  Note  thztyPropof.  2.  This  man  himfe/ftndkssr 
 it  all  one  to  be  I  God]  and  to  be  [  Gevernonr  oftht 
 Umverfe~]Uc  therefore  rhat  faith  he  hath  wholly 
 committed^  Angehxkit^j  ovemment  cftheUxiv:rfey 
 faith  according  to  Mr.  whites  expofition,  that  he 
 hath  diverted  himfelf  of  his  Godhead,  and  wholly 
 committed  it  to  Angels  to  be  Gods. 
 
 But  the  Reader  will  think  I  have  been  too  long 
 with  this  Man.  But  1  am  concerned  in  it  much  to 
 confirm  and  defend  my    only  Foundation  ,  that 
 
 COD'S 
 
Of  the  CotiftiMion  of  Gods  Kingdom.  %     3  ?# 
 
 GOD'S  OUR  SOVERAIGNEK1NG 
 
 and  I  would  have  you  know  what  points  they  be  that 
 Papiife  are  introducing ,  and  the  reft  of  them  tolle- 
 ratc  as  not  defide.  This  is  the  man  that  hath  prefaced 
 toTnrbervils Manuall ,  and  written  for  Trains 
 9M,&c.  And  I  would  have  men  awakened  to  take 
 notice  what  pcrf  ons  in  the  prefent  controverfies  we 
 have  to  doe  with  ,  and  what  a  defign  is  laid  among 
 men  that  feem  of  divers  parties  to  deftroy  Chriftia- 
 nity,andfctupHeatheniime  or  Infidelity:  If  they 
 have  their  way  and  expe&ed  (uccefs  ^  theWorflup- 
 pcrs  of  the  Sun ,  are  like  ere  long  to  be  none  of  the 
 worft  among  us  in  Religion  :  But  God  will  Lhame 
 diem. 
 
 Thef.  2  5.  The  denial  of the  Sovereignty  of  God ,    and 
 his  Moral   government  is  the  denial  of  Deity,  Hu- 
 manity,   Religion  ,  Morality  and  follic)/  ,    moftof 
 .  which  J  frail  rnanif eft  brief  fly  in  thef e  following  ln- 
 ftances. 
 
 1. 1  have  ihewed  already  that  it  is  a  denying  God 
 to  be  God ,  becaufe  to  be  God ,  is  to  b*  the  Gover- 
 nor of  the  world,  at  leatt  in  Title. 
 
 2.  If  God  be  not  Governour ,  he  is  not  juft :  For 
 communicative  Juftice  he  cannot  exercife  on  Creatu- 
 res that  are  wholly  his  own.  And  diftributive  Juftice  he 
 can  have  none,  if  he  have  not  the  Relation  which 
 Juftice  doth  belong  to.  He  that  is  not  a  Ruler,  can- 
 aot  be  a  juft  Ruler. 
 
 3.  If  God  be  not  our  Governour,he  hath  no  Laws? 
 andfo  the  Law  of  Nature  and  Scripture  is  over- 
 thrown. 
 
 D  4  4'  Then 
 
40  «  Of  thcConflitution  of  Cods  Kingdom. 
 4.Then  man  doth  owe  him  no  Obediencetfor  where 
 there  is  no  Ruler  and  Law ,  there  is  no  obligation  to 
 Duty  :  and  fo  man  is  not  obliged  by  God  to  be  pious, 
 juft  ,  honeft  or  ioberj  but  if  God  will  make  him  fuchr 
 he  will  be  fuch. 
 
 5.  And  then  it  will  follow,  that  there  is  no  fin: 
 All  things  chat  men  do ,  are  fuch  as  God  doth  move 
 them  to :  but  there  being  no  Re£tor  and  Law ,  there 
 can  be  no  trangreflion  .  ■; 
 
 C.  Hence  alfo  it  will  follow ,  that  there  is  no  ver- 
 rue,  which  is  but  the  Habit  or  difpofition  to  duty:  for 
 if  there  be  no  obligation  to  a&ual  obedience,  the  ha- 
 bit is  in  vain,  or  is  no  moral  good:  for  all  moral  good 
 Is  denyed  here  at  once. 
 
 7.  And  hence  alfo  it  follows  ,  that  the  Habits  of 
 Vice  are  not  culpable,  becaufe  the  ASts  are  not  fin- 
 ful  ayainft  God  ,  there  being  no  Law  and  Governour 
 againft  whom  they  are  committed. 
 
 8.  And  Chriftianity  is  hereby  moft  evidently  fub- 
 verted :  For  Chrift  cannot  die  for  fin ,  nor  redeem  us 
 from  it,  if  there  be  no  fuch  thing;  Nor  can  the  Spirit 
 mortifie  it  in  us. 
 
 9.  And  hence  it  will  follow ,  that  all  the  Miniitry 
 and  Ordinances  are  vain,  and  not  of  Gods  appoint- 
 ment. If  he  have  no  Laws,  there  is  no  need  of  any  to 
 teach  them. 
 
 10.  Hence  alfo  it  will  follow  ,  that  Scripture  is 
 falfe  that  pretendeth  to  be  the  Law  of  God,  and  tells 
 u^of  all  that's  here  denyed. 
 
 1 1 .  And  therefore  there  can  be  no  pardon  of  fin  : 
 for  where  there  is  no  Governour ,  there  is  no  Law  : 
 and  where  no  Law>  there's  no  fin  ;  and  where  no  fin , 
 the'rs  none  to  pardon. 
 
 12,  And 
 
Of  the  Confyhution  of  Gods  Kingdom.         4 1 
 
 m.  And  then  there  needs  no  confeflion  of  fin,no^ 
 prayer  for  pardon ,  nor  care  or  means  to  be  ufed 
 againlHt. 
 
 15.  Nor  can  any  man  ow  God  any  thanks  or  praife 
 for  the  pardon  of  his  fins ,  if  there  be  none.  ■■ 
 
 1 4.  And  it  will  follow,that  there  is  no  puniihment, 
 for  fin  either  in  this  life  or  in  that  to  come,  except 
 what  is  inflifted.by  Creatures  for  offences  againft 
 Creatures. 
 
 1 5 .  And  it  will  follow ,  that  there  is  no  Reward  for 
 the  obedient ;  for  if  no  Governor,  Law  aad  Duty, 
 then  no  Reward. 
 
 16.  And  then  there  is  no  Judgement  of  God  to  be 
 expend.  For  their  is  no  poffibility  of  Judgement 
 where  there  is  neither  King ,  nor  Subjeffc  ,  nor  Law  , 
 nor  Right ,  nor  Wrong ,  not  Reward  >  nor  Puniflv- 
 ment. 
 
 17.  And  it  will  follow  that  fin  is  as  good  as  obe- 
 dience, and  a  wicked  man  as  good  and  happy  as  an 
 honeft  man  :  For  nothing  that  men  do  is  morally 
 evill,  and  all  things  Equally,  Phyfically  good,  accord- 
 ing to  their  Phyfical  Being,and  God  even  as  Phyficall 
 Governour  is  the  chief  caufc,and  therefore  the  effc& 
 cannot  but  ta  good  ,  nor  can  there  be  an  evill  man  in 
 the  world. 
 
 18.  It  will  follow ,  that  there  are  no  Devils :  for 
 they  could  break  no  Law ,  nor  do  any  evil ,  but  the 
 
 y  good  that  God,  or  rather  the  fuperior  Intelligences 
 made  them  do. 
 
 19.  In  a  word ,  it  hence  followeth  ,  that  man  is 
 but  a  beaft ,  that  is,  neceflitated  by  Objc&s ,  and  not 
 a  free  agent  governed  by  Laws. 
 
 20.  And  becaufe  I  would  make  them  twenty ,  let 
 
 this 
 
4 1  tffthc  Conftitutian  of  G ids  Kingdom. 
 this  be  the  Iaft:  Ic  followeth  hence  ,  that  (  God  being 
 not  our  Rc£tor,and  Law-giver,  andfo  their  being  no 
 hn  againft  him  )  if  the  Governors  of  the  Com- 
 monwealth fliall  hang  or  baniih  thofe  that  hold  this 
 traiterous  opinion  againft  the  God  of  Heaven  ,  and 
 divulge  it,  or  if  any  man  that  meets  them,  cudgel 
 them ,  it  is  no  fin  againft  God ,  nor  doth  he  need  to 
 fear  any  puniftiment  for  it  from  God. 
 
 By  this  time  you  fee  what  thofe  men  fay,that  deny 
 the  Soveraignty  of  God. 
 
 Thef.  26.     God  is  the  end7  ds  well  as  the  beginning  of 
 the  divine  (^Monarchy  of  the  world. 
 
 Of  this  by  the  way ,  I  jfpake  before.  He  is  his 
 own  end ,  fo  far  as  he  may  be  faid  to  have  an  end ; 
 (  which  is  not  as  man  ,  that  is  imperfeft,  and  without 
 his  end,  while  he  is  ufmg  mcanes  to  attain  it )  and  he 
 is  our  cheif  end ,  on  the  grounds  and  in  the  fenfe 
 before  explained.  The  appearance  of  his  gtory,  and 
 the  fulfilling  of  his  Will,  being  the  higheft  Univerfal 
 good.  Should  the  end  be  lower  then  the  beginning, 
 a  multitude  ofabfurditics  would  follow  ;  This  end 
 therefore  is  principally  to  be  refpc&ed  by  men  of  all 
 degrees. 
 
 Thef.  27.     It  is  the  reafonable  Creatures  tnly  that  are 
 the  Subjects  of  Gods  Kingdom. 
 
 Qthqr  Creatures  are  no  more  fubjeds ,  then  fheep 
 andhorfesare  fubje&s  of  any  Prince:  They  are  the 
 matter  of  as  proper  Dominion  ,  (  I  mean  Propriety  ) 
 as  Men  5  and  areoiuProvifion  and  Pofieflions :  but 
 
 they 
 
Of the  Constitution  of  Gods  Kingdom.  45 
 they  are  not  capable  of  fubje&ion,  for  want  of  rea- 
 fon  and  Free-will.  They  arc  as  properly  ordered  by 
 Gods  PhyficalGoverment ,  as  men  are  ,  but  not  by  his 
 Moral  Tolicy  ,  which  is  the  Governement  that  now 
 we  treat  of. 
 
 Thef.  28    All  mm  as  men  are  thefubjefls  ef  Gods 
 Kingdom  ,  as  to  Obligation  and  Duty  ,  and  God  will 
 
 not  ask  J he  confent  of  any  man  to  befo  obliged. 
 
 For  Gods  Kingdom  is  not  conflituted  primarily 
 by  Contract, but  his  %jght  refulcing  immediately 
 from  his  being  our  Creator ,  and  fo  our  Owner  ,  our 
 Obligation^  founded  in  our  being  his  Creatures,  and 
 his  Own.  Themoft  abfolute  flave  imaginabIe,cannot 
 be  fo  much  obliged  to  you  antecedently  to  his  con- 
 fent, as  man  is  unto  his  Creator,from  wnom  he  is,and 
 hath  all  that  he  hath, 
 
 Thef. 29.  He  that  confent eth  net  to  Gods  Soveraignty  , 
 k  and  is  not  a  voluntary  SubjeEl  ,  fhall  be  neverthelefs 
 ebliged^both  to  Subjection  (  or  that  confent  )  and  to 
 Obedier.cc  ^  and  topunijtment  in  cafe  of  dij obedi- 
 ence :  but  he  can  have  no  right  to  the  Priviledges 
 or  Benefits  of  a  fubfeU ,  and  fo  nloth  make  himfelf 
 worfe  then  a  fiavey  by'being  a  Rebel. 
 
 He  that  is  born  under  the  moft  Abfolute  Lord,can- 
 not  by  his  own  will  exempt  himtelf  from  his  obliga- 
 tions. If  he  could  make  Gods  Laws  not  obligatory, 
 and  himfelf  no  Debtor  to  God  for  his  fubje&ion  and 
 obedience,  then  might  he  depofe  his  Soveraign  at 
 hispleafure.    And  moft  would  take  this  as  a  readier 
 
 way 
 
44      Of  the  Cmfiitutim  of  Gods  Kingdom. 
 
 way  to  their  fcnfual  content  and  fafety  ,-to  repeal  the 
 Law  ,  and  depofc  their  King  >  to  fave  them  the  trou- 
 ble and  labour  of  obeying  him  ,  and  be  from  under 
 his  Judgement  and  punifhments.  No  man  can  ac- 
 quire benefits  or  priviledges  by  his  vice  :  The  L  aw 
 fuppofeth  that  a  mans  faults  may  not  advantage  him. 
 But  to  deny  confent  to  the  Soveraingnty  of  God*and 
 to  deny  our  own  Obedience,  would  be  our  fault.  But 
 Benefits  we  can  claim  no  right  to ,  if  we  confent  not 
 to  them  and  to  the  terms  on  which  they  are  con- 
 ferred. No  man  can  plead  for  that  which  he  refut- 
 ed :  nor  can  he  plead  againft  another  for  not  doing 
 feim  good  againil  his  Will.  Though  yve  may  offend 
 God ,  yet  we  cannot  injure  man,  by  not  doing  him 
 the  good  that  he  refufeth.  And  the  greateft  blcffings 
 of  the  Kingdom  of  God  ,  are  fuch  as  a  Refufer  is  noc 
 capable  of ;  Nor  is  he  capable ,  while  fuch\  of  the 
 DutiesofaSubjeft.  And  therefore  though  he  can- 
 not exempt  himfelf  from  obligation  and  puniflhmenc 
 by  diflent ,  yet  may  he  deprive  himfelf  of  the  pro- 
 tection of  the  Sovcraign  ,  and  forfeit  all  his  hopes  of 
 the  benefits 
 
 Thef.  50.  God  therefore  doth  not  beg  authority  by  cal- 
 ling for  cur  confent ,  nor  u  itJx  the  fower  of  man  by 
 confent ing  to  make  him  Kings  "orbyDijfenting  to  de- 
 fofe  him ,  as  to  his  Right  and  his  aBuall  Legiflation9  • 
 Judgment  and  Execution :  But  it  it  in  his  power  to 
 make  himfelf  a  Rebel ,  and  fo  fall  under  the  fen- 
 tenet 'of  the  Law  ;  and  therefore  Confent  is  required 
 to  our  benefit  as  a  condition  y  and  as  the  neceffary 
 caufe  of  our  following  Obedience :  but  as  no  caufe  or 
 Cotwyer  of  governing  tAnthority  to  <jcd. 
 
 A 
 
Of  the  Constitution  of  Cods  Kingdom.  4  5 
 A  man  would  think  the  earth  fliould  never  have 
 bred  a  man  that  would  contradid  this  truth  that  isja 
 his  wits.  For  by  fo  doing  God  is  pulled  down  ,  and 
 manfet  over  him  >  or  made  a  beaft ,  and  all  morality' 
 (  as  by  the  former  opinion  )  overthrown.  But  Mr. 
 Harrington  in  his  Oceana,  pag.  1  d.makes  God  but  the 
 Propofer  ,  and  the  people  the  Refolvers  or  Confirmers  of 
 all  their  Laws ,  and  faith  ,  £  they  make  him  King  t 
 Deut.  19,  They  rejett  or  dtpofe  him  as  Civil  Magi- 
 firate^and  £  left  Saul ,15am,  8.7.  ]  adding  [  The 
 Power  therefore  which  the  people  had  to  depofe  even  God 
 himfelfashe  was  Civil  Magiflrate  ,  leaveth  little 
 donbt  9  but  that  they  had  power  to  have  re  jetted  any  of 
 thofe  Laws  confirmed  by  them  throughout  the  Scrip- 
 ture. »  .  1 
 Anfw.  They  could  violate  a  Law,  and  deny  obedi- 
 ence to  it ;  but  they  could  not  nullifie  it,or  prevent, 
 or  deftroy  its  obligation.  So  they  could  be  Rebels 
 againft  God,  but  they  could  not  fo  rejeA  the  duty 
 of  voluntary  fubje&ion  ,  nor  efcape  the  puniihmene 
 of  Rebellion.  One  fingle  perfon  may  thus  rejeft 
 God  and  his  Laws  at  any  time,(to  his  coft^  as  well  as 
 the  Major  Vote  of  the  people.  Its  a  lamentable 
 cafe  y  that  fuch  blind  perfons  that  know  not  fuch 
 things  as  theie,diouldfoperverfely  trouble  the  Com- 
 mon-wealth  with  their  loathfom  obtruded  fancies. 
 Mans  confent  doth  not  make  Godif /V,nor  his  diffent 
 depofe  him  v*s  to  hisPower,or  the  cheif  part  of-  his 
 -a&ual  GovernmentiHe  will  be  K.infpight  of  his  proud- 
 eft  enemies :  and  be  will  make  his  Laws ;  and  thofe 
 Laws  (hull  actually  oblige  ;  and  men  (hall  be  guilty , 
 that  firft  confent  net  to  be  Subje&s ,  and  then  obey 
 not :  and  thzyjhall  be  judged  as  Rebels,  (Luk.19.i7.) 
 
 and 
 
4  6     Of  the  Constitution  of  gods  Kingdom. 
 
 and  the  Judgement  executed :  Only  their  confent  is, 
 i,  A  proper  Caufe  of  thdr  own  Obedience.  2.  And 
 a  Condition//^**  non  of  their  Intereft  in  the  Bene- 
 fits. A  little  Power  will  fervc  a  man  to  be  come  a 
 Rebel  >  and  be  hanged.  Will  you  fee  the  face  of  this 
 Gentlemans  opinion. 
 
 U  The  world  by  diflfenting  may  make  Cod  no 
 God,  that  is,  no  Governor  of  the  world:  and  fohc 
 boldeth  his  Government  on  our  wills.  2.  if  his 
 Do&rinebe  true,  the  Law  of  nature  is  no  Law,  rill 
 men  confent  to  ic.  3  At  leaft  where  the  Major 
 Vote  can  carry  ir,Atfaeifm,  Idolatry,  Murder,  Theft, 
 "Whoredom,  &c.  are  no  fins  againft  God.  4.  Yea, 
 no  man  finneth  againft  God  >  but  he  that  confenteth 
 tojris  Laws.  5 .  The  people  have  greater  Authority 
 or  Goverment  then  God.  6.  Rebellion  is  fove- 
 raign  power  in  the  multitude.  7.  Diflfenters  need 
 not  fear  any  Judgement  or  puniihment  from  God. 
 8.  Cannibals  and  Atheifts  are  free-men,  as  not  con- 
 fenting  to  Gods  Goverment.  9.  Men  owe  not  any 
 5ubje&ion,  Duty,  or  Obedience  to  God  at  all  unlefs 
 they  make  themielves  Debtors  by  confent.  1  o.The 
 troublefome  work  of  felf-denying  obedience  ,  and 
 ail  the  danger  of  punifhmenr  here ,  and  hereafter 
 may  be  avoided  eafily  by  denying  Gods  foveraignty 
 anadepofing  him,  and  no  man  need  to  be  damned 
 if  he  will  but  deny  to  be  a  Sub jeft  of  God. 
 
 Thefe  are  the  apparent  Confequences  of  the 
 Do&rines  of  Mr.  Harrington ,  if  he  will  be  under- 
 ftood  according  to  the  open  meaning  of  his  words : 
 But  if  he  will  tell  us  that  oy  [  their  Power  of  making 
 God  Kine ,  or  depofing  him ,  and  of  refolvingon , 
 and  confirming ,  or  reje&ing  his  Propofals ,  j  he 
 
 mew 
 
Of  the  Conftitution  of  Gods  Kingdom.  4^ 
 meant  only  a  power  of  voluntary  fubje&ing  them- 
 felves  to  their  abfolutc  Lord  and  King  ,  and  of  obey- 
 ing hi« Laws  ,orelfea  Po.ver  of  Rebelling,  Difo- 
 beying  and  perilling ,  he  will  turn  fomeof  our  in- r 
 dignation  and  companion  into  laughter ,  but  his  lan- 
 guage will  we  not  imitate. 
 
 Thef.  31.  Mankind  being  fallen  by  "Rebellion  under  the 
 heavy  Penalty  of  tlx    Law  of  God  was  redeemed 
 
 •  h  Jcfus  Chrift  *  and  fo  God  hath  a  fecond  Right  of 
 Dominion  and  Empire  ,  even  on  the  title  of  %$± 
 demption,  and  is  now  both  our  Owner  and  Ruler  on  * 
 two-fold  Right. 
 
 It  was  not  fome  tolerable  lofs,  but  a  total  ruine 
 and  undone  Condition  that  the  wttld  was  redeemed 
 r  from  :  and.  therefore  Redemption  is  a  ;uft  title  to 
 Propriety  and  Rule  ,  which"  God  will  have  us  to  ac- 
 knowledge, if  we  will  have  the  fpecial  benefits  of 
 Redemption  as  his  title  by  Creation. 
 
 Thef.  3 1.  The  Lord  Jefus  Chr-ifi  as  Mediator  having 
 performed  the  worl^  *f  Redemption  ,  hath  received 
 from  the  Father  a  Deri  v?  A  Supremacy  over  the  re- 
 deemed world,  and  is  efablijled  the  King  of  the  re 
 deemed)  and  Adminijirator  General. 
 
 To  Believers  this  is  paftControver fie.  Scripture  is 
 plain  and  full  ,  Read  PUlm  2  Mat.  28.18.  [  All 
 Power  is  given  to  me  in  Heaven  and  earth.  ]  A&S  10. 
 36  He  is  LordafaU.  ]  Rom. 14.9  Forthisendhe 
 both  died)  rofe  and  revived  y  that  he  might  be  Lord  both 
 of  the  dead  and  living.]     Ephef.  x.  ax,  22.  [  He 
 
48     Of  the  Confutation  of  <jod$  Kingdom; 
 
 fet  him  aphis  own  right  hand  in  heavenly  places  ,  far 
 above  all  Principality  y  and  Power y  and  ijliight y  and 
 ^Dominion  y  and  every  name  that  ts  named  y  not  only  in 
 this  world y  but  alfo  in  that  which  is  to  corns  ;  and  hath 
 put  all  things  under  his  feet \& gave  him  to  be  head  over 
 all  things  to  the  Church  jvhich  Is  his  Wp.JJohn.lj.j. 
 t  The  Father  hath  given  all  things  into  his  hand ,  ] 
 John  17.1.  [Thou  haft  given  him  Power  over  allflefhy 
 that  he  fhonld  give  eternal  life  to  as  many  as  thou  haft , 
 given  himy^  John  5.12,  [The  Father  judgeth no man> 
 but  hath  committed  all  Judgement  to  the  Son  y  that  all 
 menfbouU  honour  the  Son  a*  they  honour  the  Father  life 
 that  honoureth  not  the  Sony  honoureth  not  the  Father 
 ■which  hath  fent  himy~]  A£te  5.  31.  [  Him  hath  God 
 exaltedtoh  a  Prince  and  Saviour  y  J  Mat.25.31,32, 
 33,34.  \when  the  Son  of  man  jhall  come  in  his  Glory  > 
 &c.  Then  (halt  the  King  fay  to  them  on  his  right  hand 
 &c.  ]  See  Phil.2.gyioyi 1. 
 
 Thef.  33.  There  are  divers  Rankj  of  Subjects  in  the 
 Kingdom  of  God:  as  fome  are  Rebels  ,  and  only  fub- 
 jeBts  by  Obligation y  or  ftr angers  that  have  not  fet 
 eonfented;and  others  voluntary  plenary  fub'ye  ft  sy  that 
 have  right  to  the  priviledges  of  the  Kingdom :  fo 
 thofe  that  are  free-f*bjeBs  are  of  (evtrtl  rankj y 
 as  to  Ofpcey  and  Place  y  and  Gift. 
 
 Some  arc  Officers,  and  fome  only  fuch  as  muft 
 obey  :  Some  Officers  are  Civil ,  fome  Ecclefiafti- 
 cal  -,  Some  are  rich  ,  fome  poor :  fome  adult  9  fome 
 Infants :  fome  weak  of  pare  7  fome  ftrong,*^*. 
 
 tkef. 
 
Of  the  Admim&ratwi,  &c.  4? 
 
 Thef.34.  All  that  will  be  free  Snljeftsof  the  King* 
 dome  of  God ,  ntnfl  be  engaged  to  him  infolemn  Cove- 
 nant ;  which  regularly  is  to  be  folemni^cd  by  their 
 tfaptif/n. 
 
 The  Ifraelites  covenanting  with  God  cconjun&ly 
 (  as  Dent.  39.  and  oft )  and  diftin&ly  (  as  in  Circum- 
 cifion^r.)  is  known.  Thofe  that  would  not  ftand 
 to  this  Covenant  were  to  die  ,  2  Chron.  15.15.  And 
 ,thofe  that  folicited  any  to  rebell  againft  cheir  Sove- ■ 
 raign,Dr/r.i3# 
 
 Chap.  IV. 
 Of  the  Adminiftration  of  thetlniver- 
 fal  Kingdom. 
 
 HAving  fpoken  of  the  C  O  N  STITuT  I  ON 
 of  the  Kingdom  of  God  ,  I  fliall  proceed 
 to  fpeak  of  the  A  D  M  I N I  ST  RAT 10  N 
 thereof. 
 
 Thef.  35.  God  as  the  Soveraign  Ruhr  of  markind 
 hath  given  him  the  Law  of  nature ,  commonly  called 
 the  Morall  haw  ,  to  be  the  %$le  of  his  obeiience. 
 
 i.  The  Law  of  nature  in  the  primary  moft  proper 
 fence,  is  to  be  found  in  naturarcrum  y  in  the  whole 
 Creation  that  is  objefted  to  our  Knowledg ,  as  it  is  a 
 Glafs  in  which  we  may  fee  the  Lord,  and  much  of  his 
 
 E  Willi 
 
5°  Of  the  AdmimHration. 
 
 Will ;  and  as  it  is  a  Synifier  of  that  \y  ill  of  God  con- 
 cerning our  duty.     2.  The  Law  of  n  ature  is  fome- 
 time  taken  for  that  Difpodtion  or  Aptitude  that  there 
 is  in  mans  nature  to  the  a&uall  knowlcdg  of  tbefc 
 naturally  revealed  things ,  efpeciaily  fome  clear  and 
 greateii  Principles ,  which  almort  all  the  world  dif- 
 cern.     3    And  it  is  fdmetiflic  taken  for  the  A&ual 
 knowhigeof  chafe  plain  and  common  P  inciples. 
 4.    And  iometime   for  the  A&ual  knowledge  of  all 
 f  that  meer  Nature  doth  reveal.    When  I  fay  God 
 hath  given  man  this  law  of  nature ,  I  mean ,  both 
 that  he  hath  made  an  Imprefs  of  his  minde  upon  the 
 Creation ,  and  fet  us  this  Glafs  to  fee  himfelf ,  and 
 much  of  our  Duty  in,&  alfo  that  he  huh  given  to  the 
 very  nature  of  man  a  Capacity  of  perceiving  what  is 
 thus  revealed ,  and  a  difpofition  efpecially  to  the  Re- 
 ception of  the  mot  obvious  Principles ;  fo  that  by 
 ordinary  helps ,  they  will  be  quickly  known ;  and 
 the  reft  may  be  known  if  we  be  not  wanting  to  our 
 fclvcs. 
 
 Thcf..  j<J#  This  Law  of  Naturt  commandethtu  much 
 duty ,  to  Go 'I  dircttlyy  1 0  our  f elves  ?  to  our  Neigh- 
 bours in  their  private  and  publike  capacities. 
 
 Thef.  37.  The  f urn  of  the  dutie  commanded  towards 
 God  j  is  to  love  him  with  all  our  hearts  :  more  par- 
 ticularly it  is  y  that  we  mo  ft  highly  efteem  y  honour , 
 reverence*)  believe  and  trutt  him  ,  and  adhere  to  him 
 in  love ,  and  feekjnm  ,  defend  upon  and  ferve  him 
 Tfith  all  our  powers  and  faculties  :  ivorjhipping  him 
 according  to  hh  nature  andrevt aled  wiH  ,  and  nfing 
 
 ho- 
 
of  the  Umzerfal  Kingdom  5 1 
 
 honourably  his  Name  y  and  dtvoting  to  his  [fecial 
 worjhip  a  fit  proportion  of  our  time, 
 
 Thef.  38.  Our  duty  towards  our  felvesy  is  an  ordinate 
 Love  of  our  [elves  ,  and  care  n[  our  bodies  ^  but  espe- 
 cially of  our  foals  yfor  the  great  ends  of  our  Qrcati- 
 on  and  Redemption. 
 
 There  was  the  lefs  faid  of  this  in  Scripture  ?  and  the 
 Decalogue,  becaufc  it  is  written  fo  deep  in  nature, 
 and  hath  fo  great  advantage  in  our  natural  defire  to 
 be  happy. 
 
 Thef.  5 p.  Our  duty  towards  our  Neighbour  as  fuch3 
 is  to  love  him  as  our  [elves y  that  is,  to  love  him  with 
 an  Impartial  I  Love  ,  not  drawing  from  him   to  our 
 
 ,  felves  y  by  an  inordinate  [clfifhnefs  :  which  mufi  be 
 expreffed  about  his  Lifey  Chaftitjy  Eft  ate ,  Honour , 
 and  any  thing  that  is  his  :  Godlinefs  y  Sobemefs  , 
 and  Righteoufnefs ,  are  the  general  Titles  of  all  thefe 
 three. 
 
 Thef.  40.  Rejides  thefe  Natural  laws  which  are 
 promulgate  to  all ,  God  hath  a  Larw  of  Grace  y  and 
 hath  many  Tofitive  Laws ;  and  both  forts  are  con* 
 tained  in  the  holy  Scriptures. 
 
 Thef..  41 .  God  hath  appointed  an  orderly  cenrfebj  the 
 miffion  of  fit  pcrfons  as  his  CMejJengers  to  promul- 
 gate y  preachy  and  explain  thefe  Laws  ,  both  of  Na- 
 turall  and  fupewaturaf  Revelation  to  the  World;  and 
 to  command  their  obedience  yand  exhort  them  there* 
 *xto  :  and  it  U  the  duty  of  the  hearers  to  learn ,  and 
 E  z  ebey 
 
 >e 
 
5  2  Of  the  Adminiftration 
 
 obey ,  yea  ,  and  the  duty  of  thofe  that  have  not  the 
 G  off  el ,  to  enquire  after  it,  and  feek^  it  ,  according 
 to  themtafure  of  that  light  thsy  have  y  which  giveth 
 them  intimation  of  its  being. 
 
 Thef.  42.  God  hath  appointed  both  in  Nature  and 
 Scripture ,  that  the  world  be  divided  into  Tylers 
 and  Ruled  ,  Officers  and  mecre  SttbjeEls ;  and  that 
 the  Officers  Govern  under  him ,  by  ^Authority  deri- 
 ved from  him \  and  the  people  obey  them  as  his  Offi- 
 cers. And  he  hath  not  left  it  to  the  choice  of  tht 
 Nations  whether  t  he j  will  have  Government  01 
 not 
 
 Thofe  Politicians  therefore  that  fay  a  Common- 
 wealth in  its  own  nature  doth  not  participate  of  mo- 
 ral good  or  evil>but  is  a  thing  neither  commanded  noi 
 forbidden  ,doe  fundamentally  errcin  their  Politicks, 
 It  is  poffible  for  one  or  few  perfons  in  extraordinary 
 cafes  to  be  dilbbliged  from  living  under  any  Govern- 
 ment. (  But  the  Cafes  are  fo  rare ,  that  it  is  not 
 cneof  many  millions  of  perfons  that  is  ordinarily  in 
 that  cafe.)  But  to  man-kind  in  common  ,it  is  made  a 
 duty  to  live  in  this  order  of  Government ,  where  h 
 may  be  had.  He  therefore  thatfhould  think  he  u 
 born  a  Freeman ,  and  therefore  will  maintain  his  li- 
 berty ,  and  be  Governed  by  none ,  (  being  not  a  Go- 
 vernor himfelf  )  doth  fin  againft  God ,  in  violating 
 his  Order ,  as  Souldiers  fhould  do  in  an  Army  thtt 
 would  have  no  Officers ,  nor  be  commanded  by  any 
 but  the  General.         This  is  eafily  proved ,  for, 
 
 1.  Nature  immediately  makes  an  inequality  in 
 our  procreation  and  birth,  and  fubjc&cth  children 
 
 to 
 
of  the  Kniverfal  Kingdom.  5  3 
 
 to  their  Parents  as  their  undoubtedly  ri^hrful  Go- 
 vernors, 
 
 2.  Nature  doth  make  fuoh  inequality  of  perfons  in 
 point  of  fufficiency  and  endowments  >  as  necef- 
 iitateth  Government ,  while  fome  arc  unable  or  un- 
 apt to  fubfift  comfortably  without  the  Government 
 of  others :  And  therefore  even  in  ttate  of  marriage 
 Nature  fubje&eth  the  weaker  fexe  to  the  Go- 
 vernment of  the  ftronger.  And  irs  natural  for 
 perfons  of  weak  underftandings ,  and  other  endow- 
 ments to  have  fome  that  arc  wife  and  able  to  Govern 
 them  ,  left  they  be  deftitute  of  help  and  left  to 
 ruine. 
 
 3.  Nature  hath  made  man  a  fociable  cre'ature,borh 
 by  Necejfityy  and  lnclin*tion\  and  therefore  muft  be 
 in  ordered  f  ocieties. 
 
 4.  Nature  hath  made  man  a  lover  of  man ,  and  fo 
 far  as  he  is  good,  fo  far  to  be  Communicative  :  and 
 therefore  the  wifdom  and  ftrength  that  any  doe  exccll 
 in ,  is  for  the  good  of  others ;  and  all  things  muft  be 
 fo  ordered  that  the  whole  may  be  the  better  for  the 
 gifts  of  the  feveral  parts,  and  the  weak  for  rhe  ftrongj 
 and  therefore  there  muft  be  G  overned  focieties. 
 
 4-Providence  kcepeth  fome  in  iuch  neceflitie  of 
 others,  as  requirerh  their  relief  and  protection ,  and 
 Government.  Some  by  paucity  are  infuffi  cient  for 
 their  own  defence :  fome  by  the  proximity  of  potent 
 Enemies  and  Thieves:  fome  by  the  fcituaticn  of  their 
 Countries,and  fome  by  warit. 
 
 5.  The  vitioufnefs  of  men  hath  made  Govern- 
 ment now  of  double  neceflitie,  to  what  it  would  be  if 
 man  wetc  innocent ,  when  men  are  Wolves  to  one 
 another-,  and  the  weaker  can  keep  nothing  that  the 
 
 E  5  ftronger 
 
5  4  Of  the  Adminiftr  alien 
 
 ftronger  hath  a  mindc  to  ,and  no  mans  life  can  be  fafc 
 from  cruelty  and  revenge  ;  when  there  is  fo  much 
 backwardness  to  vertuc  and  well  doing ,  and  fo  much 
 vice  to  be  reftrained  ,  it  is  now  no  more  queftion 
 whether  Government  be  naturally  ncceflary,  and  fub- 
 jeftion  a  duty  ;  then  v  hether  Phyfitians  be  neceflary 
 in  a  rageing  plague  ,  or  food  in  a  famine. 
 
 6.  Experience  tells  us  that  Gods  work,or  our  prefer* 
 vation  cannot  be  well  carried  on  without  it ;  without 
 it  the  wo.  Li  would  be  a  confufed  crowd.  It  would 
 dishonour  the  Soveraign  Ruler ,  if  his  Kingdom  were 
 turned  into  a  tumultuous  rabble  ,  God  doth  not  im- 
 mediately ,  that  is  without  futable  means ,  exercifc 
 his  Government  by  himfelf.  He  could  have  eafily 
 done  it: but  it  is  the  beauty  and  perfection  of  his 
 Kingdom  that  there  be  diverfity  of  Orders,  He  could 
 lighten  the  world  without  the  Sun  :  but  he  hath  cho- 
 fen  rather  to  communicate  fo  much  of  his  Splendor 
 to  a  Creature  :  He  will  have  men  like  our  felves  to 
 b^  his  Officers  among  men ,  as  fitted  for  our  familiar 
 converfe.  An  d  What  would  a  Nation  be  without 
 Government  >but  a  company  of  miferable  men,  rob- 
 bing and  killing  one  another,  what  would  an  Army 
 be  without  Commanders  ?  and  how  would  they  de- 
 fend themfclvesagainfl  the  enemies. 
 
 7#  The  Law  of  Nature  requireth  Jafticc;  that  it 
 may  goe  well  with  the  6ood  ,  and  ill  with  the  evill ; 
 and  that  vertue  be  encouraged  ,and  wickednefs  pu- 
 niflied  .  therefore  it  q:ireth  that  there  be  a  courfc 
 of  Government  in  the  \r>orldto  this  end. 
 
 8.  There  isCovemment  among  the  very  Angels 
 and  Divtls  :  therefore  it  i$  not  to  be  avoided 
 or    thought    a  thing   inuifferent    amoog     men. 
 
 All 
 
of  the  Univerfd  Kingdom.  55 
 
 All  places  have  fome  Order, 
 
 9.  The  Analoycall  government  in  the  Micro- 
 cofmc,  man,  doth  prove  a  Natural  need  and  excel- 
 lency of  Government.  The  Inteleft  in  man  is 
 made  to  guide,and  the  Will  to  Commnand,  &  all  the 
 inferiour  faculties  to  obey :  fliewing  us  that  in  foci- 
 ctics  the  wife  (hould^«/^,the  Good  fhould  command, 
 and  the  Strong  and  all  the  reft  fhould  execute  and  o- 
 bey.  An  ungovcrned  man  is  a  mad  man  ,  or  a  bad 
 aua. 
 
 1  o.  The  great  difparity  that  is  among  all  Creatures 
 in  the  frame  of  Nature,  intimaceth  the  beauty  of  Or- 
 derly Political  difparity.  Look  but  to  the  San  and 
 Moon,  and  Stars,  and  fee  their  inequality  2nd  Order. 
 Bcafts  differ  in  ftrength  ,  and  the  very  (tones  of  the 
 field  are  not  of  equal  bignefs  and  fhape.  The  fil- 
 ly Ants  have  an  Order  among  them  ,  and  a  Hive  of 
 Bees  are  a  Natural  Common-wealth. 
 
 Thef.  43.  As  the  difference  of  mr  faculties  ,  «ni 
 onr  ferfonal  ftlf  Government y  fo  a/fo  Domefiical , 
 Political  y  and  Ecclefiaftical  Order  of  Government 
 andftibjettion)  are  the  Inftltmions  of  Gody  command* 
 ed  in  hisLnws. 
 
 1.  The  well  governing  of  a  mans  felfe  (  which  is 
 taught  by  Theological  Ethicks )  is  both  nectary  to 
 his  own  felicity  y  and  a  principal  requinte  to  the  fafe- 
 ty,  beauty,  and  felicity  of  the  focieties,  that  confift  of 
 individual  pcrfons. 
 
 2.  Domeftical  Order  is  commanded  of  God  ,  part* 
 •1y  ia  nature  direftly  ,  as  the  Rule  of  Parents  ,  a*id  o- 
 iediencc  of  Children  :  partly  by  the  intervention  of 
 
 E  4  con* 
 
5  6  Of  the  Administration 
 
 contra&s  for  the  application  of  the  Law  to  the  indi- 
 vidual perfons  >  as  in  the  Relations  of  Husband  and 
 Wife  ,  of  Matter  and  fervant ,  where  note ,  that  in 
 the  firft ,  it  is  one  thing  for  Nature  to  yve  the  Law  , 
 and  another  thing  for  Nature  to  produce  the  perfon: 
 Nature  as  procreative  brings  forth  the  Childe  ?  from 
 whence  the  mutual  Relations  refult :  but  it  is  Nature 
 partly  as  Indicative  of  Gods  will  ,  and  partly  as  en- 
 dowing us  with  Principles  or  Difpofitions  of  Mora- 
 lity ( that  is ,  as  a  Law  )  that  obliged  Children  to  o- 
 bey ,  as  Parents  to  Govern  :  fo  alio  the  Law  of  Na- 
 ture and  Scripture  is  it  that  impofeth  on  wives  and 
 Servants  the  duty  of  obeying ,  as  on  Husbands  and 
 Matters  the  care  and  duty  of  Governing  ;  but  it  is 
 Choice  that  determineth  of  the  Pfrfons  that  are  to 
 Rule  and  to  obey  ,  that  this  or  that  fhall  be  the  manoi 
 the  woman  that  jfhall  be  a  Husband  or  Wife  is  of 
 choice  :  and  that  this  or  that  fhall  be  the  Mafttr  or 
 Servant ,  and  alfo  (  thefe  being  free  Relations )  it  is 
 here  of  choice,  whether  they  will  be  Married  or  not , 
 and  fervants  or  not.  (  To  the  world  in  general  >  the 
 Relations  are  neceffary  ,  but  not  to  every  individual 
 perfon.  )  But  whether  the  Husband  (hall  govern>and 
 the  wife  obey  5  and  whether  the  Matter  fhall  govern , 
 and  the  fervant  obey ,  this  is  not  of  choice  :  fo  that 
 if  they  (Kould  by  Contrail  agree ,  that  the  wife  fliall 
 not  be  fubje&  to  the  Husband  ,it  were  iffofatto  null , 
 as  being  contraty  to  the  divine  Inftitutibn  or  Law. 
 
 3.  As  many  Families  cohabiting  without  Political 
 or  Civil  Government ,  would  want  that  which  is 
 is  neceiTary  to  their  own  Wel-fars  and  the  Com- 
 mon good.  As  an  Empire  is  divided  into  feverat 
 Provinces  ,or  Principalities  >  fo  God  hath  made  it 
 
 neceffary 
 
of  the  Umverfal  Kingdom*  5  7 
 
 nccefifary  that  the  world  be  diftributed  into  many 
 particular  Common- wealths.  An  Univerfal  humane 
 Monarchy  is  impoffible,  it  being  beyond  the  Gapaci-' 
 ty  of  any  one  io  to  govern  ;  (the  more  to  blame  the 
 Pope  for  pretending  to  it,)  God  only  can  govern  all 
 the  world.  But  men  as  his  Officers  have  their  feve- 
 ral  Provinces ,  which  in  due  fubordination  to  him 
 and  his  Laws,  muft  be  governed  by  them. 
 
 4.  Becaufe  men  have  immortal  fouls  to  fave,  and 
 an  everlafting  life  of  happinefle  to  attain  ,  or  mifery 
 to  fuffer ,  and  God  himfelf  hath  a  final  Judgment  to 
 pafs  on  all  according  to  his  Laws ,  and  becaufe  men 
 are  rational  free  Agents  that  muftby  knowledge  and 
 choice  be  brought  incba  fitnefsforfeliciry ,  and  be 
 kept  in  acceptable  obedience  to  their  Soveraign ; 
 therefore  hath  he  appointed  Pallors  to  teach  and 
 guide  the  people  in  the  way  of  life ,  and  to  acquaint 
 them  with  his  Laws ,  and  his  future  Judgement,  and 
 in  free  ordered  Churches  to  lead  them  in  the  publick 
 Worlhip  of  GocL,  and  exercife  that  fpirituall  Go- 
 vernment by  his  Word,  which  fliall  prefervc  the  ho- 
 nor of  his  holineffc  in  the  world ,  and  difference  be- 
 tween his  fervants  and  the  rebellious  >  and  lead  his 
 people  towards  pcrfc&ion. 
 
 Thef. 
 
5  8     Of  afukordintie  Commonwealth  in  General. 
 
 Thef  .44.  As  God  is  the  univerfal  King  ,  and  hath  a 
 univerfal  Kingdom  and  Law^fo  doth  he  in  this  life 
 extrcife  him] elf  fome  pan  of  his  executive  power  ; 
 in  protecting  his  faithful  I  Subjects ,  encouraging  the 
 goody  and  punifhing  offenders  by  himflf,  and  by  the 
 Miniftry  of  Angels  :  hut  his  full  tlmvcrfal  J  :<re~ 
 mcntvfiillh*  .fur  this  worlyvhenall  (hall  be  finally 
 fentenced  by  him  to  ever  la  ft  in?  Joy  or  Mfery.      fo 
 
 much  of  Gods  UNIVERSAL  ADMINISTRA- 
 TION. 
 
 Chap.  V, 
 
 Of  a  fubordiaate  Common-wealth  in 
 General. 
 
 HAving  fpoken  of  Gods  Univerfal  Kingdom  , 
 I  am  next  to  fpeak  of  the  diftinit,  fubordinate 
 Common-wealth  which  God  hath  by  inftitution 
 made  the  parts  of  it.  And  here  firft  I  fliall  fpeak  of 
 thtT^ATUREoiz  Common-wealth  in  general ; 
 and  then  of  thofe  Modal  differences  which  have  ob- 
 tained the  name  of  the  divers  f pedes  of  Common- 
 wealths: and  that,  1.  As  the  difference  is  in  the 
 number  and  Quality  of  perfons  that  have  the  Sove- 
 raknty.  And,  2.  As  it  is  in  the  gradually  or  modally 
 cfiverfified  Matter,  or  Obje&  of  their  power.  And 
 having  fpoken  of  the  Conftitutive  Caufes ,  I  fliall 
 fpeak  of  the  Efficient. 
 
 Thef. 
 
Of  a  ftbord'rr.Ate  Common-wealth  in  General.  %9 
 
 - 
 
 Thef.  45.  *A  Common-wealth  is  fomnime  taken  for 
 the  f octet j  Governed,  fometime  for  the  Government 
 of  that  f octet)  ;  fometimc  ip is  taken  properly  in  the 
 fir  ft  Jigmfication  ,  and  {onetime  analogically  ,  for 
 that  which  is  a  Commonwealth ,  but  ofyih  imperftEt 
 kind  ,or  only  fecundum  quid. 
 
 Thef.  46.  -A  Common-wealth  properly  fo  called,  is 
 [  Afocietjof  Cjods  Subjects  ordered  into  the  Rela- 
 tions of  Soveraign  and  SnbjeUs  for  the  common  goody 
 and  thef  leafing  of  God  their  Abfolute  Soveraignm\ 
 Or ,  [  it  is  the  Government  of  a  fociety  of  Gods 
 Subjects  by  a  Soveraign  fubordinate  to  God  ,  for  the 
 common  food ,  and  the  Glory ,  and  vleajing  of  God.  ] 
 Or  it  is  £  The  order  of  a  Civil  body  ,  conjiftitg  in 
 the  Authority  of  the  Magiftrate  ,  efpecially  thefu- 
 pream,  and  thefubjettion  of  the  peoplc,forthe  common 
 good,  and  thepleajing  of  God. 
 
 Many  Definitions  you  may  find  in  politicks,a!moft 
 each  one  having  one  of  his  own,  though  moft  of  them 
 to  the  fame  fence.  And  therefore  if  I  ufe  not  any 
 of  theirs  in  all  the  terms,  I  am  as  excufable  as  they. 
 
 Thef.  47.  A  Common-Wealth  fecundum  quid ,  or  A- 
 nalogicaHy  fo  called,  is  Q  The  order  of  a  Civil  body  y 
 confifting  of  Governours  and  Subjetts  intended  for 
 their  corf  oral  Wel-fare  ,  bm  acknowledging  not  Gods 
 Sovereignty \  nor  intendingfpirhual  and  cverlafti*£ 
 r  oody  nor  tht  flctfog  or  honour  of  <jod.  ~ 
 
 As 
 
6o  Of  afukrdinate  Commonwealth  in  General . 
 As  the  bcft  anions  of  Atheifts ,  or  any  men  thac 
 have  hoc  juft  Principles  or  ends,  arenotfimply  or 
 properly  Morally-good  ,  but  only  fecmdumqiiUi  and 
 lAnoUgicaliy  ,  lo  is  it  vvirh  their  Politicks  and  Com- 
 mon-wealths. The  abfence  of  any  one  of  thefe 
 JEflential  Ingredients ,  makes  their  Government  ano- 
 ther thing.  If  it  want  either  Moral-dependance  up- 
 on God  as  abfolute  Soveraign  ,  or  the  acknowledge- 
 ment of  his  great  Univerfal  Laws  which  muft  be  the 
 Fundamentals  to  their  own ,  or  if  they  intend  not 
 any  fpiritual  and  everlafling  good  to  the  focieties ,  or 
 intend  not  the  honour  and  pleafing  of  God,but  begin 
 and  end  their  Government  with  their  carnal  felves> 
 this  is  not  fimply  or  properly  a  Common-wealth  , 
 butfeemtdtim  qmd^  and  Analogically  ;  even  no  more 
 then  an  Ideot  is  a  reafonable  man.  Its  agreed  on  by 
 Politicians,  that  a  Company  of  Robbers  that  choofe 
 them  a  King,  are  no  Common-wealth ,  becaufe  they 
 deviate  from  the  Univerfal  fundamental  Laws;  Much 
 lefs  is  a  Company  of  Rebels  a  Common-wealth  that 
 feek  both  the  fubverfion  of  King  and  Kingdom:  and 
 fo  want  both  the  neceffary  Beginning  ,  Means  and 
 End.  And  a  Juftice  of  Peace  or  Judge  may  as  well 
 Jiave  Power, when  they  have  renounced  their  Depen- 
 dance  on  the  Soveraign,and  Loyalty  to  him,as  a  King 
 or  any  other  can  have  juft  Power  when  they  have  re- 
 nounced their  Allegiance  or  fubje&ion  to  God.  (  of 
 which  anon) 
 
 Thef. 
 
Of  s  fubordinatc  Comnum-Mtlth  in  (Jenertl.  6 1 
 
 Thcf.  48  The  form  of  a  Commonwealth  h  the 
 Relation  of  Soveralgn  and.  SubjeEls  to  each  other ; 
 The  SubjeEl  matter  is  a  civil  body  ,  or  Community  of 
 Gods  Subjects  :  The  Relate  and  Correlate  are  the 
 Several* n  and  the  Subjetts :  The  fundamentum  being 
 the  chief  controverted  point  fhall  be  [pokjn  of  by  it 
 [elf.  The  Terminus  is  actual  order  y  and  the 
 common  good  ,  and  the  f  leafing  of  Cjod  thereby  at- 
 tained. % 
 
 The  Relate  are  Heteronym*  :  the  Soveraign  is  the 
 chief  in  Honour  and  Power ,  the  Subje&s  are  the 
 Chief  in  real  worth  ,  and  finally  preferred.  The 
 Aggregate  matter  muft  be  rational  Creatures :  for 
 bruits  are  nor  capable,  and  they  muft  be  Gods  Sub- 
 jefts,  and  parts  of  the  Univerfal  Kingdom;  as  the 
 Members  of  a  Corporation  in  this  Common-wealth , 
 muft  be  members  of  the  Common-wealth  and  Sub- 
 jects of  the  Soveraign.  How  far  they  muft  be  fubjeifc 
 to  God  (hall  be  fhewed  after.  The  necreft  Terminus 
 or  end  is  the  good  order  of  the  body  procured  by  the 
 Adminiftration.  By  £  Order  ]  here  I  mean  not  the 
 Relation  it  felfas  I  did  in  the  definition  ,  but  the 
 orderly  ftate  and  behaviour  of  the  fociety  ,  which 
 is  the  exercife  of  Government  and  fubje&ion ,  and 
 the  obedience  to  God ,  and  juft  behaviour  unto  men 
 that  is  manifefted  therein.  This  end  is  a  means  to  the 
 next  end,which  is  the  Common  good,  and  thar  to  the 
 ultimate  end,  which  is  the  everlaftinghappinefsof 
 man,  and  the  fulfilling,  or  plcafing  of  the  Will  o£ 
 Cod. 
 
 TheC 
 
6z  Of  a  f dor  din ate  Commit-  wealth  in  General. 
 
 Thcf.  49  The  Sovereign  of  one  Common-wealth  mufl 
 be  One ,  and  but  one  {hi/  perfon  ,  but  one  natu- 
 ralperfon  may  be  the  Soveraign  of  many  Common- 
 wealths ,  and  many  ,  yea ,  many  thoufand  maypoffib- 
 ly  be  the  Soveraign  of  one.     . 
 
 There  muft  be  one  Head  to  every  Civil  governed 
 body,and  but  one;  that  one  Natural  may  be  ten  Civil 
 perfons  ,andfothe  Head  of  ten  Common-wealths 
 is  evident  in  that  there  is  more  necelfary  to  individu- 
 ate Common-wealths  ,  then  the  Unity  of  the  Hesd  ; 
 and  the  Natural  Unity  of  the  Head  is  not  necelfary. 
 One  natural  Subjttf:  may  have  many  Relations :  As 
 the  fame  man  may  be  a  King,  a  Generall,  a  Husband , 
 a  Maikr ,  &c.  fo  he  may  be  a  King  of  many  King- 
 doms,   The  Kingdom  of  Scotland  was  not  the  fame 
 with  the  Kingdom  of  England.    Many  Kingdoms 
 may  have  different  Conftitutions,  one  of  them  have 
 an  Emperor ,  another  ^  limitted  King ,  another  a 
 more  Jimitted ,  and  yet  all  have  the  fame  man.  And 
 as  he  is  the  Emperor ,  Duke  or  Prince  of  one  Com- 
 mon wealth,  he  is  not  the  fame  Civil  perfon,  as  he  isy 
 as  King  of  another  :  And  that  many  natural  perfons 
 may  be  one  Civil  perfon,   fhall  be  further  flicwed 
 when  we  come  to  the  fpecies  of  Government. 
 
 Thef.   50.     Though  the  Sovereign  and  fubjttts  are 
 always' civilly  di  ft  intt  ,yet  the  fame  natural  per- 
 Jons  that  are  Soveraigns  in  one  refpefl;  and  degree  r 
 may  be  Subjects  in  another  ^and  i  contra. 
 
 But  this  belonging  to  the  fpecies ,we  flball  fay  more  of 
 it  in  the  differences  of  GQYcrments.  T6ef, 
 
Of  a  Subordinate  Common-wetltb  in  <jener*l.  6$ 
 
 Thef.  5 1 .  The  people  as  people  are  not  the  Soveraign 
 Tower  ,  neither  a*  natural  ferfons  aggregate ,  nor  as 
 having  the  chief  Propriety  andftrength  y  nor  as  any 
 way  endowed  by  God  with  governing  Authority;  And 
 therefore  the  diftinttion  of  fome  Politicians^  Papifts 
 and  Protefiants  )  of  Majeftas  realis  &  perfonalis, 
 and  the  Afjertion  of  the  Popular  ,  that  the  People 
 are  the  real  Sovereign  y  or  have  the  Majeftatem 
 Realcm  ,  (  unlefs  the  conflitution  of  that  individual 
 Common-wealth  fkdlgive  it  them)isfalfeyand  not  to 
 be  endured. 
 
 If  the  people  any  otherwife  then  by  particular 
 Constitutions,  (  by  fundamental  Ccntrafts)  be  the 
 Soveraigns,  or  have  any  Governing  civil  power ,  it 
 muft  b^  either  by  nature ,  by  accident ,  or  by  divine 
 Inftitution:  Butnoneofthcfe  vvayes:  therefore  not 
 at  ail. 
 
 That  they  have  none  by  nature  is  plain,  in  that 
 they  are  not  by  nacure  a  Community  or  Aggregate 
 Body.  And  when  chey  are  ib,  they  have  naturally  no 
 Sovcraisnty,  as  I  prove. 
 
 i.  Where  there  is  no  Common-wealth,  there  is 
 no  Soveraignty:  but  in  a  mee:  Community  or  Aggreg- 
 ation of  men  before  any  Contracts,  or  voluntary 
 Conftitution,there  is  no  Common-wealth :  therefore 
 there  is  no  Soveraignty. 
 
 2.  if  a  meer  Aggregation  of  natural  men  did  make 
 a  Common- wealth  and  Soveraignty  ,  then  a  Fare  or 
 Market  might  be  a  Commmon  wcalth:6r  a  fhip  laden 
 with  P  affengers  or  a  Prifon  full  of  Captives ,  or  an 
 invading  Army  of  enemies.  But  the  Confequent  is 
 confefled ^ ftlfoood,  therefore %&*.  If 
 
^4  Of  a,  fubordinate  Common-  wedthin  Generd. 
 
 If  meer  nature  make  an  Aggregate  body  of  men 
 to  be  a  Common-wealth  ,  or  to  have  a  real  Majefty  , 
 (  or  Soveraignty  jthen  every  aggregate  Body  of  men 
 are  a  Commonwealth,  and  have  that  Soveraignty,  but 
 the  confequent  is  falfe  :  for  there  arc  Schools  ,  Col- 
 leges ,  Societies  of  Merchants  ,  and  many  other 
 Corporations  and  Societies  that  are  no  Common- 
 wealth ;  therefore,  &c. 
 
 3.  If  nature  make  a  meer  Aggregation  or  Com- 
 munity of  men  to  be  a  Commonwealth ,  or  to  have 
 Real  Majefty,  then  men  may  be  a  Common-wealth  , 
 and  havefuch  Majefty  without,  yea,  and  againft  their 
 own  confent :  (  For  there  may  be  a  Community  of 
 Men  that  confent  not  to  be  a  Common- wealth.  )But 
 the  Confequent  is  falfe ,  therefore  fo  is  the  Antece- 
 dent. 
 
 4.  It  will  follow  alfo,  that  no  "End  intended  by 
 the  people  is  neceflfary  to  the  being  of  a  Common- 
 wealth ;  (  For  men  may  meet ,  or  cohabit,  or  aflfoci- 
 ate,  and  combine  for  feverall  ends. )  But  the  Confe- 
 quent is  falfe  againft  the  nature  of  all  fuch  Relations 
 and  AflTociations,  therfore,  &c. 
 
 5.  If  nature  make  the  people  Soveraignes ,  then 
 */r^r  all  conjun£ly ,  or  a  M^or^te:  But  neither 
 ■alt  i  nor  a  Major  Vote  :  therefore  none. 
 
 1,  Not/4//:  For  ,  1.  Where  there  is  no  Subjeft, 
 there  is  no  Sovereign  :  But  if  all  conjunctly  arc 
 feigned  to  be  the  -overaign  ,  there  would  be  no  Sub- 
 jedt :  therefore  ,  &c.  The  Relate  cannot  be  with- 
 out its  Correlate.  2.  If  all  muft  be  conjunct  in  the 
 Soveraignty  ,  no  one  would  be  punifhed ,  nor  any 
 righted :  for  every  man  would  be  judge  in  his  own 
 caufe,  and  every  Delinquent  would  have  a  negative 
 
 .  voice 
 
Of  dfubvrdinate  Com mon-wealth  in  General.    6 % 
 
 voice  in  his  own  fentencef  and  no  Murderer  would 
 fuffer,  till  he ,  and  all  his  friends  confenr. 
 
 2.  If  ic  be  the  Ma^or  Vote  that  is  affirmed  to  have 
 the  Soveraignry  ;  Ianfvver,   i.  Nature  givethno 
 fuch  Power:  There  is  nothing  in  nature  to  tell  us 
 that  i  oo i  fliould  have  Power  of  Governing  (  and 
 fo  of  the  lives   )    of  999.     2.  Nature  give th  them 
 not  fo  much  as  an  aptitude  ,   much  lefs  Authority 
 and  Right.     1 .  The  aptitude  is  in  a  Supercminency 
 of  Wifdem,  Goidnefs  and  Power  :  but  nature  giveth 
 none  of  thefe ,  much  lefs  all  to  the  Major  Vote*, 
 therefore  it  gives  not  fo  the  Majtr  Vote' to  much  as 
 an  Aptitude  for  Government.     1 .  The  world  knows 
 that  knowledge  followeth  not  the  Major  Vote.    A 
 few  Learned  experienced  men,  may  be  wifer  then  a 
 thoufand  times  as  many  of  the  Vulgar.     2.    Aad 
 their  Vertue  will  be  defe&iveas  Ifieir  Wifdom  is, 
 3.  And  ( though  Power  6e  more  for  execution  then 
 for  proper  Government,  yet  )  it  is  known  that  ten 
 ftrong  men  may  beat  twenty  weak  ones,  and  that 
 an  Army  of  30000  doth  often  beat  an  Army  of 
 40000. 
 
 3.  Yea,  Nature  ufuallydenyeth  the  Aptitude  fo* 
 Government  to  the  Major  Vote.  For,  1.  They 
 are  ordinarily  moft  imprudent ,  wanting  the  natural 
 and  acquired  parts  that  others  have.  -i.  They  areu- 
 ufally  moft  vicious:  The  moft  are  feldom  the  beft  » 
 in  the  Beft  Countreys  of  the  world.  5.  They  are 
 commonly  divided,  and  hardly  kept  in  Unity  among 
 thcmfelvcs ;  and  therefore  are  unfit  to  be  the  Center 
 of  Unity  co  the  reft. 
 
 6.  If  Nature  place  the  Soveraignty  in  as  aggregate 
 
 body  of  the  people,  then  either  in  a  certain  number, 
 
 F  or 
 
66   Of  afubordimte  Common-wealth  in  General. 
 
 or  an  uncertain.     Not  on  a  Certain  Number:  for 
 
 nature  limiteth  it  not  to  fuch  a  number,nor  doth  any 
 
 affirm  it :  Not  to  an  uncertaine  number ,  for  then 
 
 every  member  that  is  added  to.  the  Common- wealth 
 
 may  poffibly  alter  the  bent  oF  the  whole  Soveraignty . 
 
 E.G.  If  it   be  half  Protectants,  and  half  Papifts,  and 
 
 onePapiftbc  admitted  into  the  company, he  will 
 
 give  the  Papifts  the  Major  Vote. ■    And  thus  thee- 
 
 ncmies  may  at  any  time  fubvert  them  ,  and  the 
 
 fociety  will  wheel  about  like  the  Weather-cock,  one 
 
 party  making  Laws ,  and  the  next  Repealing  them , 
 
 as  each  can  get  the  Major  Vote. 
 
 7.  If  Nature  do  make  the  people  the  real  Ma- 
 jefty  5  or  give  them  any  Governing  power,  then  it  is 
 either  becaufe  they  are  the  b?//>A'  ,  the  heft  ,>  or  the 
 ftrovgeft  :  But  it  is  by  none  ofthefe:  For,  1.  It  is 
 proved,  that  ordinarily  they  are  void  of  the  two  firft 
 and  oft  of  the  laft.  2.  If  not ,  yet  they  are  bur  an 
 Aptitude,  and  not  a  Title.  3.  Elfe  if  one  Nation 
 be  wifer  or  better  then  the  reft ,  all  (hould  be  fubjeft 
 to  them  ;  or  if  an  enemy  ftronger  then  we  fet  foot- 
 ing on  our  foil ,  tbey  are  naturally  bur  Governors. 
 And  4.  Then  there  can  be  no  Injuftice ,  if  ftrength 
 or  wit  may  carry  it  :  for  he  chat  cheats  or  beats  ano- 
 ther that  hath  Right  to  all  he  hath,or  if  any  man  can 
 prove  too  bard  for  the  Prince,  his  ftrength  would  be 
 his  Title, 
 
 8.  If  Nature  had  given  the  chief  Governing 
 Power  to  the  people ,  then  God  would  not  have 
 £one  contrary  to  this  in  the  inftitution  mentioned 
 in  his  word :  But  he  hath  gone  contrary  to  it ,  (  a* 
 fball  be  {hewn)  therefore,  &c 
 
 $<  Nor  would  the  commoncft  Governments  of 
 
 the 
 
Of  a  f ^ordinate  Common-wealth  in  General.    6  J 
 
 .:  Nations  of  the  earth  be  contrary  to  ic  :  for 
 rhat  which  is  of  nature  ,  is  molt  common  to  naturall 
 men.  Buc  no  men  that  I  hear  of ,  are  Governed  by 
 the  people  as  fet  over  them  by  mecr  nature  :  And 
 few  take  them,  to  have  a  naturall  aptitude  :  and 
 therefore  moft  places  have  Monarchy  orArifto- 
 cracy. 
 
 io.The  Power  of  Governing  a  Common-weal ch 
 is  not  a  natural  thin  ^but  a  Right  that  muft  come  by 
 Commitfion  from  a  Superior  ;  therefore  it  is  nor  di- 
 reftly  conveyed  by  mcer  nature :  therefore  the  mul- 
 titude have  it  not  by  nature. 
 
 2.  And  if  they  have  it  not  by  nature,then  either 
 by  ibaie  fupervenient  Accident ,  or  by  Contract : 
 If  by  Accident ,  either  by  Propriety  in  Riches,  or  by 
 acquired  Prudence  or  by  Conqueft.  But  none  of 
 thcfe  ways  can  it  belong  to  the  Community,  or  Ma- 
 jor Vote ,  as  fuch. 
 
 For.  i.  A  few  men  many  be  richer  then  many, and 
 have  Dominion  of  more  Lands  and  Cattle.  2.  And 
 thisgiveth  no  man  Right  to  be  the  Governour  o£ 
 others. 
 
 2.  Acquired  Prudence  is  but  an  Aptitude ,  and  not 
 a  Title ;  and  yet  it  is  fuch  as  the  multitude  are  void 
 of. 
 
 5.  They  cannot  be  faid  to  be  Conquerors  of  them- 
 felves,  or  of  the  minor  part. 
 
 3.  Nothing  therefore  remaineth  to  be  pleaded  for 
 the  popular  Soveraignty ,  but  Contract  ,  or  Divine 
 Jnftitmion.  And  if  Contraft  do.  the  deed,  it  is* 
 either  a  Contraft  about  this  very  form  and  end  in 
 queftion  ,  or  about  fome  other.  1 .  If  about  mot\yrry 
 ic  cannot  give  them  Power  in  this.    If  a  fociety 
 
 F  2  Cantrait 
 
68    Of afubordinate  Common-wedtb  in  General. 
 
 Contract  about  Merchandize  ,  Phyficjc ,  Literature  > 
 or  other  fubje&s  and  ends  ,  this  makes  them  not  a 
 Common- wealth,  a.  And  if  it  be  a  Contraft  to 
 thisfpecial  Endy  then  it  is  not  by  Nature  JltA  then  it 
 belpn^s  not  to  a  Major  Vote  as  fuch ,  but  followed* 
 the  confent  of  various  Refublickj  as  each  are  confti- 
 iHtcd  by  that  confent. 
 
 4.  And  immediate  Divine  Inftkution  cannot  be 
 pretended  for  it,  as  fhall  be  fhewn. 
 
 In  all  this  difpute  I  mean  by  [Majefias  realis  ] 
 what  the  Politicians  themfelves  profels  to  meane, 
 whom  I  difpute  againft  ,  which  is  not  a  meer  fplen- 
 dor  or  honour ,  &c.  but  as  they  call  it  themfelves, 
 Heal  is  Impcrij  Majeflas ,  the  chief  radicall  power  of 
 Government,  by  vertue  of  which  they  fay,  that[Afo- 
 jeflas  perfondis  a  reali  Majefiate  jttdicari  poteft~\and 
 that  L  personalis  Majeflas  a  re  ah  originem  dncit] 
 and  that  [  tibi  contra  leges  fundament  ales  agit  ide§  an* 
 mhilatur  &  exfpirat  ,  &  realis  vivificatur  &  In  ean- 
 dem  armatur.  ]  There  is  not  the  leaft  degree  of  Qo^ 
 verning  Power  in  the  people  as  fuch/  This-Do- 
 &rine  hath  been  guilty  of  Rebellion  and  confufion  in 
 Church  and  State:  it  hath  overthrown  the  very  na- 
 ture of  Churches  and  Common-wealths;  by  turning 
 the  Governed  into  the  Governours  ;  and  confounding 
 the  Rulers  and  the  Subjeas.  It  croffeth  the  Orders 
 of  Gods  own  Inftitution  that  require  the  Gover- 
 nours to  Rule  well,  and  the  Subjects  to  obey  them 
 ia  the  Lord,  and  not  to  be  the  Rulers  of  their  Ru- 
 Jtr,. 
 
 Thef. 
 
Of  a  Subordinate  Common-wealth  in  Cjcnertl.  6$ 
 
 Thef.  52.  7 hough  the  people  have  not  any  Soveraignty 
 or  9  werning  Authority  as  people,  yet  have  they  a 
 certain  Right  to  that  Common  good  which  is  the 
 End  of  Government,  and  each  man  hath  that  pro- 
 priety in  bis  life  and  faculties ,  and  Children  ,  and 
 Eft  ate ,  and  Honour  ,  that  no  Rulers  may  unjustly 
 take  the] re  from  him  ;  which  Right  as  it  is  fecured 
 partly  by  the  Law  of  Nature,  partly  by  other  Laws 
 or  lnftitutions  of  God ,  and  partly  by  the  jpecifying 
 Fundamental  Contracts  rfthe  Common-wealth  ,  and 
 commonly  called[Thc  Liberties  of  the  People]  and 
 thejnfifecuritjofthefe  Liberties,  is  it  that  fome 
 tAuthours  have  miftakenfor  a  Majeftas  Realis  and 
 %a  popular  Authority  to  Government 
 
 Thef.  53.  Ma} eft y  or  Sovereignty  is  the  Higheft 
 Tower  of  Governing  the  Common-wealth)  and  the 
 Fountain  of  all  inferiourPower. 
 
 Thef.  ?4»  *As  Power  or  Authority  is  Jus  Regendi, 
 a  Right  to  Govern,  fothe  Sovereigns  power  in  fpe- 
 cial  conjifleth  in  the  Only  Right  of  making  the  Uni- 
 versal Laws  of  the  Common-wealth,  and  conveying 
 Authority  to  inferiour  Governors ,  and  having 
 the  Higheft  Tower  of  Judgement  from  which  there 
 is  no  appeal  to  any  but  God. 
 
 1  •  Authority  is  oft  taken  in  other  fenfes:  efpeci- 
 allyforthceflfe&ivelntereft  that  any  man  hath  in 
 the  efteetn  of  another,  either  for  his  Learning,  Wit 
 dom,  Goodncfs ,  and  Fidelity ,  Riches  or  Strength. 
 And  fo  there  is  Authoritas  Affirmant  is,  Docentis* 
 
 F  3  "&**- 
 
70  Of  a  Subordinate  Commok- wealth  in  Cjenerd. 
 
 Suadentis  ,  Tefiantisy  CMinantis  ,  Tromittentis  ,  &c, 
 according  to  mens  feveral  Interefts.  And  Power  is 
 oft  taken  for  meere  ftrength.  But  it  is  Civil  Power 
 of  Authority  that  we  are  here  tofpeakof,  which  is 
 nothing  elfe  but  {.Jus  Regendi  ]  A  %igh  to  Govern 
 with  an  obligation  thereto :  (  except  in  God  the  Ab- 
 solute Soverai<zn  who  can  be  obliged  by  none  )  As 
 Government  is  an  Honour  and  Dignity,  and  de- 
 manded! obedience  from  Iriferiours ,  fo  it  is  [  *A 
 'Rjght :  3  But  as  it  is  an  aft  of  obedience  it  felf  to  a 
 Superiour  Power  that  commandeth  it  as  his  work ,  fo 
 it  is  from  an  Obligation  of  that  Superiour  which  is 
 God. 
 
 2.  If  any  of  the  aforefaid  Power  of  Legiflation  and 
 Judgement  be  referved  to  the  people  ,  they  have  it 
 not  as  people  j  but  as  participating  in  the  Suprema- 
 cie. 
 
 And  if  the  King  ftiall  by  Law  or  Cuftome  have  the 
 fole  TitleornameofSoveraigneor  Supream,  and 
 yet  cither  Lords  ,  or  Senate,  or  people  jfhall  partici- 
 pate in  the  faid  Legiflation  ,  or  Higheft  Judgement, 
 they  fo  far  participate  in  the  Soveraignty.  For  it  is 
 not  the  Honorary  names' ',  but  the  thing  that  we  en- 
 quire after. 
 
 Yet  quoad  exewitium  a  Soveraigne  may  refufeto 
 cxercife  his  higheft  Judgement  ?  and  caufe  it  con- 
 ftantly  to  be  done  by  Judges ,  and  the  people  may 
 limit  him  therein.  Legiflation  therefore  is  the  chief- 
 eft  work  of  Soveraignty  ;  (  of  which  more  a- 
 non.) 
 
 When  a  Soveraign  giveth  power  to  Corporations  to 
 make  Laws  they  are  but  By-Lavvs,fubordinate  to  the 
 taws  of  the  Common-wealth,  &  are  about  particular 
 
 matters 
 
Of  Subordinate  Common-wealth  in  General.  71 
 
 matters,  and  therefore  are  not  Common- wealth 
 Laws,  but  Corporation-Laws  :  And  yet  they  are 
 Originally  the  Soveraignes  Laws ,  in  that  the  Pow- 
 er came  from  him,though  Proximately  they  are  their 
 Laws  that  made  them.  But  if  he  fhould  Depute  ano- 
 ther to  the  power  of  making  Common-wealth- 
 Laws,  he  fhould  depute  him  toanaftofSoveraign- 
 
 Thef .  5  ^ .  Sever aignes  arefome  perpetual,  that  is  for 
 life ,  andfome   temporary  ,  or  for  a    limited  time ; 
 And  therefore  Politicians  fhonldnot  make  it  Ejfen- 
 tiaho  Sneraignty  to  ke  perpetual. 
 
 Time  here  cannot  alter  the  general  Nature  of  the 
 Power.  It  is  really  the  Right  of  Chief  or  Soveraign 
 Rule  ,  if  it  be  but  for  a  year  or  day.  As  the  Major 
 or  Bayliff  of  a  Corporation  is  truly  a  Magiftrate 
 though  but  for  a  year ,  as  well  as  thofe  that  have  the 
 place  for  life  ,  fo  is  a  Soveraign.  The  Duration  is 
 not  effential  to  the  Power.  As  he  is  a  King  that 
 may  be  cut  off  by  Death  the  next  week  after  he  is 
 Crowned  ,  fo  is  he  that  receivcth  the  Crown  but  for 
 a  limited  time.  If  he  take  it  for  two  hundred  years, 
 (  which  is  above  the  ufual  life  of  man)  if  he  fhould  (o 
 long  live,he  is  as  truly  King,as  if  no  years  were  nam- 
 ed. And  if  fojthen  no  man  can  fix  a  term  between  two 
 hundred  years ,  and  two  hundred  dayes,  or  two  days, 
 which  muft  make  our  effential  diffcrencc.And  there- 
 fore a  Di&ator  is  a  temporary  Monarch. 
 
 F4  Thef, 
 
72   Of  afubordinate  Common-wealth  in  General. 
 
 Thcf.  %6.  The  Soveraign  is  above  all  the  Humane 
 Laws  of  the  Common- wealthy  that  is,  he  hath  power 
 to  make  Laws  arid  to  repealethem  ,  cornel  them  , 
 adde  to  them ,  difpenfr  with  them  ,  and  pardon 
 the  breacty  of  them  to  particular  perfons  ,  and  as  a 
 Soveraign  is  not  bound  to  kjep  them  by  obedience  him~ 
 fclf,  nor  tofuffer  by  them. 
 
 The  reafon  of  this  >  is  evident  from  the  nature  of 
 Sovereignty  and  of  Laws.  He  that  is  hijseft  hath  no 
 Higher  to  obey  :  Laws  are  but  the  fignifications  of 
 the  Law-givers  W//,  and  therefore  can  go  no  further 
 then  his  will.  He  cofnmandeth  others  and  not  him- 
 felfe.  It  is  proper  to  a  Subjeft  to  be  obliged  to  o- 
 bedience  by  a  propet  Law.  ■  And  therefore  if  King  , 
 Lords,  and  Commons  that  had  the  Reall  Soveraign- 
 ty  here  among  us ,  had  broken  a  Law  that  threatneth 
 death,  they  had  not  forfeited  their  lives  by  it :  nor  is 
 there  any  Superiour  to  be  their  Le^all  Judge. 
 
 Thef.  57.  Tit  is  not  the  Soveraign  free  from  the  Obli- 
 gation of  the  Laws  pfGody  nor  from  the  Obligation 
 ef  the  Fundamental  contracts  of  the  Cowmen-wealthy 
 vor  of  any  of  his  publick^frtmifes  :  nor  may  he  dif* 
 penfe  with  his  own  Laws  ,  (much  lefs  make  Laws  ) 
 aaainfi  Gods  Laws  or  the  Common-good. 
 
 Btit  for  violating  thefe,he  hath  none  to  judge  him 
 asGovernour  but  God;  if  the  people  qucftion  him 
 as  violating  the  conftitution ,  and  destroying  the 
 Common-  health  ,  it  mull  not  be  as  Subjects,  nor  as 
 his  SovcraLn  :  For  Subjects  as  fuck  >  muft  obey7  and 
 
 not 
 
Of  subordinate  Common-wealth  in  General.  75 
 not  Rule  :  and  Sovereignty  they  have  none.  But  if 
 they  do  it ,  it  muft  be  as  Partus  in  the  ComraEty  vin  - 
 dicating  the  violated  Contrails  upon  natural  felf  pre 
 fuming  grounds,  as  men  kill  their  Enemies  in  Wars 
 or  Duella,  for  their  own  defence  :  which  is  not  as 
 Rulers  of  the  Enemies  where  they  kill.  But  whether 
 this  may  be  done ,  or  in  what  cafes ,  muft  be  fpoken 
 of  more  diftin&ly  by  it  felfe  anon. 
 
 thef.  5  8.  But  it  is  poffible  {how  fit  1  difpute  not )  that 
 the  fame  natural  per  fan  that  hath  the  chief  part  of 
 the  Soveraign  Tower ,  may  be  both  Soveraign  and. 
 fub'yeftinfeverallrtfpefts  ^  and  fa  have  fever al  civil 
 capacities^  and  then  ke  may  as  fubjett  be  obliged  by 
 the  fame  Laws  which  as  Soveraign  he  makes  ,  and 
 may  be  tunifhed  accordingly  ;  that  is  ,  //  bj 
 the  Conftttution  and  by  his  own  confent  (  m  receiving 
 a  power  on  fach  terms)  he  be  thus  fab  jetted. 
 
 A  Prince  may  by  the  Conflitution  be  obliged  to  be 
 refponfible  in  his  Courts  of  Juftice ,  for  Debts ,  or 
 Wrongs,  or  Crimes  and  fubjefted  to  more  or  leflfe 
 penalties.  But  he  is  not  thus  obliged  to  duty,  or  fuf- 
 fttingas  faveraign ,  but  asfabjeft:  and  therefore  it  is 
 fuppofed  that  he  have  notthctoulfoveraignty;  but 
 in  point  of  Judgment^  fo  much  of  it  be  committed  to 
 the  higheft  Judicature  as  /hall  put  them  in  a  capacity 
 to  judge  him.  And  if  the  fame  perfon(natural)mighc 
 not  be  fubje&  that  hath  part  in  the  Soveraignty,thcn 
 in  Ariftocracies  and  Democracies ,  many  would  be 
 from  under  Lifts.  But  though  this  be  pojJfibley  yet  is 
 it  unufaall  and  dangerous  to  the  Common-wealth  > 
 that  any  Judicature  ihould  have  power  to  behead  the 
 
 Com* 
 
74  Of  a  fubordimte  Common-wealth  in  General. 
 Common-wealth,  and  that  the  Highest  Judgtmentbz 
 in  the  hands  of  any  that  have  not  the  Highefi  Le- 
 gislative Power y  and  that  to  be  exercifed  on  the  Le- 
 gvflators :  and  that  a  Subject  (  in  all  other  refpe&s ) 
 iliould  have  power  co  judge  his  Soveraign  to  death; 
 To  be  refponfible  about  matters  of  propriety  is  not  fo 
 unfit.  But  that  the  Honour  or  Life  of  the  Sove- 
 raign (whether  a  Angle  Monarch,  or  a  Senate,or  both 
 inmixt  Governments)  ftiould  be  in  the  power  of 
 inferiour  Judges,  is  unmeet  andunfafe  to  the  Com- 
 mon wealth. 
 
 Thef.  59.  The  exifience  of  the  Natural  P  erf  on  of  the 
 Soveraign  is  not  necejfary  to  the  exigence  of  a  Com- 
 mon-wealth. 
 
 And  therefore  its  faid  that  Rex  non  rmritur.  For 
 when  the  perfon  is  dead  ,  (e.g.  in  an  Ele&ive 
 Monarchy)  the  Species  Jives  in  the  Conftitution,and 
 in  the  minds  and  wills  of  all  the  people  ,  who  there- 
 fore will  choofe  a  fucceffor. 
 
 Thef.   60.  But  the  natural  exigence  of  Subjects  is  ne- 
 cejfary to  the  exifience  of  a  Common-wealth.      JBe- 
 caufe  it  is  not  a  Body  capable  of  living  in  a  meere 
 conftituiion^  or  the  rnindes  of  men ^  nor  to  be  revived 
 frefently  by  mans  determinations. 
 
 Thef.  6 j.  Subjects  are  either  Imperfect ,  and  only 
 fuch  by  Obligation  and  not  confent,  (as  are  Rebels) 
 or  plenary  by  confent.  Obligation  is  for  Duty : 
 Confent  is  the  condition  of  the  bene  ft ,  and  the  necef- 
 f*ry  c%u[e  of  Duty  it  felf. 
 
 Thef. 
 
Of  afubordimte  Common-wealth  in  General    75 
 
 Thef.  62.  Confenting  Sub] efts  are  either  fuch  as  have 
 only  the  benefits  of  Protection  and  Jufiicefor  their 
 Lives,  Honour s,Eflates,&c.  or  fitch  as  alfo  are 
 Burgeffes  of  the  Common-wealth,  and,  are  capable  of 
 bearing  Office,  and  choojing  (joverneurs. 
 
 The  reafon  of  the  difference  is  fometimes  from 
 the  difference  of  expreffions  of  confent ,  but  ufually 
 from  perfonall  differences  of  Aptitude  and  Capacity: 
 fome  being  children,  Idiots,  fervants  ,  poor,  and  fo 
 depending  upon  others,  and  unfit  to  have  a  hand  ft 
 Government. 
 
 Thef.  65.  It  is  not  the  defeft  of  fecret  intent  ions  of  the 
 Ends  of  Government ,  that  can  nullifie  the  being  of 
 a  Common-wealth ;  but  if  the  Common  good  be  not 
 the  prof  effed  end,  it  is  null. 
 
 Thef.  64.  h  is  no  further  true  government  then  it  is 
 a  means  to  the  Snds  of  Government ,  which  are  let- 
 ter then  the  means ;  nor  may  it  be  fet  up  againfb  its 
 
 1    Ends. 
 
 Chap; 
 
*]$    Qftbtfeverd  forts  of  Commm-mdths. 
 
 Chap.  VI. 
 
 Of  the  feveral  forts  of  Common- 
 wealths. 
 
 HAving  fpoken  of  the  Univcrfal  Kingdom  ,  and 
 next  in  general  of  particular  fubordinate  Com- 
 mon-wealths, that  God  hath  by  inftitution  made  the 
 parts  of  it;  I  mutt  Firft  fpeak  of  the  CON  ST  ITU- 
 7 ION  j  and  next  of  the  ADMINISTRATION 
 ofthefe.  And  about  the  Conjiitution  I  fliall  firft 
 fpcak  of  the  MODES  (or  SPECIES  as  common- 
 ly called  )  and  then  of  the  Individuation. 
 
 Thef.  65.  God  hath  not  in  his  llniverfal  Lawes  re* 
 firained  the  Nations  of  the  vu  or  Id  to  any  one  Mode 
 or  Species  of  Government ,  but  left  it  as  a  variable 
 thing  to  be  determined  according  to  the  condition  of 
 each  people  ,  whether  one  or  many  {hall  have  the  So- 
 veraignty  under  him. 
 
 There  is  a  twofold  diverfity  of  GovernmentsrOne 
 is  in  the  Verfont  Ruling ;  Another  is  in  the  Matter 
 of  Government :  whether  the  former  dodeferve  the 
 name  of 'Specification  or  not,  it  hath  by  Cuftome  ob- 
 tained that  name :  And  fo  Monarchy ,  Arifiocraciey 
 and  Democracieizz  called  thediftinft  Species  of  Go- 
 vernmtnts  or  Common-wealths.    In  the  Matter  of 
 
 '     Govern- 
 
Of  the  feveral forts  of  Common-wealths.      77 
 
 Government  there  is  difference  >  in  that  feme  have 
 greater  power ,  and  fome  have  lefs :  fome  Soveraigns 
 are  limited  to  certain  things ,  and  degrees  of  power  ; 
 and  fome  are.  unlimited :  and  fome  limited  more, 
 and  fome  fefs.  And  otae  would  think  this  difference 
 were  a? great  as  the  former. 
 
 I  know  fome  pretend  to  a  Divine  Inftitution  for 
 Monarchy  ,  but  they  mean  onely  that  it  may  from 
 Scripture  be  proved  to  be  bejt ;  but  not  that  no  other 
 but  it,  is  Lawfnll.  Thus  Michael  Hudfon  and  others 
 affertittobe  JurcDivino  :  As  for  their  pretences, 
 that  would  make  Democracie  the  onely  Government 
 that  hath  the  ftamp  of  God ,  I  think  them  not  worth 
 the  writing  againft. 
 
 -*0-D~ 
 
 Thif.  66*  fhe  true  format  nature  of  a  C^ntmoH-weal 
 ism  every  one  of  the  Modes  or  Species  hot*  inquefli- 
 on ;  fo  this  it  is  ab[urd  to  appropriate  the  Title  of  a 
 Common-wealth  to  any  one  of  them  alone . 
 
 Yet  fo  do  the  new  Popularifis  among  us ,  calling 
 Democracie  only  [  a  Common-wealth  ]  which  they 
 fliould  rather  call  [a  Common-government  ]  if  it  im- 
 ply no  contradiction.  The  Constituting  UHatter  of 
 every  Common-wealth  is  the  Pars  Imperans  ,  and 
 Pars  fubdita  :  the  Governours  and  Subje&s :  and 
 the  forme  is  their  Mutual  Relation  as  refpc&ing  the 
 End:  the  nee  reft  End  is  Order,and  the  next  the  peo- 
 ples fafety  and  welfare  hereby  maintained  and  pro- 
 moted ;  together  with  the  Honour  of  the  Governor: 
 the  more  principal  End  is  our  prefcar  plcafing  of 
 God  and  honouring  him,  and  the  ultimate  end  is  our 
 aorepcrfeftcvcrlafting  plcafing  him  in  our  fruition 
 
 of 
 
j$  Of  the  fever  d  forts  of  Common-wealths. 
 of  him  in  glory.  It  is  named  Refpublica  a  Common- 
 weal ,  partly  from  the  matter  ,  becaufe  it  is  the 
 publick  Affaires  that  it  is  exercifed  about:  and  partly 
 fromthe  end,becaufe  it  is  the  Common  good  that  it 
 is  inttituted  for  ,  and  is  to  be  intended.  A  Vicinity 
 oj  Community,  City  or  Society  may  be  where  there 
 is  no  Common  -  wealth.  Any  Number  of  men 
 incapacity  are  the  remote  fubjed  of  it  .  A  City 
 or  Community  drawn  neerer  by  contracture  ufually 
 or  oft  the  more  neer  iubjeft  of  it.  For  ufually  fome 
 Contract  difpofeth  them  ,  and  makes  them  a  Com- 
 munity ,  or  City ,  before  they  become  a  Common- 
 wealth, or  foif  may  do  at  leaft.  Though  fome  call  it 
 not  a  City  till  it  be  headed  with  a  Governour ,  and 
 foit  is  a  Common-wealth.  Its  not  the  Attaining 
 but  the  Intention  or  Ttndcncie  of  the  Government  to 
 the  Comm°v-g0°d  that  is  eflential  to  a  Common- 
 wealth. An  accidentally  unhappy  Common-wealth 
 hath  yet  the  forme ,  and  muft  have  the  name. 
 
 Thef.  6j.  The  reafon  why  God  did  not  Uuiver felly  by 
 his  Law  tye  all  the  World  to  One  forme  of  G overn- 
 mint ,  isbecanfeths  difference  offerfons^times^la-. 
 cesy  neighbours,  &c*  may  make  one  forme  be  ft  to  one 
 people  >  and  at  onetime ,  and  place  <>that  is  voorfb  to 
 another  Monarchy  is  befl  for  fome  y  Arifiocracie 
 to  otters^  *nd  Democracie  to  others. 
 
 Some  places  may  have  fewer  perfons  fit,  and  fome 
 more :  fome  places  may  lie  under  the  advantages  of 
 one  man,  or  of  many  y  or  of  the  multitude ,  fo  as  that 
 they  cannot  live  profperoufly.  without  pleafwg  them* 
 
 and  fo  fubffuttiog  to  them.In  fome  places  the  people 
 
 arc 
 
Of  the  fever al  fort  s  of  Common-  wealths.  79 
 are  much  add  idled  to  One  way  >  and  in  fome  to  ano 
 ther:  fome  Common-wealths  do  niort  intend  Pre- 
 fervation ,  and  other  Incre.ife  of  Riches ,  or  of 
 Poffejfions  by  enlargement  of  their  Territories.  And 
 Cuftom  may  do  much. 
 
 Thef.68.  That  U  the  be  ft  form  of  Government  to  this 
 or  that  People  ,  that  all  things  confidered,  doth  moft 
 fowerfuHy  tend  to  their  fplrltual  and  ever  l  aft  ino  wel- 
 fare ,  and  their  Holinefs^  Obedience^  andpleaftng  of 
 God. 
 
 Nothing  more  fure  or  clear,then  that  the  ultimate 
 end  doth  moft  put  the  due  eftimate  on  all  the  means. 
 If  Government  be  no  means  to  this  end,  it  is  not 
 good,  defirablc  ,  nor  of  God  :  for  if  it  be  not  to  and 
 for  God,  it  is  not  from  him.  There  is  nothing  in  all 
 the  world  that  can  betheObjeS  of  a  humane  A#, 
 but  the  ultimate  end,  and  the  meanes  thereto.  If 
 Government  be  neither,we  have  nothing  to  do  with 
 it :  But  if  it  be  one  (  as  certainly  it  is  )  it  cannot 
 be  the  end;,  and  therefore  mu(t  be  a  means :  and  if 
 fo ,  that  is  the  beft  means  which  moft  tendeth  to  the 
 attainment  of  the  end. 
 
 Objeft.  Bnt  the  Common  corporal  Profperity  is  the 
 near  andproperendyand  therefore  that  muft  eftimate  the 
 meanes. 
 
 AnfwJLvtik  that  nearer  end  is  it  felf  but  a  means  to 
 .  our  ultimate  end;  nor  to  be  any  further  valued  or  re- 
 garded by  a  rational  Creature,  then  it  hath  a  tenden- 
 cy thereto  ;  and  therefore  that  which  hath  no  value 
 it  felf  y  but  what  it  hath  as  a  means  to  the  ultimate 
 end ,  can  convey  no  other  to  its  fubordiaate  means. 
 
 Nothing 
 
80     Of  the  fever  al  forts  of  Common  -  wealths. 
 Nothing  more  furc  then  that  our  ultimate  end  mtift 
 turn  thefcalesofour   estimation  of  all  means.     A 
 horfe  may  be  ftronger  then  a  man  ,   and  a  dog 
 founder,  and  a  Tree  live  longer  here.     The  Turkifti 
 Dominion  may  have  more  riches ,  and  Power  ,  and 
 larger  Command  then  th^Englifli  Common-  wealth: 
 Buc  it  is  not  therefore  the  happier  :  That  which  moil 
 advaaceth  the  people  ro  falvation,  and  keeps  out.fin, 
 and  keeps  our  holinefs  and  pleafeth  God,  is  the  beft 
 Government.    He  that  beleveth  not  this ,  is  at  the 
 heart- ah  Infidel.     A  prifon  with  holinefs  and  the 
 favour  of  God ,  is  better  then  all  the  Riches  and 
 Glory  of  the  world  without  it:  The  com  on  caufe 
 of  the  Damnation  of  all  that  perifti  is  the  preferring 
 of  Riches,  Honor,  Pleafure, Liberty ,and  fucb  flefhly 
 accommodation  before  God  and  Glory.    No  men 
 on  earth  therefore  can  more  promote  the  Devils 
 work,  and  the  perdition  of  fouls,  then  thefe  that 
 plead  for  corporall  advantages  in  the  framing  of 
 their  Common-wealths  againft  Gods  intereft,and  the 
 well-fare  of  mens  fouls  !  They  too  grofly  play  over 
 again  the  game  that  the  Devil  playd  with  Chrill  that 
 foiled  him  ,  CMat.^.  when  he  offered  him  all  the 
 Kingdoms  and  glory  of  the  world ,  if  he  would  wor* 
 fiiip  him.    None  but  thofe  that  have  forfakenGod 
 fliall  be  fo  far  forlaken  by  him  as  to  follow  thefe  im- 
 pious Principles.    We  will  not  contrive  our  own 
 adverfity ,  nor  tefufeprofpericy  when  God  affordeth 
 it :  But  we  muft  eftimate  all  with  refpc&  to  our  ul- 
 timate end ,  and  prefer  the  flames  before  a  Crown 
 when  it  is  againft  this  sad. 
 
 Thef. 
 
Of  the  fever d  forts  of  Common-wealths.     8 1 
 
 Thef.  ^9.  That  is  the  be  Ft  form  of  Government 
 that  moft  condnceth  to  the  common  fafety  o*  the  inte* 
 reft  of  God  y  and  the  well-fare  of  his  Univerfall 
 Kingdom. 
 
 The  good  of  the  world  *  and  the  whole  body  of 
 Gods  faithful  Subjects  is  more  to  be  look  at ,  then 
 the.  good  of  a  particular  Common-wealth  The 
 fame  Principles  that  prove  it  fordid  and  impious  to 
 value  our  private  perfonal  profperity  before  that  of 
 the  Common-wealth  >  do  prove  it  as  bad  to  value 
 the  good  of  one  Common-wealth  before  the  Uni- 
 verfal  Kingdom  of  God  on  earth.  If  a  people 
 could  live  moft  profperoufly  to  themfelves  in  the 
 {late  of  fome  petty  Republicks  and  Free«Cities ,  but 
 yet  are  thereby  uncapable  of  doing  much  for  the  faf?- 
 ty  o^vel-fare  of  their  brethren  abroad  ,  it  is  not  the 
 moft  defirable  Government. 
 
 As  that  is  properly  a  Domination ,  or  */0- 
 verninjr  of fervants7which  is  principally  for  the  Rk~ 
 
 Thef.  70 
 
 vernin^ .  ............     
 
 Icrs  benefit y  and  that  is  a  Common-wealth  which  is 
 principally  for  the  Common-benefit  ,fo  the  more  any 
 form  of  Government  tendeth  to  the  Common-weal 
 or  Good  of  all ,  the  more  defirable  it  is  \  (fappofing 
 the  two  fore-mentioned  conditions.) 
 
 This  alfo  is  plain  ,  becaufe  the  end  ftill  eftimates 
 the  means.  And  as  Millions  are  better  then  one 
 and  Godsintercft  more  concerned  in  their  wel-fare, 
 fo  their  wel-fare  is  more  the  end  of  the  Common- 
 wealth then  his.  The  Prince  in  this  refped  is  for 
 G  the 
 
82     Of  the  feveral  forts  of  Commonwealths. 
 the  people,  more  then  they  for  him. 
 
 Thef.  71.  Tet  is  the  Honour  of  the  Prince  ,  as  he  is 
 Go  ds  Ojficer^and  partlcipxtcth  of  Authority  derived 
 from  hims  onepart  of  the  end  of  a  Common-wealth  , 
 and  not  to  be  feparated  from  the  peoples  foneft;,  in 
 car  intentions. 
 
 Mr.  M%  Hudfon  maintained  that  this  Honor  of 
 the  Soveraign  is  xhz  nobler  end  ,  and  to  be  preferred 
 before  the  peoples  good.  I  think  they  are  fo  ad- 
 mirably linckt  together,  that  we  cannot  fairly  bring 
 them  into  Competition  or  Diffention.  Gods  In- 
 cereft  in  other  reijpe&s  is  moft  in  the  people:  though 
 it  is  only  the  Rulers  that  participate  of  his  Govern- 
 ing Power  and  Honor.  Gods  mcreft  in  the  Magi-, 
 firates  Honor ,  is  better  then  the  Peoples  profperlty  as 
 theirs  :  And  Cjods  Interesl  in  the  Peoples  Welfare  , 
 and  the  Worftiip  and  Obedience  that  he  hath  from 
 them,  is  better  then  tht  Maglfirates  Honor  as  his  own: 
 And  the  peoples  Wei-fare  as  their  ownjis  better  then 
 ihzM*glftrates  honor  as  his  own:  There  remains  there- 
 fore no  queftion  to  be  decided >but  this  jvhethcr  Go  Is 
 Interesl:  in  the  Idlers  honor ,  or  In  ihe  peoplesW.l-fare% 
 nws~t  be  preferred.]VJh\ch  needs  no  further  decision, 
 becaufe  they  are  never  to  be  feparated  ,  but  both  to 
 be  ftill  regarded.  Honor  is  commanded  us  to  our 
 5uperiprs  in  the  fifth  Commandment,  and  if  any 
 fin  of  theirs  do  make  them  uncaple  of  their  ovrn  part 
 in  the  honor,  ftill  Gods  part  muft  be  fecured,  that  is, 
 when  they  are  bad  Rulers  they  muft  have  the  Honor 
 of  Rulers ,  though  not  of  good  Rulers,  and  that  re- 
 fulteth  unto  God :  and  if  they  ceafe  to  be  Rulers , 
 
 Magi- 
 
 \ 
 
Ofthefe  veral  forts  of  Common-wealths.     8  3 
 
 Magiftracy  ceafeth  not  ?  and  therefore  it  mutt  (till 
 6e  honoured,  and  God  in  it. 
 
 Thef.  72.  That  form  of  Government  is  not  to  be  judg- 
 ed moji  for  the  common  goody  which  giveth  the  great- 
 eft  Power  to  the  multitude ^but  that  which  provideth 
 them  with  the  great eft  advantages  toferve  andpleafe 
 Godyand  help  theirBrethren. 
 
 Lee  Satans  (laves  think  the  Hlghefl  are  the 
 H  apple fi  ,  who  are  animated  with  P ride,  and  take 
 th&  admiration ,  applaufe  and  fubmiilion  of  men  to 
 be  their  felicity  :  but  none  will  think  fo  that  are  not 
 blinded  with  ambition  :  The  befooled  Admirers  of 
 the  glittering  vain  Glory ,  and  pomp  of  worldly  dig- 
 nity and  greatneffe,  do  think  a  trouble  and  grievous 
 burden  a  defirable  thing  ,  and  pare  of  their  felicity. 
 And  therefore  as  every  wicked ,  proud  and  fenfual 
 man  would  fain  be  higheft ,  and  the  Ruler  of  all?  fo 
 when  fuch  proud  and  wicked  men  write  Politicks,no 
 wonder  if  they  animate  their  Writings  from  their 
 ownfpirits  and  principles  ,  and  make  that  the  happi- 
 eftftate  to  the  people  in  which  they  may  havemoft 
 of  Governing  Dignity  andpowsr  which  is  far  from 
 Truth. 
 
 Thef.  73 .  The  great  burden  and  work,  of  the  %ftler> 
 is  ths  principal  thing  to  be  lookt  at  in  his  office  ;  and 
 the  Honor  is  but  for  the  workfakej  and  for  God  that 
 giveth  him  his  Power}  The  people  therefore  are  msre 
 beholden  f  a  faithful  Governor  fhen  the  Governor  is 
 to  the  people ,  and  receive  more  from  him  >  then  he 
 fr$mthem. 
 
 Ga  Moft 
 
$4     Of  the  feveral forts  of  Commonwealths. 
 
 Moft  men  belive  not  this ,  though  it  be  moft  evi- 
 dent ,  becaufe  Ambition  and  carnal  Admiration  of 
 fecular  pomp  doth  bind  their  minds.  But  confider, 
 i.  It  is  but  one  man,  or  a  few  that  are  the  Receivers 
 from  the  people ,  and  it  is  the  whole  Community 
 ihat  receiveth  from  the  Prince.  2,  His  cares  and 
 labors  are  far  greater  for  them  ,  then  theirs  for  him 
 or  for  the  moft  part  for  themfelves .  He  that  never, 
 was  u  Court,  may  eafily  know  ,  what  a  milerable 
 life  it  is  fas  to  private  plcafure)  to  have  the  care  of  a 
 Common-wealth,  and  to  have  fo  many  Expcthnts 
 and  Petitioners  to  fatisfie,and  of  fo  contrary  diipofi- 
 tions,interefts  &  expe£tetions,wbere  it  is  impoflible 
 for  the  wifeft  or  richeft  Prince  to  fatisfie  or  gratifie 
 all  3  and  unavoidably  neceflfary  to  difpleafc  many  , 
 &  then  to  incur  the  paffionate  cenfures  of  thofe  that 
 are  difpleafed  :  To  have  fcarce  time  through  multi- 
 tude of  bufineffe  to  look  to  the  health  of  their  own 
 bodies;  nor  do  fo  much  for  theit  fouls  as  they  that 
 are  out  of  the  crowd,  and  have  opportunity  of  Re- 
 tirements. 3.  And  their  lives  are  more  in  danger  by 
 the  Plots  and  PaflTions  of  enemies  and  diicontented 
 men,  then  the  Sub je&s  are.  4.  And  worft  of  all,they 
 ftand  in  the  moft  incommodious,dangerous  ftation  as  * 
 to  their  own  falvation  :  The  Pomp  of  the  world  is 
 potent  to  deceive,  and  the  gteatnefs  and  multitude 
 of  Bufinefs  t  o  divert ;  and  the  words  of  flatterers  to 
 pervert,  and  their  applaufe  topufteup;  and  carnal 
 Inrereft  to  engage  them  againft  the  mortifying  Do- 
 ftrine  and  flefh  difpleafing  yvays  of  Chrift  :  fo  t4iat 
 few  great,  noble  and  mighty  arc  faved,  and  its  won- 
 drous heard  for  the  rich  and  great  to  enter  into  hea- 
 ven. So  that  {  conclude,  that  for  wicked  men  that 
 
 believe 
 
Of  the feveral  forts  of  Common-wealths.  8  5 
 believe  not  a  life  to  come ,  and  intend  not  the  com- 
 mon good,  but  their  own  advancement,  to  fcramble 
 for  a  Crown,  and  clamber  iuto  honor,  is  no  wonder, 
 and  accordingly  they  are  like  to  ufe  it.  But  if  any 
 good  man,  than  knoweth  what  he  doth,  do  accept  of 
 a  Ration  of  fo  great  work,  and  fufferin.;,  and  danger* 
 the  people  a:e~  more  beholden  to  him  ,  then  he  to 
 them.  Wife  men  know  the  weights  of  Crowns. 
 
 Thef.  74.  Of  all  the  three  ordinary  forts  of  Go- 
 vernment ,  Democracy  is  to  mo  ft  people  ,  and  uf natty 
 the  worft. 
 
 Let  us  firft  know  what  the  forts  are  out  yve  fpeak 
 of,  and  then  prove  the  Aflertion.  And  firft  I  will 
 not  meddie  with  Domination,  which  looketh  princi- 
 pally to  the  Princes  ends,  &  but  confequently  at  the 
 common  good,  but  only  at  the  Monarchy  thats  cal- 
 ls c  ]  A  Kingdom.  ] 
 
 Thef.  75.  r.  tsf  KivvdomA  a  Common-wealth 
 that  hath  one  perfon  only  forjTs  Soveraign ,  the  end 
 of  who_  e  Constitution  and  Admmftration  is  the 
 common  good. 
 
 The  very  Title  of  Rex,  a  King,  is  the  moft  modeft 
 and  convenient  that  a  Soveraign  can  have  :  for  ic 
 fignifieth  but  one  that  rnlethj  dlretteth  or  guideth  T 
 whereas  Imperator ,  an  Emperour ,  fignifyin '  a  Com- 
 mander ,  is  fitted  to  the  General  of  an  Army,  and  of 
 too  high  importance  for  him  that  Rulethoy  Laws. 
 And  Domlnus  a  Lord,  in  its  proper  fignification ,  ir. 
 higher  then  that*,  and  fignifieth  one  that  hath  a  Pro- 
 
 G  3  prlety 
 
8  6     Of  the  fever  oil  forts  of  Common-wealths. 
 
 yriety  and  Power  oiDifpoftng  of  y  as  well  as  Ruling 
 the  perions  and  things  that  are  uqder  his  Govern- 
 ment ,  and  ordereth  them  for  himlelf  as  his  own.A 
 Protestor  is  a  n?me  that  I  may  not  now  defcant  on ; 
 but  I  may  boldly  lay,  that  a  JC/Vg,and  %PrinceyRexy& 
 Princcps  are  lower  as  to  pretenlioh,-nd  have  in  them 
 the  kaR  appearance  of  Arrogancy ,  or  found  of  Arbi- 
 trary Power ,  and  are  moft  fuited  to  a  moderate  Go- 
 vernment. 
 
 Thef.76.7Ttf  C  orruption  of  Monarchy  is  commonly  cei- 
 led Tyranny  -which  is  when  theOnt  that  is  appointed 
 to  rule  for  the  Common-good  y  doth  deftroy  the  Com- 
 mon good  y  orfubjcliit  to  his  private  interefi. 
 
 Some  call  him  alfo  a  Tyrant  that  wants  a  juft  Ti- 
 tle; andfo  diftinguifh  the  Tyrant  that  wanteth  Title 
 from  him  that  abufeth  it.  But,  1.  No  man  hath  a 
 Right  to  proper  Tyranny5or  to  deftroy  the  common 
 good.  2.  The  other  is  more  ufually  and  fitly  called 
 an  Invader  ,  Immtkr  y  or  Ufxrfer  •>  and  folet  him 
 leep  his  name. 
 
 Thef.  77.     Arift     acy  is  a  Common-wealth  that's 
 Governed   by  fome    of  the    i?efi  for  the  Common- 
 
 The  Corruption  of  it  is  called  Oligarcftieywh\ch  is 
 the  confufion  of  the  Community ,  when  forpe  of 
 the  firongeA  or  rieheft,but  not  the  beft  to  get  poflef- 
 fionof  the  fupream  Government,  and  manage  it 
 for  .heir;  rwate  Interefts,  and  not  for  the  common 
 gcod.    li  they  be  chofen  by  full  Suffrage,yet  it  may 
 
 be 
 
Of  the  fever al  forts  of  C°*nwon-wealths.  87 
 be  an  Oligarchic ,  as  well  as  by  Invaiion :  the  per- 
 fons  and  abufe  may  corrupt  the  form. 
 
 Thcf.  78.  Democracy  is  a  Common-wealth  where 
 the  Soveraign  Fewer  is  in  all ,  or  the  Ma)or  Vote  of 
 tie  people  to  be  ewrcifdfor  the  Common-g*°A* 
 
 Some  popular  forms  admit  all  the  multitude  to 
 vote  in  Government  without  diftin&ion:  Mo(ft:e 
 wif-r,and  admit  only  perfons  thus  and  thus  qualified, 
 ttat  have  fuch  Eftates,  or  of  fuch  Ranks  and  Orders  : 
 fome  give  equal  power  to  all  that  have  Votes:  fome 
 limit  the  inferior  fort,and  give  more  power  to  thofe 
 of  greater  riches,  The  Corruption  of  this  is  called 
 Qchlocratie  ,  which  is  the  confufion  of  the  Commu- 
 nity, when  the  Rabble  rout  or  multitude  have  the 
 Rule  ,  which  they  exercife  to  fatisfie  thc:ir  giddy  hu- 
 mors,or  fome  private  Intereft  againft  the  Common- 
 well-fare  :  Scarce  any  Democracy  efcapes  this. 
 
 Thef.  79.  A  mixt  Common-wealth  is  thaty  in  which 
 either  two,  or  all  three  of  the fe  forms  are  fo  conjmttj 
 that  the  Supremacy  is  divided  among  themi  fome* 
 time  equally^  fomethne  unequally  m 
 
 It  hath  been  a  Controverfie  ,  to  which  of  thefe 
 forms  our  Englifh  Common-wealth  was ,  arid  is  to 
 be  reckoned :  the  uncertainty  of  this  was  one  caufe 
 of  our  Wars :  Many  thought  it  was  a  pure  Kingdom 
 or  Monarchy ,  where  the  whole  Soveraignty  is  in 
 the  Kin?.  The  Parliaments  have  affirmed  it  to  be 
 a  mixt  Common- wealth,  yet  denominated  a  Monar- 
 chy or  Kingdom  from  fome  eminent  Prerogatives  of 
 G  4  the 
 
88     Of  the  fever  d  forts  of  Common-wealths. 
 
 the  King  :  The  Reafons  given  by  them  1  ihall  not 
 ftand  on,fave  only  this  One.  The  Le  iflacive  power 
 isapart  ,  ifnoc  theKigheftpartof  the  Soveraigrityi 
 but  much  of  the  Legiflative  Power  is  ,  and  hath  been 
 in  the  Parliaments  hands :  therefore  much  Oi  the  So- 
 veraignty  is  in  their  hands. 
 
 But  to  put  all  out  of  Controverfic  ,  the  King  him- 
 felf  in  his  Anfwer  to  the  Nineteen  Proportions  of 
 trcParliament ,  averres  the  fame  himfelf.  As  to 
 them  that  argue  from  the  Oath  of  Supremacy  ,  and 
 theTirle  given  to  the  King,  1  refer  them  to  Mr. 
 Law  Jons  Anfwer  to  Hobbs  Politicks,  where  he  fhews 
 that  the  Titb  is  oft  given  to  the  fingle  perfon  for 
 the  honour  of  the  Common-wealth  and  his  encou- 
 ragement ,  becaufe  he  hath  an  eminent  intereft,  but 
 will  nor  prove  the  whole  Sovcraignty  to  be  in  him  : 
 and  the  Oath  excludeth  all  others  from  without,  and 
 not  them  whofe  intereft  is  implyedas  conjunft  with 
 his.  The  Laws  and  Cnftoms  of  the  Nation  muft  ex- 
 pound fuch  Names.  The  eminent  Dignity  and  In- 
 ter^! of  the  King  above  others,  allowed  the  name 
 of  a  Monarchy  or  Kingdom  to  the  Common- 
 wealth though  indeed  the  Soveraignty  was  mixt. 
 in  .he  hands  of  Lords  and  Commons.  If  in  the 
 mixture  the  intereft  of  the  Prince  had  been  leaft 
 conficlerable  ,  it  fhould  .not  have  been  called  a  Mo- 
 narchic or  Kingdom,  but  an  AriHocracy  or  Demo- 
 cracy from  the  Party  that  had  the  moft  eminent  in- 
 iyitereft.  * 
 
 Thcf- 
 
§  <)       Of  the  f ever  al  forts  of  Common-wealths.     ° 
 
 K 
 
 Thef .  80.  whether  the  natural  perfons  that  haze  the 
 Sovereignty  be  One,  err*;/,  or  ten  thoufand  ^  yet 
 they  are  all  but  one  Civil  fcrfon  y  called  the  Sove- 
 raign. 
 
 IhzCMajeftashin  one  Civil  perfon  called  the 
 Head  of  the  Common-wealth  :  and  the  Common- 
 wealth is  individuated  by  the  Head  or  Soveraign : 
 and  therefore  if  there  were  more  Soveraigns  or 
 '  Heads  then  one ,  there  would  be  more  Common- 
 wealths. 
 
 Thef.  81.  That  Democracy  or  Popular  Government 
 is  ordinarily  the  worfi  >  is  proved  by  all  thefc 
 Arguments  ;  1.  Becaufe  tt  comes  neareft  to  the  utter 
 confounding  of  the  Governors  and  Governed:  the 
 Ranks  that  God  hath  feparated  by  his  InfiitHtion. 
 
 It  is  certain  that  God  himfelf  hath  appointed  that 
 fome  be  Rulers ',  and  fomehz  Subjects :  Now  to  make 
 the  Rulers  and  the  Subje&s  the  fame,and  fo  to  make 
 the  people  rule  themfelves ,  is  next  to  the  utter  con- 
 founding of  the  common. wealth  ,  and  nullifying 
 Government.  And  therefore  it  is  faid  four  times 
 overin  the  Judges.  17. 1 8,19*  and  21.  That  [  In  thofe 
 days  their  was  no  King  in  ifrael:  ]  and  twite  its 
 added ;  [  But  every  man  did  that  which  was  right 
 In  his  own  eyes  y  1  as  if  there  had  been  no  Go- 
 vernment at  all.  And  all  becaufe  the  temporary 
 Monarch  was  interrupted  ,  and  the  A  ittocracy 
 which  continued  began  to  grow  weak,and  favour  too 
 much  of  Democracy  by  the  ufurpation  or  tumults 
 
 of  the  people  Thef. 
 
$>  o       Of  the  fever al  forts  of  Common-wealths. 
 
 Thef.  82.  2.  Nothing  more  incident  to  corrupted  na- 
 ture then  for  f elf -love:  to  blind  meny  arid  every  man  to 
 be  partial  in  his  own  caufe:  Now  it  is  th  people  that 
 are  to  be  Governed  >  judged  ,  punijhed  ,  &c.  and 
 therefore  how  likely  are  they  by  partiality  to  them- 
 f elves  to  make  the  Government  nextyto  none. 
 
 Why  elfe  is  every  man  excepted  againft ,  accord- 
 ing to  all  Laws  of  God  and  Man  ,  from  being  a  wit- 
 nefs  or  judge  in  his  own  caufe  ?  And  fhall  we  have 
 the  greater  part  of  the  people  be  the  highdl  Judges 
 in  their  own  caufe  f 
 
 Thef.  83.  I .  (jovernnent requireth  natural  ftrength 
 of  reajon  ,  that  the  Governors  may  be  prudent  men  : 
 They  are  things  oft-times  of  exceeding  difficulty  , 
 and  ufuaUy  of  very  great  weight  that  they  have 
 to  judge  of  :  But  the  multitude  of  the  people  are 
 vfually  of  lamentable  under]} findings ,  utterly  unfit 
 for  fuch  weighty  thibgs. 
 
 Multitudes  in  England  ,  and  more  in  Wales ,  Com* 
 wall ,  Ireland ,  the  High-lands ,  are  fcarce  able  to 
 talk  reafon  about  common  things !  And  are  thefe 
 fit  to  have  the  Soveraign  Power  to  Rule  the  Com- 
 mon -wealth?  I  have  been  very  feniible  of  this  ac 
 an  Affize  >  when  I  have  heard  the  Judge  and  Coun- 
 fellers  induftrioufly^  opening  the  cafe  to  the  Jury, 
 who  flood  by  them  as  innocently  as  if  they  had  heard 
 nothing  but  Hebrew  or  Arabick  all  the  while,  and  go 
 their  way ,  and  bring  in  their  Vcrdift,  either  as  fome 
 one  cunninger  then  the  reft ,  perfwades  thcm,or  elfe 
 
 ac 
 
^i     Ofthefeveralfortsof  Common-wealths. 
 
 at  random  or  hap  hazzard ,  fpeakin^  that  which  was 
 next  the  tongues  end  ,  fo  that  I  thought  it  much  at 
 one  ,  as  to  throw  the  dice  upon  it ,  who  fhould  have 
 the  day.  ButO!  if  our  people  came  to  the  work 
 of  Law-making  ,  and  our  Senate  muft  Rogare  & 
 Abrogare  ^r  obrogare  &  fttbrogarey  and  the  people 
 refolve  alll&having  the  higheft  Power ,'  what  work 
 fhould  we  have  ?  and  what  a  Herd  would  Govern  us. 
 
 Thef.  84.  4-  The  great  and  weighty  work^  of  Go- 
 vernment reqxireth  an  anfwerable  Education  to  pre- 
 pare them  for  it :  But  the  Ma'' or  part  of  our  people 
 have  nofach  Education  :  therefore  &  c# 
 
 Ifvve  could  poffefs  them  with  the  Holy  Ghofl  ,  as 
 Chrirt  did  his  Apoftles ,  we  would  call  them  from 
 their  fifhing  and  tent-making  to  be  Preachers  or  Ru- 
 lers  ,  and  from  their  Plows  ,  and  Carts  ,  and  Dung- 
 hills to  make  Laws:  But  till  then,  tet  us  have  the 
 common  Reafon  to  conceive,  that  as  a  man  that  hath 
 ftudied  Phyfick,  Divinity,  or  any  Art,  or  Science,  or 
 Dottrine ,  is  liker  to  be  skilled  in  it ,  then  he  that  was 
 never  bred  up  to  it :  fo  is  it  about  the  Government 
 of  Common-wealths  alfo. 
 
 Tkef.  85.  5.  They  that  Are  the  chief  Governors  of 
 a  Common-wealth  ^  have  need  to  be  wholly  or  mo  ft  ly 
 vacant  from  all  tAverfons  for  fo >  great  a  work}  But 
 common  people  mt4Jl  follow  their  "Flows  and  Trtttk*  , 
 and  cannot  be  vacant  for  it :  therefore  t  hey  are  unfit 
 to  9  overn  a  Common-wealth* 
 
 If  any  fay  that  their  bare  Ele&ion  of  Governors 
 
 may 
 
Of  the [everd forts  of  Common-wealths.  92 
 may  ferve  turn  ,  I  (hall  lhew  you  anon  char  that  is 
 not  Governing,  nor  any  part  of  it.  The  wifeft  men 
 on  earth  will  hnd  that  the  Government  of  a  com- 
 mon-wealth will  take  up  the  whole  man ,  and  that 
 they  need  no  other  Trade  be/ides.  We  find  in  the 
 Miniftry  how  intolerable  another  Calling  is ;  and 
 why  not  here  alfo? 
 
 Thef.  66.6.  They  that  (hall  Govern  a  Common-wealth 
 fhould  be  good  as  well  as  wifey  that  they  may  refifi 
 temptations  to  partiality  yand  not  prefer  their  private 
 intereft.  But  the  Major  part  arc  not  oxcly  likely 
 but  certain  to  be  bad  ,  yea  Enemies  to  the  very  prin- 
 cipal ends  of  Government yin  mofl  places  of  the  world: 
 therefore  they  are  utterly  unfit  for  Sovereignty. 
 
 It  is  the  badnefs  of  men  that  caufeth  the  cor- 
 ruption of  alljthe  forms  oF Government  before  men- 
 tioned ,  and  fubje&eth  the  publick  good  to  private; 
 and  certainly  (however  fome  dream  that  their  Laws 
 and  Engines  can  hamper  any  men  )  the  Devil  would 
 never  Govern  well  by  any  Laws.  And  Scripture  and 
 all  experience  tells  us  that  the  moft  are  felfiih,  fenfu  - 
 al,  Worldlings  haters  of  Godlinefte  :  An  enmity  be- 
 ing put  from  the  beginning  between  the  feed  of  the 
 woman  and  of  the  Serpent ,  all  this  ftir  of  the  Re- 
 publicans is  but  to  make  the  feed  of  the  Serpent  to 
 )ethe  Soveraign  Rulers  of  the  earth  :  when  God 
 lath  promifed  that  the  Kingdoms  of  the  world  fhall 
 become  Chrifls  Kingdoms  >  thefe  men  would  have 
 them  the  Babels  of  Satan,  the  feat  of  confufion , 
 and  the  enemies  of  Chrift  to  raign  through  the  earth. 
 When  Chrift  told  his  Apoflles  that  he  fent  out  them  as 
 
 Lambs 
 
23  Of  the  f ever  d  forts  of  Common-wealths. 
 Lambs  among  Wolves ,  thefe  men  would  have  thefe 
 Wolves  to  be  the  Governors  of  the  world :  even 
 thofe  that  Chrift  threatnech  to  flay  :  becaufe  they 
 would  not  have  him  to  raign  over  th^m ,  muft  be  the 
 men  that  muft  every  where  raign  themfelves ,  even 
 thole  that  he  threatneth  to  bruiieior  their  Rebellion 
 with  a  Rod  of  Iron,  and  dafh  them  in  pieces  as 
 a  Potters  veffell,P/*/»f.2.  Luke  19.  27.  Were  not 
 this  multitude  reftrained,  they  would  prefently  have 
 the  blood  of  the  godly.  Late  experience  hath  told 
 us  fomewhat.  Their  hatred  to  piety  is  fo  woncier- 
 full  and  unreasonable,  that  I  confefs  it  confirms  me 
 in  my  belief  of  that  Word  of  God,  that  doth  affirm  ic 
 of  them.  And  if  theie  men  had  once  the  Soveraign- 
 ty,what  a  cafe  were  the  World  in. 
 
 But  Infidels  that  take  evil  for  good ,  may  flatter 
 thefe  pcrfons ,  and  make  them  believe  that  I  unjuftly 
 reproach  them,  and  may  tell  them,  that  they  are 
 all  honeft  men  ,  and  k  is  but  fome  felf-conceited 
 perfons  that  cenfure  them  :  But  this  will  not  cure 
 their  fin,  nor  prevent  their  mifery,  nor  make  them 
 fit  to  govern  us  :  Nor  can  they  make  us  believe  that 
 Wolves  are  (hecp  in  the  open  day  light. 
 
 Nor  can  they  pretend  that  their  Laws  fliall  keep 
 them  from  doing  harm.  For,  1  The  Soveraign 
 Power  is  the  Law-giver  ,  and  therefore  can  change 
 them  at  his  pleafure  :  Our  brutifli  impious  rout  may 
 at  any  time  make  Laws  for  "the  banifhing  of  piety 
 and  Chriftanity :  and  for  the  worfhipping  of  Bac- 
 chus ;  and  if  they  but  hoot ,  that  £  Great  is  Diana ,  ] 
 it  is  a  Law.  They  have  npt  the  Soveraignty,ifthey 
 cannot  make  and  abrogate  Laws.  2.  And  were  they 
 only  inferior  Governors ,  he  is  zfnngti$y  and  not  a 
 
 man 
 
2  4  Of  thefeveral  forts  of  Common  -wealths. 
 man  that  knoweth  not  byvexperience  how  eafily  bad 
 men  can  make  good  Laws  to  be  a  noie  of  wax  ,  and 
 knock  down  their  Adverfaries  with  the  very  Manicles 
 that  we  put  upon  their  hands  .  It  was  a  Proverb  ac 
 Rome  ,  that  Vices  had  nailed  the  Laws  to  the  Walls. 
 Living  Officers  can  eafily  a  bufc  dead  Laws. But  of  this 
 mo:e  anon. 
 
 Thef.  87.  7.  Though  no  contrivance  of  man  can  afcer~ 
 tain  a  lotion  of  a  fuccejjionof  good  and  righteous 
 Governors  ,  yet  that  is  the  befi  Government  that 
 giveth  theftrongefl  Probability  of  it  ;  and  that  the 
 nor  ft  ,  that  rnakcth  itinipoflibleyr  next  to  an  impoj- 
 fibility  :  But  that  the  CM  a]  or  Vote  of  the  people 
 fhonld  ordinarily  be  jnft  and  good  ,  is  next  to  an  im- 
 pojfiblity :  therefore  y  &c. 
 
 We  have  fome  Hopes  of  juft  and  honeft  Gover- 
 nors if  we  have  Monarchy  or  Arirtocracy  ;  but  we 
 have  fo  little  hopes ,  as  is  next  to  none,if  the  Popular 
 Vote  muft  have  the  Soveraignty.  For  it  is  the  whole 
 humane  nature  that  is  corrupted  ,  and  is  fallen  into 
 Rebellion  againft  God  the  abfolute  Sovcraign;  every 
 man  is  by  nature  a  Rebel  againft  Heaven  ,  and  at  en- 
 mity with  God ,  and  the  matters  of  his  own  and 
 others  happinefs,  which  the  true  common  good  con- 
 fiftethin.  And  Scripture  and  experience  2<Tu:es  us 
 that  it  is  in  almoft  all  places,  the  fmaller  number  that 
 are  converted  to  Loyalty  and  fubjeition  to  God,  and 
 by  fandlification  reconciled  to  him>  and  laid  down 
 their  enmity  :  fo  that  ordinarily  to  plead  for  a  De- 
 mocracy ,  is  to  plead  that  the  Soveraignty  may  be 
 put  into  che  hands  of  Rebels  >  and  our  welfare  may 
 
 be 
 
Of  the  fever  all  forts  of  Common-wealths.     9  5 
 
 be  defperate  ,  and  the  common  good  may  be  in  the 
 hand?  of  the  enemies  of  ic,  and  that  by  a  certain 
 iucceflion. 
 
 Thef.£8.  8.  Democracy  is  furt  heft  from  Unity yanA 
 therefore  fur  theft  from  perfection' :  and  therefere-the 
 ntoft  impcrfett  fort  of  Government. 
 
 That  Unity  is  the  companion  of  perfeft ion  ,  and 
 Divifion  departeth  from  it  as  it  doth  from  Vnity  , 
 is  commonly  acknowledged :  which  caufed  the  Py- 
 thagorans 'to  CurCe  the  number  of  [  Two7  ]  be- 
 cause it  was  the  firft  that  prefumed  to  depart  from 
 Unity, 
 
 Thef.  89.  9.  That  uthemoftimperfeSl  Government 
 which  def arteth  far  theft  from  the  Divine  Umverfal 
 form:  But  fo  dothpopnlar  Government therefore  >&c. 
 
 The  Univerfal  Kingdom  hath  one  King  r  The  Go- 
 vernment of  the  world  is  Monarchial.  I  know  that 
 manis.uncapable  of  a  full  imitation  of  God  :  And  to 
 pretend  to  imitate  him  Politically  where  his  naturall 
 incapacity  prohibits  >  it  is  foolifh  Arro^ancy.  But 
 yet  we  muft  not  willfully  depart  from  him  beyond 
 nccefflty :  The  fimilitude  of  God  that  man  was  made 
 in ,  is  judged  to  confift  partly  in  this  Dominion  over 
 other  Creatures.  Surely  the  further  from  God  ,  and 
 the  more  unlike  him  we  are ,  the  more  imperfe&.y 
 
 Thef.  90.  10.  It  Is  crdinarlly  the*  mo  ft  ImpcrfeU 
 form  §f  Government  which  is  ftmheft  from  the 
 AngcTtetl order:  Bnt  fuck  is  popular  <jOvernm$#t. 
 therefore*^  c.  By 
 
Of  the  fever  all  forts  of  Common-wealths.  9  6 
 By  the  mention  that  we  find  of  Princes  among  the 
 Devils,  and  of  Angels  that  were  princes  of  the  King- 
 doms of  the  earth'  [  !>*».  10. 13,  20,21.  err.]  we 
 may  conclude  that  their  order  is  Monarchical 
 or  at  kail  not  this  Major  Vote  :  therefore 
 &c. 
 
 Thef.  9l.  xx.That  Government  is  the worfi  which de- 
 parteth  fun  be  ft  from  the  frame  of  nature  in  the  Go- 
 vernment of individual t>  men  •  But  fo  doth  Popula- 
 rity. 
 
 Art  muft  imitate  Nature.  Man  hath  not  many  In- 
 teIIe&s,nor  many  wills  to  guide  and  Command  with- 
 in him  ,  but  One  onely.  Nor  doth  the  Intellect  fub- 
 mit  to  the  five  fenfes  becaufe  they  are  the  Major 
 Vote.  Nor  doth  th :  will  referre  the  management 
 of  our  a&ions  to  the  confutation  or  Command  of  all 
 the  inferiour  faculties ,  Nor  Hoth  the  eye  or  eare  for- 
 fake  its  office  and  refigne  it  to  the  Major  Vote  of  the 
 members. 
 
 Thcf.  92^12.  That  is  the  worft  Government  of  a  Com- 
 monwealth that  u  the  worst  in  all  other-Governed 
 focieties  :  But  fuch  is  Popular  Government  yt  here  fore 
 ittiworFt. 
 
 It  would  make  mad  worke  in  a  ftaip,  if  the  Pilots  or 
 Captains  power  were  committed  to  the  Major  Vote. 
 And  as  mad  worke  would  it  make  in  an  Army,  if  the 
 fouldiers  by  Vote  fhould  have  the  cheif  Command 
 and  mannage  all  the  defignes  of  the  Army  ,  and  rule 
 their  Commanders :  And  if  Scholars  rule  their  fyta- 
 
 fters 
 
Of  the  feverdl forts  ofCommon-jrealths.      $  7 
 
 ftersandthemfelvesby  Vore,it  v\ould  not  do  wed: 
 And  too  many  of  Our  Country  confirt  of  Children 
 in  State  affaires.  And  if  a  family  be  rukd  by  the 
 Vote  of  the  fervancs  and  Children  it  will  not  do  we!; 
 Ho.v  then  ihouid  this  do  well  in  the  Common- 
 wealth. 
 
 Thef. 95.  13.  The  Government  that  receleihfarthtft 
 from  that  which  Christ  hath  fettled  in  the  Church  ts 
 
 •  the  mo  ft  imperfect  and  the  worft.  But  fuch  is  popu- 
 lar Government*,  therefore , 
 
 I  know  this  age  hath  produced  (  even  good  men) 
 pretenders  to  a  Popular  Church  forme  as  of  Divine 
 Inftitution;  running  roint  blank  againft  the  Scrip- 
 tures. As  Chrift  himfclf  is  tbc  Monarch  or  King  of 
 his  Church  ,  and  the  One  bfcad  of  his  Bodjyto&d  he 
 fettle  in  every  particular  Church  thofe  Bi*hops,Prcf- 
 biters,  orpaftors  whom  he  hath  commanded  the 
 people  to  obey  as  their  Rulers ,  \_He:.  13.7,  17,24. 
 t/*#T20.  28.  iTim.^.i-j.  i.Thef.  ?.  I  2,  dv.] 
 And  its  itrange  if  he  fhould  fet  Rulers  over  the  peo- 
 ple and  Command  them  to  obey  them  y  and  at  the 
 fame  time  make  the  people  Rulers,  and  Confequent- 
 ly  Command  the  Pallors  to  obey  the  Major  Vote. 
 Lee  them  think  on'tagaine  that  owne  fuch  abfurdi- 
 ties. 
 
 Thef.  94 . 1 4 .  A  fafe  Government  mufv  have  fecrecf 
 that  the  Enemie  may  not  be  acquainted  with  their 
 Connfels  Hnfcafonably:  But  a,  Popular  Government  is 
 moftnncapmble  of  fxcbfecrccy  in  their  defignsitherc- 
 fore,  &c. 
 
 H  What 
 
$  8      Of  the  f ever  al  forts  of  Common  wealths. 
 
 What  great  advantage  the  Enemy  hath  by  knowing 
 the  fecretsofaltate  before  hand  both  in  the  times 
 of  Peace  and  Warre;  and  alfo  that  Popular  Govern- 
 ment is  lead  able  to  keep  their  Counfels  fecret ,  are 
 both  things  fo  evident  as  need  no  more  words. 
 
 Thef.  p<j .  I  %.Thats  the  worft  GGvernment(cxttris  pa* 
 libvs)thatgiveth  the  Enemy  the  great  eft  advantage 
 to  raife  tumults  ,  and  mutinies^  or  get  a  faction  for 
 him f elf  toward  his  own  deftgns  among  themiBttt 
 fitch  is  the  Popular  Government:  therefore. 
 
 Its  a  moft  eafie  matter  for  masked  Enemies  to  be 
 members  of  a  Democratical  Body,and  there  in  every 
 cafe  to  make  a  party  and  trouble  all  things  ,  and  at 
 lcaft  hinder  others  and  tye  their  hands  ,  we  have  no 
 Popular  Government  in  England^  and  yet  it  is  fo  ea- 
 fie for  masked  Papilts ,  and  Infidels,  &c.  to  get  in- 
 to our  Parliaments  aad  there  make  difturbance  that 
 we  feel  the  evill  of  it,  but  feare  much  more,  if  not 
 prevented. 
 
 Thef.  96.  16.  A  fafe  and  good  Government  mufi  be 
 able  jfeedily  to  determine  and  execute  in  cafes 
 of  great  weight ,  that  require  hafe\  But  theVopu* 
 lar  Government  is  delator)  ,  and  will  let  the 
 Common-wealth  he  loft  ,  while  they  Are  deb*** 
 ting. 
 
 Armies  know,and  wife  Governours  know  the  dif- 
 ference between  expedition  and  delays:  while  we  de- 
 Jay,  our  Counfels  are  opened :  the  enemy  hath  time  I 
 to  prepare  &  prevent  us.  And  amon?  a  Crowd  where 
 
 mul-  i 
 
Of  the  fever d forts  of  Common-wealths.  99 1 
 multitudes  have  to  doe  ,  and  that  perhaps  by  long 
 winded  fpeeches  ;  no  wonder  it  Church  and  State 
 be  toft  while  we  are  consulting ,  and  if  Reformati- 
 ons be  yet  in  the  birth  that  many  years  ago  were  rea- 
 dy to  be  brought  forth.  There  is  fcarcc  any  iuch 
 focieties  but  have  fecret  enemies  among  them  that 
 at  lealt  can  finde  them  bones  to  picke  on,  andinge- 
 nioufly  divert  them  and  frulirate  their  Confutations. 
 If  Rome  could  fay  that  \llnus  homo  nobis  cmttanAo  re- 
 Jiitult  rem  ;]  yet  one  Swallow  makes  no  fummer  > 
 and  extraordinary  accidents  are  not  the  Rule  of  or- 
 dinary Government,  There  are  times  to  delay:  But 
 there  arc  alfo  times  for  hafte. 
 
 Thef.  97.17.  That  is  the  worfl  Cj  overnmsnt  (  ceteris 
 paribus)  that  is  leafi  agree!  ^  or  woft  fubjett  to  Di- 
 vijion  w  it  felfe ,  and.  to  fall  ions  and  ttimults  in  the 
 Common-wealth  :  But  fitch  is  Popular  government 
 therefor^  &c. 
 
 Any  man  may  know  that  thoufands  are  hardlyer  a- 
 greed  ,  then  a  few  or  one.  And  long  experience 
 hath  told  the  world  that  the  Ocean  is  not  more  lya- 
 ble  to  tempefts,  and  waves ,  then  the  people  to  tu- 
 mults ,  factions,  and  f  editions.  The  reading  of  thofe 
 Romane  hiftories  ,  that  draw  fome  into  love  with 
 popular  Government,  doth  make  my  ftojnack  rife 
 againft  it. 
 
 O  what  a  mad  and  raging  beaft  is  this  that  fome 
 would  commit  the  Sovereignty  tof  It  Judgeth  much 
 byopini6n  ,  but  little  by  truth,  faith  Cicero  pro 
 Rofrio.  [_N*lhtmf return  ;  mtllm  Ettrifns  tot  nwttts 
 
 H  Z  tamos 
 
ioo     Of  the  fever  al  forts  of  Common-wealths. 
 
 tantds  ac  tarn  varias  habet  agitation? s fiuctuum^quan^ 
 t as  per curb  at  tones  &  quant os  alius  habet  ratio  commi- 
 tiorum,~]  faith  he  Pro  Murt*  Non  Commitiis  judicat 
 femperpopulus  yfcd  movetur  pform%  gratia,  ceditpre- 
 abus  ,facit  eos  a  quibxs  eft  maxim:  ambitus  :  denicfe  Ji 
 judicata  non  deldtualiquo^aut  fapientia  ducitur  ad  JH-* 
 dicandum^fedimpetu  nonnunquam,  &  quadametiam 
 umeritate ;  Non  eft  emm  confilium  in  Vulgo^onratioy 
 non  dif  crimen,  non  diligentia  :femper^fapientes  ea  qua 
 populusfecijfet,  fcrenda,non  femper  laudanda  duxerunt: 
 Cicero  pro  Plauco.  Shall  we  not  believe  the  wifeft 
 man  that  had  the  experience  of  the  moftglorious>li- 
 mited,  regulated  Democracy? 
 
 Is  Seneca  more  tob^  believed  ?Hear  his  Judge- 
 ment of  the  people.  Epift.  39.  [  Nunquam  volui 
 populo  plaeere.  I^am  qu&  ego  jcio,  non  probat  populus : 
 cfuxfrobat  populus  ,  ege  nejeio.  Quis  plaeere  po- 
 test popnlo  cm  placet  virtus  ?  (N.  7?.  This  is  not  only 
 the  Puritans  Cenfure^  nor  only  the  ChritUans.  ) 
 Malis  artibus  popnlqris  favor  qu<eritur:  fimiUm  te  UlU 
 
 facias  op'ortet;  Nonprobabunt  nifi  agnoverint\ - 
 
 Conoiliari  nifi  turpi  ratione  ,  amor  tmpium  non  pot  eft  : 
 Quid  ergo  ilia  laudata  &  omnibus  prdferenda  aftibus 
 rebuff  Philofophiapr&ftabit  I  [cilicet ,  ut  malis  tibi 
 plaeere  quam  pop ulo  Hut  aftimes  judicia,  nonnumeres  ; 
 ut  fine  mew  Deorum,  heminnmcfe  vivas :  ut  aut  vinfas 
 mala  ,  autfinias.  C*terum  fi  te  vidcro  celtbrem  fecun- 
 disvocibus  vulgi:  fi intrante  te  clamor,  plaufus  & 
 platonimica  Ornamenta  obfirepuerint  fi  tot  a  civitate 
 tcfjLmin&puerify,  laudaverint,quidniegotui  miferear 
 cumfciam  qua,  via  ad  iftum  favorem  ferat ^ 
 
 Pepulusf<epe  magis  vo{untatem  quam  rationem  Ah* 
 cemfequitur,  ]  faith  Gvicciard.li.y. 
 
 "populw 
 
Of  the fever al forts  ofConmon-weahks.      I  o  I 
 
 ^Populns  rcrtan  gravier urn  plane  rudis  &  imperitusy 
 4 V  %  ubl  minus  eft  opus ftfenumzre  prof tif us;  ubi  autem 
 res  ipfa  Jargitatem  pofclt  yUtfe  adeo  tenax  ut  dum  mi- 
 nimis parcerevult  yln  m-ixlmos  fumptus  gravljfimafy 
 pencula  incurrat.  ]  Idem  li.2. 
 
 Qui  multltudlni  plac?at  ,  is  faplentlbus  dlfpllceat 
 neceff.eefl ;  Inqult  Plutar.  it  Educ.  lib. 
 
 Tails  eft  qaalifotplcfo  &  turbay  at  facile  fallatur  y 
 &  adquodvis  adducater  :  uzde  ilia  frequenter  idem 
 quodm^ri  accidlt  :  Quewmadmodum  enlm  mare  na- 
 ture fua  innexlum  eft  re  tie  utentlbus  ,  &  tutum  yfiyc- 
 ro  violent  I  flatus  in  Iliad  Irruerlnty  tale  redditur  utenti- 
 bus,  qnalesfunt  vent  I  a  qtiibus  clrcumquafa  Impellltwr* 
 it  a  vulgus,  &  c .  Polyb.  lib.  1 1 . 
 
 A  Hundred  fuch  Defcriptions  of  the  people  are 
 given  lis  by  fuch  Writers.  Go  but  to  the  Ele&ion 
 of  Knights  for  a  fhire  ,  or  any  fuch  Concourfe,  and 
 compare  it  with  a  Governed  Army ,  and  fee  the 
 difference ,  and  the  worth  of  a  Government  over 
 the  multitude. 
 
 Thef.  98.  18.  That's  the  wor ft  Government  (cxtt- 
 ris  paribus)  which  Is  exercifei  by  uxconftant  fickle 
 men  :  But  fuch  is  popular  Government :  therefore  it 
 is  the  wjrft. 
 
 The  Inftability  and  Mutability  of  the  people  is 
 known  to  the  world:  It  hath  been  their  Epithet 
 in  all  ages ,  to  be  mutable  and  unliable.  They  may 
 be  in  a  good  mood  this  year ,  and  make  good  Laws, 
 and  deftroy  all  the  next;  faith  Cicero,  prtdo- 
 mo  fua  y     \_In   imperita    maltltuiine   eft  varietat 
 
 H3  & 
 
io2   Of  the  fever  al  forts  ofCommon-wdtbs. 
 
 &  tnconftamia^  &  crefaa  tanquam  tcwfzflawm  ,  ftc 
 }enteniia,Yttm  commutatio.  ] 
 
 Dies  inter  miff  us  anus  7  am  nox  inter po fit  a  f  ape  per- 
 turbat  omnia  ,  &totam  opimonem  parva  ncnnmqxam 
 commmat  aura  rnmoris  :  f ape  etiam  fine  ulla  apert* 
 caufafit  almd ,  at  oj3  exifUmamus  ;  ut  nonnunquam  ita 
 jaBum  ejfe  etiam  populns  admiretur  ^quafi  vero  n*n 
 ipfefecerit  f]  Id^mpro  Murana. 
 
 w^lhl  eftfacilius  quam  in  quern  Hbet  affeBum  mo' 
 verepopuhtm^  tnq'mt  Qr;intil.De.  It. 
 
 S'napte  naturae  ft  in  or  at  us  rerumj^  novarum  cupidus 
 p»pulus\  inquit  Guicciard.  Et  inpopuli  auxiho  in  re- 
 bus mopinatis  ac  periculofts  ob  multitudims  naturam 
 frmumfundamentum  jaci  nonfoteft.  Idem  lib.  if. 
 This  k  the  Vote  of  the  Learned  world  concerning 
 the  world  or  multitude.  And  he  never  tryed  them 
 that  knoweth  it  not  by  experience:  how  they  will 
 wheel  about  like  the  weather-Cock  with  the  change 
 of  wind. 
 
 Thef.  pp.  i  p.  That  is  the  \vorft  Government  that 
 will  extrcife  the  great eft  Cruelties  *  ef fecial ly  a- 
 gainSlthe  be  ft  :  But  juch  is  popular  Governments 
 therefore. 
 
 I  know  Monarchy  or  Ariftocracy  ,  makes  not 
 bad  men  good,  (  of  themfelves)  and  therefore 
 among  them  have  been  Cruelties :  but  nothing 
 fo  many  as  have  been  exerciied  by  the  multitude 
 when  they  do  rife  up,  no  cruelty  feems  too  great 
 to  them  in  their  tumults ;  When  the  Roman  foul- 
 
 diery 
 
Of  the  fever d forts  of  Common-wealths.  103 
 diery  did  but  know  their  ftrength,  how  few  of  their 
 Emperours  died  in  their  beds  :  what  abundance  3 
 both  Heathen  and  Chriflian  have  been  murdered 
 by  them  ?  Popular*  multitudine  nihil  efi  infipienti- 
 as  nefainfolentius.  Itac^eos  qui  Tyranni  infolent- 
 am  fugiunty  in  plebis  effren&  infolentiam  incidere; 
 nequaquam  tolerandum  efl9  T>{am  Tyr annus  fi quU 
 facit  intelligens  facit  ,  at  plebi  nulla  ineft  intelli- 
 gentia :  Unie  enim  ei  intelligentia  adfit  ,  qui  nee 
 cdoUus  efi ,  nee  novit  honeftum  quicquam  ,  ne  in  fua 
 quidemfamiliay  &  qui  ad  res  agendas  fins  confdio 
 praceps  ruit  torrenti  fimilis  ,  ]  inquit  Herodotus, 
 lib.  3.  And  Paufanias  applauds  one  fpeech  than 
 faid  ,  [_Hominem.  nimis  Reipublica,  adminifiratieni 
 deditttm  \  &  populari  aura  fiientem  ,  baud  nunquaxi 
 feliciter  diem  extremum  claudere?\ 
 
 If  God  and  our  Governors  did  not  bridle  them 
 the  fober  godly  people  in  England  would  foone 
 tafte  of  the  Cruelty  of  the  vulgar,  before  they  come 
 to  the  Supremacy. 
 
 Thef.  loo.  20.  That  Government  -where  the  Ru- 
 lers have  all  the  forefaid  Incapacity  ,  Ignorance  y 
 Levity  ,  Nanghtinefs  ,  &c.  and  yet  have  the 
 greatefi  ftrength  to  do  evilly  and  are  leafi  retain- 
 able or  reformable  when  they  do  mij carry ,  isy  ceteris 
 paribus,  the  worfi  of  Governments  :  Butfuch  is  the 
 Popular  Government  :  therefore  it  is  the  worfi. 
 
 If  one  man  turn  Tyrant,  otzfew  be  corrupt, 
 they  are  eafilyer  reftrained  then  the   heady  multi- 
 tude.   For  if  the  greater  part  or    main   body  of 
 H  4  the 
 
104  Of  the  feveral  forts  of  Commonwealths. 
 
 the  people  do  mifcarr y>there  is  none  but  God  that  is 
 ordinarily  able  to  correft  them  ',  or  fave  the  Com- 
 mon-wealth from  their  rage ;  for  the  lirength  is 
 theirs.  A  horfe  may  be  mattered  by  a  man ,  but  not 
 by  nice:  Hrengih  ;  Let  him  know  his  fkengch  >  and 
 its  hard  to  rule  him  :  Nothing  fo  unfit  tor  Go- 
 verning ,  as  that  which  hath  moft  ftrengch  with  the 
 Fraallelt  wifdom  and  vertue.  The  Block  was  not 
 ibbad  a  Kint,  to  the  frogs  as  the  Storck.  A  few 
 may  fear  the  ftrength  of  the  multitude,  and  be  more 
 wary  in  their  Government,  becaufe  of  apoffibili- 
 ty  of  fuffering  :  but  the  multitude  are  out  of  danT 
 ger  of  any  ,  but  God  and  their  own  fo'ly ;  and 
 therefore  when  they  know  their  impunity  ,  they 
 will  fear  none,  but  be  the  more  encouraged  to  in- 
 jufiice  and  impiety. 
 
 I  conclude  therefore  that  this  ignorant,  impious, 
 mutable  cruel ,  violent  rout ,  fhall  never  have  my 
 content  for  the  Soveraignty.  Flebi  non  indicium , 
 non  Veritas ,  faith  Tacitus  ,  lib.  i  .Hi si.  Vulgns  & 
 eft  n  ntabile  fubitis  ,  &  taw  pronnm  in  LMifere- 
 cqrdiam  qutm immodicnm  f&vitia  f Herat ,  Idem.  i5. 
 ^Multitudo  ex  inctrtifjimo  fumit  animos'j  faith  Livy 
 Dec  ad  l.  lib.  6*  Drfenfores  [hos  in  prdcipttem  fem- 
 per  locum  favore  tollit  \  deinde  in  ipf*  difcrimine 
 peri  cull  deftituit.  idem  1 6  .  H&c  natura  multi- 
 tudinis  eft  ,  ant  fervit  hnwilitr  ,  am  fuperbe 
 domir.atur  libertatemtfiiA  media  efl^nec  pernere  modi- 
 ce  ,  r.ec  habere  /aunt :  &  non  fir  me  clefnnt  irarttm 
 indnlgentcs  miniftri  qui  avidos  at  qwtemper antes 
 ykbeiorum  animos  ad  fangmnem  &  c#des  imtent.  ] 
 Liv. Dec.  3.  lib.  4.     Multitulo    omnisy  ftc   natwrk 
 
 maris > 
 
•       Differences  of  Government.  I  o  5 
 
 maris ,  per  fe  immobilis  .eft  ,ut  venti  &  anr&  cient 
 auttranquilliatit  procellofi.  "]  Idem ,  Dec,  3.  lib.  8. 
 Nihil  tarn  inccrtum,  nil  tarn  inejiimabile  eft  quam  ani- 
 mi  multitHiinis.  Hem  Dec.4.  lib.  I .  Valgus  eft  ad  de- 
 teriora  promptum.  Tacit  Anal.  lib.  15. 
 
 Chriltians  and  Heathens  have  thought  thus  of  the 
 vulgar.  Poly  carp  being  required  to  defend  himfelf  be- 
 fore the  people,  refufed,  becaufe  {Prindpibas  &  Ma- 
 giftratibmhonoi  d:betur ,  modo  Deo  nonfit  contraries : 
 populo  atttcm  fnrenti  fatis facer  e  nemo /wj'^rEufeb.Hift. 
 lib.  4.  c.  1  ?.  Vhocion  feared  not  to  tell  the  Athenians 
 that  he  was  the  fingularift  that  their  Oracle  told  them 
 of,  \Mihi  enim  ea  omnia  ilfplicent  ejua,  valgus  ait  ] 
 And  Demades  told  him,  [Laniabit teplebs  fipaulalnm 
 jnfanierit.  ]  Pint,  which  made  him  ask,  J%»idr  Num 
 malidixi  imprtidens}  What  hurt  have  I  fpoken?  When 
 he  perceived  all  applauded  his  fpeecb.  And  Var.Hift. 
 lib.  4.  tells  us  of  a  piper  that  beat  his  boy  for  piping 
 naught ,  becaufe  the  people  applauded  him.  But  I 
 have  faid  enough  in  fo  plaine  a  cafe. 
 
 of 
 
io  6  Of  the  ObjeBive  or  material 
 
 Of  the  Obje&ive  or  Material  Dif- 
 ferences of  Government. 
 
 THef.    i  o  i .    Governors  are  feme  limited ,  fome  de 
 fafto  unlimited :  Tht  unlimited  are   Tyrants , 
 and  have  no  right  to  that  unlimited  Goverment. 
 
 For  they  arc  all   Subjects   themfelves ,  and  under 
 the  Soveraignty  and  Laws  of  God. 
 
 Thef.  102.  Limited  Governours  are  either  limited 
 from  exerclfingfo  much  fower  as  God  himfelfe  hath 
 appointed  the  fufreme  Magi f  rate  to  ufetor  elfe  limited 
 only  in  things  that  God  katk left  undetermined  ,  as  to 
 any  umverfall  determination .  The  former  limixa~ 
 tlon  is  finfull  in  the  Limitersy  and  yet  may  befubmit-  I 
 ted  to  in  fome  cafes  by  the  Soveragn  innocently  :  the 
 latter  may  be  I  aw  full  in  both. 
 
 Inferior  Magiftrates  may  be  limited  according  to  | 
 the  prudence  of  the  Supreme  ;  and  more  Power  may  | 
 be  trufted  to  one ,  and  lefs  to  another.  But  the  Su-  ! 
 preame  Ruier  may  not  be  limited  contrary  to  Gods  j 
 Description  or  Inftitution  of  his  Power ;  yet  he  may 
 be  limited  de  facto  ,  though  not  de  jure  primario ; 
 and  confequently  de  jure  as  to  hmfclfe  ,  that  is  ,  fo  j 
 
 far,  i 
 
Differences  of  Government.  107 
 
 Far.  as  that  he  (hall  be  juftifiable  againft  any  accufa- 
 :ion  of  Omiffion  :  but  the  people  ftill  are  guilty  for 
 rettraining  him. 
 
 Thef.^o}.  God  him f elf  by  enaEling  his  own  Uni- 
 v  erf  all  Laws ,  and  infiituting  Magiftracy  for  the 
 Execution  of  them  m  fubordination  to  him  y  doth 
 thereby  plainly  tell  us  ,  that  the  Soveraign  powers 
 in  each  Common- wealth  are  not  to  be  retrained  by 
 the  people  from  the  Execution  of  any  of his  Laws+ 
 which  belong  to  them  as  Magiftrates  to  execute. 
 
 For  Rulers  are  but  Gods  Officers  for  the  fobordi- 
 tiate  Government  of  men  by  his  Laws ,  and  fuch 
 fubfervient  Laws  of  their  own  as  are  meet  to  pro- 
 mote the  execution  of  his :  For  iiiftance  y  If  the  peo- 
 pfe  fhall  reftrain  the  Soveraign  Power  form  punifh- 
 ing  Idolatry,  or  Adultery ,  or  Theft ,  or  falfewit- 
 nefs,  &c%  they  hereby  fin  againft  God  ,  who  hath 
 appointed  a  Magiftracy  under  him  for  the  punch- 
 ing of  thefc  fins  in  the  world. 
 
 Thcf.  104.  If  tie  peoples  limitations  would  frujtrate 
 the  end  of  Government ,  the  Prince  ought  not  to  con- 
 fent  ,  but  rather  to  be  no  Governour  :  But  if  they  on- 
 ly hinder  the  melius  efle  Jmor  higher  perfection  of 
 the  C°mmon-wealthyhs  may  receive  ajinfully  limit- 
 ted  power. 
 
 As  if  he  be  forbidden  or  difabled  from  encouraging 
 Honefty  and  Piety  in  the  main  ,  or  fupprefling ,  or 
 punching  wickednefs  in  the  main,  or  promoting  the 
 
 Com- 
 
Io8  Of  the  ObjeRive  or  material 
 
 to  accept  of  fuch  a  Power; For  this  is  not  that  Office 
 that  God  hath  inilituted  ,  but  another  of  mens  devi- 
 fing,  md  fet  up  by  his  enemies.  But  if  the  limitation 
 be  only  in  fome  point  that's  integral, but  not  efl'enti- 
 al  to  Honerty  ,  Piety,  or  Common  good,  (  as  fhe  pu- 
 nishment of  Theft,  or  Fornication  only, or  with  fuch 
 a  degree  of  punifament )  then  he  may  afiume  it ; 
 but  with  a  Proteftation  that  it  is  not  his  own  doing , 
 nor  doth  he  own  the  a&ion  of  their  reftraint. 
 
 Thef.  105.  The  people  can  reftraine  a  Prince  de-fa- 
 Sto  ,  becaufe  they  have  thefirength  ,  and  he  cannot 
 govern  them  without  their  own  confent  ,  either 
 in  wholey  or  in  fart :  and  therefore  their  dijfent  doth 
 make  the  exercife  of  a  further  Power  impojfible  to 
 the  Prince  (  or  other  Soveraign)  and  confeqneutlj 
 jtiflife  hinu 
 
 IfalJ  the  Army  ftand  up  for  the  life  of  a  Traitor 
 or  Mutineer,  the  General  is  not  able  to  punifti  him. 
 If  they  refufexogo  upon  a  particular  defign,  the 
 General  cannot  force  them .  If  the  body  of  the  peo- 
 ple refolve  that  they  will  have  no  Law  (ornotfe- 
 verc  enough)  againft  drunkennefs  or  fornication  , 
 the  Prince  cannot  help  it.  So  if  he  Govern  Papifls  , 
 and  they  vyill  not  fuffer  him  to  rcftrain  them  ,  (or  a- 
 ny  the  like  unlawfull  Se<&  )  it  is  their  fault ,  and  not 
 his.  He  is  not  bound  to  an  impoflibility  ,  nor 
 bound  tocaft  off  all  the  Government  and  do  no 
 good  ,  becaufe  he  cannot  do  what  he  would :  It  is  the 
 
 people, 
 
Differences  of  Government.  iop 
 
 eople,and  not  he  that  gives  liberty  to  the  fin,(unlefs 
 e  confer^  to  their  fact,  or  his  not  rehgning  keep  out 
 ne  that  could  do  more.)  Their  confent  is  Conditio 
 ne  qua  non  of  his  execution. 
 
 "hef.ictf.  Yet  is  this  no  aft  &f  Governing  Authori- 
 ty inth:  people  y  nor  doth  it  prove  thsm  to  have  the 
 leafi  meafure  thereof :  but  it  is  only  an  exercife  of 
 their  natural  Rejolution  upon  the  advantage  of 
 their  Jlrength  ,  and  in  unlavpfull  cafes  ;  it  is  on- 
 ly a  mutinous  dif obedience  againfi  Gody  which  is  far 
 from  ^Authority. 
 
 And  therefore  the  Diflent  of  one  or  two  ,  or  of 
 6  few  that  can  be  well  mattered  >  no  nor  of  the 
 vjajor  part  when  they  can  be  mattered ,  is  no  re- 
 traint  to  the  fupream  Power  from  executing  all  the 
 vill  of  God  committed  to  him  as  his  Rule  ;  nor  will 
 rtfcufe  him  for  his  omiflionSjOr  his  toleration  of  ini- 
 quity. If  my  horle  will  go  no  further  then  his  lift*  >  in 
 ibllowcth  not  that  he  is  a  fharer  in  the  right  of  Ru- 
 ling hunfelf  and  me,  becaufche  is  unruly.  Limiting 
 by  dilTent  is  not  Governing. 
 
 Thcf.  107.  Though  the  Prince  may  omit  fome 
 goodby  re af on  of  the  peoples  Diffent  and  Limitati- 
 ons f  yet  he  may  not  commit  any  evil/  on  any  fuch 
 pretence. 
 
 Duty  is   not  at  all  times  Duty.    Affirmatives 
 bind  noc  ad  femptr :  but  fin  is  never  to  be  commit- 
 ted 
 
; 
 
 1 1  o  Of  the  0  bjeBive  or  material 
 
 mited.  If  the  people  will  have  a  Toleration  of  un- 
 lawfull  Se£ls,  the  Magillrate  may  yeild  when  he  can- 
 not help  it ,  or  if  it  were  to  attain  a  greater  good  for 
 the  Church  of  God  :  becaufe  indeed  it  is  but  the  Ne- 
 gation of  a  Duty  ,  (punifhing  Offenders)  or  making 
 Laws  againft  them)  which  at  fuch  a  time  and  cafe  is 
 to  him  no  duty.  But  if  the  people  would  force  him 
 to  profefs  any  falie-opinion  himfelf,  or  perform  any 
 falfe  vvorfliip  ,  he  may  not  do  it :  Evil  may  not  be 
 done,  when  good  may  be  omitted. 
 
 Thef.  1 08.  Though  Cod  have  not  in  his  Univ^rfall 
 Laws  determined  of  the  Degree  of  Princes  Power 
 inallCircnmfiantials  or  variable  matters  ,  yet  he 
 hath  given  general  Laws  for  regulating  of  fuch  deter- 
 minations as  there  {ball  be  caufe. 
 
 The  Material  fpecies(zs  fome  call  it  of  Power  is  not 
 fully,  but  yet  thus  far  determined  of  by  God,  and  in- 
 ftitutedin  his  Law.  1.  He  requircth  that  the  fupreani 
 Power  be  as  his  Authorized  Officer,  the  Prefcrver 
 of  his  own  Univerfal  Laws,  and  fee  them  executed, 
 2.  He  rcftraineth  him  from  doing  anything  againft 
 thofe  his  Laws.  3 .  He  giveth  him  general  Rules , 
 according  to  which  all  humane  Laws  muft  be  made 
 in  undetermined  cafes.  4.  He  rellraineth  him  from 
 crofling  thefe  Rules  in  his  Goverment. 
 
 Thef. 
 
• 
 
 Differences  of  Government.  1 1 1 
 
 Thef.  1 09.  The  Principal  fundamental  Rules  for  the 
 Magistrates  Government*  are  I.  That  he  doe  all 
 in  a  due  fubordination  to  God  the  fountains 
 Authority  :  2.  That  he  frame  all  his  Laws  and 
 execution  fo  as  that  they  may  be  a  means  to  the 
 ends  of  (j  over nm°nt  \  viz.  both  the  neereft  endythe 
 Order  y  peacey  and  happinefs y  Corporall ,  andfpi- 
 rituall  of  the  Common-wealth  ;  and  the  ultimate 
 end  y  the  P leafing  of  God  in  our  falvation  for  e- 
 ver. 
 
 If  any  of  the  Lav^s  of  men  be  totally  Crofs  to 
 the  fountainc  and  the  end  ,  or  make  againft  them  in 
 the  maine  ,they  are  Nullities  and  private  prohibited 
 a&s ,  of  no  authority  :  No  forces  ,  no  advantages  , 
 no  power  5  no  engagement  of  men  ,  can  authorize 
 any  man  againft  God,  or  againft  the  falvation 
 of  our  foules ,  and  the  Common  fafety  of  the  peo- 
 ple. And  this  upon  a  twofold  account  :  1 .  Be- 
 caufe  they  are  without  Authority:  2.  Becaufe  they 
 are  againft  the  Chief  Authority.  , 
 
 Thef,  1 10.  sAnot her  Divine  limitation  of  the  Sove- 
 raignisy  that  he  fit  all  his  Laws  to  a  due  fubfervien- 
 cj  unto  Gods  univerfall  Laws  ,  and  do  nothing  a- 
 gam  ft  any  of  them. 
 
 Thef.  ill  .Yet  as  Gods  Laws  are  not  all  of  ab feint  c  ne- 
 ceffity  to  the  being  of  a  loyal  fubjeil  of  his  Kingdom, 
 though  all  are  obligatory  y  fo  the  Magiftrate 
 that  in  point  of  Duty  is  bound  to  fubferve  and  ob- 
 ferve  all  gods  Lawes  ,  yet  nullifieth  not  his  office. 
 
Hi  Oft  he  objeBive  or  material 
 
 or  power  by  finning  a  vain  ft  thofethat  are  not  of  ab~ 
 folutc  neceffity  as  aforefaid* 
 
 Every  thing  that  is  a  fin  deftroyeth  not  Chriftiani- 
 ty  in  a  Chriftian  ,  or  Magittracy  in  a  Magiltrate  :  as 
 fomc  Laws  and  Duties,  arc  but  for  the  bene  vel  melius 
 effeoi  our  Chriftiantty,  and  Magift  racy:  fofome  fins 
 may  tend  eflfe&uallybut  tc  the  dieaiing  ot  both. 
 
 Thef.  1 1 z.  The  people  ought  not  to  reflraine  the  fo-. 
 Vtraign  Power  from  a  ufefull  Determination  of 
 things  in  themselves  indifferent ,  according  to  the 
 General!  Rules  of  God ,  for  the  ends  of  Govern- 
 ment. 
 
 Under  pretence  of  Liberty  ,  theyfhould  not  li- 
 mit the  Rulers  from  any  Lavves  or  executions  that 
 are  really  for  their  own  good  (  which  is  the  main  Ge- 
 nerall  Ifyile  next  Gods  will  and  honour,  )  And  if 
 theydoi,  the  Ruler  may  innocently  be  reftrained 
 but  tfie  people  finfully  reftraine  him.  They  can- 
 Dot  be  innocent  in  hindring  their  ownegood  and  the 
 ends  of  Governments. 
 
 Thef.  1 1 3.  But  in  cafe  that  Tylers  would,  j.  Have 
 *  power  to  trouble  the  Common-wealth  with  needlefs 
 Lowes.  2.  Or  would  determine  Circumftances 
 dangeroufly  ,  fo  that  it  may  as  probably  x  or  more  y 
 doe  hurt  as  good :  5.  Or  "would  have  fuch  a  power 
 to  do  a  Uffer  good  which  he  cannot  have  without 
 the  fewer  of  doing  much  more  hurt:  4.  Or  would 
 dkmllj  da  hurt  to  the  Common-wealth  ,  the  re- 
 
 ftrtint 
 
Differences  of  Government.  II  | 
 
 fir  aim  of  the  people  (in  the  ConJfitution)is  here  in* 
 nocent  atidprndent. 
 
 For  ic  is  but  fe!f-prefefvation,that  nature  teacb- 
 eth  man  as  man:  but  ftill  it  argueth  not  any  mca- 
 fure  of  Governing  power  in  them;  but  a  ftrength 
 exerciied  honeftly  for  felf-ptefervation,  by  refu- 
 fing  to  be  under  fuch  Laws  or  executions  as  would 
 hazard,  trouble  or  dcttroy  them* 
 
 Thef.  1 14.  The  Feople  may  have  a  trne  Proprie- 
 ty in  thtireftates  ,  though  the)  have  r*  Right  of 
 Governing  :  and  therefore  here  they  may  more 
 Capitulate  with  the  f(n):rdigu  and  reftraine 
 him  from  taking  their  Moneys ,  Goods ,  Lards  , 
 &c.  Without  their  confent ,  or  but  on  contracted 
 lermes. 
 
 If  the  Laws  of  the  land  or  Cuftome  reftraine  the 
 Prince  from  taking  any  mans  money  or  goods 
 without  his  confent,  this  is  no  proofe  of  any  Go- 
 verning authority  in  the  people  ,  for  Propriety  U 
 not  Government :  Nor  limiting  a  Ruler  by  hold- 
 ing my  own,  is  not  Ruling. 
 
 Dominion  is  in  order  of  nature  antecedent  to 
 Government^  may  be  out  of  a  Common- wealth 
 as  truly  as  in  it.  The  diftribution  of  Dominion  or 
 Propriety  may  be  done  by  the  ordinary  Law  o£ 
 Nature  conjun&  with  difpofing  Providertce.Ocu- 
 pation  if  it  be  agreeable  to  the  Law  of  Nature 
 [when  men  are  under  no  otherLaw]that  is,if  it  be 
 not  of  another  mans,nor  of  an  undue  proportion, 
 Stc.may  occafion  a  true  Propriety  .But  if  the  occu- 
 I  past 
 
i  J4  OftbtQbjeBiye  or,  mtcr\al 
 Pant  would  feize  upon  a  whole  Country  or  more 
 then  Nature  alloweth  as  a  proportion  for  one 
 man  >  and  tendeth  to  the  Common  hurt  of  the 
 Community,  or  mankind,  here  he  hath  no  Title 
 and  may  be  qifpoffefl.  But  in  Common-wealthsj 
 Propriety  is 'partly  made  fubjeft  to  the  ends  of 
 the  Common-wealth  ;  and  therefore  Governing 
 Lavves  may  give  propriety ,  though  there  be  a 
 propriety  in  order  of  nature  fyefofe  any  Lawes,but 
 chofe  of  Nature. 
 
 Thef.  1 1 5 .  It  is  pot  fafe  or  Law  full  for  the  fee  fie 
 to  I'imit  or  rfjlrain  the  foveralgn  Power  front  <fyf~ 
 p>fwg  fo  farrc  of  the  e pates  of  ally  as  is  ite- 
 ceffary  to  tkefifety  ofall>wbicb  is  the  end  of  Qo- 
 
 verxmeflt.   .  , 
 
 It  is  not  the  whole  of  mens  Propriety  that  is  to 
 be  fubjefr  to  the,  Governour  but  part  ?  and  that 
 Partis  {ijbje$  for  the  prefervation  of  the  whole 
 remainder.  Men.  have  the  primary  Propriety 
 in  thcmfelves  ,  and  the  fecondary  in  their  eftates: 
 and  as  no  Governor  may  takeaway  the  live*  of 
 all  the  people  orl  pretence  of  jufticeop  necef- 
 iity,  but  only  fotfje  on  juft  occafions,  and  that  for 
 the  good  of  the  reft,  fono  Governor  may  take 
 away  all  theeftate?  of  the  peoples  %  but  only  part 
 to.preferve  the. reft:  Nor  may  he  juftly  taHc 
 from  them  th^Prppriety  ,  leaving  the  pofleffion. 
 The  King  of  ^;jik  could  not  take  the  peoples 
 Lands  and  Cattle  j  as  Governor  >  but  as  Con- 
 trafter,  by  Purchafe,  when  Jofeph  fold  them 
 cprn ,  and  the;y  parted  with  a  greaf  part  of  their 
 
 pro- 
 
propriety  to  five' their  lives.  But  to  make  Pro- 
 priety dependant,  and  limited  as  a  Tenants,  may 
 be  lawftll ,  if  not  by  injulUce  nor  unmercifubieis 
 accompliJlied. 
 
 If  the  Ruler  have  not  Power  to  preferve  thfe 
 Common- wealth  ,  he  is  not  capable  of  thp  end<l, 
 and  fo  not  of  the  work  of  Government/  It  is 
 for  the  peoples  good  that  part  be  ufed  to.  five  the 
 wbrtle  and  themfelves.  But  jftt  if  is  jirft  arid 
 wifdom  for  the  people  in  the  conftitution  to  li- 
 mit the  Ruler  by  convenient  cautions  that  he 
 may  not  under  pretence  of  preferving  them  haye 
 advantage  to  opprefs  them:  and  therefore  it  is 
 unlit  for  the  ordinary  ftated  Revenetos  neceffa- 
 ry  to  his  perfonal  or  annual-public^  life,  fliould 
 depend  upon  their  after-Confent  ■,  ( for  fo  Prin- 
 ces would  be  brought  into  the  cafe  as  thofe  Mi- 
 niftersthat  live  on  the  peoples  voluntary  con- 
 tribution ,  and  would  find  both  murmuring  and 
 mutable  Pay-mafters)  yet  in  extraordinary  Taxes 
 it  is  fit  the  people  lliould  reftrain  the  Rulers  from 
 arbitrary  feizures.  And  yet  it  is  unfit  that  this 
 reftraint  fhould  be  exercifed  by  the  people  them-1 
 felves ,  but  rather  by  lome  prudent  chofen  per- 
 rons, as  it  is  in  our  Parliaments.  For  the  multitude 
 are  covetous  ,  tenacious  ,  injudicious  ,  and  in- 
 competent judges  oftheneceflities  or  commo- 
 dity of  the  Common-wealth:  and  will  make  a; 
 fmali  matter  of  their  dingers  ,,and  publick  com- 
 modities, and  a*  great  matter  6f  their  payments1 , 
 tilf'they  ire  undbnS  ^iiflcf  wifexoofatb :  And  al- 
 moft  all  Contributions  will  becafiin  feditions, 
 tumuks,  or  anfettleftnef s  in  the  Common-wealth 
 
 Ii  K 
 
ii6    _  OftheObjeBiVeor  material 
 
 If  the  people  ,  or  any  as  chofen  by  them  to 
 that  end,  have  only  fuch  a  limiting  felf-prcfer- 
 ving  Power  to  thcmfelves  referved,  or  a  meer  /#- 
 dictum  dlfcretionis  about  the  necefluies  of  the 
 Common-wealth ;  this  proveth  not  that  they 
 have  any  power  in  the  Government ,  but  if  they 
 have  alfo  a  deliberating  power  about  the  com- 
 mon dangers  or  difeafes  ,  and  a  directing  or  dif- 
 pofing  Power  about  the  Remedy  (whether  money 
 arms ,  &c  )  as  a  Remedy  ,  then  ir  is  a  part  in  the 
 Government  that  is  referved  to  them. 
 
 Thef.  1 16.  The  propriety  of  particular  men  is 
 fub  jetted  to  the  Governor  as  a  Governortfofar  as 
 that  he  may  judge  in  cafes  of  difference^  and  ad- 
 mini ft er  Juflice  in  giving  every  man  his  0wn  , 
 and  may  deprive  men  of  part  ,  or  all  that  they 
 pojfefs  by  way  ofpmifhmcntfor  their  crimes. 
 
 AGovernor  hath  nothing  to  do  in  Government, 
 if  he  had  nothing  at  all  to  do  with  mens  proprie- 
 ty: for  as  he  decideth  differences  about  it  as  Judge, 
 and  maketh  Laws  which  fhall  be  the  Rule  of  fuch 
 decifions,  fo  he  may  take  away  all  that  a  man 
 hath  as  a  penalty  ,and  make  Laws  which  dial  be  the 
 Rule  of  that  Penaltie.  What  do  penal  Laws 
 but  deprive  men  (for  the  moft  part)  of  their  pro- 
 priety ,  when  they  forfeit  it  by  their  crimes  ?  The 
 Magiftrate  may  take  away  mens  lives  for  their 
 crimes ;  therefore  he  may  take  away  their  money 
 or  Lands:  for  dicir  lives  are'^s.  muc?h  their  own  , 
 and  arc  more  precious  to  thcm^-And  if  he  may  not 
 punifh  Offenders,  he  is  no  Governor. 
 
 Thefc 
 
Differences  of  Government.  117 
 
 Thef.  1 1 7.  Tet  here  alfo  it  is  ft  that  the  Conftitu- 
 tion limit  the  Soveraign  de  modo,  as  God  by  his 
 Univerfal  Laws  hath  limited  him  in  thefubftan- 
 tials  of  Juftice. 
 
 For  if  under  pretence  of  Juftice  every  mans 
 Life  and  Eftatc  fhould  be  meerly  at  the  mercy  of 
 of  an  Arbitrary  unlimited  Prince ,  it  were  as  oad 
 as  to  have  all  left  to  bis  will,whcn  he  will  pretend 
 a  neceflity  for  the  publick  fafety  or  commodity 
 dire&ly.  They  may  fee  in  the  conftitution    that 
 verrues  be  notpuniftied  as  vices>nor  the  innocent 
 (by  a  Law  )    as  if  they  were  guilty  :  and  thac 
 none  but  well  chofen  able  men  be  Judges,  and 
 thac  they  be  rcfponfible  to  the  Supream :  and  thac 
 the  penalties  exceed  not  the  crimes,  nor  the  mat- 
 ter of  fed  judged  without  fufficient  witnefs;  and 
 iuch  like  reftri&ions  they  may  put  to  efcape  In- 
 jufticc;  but  fuch  difable  not  the  Governor  to  do 
 Juftice  ordinarily.  ^ 
 
 Thef.  118.  If  the  Soveraign  be  not  limited  in  the 
 conftitution  ,  or  by  his  own  confine  but  only  inge- 
 ral  terms  emrufted  with  theSoveraigntyy  he  may 
 by  venue  of  his  Sovereignty  diffofeef  thcEftates 
 of  the  Subjects  in  order  to  the  ends  of  Government* 
 Bpt  though  there  be  no  exprefs  rcftrainc  upon  him 
 in  the  conftitution ,  yet  can  he  do  nothing  again  ft 
 the  Laws  ofGody  or  the  ends  of  Government. 
 
 It  is  implyed  in  the  conftitution  of  every  Go- 
 vernment ,  that  it  ctnnoi  be  ufed  againft  its  fupe- 
 I  3  rior 
 
1 1 8  Of  the  OkjeStive  of  material 
 
 riorPo\ver,orits  end.ThisGod  hath  obliged  them 
 to  already  ,  and  therefore  it  is  firm  ,  thoijgh  men 
 fay  nothing.  Ami  therefore  a  Governor  as  he  is  a 
 fubordinatc  Officer  of  God,  is  retrained  from 
 Injuftice,and  fofrom  feifing  on  the  Eliates  of 
 others,for  hifnfelf  or  his  Favorites,or  without  the 
 demand  of  Juftice ,  or  the  publick  g<?od.  But  in 
 jhefe  cafes  his  office  allowethj^yea,  and  bindeth 
 him  to  do  it ,  if  not  reftrained  notoriotifly  by  the 
 conftitution.  And  he  would  be  anenemy^to  the 
 Common-wealth  ,  if  Ije  fuflfer  it  to  perith  ijn  ten- 
 dernefs  of  mens  private  good. 
 
 Thef.  1 1 9.  Itfeems  to  many  a  very  difficult  S^Cr- 
 ftiony  Whether  a  Sovereign  fyottldfaye  the  Com- 
 mon-wealth when  the  limitations  in  the  cofcftitu- 
 tion  difable  him}  But  the  Anfwer  is  ea^fif,.  If  the 
 danger  be  not  certain  or  very  great, ,  he  is  to  l^eep 
 his  bounds  .and  Covenant :  and  if\  mifchieffallon 
 the  common-wealthy  the  people  fy  their  fbolify  li- 
 mitations were  guilt}  y  and  its  they  that  muft  bear 
 the  main  lofs.  But  if  the  danger  be  great ,  and 
 the  people  exprefs  not  their  diffentjhe  Spverairn 
 may  trangrefs  his  Unfits  to  fave  the  Common- 
 wealth,  becaufe  the  conftitution  being  for  th^com- 
 monfafety  ,  it  is  to  befuppofed  that  the  Authors 
 .  of  it  di^yntend  the  endy  before  they  chofe  the 
 means  1  and  therefore  did  mean  ,  that  if  the  li- 
 mitations fbpuU  fall  out  to  be  invonfiftent  with  the 
 end  y  they  jhould  be  nuL 
 
 Nature  alloweth  us  t#  fuppofe  th*tno  man 
 would  deaftroy  himfclf  >-txJLI  pe  arc,  able  to  prove 
 
 the 
 
Differences  of  G6Ver)fment.  1 1> 
 
 the  contrary.  And  when  we  can  prove  it  ,  we 
 thereby  prove  him  a  mad-man,  or6f  ft>  depraved 
 an  Intellect,  as  that. he  is  not  fit  to  be  covenant- 
 ed with  :  much  lefs  then  \  may  we  fuppofe  that* 
 Nation  or  Society  of  men  intend  their  own  de- 
 flation: Nor  that  they  intended  rather  to  perifh, 
 the#their  limitations  fliould  be  pbferved.  But 
 if  a  Soveraign  break  his  bdunds  without  fuch  dan- 
 ger as  is  either  notorious  before  hand  y  or  he  cah 
 ifterward  make  notorious  to  the  people  for  his 
 Tuftification ,  he  will  incur  cenfures  and  hazard* 
 .  o  himfelfe  and  the  Common-wealth . 
 
 Ale!.  120.  But  if  ferns  a  harder  Qxeflion  what 
 the  Soveraign  fhould  do  in  cafe  rhe  people  not  only 
 
 -  limit  him  by  Covenants  y  hut  ^finally  deftre  we 
 ,  way  that  would  defiroy  them y  and  dijfetit  from 
 
 -  his pref owing  them ,  whit  hern?  ay  he  fave  tht 
 common-wealth avainfi  the  peoples  wills?    The 
 
 0  'Anfwer  is  tafi^i  that  he  may  doit\  both  as  he  is 
 *{£jove*norrartdf6  an  Officer  of  GtA  for  the  ends 
 of  Government, ,  and  therefore,  cannot  lawfully 
 be  refhrainedby  the  people  from  preferving  them* 
 ,  becanfe they  have  no  P  ower  above  Gcdiakdalh 
 3  as  a  private  mart  ex  charttate,  he  is  bottn&to 
 fave  a  Nation  if  he  can  y  though  without  Autho- 
 rity\  as  we  mutt  fave  a  man  from  drowning  or 
 hanging  himfelfyor  quench  the  fire  whichhe  kjnd- 
 leth  inhis  own  thatch.  And  because  it  is  fill  I  to 
 be  (*pJ>ofed  that  the  people  defire  their  own  pre- 
 fervaiion  y  and  therefore  miftakjngly  rejifi  the 
 means 7  rrbich  elfe  they  would  confent  to. 
 
 This 
 
j  j  o  Of  the  QhjeBive  or  material 
 
 This  caufe  may  fall  out,  though  to  fome  it  mi 
 feem  i  npoflible*  .efpecialiy  in  times  of  War  ;  and 
 efpecialiy  in  the  Army  ic  ielf ,  when  the  fouldiers 
 by  thei;  ignorance  and  temerity  may  prefently  caft 
 themielves  away  ,  if  they  be  not  tiindred.    And 
 the  people  by  the  power  of  deceits ,  or  fear ,  may 
 fobjugate  themfelves  to  barbarous  deftroycrs.'BuC  I 
 ypt  it  is  no  ordinary  cafe  as  t6  the  temporal  good  j 
 of  the  people  :  and  when  it  doth  fall  out ,  it  rare- 
 %f  fal  Js  out ,  that  the  Soveraign  is  able  to  deliver 
 ihem.   It  ofter  falls  out ,  about  the  peoples  fpi- 
 ritual  and  eternal  good  ,  and  Gods  honour :  and 
 how  far  the  Governor  may  here  prefcrve  them 
 (by  a  minor  part,  or  by  forreign  ftrength)  againft 
 the  wills  of  the  Major  part,  I  (hall  (Tiew  anon. 
 
 ^any  things  that  are  commonly  debated  by  Po- 
 liticians about  the  Jura  Regalia  yvel  M*jeftatisy 
 I  fhall  pafs  by  both,  becaufe  1  intend  but  fome  A- 
 fhmfrns  fuitcd  to  the  demands  and  doubts  of  thefc 
 time? ,  &  becaufe  the  Generals  fufikiently  declai  e 
 them  as  to  my  ends :  and  becaufe  I  {hall  have  fit- 
 ter occafion  to  fpeak  of  the  chief  of  them,  amon* 
 the  Works  ofSoveralgmy  towards  the  end ,  I  ftiaft 
 next(bqfore  I  compare  the  forts  of  Government, 
 andfhew  which  is  the  beft  )  fpeak  of  the  efficient 
 c aufes  or  foundation  of  Power. 
 
 Chap, 
 
iai 
 
 Chap.VIL 
 Of  the  Foundation  efficient  and  con- 
 veying caufes  of  Power, 
 
 THef.     12 i.     There  Is    no    Governing   Power 
 but  what  is  from  God  the  Abftlme  Universal 
 Lord  and  Sovereign. 
 
 i.  All  Beings  befides  rhe  firft ,  muft  have  a  foun« 
 tain  and  beginning :  and  therefore  fo  muft  Power. 
 But  it  can  have  no  Beginning  but  from  God  ;  nor 
 can  any  other  be  the  fountain  ,  or  firft  caufe, 
 therefore  it  is  from  God,  Man  is  not  the  firft 
 caufe  of  \fls  own  being  :  therefore  not  of  his 
 ♦  Po.ver. 
 
 2.  Moreover  we  have  no  natural  Power  ,  called 
 Strength  ,  but  from  God;  therefore  we  can  have  no 
 Civil  Power,  called  Authority ,or  Right  of  Gorer- 
 ning ,  but  from  God  :  Eor  we  can  no  more  have 
 one  without  him  ,  then  the  other, 
 
 3 .  To  afcribe  Power  to  any  other  as  the  firft 
 efficient  caufe,  then  God ,  is  to  make  more  Gods 
 then  one  ;  for  that  which  hath  a  independent 
 underived  Power  *  and  is  the  firft  caufe,  is  God. 
 And  if  this  be  afcribed  to  any  creature,  it  is  an  Ido- 
 latrous deifying  of  that  Creature. 
 
 4.  It  belongcth  to  the  abfolute  Lord  and  Sove- 
 raign  to  be  the  fountain  of  all  inferiour  Power  : 
 But  God  is  thp  abfolute  Universal  I-ord  and  So- 
 yeraignjthercforejtfv,  5,  The 
 
Ji  Vx         Of  the  Foundations  >  efficient 
 
 5.  The  Holy  Scripture  feconds  the  Light  and 
 L*w  o£nature  in  this  and  tells  us  *  that  l„.Xhere 
 is  no  Power  but  of  Geyi^  the (.  Powers  that be  ->are 
 ordained  of  God  :  whojoever  therefore  rejifieth  the 
 Pbtotr  y  refifieth  t6S  Ordinance  of  God  ,  .  Rom.  1 3. 
 1,  2.  And  verfe  4.   []  H*  /j-;/?*  Mini  ttersf  God 
 
 to  thee  for  good^ He  is  the  Afinifier  ofGody 
 
 a  %evenger  ,  t$  execute  wrath  upon  him  that  doth, 
 evil.  ]  It  is  Authority  ,  that  *£*<"*  which  is  Jfis 
 regendiy  that  theApoltle  here  fpeaketh  of  ,  arid 
 not  meer  ftrength. 
 
 .  It  is  therfore  Treafon  againft  the  God  of  hea- 
 ven/or  any  man  or  Angel  to  pretend  to  a  Power 
 thtt is  not  derived  from  him,  who  is  the  Cayfe  of 
 Caufes^and  Original  of  Power. 
 
 Thcf.  1 22.  Every  earthly  Soveraign  therefore  is 
 an  Officer  of  God \\  receiving  his  power  from  him 
 as  his  high  ft  Sovereign  ,,  and  being  obliged "to 
 nfeitforhim^  being  himfelf  but  a  fubordinate 
 
 Sovereign  of  .'a  part  of  the  ttniverfal  Kingdom. 
 
 In  the  fore- cited  'X&x.  <>tht  Roma*  Emperors 
 (  as  its  commonly  judged  by  Commentate^  )  arc 
 called  [TheMiwprsofGod.  ]  Alt  higher 
 Powers  are  fo  called  ,1  am  fure.  And  he  that  is 
 es?  Jitmlt  5  and  appointed  to  attend  on  this  very 
 work  ,  is  douhtfefs  an  Officer  of  God  ,  and  as  fuch 
 tobeefteemed. 
 
 2.  They  th$t  deny  the  prince  to  be  Cods  Of- 
 ficer, rob  himtrf  t&it  Beam  of  divine  Excellency, 
 which  is  the ^igheft^part  of ^all his  Dignity  ,from 
 whence  Princes  have  been  called  .Metaphorically 
 
 ''■-"'  'fl:-'"Gods{ 
 
and  comxfwg  CfMfcs  ofPowfr.         1 2 .3 
 
 ods.  The  leall  beam  of  Majejfty  derived  from 
 od,h<uh  greater  fplendor  then  all  the  world  as 
 omit  felf  is  able  to  communicate.  To  m$e  a 
 :ee-man  a  flave ,  is  not  fo  great  an  abatement ,  as 
 .make  a  Prince  that  is  an  Officer  of  God  ,  to-be 
 ee*]y  a  terreftrlal  Animal. 
 3i  They  that  deny  Princes  to  be  Gods  Officers., 
 x tempt  th^m  robe  Traitors,  both  in  denying  the. 
 triyation  of  their  Power  from  their  Soveraign>and 
 denying  to  ufe  it  to  his  fervice  and  honour.  The 
 id  'muft  be  no  higher  then  the  beginning  :  If  God 
 ;,Hpt  the  efficientjhe  need  not  be  made  the  end,  o£ 
 [agiftratesPower  :By  which  you  may  ffe^hat  there 
 nnot  be  a  more  unreafonable  ,  impibus,  and  trai- 
 rous  Opinion  diyulged  among  the  fons  of  mexi > 
 en  that  Magiftrates  have  not  their  Power  frpm 
 od,as  his  Officersrfor  it  is  to  deny  God  to  be  God. 
 
 4.  Moreover,  if  this  Opinion  were  true^henpeo- 
 e  need  not  obey  theifMagiftratd  asGods  Officers, 
 id  fo  would  abate  the  cbeif  part  of  their  Reve- 
 :nce  to  them,  and  $ejr  Qbediepce  would  be  but 
 ecrly  humane ,  and  noD  particip^tivdy  divine. 
 
 5.  And  thence  ik  would  follow ,  that  no  punifh- 
 eht  is  due  from  God  to  the  pifobeyers  of  Magi- 
 rates:  For  if  God  appoint  them  riot,  he  will  riot 
 mifti  us  for  not  obeying  them :  for  bis  San&ion  is 
 Exed  to  his  own  Law*.  But  we  are  commanded  to 
 X7  thei^not  onely  for  wrath  >but  for  confeience 
 
 btt .123  JThe  fifths  owmAndment  Is  therefore  placed 
 as  between  thefirft  andfecondTableyas  being  partly 
 AJC?**wand.of  oqr  Duty  to   Cod  in  his  Officers ,  and 
 
 partly 
 
124  Of  the  Foundation)  efficient 
 
 partly  the  fir  ft  Command  of  our  Duty  to  men,  ev 
 to  the  men  that  are  mo  ft  highly  dignified  by  tt 
 Communication  of  that  beam  of  Authority  from  Got 
 
 We  commonly  place  the  fifth  Commandme  nt: 
 the  fecond  Table:but  fome  of  the  antient  Do&o 
 of  the  Church  did  place  it  in  the  firtt,  ascommanc 
 ing  our  Duty  to  Rulers>  not  as  men  ,  tut  as  the  Oi 
 ficers  of  God:and  fo  eachTable  had  five  Commanc 
 ments.Me  thinks  it  is  according  to  the  infinite  Wil 
 dom  of  God, ?  placed  fo  between  both  ,  as  that  i 
 ftiould'be  left  dubious  to  us,which  of  them  it  belong 
 to,  as  participating  of  both  in  its  nature.  And  fome 
 think,that  part  of  it  was  written  on  the  firft Table  o 
 flone,and  part  on  the  fecond.  But  certainly  Powe 
 is  a  Ray  fro  :n  God. 
 
 Tfief.  I24.  Our  principal  fearch  then  muft  be  to  fine 
 out  the  line  of  Derivation  ,  how, and  by  what  me  am 
 this  Power  is  conveyed" from  God.  And  to  that  end, 
 roe  muft  enquire  what  he  hath  done  himfelf as  part  of 
 his  Univerfal  ftanding  Law,  and  what  he  hath  left 
 to  be  done ,  with  variations  according  to  the  diffe* 
 rence  of  times,  and  pi aces, and  perfons. 
 
 Thef.1 2  ?.  And  firft,  It  is  mo  ft  certain  that  God  hath 
 himfelf  determined  in  the  Law  of  nature,^  of  Scrip* 
 ture,that  there  ft  all  be  Governors  and  fubjtBs,  Rule 
 find  Obedience  in  the  world  ;  and  hath  not  left  the 
 -world  to  lib.rty  ,  whether  they  will  have  Governors 
 or  rot 
 
 This  is  proved  before.  If  all  te  world  agreed  to 
 
 depofq 
 
and  conveying  Caufes  of  Toner.  125 
 
 Idepofe  their  Rulers,  or  live  without,i§  would  not 
 [become  lawful  by  the  agreement,but  an  aft  of  difo- 
 [bedience  againft  God.  This  therefore  is  not  left  to 
 [mans  decifion,but  they  are  prevented  byGock  Law. 
 
 [Thcfl26.  Secondly  y  God  hath  been  p leafed  in  his 
 Univerfal  Lapps  of  nature  andScriptnre  to  determine 
 of  the  ends  of  Government  ;  that  his  Pleafure  ,  and 
 Honor*)  and  the  common-rood ,  and.  order  as  neceffary 
 thereto^  (hall  be  the  end:  this  thsrefore  is  not  left  r# 
 the  decijion  of  man. 
 
 So  that  if  all  men  ihould  agree  that  Magiftrates 
 /hall  not  refpeft  the  honor  or  pleafing  of  God ,  or 
 the  common  good,  it  were  but  treachery  and  folly, 
 and  an  agreement  of  no  validity  at  all.  The  end 
 being  effentiall  to  the  Relation  here,  it  followeth , 
 that  whoever  is  a  Magiftrate,  muft  ufe  his  power  to 
 thefe  eads,  though  all  men  fliould  gain  fay  it. 
 
 Thef.  1 27.  Thirdly  >  God  hath  himfelf  made  certain 
 Univerfal  fiated  Laws9which  all  Princes  and  States 
 ptnfi  promote  and  execute  as  his  Officers  ;  and  no 
 man  on  earth  have  Power  to  null  them>  cr  difpenfe 
 with  them  :  It  Is  not  therefore  left  to  mans  decijion 
 -  whether  thy  will  obfervt  thefe  Laws  of  God^or  notm 
 
 All  the  Laws  of  men  are  in  two  refpe&s  different 
 from  thefe  of  God.  Firft,  Gods  Laws  arc  Univerfal 
 for  all  the  world;but  maus  are  patticular,or  limited 
 for  their  feveral  Common-wealths.  As  theSovc- 
 raign  Powers  makeUniverfal  Laws  for  thcCommon- 
 wealthy  but  may  give  a  Corporation  power  to  make 
 by  laws  for  that  Corporation  about  inferior  things. 
 
 And 
 
I  i  6  Of  the  Foundation  Efficient 
 
 And  fecondly, Gods  Laws'are  fuperior  fixed  Laws, 
 above  the  higheft  Prince  on  earth,whicfabind  thcfrj. 
 as  Siibjefts  toGod,  &  they  cannot  difpetffe  tfith#2 
 therefore  they  are  limited  by  tbim  vk  their  ownLe- 
 giflatjops  and  Jurifdiftion,  yea  all  that  they  do  mutt 
 fubfcrve  them,  whereas  Princes,OF  others  that  have 
 SoveraignPovver  are  above  their  own  Laws  asftuch. 
 He  jthat  is  bound  by  a  Law,  is  fo  far  fubjed::He  that 
 is  a  Subjcft,isa  Subjeft  to  fome  SuperiorrSove- 
 raigns  have  no  earthly  Superiors;  but  Dheyare  as 
 much  fubjeft  to  God  as  others.-  As  nojuftice  of 
 Peacehath  any  power  againft  theLaws  of  theCom- 
 ifioh-wealth ,  fo  neither  have  Kings  againft  Ihe 
 Laws  of  God. 
 
 Thef.  i  2.8  .Gad  hath  defer  ibed  in  his  word  (andmvzh 
 in  ths  Law  of  nature),  the  Rulers,  that'fbaU receive 
 .Authority  from  him  as  his  Officers:  fo  that  it  iswft 
 left  to.  the  liberty  of any  people  whom  they  mllchoofei 
 bat  this  description  containethfom?  qualifications  ne- 
 ceffary  tothe  being'  of  an  Officer  of  Goi^ndfome  that 
 arrneceffary  but  to  the  well-being:  therefore  if  the 
 latter  be  violated  by  she  C  hoofers,  h  is  a  fin*b*t  not  a 
 JVallityiif  the  former  be  violated,  it  is  a  Nullity  as 
 well  as  a  fin. 
 
 •  The  King  or  State  may  give  Power  to  a  Corpo- 
 ration to  choofe  their  Major  or  Bayliffe  ,  but  the 
 Charter  exprefly  or  implicitely  limiteth  them  what 
 men  to  chufe.If  they  chufe  a- Drunkard  or  a  Swear- 
 er, it  is  not  aNullity, though  a  fault :but  if  they  chofe 
 an  open  out-lawdRebel,ic  is  aNuliity:or  if  rheirGo- 
 vernor  after  he  is  chofen ,  renounce  the  Soveraign 
 Power,  he  £ullifieth  his  own  Authorky.Wbat  are  a 
 
and  conveying  Caufes  of  Power.         127 
 Rulers neceffary  qualifications,  I  flialli  touch  anon. 
 
 Thef.  129.  All  thefe  things  being  determined  already 
 by  God  himjelfjt  is  certain  that  wit  hen  Peoples-  E- 
 leftion ,  no?  conquest  can  be  the  fpwtaine  or  proper 
 caufe  of  any  of  thef e  :  burst  mnfl  befomewhat  low- 
 er that  thef  h&e  to  do. 
 
 That  which  is  done  alrea^byi^e  greatLaw-giver 
 bf  the  world,  cannot  be  left  to  the  will  of  men,  nor 
 become  their  works :  but  its  their  work  to  obey  the 
 Lord. 
 
 Thef.  13  o.  That  which  God  hath  left  undetermined 
 in  his  Univerfal  Laws,  is  j.  whether  it  fhall  b*  one, 
 or  two.y' fewer  or  more  that  fhall  have  the  Sove- 
 raign  Power  under  him  in  particular  Common- 
 
 1  wealth*.  z.And-who  (hall  be  the  individual  perjons. 
 tAnd  3 .  Much  of  the  matter  of  their  Laws,  which 
 
 1 is  to  be  varied  agreeably  to  times  andperfons . 
 
 Though  Monarchy ,  Ariftocracy  and  Democracy 
 are  commonly  called  the  <kl\\n&  fpeeies  of  Com- 
 mon-wealths and  Governments,  yet  it  is  indeed  no 
 more  then  to  determine  who  {hall  be  the  perfons 
 Governing  :  The  Ele&ifljM[  individuals  doth  it  as 
 to  the  individual  perfonsRibd  the  conftitution  doth 
 it  fimul  &  femel  as  to  Succeflors,  determining  alfp 
 of  the  number.So  that  the  fubftance  of  the  Office  is 
 all  predeterminsd'of  by  God  in  his  own  Laws ;  and 
 tkhfp'cificatiopznd  choice  of  indnridualsdo  butde* 
 telmine  of  the.  perfons.  The  Reafon  why  God  hath 
 ik*  himfelf  in  his  ftandingUniverfal  Laws  determine 
 ed  of  either  ofthefe,is,bscaufe  they  yferc  nor  capa- 
 ble 
 
128  Of  the  Foundation^  Efficient 
 
 of  fuch  a  determination :  For  the  Individuals  were 
 not  exittent,when  God  made  his  Laws  :  the  names 
 of  C*far>  ^Alexander*,  A/pkonfus,  &c.  were  not  to 
 be  inferted  into  thofe  Laws,they  being  unborn  when 
 the  Law  of  nature  was  made  ,  and  are  of  flnort  con- 
 tinuancejand  muft  prefently  re%n  t  heir  Crown  to 
 their  Succe(Tors:&  if  all  that  ever  (hould  Govern  in 
 the  world  had  been  forenamed  by  God  in  his  Laws, 
 it  would  have  brought  as  great  inconveniences  on 
 the  world,  as  if  every  man  before  hand  fliould  be 
 cold  how  long  he  /hall  live  and  whether  he  flull  be 
 rich  or  poor.  God  is  not  to  be  taught  by  man  ho  wi 
 to  govern  the  world. 
 
 cr 
 
 The.1 31. The  ejfent iall  Qualifications  of  4  Governouff 
 or  that  Difpofitio  matcrix  that  is  ofmceffty  ad  re- 
 ceptionem  &  rctentionem  formx,  (  and  not  only 
 ad  melius  eflfe  )  arc  thofe  without  which  the  per- 
 ons  are  not  capable  of  performing  the  effential  works  s 
 ofGovemmont 
 
 Government  in  the  exercife  hath  fomewhat  effen- 
 tial,  or  of  abfolute  neceflity  ,  and  fomewhat  that  is 
 but  for  the  melius  efje^  and  therefore  Governing 
 Power  hath  fo  too  ;  and  what  the  latter  is  mutt  be 
 known,  by  knowing  whwhc  former  (the  neceffary 
 exercifc  is)for  the  Power  #for  the  ufe  8c  exercife. 
 
 Thef.  i  %  t.The  end tf  Government  will  beft  determine 
 What  is  effentiatl  to  Government  in  exercife.      In  a 
 
 '  proper  Common-wealth  that  is  fftbyft  to  God  the 
 1ln\vtrf*lf<xveraign+tis  effentiaHj  neceffary  that  the 
 Government  befo4xercifed^A$  that  theBeivg  of  the 
 Common-wealth  may  bepreferved,  2.Andfo  much  of 
 
 4  the 
 
andtomeyin&  C^fe  of  Popper.  I  *9 
 
 the  well  being  or  Common-good  at  hat  the  efta:e  of 
 the  £omn<on-weal[h  be  better  ib..  the  eft  axe  of  the 
 people  would  be  if they  hadno Government,  ^Jl'hat 
 jujtice  fa  more  prevalent  in )  hsbent  of  Government 
 then  injustice,  and  the  Rulers  in  the  maine  be  not  a 
 terror  to  good  ivorkj  but  to  evilly  And  that  theti" 
 mverjall  Soveraign  be  acknowledged  and  honoured. 
 
 x.  If  the  Being  of  the  Commgn-wealth  be  not 
 preferved,  the  Government  it  felf  will  ceafe.  2.  As 
 it  is  eflenual  to  the  Relation ,  that  the  Common- 
 good  be  the  end  profeiledly  intended  by  the  Confli- 
 tutors,  and  which  the  Adminiftrators  are  obliged  to 
 intend,  fo  in  the  exercife  that  it  be  a&ually  fought  in 
 the  degree  here  mentioned  is  neceflary ;  For  if  the 
 end  be  wholly  overthrown,  the  means  is  no  means, 
 and  the  Relation  ceafeth.    They  that  are  in  a  worfc 
 conditioner  as  bad  as  if  they  hid  no  Government, 
 indeed,have  fconeronly  here  note,to  avoid  miftakes, 
 I. That  this  is  fpoken  of  the  body  of  the  people,zndnot 
 of  a  few  particular  ferfow.fcz  if  uniuftly  they  be  fo 
 ufed  as  to  be  worfe  then  without  Government,  yet 
 that  diffolveth  not  the  Common-wealth. 2  .True  rhis 
 is  fpoken  of  thzftatedcafe  of  a  people,  znd  not  whac 
 cafe  they  may  be  in  ,  in  fome  fudden  or  fhort  ftraic  , 
 which  as  Phyfick  may  tend  to  a  ftate  of  health^.That 
 therefore  as  the  Bonn  publicum  hath  many  degrees, 
 it  doth  not  diflblve  the  Government,  if  only  fuch 
 and  fuch  higher  Degrees  of  the  Gommon-~oodbe 
 croffed  or  overthrown;for  no  Prince  is  perfe&,  and 
 therefore  none  can  perfe&ly  feek  the  Commoa- 
 good,&  while  men  have  fin  they  will  do  fome  hurr, 
 or  negted  fome  good.  But  whe^  they  do  more  Hurt 
 K  tkth 
 
130  Of  the  Found  At  ion  >  efficient 
 
 thengood-,  they  arc  no  true  means  to  the  common 
 good:And  there  is  no  fuch  thing  as  Government  of 
 Gols  allowance  ,  which  is  not  a  means  to  the  common 
 good, 
 
 3.  lilfijufticebz  predominant  in  the  Stated  ex-> 
 ere  if  e  of  Government ,  it  is  but  a  Combination  of 
 Robbers  or  Deceivers :  But  if  in  the  main  ccurfe  of 
 Government  juftice  be  carried  on,  it  is  not  Injuftice 
 to  zfw  that  will  null  the  Government. 
 
 4.K  the  Vniverfal  Soveralgn  be  denyed,or  ftated- 
 ly  oppofed,the  body  dyeth  as  being  cut  oflf  from  the 
 head,&  the  power  ceafeth  in  man,becau(c  the  con- 
 veyance ceafeth  from  God.  A  Traitor  that  openly 
 renounceth  his  Soveraign  ,doth  thereby  renounce 
 his  own  Authority  effectively.  But  becaufe  many 
 objeftions  lie  againft  this  iaft,I  defire  the  Reader  to 
 fufpend  them ,  till  I  come  anon  to  open  it  more 
 fully. 
 
 As  a  man  dnnot  be  a  Phyfitian  that  is  unable 
 wholly,  or  in  the  main  for  a  Phyfitians  work,  nor  a 
 Lawyer  that  knoweth  not  the  Law  ,  nor  a  Preacher 
 that  cannot  preach,  nor  a  Paftor  that  cannot  do  the 
 effential  works  of  a  Paftors  office ,  nor  a  Pilot  that 
 cannot  guide  the  flhip,  nor  an  Artificer  that  cannot 
 (  as  to  skill )  do  the  works  of  his  art  at  all :  fo  he 
 cannot  be  at  that  time  a  Ruler  y  that  cannot  do  the 
 effential  parts  of  a  Rulers  work. 
 
 TheC  IJ  ?.  The  three  qualifications  #/  neceffity  to  the 
 Beingof  the  power  in  that  fub]  eft  ,  *re>  1.  So  much 
 Underftanding.z.And  Will  or  Goodnefs  in  himfelf. 
 3.  Andfo  muchftrength  or  executive  Power  by  his 
 Inter  eft  in  the people ,  or  others^  as  tre  neceffwy  to 
 the  faid  ends  of  Government.  As 
 
and  conveying  Cwfes  tfPonw.         131 
 
 As  VnAer ft  aiding  JVill^  and  executive  Tower  are 
 the  grand  Pri  main  ies  fas  CampaHella  calls  them} 
 in  nature  ,  which  are  tranfcendently  ,  eminently  , 
 neceflarily  ,  originally  in  God  >  and  derivatively 
 in  the  rarional  creature  in  his  kind  and  measure  ; 
 and  as  Wifdom  andGoodn^is  are  the  perfections 
 ofthelntelled  and  Will  ,  zp-1  in  God  are  the 
 tranfcendent  fupereminent  fountain  of  all  the 
 Wifdom  and  moral  goodnefs  in  the  Creatures ;  fo 
 are  thefe  three  the  Primaiitics  of  Government, , 
 and  of  necefHty  in  the  degree  aforef?id  to  its  be- 
 ing in  that  fubjeft.  As  it  is  no  eurr  pnt  coin  that 
 is  made  of  lead  ,  though  it  have  the  Soveraigqs 
 Image  ,  when  be  hath  made  the  matter  neceflary 
 as  well  as  the  form;  fo  here,  Ex  quovts  ligno  nonftt 
 CMercurlus. 
 
 1.  Without  the  forefaid  degree  of  Reafon  and 
 Wifdom  ,  there  is  not  materia  dilfofit*  &  ctpax , 
 becaufe  the.perfons.  are  uncapable  of  the  worko  , 
 and  fo  of  the  end ,  and  fo  of  the  Power :  And 
 therefore  Ideots,  Fools  ahd  Infants  cannot  be  the 
 aduaj  Soveraigns,  that  is>  in  statu  &  relation  be 
 the  prefent  Governors.  Indeed  they  may  have 
 the  name  of  Soveraignty  ,  while  others  have  the 
 Exercife  and  Power  of  that  Exercife ,  and  they 
 may  be  in  a  diftant  capacity  ,  or  the  way  to  a  ca- 
 pacity ,and  may  have  fome  foundations  laid  by  the 
 conftitution ,  that  the  a&ual  Government  fliall  be 
 by  them  ,  when  tlicy  are  a&ually  capable :  which 
 fome  call  a  Jh*  a^  rtm^  but  is  but  an  Hypothetical 
 Right  to  a  future  aSual  Hight :  if  they  live  to  the 
 ufe  of  tleafon ,  and  to  be  of  capacity ;  they  fliali 
 have  a&ual  Right  to  Govern:  or  if  you  will  call 
 K  a  the 
 
1 3  2  Of  the  Foundation  ,  efficient 
 
 the  one[  A  right  to  govern  when  they  are  capable.  ] 
 and  the  other,  £  A  %ight  to  prefect  Government.] 
 For  the  peace  and  fafety  of  the  Common-wealth  y 
 thetonftitution  may  determine,  that  all  Govern- 
 ment (Ml  be  exercifed  in  the  name  of  an  Infant 
 and-Ideot  Pance,  and  fo  they  may  ,  if  they  pleafe, 
 decree  ,  that  after  the  death  of  an  elective  King  , 
 till  another  be  elected ,  the  Admjniftration  {hall 
 be  in  the  name  of  him  that's  dead  :  But  neither 
 will  make  theramcto  be  the  Thing.  We  fpeak 
 of.  the  total  Soverai5nty.  If  in  a  mixt  Common- 
 wealth a  Prince  be  an  Infant,  the  Senate  or  who- 
 ever hath  the  other  part  of  the  Soveraignty ,  may 
 have  the  exercife  of  the  whole  duricg  his  Infancy: 
 But  if  Senate  ,  and  all  be  Infants,  they  are  no 
 a&ual  Governors  :  When  a  Counfell ,  or  other 
 Adminiftrators  appointed  by  the  conttitution>do 
 exercife  the  whole  Sovereign  Power  or  part,  they 
 ■  have  Power  fo  to  exercife  it; :  And  if  they  have 
 Pawer&nd  Exercife,  they  are  really  pro  tempore 
 the  Soveraign^hough  the  right  oiprefent^nomlnal^ 
 And  ftttHre  real  Soveraignty  may  be  in  an  Infant 
 Prince. 
 
 2.  If  the  perfons  be  wife,  and  yet  not  good 
 fo  far  as  is  neceffary  to  the  forefaid  degree  of  the 
 ends  of  Government  ,  they  are  uncapable  of  the 
 Form  ox  Being  :  for  he  that  isfo  wlckjd  as  to  pro- 
 fefs  or  pra6Ufe  the  common  rttin ,  cannot  be  the 
 common  Father  and  Preferver  :  And  he  that  hath 
 not  will  or  goodnefs  enough  to  make  him  feek  the 
 common  good  in  the  main ,  cannot  be  in  that  office 
 or  power,  which  efential/y  is  for  the  feeing  of  it. 
 An  open  enemy  of  the  people  may  be   their  Op- 
 
 preifo 
 
and  conveying  Caufes  of  Popper.  133 
 preffor ,  but  not  their  Govemour.  He  may  be  a 
 Tyrant  that  ruleth  for  himfelf ,  but  not  a  lawful 
 Ruler y  if  he  Rule  not  for  them. 
 
 5.  Another  neceffary  Dlfpojitio  materia  is  execu- 
 tive Power, .For  he  that  hath  not  Power(by  which  I 
 here  mean  that  called  Jtirequ/^or  natural  ftrength)is 
 not  capable  ofProte&ing  the  innocent ,  or  the 
 Common-wealth,  or  of  executing  Juftice  on  Of- 
 fenders, but  his  own  Laws  will  be  ridiculous  Scar- 
 crows,  without  Execution,  and  a  company  of 
 thieves  wiilcombine,and  forbid  Judgement.-yea, 
 as  long  as  there  is  in  depraved  nature  a  defire  of 
 Superiority  and  Ruling   thofe  that  are  ftronger 
 then  he,  will  put  him,  and  keep  him  out  of  pof- 
 feflion,  and  rule  themfelves:and  decide  the  Con- 
 troveriie:  fo  that    itismoft   evident,  that  hs 
 that  is  utterly  impotent,  is  uncapabie  of  Govern- 
 ment.    But  then  note  ,  that  though  the  Skjll 
 and  J%M  muft  in  a  tolerable  me  afar  e  be  in  him* 
 felfj  yet  it  is  the  people  or  his  Armies  ,hac  are 
 his  Executive  Power  :  for  thefe  hav^  the  natu- 
 ral ftrengthy  and  are  as  the  inferior  faculties, 
 that  are  to  obey  and  execute  the  Commands  of 
 the  Will ;  But  as  the  natural  Powers    that  obey 
 the  mil  muft  be  our  own  ,  that  they  may  be  un- 
 der its  Command  ,  fo  there  muft  be  an  Inte*eft 
 of  the   Soveraign  in  thofe  others    thatax  his 
 /?ra«rr/?,which  may  tie  them  to  himfelf  fo  far  that 
 the  may    fubierve  him.     And  thus  it  is  evi- 
 dent   exnaturarei  ,  that  whofoever   hath  not 
 (the  forefaid  meafure  of  Wifdom  ,  Goodnefe , 
 (in  hintfelf  )  and  Strength ,  or  Executiv:  Vower  , 
 by  his  Intefeft  in  others )  as  is  neccflfary  to 
 K3  the 
 
1 34        '  Of  the  foundations  efficient 
 rheends  ofGovernmen:>is  CMaterla  Indifpojita 
 &  tncafaX-  forma  ,  and  therefore  no  Soveraign  , 
 (  if  ftatediy  as  afore  laid ,  and  as  we  ihall  further 
 open.) 
 
 Thef. i^q.As Gods  Uulverfal  Law  hath lnffitutedy 
 limited  and  regulated  the  Office ,  and  deferred 
 the  Officers-)  fo  his  effective  Providence  doth  qua- 
 life  or  iUfpofe  the  particular  Subjects  and  make 
 them  capable,  and  partly  maks-,  and  partly  permit 
 an  incapacity  in  others',  and  thus  it  doth  ft  or  unft 
 -  men  as  to  the  form* 
 
 Great  Difputes  there  are ,  whether  Dominium 
 fMndatur  In  (jratia,  vdln  provident  \a^  or  in  what  ? 
 Things  that  are  co-ordinate  or  fubordina  te, 
 are  faigned  to  be  contraries ,  or  inconfirtent 
 in  caulality  or  intereft:  and  in  that  way  ment, 
 may  quarrel  as  long  as  they  live  about  any  dning  , 
 where  they  would  have  wife  men  fee  their 
 weaknefs.  As  the  earth  and  the  Creatures  in 
 it  are  refcued-by  Chrift  from  that  higher  mea- 
 fureofcurfe  then  is  executed,  and  our  penalty 
 abated  ,  and  we  and  the  Creatures  reprieved 
 by  the  Interpofirion  of  the  Mediator  ,  fo  far 
 Common  Grace  doth  found  the  common  dominion : 
 And  as  the  Providence  that  layeth  the  foundation 
 or  rather  the  occafon  of  Propriety ,  i?  an  Aft  o£ 
 Common  mercy  In  Gody  fo  Grace  ("even  fuch  a  Com- 
 mon Grace  )  is  the  Caufe  or  Occafon  of  Propriety  , 
 (  For  by  Dominion  I  flill  mean  Propriety  )  And 
 as  Sped all  Grace  beftowet h  ^Propriety  ,  (  though 
 in  it  felf  a  common  Mercy  )  with  an  intention 
 
 to 
 
and  conveying  Caufes  of  Tower  135 
 
 to  ufc  it  for  fome  fpecial  good ,  fo  Propriety 
 is  caufcd  or  occasioned  by  chat  SpeciaU  Grace 
 (  I  take  Grace  here  a&ively ,  and  not  paffive- 
 ly ,  or  for  the  Gratia  operant  ,  not  the  operata. ) 
 But  the  immediate  proper    Foundation  of  Pro- 
 priety is  the  Law  y   or  Gift  of  God  ,   that  gi- 
 veth  all  the  Creatures  on  fuch  and  fuch  terms, 
 directing  men  to  the  juft  meanes  of  acquiring 
 and  poflefling  :   And  the  Canfafine  qua  non  of 
 Propriety  is  various :  fometime  Occupancy  ,  and 
 fomtime  Contrail  ,  or  other    juft  Alienation 
 from  others ,  and  Conveyance  unto  us.    Where 
 no  one  hath  a  Ttyht  before  the  Occupant ,  the 
 Generall  Donation  ,    by   which  God  gives  the 
 earth  to  the  fons  of  men  ,  is  enough  to  make 
 it  ours  :   and  there  the  gift  is  the  Fundamen- 
 tnm  y    and  the  Occupancy  is  the  Copula  ,    or 
 Caufa^ne  qua  non  ,    or  appropriating  meanes: 
 But  where  another  hath  Right  before  us>  there 
 the  Gift    of  God  ftil  is  the  proper  Fundament 
 turn  Juris  :    But  another  man  quitting  of  his 
 Right  j  or  fome  juft  alienation  is  prerequiiite, 
 and  then  the  meanes  of  conveying  it  rather  to 
 us  then  to  another  ,  is  the  Caufa  fine  qua  non 
 of  our  Right ;  and  in  foro   humano  may  be  cal- 
 led our    Title  or    Fundamentum   J*>ris  it  felf; 
 many  have  a  Title  ,  which  is  ,     1.     Good  in 
 foro  humano-     2.     And  which   in  foro  divino  , 
 will   difable  another  from    difpottefTtng  them 
 3.    And  yet  in  foro  divino  will  not  warrant 
 their  own  poffeflion.   4.   And  fome  that  are 
 warranted  as  to  the  bare  Po/fejfion  ,  have  yet 
 no  Tkight  coram  Deo  to  the  benefits  which  the 
 K  4  things 
 
1 1 6  Of  the  Foundation ^efficient 
 
 things  pofiuud  in  tkt\  ifelyes  nave  a  ten- 
 dency to  :  This  is  the  true  deciiion  of  the 
 cafe ,  ubi  fundamr  D».  minm  >  (  vvbich  is  di- 
 redUy  in  Gods  Cjifc ,  orL-ivv7an^  o~afionally 
 in  gracious  providence  >  common  or  fpeciall* 
 and  fomethie  in  judicial  .Providence  )  and 
 Whether  mckjd  men  have  Propriety  or  are  U- 
 furpers  (  <\ho  have  Right  In  fro  h^mano  ,  and 
 if  lawfully  got ,  coram  Deo  ,  as  to  bare  PolTeifi- 
 on,  but  not  as  to  the  final  goo  J  or  benefit  ac- 
 cruing from  the  thing  poikfled  )  But  all  this 
 is  but  briefly  touched  ,  becaufe  it  is  but  on  the 
 by. 
 
 But  I  have  mentioned  the  intereft  of  Provi- 
 dence in  Dominion  ,  becaufe  it  tendeth  to  illu- 
 ftrare  the  point  of  the  intereft  of  Providence 
 in  Authority^  (  or  Right  to  Government) 
 which  is  the  cafe  in  hand.  Many  hot  Difputes 
 there  have  been  ,  Whether  Providence  convey 
 Rlolnof  Government  ornot :  and  fome  fay,  it 
 doth,  and  fome  fay  y  that  it  doth  not ;  and  fome 
 have  the  wit  to  diflinguifo  y  and  fhew  how  far 
 it  may  conduce  to  it ,  and  yet  doth  not  effed  it. 
 I  think  not  that  vvifdom.  or  neceflity  >  or  any 
 thing  elfe  oblige  me,  ro  take  all ,  or  any  of  thefe 
 men  to  task ,  and  confote  their  Rei;onings:  it  is 
 more  finable  to  my  e  nds  tocontem  my  felf  with 
 a  nake^  delivery  of  what  I  take  to  be  the  truth  , 
 and  a  fufficient  proof  of  it. 
 
 Thef.  155.  if  hen  Providence  depr  heth  a  man 
 of  his  Under fiamiing  and  intelUttual  Capacity 
 and  that  fatedly ,  or  as  to  his  ordinary  teptper  , 
 
 it 
 
and  conveying  Caufes  of  Power  137 
 it  makjth  him  materiam  indifpofitam  ,  and 
 uncapable  of  Government!  though  not  of  the  name. 
 
 This  is  the  firft  way  by  which  Providence  dif- 
 potfefleth.  Nebuchadnezzar  was  thus  difpof- 
 feflfed  :  but  retaining  his  remote  conditional 
 Right  was  reftored  when  his  underftanding  was 
 reitored.  But  the  Sovcraign  Power  and  Ex- 
 ercife  was  the  mean  while  in  others.  And  thus 
 Providence  working  upon  nature  can  dethrone 
 men. 
 
 Thef.  156.  JfGodpermit  Princes  to  turn  fo  wic- 
 ked as  to  be  incapable  of  Governing  ,  fo  as  is 
 confident  with  the  ends  of  Government ,  he  per- 
 mitsthem  to  depofe  themf elves. 
 
 As  I  before  fliewed  that  fo  much  Moral 
 and  CiviJl  Goodnefs  is  neceffary  to  Govern- 
 ment ,  fo  now  I  (hew  you  ,  how  men  are  dif- 
 poffeft,  and  become  un capable.  Though  all  vice 
 or  wickednefs  make  not  a  Prince  uncapable *  yet 
 to  fay  that  none  doth  ,  is  to  flatter  them 
 againftGod  ,and  Reafon  ,  and  the  common 
 Wel-fare  of  the  world.  He  that  turneth  ene- 
 my to  the  people ,  and  feeks  their  mine  ,  is  un- 
 capable of  Governing  them.  But  the  great 
 cafes  I  will  referve  till  I  come  to  fpeak  of  2^- 
 ftfiance. 
 
 Thef.  137.  If  Providence  ftatedly  difable 
 him  thai  was  the  Sovcraign  from  the  execu- 
 ting of  Laws,  Protecting  the  jufi ,    and  other 
 
 ends 
 
1 38  Of  the  Foundation,  Efficient 
 
 ends  of  government  ,  It  maketh  him  an  un- 
 eatable Subject  of  the  Power  ,  and  f»  dlfpofeth 
 him. 
 
 For  a  Governor  fo  Impotent  ,  is  none.  A  Ca- 
 pacity for  the  work  and  end  is  neceffary  in  the 
 perfon  :  and  when  that  ceafeth  ,  the  Power 
 ceafeth.  Not  by  fuch  a  Ceffation  alwayes  as 
 leaveth  the  people  innocent;  for  its  pollible, 
 and  likely  that  the  guilt  is ,  or  may  be  theirs, 
 who  have  difabled  their. Ruler  by  deferring 
 him:  But  ,  1.  If  they  doit  finfully,  yet  he 
 isdiflfmiffed  and  difobliged  from  the  charge  of 
 Government,  2.  And  particular  innocent 
 Members  are  difobliged  from  being  Governed  by 
 him  ,  though  through  the  fin  of  others.  But 
 it  is  not  every  a&ual  temporary  difpoffeffion 
 that  difobligcth  ftatedly ,  as  I  fhall  fhew  more 
 anon. 
 
 Thef.  138.  When  Providence  thus  maketh  any 
 uneatable  or  indlfpofed  ,  it  deftroyeth  the 
 power  at  in  fuch  :  but  yet  when  it  dlfpofeth  any 
 for  the  Government  ,  it  doth  not  thereby  imme- 
 diately (rive  him  pojfejfion  or  Title  to  the  Go- 
 vernment. 
 
 For  Bonnm  *&  ex  Cm  fit  interris  :  There 
 muft  be  matter  and  form  to  conftitute  the 
 Being:  and  after  the  matter  rs  in  it  felfex. 
 ifteM  >  there  muft  be  fomewhat  more  to  in- 
 troduce the  form  (  in  moft  cafes.  )  But  the 
 deftruftion  of  either  of  them  deftroyes  the^Be- 
 
and  conveying  Caufes  of  Power*  1 3  p 
 
 ing.  And  therefore  Death  is  the  ftroak  of 
 Providence  ,  extingu:ftiing  with  the  life  the 
 Power  of  the  Prince  ,  and  fo  is  Infatuation 
 habitual  (  with  the  exceptions  abovefaid  )  and 
 fo  is  the  Permijfion  of  the  fore-mentioned 
 Impiety,  or  Enmity  ,  and  Imfotency  of  the 
 Prince.  If  a  Prince  be  ftatedly  made  a  Beg- 
 gar ,  or  forfakeh,  or  ejeftea  by  a  Conqueror  ^ 
 and  fo  uncapable  of  Governing,  if Ic  be  but 
 pro  tempore  ,  the  Subje&s  for  that  time  (  that 
 have  no  oportunity  to  reftore  him  )  are  dis- 
 obliged from  his  aftual  Government  ( except 
 fuch  as  can  go  with  him  )  But  if  it  be  his  fix- 
 ed ftated  cafe  the  Subje&s  are  ftatedly  difob- 
 liged  :  for  he  cannot  be  obeyed  that  governeth 
 not. 
 
 Thef.  159.  his  theworl^  of  Providence  to  give 
 men,  i.  An  Eminency  of  fVifdom.  2mAndof 
 Goodnefs.  3.  ±And  by  lnterett  in  others  y  /suf- 
 ficient Strength  for  Magljfracy. 
 
 And  fo  as  the  Law  defcribeth  the  SubjeFt  of 
 Power,  fo  Providence  alveth  the  defer  ibed  quali- 
 fications. So  that  by  \.aw  and  Providence  con- 
 junct ,  God  taketh  down  one  ,  and  fetteth  up 
 another, Tfalm  75.7.  And  the  Alteration  pro- 
 ceeds from  Providence :  the  Lav*  changeth 
 not  y  but  according  to  itsfirft  fenfe  hath  a  vari- 
 ous afpeft  upon  various  perfons,  places,  times, 
 as  providence  doth  diverfifie  them.  And 
 doubtlefs  it  is  notably  the  works  of  Providence 
 that  are  meant  in  thofc  Scriptures  which  fore- 
 tell 
 
140         Of  the  foundation^  efficient 
 
 tell  of  the  Changes  in  Kingdoms  and  Powers, 
 that  God  will  make  in  the  world.  Dan  2. 
 44.  The  God  of  Heaven  jhall  fet  up  a  Kingdom 
 that  (hall  never  be  deftroyed.  ]  And  how  if  , 
 not  by  Providence ,  fthough  here  withall  is  in- 
 tended the  New  Law  )  Dan  4.  17*  [To  the  in- 
 tent that  the  living  may  k^now  that  the  mofi  high 
 rnleth  in  the  Kingdom  of  men  ,  andgivethit  to 
 Tvhcmfoever  he  will ,  and  fetteth  tip  over  it  the 
 bafeft^ofmen^]  And  Verfe  25.  \They  (hall  drive 
 thee  from  meny  and  thy  dwelling  (hall  be  with  the 
 be  a  ft  s  till  thou  know  that  the  mo  ft  Highruleth  in 
 the  Kingdom  of  men  1  and giveth  it  to  whomfo- 
 ever  he  wilt.  ]  And  how  ?  but  by  difpofing 
 Providence?  fo  again,  Dan. 5. 20,  21.  [  Bm 
 -when  his  heart  was  lifted  up  ,  and  his  minde  har- 
 dened in  pride  ,  he  was  depofed  from  his  Kingly 
 Throne^  and  they  to«ke  his  Glory  from  him  ,  » 
 
 till  he  knew  that  the  mo  ft  High  ruled  in  the  king- 
 dom of  men  y  and  t hat  he  appoint eth  over  it  whom- 
 soever he  will.  Dan.  2.37.  [  Thou  O  Kingy 
 art  a  King  of  Kivgs  :  for  the  God  of  Hea- 
 ven gave  thee  a  Kingdom  y  Powery  Strength  and 
 Glory.  ]  thaj:  is  ,  by  difpoftng  Providence. 
 verfe  38.  He  hath  given  them  into  thy  hani  , 
 and  made  thee  Ruler  over  them  all.']  Jer.  27.  f .  [/ 
 have  made  the  earthy  the  man  and  the  beafty  ~ 
 and  have  given  it  unto  whom  it  feemed  meet  unto 
 me.~]  And  now?  but  by  over-ruling  difpoftng  Provi- 
 dence* Dan.  5.2S.  Thy  Kingdom  is  divided y 
 *nd  given  to  the  Medes  and  Perfians.  ]  which 
 proveth  not  that  they  juftly  feized  on  it,  nor 
 that  God  gave  it  othervvife   then  by  difpaftug 
 
 Pro- 
 
and  conveying  CanJVs  of  <Power.         141 
 
 rovid(nce%  Dan.7.6.  \_7he  halt  had  four  heads  , 
 td  Dominion  was  given  to  it.  ]  Many  fucb  places 
 iew  that  Providence  giveth  K  ingdoms  ,  *»4  is  the 
 :  an  gin  I  caufe. 
 
 'hef.  140.  his  not  the  giving  of  either  Wifdome  , 
 or  Goodnefs  ,  or  ftrength  alone  that  makjth 
 men  capable  of  governing  ^Authority  y  but 
 it  muft  be  AllJ  in  the  fore-defcribsd  meafure.) 
 
 The  fubtileft  Politician  may  be  uncapahle 
 through  wickednefs*  and  the  wifeft  and  beft 
 man  may  be  uncap  able  (  of  full  Right  and  ex- 
 ercife)  through  weakpefs :  and  if  a  man  have  all 
 three  y(W  if dom  ,  Goodn^fs^  and  ftrength)  he  hath 
 not  therefore  Authority ,  but  only  an  Aptitude 
 therto. 
 
 thef.  141.  Though  it  be  a  duty  for  a  very  weak. 
 (  though  tolerable  )  governor  for  the  common 
 good  to  reftgn  his  place  to  one  that  is  every  way 
 more  fit  and  likjr  (  confideratis  confideran-^ 
 dis  )  to  attain  the  ends  of  Government  in  a 
 more  excellent  degree  ,  yet  is  it  not  law  full  for 
 any  other  to  depofe  him  >  and  ufurpe  the  place* 
 becaufe  he  is  more  toifly  or  goody  or  power  full: 
 nor  for  the  people  to  do  it ,  contrary  to  the  con- 
 stitution. 
 
 Where  another  hath  Right  already  ,  it  is  not 
 in  higher  degree  of  Aptitude  that  can  vvarant 
 my  to  afpire  to  the  Throne.  If  I  know  a  man, 
 that  is  fitter  then  my  felf  for  my  Paftoral  charge. 
 all  things  confidered,  it  is  my  duty  to  relign  it 
 to  him/*  procure  his  joynt  power  and  afliftance  , 
 
 (becaufe 
 
I 
 
 14*         0 f  the  Foundation >  efficient 
 (  becaufe  the  good  of  fouls  requireth  it )  But  n 
 man  may  upon  the  preemption  of  fuch  a  ciiffe 
 rence  feek  to  difpoffefs  me  againfl  my  Will. 
 
 Thef.  142.  Meer  Pojfefsion  of  the  feat  of  Towe1 
 in  It  f elf  confidered,  is  not  a  Title,  nor  willjufli 
 fie  the  PoJ[etfor>  nor  warrant  the  people  to  confer 
 andfubmit. 
 
 ) 
 
 A  man  may  have  Poffeflion  of  the  feat  an 
 landy  and  not  of  the  Government ':  for  he  Po 
 feifeth  not  that  till  he  exercife  it ,  and  he  can, 
 not  exercife  it,  but  upon  a  confenting  people .  Th< 
 people  may  choofe  to  live  in  flavery  ,  orbedc 
 ftroyed  in  a  ftate  of  Hoftility ,  if  they  pleafe 
 rather  then  to  fubmit  to  the  Ufurper.  And  h 
 thefe  cafes  it  is  meet  that  they  fhould  dofo.  Thi 
 firft  is ,  if  he  would  force  them  elfe  to  violate 
 their  Covenants  to  God  or  man ,  or  to  commi 
 any  fin  againft  God :  fo  that  confenting  to  hi 
 Government  muft  contain  a  confent  to  fin  :  Th< 
 fecond  is ,  if  his  Government  will  do  more  hur 
 then  our  refufinghimor  periling  would  do?  t< 
 that  nation .  Or  thirdly ,  if  confenting  migh 
 be  better  to  that  Nation  ,  yet  if  it  be  mon 
 injurious  to  the  common  good  of  the  worlds  or  th< 
 common  Intereft  of  God,  then  our  diffent. 
 
 But  I  will  fay  no  more  of  this  >  becaufe  Mr. 
 Edward  <jee  hath  in  two  books  faid  fomuch 
 whofe  Arguments  againft  the  meer  PolfeffoK 
 claim  are  thus  far  good. 
 
 b^ 
 
 Thef.  143.  C°*qHcfi  ™  %lt  fetf  is  no  found  TitlA 
 tQ  tkt  Gwemmw  of  a  people.  If 
 
and  convey  ing  Caufes  of  Tower.  143 
 
 [f  the  war  was  unjust*  then  the  conqueft  is  but  the 
 iiccefs  or  Robbery  and  murder,  and  therefore  can 
 >ive  no  Title.  If  the  war  were  juft  againft  the 
 Prince  only,and  not  againft  the  people,  there  is  no 
 tppearance  of  a  Title  to  %hU  them  from  the  fuc- 
 :cfs.  If  the  war  was  juft  againft  Trlnce  mdpeople9 
 jet  as  is  faid,they  may  in  fome  cafes  choofe  to  die, 
 3:  be  ufed  2s  the  Conqueror  pleafe ,  and  continue 
 :faeir  hoftility  with  unconqnered  minds.  "And  if  fo, 
 ill  they  yield  to  be  his  Subjects,  he  is  not  their  So- 
 ^eraign ,  though  Conqueror. 
 
 rhef.  144.  Ifthcperfon  difpojfefi  be  one  that  we  are 
 by  Covenant  oblige  d,not  onely  tofubmhto^  obejy 
 but  alfo  to  defendy&  be  not  made  uncapable  of  the 
 Government, we  ought  to  defend  hlm^and  endeavor 
 his  refiitution  according  to  the  tenor  ofonr  Cove- 
 nants ,  as  far  as  may  (land  with  the  common  good, 
 the  end  of  Government.  Yea ,  though  we  makje  no 
 fuch  Promife ,  our  Relation ,  and  the  Law  of  God 
 ebligeth  as  to  defend  our  Governors. 
 
 This  was  the  cafe  of  David  and  the  people,vvhen 
 'sfbfolonhzd  got  poffeflion  of  the  City ,  and  his 
 loufes ,  and  many  of  the  people  ,  it  was  the  duty 
 till  of  the  people  to  reftore  him :  For,  1.  The 
 >o(Tefeion  of  Abfolon  was  but  of  the  Place ,  and  * 
 arty,  aodfo  but  a  military  ftate  :  David  having 
 n  Army  and  a  Party  too,2 .  David  was  the  perfon 
 3  whom  they  were  by  Gods  Eteaion  and  their 
 Covenants  obliged:  and  therefore  while  there  was 
 ope ,  they  were  to  profecute  it  for  his  reftitution. 
 ^nd  if  half  prove  folfc  to  him  >  it  difpbJUgeth  not 
 bereft.  D  Thef. 
 
1 44  Of  the  Foundation  >  efficient 
 
 Thef.  145.  But  if  the  per f on  dlfpoffest  be  jnftly  difr 
 fotfeft^as  by  a  I  aw  full  War  ,  in  -which  he  lofeth  his 
 Right ,  efpecially  if  he  violate  the  C*nttitution, 
 and  enter  into  a  military  ft  ate  againft  the  people 
 themfelves^and  by  them  be  conquered \t hey  are  not 
 
 ,  obliged  to  reft  ere  him  ,  unlefs  there  befome  other 
 f pedal  obligation  upon  them yk 'fide  their  Alleeiance. 
 
 Thisfhall  be  anon  more  fully  manifefted  when 
 we  fpeak  of  the  Diffolution  of  Government. 
 
 Thef.  146.  If  the  per  [on  dtfpojfeft,  though  it  were 
 mjuftly ,  do  afterward  become  uncapable  of  Go- 
 vernment, it  is  not  the  duty  of  his  Subjects  toftek^ 
 his  Reftltut'ion. 
 
 I  have  before  intimated  by  what  wayes  men  be- 
 come incapable  :  As  by  lofs  of  Underftanding ,  by 
 becoming  an  Enemy  to  the  common  good ,  or  to 
 God, and  by  lofs  of  Power  for  the  ends  of  Govern- 
 ment, which  they  are  unable  to  reftore  him  to.  An 
 Incapacity  alfo  may  be  accidental,  as  if  he  cannot 
 be  reftored  but  by  the  Arms  of  the  enemies  ofGod, 
 or  the  Common-wealtbjwho  will  afterwards  have 
 thePower  of  difpoling  of  him  &  the  Government, 
 fo  that  the  Common- wealth  hath  no  fecurety  but 
 the  word  of  enemies :  or  if  a  fa£Hori  of  enemies 
 within  muft  needs  be  (or  apparantly  will  be  )  the 
 Mailers  of  all  when  heis  reftored.  He  that  is  in- 
 capable of  promoting  of  rbeCommongood,is  un- 
 capableof  (  )Overnim*,(which  way  ever  it  come  to 
 pafs.*>nd  he  that  is  become  uncapable  of  Govern- 
 ing jought  not  to  be  reftored,  unlefs  wc  can  reftore 
 his  capacity.  Thef.147  * 
 
Conveying  Caufes  of  Power.  1 6 1 
 
 Thcf.  147.  If  an  Army  (of  Neighbours,  or  inhabim 
 tants,  or  whoever  )  do  (though  injuriouflj)  expel  the  ScT 
 verasgn^andrefolve  to  ruine  the  Common-wealth, rat  her 
 then  he  fhxll  be  reflored^andifthe  gammon-wealth  maj 
 proffer  without  his  reftauratien,  it  u  the  duty  of  fuch  an 
 injured  Prince,  for  the  common  good  to  reftgn  hu  Govern- 
 ment .  and  if  he  will  not, the  people  ought  to  judge  him  as 
 made  uncapable  bj  providence,  and  not  to  feel^  his  refii- 
 tutiony  to  the  apparent  ruine  of  the  (fommon-wealth. 
 
 Thereafonis,becaofeit  iseffential  to  Government 
 to  be  for  the  common  good  •,  and  he  is  for  the  people 
 finally,  rather  then  they  for  him  :  And  Government 
 ceafech  to  be  juft  Government,  when  itceaferh  £0  be 
 a  means  ?o  its  end  :  much  more  when  it  is  dcftru&ivc 
 to  it.  Thejturegendi  is  not  like  meer  Dominion  (I 
 mean  Propriety ,)  which  is  bat  a  power  or  right  to 
 ufe  and  difpofe  of  things  as  our  own^nd  for  ourf elves. 
 But  it  is  like  the  office  of  a  Phrjitian ,  Scheol-mafter, 
 Pilot,  &c.  who  are  principally  for  the  good  of  others , 
 and  but  fecondarilj  for  their  $^n  reward  and  honour* 
 And  therefore  no  man  on  earth  can  pretend  propriety 
 in  his  Kingdom,  or  Government ,  againft  the  common 
 good,  and  ends  of  that  Government.  For  that  is  to 
 change  the  nature  of  the  thing,  and  then  plead  an  in- 
 terest in  it,  as  Government,  when  they  have  made  ic 
 no  ( juft  j  Government  at  all. 
 
 Thcf.  148.  That  Man  that  will  rather  fee  the  blood 
 of  many  thousands  Spiit ,  and  the  (fommon  wealth  ha- 
 z>ardedjbenhewill give  up  that  Government  which  he 
 received  for  the  common  good,when  he  maj  know  that  his 
 refignstion  would  be  for  the  common  good  $  and  hts  war 
 
 M  againft 
 
i6i      Of  the  Foundation,  Efficient  and 
 
 dgainfi  it,  doth  thereby  declare  that  he  fecks  not  the  com* 
 mongood,  but  himfelf. 
 
 Tbefc  five  or  fix  laft  propofitions  I  have  taken  in  on 
 the  by,  but  to  prepare  for  thofe  that  follow ,by  remo- 
 ving objedions  that  (land  in  the  way. 
 
 Thef.  149.  It  is  not  lawful  for  a  people  to  ehufe,m- 
 thfr  to  have  no  Governour,  then  not  to  have  htm  that  is 
 their  rightful  Prince  :  for  that  there  (hall  be  Govern- 
 ment and  fubjeftion,  is  the  ft  at  ed  Law  of  Godjowhicb 
 tht  right  choife  of  perfons  u  butfubordinate  :  //  there- 
 fore the  rightful  G&vernour  be  fo  long  difpejfeft  that  the 
 Common-wealth  can  no  longer  be  without  Government  f 
 but  to  the  apparent  hazard  of  its  ruine ,  we  ought  to 
 jttJge  that  providence  hath  dijpojfeft  the  former  ^and  pre- 
 fently  to  confent  to  another. 
 
 1.  The  right  of  perfons  is  in  fubferviency  to  the 
 Government  it  fclf  and  the  ends  of  it :  and  therefore 
 if  any  man  will  fet  the  means  againft  tbc  end,  or  a  cir- 
 cumftancc  of  humane  determination  againft  a  Law  of 
 God,  and  fay,  Becaufe  we  cannot  have  fuch  a  man,we 
 will  have  none,  but  be  ungoverntd  ;  this  it  to  break 
 ancxprefscommandmenr,  and  to  caft  off  the  order 
 and  ordinance  of  God,  for  a  perfons  fake. 
 
 2.  If  people  have  no  Government,  vice  will  reign,' 
 and  every  mans  eftate  and  life  will  be  at  the  mercy  of 
 his  enemy,  or  him  that  hath  a  mind  to  it,  and  is  che 
 ftronger:  And  therefore  no  people  can  long  fiibfift 
 without  Government. 
 
 Thef.  150.  When  a  people  are  without  a  Governor, it ! 
 may  be  the  duty  of  fuch  as  have  moftftringth^Xihitl-  ' 
 late,  to  protett  the  reft  from  injury.  "  LThii  j 
 
Conveying  Caufes  of  Power.  1 6  ; 
 
 this  is  a  truth  known  by  the  light  of  nature  :  no 
 man  that  is  afTiuIted  by  a  robber,  bat  would  have  bis 
 neighbour  help  him  :  And  he  that  will  pafs  by  him  , 
 and  not  faccour  him  if  he  can,  doth  not  do  a  neigh- 
 boars  part :  He  tlm  feech  his  brother  ij)  ne  ed,dangcr, 
 ar  diftrefs,  and  fhucceth  up  the  boweli  of  his  compac- 
 tions from  bicn,  howdwelletb  the  Love  of  God  in 
 him  ?  Duties  of  charity %  efpecially  to  a  Nation  %  are 
 iodifpcnfable. 
 
 Tbef.  151.  Providence  by  conqttejt  and  ether  means 
 loth  ufe  fo  to  qualifie  feme  perfins  above  others  for  the 
 jtvernment  when  the  place  Pi  void  ,  thtt  m  ether  per- 
 MsJbaBbe  capable  competitor /,  and  the  perfonsfhallbc 
 u go$d  as  named  by  Providence  ,  whim  the  people  are 
 nund  by  God  to  choofe  or  confent  to -^  fit  bit  thej  are  ufu- 
 illy  brought  under  a  Divine  obligation  to  fnbnAt  to  fuck 
 ^fuch^and  take  them  for  their  Governours,  before  thifc 
 vtrfons  have  an  aTtnal  right  to  govern. 
 
 A  people  without  a  particular  Soveraign ,  ace  flili 
 Darts  of  Gods  univerfal  Kingdom,  and  from  him  they 
 •re  to  receive  their  officers,  if  he  appoint  them  ;  for 
 Jill  they  arc  under  the  obligation  of  bis  Laws.Thongb 
 be  peoples  confent  (  explicate  or  implicice  )  be  ne~ 
 .effary  to  the  Soveraigns  aftual  Government ,  an  j 
 :onfequently  to  his  right  of  governing  them  ,  by 
 .vbichbemuft  himfelfbe  warranted  and  juftificd  5 
 ret  are  the  people  ofually  under  \  previous  obligation 
 Vara  the  Lord ,  whom  they  (hail  confent  to  i  and 
 vhomnot.  And  Con  que  ft  is  the  moft  ufual  means  of 
 lie  determination :  noc  by  giving  Right  to  govern  , 
 m  by  making  thcConquerour  maiiriam  iiffofitam . 
 
 M  2  life 
 
i^4       Of  the  Foundation \  Efficient  and 
 
 the  only  capable  fubjeft  of  that  right,  and  objeft  c 
 the  peoples  choice.  The  fame  may  be  faid  of  any  othi 
 poffeffion  of  fuch  power  as  the  Conqaerour  batl 
 Ordinarily  did  the  Roman  Eroperours  (formerly  i 
 Rome,  and  dncQUConfiantinople)  die  orfuffcr  d< 
 pofition,by  an  U  fur  per-,  and  yet  the  (ubjeftsobeyc 
 ihellfurper,  and  the  CbriftianBilhopstook  it  tot 
 their  duty  fo  to  do.  If  his  Conqueft  or  Occupatic 
 be  finful ,  yet  if  he  thereby  become  the  only  capab 
 perfon  to  Govern,  the  people  are  to  confent  (fa- 
 pofing  no  fpecial  impediment  to  forbid  it.)  If  the 
 be  ( though  through  another*  fin  )  difobliged  fro 
 their  former  Governour,  (by  his  death,  incapacity 
 &c.)  they  are  bound  by  God  to  confent  co  fuch 
 iare  raoft  capable. 
 
 TheT.  152.  7>uttfmen  have  hjCenqueft  cr  otl\ 
 means  become  the  ftrongeji^that  yet  are  uncafabtc  ,  jj 
 -want  of  Neceffary  wifdom,  or  Goodnefs ,  the  peom 
 mayfabmh  tofuffzrwg>  bnt  not  confent  that  fuch  Jhosi 
 govern  them. 
 
 Becaufe  being  fuppofed  uncapable  of  Governij 
 them,  their  Government  would  be  as  hurtful  as  to] 
 without  a  Government.  And  if  Gods  honour  a  I 
 foveraignry  muft  be  traiteroufly  defpifed ,  and  c| 
 common  good  deftroyed  ,  it  is  better  that  it  be  do| 
 without  the  peoples  confent,  then  with  it. 
 
 Tbef.  153.  v4»j  thing  that  is  a  fufficient  pgn  </J 
 wilt  of  God,  ihzt  this  is  the  ferfen^  bj  whom  we  mttfiX 
 Governed \  is  enough  (asjojnedtoGods  Laws)  to  cbi\ 
 us  to  confent,  andtbej  him,  as  our  Governour. 
 
 c 
 
Convejtng  Caufes  of  Power.  1 65 
 
 God  being  the  choofer  of  his  own  Officers  ,and  the 
 jjiiverfal  King,  who  bindcth  us  to  obey  his  choice , 
 th  make  known  his  will  ro  man  by  fignt :  For  we 
 nnot  immediately  fee  his  eflence,  and  therefore  not 
 s  will.  All  his  Laws  that  oblige  us,  are  but  fo  many 
 ns  of  his  will :  and  he  may  choofe  his  fign. 
 
 Thef.  154.  It  being  already  fynificA  in  the  Law  of 
 
 \od,  that  a  people  tic  at  are  without  a  Ruler  ft)  all  confent 
 
 \fuch  ds  are  fitte/i  for  them  ,   and  the  qualifications  of 
 
 i  tcb  being  there  expreft,  thertfi  of  Qods  mil  to  be  ftgni- 
 
 [i  ?d  to  the  peeple  ,    te  bring  them  undtr  the  particular 
 
 rx'ligation^  is  but  for  the  dx  (cover y  of  the  perfons  thus 
 
 ;i  Vdlified :  fo  that  Law  and  providence  concurring,  are 
 
 )  ads  nomination  of  his  Officers,  whom  the  people  by  him 
 
 re  bound  fir ft  to  confent  to  be  fub'yM  to,  and  then  fa 
 
 I  Here  are  feveral  ads  of  Gods  Law,  and  feveral 
 Jftsof  Providence,  necefTiry  in  concurrence,  to  con- 
 litote  a Sover^gn.    1 .  There  is  prefuppofed  tlie  ge- 
 neral Law,  for  Government  and  obedience,  dillribut- 
 ingthefubje&s  of  Gods  Kingdom  ,  into  particular 
 ubordinatc  Sover?ign?,and  their  S  jbjefts.  2. There  is 
 uppofed  Gods  Laws,  that  cat  them  out  their  princi- 
 pal work,  and  defer  ibe  the  fubllacce  of  the  office,  and 
 imittbem.  ?.  The  Law  of  God  defcribctb  the  per- 
 ons,  in  the  points  neceflfary  to  the  Being^nd  the  well 
 >eingof  their  Government.    4.  The  fame  Law  ob- 
 igetb  the  people  to  confent  to  fuch,  ( in  cafe  they  arc 
 -ailed  to  fuch  a  work ,  as  choofing  or  confenting.  ) 
 Thus  far  the  Law  goetb. 
 And  then  Providence ,  1 .  Doth  qualifie  the  per- 
 
 M  3  for, 
 
1 66       Of  the  Foundations  Zfficknt  and 
 
 fon,  i.  With  tolerable  wifdocn.  2.  And  Goodnn 
 (  (o  far  as  to  be  a  capable  Inftrurnent  for  the  End*  I 
 Government. J  3*  And  with  Power  to  defend  t] 
 p.ople  and  execute  Laws.  And  many  afti  of  Proi 
 dence  may  concur  to  this :  efpecially  it  is  by  gavinj 
 manfuchlntcreft  in  the  Affe&ions  of  the  ltrong 
 part ,  tbu  by  them  he  may  be  pat  into  a  capacit 
 2.  And  when  he  is  qualified,  to  bring  bim  upon  t 
 ltage  to  the  people!  obfervation  ,  that  they  mayo 
 ferve  his  Qualifications,  is  an  Ad  of  Providence  f 
 the  difcovery  of  Gods  Will-,  andfo  to  bring  the  pe 
 pie  under  an  Obligation  to  confent.  3.  And  wbi 
 they  are  fo  obliged  ,  the  bringing  of  their  hearts 
 confent  and  accept  bim,  is  another  A61  of  Providen 
 antecedent  to  his  Poffeffion,  and  ordinarily  to  fut 
 a  Title  as  will  juflifie  his  Governmenr. 
 
 So  (hat  the  peoples  Obligation  is  thus  inferred  ar 
 induced  by  God. 
 
 whomfoever  I  thus  and  thus  Qualify  ,  and  dec  la 
 to  be  the  fit  t  eft  perfon^  you /hall  confent  to. 
 
 Bat  this  man  (or  tbefe  men)  I  have  fo  qualified  at. 
 declared :  therefore  U  them  you  fbzll  confent. 
 
 The  y^/orisinGods  Law  (of Nature  and  Scr 
 pture,  moft  exprefs.J  The  Minor  is  the  voice  of  Pre 
 vidence  (  taking  the  word  for  Adual  dtfpofal 
 Events )  and  both  together  infer  the  conclufion ,  an 
 induce  the  Obligation,  but  with  the  difference  follow 
 
 Thef.  155.  Hence  it  is  plain  that  this  Bifpofal  t 
 *P  rovideuce,  is  not  in/lead  of  a  Law,  or  fyeaketh  not  d 
 debiro,  hat  dc  fado,  and  therefore  doth  net  it  felf  ej\ 
 fclentlj  oblige :  but  it  only  defigneth  the  perfon ,  and  no 
 
 tninaten 
 
Conveying  Caufes  of  Power.  1 6j 
 
 :v  mnateth  him,  to  whom  wefhallby  the  Law  be  obliged  to 
 - 1  confenu 
 
 i 
 
 *f  t  For  Providence  faith  but  £  This  is  the  qualified  per- 
 $/>*]  which  words bavenot  the  nature  ofaLaw,  nor 
 "ft  do  tbemfelves  oblige  •,  but  of  a  Nomination :  fo  that  it 
 QJ  is  the  uniterfal  Law  that  doth  oblige ,  though  not 
 
 !  without  the  Nomination  of  Providence. 
 Thcf.  156.  when  the  Nomination  is  referred  to  4 
 Jj  Zit>tbdt  Lot  determintth  but  in  this  way  of  Providence, 
 ■  nominating  theperfen^  leaving  the  Obligation  fii/tto  the 
 1  Law. 
 
 What  a  Lit  may  do,  another  Providence  may  do  -y 
 hut  the  lot  may  determine  of  the  perfons  :  therefore 
 i  fo  may  other  Providence.  God  hath  many  wayes  of 
 fignify ing  his  mind  to  us,  and  nominating  the  pcrfont t 
 and  hath  not  tyed  himfelf  to  any  one  -  nor  mull  we 
 limit  him. 
 
 Thcf.  157.  Where  Gob  dooh  not  notably  declare  any 
 ferfon  qualified  above  others,  nor  cneytyeoy  or  any  certain 
 Number  to  be  moft  fit  for  the  SwerAgnt)  of  that  peo- 
 ple, fo  that  the  cafe  it  not  Notorious  but  Controvcr- 
 i\b\t, there  the  people  mufl  judge  as  well  as  they  are  able, 
 wording  to  gods  General  Rules ,  or  elfe  refer  it  to  * 
 Lit. 
 
 This  is  counted  the  freeft  Cboyce,  when  people  are 
 cot  plainly  pre- obliged :  bui  indeed  there  is  no  more 
 dtfirabie freedom  ,  but  oft-times  left,  in  this  Cafe 
 then  the  o:her.    If  God  do  for  our  good  fo  plainly 
 
 1A  4  qualific 
 
1 68      of  the  Foundation  efficient  and 
 
 qu?  !ifie  and  declare  oar  Governours  at  to  leave  it  out 
 of  doubt  to  us,  and  fo  to  pre-oblige  \xsy  it  is  a  mere/,  j 
 and  not  a  depriving  us  of  any  defirable  liberty  :  And 
 if  there  be  none  of  fuch  Eminency ,  but  that  we  are 
 Jefc  roacboyceoutof  many  equal?,  ic  doth  but  make  ! 
 us  the  more  work. 
 
 Thef.  158.  A  free  people  fhould  have  a  free  Con- 
 ftnt^as  from  men  f  though  they  way  be  f re-obliged  to 
 ctnfixi  by  Cjod. 
 
 Cor  querours  or  men  of  ftrengtb  may  not  obtrude 
 rherafelves  on  a  free  people,  how  fit  foever  they  are , 
 but  muftjeave  them  as  free-men,  to  a  free  confenr. 
 
 TheC  159.  All  people  have  not  right  tofuch  free- 
 dom •  Sometime  whole  Nation^  bnt  commonly  a  part  of 
 ever y  Nation^  fljoaldfa  denied  the  liberty  of  choofing 
 their  Governonrs ,  and  be  compelled  to  confent  :  and  to 
 make  all  C  hoofers  is  injurious  and  dejiruftive  to  the' 
 Common  wealth. 
 
 The  firft  branch  (  which  denyeth  freedom  of 
 choice  to  fome  whole  Nation* )  is  all  that  is  lyable  to 
 contro verfie  ,  which  yet  is  fo  plain,  that  it  needs  not 
 many  words. 
 
 1.  Sometime*  divers  Nations  may  conftitutc  One 
 Common-wealth.  And  then  there  is  as  much  reafon 
 why  a  whole  Narton,  a?  a  mixed  part  s  fhould  be 
 thought  Capable  of  forfeiting  their  liberties. 
 
 2.  Sometimes  diners  Nations  may  be  under  the 
 fame  Princes  Government.  And  th^n  if  he  can  for- 
 ku  hi»  Crown  as  10  them  >  by  any  Ccvenanc-break- 
 
Conveying  Caufes  of  Power.         1 69 
 
 ng  on  his  part,  no  doubt:  but  part  of  them  may  for- 
 mic their  Liberty,  by  Trcafon  and  Covenant-break- 
 ng  on  theirs,  and  he  may  Rule  them  by  the  power  of 
 bis  other  Kingdoms ;  As  the  Romans  did  many  of 
 the  Nations  that  they  Conquered. 
 
 3 .  Sometime  the  Neighbourhood  of  on juft ,  im- 
 placable enemies,  is  not  to  be  tolerated,  without  the 
 mine  of  the  Righteous  Nations  round  about  them, 
 unlefs  they  be  kept  under  by  raeer  force  •,  and  (0  felf- 
 jrefervation  may  warrant  it.  Men  that  choofe  to 
 ive  as  enemies  in  war  with  us,  muft  be  ufed  upon  mi- 
 itary  terms.    Till  they  (tew  themfelves  worthy  of 
 
 Truft,  they  are  not  to  be  ufed  as  (ree  Sub  jedts. 
 
 4.  Sometimes  men  may  forfeit  their  Liberties  to 
 God  and  men  fo  notoriously  ,  that  the  Law  of  Na- 
 ture and  Nations  warranteth  Neighbour  Princes  to 
 fubduethera,  and  govern  them  by  force.  As  1.  In 
 Cafe  they  fhould  turn  Atheifts,  and  defie  the  univer- 
 fal  King,  and  feek  to  poyfon  the  Neighbour  Nations 
 with  this  Treafon  againft  God.  2.  In  Cafe  they  live 
 as  Caoibai*,  that  eat  mans  fle(h,and  are  as  wi!d  beafts, 
 that  hunt  tor  men  to  devour  them ,  whether  it  be 
 their  fellow-nacivc? ,  or  the  Neighbour  Nations.  3 .  In 
 Cafe  they  profeffecly  defign  the'Conqueft  of  all 
 others  about  them ,  and  will  live  upon  no  other 
 terms  in  peace ,  but  as  Conquerers  or  Tonqucred. 
 4.  Spec;  lly  in  Cafe  they  claim  aright  to  the  King- 
 doms about  them,  and  f  peciaiiy  a  Divine  Right ;  rhae 
 al  Princes  (hould  obey  them,  and  make  it  their  unal- 
 te  abl^  Religion,  as  the  Pope  doth.  He  that  t  us 
 cUimsa  Rght  to  difpofe  of  Crowns  andKingdc*  s, 
 though  bur  inordi»e  ad  Spirit  adiia,  proclaimed  war 
 Wiwh  ail  the  World  •,  and  warranteth  any  Prince  that 
 
 is 
 
1 70       Of  the  FenndrnQft)  Efficient  and 
 is  within  his  danger  to  make  war  againft  him. 
 
 5.  The  Law  of  Nature  may  bind  a  Chriftian  Na- 
 tion in  Chancy  to  Rule  fome  Nations  by  force.  If  a 
 poor  barbarous  Indian  Nuion ,  Ike  tbcCanibais, 
 would  not  confent  to  hear  the  Gofpel,  or  fuffer  Prea- 
 chers to  come  among  them  ,  and  fpeak  to  a  minor 
 pare  that  would  hear,  lam  fare  it  hath  an  apparent 
 tendency  to  their  falvation  to  mailer  them,  and  force 
 them  to  admit  the  Preachers ,  and  to  reftrain  them 
 from  murdering  the  Chrifttans  among  them  that  had 
 received  the  Gofpel  :  And  as  long  as  we  did  them 
 no  hurt,  but  govern  them,  and  did  not  deprive  them 
 of  their  PofTeffions,  I  know  not  what  fhould  ex 
 empc  us  from  the  Obligation  to  this  as  a  work  of 
 Charity.  Doubtlefs  a  roeer  Neighbour,  by  the  Law 
 of  Charity ,  is  bound  to  hold  a  mans  hands  that 
 would,  kill  hijnfelf,  or  pull  him  out  of  the  water  that 
 would  drown  bimfelf,  and  to  quench  bis  houfe 
 though  againft  his  will,  which  he  fees  on  fire ,  and  to 
 fave  bis  Children,  or  Neighbours  perfons  or  houre« 
 from  his  fury,  in  cafe  of  the  like  attempts :  And  why 
 then  a  work  of  ten  thoufand  times  greater  benefit, 
 (horrid  not  on  the  fame  grounds  be  done,  I  know  not* 
 If  the  Prince  and  major  part  of  the  people,  in  a  neigh- 
 bour petty  Common-wealth  would  put  to  death  the 
 minor  part,  becaufe  they  are  Chriftians,  and  a  Potent 
 neighbour  Prince  were  eafily  able  to  reftrain  them, 
 I  doubt  not  but  he  would  be  guilty  of  the  murder 
 and  extirpation  of  Chriftianity,ifbedonot:  And  if 
 be  cannot  continue  their  preservation ,  without  a 
 continued  reftraint,  or  fubsuing  the  malignant  par- 
 ty, the  Laws x>f  Neighbourhood,  and  Charity,  and 
 |bc  Common  good  of  mankind,  and  the  Ends  of  the 
 
 Univerfal 
 
Ccnvejing  Caufes  of  Tower.  171 
 
 Univerfal  Government  require  him  to  do  it. 
 
 If  any  fay  thai  upon  fuch  pretences  Atheifts  and 
 Heathens  that  are  the  ftronger  part ,  may  invade  a 
 weaker  Cbriftian  State  to  force  them  to  deny  God,  or 
 Chrift,or  acknowledge  Idols,  &c  I  anfwer,  1 .  Con- 
 found not  the  Jus  and  the  fattum  :  the  natural  and 
 the  legal  Power.  They  may  do  it  de  fa  fto  per  potentiate 
 Naturalem,wh\zh  is  nothing  to  the  ca(c,but  they  may 
 not  do  (ode  jure  per  potentiamLegalem,  becaufe  God 
 hath  given  tbem  no  fuch  Power. 
 
 Objcd.  But  jou  will  give  tbem  occafion  to  pretend 
 Authority  ^  and  if  thej  an  the  ftronger  p*rtj,  they  mil 
 be  the  fudges.  Anfv.  No  doty  can  be  done,  from 
 whence  the  wicked  cannot  fetch  pretences  for  their 
 fin.  If  a  righteous  Judge  (hall  hang  Murderers  or 
 Thieves,  he  is  not  therefore  to  be  blamed,  becaufe 
 an  unrighteous  Judge  may  take  occafion  by  it  to  hang 
 the  innocent  as  guilty  of  their  crimes.  If  our  Ar- 
 mies may  deftroy  the  plundering  Enemies,  and  refcue 
 theopprefledCountrey  men,  and  the  Enemies  Ar- 
 mies may  thence  fetch  a  pretence  to  deftroy  ours  as 
 guilty  of  that  crime ,  though  they  be  innocent ,  we 
 muft  not  therefore  ncg'ed  the  defence  of  the  op- 
 preffed.  Malignant  enemies  will  rot  be  reduced  to 
 reafon,  if  wefhouldfiegre&ourdutyforit;  but  the 
 wicked  will  do  wickedly  :  fome  inconveniences  will 
 ftili  attend  the  irr perfections  of  humane  Adminiftra- 
 tions.  But  the  final  Judgement  will  kt  all  (trait. 
 Let  us  do  our  Duty,  and  ftay  till  God  do  Juft ice  up- 
 on thofc  that  by  Power  are  out  of  the  reach  of  Juftice, 
 from  the  hand  of  nan. 
 
 But  that  which  near  tier  concemeth  us  (and  as  near 
 
 as  any  thing  in  our  frame  of  Government)  is  the 
 
 %  latter 
 
 / 
 
172     Of  the  ToundittMyEfficient  and 
 
 latter  part  of  theTftefi-  ;  that  all  the  people  in  the 
 fan.e  Common-wealth  (hould  not  have  the  freedom 
 of  choofing  Governours,  which  I  (hall  therefore 
 ©o:e  diian&iy  handle. 
 
 Thef.  160.  It  u  commonly  granted  that  nature  and 
 want  of  competent  wealth  may  deprive  the  mofi  innocent 
 ef  a  capacity  of  tht4  freedom,  Much  mere  will  a  mans 
 wilful  crimes  deprive  hirk  of  it, 
 
 I  grant  that  all  thefemay  be  Subje&s :  and  fur- 
 ther then  by  courf?  of  Jaftice  they  are  deprived  of 
 them,  let  them  enjoy  their  PcfTeffions  as  mcch  as 
 arv  other  SubjeSs ,  allowing  for  the  fecuring  of 
 them,  he  fame  Tributes  and  Taxes  as  all  others.  But 
 it  is  BuKgefblp}  <r  rreedom  of  (joverning^  or  choofing 
 any  Governours^  Parliament- men  >  ] ufiices ,  &c.  that 
 we  f peak  of. 
 
 Naru'ernaketh  Infants  and  Idectt  uncapable  :  and 
 women  chook  not  menibu   c  t  iJ<uliament. 
 
 Servants  are  commonly  judged  uncap^ble,  and  fo 
 are  the  poor  :  not  only  becaufe  they  have  not  thofc 
 faculties  recefftry  to  fupport  the  Government ,  but 
 principally  becaufe  neceffity  maker h  them  defendant 
 upon  others  -,  and  then  roreit  is  fuppofed  that  they 
 arenot  free  in  their  E;eclions.  How  far  the  reafon 
 reache  h  to  Tenants  ,  the  Law  givers,  though  they 
 are  Land -Lords,  feemnottobe  lnlenfible,  when  all 
 that  have  not  Lcafes  for  life  are  excluded  Itpm  the 
 number  of  free*  holders. 
 
 But  tnat  multitudes  of  wicked  criminous  perfoni, 
 how  richfoever,  fhouid  much  rather  be  excluded 
 then  honeft  beggars,  and  that  thit,  thi>^  thu,  is  the 
 great  point  that  the  welfare  of  moft  Common- 
 
 \  wtahhs 
 
Conveying  Caufes  of  Pmtr.         175 
 
 weahbs  doth  depend  oponj  (hall  now  make  manifeG-. 
 
 Argum.  1.  If  many  Vices  make  per font  lefs  fit  to  go- 
 vernor choofe  Gnvernonrs%  then  poverty  doth,  conjoyned 
 Tvithkoneftj,  then  fhiuld  fuch  vicious  per fons ,  rather  be 
 excluded  from  both  :  But  the  Antecedent  is  moji  cer~ 
 tain:  Ergo. 
 
 Argum .  2.  If  men  fboulb  lofe  their  lives  or  eftate*  by 
 way  of  Punifhment  for  fome  crime,  then /bo  Id  thty 
 lofe  their  liberty  of  Governing  and  choffing  Gov  rnours 
 by  -way  of  purifhment  for  thofe  *r  of  her  crimes  to  which 
 fuch  punifhment  is  proportionable  (tor  there  is  a  parity 
 of  Reafon.)  Bat  the  Antecedent  is  prattically  confeft  • 
 Ergo,  &c. 
 
 Argum.  3 .  //  confeffedly  crimes  fhould  deprive  men 
 of  a  capacity  to  (govern,  fo  alfo  they  mufi  do  of  a  capaci- 
 ty of  c hoofing Governours :  (for  there  is  a  pantv  of 
 Reafon  inordinary  cares,  though  not  in  all)  But  the 
 Antecedent  is  granted  by  our  Parliament  sjn\\o  fenrencc 
 fome  as  difabled  to  be  members  any  more :  £rgoKScc. 
 
 Argum.  4.  That  courfe  which  equaSeth  the  wcrft 
 with  the  be  ft  in  the  Triviledges  of  freemen  ,  is  notjuft  i 
 Butfo  doth  the  equal  admitting  the  innocent  and  the  cri- 
 minous togoveru  and  choofe  Governors :1z  gc  Sa.  Ver- 
 tae  is  better  then  wealth  &  Vice  worfe  then  Poverty. 
 
 Argum.  5.  That  courfe  that  tendeth  to  t^e  di /honour 
 of  Princes,  Parliaments  yor  oth?r  Magi  fir  ate  s  under  them 
 that  are  Elettive,  &  not  to  bt  maintained.  But  fuch  is 
 the  liberty  of  the  criminous  to  EleEb  them  :  Fpr  nothing 
 more  natural  tbcu  for  rreemen  to  choofe  fuch  as  are 
 agreeable  to  their  wills  and  wayes  :  and  if  they  be 
 not  free,  they  fhould  not  choofe.  It  will  therefore 
 raifc  /ufpitions  on  our  Parliaments  and  Magiftrates, 
 that  they  are  friends  at  lead  to  wicked  men  and 
 
 wayei, 
 
1 74      Of  the  FdundattM,  Efficient  and 
 
 wayes,  when  they  arc  ordinarily  and  freely  choferi 
 by  fiich  men:  efpecially  if  it  be  by  their  own  Laws 
 and  defires,  that  fuch  (hall  be  the  Choofcn. 
 
 Argura.  6.  Thofc  that  are  kpown  enemies  to  the  com- 
 mon good  in  the  cheift ft  parts  of  it,  are  unmeet  to  Go- 
 vernor choofe  G  over  mars  :  (  elfe  give  us  up  to  our 
 enemies,  or  to  Satan:)  But  fuch  are  multitudes  of 
 ungodly  vicious  men*  Ergo, 
 
 He  that  thinketh  that  wealth  is  the  only  common 
 good,  or  a  greater  part  of  it  then  Vertue,  Piety,  and 
 raensfalvation-  and  that  Rulers  have  nothing  to  do 
 with  the  latter,  but  with  mens  Bodily  profperity  on- 
 ly, is  fitter  to  be  a  member  of  a  Herd  then  a  Repub- 
 Hke,  and  to  be  dimitted  with  Nebuchadnezzar  into  a 
 company  fnitable  to  his  judgement :  yea  and  to  be 
 ufed  as  a  Traytor  of  the  higheft  and  moft  odious 
 ftrain,  that  deftroycth  and  brutifieth  the  very  office 
 of  every  Prince  and  Magiftrate,  and  caltcth  the© 
 into  the  dirt. 
 
 And  that  ungodly  vicious  men^re  Enemies  to  the 
 greateft  pirtof  the  common  good  dire&ly  ,  and  to 
 the  reft  indire&ly,  is  known  to  every  wife  andfober 
 honeft  man.  i.  They  hace  Godlinefs,  which  is  the 
 trueft  Honeft j ^and  Holinefs,without  which  none  (hill 
 fee  God ;  and  therefore  if  they  can,  will  choofe  fuch 
 as  bate  it.  2.  They  hue  good  Lam,  which  would 
 encourage  the  Piety  and  Vercue  which  they  hate, 
 and  punifh  the  Vices  Which  they  love.  3 .  They  hate 
 good  Magiftrates,  and  therefore  are  unlike,  if  they 
 be  free,  to  choofe  them.  4.  And  they  are  all  men  of 
 Private  (pirits ,  and  value  their  private  Interefts  be- 
 fore the  Publike  Good,  and  would  fell  the  chief  feli- 
 city of  the  Comraon-weakh  for  a  little  money ,  if 
 
 they 
 
Convtjing  Csnftt  pf  Imtr.  1 75 
 
 I  hey  ctn  fcape  tbemfclves.  5.  They  arc  ready  to 
 >eiray  the  Common-  wealth  to  a  forraign  enemy,  in 
 jneer  malignity  ,  to  have  their  wills :  As  the  Tapifts 
 :hat  Joyned  with  Stanley  in  88 .  and  the  PewAer-pht- 
 \ers  *fter ,  and  fo  in  many  Countries  elfe.  Are  the 
 [ri(h  fit  to  govern  or  chodfe  Governours  ?  If  not ; 
 ind  if  experience  forceth  us  to  exclude  the  main 
 body  of  the  Natives  there,  we  have  reafon  to  exclude 
 fuch  here  as  forfeit  their  Liberties.  We  do  them  nei- 
 ther wrong  nor  hurt ,  but  preferve  our  (elves  ftiom 
 mine,  and  them  from  greater  guilt.  To  govern  us, 
 docs  them  no  good. 
 
 Arg.  7.  Suchai  God  commanded  to  he  put  to  death, 
 •r  cut  off  from  the  C^nfmon-wealth  of  Ifraeljjbouldmt 
 he  Governours  or  Choofers  of  f*ch^  in  any  Cimftiun 
 Common-wealth  ((uppofing  an  equality  in  guilt.)  But 
 fuch  are  many  vicious  ungodly  per  fens  among  us.  There* 
 fere 
 
 I  fpeak  not  of  them  that  broke  fome  ceremonial 
 abrogated  Law,  further  then  the  Reafon  of  the  Law 
 remaining  may  direft  us  to  judge  of  crimes  among 
 our  felves.  But  I  fpeak  of  fuch  as  for  the  like  fads  arc 
 now  as  culpable  as  they.  And  in  general  I  may  lay  ibis 
 ground,  that  the  more  abundant  light  of  the  Gofpcl, 
 and^be  greater  helps  and  grace,  and  the  greater  Ho- 
 lincfs  now  required ,  do  all  (hew  that  the  fame  fins 
 (cater U  paribus)  are  much  more  hay  nous  now  then 
 they  were  then.  But  becaufe  the  point  is  fundamen- 
 tal, and  all  our  peace  lyech  mup  h  upon,I  (ha  il  proceed 
 to  Inftanccs. 
 
 Thef.  161 .  A  Bla/phemerwai  to  be  put  U  death  by 
 the  Law  of  God ,  and  thtn fore  fiould not  govern,  cr 
 
 ft 
 
1 7  6      Of  the  Found  Miw^Efficient  and 
 choofe  any  Parliament  men  or  Governours  with  tit. 
 
 Lcvir.  24. 1 1 ,  1 5 ,  1 6,  2  3 .  The  fon  of  an  lfraeliiiji 
 7»&mananda  man  of  lfrael  ftriv?  together  in  the  camp 
 and  the  Ifraelitijh  womans  Son  Blafphemed  the  Name  0 
 the  Lord  and  cur  fed  —  And  the  L$rd  [pake  unto  Mofc 
 faying,  Bring  forth  him  that  hath  cuffed  without  tk 
 camp,  and  let  all  that  heard  him  lay  their  hands  on  hi 
 head^  and  let  all  the  Congregation  ft  one  him.  And  thn 
 /halt  fpeak^  unto  the  Children  of  I frael,  faying^  vohofo- 
 ez\  /  t  urfeth  hii  God,  Jhall  bear  his  fin  :  and  he  th*\ 
 BUjphemeth  the  Name  of  the  Lord,he  (hallftirelj  bepm 
 to  death  and  11  the  Congregation  jhall  certainly  fiom 
 him  ;  as  &ell  the  fir  anger,  as  he  that  is  horn  in  the  Land, 
 when  he  hlaffhemeth  the  Name  of  the  Lord,  fb*ll  he  pm 
 to  death. 
 
 Thef.  162.  If  any  one,  though  a  Prophet,  or  a  Bro- 
 ther ,  or  Son,  or  'Daughter,  ortVife,  or  de&reft  friend  en* 
 tifed  them  to  go  after  other  Gods,  andferve  them  ,  the) 
 were  to  be,put  to  d^th,  yea  and  a  whole  City  ,  if  the) 
 y  elided  to  fuch  feducers  :  Therefore  fuch  jhould  not  G$\ 
 vern  or  choofe  Govtrmurs  with  us. 
 
 Deut  .13.  Wholly  proves  the  poin  t  cxprefly. 
 
 Tbef.  163.  He  that  facrificed  unto  any  God  bmthe 
 Lord  only^was  utterly  to  he  deftroyed,as  is  expreft,Exod. 
 22.  20.  Therefore  fuch  fhonld  be  no  free  men  among 
 Ckrtjhans. 
 
 Thef.  1 64.  The  worfhippers  of  fuch  Imager,  as  thc\ 
 molten  (falf ,  Baal ,  &c.    were  to  be  put  to  death  A 
 
 Exod. 
 
Conveying  Caufes  of  Power.  lyj 
 
 Exol  32.  26,27,28.    iKing.  18.40.  2King.  10. 
 21,  22.  to 29.  and  23.15.  19,20. 
 
 Thef.  165.  The) that rwotldmt  feel^the LwdQod 
 of  Ifrael,  were  put  to  death,  whether  gnat  or  fmdljnan 
 or  wwan. 
 
 So  that  Godlinefs  it  felf  in  Piofcffion  was  here  ex- 
 a&ed  of  ail,  by  a  folemn  oath  and  covenant,  between 
 the  Lord,  the  King  and  the  people,  as  you  may  read  at 
 large.  2  Chron.  15. 11 ,  12. 1 3, 14,  15.  Therefore 
 thofe  that  will  not  feek  the  Lord,  fhould  not  be  free 
 men  in  a  ChritHan  ftate :  which  Law  muft  be  execu- 
 ted, before  we  fhall  be  well. 
 
 Thef.  166.  He  that  fmote  or  curfed  his  Father  or 
 Mother ,  jhotild  be  put  to  death,  Exod  21.  15. 
 
 Thef.  167.  He  thatforfaketh  Ged,  health  his  Co- 
 venant ,  andworjhippeth  Sun}or  Ado$n,  or  any  of  the  hoji 
 of  Heaven  which  (jod  hath  not  commanded,  was  to  be 
 ftoned  to  death ,Dtnt.i7.  2,3,  &c. 
 
 Thef.  168.  Murderers^  Manftealers ,  Incejiuous 
 ferfons,  Sodomites,  Adulterers,  and  infome  cafes  Form- 
 catours,  Wiz,z*rdr,  falfe  Prophets,  &c.  were  to  be  put 
 to  death,  fc&od.  2i.Levit.  20.  Dear.  13.20.  Tea  and 
 thofe  that  turn  after  jyi  wards,  Lev.  206.  N^nefsicH 
 therefore  fiotild  be  freemen- Jxre. 
 
 Thef.  169.  Jfamanhadafttdbcrto  and  rebellions 
 Son,  that  was  a  Glutton,  Drunkard,  or  the  like  ,  and 
 wdhld  not  obey  the  voyce  of  his  Father  i  ar  of  his  Mother  A 
 
1 78       Of  the  Foundation^  Efficient  and 
 
 and  that  when  they  have  chaflenei  him^would  not  bearing 
 en  to  them,  he  was  tobeput  to  death.  ReadDeui.21.  j8 
 19  20,21.  Therefore  ftich  fould  not  choofe  Parlia 
 mint  men,  nor  be  Burgejfes  with  us. 
 
 Thef.  170.  The  man  that  would  ioprefumptmufiy\ 
 And  would  not  hearten  to  the  Priefl,  that  flanieih  t\ 
 JMinifltr  there  before  the  Lord,  or  to  the  Judge^was  U  b\ 
 put  to  death  ,  Deut.  17.  12.  Therefore  prefnmptuou* 
 tranfgre ffours  againfl  the  publike  warning  of  Magi' 
 ftrates  and  Paftvurs  fvould  not  be  freemen  of  our  Com\ 
 wm-wealths.  SeealfoDzuz. 29. 19,20. 
 
 Thef,  171.  Every  one  that  defiled \the  Sabbath ,  ant 
 doth  einj  workj hereon,  was  to  be  put  to  death,  and  cut  oft 
 from  among  ft  hi*  people,  Exod.  31.  14,  15.  Therefon 
 though  the  Sabbath  at  fewifb  be  taken  down  ;  yet  bj  pa- 
 rity of  Reafen  y  he  that  de(pifeth  the  publicly  worfhip  oj\ 
 theGefpelyandthe  Lords  Day,  fhould  be  m  Choofer  oft 
 Rulers  for  the  Common-wealth. 
 
 Thef.    172,    whether  the  utter  cutting  off  thefeuA 
 that  did  ought  pre[umptumftj,  as  a  reproacher  of  th$\ 
 Lord,andaAe(pifercfhisword,  (Numb.  15.  30,31.) 
 do  not  import  thatprefnmptuousreproachers  of  the  L§rdt\ 
 and  defpifers  of  his  Word,  fhould  be  no  Burgfffes  with  us  ; 
 and  whether  the  cutting  off  then  threatned  for  Ceremo-\ 
 nial undeannrjfes  (asEzod.  12.  15,19-  and  3IX4* 
 and  30.  33,  38.  Lev.  7.20,21,  25, 27. and  17.4  9. 
 and  19  13.  Num.  9. 13.  and  19.  20.  )    import  not  A 
 that  notorious  ungodly  perfons  flyiuld  mt  be  freemen^ 
 where  it  can  be  avoided \  I  leave  to  prudent  confidsra- 
 tion. 
 
 In 
 
Cenvtjivg  Canf<s  of  fawtr.  1 79 
 
 In  all  thefe  Colle&ions  I  mention  10  great  an  in- 
 
 equality  of  punifhroent,  that  no  adverfary  can  mo- 
 
 deftly  quarrel  with  my  confcq  jence.     Cutting  off, 
 
 jaod  putting  to  death  is  another  kind  of  punifhraent 
 
 hen  depriving  men  of  the  liberty  of  governing  or 
 
 hoofing  Governoors,  which  addeth  to  their  cafe, 
 
 nd  diniinifbeth  not  their  wealth,    but  is  a  neceffary 
 
 neans  to  the  common  peace  and  welfare.    Thofe  that 
 
 jGods  Law  put  to  death  ,  fhouid  be  no  Cboofcrs  of 
 
 MUiors.BayliffsjParliaTienr&c.  with  ui,  efpecially 
 
 when  the  (in  is  greater  now.  Thofe  that  would  fetch 
 
 the  form  of  Government  from  tbelfraelites  ,  above 
 
 ill  men,  can  have  no  reafon  to  contradict  any  of 
 
 this. 
 
 I  conclude  therefore,  that  all  that  are  fit  to  be  fub- 
 je&s,  are  not  fit  tobe  BurgefTe*,  and  to  govern  or 
 cboofe  Govcrnours,  though  they  may  keep  their 
 jofleffions,  and  be  fecured  in  them. 
 
 Thtf.  173.  If  a  people  confent  to  hit  Government 
 that  procured  hi*  capacity  jn  point  of ftrmgtkjj  wicked 
 means,  itfo/loweth  not  that  thej  confent  to  thofe  meant  $ 
 ir  are  guilt j  of  his  fin . 
 
 If  Phocas  e.g.  kill  his  Soveraign,  and  become  Em* 
 pcrour,  it  followeth  not  that  its  a  fin  in  all  the  people 
 that  afterward  confent  ^  nor  in  Gregory  Mag.  that 
 Ipeaketh  fo  refpe&fully  to  him.  A  people  that  dcuft 
 and  are  innocent  of  the  Treafon,  pcrfidioufnefc,  hy- 
 pocrifie,  &c.  of  an  ufurper,  may  after  become  obliged 
 to  obey  hira,  and  take  him  for  the  Governoor  whom 
 :he  people  of  the  Common  wealth  are  bound  co 
 
 N  1  Thcf, 
 
i  So       Of  t  be  Foundation y  Efficient  and 
 
 i 
 
 Thef.  1 74.1fthe  Progenitors  Confent  to  an  eft*blif%t\ 
 form  of  Government ;  and  the  way  of  fucceffion^whethh 
 Hereditary  jr  by  Elections  of  each  Governourjheir  Co; 
 fent  etligeth  their  ?t  ogeny^  fo  longy  till  either  a  mutu\ 
 Confent  of  Cover* ours  and  people  again  difcblige  theni 
 or  the  Rulers  difoblige  them  by  defirojing  the  Form  \ 
 End  of  the  Government ,  or  God  by  providence  di\ 
 oblige  them. 
 
 -.    If  Pofterity  were  not  obliged  by  thcirProgenito  j 
 Acts,aII  Common-wealths  would  be  (horc-Iived.  AnJ 
 frequent  mutations  would  keep  up  continual  diftn 
 dions  and  confufions.   And  though  the  Maxime  (I 
 fome  is,  that  Parents  can  oblige  their  Poftcrity,  wb<] 
 the  Covenant  is  for  their  good  only,  and  not  to  the 
 lofs  and  hurt  ^  yecthefe  confutations  muft  be  bei] 
 admitted  for  the  due  application  of  ir.    i .  In  a  mutuj 
 Covenant  or  Contrad,  it  is  fuppofed  that  the  wej 
 fare  of  both  Parties  h  taken  in.   And  as  the  peop 
 receive  marc  from  the  Soveraign  then  he  from  then! 
 and  therefore  are  more  beholden  to  him  •  fo  his  Corf 
 trad  fuppofeth   fometfaing  on  his  own  fide  to  l\ 
 thereby  fecured,  as  well  as  on  theirs.  2.Anditisn<| 
 every  tolerable  incommodity  that  difobligeth  Poft* 
 rity  from  the  Covenants  of  their  Anceftors  -,    bi 
 fucb  as  makes  them  worfe  then  to  be  without  the  G<1 
 vernour,and  that  over  wcigheth  the  Benefits  that  bl 
 his  Government  they  receive.  No  wife  man  would  I 
 the  Ruler  offuch  a  people  that  are  able  and  willin 
 tocaii  him  off,  whenever  they  conceive  they  incui 
 any  incommodity  by  his  Government. 
 
 The, 
 
'he  great  fin  of  kim  that  forceth  it  (jet  not  alwaies)  it 
 lcverthelefs  oblige 
 
 Conveying  Caufes  of  P  ewer.  1 8 1 
 
 Thef.  175.  Though  a  forced  C 'en ft nt  be  ufxa/Iy  from 
 t  fin  of  kim  that  forceth  it  (j 
 iefs  obligeth  the  Confenters. 
 
 Deny  this,  and  yon  overthrow  a!l  humane  con- 
 terfe.     for  if  men  may  go  from  their  Covenants  on 
 •his  pretence  ,  then  on  many  the  like,  and  the  pre- 
 sence will  be  common.  -Man  is  a  free  Agent ,  and  his 
 iVill  cannot  properly  be  compelled  ;  If  you  threaten 
 Jim  with  death,  he  may  AifiFcr  it:  It  is  fuppofed 
 hereforc  that  whoever  he  promifeth  \  he  freely  pro- 
 riifech.     We  ufe  to  fay  ,  a  man  is  forced,  when  fear 
 noveth  him  to  confenr  ;  But  this  is  not  a  proper 
 rorce  :   It  taketh  no:  awav  theLberty  of  the  Will. 
 rle  that  confenteth ,  dcth  it  to  avoid  fome  greater 
 ivil,  which  he  thinks  would  elfe  have  befaln  him  ; 
 ind  it  is  his  own  Good  that  moveth  him  to  it ;   [He 
 "hat  fweareth  to  his  own  hurt,  and  changeth  nof]  is  the 
 xrfon  that  is  ^cepted  of  God,  Pfalm.  1 5.4.  ir  every 
 ncommodicy  would  warrant  men  to  break   Cove- 
 lanes  ,  ro  man  would  truft  each  o:her ,  and  Cove- 
 nants would  fefe  their  force. 
 
 Objeft.  But  Divines  determine  //,  that  if  a  Thief 
 'ompel  me  to  conceal  him^  I  am  not  therefore  to  conceal 
 Vm^  therefore  thej  thinl^a  forced  Oath  iindeth  not.  i 
 Anfro.  1.  They  truly  judge  that  if  you  proraife 
 1  Thief  to  bring  him  fo  much  money  fuch  a  day  ,  to 
 ave  your  Iife,you  are  bound  to  perform  it.  1  add,un- 
 efsthecafebefuch  (which  is  poffiblej  that  to  pub- 
 ick  ufe  the  money  is  of  more  worth  then  my  life* 
 ind  then  as  it  was  unlawful  to  promife,  fo  is  it  to  per- 
 orm  :  Buc  a  hi:  you  may  lawfnily  promif  ,  you  auy 
 
 N  3  2nd 
 
\ %  %  of  the  Fwvdttiofl)  Efficient  and 
 and  mutt  perform.  2  If  the  concealing  of  che  Thie 
 will  do  more  hurt  co  the  Common  wealth,  and 
 wrong  co  God,  then  the  yeilding  up  of  my  life,  I  may 
 not  promifeic :  and  if  Ipromifeir,  I  may  not  per 
 form  ic,becaufeitiscvil,  and  not  in  my  power  ^  But 
 if  it  bcotherwifej  may  promifeor  perform  it.  So  that 
 it  is  not  force  that  difobhgech  a  man  from  his  Cove 
 met*. 
 
 Thef.  1 76.  The  commontft  waj  of  Con(l  tinting  forms 
 of  Government  is  by  aj creed  confent,  {as  it  is  common 
 I)  called)  •,  when  a  Conquerottr^  or  a  perfon  of  grew  eft 
 firength  doth  conflrain  the  weaker  to  confent3  to  efcape  a 
 greater  mi/chief. 
 
 Thus  war  ufe  h  to  prepare  for  change  of  Govern- 
 ments. And  if  allfuch  contra&sfhouldbenull,  moft 
 Common- wealths  on  earth  were  null,  and  the  fub- 
 je&s  difobiiged,  and  warranted  to  rebel. 
 
 tTLA 
 
 Thef.  177.  The  trut  Fundamental  Laws  of  every 
 Common-Wealth  ,  areihe  Laws  of  God  the  Vniverful 
 King. 
 
 For,  1 .  Thefe  are  they  that  lay  the  foundation  of 
 Governments  is  before  more  folly  opened.  2.Thefc 
 are  they  that  Princes  are  bound  by  ,  and  none  can 
 change.  3  •  Thefe  are  chey  that  limit  all  the  Laws  of 
 men,  and  nuHiHe  fach  as  contraditf  them.  Properly 
 therefore  thefe  are  the  true  (if  not  only)  Fundamen- 
 tal laws  of  Common- wealths, 
 
 V 
 
 Thef,  178.  The  ConJikutionofCcmmon[wealths  by 
 
Conveying  Canfes  of  Power .  1 8  J 
 
 man,  as  to  that  modal  difference  of  Governments ,  -which 
 is  in  their  Tower ,  is  the  tffttl  of  Contract,  Explicit e  or 
 Implicite,  and  not  of  Law.  So  that  there  are  no  Humane 
 Cenftitutivey  Fundamental  LxVes. 
 
 Proved,  i .  Ali  Laws  properly  fo  ca!!cd,arc  the  ads 
 of  fach  a*  have  Governing  power,  obliging  the  fab- 
 jefts:  Bat  no  fuchA&scio  conftitute  a  Common- 
 wealth (  befides  Gods  Laws :  )  therefore  no  Laws 
 conftitute  a  Common- wealth  (but  GodsLawsJ 
 
 The  Msjor  Propoficion  is  pafl  doubt.  Ljcurgus  or 
 any  that  are  commonly  caled  Legifittors  ,  may  call 
 their  Models  and  Pre  pofals  by  che  name  of  Laws,  be- 
 fore they  are enaSed:  But  they  are  indeed  no  more 
 fo,  then  ray  words  arc  Laws,  till  they  (hall  become 
 the  afts  of  Authority.  Thofe  Models  commonly  hive 
 two  parts  ^  the  firft  for  confirming  the  Soveraigntj  • 
 and  the  fecond  fixing  form  immutable  determinations 
 for  regulating  his  Government, which  he  may  not  change  ■ 
 But  full,  the  conftitutingot  the  Soveraign  is  an  ad: 
 ofContraft,  and  not  of  Law:  And  fecondiy  fo  are 
 the  limitations  of  hi*  Power  and  Rule,  which  are  part 
 oftbeConftku;ion,  and  the  terms  on  which  he  doth 
 receive  it.  It  is  no  Law,  til!  ic  become  the  Rulers  a#, 
 as  fuch. 
 
 The  Minor  is  plain.  For  before  the  Soveraignty  is 
 conftitutedj  there  is  no  Soveraign:  For  what  need 
 wc  make  that  which  is  already  made  ?  And  where 
 there  is  no  Soveraign  ,  there  is  no  Ads  of  Sove- 
 raignty :  that  is, no  Law*. 
 
 drgu.  2.  Leg  flation  isa  proper  part  of  Govern- 
 ment :  therefore  it  fuppofeth  the  Governour  coniL- 
 tuced* 
 
 N  4  No:cf 
 
i  £4      of  the  Foundation  JZffcient  and 
 
 Not,  1.  That  we  take  Laws  here  in  the  ftri&anc 
 proper  fenfe,asdiitin&  from  Covenants  :  For  impro 
 perly,  as  a  mans  Covenants  oblige  hirufelf,  hemaybt 
 f»id  toimpofeaLaw  upon  himfelf. 
 
 2  That  weitiilhere  feparate  the  Divine  Govern 
 merit  from  mans.  Gods  Authority  is  before  anc 
 without  mans  confent;  and  be  maketh  by  bis  Laws 
 fubordmate  Governours  over  men  when  he  pleafes. 
 obliging  'hem  to  confent  beforehand ,  bein£  hmfeti 
 the  UniverfaiSoveraign,  neither  by  Law  nor  Con- 
 tract. But  it  i«  only  fomuchof  the  Cenftitution  as 
 is  ieft  to  man,  that  I  fpeak  of. 
 
 Thef.  1 79.  An  Implicit  C  nrc*t  of  the  people  may  be\ 
 obligatory  ^and  prove  tbspmcr  ts  be  fnch  a*  is  to  be  gwhA 
 td  a>id  obeyed.  j 
 
 If  they  that  have  iheftrtntth,  do  not  rcfift  and  c&& 
 off  their  pretender,-  it  is  to  be  fuppofed  to  be  becaufe 
 they  do  confent :  For  be;ng  not  from  dif%bilitj  to  re- 
 j  ft  him,  it  is  to  be  judged  to  be  from  unwillingn<fs. 
 A*;d  if  there  were  fome  baza  d  of  a  battle  in  the 
 way,  yet  they  that  confent  to  lope  a  danger,  do  yet 
 Content:  But  itis  not  ail  filenceand  non- re  finance 
 tha:  may  be  called  £an  implicit  content.]  A  non- 
 refidance  forced  by  a  Colenie  or  forreign  Power,  is  no 
 figmfication  of  confent.  A  non-refiftancc  forced  by 
 Mtrctwj  Natives  that  are  fouldiers,  is  no  fignifica- 
 tion  of  confent.  A  non- refill?  nee  forced  by  Servtnts 
 pr  others  rhat  are  not  Borgefles  or  Civet  in  the  Com- 
 mon-weal h,  is  no  figuration  of  confent.  A  non- 
 refrtance  forced  by  a  Kindred  tr  Faflion  ,  ir  confider- 
 abU  com  pa  1  anvc;y  for  in  ereil:  or  number,  but  that's 
 
 flrong 
 
Conveying  Caufes  of  Power.         185 
 
 rengby  an  accidental  advantage,  is  no  fignification 
 >f  confent.  But  yet  it  is  not  the  confent  of  the 
 xholt  people  that  is  nccefTary  ;  nor  alwaies  cf  a  m*jor 
 >jtrt :  Common  wealths  are  not  alwaies  tofollowa 
 Via  jor  Popular  Vote.  Otherwifeinmoft  cafes  there 
 *ou!d  be  much  uncertainty  ,  which  way  the  Major 
 Vote  inclineth.  And  when  moft  are  worft  ,and  of  the 
 weaker  fort,  the  wifer  and  the  better  will  think  there 
 is  no  Law  that  fub.je&eth  tbtm  to  a  Vote  that's  car- 
 ried by  an  inconfiderab!e  parr.  If  a  people  were  with- 
 out a  Prince, and  a  Major  Vote  cboofe  a  perfon  to- 
 lerable, but  yet  fo  weak  and  bad  as  might  much  laz- 
 zardtbe  Common-wealth ;  andrhewifer,  ftronger, 
 ba  Minor  part,  do  cboofe  a  wifer,  better  man,  there 
 apresreth  no  reafen  why  the  choice  of  the  firlt  only 
 (h  ^uid  be  valid.  (  We  are  fpeaking  all  this  while  of  the 
 Confiitutisn  of  a  Common-  wealth ,  where  the  waj  of 
 Eltclion  is  not  yet  Conflicted  by  Agredrcnt.) 
 1.  The  fmaller  number  are  oft  of  greaer  Intereil 
 and  Poffeffion.  An  hundred  Lords  may  have  more  to 
 fave  oriole  then  a  thoufand  Peafant?.  2.  Nature, 
 faith  the  Philosopher  ,  m  \dc  the  wife  ro  Govern  the 
 uowife  •  that  is,  They  are  moft  apt :  But  the  fmaller 
 number  are  oft  the  wifcr.  3 .  And  the  fmaller  num- 
 ber is  oft  the  better  ,  and  true  to  the  common  good. 
 4.  And  alfo  they  aie  oft  the  ftrongcr.  Tenthoufand 
 prudent  valiant  men,  efpecially  that  are  animated  by 
 the  greateft  intereft,  are  ufually  too  hard  for  twenty 
 thoufand  fiily  Pcafants.  And  I  fee  no  Reafon  but  the 
 Part  that  is  both  Wifeft,  Beft,  and  Strongeft ,  (hould 
 be  accounted  the  People  of  that  Nation.  Nature  va- 
 lucth  not  parrs  by  bulk  or  number,but  by  Worth  and 
 life  :  One  Heart,  one  Storaake,  one  Liver,  is 
 •  rnor* 
 
1 86       Of  the  Foundation,  Efficient  and 
 
 '";n 
 
 more  to  be  regarded  then  ten  toes  or  fingers.  I 
 Objeft.  But  whdjball  be  Judge  which  pur*  v$  Beft  ( 
 €  nee  you  forfakjt  a  Major  Vote  >    when  every  p#rt  thi 
 themfelvcs  the  beft? 
 
 tsinfw.  The  Qf  eft  on  is  either  of  the  Jus  or  F 
 Uum :  Who  Onght  to  Judge,or  who  will  Judge  ?  In 
 company  that  hwth  no  Legal  Judged  wife  ft  ,thou| 
 ihe  Weukeft t  ought  to  Judge  :  For  Natural  Aptitude 
 there  initead  or  office ,  and  the  ignorant  are  oblige 
 by  God  to  regard  his  gifts  in  others ,  and  to  hearke 
 totbzmfe:  And  if  thepe3p!er;/*/f ,  thatprovet 
 not  that  they  juftly  do  rcfufe.  But  theftrongeft  afuall 
 will  Judge,  though  tbe  wifeft  fbould  Judge  ^  an 
 
 therefore  Voting  oft  determmeth  it,  becaufe  the  moil . ' 
 areiuppofedtobeftrongeft,  and  to  have  moft  wil 
 
 and  Intereft  among  them:  But  when  it  is  not  (o9  (  a 
 eft  it  is  not  )  the  Reafon  of  the  Voting  Prevalcnq 
 ceafe^(  except  in  fucb  cafes  where  it  is  mecrly  fo 
 UnUy  and  Concord  )  and  no  fuchftrefsis  laid  upor 
 the  Vote,  but  that  the  wife  for  Peace  may  fafely  yield 
 to  the  unwife.  When  the  Beft  by  Prudence  and  ad 
 vantage  have  the  greareft  ftrengtb  ,  and  by  Valour 
 over- top  a  greater  number  of  the  bad  and  foolilh  >  ( 
 inownot  why  they  (hould  give  op  their  welfare  to 
 their  Ek  ft  ions.  In  a  Ship  full  of  Mariners  and  Paf- 
 fengers  that  have  loft  their  pilot  and  Commanders  , 
 tbe  valiant  and  skilful  will  be  loth  to  commit  their 
 lives  to  the  major  vote  of  ignorant  and  cowardly 
 men,  tha?  would  deliver  the  V^Hel  to  the  enemy,  or 
 the  Rocks,  or  Sands. 
 
 If  in  facb  a  cafe  (when  there  is  no  preobligation 
 by  Law  or  Coniraft)  a  Prince  be  chofen  by  the  Minor 
 Better  part,  (  not  Mercenary  Souldiers,  notaFafti- 
 
 *  on 
 
 k 
 
)  Conveying  Canfes  of  Power.  1 87 
 
 jd  animated  by  a  private  Imereft ,  nor  as  before  ex- 
 eptcd)  ard  that  Parr  be  ftrong  enough  by  the  advan- 
 age  of  their  nobler  Education,  Prudence  and  Valour 
 o  enable  him  to  Defend  the  Nation,  arid  execute  his 
 .aws,  sgainft  any  oppofition  that  the  Rabble  or  rude 
 Majority  can  make,  I  know  not ,  (  c&ttrU  faribtt*  ) 
 wtthat  he  hath  a  better  Call ,  then  if  he  had  bsen 
 :alled  by  the  reft  thai  were  more  in  number. 
 
 When  we  fpeak  of  an  Implicit  Confent,  complying 
 withcuftom,  we  ufe  an  improper  phrafe,  it  being  a 
 f  tfs~exprefs  Confent  that  is  meant  by  it :  For  if  it  be 
 n  no  degree  exprtfled,  it  falls  not  under  humane  cog- 
 nizance. 
 
 As  we  confiantly  determine  againft  tbc  ?eparMti(t<x 
 that  fuck  an  Implicit  Confent  of  the  people,  as  is  fig- 
 nifiedonly byadualfubmijfion  to  Mnifterial  Offi- 
 ces, is  all  that  is  necefTiry  (  herein)  to  prove  the 
 Being  of  a  Church:  So  the  Reafon  will  do  as  much 
 and  more  as  to  the  Common-wealth  -,  the  peoples 
 Confent  being  more  neceflary  in  Church  matters, 
 then  in  the  other,  becaufe  Church-  Government  is 
 exercifed  only  on  Conftntcru  And  *she  may  be  a  Pa- 
 ftorthac  hath  but  fuch  an  Implicit  Confent -5  fo  n^ay 
 be  be  a  Prince  that  hath  no  more.  When  the  Body  of 
 the  people  fubraii  to  the  Government  in  its  exercire, 
 feeking  for  Juftice  to  the  Officers  of  him  thac  is  in 
 Poffeffion,  and  a&ually  obeying  his  sdminift  ations  f 
 it  importeth  in  foro  extcriort  a  £onfent  ^  at  leaft  for  the 
 avoiding  of  greater  evil  s  and  if  this  be  ftated  or  in 
 the  ordinary  Current  as  Governours  are  obeyed ,  ic 
 fufficeth  to  fatisfie  particular  perfons  that  they  are 
 obliged  to  obey. 
 
 Thef. 
 
1 8  8     of  the  VotindAthn^  Efficient  and 
 
 Thef.  180.  But  if  the  Rcprefentative Body  of  a  iV< 
 Uon%  enabled  thereto,  fballexprefly  conftnt \andcovcna, 
 rsitb  a  Sovereign t  the  real  Bodj  fubmis  ting  to  thed 
 vernment  •  andmt  by  anj  common  proteftation  di/oM*} 
 ing  tt  ^  it  i*  thefttlkfti  mofi  regular  y  obliging  ackyon 
 ledgtrnent,  to  fatufie  the  particular  Subjells  of  the 
 duty,  that  ordinarily  can  be  expected. 
 
 For  it  cannot  he  expe&cd  that  all  the  Real  Bod 
 fhould  be  called  to  Vote,and  the  Major  Voce  be  wcl 
 jdtfeemed  ,  unlefs  the  difproportion  be  very  gteat  JJ 
 Their  Number,  their  difperfednefs,  and  their  incapa  a 
 cities  fhew  them  very  unfit  to  manage  fuch  a  bufinef 
 by  tbemfelves :  Their  welfare  required  that  it  be  ra 
 ther  managed  by  Prudent  Reprefcnters  chofen  tc 
 fuch  Endf.  And  then  as  All  are  Reprefented  ,  fo  Al^ 
 are  obliged  by  the  confent  of  their  Reprcfenter?. 
 
 Thef.  181.  If  aptcpktbatby  Oath  and  Duty  are 
 obliged  tea  Soveraign^  fhzllfwfully  difp^jfefs  him,  andV 
 contrary  to  their  Covenants ,  choofe  and  covenant  with 
 another  -9  they  may  be  obliged  by  their  latter  covenants  , 
 notwithstanding  the  formtr  ;  and  particular  Sub'yMs 
 that  confented  not  with  them  in  the  breaking  of  their 
 formr  Covenants^  may  yet  be  obliged  by  occafion  of  their 
 latter  choice,  to  the  perfon  whom  they  choofc. 
 
 i.  A?  to  themfelves,  if  former  violated  Proroi- 
 fes  excufe  men  from  latter ,  then  might  men  by 
 one  tin  ta  free  from  the  incommodities  of  an  hun- 
 dred after :  for  fuch  a  man  that  hath  broke  a  former 
 prorqifc,  might  make  an  hundred  irconfiftent  ones 
 
 afterward 
 
ConveyingCAufes  of  Fewer.         i  ?9 
 
 j  forward  without  being  obliged  by  them:  But  no 
 1  ian  is  to  have  benefit  by  his  crimes.  The  firft  Cove- 
 ?ant  and  the  fecond  may  be  impoflible  to  be  both 
 Performed.  But  yet  its  poffible  they  may  both  cb- 
 *ige.  A  man  by  contrary  Covenants  and  Vows  may 
 'Wi^himfclf  to  Irapoffibilitics ,  though  he  cannoc 
 Perform  them.  He  that  makes  an  hundred  covenants 
 nconfiftent  with  one  another  in  the  performance, 
 inneth  as  a  Covenant-breaker  in  not  performing 
 ill :  though  he  fhould  fin  in  other  refpeds  if  he  did 
 perform  many  of  them  that  are  poffible  :  Promifes 
 >biige  whether  juft  or  un juft ;  But  if  they  be  un  juft, 
 :hey  frequently  caft  men  into  a  neceffity  of  finning  ^ 
 V.gm  he  that  promifeth  to  give  away  an  Orphans  Por- 
 tion committed  to  his  Tutelage,  finnethif  he  do  ir,' 
 igdnft  the  Law  of  fidelity  and  mercy  •,  and  he  fianeth 
 if  he  do  it  not  as  a  Covenant- breaker.  But  when  men 
 Bavei>y  contrary  Covenants,  caft  themfelves  into 
 fuch  a  Neceffity  of  finning,k  may  be  a  duty  to  choofe 
 the  lcifTer  fin,  or  rather  to  avoid  the  greater  :  And 
 which  chat  is,  the  circumftances  of  the  Cafe  mud 
 determine. 
 
 2.  And  as  to  others,  it  Is  moft  evident,  that  if  I  be 
 innocent  of  the  violation  of  a  Covenant  to  a  former 
 Governour  ^  then  the  peoples  Engagement  to  a  lat- 
 ter, may  make  him  the  juft  Governour,  and  fo  I  may 
 b>c  obliged  to  obey  him.  Otherwife ,  i.  Few  Princes 
 3n  earth  fhould  be  acknowledged,  or  people  obliged 
 :o  them.  For  the  original  of  the  fuccefsion  of  rooft 
 )r very  many,  was  a  confent  that  was  forced  from 
 :hem  by  Power,  when  they  were  engaged  to  another 
 by  a  former  Confent.  And  if  this  obliged  not  the 
 Contends  to  obey  the  prcfcnt  Prince  ,  it  could  not 
 
 oblige 
 
I 
 
 in 
 
 K 
 
 ipo       0/  the  Foundation,  Efficient  and 
 
 oblige  their  progeny ,  nor  convey  any  Title  to  fat 
 ceffive  Princes.  2.  If  the  latter  Covenant  bind  th 
 guilty,  it  may  draw  an  obligation  on  the  innocent 
 that  have  a  neceifity  of  abiding  in  the  fame  Common 
 wealth.  He  that  cannot  quit  the  Common- wealth 
 nuift  obey  the  Powers  that  are  finfully  chofen  bj 
 others,  as  well  as  if  they  were  lawfully  chofeo,  it  be 
 ingnoc  his  fin. 
 
 That  man  that  will  conclude  that  the  Peoples  con 
 fent  is  neceffary  to  the  Princes  Title,and  that  no  con- 
 lent  of  a  people  pre-engaged  is  valid,  (hall  null  the 
 Title  of  moil  fucceffivc  Governours  fatleaft  )on 
 earth,and  ravel  the  ftate  of  mofl  Common- wealths  to 
 thei   c  ofufion,  contrary  to  all  Reafon. 
 
 Nero  and  other  Roman^myztoxirs,  that  the  Apo- 
 ftles  and  other  ancient  Teachers  of  the  Church  obey- 
 ed, and  commanded  others  to  obey  (  with  that  ftrift. . 
 nefs  as  we  find  in  Rom.  1 3 ,)  were  fomc  of  them  cho- 
 fen but  after  poffeffion  by  a  party,fome  bat  implicitc- 
 ly  by  that  party  •  none  of  them  more  fully  then  fuch 
 at  I  have  here  ddcribed  -and  few  of  them  by  a  people 
 that  were  no:  pre-esgaged. 
 
 Thef.182.  W ten  the frctftjepfle choofe  a  Prince? 
 they  d&  not  property  and  efficiently  give  him  hU  Power  t 
 as  conveying  it  from  them  to  him ,  but  are  only  a  caufa 
 fire  qua  noa, and  denominate  or  defigntht  pirfon  that 
 /hall  from  Qed^  and  not  from  them  receive  it. 
 
 It  is  the  groundlefs  confounding  principle  of  Le- 
 vellers in  the  State,  and  (  as  Mr.  Cawdrey  notes )  of 
 the  Church- Levellers  or  ^eparatills,  thac  Power  of 
 Government  is  originally  in  the  people ,  and  from 
 
 and 
 
Conveying  Caujes  of  Power.  I  p  i 
 
 d  by  them  mnft  be  conveyed  to  the  Ruler*.  An  opi- 
 3n  againft  Nature  and  Scripture ,  againft  the  very 
 fence  of  a  Republike,  that  diftinftly  containeth  So- 
 raign  and  Sub  je&s.  I  have  (efficiently  confuted  (his 
 fore  by  many  Arguments  5  and  (hewed  that  the 
 ople  as  fucb,  have  no  Power  of  Government.  And 
 en  now  I  (hewed  you,  that  we  difcern  our  Ruler  by 
 ch  a  fyllogifm  •  That  perfon  Vrho  u  mofi  agreeable 
 the  defcription,  andfo  u  the  mil  of  God,  mvft  be  wa- 
 nted to  as  Soveraign :  But  tbisu  that  per/ex.  Ergo, 
 c  . 
 
 So  that  the  L*  w  leaveth  nothing  bat  the  determln  - 
 g  of  the  perfon  here  undone.  And  therefore  the 
 •ople  certainly  doing  no  more  but  to  determine  of 
 ie  perfon,  do  convey  no  power ,  but  only  do  tbst 
 ithom  which  it  will  not  be  conveyed  ^  fome  call 
 »em  Jnflmments  ;  properly  they  are  not  fo  much  , 
 lough  we  need  not  contend  about  the  Notion^when 
 lis  Corporation  choofe  their  Bayliff,  they  give 
 im  not  a  jot  of  Power  :  They  are  but  the  Caufa 
 ne  qua  nsn  :  the  Charter  is  the  Inflrnmental  cattfe  ^ 
 id  the  Soveraign  is  the  principal  efficient  caufe  (under 
 JodJ 
 
 The  people  cannot  give  what  they  never  received,  nor 
 ad :  Bnt  they  never  received  nor  had  a  power  of  Go- 
 trninga  Common-wealth ^therefore  thejeannet  give  it. 
 hat  it  is  not  contained  in  each  mans  felf- govern  ng 
 ower,  I  have  before  (hewed-  As  when  a  man  is 
 lofen  in  marriapeby  a  woman  ,  (hegivetb  him  not 
 ie  Power  of  an  Hu$band,but  only  choofetb  the  per- 
 3n  who  (hall  from  the  Law  of  God  receive  it  ;  to  is 
 :  between  Prince  and  people.  God  hath  faid  in  his 
 .aw,  The  Hnsbandfhall  Rnle  the  Wife  j  The  woman 
 
 only 
 
1 92       Of  the  Foundation^Efpctent  and 
 
 only  adds  the  Minor  ,  TbU  man  (hall be  mj  Husband, 
 So  that  (he gives  him  not  the  Ru  e  ,  but  by  chooling 
 him  to  be  the  man,  is  k  Cau/4  fine  qua  mn.  And  if  (he 
 fhould  agree  with  him  not  to  Rule  her  •  it  were  ipft 
 fatto  null,  as  being  ag^inft  the  Law  that  fpecifieth  the 
 Relations :  which  fheweth  that  (he  givethhim  not  the 
 power;,  otherwife  (he  might  rcftrain  ic  or  hmit  it.  Yet 
 here  is  this  difference  from  o#r  prefent  cafe  -  that  a 
 woman  may  choofe  whether  (he  will  have  a  Hasband 
 or  none :  bitf  fo  cannot  a  man  choofe  whether  he 
 will  be  a  member  of  a  Common- wealth  or  nor,  except 
 in  fome  rare  extraordinary  cafe,  that  befalletb  not  a 
 man  among  many  millions. 
 
 Objed:.  Bm  a  fervant  may  give  h's  JWafter  power 
 over  him,  and  whtt  degree  he  pleafe  ^  therefore  a  people 
 way  give  a  Prince  poWer  over  them  :  And  any  man  may 
 oblige  himfelf  ,  and  thereby  give  another  power  over 
 him. 
 
 Anfa.  i.  The  cafes  are  much  different.  Govern- 
 ment is  founded  in  the  Law  of  Nature.  Angels  have 
 fuch  Order,  that  have  no  (in:  Razfervitude  is  a  penal 
 fruit  of  (in  :  and  no  man  is  to  choofe  a  punifhrnenc 
 to  himfelf  that  may  well  avoid  it  :  He  th.u  may  be 
 free,  fhould  choofe  and  keep  his  freedom.  So  that  the 
 Relation  of  a  fervant  is  fuch,  that  a  man  may  avoid 
 if  he  can  and  will ;  and  when  he  is  neceffitated  to 
 fubrait  to  if,  he  may  limit  his  Matter  in  the  governing 
 of  him  as  far  as  he  can  and  will  in  the  matter  of  fer- 
 vitude:  And  therefore  here  is  a  greater  appearance 
 (atleaft)  of  mans  giving  another  the  power  over 
 him,  then  in  Political  Relations  conftituted  by  God 
 himfelf  :  And  yet  indeed,  the  rmtcer  here  muft  more 
 diftinftly  be  confidcred .A  fervant  is  confidered  partly 
 
 as 
 
Conveying  Caufes  of  Power.  19 1 
 
 *$  one  obliged  to  Worl^for  another  y  and  partly  as  the 
 inferiour  orfftbjeft  in  a  family  to  be  Governed  bj  another 
 in  order  to  the  enis  of  Family  Government ,  which  is  the 
 good  order  of  the  Family,  for  its  own  ,  and  fpecially 
 the  Governors  welfare,  and  the  Pieafing  of  God  tha: 
 bath  appointed  that  Order.  Thefetwo  aVeofc  fepa- 
 rated,  and  ever  diftind  :  Some  fcrvantsare  but  d%y- 
 labsurers,  and  no  members  of  the  Family,  and  fome 
 are  members  of  if.  Every  man  having  a  certain  Pow<er 
 of  himfelf  and  his  own  Lab  ours ,  ijiay  alienate  what 
 be  bath  to  another,  and  fo  by  Concrad:  fell  his  labour 
 to  his  Matter.  But  as  he  is  a  member  of  a  Family  fuh- 
 jed:  to  a  Matter  in  point  of  Morality,  bound  to  obey 
 him  in  points  of  duty  to  God  and  man,  of  the  firfl:  Ta- 
 ble and  fecond,and  the  due  circumftantiating  of  tbefe 
 duties,  fo  thefervantsconfent  is  no  proper  efficient 
 caufe  or  giver  of  the  Matters  power,but  only  maketh 
 himfelf  the  objed:  of  it :  So  that  it  comes  £  immedi- 
 ately] from  God,  as  (^immediately  3  excludeth  an 
 intervening  fecond  efficient  taufe,  but  not  £  immedi- 
 ately ]  as  the  word  excludeth  all  kind  of  Means  for 
 determination  of  the  Objed,  without  which  the 
 Power  would  not  be  in  that  perfon  over  that  other 
 ptrfon. 
 
 So  in  point  of  Political  Government,  if  there  be. a 
 Domination  con  junft  ,  and  the  fubjeds  fubmit  tbem- 
 felves  to  a  ftrvitnde ,  that  indeed  may  be  their  own 
 felf-refignation,  difpofal  or  felling  themfelves  fo  far 
 to  another,  which  is  when  the  Governours  Benefit 
 is  the  principal  end  :  (  For  we  are  not  born  for  him, ) 
 And  therefore  Tyrannic  and  Diminution  of  Princes 
 are  penal  to  the  fobje&s ,  and  they  may  efcape  them 
 if  they  can.  But  proper  Political  Government ,  tbaS 
 
 O  i* 
 
194  °f  *&*  Foundation,  Efficient  and 
 is  exercifed  over  meer  Tub jefts  for  the  publick  orde 
 and  Good  -5  and  the  pleating  of  God  by  Governin 
 Juftice,  is  Gods  own  Ordinance  5  and  the  Powe 
 wholly  flows  from  him  as  the  univerlal  Soveraign. 
 
 So  that  if  it  -would  hold  true  that  from  the  felf-in 
 tereft  and  fdf-governing  power  that  each  individua 
 hath  by  refigningall  to  one  ,  he  may  efficiently  b< 
 made  a  Prince  or  Ruler  over  them  ( which  yet  woulc 
 befalfe,as  I  have fhewed,  if  God  were  not  fuppDfec 
 that  way  to  convey  the  power  ,  which  he  hath  not 
 done;  Political  Power  being  totaJpeciediRind:  frotr 
 that  of  felf-interell:,  and  felf-  Government )  yet  God 
 hath  lefc  no  room  for  this  imagination  and  difputc  ; 
 becaufehe  hath  as  univerfal  King,  bimfelf  inftituted 
 the  Offices  that  (hill  be  under  bim  f  leaving  only  the 
 modifying  and  limiting  of  Circumstantials  f  and  the 
 determination  of  the  perfons  to  the  Will  of  rain.  And 
 as  it  would  be  but  a  foolifh  or  Tray terous  arguing  for 
 a  Corporation  to  fiy ,  [_  Every  man  hath  a  felf-pro* 
 pricey  or  intereft ,  and  a  felf  Governing  Power  , 
 which  refigned  to  another  msketh  him  a  Governour 
 by  conveying  the  Power  from  us  to  him:  therefore 
 our  Major  or  Biyliffwhora  we  elc&,doth  thus  receive 
 his  Authority  from  our  gift  or  authoriz  ng  A'ft] 
 (.  they  having  nothing  left  to  them  but  the  nominati- 
 on of  the  man  that  fhall  receive  the  Authority  from 
 the  Princes  Law  or  Charter  ;)  Even  fok  would  be 
 no  better  in  any  that  fhould  argue  thus  in  the  other 
 cafe.  If  nofuperiour  Power  had  gone  before  tbern 
 by  his  Laws ,  but  a  City  were  all  free  from  Soveraign- 
 ty,  then  indeed  they  might  make  to  themfelves  a 
 Prince,  without  the  offending  of  any  higher.  And 
 fo  if  there  were  no  .God,  (ard  yet  man  could  be 
 
 £-  ©an  ) 
 
Conveying  Caufes  of  Power.  19$ 
 
 fcan  )  and  if  the  world  bad  no  uniyerfal  King  ,  thac 
 bid  inftitated  offices  under  him  by  Law  \  and  diftin- 
 guiihed  the  world  into  Rulers  and  Subj^fts  -  then  in- 
 deed the  people  might  precend  to  give  the  poweras 
 far  as  they  have  it  to  give,  and  be  the  Original  of  if : 
 But  when  God  bath  given  it  already  by  a  (tared  Liw, 
 to  thofe  tbac  (hall  be  lawfully  nomin&:ed,  the  peoples 
 claim  comes  in  too  lace. 
 
 Thcf.  183.  As  the  Con{tittition  of  frmmen  -wealths 
 is  only  by  Gods  Laws,  and  mens  fundamental  (fontra£ls% 
 and  not  by  any  Fundamental  LAVJ'of  men  :  So  it  fol- 
 ioweth  that  it  is  cnlj  God  by  way  0/ Authority,  and  the 
 parties  contra&ing  by  way  of  Content,  that  can  alter 
 the  Conflitution  or  any  fart  ofit^  and  there  is  no  Autbo* 
 xity  of  man  that  can  alter  it. 
 
 I .  That  the  Conflitution  is  not  by  humane  Funda- 
 mental Laws,  but  by  Contratts  between  Prince  and 
 People  (  explicit  or  implicit  )  I  (hewed  before- and 
 its  plain  in  the  nature  of  the  thing.  If  a  meer  Con- 
 qoerour  (hould  fay ,  [  I  claim  the  Empire*  andCcm- 
 mandyou  a*  SubjeElt  to  acknowledge  me~\  yet  this  were 
 no  Law,  becaufe  proceeding  from  no  Authority  ;  and 
 the  peoples  Acknowledgment,  though  forced  by  fuch 
 words,would  be  but  a  forced  Contrafl.Saon  the  other 
 fide,  if  a  people  (hould  make  a  pretended  Law,  thac 
 fuch  a  manor  company  of men  {hall  Govern  rif/fc.itwerfe* 
 indeed  no  L*w,becaufc  from  no  Authority  :  For  be- 
 fore the  Conflitution  there  is  no  Ltgiflative  Pcwer  , 
 Cither  in  Prince  or  People  :  Nor  in  the  Prince  ,*  for  he 
 is  then  no  Prince  -7  not  in  the  People,  for  they  are  then 
 tuGovernours,  and  therefore  no  Legiflttors  :  What 
 have  they  to  do  to  coomand  any  mafl  10  iomthphd 
 
 0  £  f&cftr 
 
\g6       Of  the  Foundation -5  Efficient  and 
 
 them,  or  Govern  thera  againft  bis  will  ?  He  is  as  free 
 by  nature  as  they  ,  and  cannot  juftly  be  compelled  ; 
 (much  lefs  by  a  Law  when  there  are  no  Law- 
 givers. ) 
 
 2.  It  is  a  known  Rule,  that  Obligations  are  dijfol- 
 vedastheyareContratted:  And  therefore  from  the 
 way  of  Confutation  the  Thefts  is  plain,  that  nothing 
 but  gods  Authority,  aad  mens  C$nfenty  can  alter  it.  If 
 it  be  altered  by  proper  Law,  then  either  by  the  Sove- 
 raign  (  whether  Prince  or  Senate  )  or  the  Subjetts : 
 But  neither  by  the  Soveraign  nor  Subjetts ;  therefore 
 by  no  man.  Not  by  the  Soveraign  •  for  i .  He  is  bound 
 up  by  Covenant  to  the  Conftitution  ,  and  cannot  by 
 pretended  Authority  break  his  Covenants ,  but  mu!i 
 flay  till  God  or  the  people  Contra&ed  with ,  releafe 
 him.  2.  AndhisLegifhtionisa  part  of  his  Govern- 
 ment, confequcntial  to  his  Power,  and  fo  to  the  con- 
 ftitution in  which  he  received  it  ^  and  therefore  hath 
 nothing  to  do  with  that  conftitution>to  deftroy  or  al- 
 ter it  that  is  the  caufe  of  his  power,  and  gives  it  life , 
 or  is  the  means  thereto.  EHe  Princes  when  by  the 
 Conftitution  they  are  limited  ,  might  remove  their 
 bounds  at  pleafure.  And  if  a  Senate  do  it ,  it  muft  be 
 either  as  Rulers  fit  as  Subjetts.  As  Rulers  they  cannot 
 alter  the  Conftitution  :  For  if  they  be  Inftriour 
 Rulers ,  they  have  no  Power  but  from  the  Soveraign: 
 If  they  be  the  Soveraign,  or  (  as  in  England  )  have 
 part  of  the  Soveraignty,then  they  have  as  was  proved 
 before,  no  power  as  fuch  to  do  it ,  any  more  then  a 
 Soveraign  King.  And  asfubjetts  they  have  no  Power 
 to  do  it  :  tor  fubjetts  have  none  fuch.  i.  They 
 had  not  Power  by  Law  toCcnflitutt  the  Government  f 
 nor  by  any  force  ,  but  by  Confent  of  him  or  them 
 
 whom 
 
Conveying  Caufes  of  Tower.  197 
 
 |  whom  they  chofe  co  Rale  them  •  therefore  they  have 
 no  other  Power  to  diffolve  it.  2.  Subjects  arc  bound 
 to  obey ,  and  have  aifach  no  Legiflative  Power  ; 
 therefore  much  lefs  have  they  any  to  alter  the  Con- 
 ftitution  by. 
 
 Thef.  1 84.  If  Prince,  Senate ,  or  People  alone  (  be- 
 \rt  God  by  cert  din  providence  have  dif obliged  ihem^and 
 
 be  in  the  (ub^antial  points)  and  put  them/elves  into -a 
 ft  ate  of  enmit)  with  the  other  part. 
 
 Bat  of  this  more  ,  when  we  come  to  fpeak  of  the 
 Diflblution  of  Coraffion-wealchs. 
 
 Thef.  185.  7tt  may  the  fir  ft  Con  ftit  mien  of  a  Com- 
 mon wealth  be  in  many  particulars  changed  bj  degrees, 
 when  Pfince  and  "People  do  Cenfcnt  :  But  if  thofe  Ccn- 
 fents  fhallbe  called  by  the  name  of  Laws,  thnsfar  they 
 are  none  indeed^  but  Contrails. 
 
 1.  That  Confliturions  maybe  gradually  and  an- 
 nually  changed  (  poffibiy ,  bur  not  fkly  )  is  evident : 
 Becaufe  as  Confent  of  the  chief  Governour  and  peo- 
 ple fefficed  to  the  Conftitution^  fo  doch  it  fuffice  to  the 
 alteration.  The  fame  caufe  may  produce  the  like 
 effeft  •  for  here  is  no  impediment.  Ard  therefore  we 
 need  not  in  this  Land  go  to  the  Original  of  the  Com- 
 mon-wealth to  know  the  Conftitudon:  For  wherc- 
 evcr  it  is  to  be  found  that  Prince  and  people  have  thus 
 
 O  3  or 
 
lyo  uj  *vz  run&uauvr*}  jcjpctem  ana 
 
 or  thus  Confented,  fomuch  of  the  Confutation  i 
 there  found. 
 
 2.  U  a  Law  this  change  of  the  Conftitution  ma' 
 be  found  :  but  it  is  not  it  felf  any  put  of  a  Law 
 A  Parliament  may  have  a  double  capacity  ;  To  b< 
 Sovereign  (  in  whole ,or  part )  and  to  be  the  Reprefen 
 tativef  of  the  people  :  They  Reprefent  the  people,  tl 
 thetfimpty  as  people ,  to  prefervc  their  Rights  accord- 
 ing to  the  Confticution  •  or  elfe  as  fptbjettj.  A  Reprc- 
 fentative  o{ftjbje3s,asfuch,hwe  no  Power  of  making 
 Laws,  nor  by  Contrad  altering  the  G6nftitution  ;  A 
 Reprefentative  of  People,  or  a  Community,  as  fuch  , 
 may  have  power  to  prefervc  their  Rights,  and  by 
 Ccnfytl  to  change  the  Conftitution ,  but  none  to 
 m^ks  Ltws :  A  Parliament  as  Soveratgn,  have  Power 
 to  make  Laws,  but  none  by  a  Law  to  alter  the  Con- 
 ftitution.  But  when  the  Parliament  hath  feveral  ca- 
 pacnies ,  their  Inftrument  may  accordingly  have  a 
 various  nature  and  ufe,  and  in  part  it  may  be  a  Con- 
 trafi  with  the  Prince ,  therafelves  Reprefenting  the 
 people,  and  fo  it  may  Gradually  alter  the  Conftituti. 
 on-  and  in  part  it  may  be  a  Law  impofed  by  the  whole 
 Soveraignty.  And  in  tbelnftrument  called  a  Law  al- 
 terations of  the  Government  may  be  made  by  Con- 
 fentof  both  partis*. 
 
 Tbcf.  1 86.  //  by  later  Conftnt  between  Prince  and 
 Pecplejhcawient  Cenftitution  be  changed>or  anj  part  of 
 it, it  is  the  hft  Confent  alone  that  binieth  the  Prince  and 
 Snbje£ls>  as  nulling  the  contrary  former  CentraH^and  it 
 ii  perfidioufnefs  tb  violate  the  laft  Confent,  Upon  pretence 
 ff  recurring  tothefirft  conftitHtion. 
 
 If 
 
Conveying  Caujes  of  Power.  1 99 
 
 If  Ljcurgus  by  the  peoples  confent  fhsll  fettle  a 
 iform  of  Government ;  and  fay  in  it ,  that  it  (hall  be 
 inchangeable,this  will  not  difabic  fucceflive  Princes 
 nd  people  by  Confent  to  change  it  •,  (eetng  they  have 
 ,  .s  much  power  to  change  ir,  as  he  and  the  people  then 
 bad  to  eftablilh  it.  But  if  the  next  age  charge  it,  it  will 
 be  Treafon  in  them  that  will  go  about  to  violate  the 
 icw  eftsblifht  Government,  under  pretence  of  ftick- 
 ng  to  the  old. 
 
 Thef.  187.  The  Confutation  gives  Itfe  to  /^Species 
 of  Government,  y?hen  the  individual  Prince  u  dead,  till 
 that  Conflitutisn  it  [elf  be  altered. 
 
 Elfe  theremuft  be  a  new  Common- wealth  at  the 
 death  of  every  Prince:  and  pofterity  (hoald  not  be 
 obliged  by  anceftors  for  their  good. 
 
 Thef.  188.  Everyman  that  is  cbliged  to  obey  ,*  not 
 obliged  bj  his  Obedience  to  Juftifie  thtTttleofthe  Ruler 
 againfi  all  others,  as  the  befi-0  not  al&aies  to  defend  tt  by 
 arms: 
 
 For  there  are  many  ( if  not  meft  Princes  on  earth ) 
 that  fecking  Crowns  by  unjuft  means,  or  receiving 
 thera  as  fo  acquired,  or  being  themfelves  unfir,  &c. 
 do  want  fuch  a  Title  as  may  juftifie  them  before  God  j 
 and  yet  have  fuch  a  Title  as  is  valid  among  men,  and 
 will  require  obedience  from  all  the  fubjc&t. 
 
 r    Thef.189.  In  doubtful cafes, or  where  thefubjefts  are 
 not  called  to  fudge,  the  pojfejferis  to  be  cbejed. 
 
 O  4        "  Paul 
 
*G0       Of  the  heft  form  of Government \ 
 
 P<tssl  took  not  all  he  wrote  to  for  obedience,  to  btw 
 capable  of  Judging  Nero's  Title.     If  Confent  of  the  k 
 Romans  were  proved ,the  Scnare  and  City  wereafmall 
 pare  or  the  Roman  world  •  Who  made  them  Repre* 
 femativesof  the  whole? 
 
 C  h  a  p.  8. 
 
 Of  the  beft  form  of  Governmen^andj 
 Happyeft  Common- wealth. 
 
 AT  his  firft  Creation  man  was  fubjeded  to  none.; 
 but  God :  though  it  was  provided  in  Nature  f 
 that  there  fhouid  have  been  Government  and  SubjV 
 dion  though  manhad  continued  innocent  :  but  that 
 would  have  been  only  a  Paternal  affifting  Govern- 
 ment for  our  good ,  having  nothing  in  it  that  is  penal, 
 or  any  way  evil.  When  Ood  immediately  Ruled,  and 
 man  obeyed,  all  went  right  :  Had  this  continued, 
 the  world  had  not  felc  thofe  fradures  and  wound*, 
 nor  been  troubled  wich  rapine?,  Wars  or  confufion , 
 as  k  is.  God  being  moft  perfedly  Wife  and  Juft,could 
 not  err  in  Commanding  :  Man  was  innoccrit  and  able 
 to  obey,  but  free  and  mutable  ;  and  fo  was  tempted 
 from  bis  Obedience.    S:  tan  by  difobedience  having 
 overthrown  Kimfelf ,    did  know  it  wss  the  way  to 
 overthrow  mar{  God  could  not  be  corrupted,  nor 
 tempted  to  unwife  or  unrighteous  Government:  And 
 if  neither  King  nor  fubjed  were  corrupted, the  King- 
 
 dom 
 
And  bdp  fyefl  Cemmen-wealth.      201 
 
 ora  could  not  have  decayed.  But  Satan  knew  which 
 Iras  the  weakeft  link  in  the  chain :  Man  was  frail , 
 bough  holy;  and  not  confirmed  yet,  though  up- 
 igbt  :  and  therefore  defe&ible.  The  attempt  of 
 leaking  bis  rank,  and  forfaking  bis  due  fubjeftion  , 
 vas  the  Devils  fall ;  and  by  the  feme  way  he  affaulted 
 Ban,  inciting  in  him  a  dc fire  to  be  as  God  9  and  then 
 provoking  him  to  feek  it  by  difobeying  God:  A  foolifh 
 meanstoanimpoffibleor  impious  end.  The  breach 
 being  thus  made  between  man  and  his  univerfal  King, 
 the  joy  m*  of  holy  order  were  loofed  •  and  a  breach 
 was  made  alfo  between  man  and  himfelf,  and  man  and 
 the  inferiour  creatures ,  and  enmity  and  confufion 
 took  poffefsion  in  the  world.  The  creatures  Rebell 
 againft  their  Matter  turned  Rebell  :  His  own  paf- 
 fions  and  appetite  Rebell  againft  bis  Reafon :  and  the 
 k^ds  of  all  the  Confufions  that  have  followed  in  the 
 world,  were  fown  within  us.  As  the  enmity  between 
 the  womans  and  the  Serpents  feed  being  propagated 
 to  pofterity,is  the  great  quarrel  of  the  world  •  fo  all 
 thofe  vices  in  which  the  Malignant  enmity  doth  con- 
 fift,are  propagated  and  by  cuttom  receive  sn  increase. 
 The  Root  of  them  all  is  Selfjfbntfs*  which  much  con- 
 fiftetbin  Pride -^  ftill  man  would  be  as  God.  Every 
 man  would  be  Higheft  ,  and  have  the  eyes  of  others 
 fet  upon  him,  and  be  the  Idol  of  the  world.  The  fin 
 that  broak  Order ,  is  ftill  at  work:  to  widen  the 
 breach.  He  that  i$  a  fub  jeft,  would  faio  be  in  Autho* 
 rity -,  and  he  that  is  of  a  lower  rank,  is  ambitious  co 
 be  higher  :  and  he  that  is  in  Soveraign  Power  with 
 juft  limitations,  doth  hate  reftraint,.  and  take  it  for 
 imprifonment  or  fubjeftion  ^  and  ftrivech  till  he  hath 
 broak  all  bonds ,and  hath  no  guide  but  bis  own  under* 
 
 {landing, 
 
2  o  i      Of  the  be  ft  form  of  Government, 
 
 Handing,  and  nothing  to  moderate  his  impotent  will 
 So  that  in  all  Ages  and  Nations  Subj^ds  are  ftill  dill 
 pofed  to  murmorings  and  rebellions,  and  Princes  t<] 
 tranfeend  their  bounds  by  Tyrannie  :  and  all  becaufl 
 we  are  all  the  afpiring  brood  of  Adam,  that  was  madil 
 little  lower  then  the  Angels ,  but  fell  to  be  too  neail 
 the  Devils ,  by  defiring  to  become  as  God.    If  thtl 
 advantage  of  Greatnefs,  the  gate  of  Temptation,  otl 
 thewarmchof  Profperity,  do  but  heighten  this  am- 
 bition, and  hatch  it  to  maturity,  men  willbe  then  thej 
 fons  of  the  Coal ,  and  as  fo  many  Granado%  thrown] 
 by  Satan  among  the  people  where  they  live,  to  en- 
 fianac,  and  trouble,  and  confound  the  world  :  The] 
 worm  of  Ambition  will  reftlefly  crawl  within  their 
 ftomachs,  and  make  them  by  a  troublous  ftir  to  feck 
 for  honour  as  food  to  quiet  ir,and  keep  it  from  gnaw- 
 ing on  their  hearts  :  But  this  greedy  worca  is  unfati- 
 able,  crying  as  the  Horf.lcech,  Give^  Give. 
 
 The  cure  of  this  mifchief  bath  long  bufied  the  peo- 
 ple and  Polititians  of  the  world  :  and  yet  it  is  uncu- 
 red.  Princes  that  have  ftrength,  do  make  fomefhifc 
 with  much  ado  ,  fey  feverity  to  reftrain  the  Sub jed 
 from  Rebellion.  But  how  to  reftrain  the  Prircefroai 
 Tyrannic  without  disabling  him  from  necefTiry  Go- 
 vernment, is  much  yet  undifcovercd,  or  thedifcovc- 
 riesunpraftifed.  The  world  hath  had  more  Dionj- 
 f%H*i  and  Ntrosy  then  Ddvidt,  Solomms  or  Conjldn- 
 tines.  Rehoboam  is  no  warning  to  them  ,  but  hath 
 mod  Imitators,  though  with  bad  fuccefs.  In  moft  of 
 the  world  ,  their  doleful  cafe  doth  tell  us  what  their 
 Government  is  •  we  fee  among  them  Tyrannic  is  He* 
 redirary :  and  Princes  live  among  their  Subje&sai 
 the  Pike  among  thefraaller  fifties;  as  if  the  people 
 
 were 
 
J nd  happy  eft  Common-  wealth.         2  0  j 
 
 re  made  for  tbem.  Tbey  divide  their  Intercft  from 
 
 :ir  Peoples  •    and  live  as  if  their  peoples   welfare 
 
 are  not  tin irt  •  but  rather  all  that  is  taken  from  the 
 
 bjed,  is  added  onto  tbem.   The  foul  and  body  of 
 
 )(t  Common-wealths  fall  out ;  and  the  Head  and 
 
 cart  havefuchdifeafed  obftru&ions  and  oppofiti- 
 
 is,  as  are  their  mutual  torment ,  and  the  Progno- 
 
 fcks  of  their  haftening  diflblution  :    when  the  Ivie 
 
 Jith  kili'd  the  tree  that  bore  ir,  it  muft  pcrifh  witfc  ir. 
 
 nd  if  they  are  firft  themfelves  difmounted ,  they 
 
 Idom  ever  get  into  the  faddlc,  and  fit  faft  after  ir. 
 
 Some  Nations  have  thought  that  the  way  to  prc- 
 
 cnt  this,  was  to  be  free  ^  that  is,  to  be  Self-gover- 
 
 wr/-  and  fo  when  All  governed,  tbey  found  thac 
 
 one  Governed  ,  but  Tyrannie  and  ali  Vice  did  raign 
 
 popular  confufions :  and  there  was  neither  peace 
 
 or  fafety  to  the  whole  or  parts  •  No  waves  being 
 
 rearer  then  the  Seas,  nor  any  Tyrant  fo  cruel  as  the 
 
 lany-headed  Tyrant :  and  it  being  the  fureft  way  to 
 
 e  alwayes  miferable,  to  be  Governed  by  them  thac 
 
 |re  alwayes  naught ,  that  is,by  the  multitude,in  mod 
 
 »arts  of  the  world. 
 
 The  fence  of  the  mifchief  of  Democracie  hath 
 Bade  others  think  that  the  beft  way  is  to  leave  Kings 
 0  their  wills,  and  kt  them  ufe  their  Power  arbitrari- 
 y:  They  think  itcofteth  the  world  more  to  limit 
 >rinces  then  its  worth  :  and  that  if  they  are  abfoiutc, 
 heir  Intereft  will  lead  them  to  cherifh  their  people  : 
 3r  if  tbey  fhould  grow  cruel,  God  will  protedu*, 
 mdturn  it  to  the  beft  :  A  hundred  (heep  will  flye 
 rom  a  little  curre  •  and  yet  the  Shepherd  takes  care 
 bat  few  of  them  are  deftroyed/]  I  could  the  eafier 
 ligeft  this  Do&rine,  were  it  not  for  thefe  Reafons. 
 
 1.  The 
 
2  04       Of  the  be jt  form  of  Government, 
 
 r.Thc  Heart  of  man  is  deceitful  and  defperately  wici 
 ed  •  and  what  will  it  not  do,  if  it  may  do  what  it  will 
 2.  When  men  know  that  they  are  lyable  to  no  R  I 
 ftraint,  it  will  let  loofe  their  lufts,  and  make  thei 
 worfe.     3 .  We  may  not  tempt  them  thus  into  a  Ml 
 of  fin,  to  their  owndeftruftion.     4.  Nor  rauft  wi 
 tempt  God  by  pretending  to  truft  him  in  a  neglccf 
 of  means.     5.  It  is  againft  the  light  of  Nature  thai- 
 one  manswill  fhouldruinc  a  Nation.    6r  Ifwemal 
 give  away  our  Bodily  welfare,  yet  not  our  fouls,  Tb 
 Princes  intcreft  may  lead  him  to  have  lome  regards 
 the  Bodily  welfare  of  the  people ,  but  he  will  not  re 
 gard  their  fouh.     Creatnefs  will  have  great  tempt* 
 tions :  And  when  there  is  no  reftraint,  this  will  nam 
 the  Greateft  to  be  the  worft.   And  the  worft  men  ai 
 enclined  to  the  Worft  opinions,  and  to  be  the  greatef 
 enemies  to  Piety  and  Honefty-,  andfo  would  bani" 
 Cbriftianity  into  comers,or  from  the  earth.   7.  If 
 might  give  away  our  own  Intereft,we  may  not  fo  gi 
 away  Gods ;  nor  encourage  or  fuffer  every  deceivi 
 wicked  Prince  to  do  as  the  Infidel  Princes  do,  aud  pe] 
 fecute  Chriftianity  out  of  their  Dominions.     8.  M 
 leaft  we  may  not  be  guilty  of  Treafon  againft  God,' 
 by  confenting  to  an  IdoI,or  Ufurper  that  ciairoeth  hit 
 prerogative,  and  pretendeth  to  an  abfolute  unlimH 
 ted  Power,  as  if  he  were  from  under  the  Laws  and 
 Government  of  the  Almighty  :  we  muft  know  no 
 Power  but  whats  from  God  ^    and  therefore  non| 
 againft  bis  undoubted  Infereft  and  Laws.  As  it  is  nnf 
 lawful  to  fubmit  to  the  Pope  that  thus  nfurpeth  i 
 the  Church,  foas  unlawful  to  confent  to  any  Anti- 
 Gods  ufurpation  in  the  Common- wealth.    9.  Ani 
 the  experience  of  the  world  bath  taught  them  to  aW 
 
 hoc 
 
 1- 
 
And  hap f  ye (I  CommBn-malth.        2  o  j 
 
 unlimited  Government ,  even  as  intolerable  to 
 
 people  :   For  though  they  fhould  noc  deftroy  the 
 
 'lepenple,  yet  at  their  pleafurc  their  p articular  Sub- 
 
 s  mult  be  the  foel  of  their  rage  &  luit.  Every  mans 
 
 tate,  Wife  or  Daughter  that  they  have  a  mind  to, 
 
 ft  be  theirs;  and  their  word  mult  command  the 
 
 :ads  of  the  beft  defer  ving  Nobility  to  the  block : 
 
 id  however  the  diffont  vulgar  fpeed ,  thofe  thac 
 
 1  neareft  them  will  be  as  Lambs  before  the  Wolf. 
 
 ).  And  experience  hath  told  the  world ,  that  there 
 
 many,  and  very  many  bad  Kings  for  one  good  one 
 
 roughout  the  world  ,  and  the  wicked  will  do  wick- 
 
 ly  when  they  have  no  reftrainr.   And  therefore 
 
 is  were  to  deliver  up  the  Kingdoms  of  the  earth  to 
 
 tan,  who  Roleth  by  the  wicked  •,  when  we  have  a 
 
 :omife  that  they  (hall  be  the  Kingdoms  of  the  Lord 
 
 tdofhk  Chrift^xhit  Ruleth  efpecially  by  the  koljand 
 
 w  juft. 
 
 Others  have  thought  it  a  hopeful  way  of  Cure,  to 
 ye  the  Government  elective,  aud  either  qttam  din 
 nt  ft  gefferint^  or  for  a  (hort  continuance  by  Ro- 
 uion.  But  thefc  have  found  that  the  Remedy  was 
 lifufficient.  The  Nations  of  the  e«rth  have  but  few 
 acn  that  are  wife  and  good  :  and  if  thofe  mirft  Rule 
 »ut  a  little  while,  the  bad  will  fucceed  them  :  And  if 
 :  muft  run  through  many,  and  fo  there  be  many  bad 
 vulers  for  one  good  one,  the  bad  ones  will  do 
 lore  hurt  then  the  good  ones  can  do  good.  And  ic 
 /ill  be  next  impoffible  fo  to  temper  the  Govern- 
 lent,  as  that  bad  Rulers  may  have  power  to  pre- 
 :rve  the  Common- wealth ,  and  yet  not  have  power 
 o^>erpetuate  themfelves,and  invade  a  perpetual  Di- 
 tatorfliip  with  Cafar  •  For  Armies  they  muft  have ; 
 
 and 
 
I 
 
 II! 
 
 2  6  6      Of  the  be  ft  form  of  Government, 
 
 and  thofe  that  tan  getfufficicnt  intereft  in  thcro,  i 
 
 nfe  them  to  their  own  end*.   Some  think  that 
 
 wealthier  peoples  bearing  Arm*  would  prevent 
 
 this :  for  they  would  never  ferve  a  Tyrant  aga 
 
 their  Liberties.    Much  fhould  be  done  I  cpnfefs  m< 
 
 then  is,  this  way,  to  preferve  ihe  peoples  Liberti 
 
 but  yet  the  Remedy  is  irconfiderable.     For  i.  "N 
 
 inuft  have  our  Armies  abroad,  and  thofe  will  be  I 
 
 poor  ,  and  thofe  will  be  mercenary  ,  and  return 
 
 ferve  their  Commanders  mind*.    2.  Flattering  wor 
 
 will  miflead  tbeiti  that  are  not  mercenary.    3.  Pn 
 
 fperity  and  Wealth  doth  effiminate  men  and  maj 
 
 them  cowardly.     4.  Experience  told  us  in  our  lai 
 
 Wars,  that  the  traynM  Bands  were  as  ready,  at  lea 
 
 in  molt  places,  to  follow  the  ftronger  fid*  that  wi 
 
 in  place,  as  the  poorer  Volunteers  were;  For  the 
 
 thought  they  had  fomewhat  more  to  lofe  then  thei 
 
 younger  fons  or  fervants  had;   and  therefore  thfc 
 
 would  not  venture  to  difobey  the  ftrongeft. 
 
 Some  think  a  Lotbeirga  Divine  decifion,  to  hi 
 the  only  way  to  choofc  tbe  Prince:  which  hath  its 
 place,  but  folveth  not  the  difficulty  without  more 
 ado.  To  ufe  Lots  among  a  company  of  bad  or  un- 
 juftmento  find  one  good  one,  is  a  tempting  God; 
 and  bat  like  the  cafting  a  Net  among  Frogs  to  catch 
 Fifh.  The  materials  muft  be  fir  ft  prepared ,  and  the 
 main  fecured. 
 
 In  a  word,  mahy  models  have  been  devifed  f  and 
 moft  of  them  have  their  excellencies ,  and  defe&s : 
 Some  of  them  fecure  the  peoples  wealth  and  liberty 
 from  a  Tyrant  ,  and  lay  them  open  to  an  invading 
 enemy:  Some  of  them  free  the  people  from  oppref- 
 fion  by  3  Prince ,  and  leave  thera  under  a  mulcitudc 
 
 of 
 
Jria  happyeft  Commonwealth.  20  7 
 
 Opprcffori:  Some  fofccure  Liberty  as  to  tntro- 
 ice  in  jufticeand  confufion :  and  certainly  caft  away 
 c  means  of  fpiritual  everlafting  good  ,  in  order  to 
 cferve  their  temporal  good.  And  moftof  them 
 ead  under  foot  the  Government  and  Intereft  of  the 
 niverfal  King,  and  pretend  the  means  agaimft  the 
 id.  They  that  caa  do  moft  to  mend  the  people,and 
 care  us  of  good  Rulers,  and  fo  to  fecure  us  in  the 
 ain  matters  of  Religion  and  Peace,  are  the  beft  Po- 
 icians,  though  they  leavens  many  inconvenience*, 
 nd  to  that  end  be  chat  could  cull  out  the  beft  of  eve- 
 '  Mode,  and  leave  the  worft,  woold  (hew  his  Wif- 
 >m.  Becaufe  I  pretend  not  co  fucb  skil,  nor  intend 
 ly  accurate  Tra&  of  Politicks,  nor  thedifcovery  of 
 iVttpiatOrCicyoftheSun,  nor  intend  to  beftow 
 iat  time  and  labour  which  is  neceffary  to  improve 
 lit  little  knowledge  that  I  have,  to  any  fuch  ends*, 
 at  only  to  urge  upon  the  world  the  great  Divine 
 eglc&ed  Principles,  that  we  may  be  fecured  of  the 
 tain  •  I  fliall  readily  give  place  to  any  of  their  new 
 evifed  Models  that  are  confiftent  with  tbefe  Princf- 
 les,  and  leave  them  to  beautific  the  Common- 
 realth  in  their  own  way  es,  if  the  Life  of  it  may  be  fig- 
 ured by  Gods  way. 
 
 Aud  yet  I  moft  fay  that  for  ought  I  fee  ,  the  Go- 
 ernmeut  of  this  Common- weskh  is  already  ballan- 
 ed  wkh  as  much  prudence,  caution ,  and  equality, 
 'though  with  lefs  ado)  as  the  curioufeft  of  the  Mo- 
 tels that  felf.  conceited  men  would  obtrude  with  fo 
 nuch  oflcntation.  Might  we  but  fee  the  Ftnndati- 
 >*of  Parliaments  Reformed,  by  an  exclufionof  tru- 
 y  Vnmrthj  perfons  from  the   Eltdions    (  from 
 
 choofirg 
 
205         Of  the  be  [t  form  of  Government, 
 
 choofing  or  being  chofen  )  thatfo  we  were  out  o 
 danger  of  having  Impious  Parliaments  chofen  by  an 
 impious  Majority  of  the  people,  we  ftiould  then  buil 
 all  the  Fabrickofouc  Government  on  a  Rock  ,  that 
 elfe  will  have  a  foundation  of  Sand :  And  a  multirud 
 of  errours  would  be  thus  cor  reded  at  once,  and  more 
 done  for  our  Hippintfs  then  a  thoufand  of  the  new 
 Fanftatical devices  willaccomplifh.  Of  this  having 
 fpoken before ,  I  (hall  yet  add fomewbat  more,  to 
 (hew  you  how  the  Kingdoms  of  the  world  may  be 
 made  the  Kingdoms  of  the  Lord ,  and  of  h 
 Chrift. 
 
 Thef.  190.  The  Happjefl  Commsn- wealth  u  that 
 Vrhich  mo(t  attaineththe  Ends  of  Government  and  So- \ 
 tietjjnhich  are  the  publicly  Good^fpeciallj  in  matters  of 
 iver/afting  concernment \and  the  p leafing  of  God  the  Ab~ 
 folate  Lord  and  King  of  all. 
 
 The  Ultimate  End  is  the  chief  Good  :  This  deno* 
 minateth  all  the  Means  to  be  more  or  lefs  Good ,  and 
 all  things  to  be  Indifferent,  as  to  Amiablenefs,  that 
 are  neither  for  it,  nor  againfti: ;  and  all  things  to  be 
 Evil  that  are  agamft  it.  That  which  is  neither  our 
 End,  nor  a  means  to  our  End,  is  not  Good  or  Ami- 
 able to  us.  Food  and  rayment  and  our  outward 
 wealth,  are  to  furnifh  our  own  and  others  bodiei 
 with  fuch  requifices  as  fit  them  for  the  ferving  of  our 
 fouls,  that  both  may  fer  ve  God,  and  enjoy  and  pleaft 
 him.  He  chat  takes  down  this  End  (the  Pleafing  and ] 
 Enjoying  of  God  in  Glory)  takes  down  all  the  world 
 as  a  means  to  ir,  and  deftroycth  the  very  ufe  and  Re- 
 lative nature  of  all  things  under  the  Sun,  and  makes 
 
 another 
 
And  happjeft  Common-wealth.        209 
 
 another  thing  of  hirafcif  and  all  thing*.  As  his  flefh- 
 Jy  Brucifh  End  is  below  the  high  and  Gioriocs  End 
 that  God  appointed  all  things  for,  fo  doth  he  accord- 
 ingly brutifie  and  debafe  them  all.  For  the  Means  re- 
 ceive their  excellency  from  their  End,  and  their  Apti- 
 tude thereto.  AnAcheiftical  Infidel  Politician,  tbae 
 makes  not  thefe  heavenly  glorious  things  the  Ends  oi 
 his  Policy,  doth  fet  Kings,  and  Common- wealths,and 
 Laws  as  far  bdow  a  Chriftian  King,  Common- weafth 
 and  Law  ,  as  earth  is  below  heaven,  and  almoft  zs  a 
 dog  is  below  a  man-,  and  commit  the  higeft  Trea- 
 fon  almoft  that  men  are  capable  of  committing  •,  de- 
 ft roying  (do&rinailyj  Gods  Kingdom  and  mens^ 
 and  letting  up  a  Mawkin  in  the  place  1  And  indeed  are 
 intolerable  in  a  Chriftian  Common-wealth. 
 
 Tbe£  191.  That  Common-wealth  U  likffy  U  be  msfi 
 H  ippj,  which  in  the  ConftitHtion  and  Adminijlration  U 
 fhlljeftfnited  to  this  Heavenly  End ;  and  therefore  that 
 is  the  befiform  of  Government. 
 
 This  needs  no  proof  to  any  that  do  believe  that  to 
 be  the  Ultimate  End. 
 
 Thef.  1 92.  The  more  Theccratical,  or  trnlj  Divire 
 any  Government  it,  the  bttttr  it  is. 
 
 None  can  deny  this,  that  denyeth  not  God :  if  he 
 lave  more  Authority  then  man, and  be  wifcr  and  bet- 
 ter, and  more  Powerful  to  defend  bis  fubjefts,  and  re- 
 prefs  his  enemies,  and  do  Jaftice  in  the  execution  of 
 iisLaws,then  as  no  man  fhoold  dare  to  compare  witU 
 Go^tfo  no  Government  with  his, 
 
 £  Ihth 
 
aio      of the  befi  form  of  Government , 
 
 Tbef.  193.  A  Government  may  be  Theocratic al  (or 
 Divine)  I.  In  the  Confiitution.  2.  And  the  Admini- 
 praticn.  I .  In  the  Confiitution,  i°  As  to  thefubjefts  ^ 
 2°  The  Relations  and  their  Foundations*,  30  And  the 
 Endt.  2.  Ih  the  Adminiftration-,  i°  As  to  the  Officers-, 
 2°  Laws  i  3°  Judgement  and  Execution. 
 
 It  is  the  firft  part  only  that  in  order  I  fhould  here 
 treat  of,  becaufel  ara  not  come  to  the  Adminiftra- 
 tion  of  Common-wealths  ^  but  preferring  the  me- 
 thod that  fates  my  End*,  I  fhall  touch  briefly  of  force- 
 what  of  this  here  in  the  way;  I  take  it  for  granted 
 that  every  man  except  the  Atbeift,  (alias,  the  Fool 
 or  Bruit)  doth  conlenc  (hat  we  fhouid  ciefire  the 
 Bert,  that  is,  the  raoft  Divine  Common-weakb  that 
 we  are!  able  ro  procure. 
 
 Thef.  194.  1.  In  a  Divine  Cowman-wealth,  Cjodthe 
 ZJniverfal  King  is  the  Sovcraign  •,  and  none  that  Rule 
 pretend  to  a  Power  that  is  not  from  him  and  f*bfervient< 
 to  him,  nor  do  any  elfe  claim  the  honour  of  being  the  Ori- 
 ginal of  Tower. 
 
 The  Majefias  or  parsimperans,  is  cffential  to  the 
 Common-wealth  :  and  that  God  be  King,  is  effential 
 to  a  Theocracies  If  any  Infidel  fay  that  Gcd  will  not 
 condefcend  to  be  our  King, and  therefore  this  fuppo- 
 fitiondeludcthuf,  andlifeethus  up  too  high;  I  an- 
 fwer  that  he  contradideth  cot  only  the  ftresra  of 
 Scrtpture  i  hat  calleth  God  our  King,  but  the  cleared 
 Light  of  Nature ,  which  from  his  Creation  and  fole 
 capacity,  (hews  that  by  neceffary  Rcfulcancy,bc  muft 
 Rule,  (as  I  h&\  c  (hewed.;  Thef. 
 
And  happy e ft  Common-wealth*         211 
 
 Thcf.  1 95.  2.  In  a  Diving  Common-wealth  it  isfup- 
 pofed  that  the  fub je &s  are  aU  Gods  fubjetts,  not  only  bj 
 obligation  (at  every  man  is)  bnt  alfobj  Confent* 
 
 Others  may  poffibly  be  permitted  as  incoUy  on  the 
 terms  as  Catechumens  in  or  among  the  Church.  But 
 only  the  voluntary  fubjefts  of  God  fhould  be  the 
 proper  Civet  or  free  fabje&s  of  a  Divine  Common- 
 wealth ;  and  only  Chriftians  of  a  Chriftian  Common- 
 wealth. 
 
 Tbef.  196.  1  An  a  Divine  Common-wealth  a  Cove- 
 nant between  (jod  and  the  people  is  the  Foundation  or  ne- 
 cejfary  Condition :  And  aM  the  free  fubjefts  are  engaged 
 firfttoGod. 
 
 As  I  (hewed  in  the  beginning,  as  they  are  Obligati 
 adObedientiamt  the  Law  of  Nature  is  the  Fundamen- 
 tum,  or  caufef  as  ihcy  have  Right  to  the  Btmfits 
 of  the  Common- wealth,  and  arc  free  of  it ;  Gods pro- 
 mi fe  or  Cov enancas  on  his  pirt  is  the  Fundamentum 
 and  the  Canfe;  and  their  Confent  or  Covenant  on 
 their  part,  is  the  fine  qua  non  or  Condition  ;  As  they 
 are  ftlf-obligd  ,  (or  bound  by  their  own  Confent) 
 it  is  the  efficrcnt  or  Foundation  of  that  fecondary  ob- 
 ligation. 
 
 Thef.  197.  4.  In  aDivine-Common-wealth.  the 
 Prince  or  other  humane  Soveraign  doth  hold  his  Power  at 
 from  God,  and  under  him^and  the  people  confent  andfub- 
 jetl  tbemfelves  to  him  principally  as  Gods  Officer. 
 
 P  %  Thougb 
 
21*       of  the  be f  form  of  Government , 
 
 Though  God  thoofe  not  his  Officers  now  in  th 
 fame  manner  as  in  Mofts  and  the  following  judge 
 dayes,  (as  to  the  extraordinary  Call)  yet  are  the 
 now  as  truly  his  Officers  as  then.  And  therefore  th 
 people  are  firft  to  be  engaged  in  Covenant  with  God 
 and  then  with  the  Prince  as  Gods  Officer  :  and  01 
 thefe  terms  are  Princes  to  hold  their  power. 
 
 Thcf.  198.  5.  In  a  Divine  Common-wealth  the  Ho 
 nour  and  T leafing  of  (jod^  andthefalvatisnof  the  peo 
 pie  are  the  Principal  Ends,  and  their  corpvral  we tfar, 
 bnt  [fiber  dinate  to  thefe. 
 
 For  it  is  maeh  denominated  h  termino  velfine :  thai 
 which  is  but  for  earthly  Ends,  is  but  an  earthly  Soeie 
 ty:  The  Body  that  is  not  for  the  foul  and  fubjed  tc 
 it,  is  not  the  Body  of  a  man,  but  of  a  bruit:  And 
 the  Kingdom  that  fubjedetb  not  corporal  feiicity  to 
 fpiritual,  and  temporal  to  crerpal,  and  lookcth  not  tc 
 that ,  is  but  a  brutifti  fenfual  Kingdom.  For  thougt 
 Rational  men  are  the  fubjeds  of  it ,  yet  while  that 
 Reafon  is  fub  jeded  to  the  fle(h  and  appetite,  they  are 
 kjine  to  be  denominated  brutifti :  For  that  is  a  mam 
 predominant  faculty,  which  is  next  that  which  be 
 makes  hischicfelt  End  :  And  therefore  if  be  have  a 
 Brutifti  End ,  bis  Brutifh  appetite  is  predominant, 
 though  Reafon  ferveit:  And  the  man,  and  fo  alfo 
 the  Society  and  Government  is  denomnated  from 
 that  which  is  predominant  ^  and  therefore  from  this 
 End  and  brutifti  Ruling  faculty  it  mult  be  called 
 
 Brutifti. 
 
 •> 
 
 Tbef. 
 
Axdhappyf (I  Common-wealth.  213 
 
 Thef.  199.  6.  Where  tbeGefpelispubli/hed,  Jefas 
 Cbrif}^  our  Lord  and  King,  bj  the  Title  of  Redemption, 
 is  alfo  to  be  acknowledged  by  Prince  and  people, and  ta\en 
 in  a*  the  Beginning  and  End  of  the  Common- wealth. 
 
 The  Kingdom  of  Chriftis  proved  before.  If  any 
 roan  will  but  read  the  Scripture,  be  need  no  other 
 confutation  of  Hcbbs  that  from  Scripture  would 
 prove  that  1  he  Kingdom  of  Chr  ift  is  only  at  his  fecond 
 coming,  and  not  at  pcfent* 
 
 Thef.  200.  In  the  Adm'wiftratien  of  a  Divine  Com- 
 *on-wealthythe  Officers  Jhould  be  foch  as  God  will  own  ; 
 fhat  is  ,  men  fearing  (Jod  and  working  righteoufnefs  ; 
 men  fober ,righteous 'and gody \that  by  Faith  &  Love  arc 
 Wjetted  themfelves  to  God  their  Creator  and  Redeemer. 
 
 Ifthelnferiour  Magnates  be  Infidels,  or  ungodly 
 men,  they  are  falfe  eocheir  higheit  King:  And  how 
 hen  can  they  be  fie  to  Govern  for  him,  and  promote 
 
 'is  mcereft  ? 
 
 Thef.  20 T .  In  the  A  dm:nifl  ration  of  a  Divine  Com- 
 monwealth. Godmuft  be  allotted  all  that  daufality  in 
 he  choice  of  Individual  Magiflrates ,  which  he  ande- 
 rcendeth  to-,  that  is,  l. All  the  defcriptions  and  Precepts 
 f  his  Law  m*fl  be  obferved.  Z.  Thofe  that  by  kit  Gifts 
 tnd  Providence  do  anfwer  his  Law  muft  be  eleEled. 
 \.And  to  that  end,thofe  that  he  hath  made  capable  only, 
 louldbeEleElors.  4.  And  that  which  cannot  by  theft 
 ^iftsfbt  mil  difcerned,ifit  he  of  moment, Jlould  be  refer- 
 red to  4  Lot. 
 
 P3  Of 
 
2  T4        of  the  be f form  of  Government, 
 
 Ofthefelfhal!  anon  fpeak  fomewlat  more  full/ . 
 in  ordqr  to  pra&ice. 
 
 Thef.   2G2.  In  a  Divine  Common-wealth  the  Laws 
 
 ■  of  God,  in  Nature  and  ^criptnre^  mn$  betake*  for  the 
 
 principal  Laws ,  which  no  Rulers  can  difpence  witb\  and 
 
 all  their  Ltxvs  muji  be  as  by-Lw  ,  fnbordinate  to  them' 
 
 for  the  promoting  of  their  execution. 
 
 Though  the  Law  of  Mofes  as  fucb  oblige  u^tior- 
 yec  the  fnactcr  of  it  under  another  form  may  oblige  ; 
 that  i?,  the  Moral  Law  ftill  bindcth  us ,  both  as  (he 
 L%w  or  Mature,  and  of  the  Redeemer  :  And  tbe  Res- 
 fans  of  the  Law  commonly  called  Political,  (chough 
 iodeed  the  Moral  were  Political  )  do  ftill  bind,  fo  far 
 as  our  cafe  agreeing  with  theirs,  we  can  perceive  in 
 thofe  Laws  how  God  would  havefucha  cafe  deter- 
 mined. If  Gods  L*ws  keep  not  the  preheminency,bis 
 Government  is  rejtded.  He  rueth  by  Laws  v  and  to 
 re  je&  thero  is  to  re  j  ft  his  Rule,  All  the  world  have 
 the  Law  of  Nature  •,  CbrifHans  alfo  have  the  Law  of 
 Grace,  and  the  Law  of  Nature  in  the  moft  legible 
 Charters.  Jhefe  are  to  be  the  principal  (Unices  for 
 the  Government  of  the  Common- wealth  ;  and  mans 
 La#s  fhould  fubferve  them. 
 
 Thef.  203.  In  a  Divine  Common-wetth  3  the  fins 
 tgxinft  Qod  mufi  be  accounted  the  m*Ji  hdinons  crimes  -y 
 The  denying  or  blatf  hewing God9  or  his  £fential  Attri* 
 bntes  or  Sovrraigt$tj9u  to  bejndgtd  tbe  bight fi  Tnafin  y 
 
 tni  t'yt  drawing  men  f  other  Godsend  feekjng  thefuine 
 efthe Common  wealth  infpiritualj^  to  fa  accounted  the 
 i  hi.  fffi  en  mi; j  to  h.  Jhfc 
 
And  happy  efi  Common-  wealth.  215 
 
 The  offence  againfl  tbe  higheft  Authority  mull 
 
 eed:  be  che  greateft  offence  (cate?  is  paribus.)  And 
 
 hough  the  chief  puniftimenc  be  referved  for  the  lifeco 
 
 oroe ,   yet  that  will  not  excufe  ttie  Migiftrate  from 
 
 he  duepumftingof  it  here.    For  Magiftrarcs  exe- 
 
 ucions  sre  for  the  publick  Good  of  that  particular 
 
 tommon- wealth  •  u/hifh  will  not  fruflrateGodsexe- 
 
 utions  for  the  Giory  of  his  Jufticc  and  other  ends 
 
 hat  are  to  man  unknown.   The  chief  puniftimenc 
 
 "or  Murder,  Theft  and  other  injuries  toman,  arcre- 
 
 erved  for  the  life  to  come:  And  yet  we  will  not  let 
 
 hem  here  gee  unpunifhed ,  Icaft  prefent  impunity 
 
 ncourage  chem  to  invade  men*  lives  and  eftates. 
 
 iNo  more  fhould  notorious  Impiety  go  unpunifhed 
 
 here-,  Uaft  impunity  encourage  men  to  deftrcy  their 
 
 own  and  others  fouls,   and  by  their  examples  and 
 
 temprarions  to  undo  men  everlaftingly  and  bring 
 
 down  Gods  temporal  judgements  on  the  place. 
 
 Thef.  204.  In  a  Divine  Common-wealth,  Helinefs 
 mufl  have  the  principal  honour  and  encouragement \anda 
 great  difference  be  m&de  between  the  precious  and  tht 
 
 viiC. 
 
 King  David  faith  Tfal.  16.  3.  That  his  good  ex- 
 tended to  the  Saints  that  are  in  the  earth,  and  to  the  ex- 
 cellent in  whom  was  aft  his  delight. PfaK  lOl«6.be  pro- 
 feffeth  that  hu  eyes  Jbill  be  upon  the  faithful  of  the 
 Land,  that  they  may  dwell  with  him  :  he  that  walketh  in 
 a  perfeU  way,  hejhzllferve  him  :  but  verf.  8 .  A  /re- 
 ward heart  /halt  depart  from  him,  and  he  will  net  knoft  A 
 wicked  per  fen  ,  and  that  be  \_will  early  dejlrey  all 
 the  wicked  of  the  Land  >  that  he  may  cut  off  all 
 P  4  wicked 
 
1 16        Of  the  befi  form  of  Government, 
 
 wicked  doers  from  the  City  of  the  Lord7\  This  is  s 
 Theocracy,  when  Princes  govern  From  God,  By  God 
 and/er  Gcd  in  all  things. 
 
 Thef.  205.  *By  this ittppearetb  thatinatrue  Thca 
 cracy  ,  or  Divine  Common  wealth,  the  Matter  of  th\ 
 Church  and  Common-wealth  fhould  be  altogether  or  al 
 mofi  thefame<>  though  the  form  of  them  and  adminiftrav 
 tio*s  are  different* 
 
 1.  That  the  materials  or  fubjc&s  fhould  be  ih< 
 fame,  appeareth  from  what  is  faid  :  They  muft  al!  bt 
 fach  as  enter  the  Covenant  with  God,  which  in  a 
 Chriftian  Common-wealth  can  be  no  other  then  the 
 Baptifmal  Covenant  which  cntereth  them  into  the 
 Chorcb^Gircaracifion  entered  them  by  the  holy  Cove- 
 nant into  Church  and  Common-wea!th,which  among 
 the  Jews  were  materially  the  fame.  He  that  is  by 
 the  Covenant  given  up  to  God  in  Chrift,  is  a  member 
 of  GodsUniverfal  Church  and  Kingdom.  Yea  in- 
 deed the  llniverfal  Church,  and  the  llniverfal  Kingr 
 dom  in  theftrid  fenfe,  are  both  materially  and  forrn^ 
 ally  all  one  ^  though  the  particulars  are  not  fo.  There 
 are  three  fenfes  of  Gods  Univerfal  Kingdom.  1 .  As 
 the  word  fignifieth  ail  that  are  obliged  es  fubjeftsto 
 obey  him ;  and  fo  all  men,  even  Rebels  are  members 
 of  bis  Kingdom.  2.  As  it  fignifieth  thofe  that  obey 
 Jhim  ftcundum  quid,  or  analogically,  but  not  (imply 
 and  acceptably ,  (nor  profefs  fo  much.)  And  fo  Turks 
 and  maay  Infidels  that  worfhlp  God ,  but  not  by 
 Chrift,  are  in  bis  Kingdom.  3 .  As  it  comprehendeth 
 onlv  faithful  accepted  fubje&*  >  and  thofe  that  by  pro- 
 feffian  feem  to  be  fuch :  And  thus  his  Kingdom,  and 
 
 his 
 
jindhapfpftcmmdn-wulth.         117 
 
 •is  Church  Univerfal  are  all  one  formally. 
 
 2.  But  the  reafon  why  particular  £kurchts  and 
 Commonwealths  arc  not  formally  the  fame,but  diftind 
 *oluus,is,becaufe  though  the  Univerfal  being  United 
 t  n  One  undivided  Head  1$  but  One,  as  being  denomi- 
 nated from  that  Head  ,  }et  from  unity  procecdeth 
 i-rpulopicicy  :  God  doth  not  communicate  all  that 
 Power  in  kind  which  if  Eminently  and  Tranfcendent- 
 y  in  bimfelf  to  any  one  man,  or  fort  of  Officer!  •  but 
 diftnbuterh  to  each  their  part  •  Civil  Power  to  Civil 
 K  Ruler* ,  and  Ecclefiaftical  to  Church- Rulers.   When 
 it  we  ire  once  come  down  below  God  the  fountain  in 
 jOurcbfcrvation,  we  find  a  prefent  Div.'fion  of  that 
 <  Communicable  Poorer  into  many  hand%  wbich  flow- 
 eth  from  the  incommunicable  Power  that  is  in  Go4 
 alone.  For  man  hath  not  Gods  fufficicr.cy  to  be  all. 
 The  Popes  flatterers  may  ex'ol  himas  an  Univerfal 
 Vce-God,  or  Vcc-Chrift;  but  as  Scripture  tells  us 
 that  he  wants  the  Formy  that  is,  the  Authority  :  So 
 Nature  tells  us  that  he  wants  the  Jptit ude  and  Capa- 
 city of  matter.  A rd  therefore  though  the  Vnivtrfal 
 Kmgdom  (in  the  find  fenfe)  and  the  Univerfal 
 Church  are  One,  in  Of  e  God,  yet  particular  King- 
 doms and  Churches  are  diverfified  in  ffecit ,  as  (hail 
 anonbefhewed. 
 
 When  I  fay  that  the  matter  (ordinarily)  fhould  be 
 the  fame  §  I  mean  cot  to  tyc  the  Govcrnours  of 
 Church  or  State  ,  to  a  ncceiTary  conformity  of  their 
 adminiftrations  as  to  the  matter,  in  taking  in  or  call- 
 ing out  of  members  (  favc  only  in  point  of  advan- 
 tage and  convenience  ,  to  be  mentioned  in  the  next 
 chapter. )  For  each  fort  of  Governours  have  the 
 charge  of  their  own  diftind  adminiftrations.    It  is 
 
 not 
 
2 1 8        Of  the  hep;  form  of  Government, 
 
 not  only  poffiblc,  but  too  common  ,  that  one  fort  i 
 much  more carelels  and  unfaithful  to  God  and  men 
 then  the  other.  If  a  good  Magiftrate  have  bad  Pa 
 flours  over  the  fame  people ,  and  the  Paftors  wifl 
 not  difference  between  the  precious  and  the  vile  ■  but 
 will  keep  the  impious  and  hltby  in  the  Church,  the 
 Magiftrate  is  not  therefore  bourjd  to  keep  fuch  as 
 Free  men  in  the  Commonweakhjbut  muft  make  it  (as 
 containing  Free  men  )  narrower  then  the  Church. 
 And  if  faithful  Paftours  live  under  acarelefs  Prince 
 tbat  takes  ihefilthyeft  and  mod  impious  as  Cives , 
 the  Palhurs  mutt  not  do  fo  in  the  Church  -for  they 
 muft  be  accountable  to  God  for  the  difchar ge  of  their 
 own  truft. 
 
 Bur  that  which  I  mean,  is,that  the  fame  Qualifica- 
 tion makcth  a  man  capable  of  being  a  member  both 
 of  a  Chnftian  Church  and  Common-weahb,which  is, 
 bit  Covenant  with  God  in  Cbrtft,  or  his  Membership 
 of  the Univcrfal  Church,  fuppofing  the  other  cir- 
 cumftantials  or  accidental  capacities  which  are  indeed 
 diftinft, 
 
 Laftly,  Note  that  I  exclude  not  fomejuft  excepti- 
 ons of  ordinary  or  extraordinary  Cafes,  in  which  the 
 Members  of  one  fort  of  Society  may  be  excluded 
 from  the  other.  Perfons  that  are  through  fcruples 
 ( innocent  or  finful )  kept  from  joyni&g  with  a  par- 
 ticular Church  for  a  time,  being  yet  capable  of  their 
 Communion,  rosy  be  yet  members  of  the  Common- 
 wealth. W^ne  of  Riches  may  domorealfo  to  keep 
 men  out  of  Freedom  in  the  Common- wealth ,  then 
 out  of  the  Church.  And  yet  1  think  that  in  aThco- 
 cracie  care  fhould  be  taken  to  keep  fome  members 
 from  fwelling  co  excefs ,  and  other*  from  extremity 
 
 of 
 
And  bap f ye  ft  Ceminw-xtealth*      2  1 9 
 
 1>f  want,  as  among  tbe  lfraelites  there  was  ;  ret  fo  as 
 10  mans  induftry  fee  difcouraged  ,  nor  propriety  in- 
 'aded,  noridlenefs  nany  chcrifhtd.  ^nd  Riches  and 
 Poverty  (hcu!d  cot  make  altoger her  fo  great  a  diffe- 
 rence as  they  do  in  Prophanefocieties.  If  mens  Pover- 
 ty be  not  fo  great  as  to  make  them  tbe  fervaotsof 
 others,  and  deprive  them  of  ingenuous  Freedom  ,  ic 
 fhonld  not  depsive  them  of 'Civil Freedom  :  efpecially 
 where  Criminal  and  Civil  cafes  have  different  Judges, 
 they  may  have  more  Freedom  about  Criminals  then 
 Civils.  Where  wealth  is  concerned  ,  men  of  wealth 
 (h  >uld  have  the  power :  but  where  Verde  or  Vice  , 
 Honefly  or  Difhoneftv  is  the  matter  of  debate  ,  the 
 Honeft  though  poor ,  fhouldbavc  more  power  than 
 tbe  Impious  thac  are  rich. 
 
 I  conclude  therefore  that  though  variety  of  out- 
 ward States,  and  the  negkfts  of  either  Magiftrate  or 
 Paftoun,may  be  an  exception  to  tbe  Ruic,vet  as  to  in- 
 ward qualifications,ordinariIy  the  fame  perfons are  fie 
 to  be  Members  of  Church  and  Common- wealth. 
 
 But  as  the  Church  bath  only  tbe  members  within, 
 and  yet  the  Cempeten'es,  and  Catechumen^  and  in  a 
 morediftant  fort,the  excommunicate,  tad  the  Neigh- 
 bour Infidels,  under  her  care,  as  owing  them  foffic 
 help ;  foa  Cbriftian  Common  wealth,  though  it  own 
 none  a<  Civts^  (  or  freefubjeds,  cotT.rnonly  called 
 Burgeffes,  or  enfranchised  perfons  )  but  focb  as  arc 
 fit  to  beCburcb-raembcrs  ,  yet  bath  it  many  that  are 
 raeer  fubje&s,  and  arc  to  have  the  protcftion  of  the 
 Laws  for  their  lives  and  poffelfiocs^hat  are  cf  a  low- 
 er form. 
 
 2*  And  yet  thac Chnrch  and  Common-wealth  are 
 cot  formally  (nor  def*%o  alwaycs %  nor  nfqtlly  roatc- 
 
 rially 
 
2  2  o       Of  the  be  ft  form  of  Government, 
 
 rially  in  a  great  pirt )  the  fame  facietics ,  appearetb. 
 I.  From  the  difference  of  Governours.     Magiilrates' 
 Rule  che  Common,  wealth,  and  the  C  hurch  as  in  the 
 Common^weakh,bat  not  the  Church  with  that  pecu- 
 liar Government  proper  to  it  as  a  Church.   And 
 Mioifters  may  Teach  in  che  Common  wealth  ,  but  as 
 Paftours  tbey  Govern  only  the  Church  as  fuch. 
 &.  From  the  manner  of  Government  and  adminiftra- 
 tions.   The  Magiftrace  Ruleth  imperioufly  ,  and  by 
 force,  having  power  upon  mens  eftate*  and  perfons : 
 Bat  the  Paftours  have  none  fuch,  but  govern  only  by 
 the  Word  of  God  explained  and  applyed   to  the 
 Conscience.    3 .  From  the  nearefi  Foundation.   The 
 Common-wealth  is  conftitute<tby  a  (^virtual  or  aftu- 
 al)  contraft  between  che  civil  Soveraign  «nd.the 
 People  :  But  the  Church  (particular)  is  conftituted, 
 by  a  confent  between  the  Paftours  and  the  Flock. 
 4.  From  the  extent-  The  Common-wealth  conraineth 
 all  the  pepplc  in  a  whole  Nation  or  more,  as  united 
 in  pne  Soveraign.  But  particular  Churches  (  diftind 
 from  the  univerfal  united  in  Chrift  )  have  no  general 
 Ecclefiaftical  Officers  in  whom  a  Nation  muft  unite  as 
 one  Churchy  but  as  Corporations  in  one  Kingdom  ^ 
 or  as  fo  many  Schools,  that  have  a  peculiar  form  and 
 Government  ;  but  fuch  only  as  is  under  the  Magi- 
 ftratcs  Government  in  its  kind  :  or  as  feveral  CoN 
 ledges  in  one  Uni verfity .    5 ,  From  the  accidental  in- 
 capacities of  men  to  be  members  of  each.  A  Servant  X)T 
 Beggar  is  to  be  a  free  member  of  the  Church,  that  is 
 to  be  limited  much  more  in  his  freedom  in  the  Com* 
 mon-wealtb.  And  a  man  that  lives  as  aCarryer  or 
 MtfTenger,  in  conftant  travail  from  place  to  place, 
 (  fpecially  if  he  have  no  home  )  is  fcarce  capable  of 
 
 being 
 
And  hdpfytjt  Comwn>T9taltb.  22* 
 
 being  a  member  of  a  particularGhurcb,  who  yet  may 
 be  a  member  of  the  Comracrn- wealth.  6.  From  the 
 Nearefl  tnd.  Civil  Order  is  the  Neareft  end  of  civil 
 (Policy  :  but  Church  Order,  for  holy  Cotpmunion  in 
 Gods  worfh  p,  is  the  Neareft  end  of  Church  Policy. 
 So  that  formally  they  are  divers,  chough  materially ,  if 
 Princes  and  Paftours  would  do  their  duties,  in  refor- 
 mation and  righteous  Government,  they  would  be  if 
 not  altogether ,  yet  for  the  rooft  pari  the  fame,  as 
 cocfiftingof  the  fame  perfons. 
 
 Thef.  206.  It  U  thU  Theecratical  Policy  or  Divine 
 Common-wealth,  which  is  the  unqueJlionabU  reign  §f 
 Chrift  on  earth,  which  alt  Chriftians  are  agreed  may  he 
 jujlljfonght  •  and  that  temporal  dignity  of Saints  %whkh 
 undoubtedly  would  much  blefs  the  world. 
 
 Whether  there  be  any  other  reign  of  Chrift  on  * 
 eanhcobeexpe&ed,  that  is,  by  his  vifiblc  perfonal 
 abode  (  which  I  perceive  fome  Papifts  of  late  very 
 bufy  ,  under  their  feverai  maskes,  to  indigitate,  part- 
 ly in  order  to  perfwade  men  that  the  Church  is  a 
 Body  that  bath  an  Univerfal  vifible  Head, which  muft 
 be  Chrifts  Vicar,  but  in  the  interfpicc  bee  wixt  his  firft 
 and  fecond  coming, )  this  controverfie  1  do  not  now 
 determine.  For  my  own  part ,  I  reverence  the  Anci- 
 ents that  were  of  that  mind,  and  many  later  that 
 bare  followed  them.  I  am  my  felf  as  mcerly  Neutral 
 in  it  as  in  almoft  any  point  of  fo  great  moment  fo 
 often  propounded  to  my  confideration  :  I  oppofc 
 them  not  in  the  lea  ft,  nor  am  I  for  them  :  Not  from 
 a  carelefnefs  or  un willingnefs  to  know  the  trmb,  but 
 the  difficulty  of  the  cafe ,  and  the  weaknefs  of  my 
 
 under- 
 
2i*       of  the  btfi  form ofGwemncnt, 
 
 Though  Godthoofe  not  big  Officers  now  in  tl 
 fame  manner  as  in  Mofes  and  the  following  judge 
 dayes,  (as  to  the  extraordinary  Call)  yet  are  the 
 now  as  truly  his  Officers  as  then.  And  therefore  tl 
 people  are  firft  to  be  engaged  in  Covenant  with  Goc 
 and  then  with  the  Prince  as  Gods  Officer  :  and 
 thefe  terms  are  Princes  to  hold  their  power. 
 
 Thcf.  198.   $.  Ina  Divine  Common-wealth  the  Ho 
 
 nour andT* leafing  of  Qod^  and  the  falvatisnof  the  peo 
 pie  are  the  Principal  Ends,  and  their  corpvral  rvefan 
 but  fuhrdinate  to  thefe. 
 
 For  it  is  mush  denominated  h  termino  v el  fine :  thai 
 which  is  bat  for  earthly  Ends,  is  but  an  earthly  Socie^ 
 ty:  The  Body  that  is  not  for  the  foul  and  fubjed:  u 
 it,  is  not  the  Body  of  a  man,  but  of  a  bruit;  Anc 
 the  Kingdom  that  fubje&etb  not  corporal  feiiciry  r< 
 fpiritual,  and  temporal  to  er*rpal,  and  lookcth  not  tc 
 that  j  is  but  a  brutifti  fenfual  Kingdom.  For  thougt 
 Rational  men  arethefubjefts  of  it,  yet  while  thai 
 Reafon  is  fub  jeded  to  the  flefti  and  appetite,  they  an 
 a  fine  to  be  denominated  brunfti :  For  that  is  a  mam 
 predominant  faculty,  which  is  next  that  which  he 
 makes  hischiefclt  End  :  And  therefore  if  be  have  1] 
 Brutifti  End  ,  bis  Brutifti  appetite  is  predominant, 
 though  Reafon  fcrveit:  And  the  man,  and  fo  alfc 
 the  Society  and  Government  is  denomnated  from 
 that  which  is  predominant  •  and  therefore  from  thk 
 End  and  brutifti  Ruling  faculty  it  muft  be  called 
 Brutifti. 
 
 The/; 
 
Andhafpytft  Common-  wealth.  2 1 J 
 
 Thef.  199.  6.  Where  the  Gofpel  is  publifhed^efns 
 ~brif}^  our  Lord  and  King,  bj  the  Title  of  Redemption, 
 '  aI[q  to  be  acknowledged  by  Prince  and  people, and  ta\en 
 
 a6  the  Beginning  and  End  of  the  Common- wealth. 
 
 The  Kingdom  of  Chriftis  proved  before.  If  any 
 nan  will  but  read  the  Scripture,  he  need  no  other 
 onfucation  of  Hcbbs  that  from    Scripture  would 
 
 ove  chat  1  he  Kingdom  of  Chr  ift  is  only  at  his  fecond 
 oming,  and  not  at  pcfent. 
 
 Thef.  200.  In  the  Adminiftratien  of  a  Divine  Com- 
 *on-wealthythe  Officers  fhould  be  fuch  as  God  will  own  ; 
 bat  is  i  men  fearing  (Jod  and  working  righteoufnefs  ; 
 wnfoberjrighteons 'and god'y, that  bj  Faith  &  Love  arc 
 'objected  themfelves  to  God  their  Creator  and  Redeemer. 
 
 Ifchelnferiour  Magnates  be  Infidels,  or  ungodly 
 oen,  they  arefalfe  tocheir  bigheit  King:  And  h0w 
 hen  can  rhey  be  fie  to  Govern  for  him,  and  promote 
 tis  incereft  ? 
 
 Tbef.  20 T.  In  the  Adm'nifiration  of  a  Divine  Com- 
 nn  wealth.  Godmuft  be  a/lofted  all  that  daufality  in 
 he  choice  of  Individual  Afagiflrates ,  which  he  ctnde- 
 cendttb  to^  that  isy  l. All  the  defer iptions  and  Precepts 
 f  his  Law  m*fl  beobferved.  Z-.T^q/i \that  bj  hit  Gifts 
 nd  Providence  do  anfwer  his  Law  muft  be  tlctted. 
 .And  to  that  end%thofe  that  he  hath  made  capable  only, 
 houtd  be  EleEtors.  4.  And  that  which  cannot  by  theft 
 iftsfbt  n>ell  difcernedyifit  be  of  moment  ^fhould  be  refer- 
 id  (0  a  Lot. 
 
 P3  Pf 
 
2  T4        of  the  heft  form  of  Government, 
 
 Ofchefelfliall  anon  fpeak  fomewlat  more  fully 
 in  ordqr  to  praftice. 
 
 Thef.  2G2.  In  a  Divine  Common-wealth  the  Laws 
 of  God,  in  Nature  and  ^criptnre,  mnfk  betaken  for  the 
 principal  Laws,  which  no  Rulers  can  Ai/pence  with;  and 
 All  their  Laws  mujf  be  as  by-Lw  ^  ftibordinaie  to  them 
 for  the  promoting  of  their  execution. 
 
 Though  the  Law  of  Mofes  as  fucb  oblige  uwior^ 
 yet  the  matter  of  it  under  another  form  may  oblige; 
 that  i«,  rhe  Moral  Law  (till  bindcth  us ,  both  as  the 
 L  %m  or  Mature,  and  of  the  Redeemer  :  And  the  Rea- 
 fons  of  the  I,aw  commonly  called  Political,  (chough 
 indeed  the  Moral  were  Political  )  do  ftill  bind,  fo  far 
 as  our  cafe  agreeing  with  theirs,  we  can  perceive  in 
 thofe  Laws  how  God  would  havefucha  cafe  deter- 
 mined. If  Gods  Lsws  keep  not  the  preheminency,bis 
 Government  is  rejt&ed.  He  rueth  by  Laws  v  and  to 
 rejeftthem  is  to  re  j  ft  his  Rule,  All  the  world  have 
 the  Law  of  Nature  *  CbrifHans  alfo  have  the  Law  of 
 Grace,  and  the  Law  of  Nature  in  the  moft  legible 
 Charters.  Thefeare  to  be  the  principal  (Unites  for 
 the  Government  of  the  Common- wealth  :  and  mans 
 La#s  (houW  fubferve  them. 
 
 Thef.  203.  In*  Divine  Common-wedth,  the  fins 
 figxinft  Qod  mufi  be  accounted  the  m*Ji  hainotts  crimes  -, 
 The  denying  orblafrhemingGod^  or  his  £jfenti*l  Attr%+ 
 bates  or  Swvraigwj^u  tobe  judged  the  highe ft  Trio/on-, 
 fyjJ  th  d'awing  men  f  other  Godsend  feekfng  thefuine 
 rfthe  Common  wealth  infpiritHah^  to  be  accounted  the 
 i  hi.  ffft  enmity  to  h.  The 
 
And  kappjeft  Common-  wealth.  215 
 
 The  offence  againfl  tbe  higheft  Authority  rouft 
 needs  berhe  greateft  offence  {ctw is paribus.)  And 
 though  tbe  chief  panilhment  be  referved  for  the  life  to 
 come ,  yet  that  will  not  excufe  the  Migiftrare  from 
 [be  duepumfhngof  it  here.  For  Magiftrarcs  exe- 
 cutions sre  for  the  publick  Good  of  that  particular 
 Common- wealth  >  whieh  wiU  not  fruflrate  Gods  exe- 
 cutions for  the  Giory  of  his  Juftice  and  other  ends 
 that  are  to  man  unknown.  The  chief  puniftunenc 
 for  Murder,  Thefc  and-other  injuries  to  man,  arc  re- 
 fer ved  for  the  lire  to  come:  And  yet  we  will  not  let 
 them  here  goe  unpunifhed ,  leaft  prefent  impunity 
 encourage  chem  to  invade  men*  Jives  and  eftates. 
 No  more  (hould  notorious  Impiety  go  unpunifhed 
 here-  leaft  impunity  encourage  men  to  deftroy  their 
 own  and  others  fouls,  and  by  their  examples  and 
 temprarions  to  undo  men  evcrlaftingly  and  bring 
 down  Gods  temporal  judgements  on  the  place. 
 
 Thef.   204.  In  a  Divine  Common-wealth,  Helinefs 
 
 muft  have  the  principal  honour  and  encouragement , and  a 
 great  difenneebe  m.ide  between  the  preewvs  and  the 
 piie* 
 
 King  David  faith  Tfat.  16.  3.  That  his  good  ex- 
 tended to  the  Saints  that  Are  in  the  earth,  and  to  the  ex- 
 cellent in  whom  was  alt  his  delight.  Pfal.  I0i«6.  be  pro- 
 feffetb  that  hu  eyes  fbxll  be  upon  the  faithful  of  the 
 Land,  that  they  may  dwell  with  him  :  he  that  walketh  in 
 a  perfetl  way,  he  fhxll  ferve  him  :  but  verf.  8 .  A  fro- 
 ward  heart  /halt  depart  from  him,  and  he  will  net  knoft  a 
 wicked  perfon  ,  and  that  he  £  will  early  deftroy  all 
 the  wicked  of  the  Land  >  that  he  may  cnl  off  all 
 P  4  wicked 
 
2 1(5        Of  the  befi  form  of  Government, 
 
 yeicktd  doers  from  the  City  of  the  Lord7\    This  is  t 
 Theocraty ,  when  Princes  govern  From  God,  By  God, 
 1  and  for  Gcd  in  all  things. 
 
 Thef.  205.  *By  this  ttsppearetb  thatinatrue  Theo- 
 cracy ,  or  Divine  Common  wealth,  the  Matter  of  the 
 Church  and  Common-wealth  fhould  be  altogether  or  al- 
 ntojl  the  fame,  though  the  form  of  them  and  adminiftra* 
 tions  are  different* 
 
 1.  That  the  materials  or  fubjc&s  ftiould  be  ihe 
 fame,  appeareth  from  what  is  faid  :  They  muft  al!  be 
 fuch  as  enter  the  Covenant  with  God,  which  in  a 
 Christian  Common-wealth  can  be  no  other  then  the 
 Baptifma!  Covenant  which  cnteretb  them  into  the 
 Churcb^Gircumcifion  entered  them  by  the  holy  Cove- 
 nant into  Church  and  Common-wealth,which  among 
 the  Jew*  were  materially  the  fame.  He  that  is  by 
 the  Covenant  given  up  to  God  in  Chrift,  is  a  member  I 
 of  GodsUniverfal  Church  and  Kingdom.  Yea  in- 
 deed the  Univerfal  Church,  and  the  UniverfalKingr 
 dom  in  the  Arid  fenfe,  are  both  materially  and  form^ 
 ally  all  one  ^  though  the  particulars  are  not  fo.  There 
 are  three  fenfes  of  Gods  Univcrfal  Kingdom.  1 .  As 
 the  word  fignifieth  ail  that  are  obliged  vs  fubje&sto 
 obey  him ;  and  (ball  men,  even  Rebels  are  members 
 of  his  Kingdom.  2.  As  it  fignifieth  thofe  that  obey 
 him  ftcundumqwd,  or  analogically,  but  not  (imply 
 and  acceptably ,  (nor  profefs  fo  much.)  And  fo  Turks 
 and  maay  Infidels  that  worfirp  God ,  but  not  by 
 Cbrift,  are  in  bis  Kingdom.  3 .  As  it  comprehendeth 
 onlv  faithful  accepted  fubjed*,  and  thofe  that  by  pro- 
 fcfiian  teem  to  be  fuch :  And  thus  bis  Kingdom,  an4 
 
 his 
 
AndhaffycftCmmdn-wealth.         117 
 
 bis  Church  Umverfal  are  all  one  formally. 
 
 2.  Buc  the  reafon  why  particular  £hurchts  and 
 Commonwealths  are  not  formallj  the  fame,but  diftinS 
 Pv>lirus,is3becaufe  though  the  Univcrfal  being  United 
 in  One  undivided  Head  1$  bot  One,  as  being  denomi- 
 nated from  that  Head  ,  }et  from  unity  proceedctb 
 fpultip  icity  :  God  doch  not  communicate  all  that 
 power  in  kind  which  ii  Eminently  and  Tranfcendent- 
 ly  in  bimfelf  to  any  one  man,  or  fort  of  Officers  •  but 
 diftnbuterh  to  each  their  part  -,  Civil  Power  to  Civil 
 Ru!er«,  and  Ecclcfiaftical  ro  Church- Rulers.  When 
 we  ire  once  come  down  below  God  the  fountain  in 
 our  cbfervation  ,  we  find  a  prefer*  Divifion  of  that 
 Communicable  Power  into  many  hand*,  which  f!ow- 
 eth  from  the  incommunicable  Power  that  is  in  God 
 alone.  For  man  hath  not  Gods  fufficicr.cy  to  be  all. 
 The  Popes  flatterers  maycx'ol  him  as  an  Univcrfal 
 V  ce*God,  or  V  ce-Chrift ;  but  as  Scripture  tells  us 
 that  he  wants  the  Form,  that  is,  the  Authority  :  So 
 Nature  tells  us  that  he  wants  the  Aptitudt  and  Capa- 
 city of  matter.  And  therefore  though  the  Vniverfal 
 Kingdom  (in  the  ftrid  fenfe)  and  the  Uoiverfal 
 Church  are  One,  in  Of  e  God,  yet  particular  King- 
 doms and  Churches  are  diverfificd  in  ff>ecit ,  ai  (hail 
 anon  be  (hewed. 
 
 When  I  fay  that  the  matter  (ordinarily)  fhould  be 
 the  fame  %  I  mean  not  to  tyc  the  Govcrnours  of 
 Church  or  Stare  ,  to  a  neceffary  conformity  of  their 
 adminifirations  as  to  the  matter,  in  taking  in  or  call- 
 ing out  of  members  (  fave  only  in  point  of  advan- 
 tage and  convenience  ,  to  be  mentioned  in  the  next 
 chapter. )  For  each  fort  of  Governours  have  the 
 charge  of  their  own  diftind  adminiftrations.    It  is 
 
 not 
 
2 1 8        Of  the  hep;  form  of  Government, 
 
 not  only  poffibic,  but  too  common  ,  that  one  fort  is 
 much  more carelcfs  and  unfaichful  to  God  and  men 
 then  the  other.  If  a  good  Magiitrate  have  bad  Pa- 
 ftours  over  the  fame  people ,  and  the  Paftors  will 
 not  difference  between  the  precious  and  the  vile  ,  but 
 will  keep  the  impious  and  filthy  in  the  Church  ,  the 
 Magiftrate  is  not  therefore  bound  to  keep  fuch  as 
 Free  men  in  the  Commonwealcb,but  muft  make  it  (as 
 containing  Free  men  )  narrower  then  the  Church. 
 And  if  faithful  Paftours  live  under  acarelefs  Prince 
 tbat  take?  :  he  filthyeft  and  mod  impious  as  Civet , 
 the  Part*  >urs  mutt  not  do  fo  in  the  Church  .  for  they 
 mart  be  accountable  to  God  for  the  discharge  of  their 
 own  truth 
 
 Bu^  that  which  I  mean,  is,that  the  fame  Qualifica- 
 tion makcth  a  man  capable  of  being  a  member  both 
 of  a  Chnftian  Church  and  Common-weaUh,which  is, 
 bit  Covenant  with  God  in  Cbrift,  or  his  Meroberfhip 
 of  the  Universal  Church,  fuppofing  the  other  cir- 
 cumftantials  or  accidental  capacities  which  are  indeed 
 diftinft, 
 
 Laftly,  Note  that  I  exclude  not  fome  juft  excepti- 
 ons of  ordinary  or  extraordinary  Cafes,  in  wf  icb  the 
 Members  of  one  fort  of  Society  may  be  excluded 
 from  the  other.  Perfons  that  are  through  fcruples 
 ( innocent  or  finful )  kept  from  joyoing  with  a  par- 
 ticular Church  for  a  time,  being  yet  capable  of  their 
 Communion,  ra*y  be  yet  members  of  the  Common- 
 wealth. W'.ncof  Riches  may  domorealfo  to  keep 
 men  out  of  Freedom  in  rbe  Common-  wealth  ,  then 
 our  of  the  Church.  And  yet  1  think  that  in  aThco- 
 cracie  carefhould  be  taken  to  keep  fome  members 
 from  fwelling  co  excefs ,  and  others  from  extremity 
 
 of 
 
And  kdpfyeft  Ctmmn-weahh.      2 1 9 
 
 of  want,  as  among  the  lfraelites  there  was  ;  ret  fo  as 
 no  roans  induftry  fee  difcouraged  ,  nor  propriety  in- 
 vaded, noridlenefs  nany  chcrilhtd.  ^nd  Riches  and 
 Povcrcy  fhcuid  not  make  altoger her  fo  great  a  diffe- 
 rence as  they  do  in  Prophanef jcieties.  If  mens  Pover- 
 ty be  not  fo  great  as  to  make  them  the  fervantsof 
 oihers,  and  deprive  them  of  ingenuous  Freedom  ,  it 
 ftioold  not  depiive  them  of Civil  Freedom  :  efpecially 
 where  Criminal  snd  *  ivi!  cafes  have  efferent  Judges, 
 they  may  have  more  Freedom  about  Criminals  then 
 Civils.  Where  weal  1  hts  concerned  ,  men  of  wealth 
 fh  >uld  have  the  power :  but  where  Verrfce  or  Vice  % 
 Honefly  or  Dilhonefh  is  the  matter  of  debate  ,  the 
 Honcft  though  poor,  fhouldbavc  more  power  than 
 the  Impious  that  are  rich. 
 
 I  conclude  therefore  that  though  variety  of  out- 
 ward States,  and  thenegkdsof  either  Magiftrate  or 
 Piftours,may  be  an  exception  to  the  Ruie,yet  as  to  in- 
 ward qua  lificat:ons,or  dinar  ily  the  fame  per  Ions  arc  he 
 to  be  Members  of  Church  and  Common-wealth. 
 
 But  as  the  Church  hath  only  the  members  within, 
 and  yet  the  Cwfeteu'es,  and  Catechumens  and  in  a 
 morediftant  fort, the  excommunicate,  sad  the  Neigh- 
 bour Infidels,  under  her  c^re,  as  owing  them  fomc 
 help ;  fo  a  Chriftian  Common  wealth,  though  it  awn 
 none  as  Civc s,  (  or  frecfubjeds,  commonly  called 
 Burgcffes,or  enfranchised  perfons  )  but  foch  as  arc 
 fit  to  be  Church-members  ,  yet  bath  it  many  that  are 
 raeer  fubjeds,  and  arc  to  have  the  protcftion  of  the 
 Laws  for  their  lives  and  poflelfiocf  ,tbat  are  of  a  low- 
 er form. 
 
 2.  And  yet  thatChurcb  and  Common-wealth  are 
 not  formally  (nor  deftty  alwayct ,  nor  ofually  mate- 
 rially 
 
?  2  o       Of  the  be  ft  form  of  Government, 
 
 rially  in  a  great  pirt )  the  fame  focietics ,  appearetb. 
 1.  From  the  difference  of  Govtmours.     Magillrates 
 Rule  che  Common-wealch,  and  the  C  hurch  as  in  the 
 Common^wealth,bat  not  the  Church  with  that  pecu- 
 liar Government  proper  to  it  as  a  Church.    And 
 Mioifters  may  Teach  in  che  Common  wealth  ,  but  as 
 Paftours  they  Govern  only  the  Church  as  fuch. 
 &.  From  the  manner  of  Government  and  adminiftra- 
 tions.   The  Magiftrace  Ruleth  imperioufly  ,  and  by 
 force,  having  power  upon  mens  eftate*  and  perfons : 
 Bat  the  Paftours  have  none  fuch,  but  govern  only  by 
 the-  Word  of  God  explained  and  applyed   to  the 
 Confcience.    3  .  From  the  nearefi  Foundation,   The 
 Common-wealth  is  conftituted-by  a  (virtual  or  actu- 
 al) contraft  between  the  civil  Soveraign  -and  the 
 People  :  But  the  Church  (particular)  is  conftituted, 
 by  a  confent  between  the  Paftours  and  the  Flock. 
 4.  From  the  extent-  The  Common-wealth  containeth 
 ail  the  pepplc  in  a  whole  Nation  or  more,  as  united 
 in  pne  Soveraign.  But  particular  Churches  (  diftinft 
 from  the  univerfal  united  in  Chrift  )  have  no  general 
 Ecclefiaftical  Officers  in  whom  a  Nation  muft  unite  as 
 one  Churchy  but  as  Corporations  in  one  Kingdom  -, 
 or  as  fo  many  Schools,  that  have  a  peculiar  form  and 
 Government  ;  but  fuch  only  as  is  under  the  Magi- 
 ftratci  Government  in  its  kind  :  or  as  feveral  Col- 
 ledges  in  one  Uni verfity.    5 .  From  the  accidental  in- 
 capacities of  men  to  be  members  of  each.  A  Servant  or 
 Beggar  is  to  be  a  free  member  of  the  Church,  that  is 
 to  be  limited  much  more  in  his  freedom  in  the  Com- 
 mon-wealth. And  a  man  that  lives  as  aCarryer  or 
 MtfTcnger,  in  conftant  travail  from  place  to  place, 
 (  fpccially  if  he  have  no  home)  is  fcarce  capable  of 
 
 being 
 
And  bdpfytjl  Common>maltk  22 1 
 
 being  a  member  of  a  particulai:€6urcbs  who  yet  may 
 be  a  member  of  the  Comnacrn- wealth.  6.  From  the 
 Nearefl  tnd.  Civil  Order  is  the  Nearelt  end  of  civil 
 Poitty  :  but  Church  Order,  for  holy  Communion  in 
 Gods  worftrp,  is  the  Neareft  end  of  Church  Policy. 
 So  that  formally  they  are  divers,  though  materially  y  if 
 Princes  and  Paftours  would  do  their  duties,  in  refor- 
 mation and  righteous  Government,  they  would  be  if 
 not  altogether,  yet  for  the  moft  part  the  fame,  as 
 coDfiftmgof  the  fame  perfons. 
 
 Thef.  206.  It  U  this  Theocratical  Policy  or  Divine 
 Common-wealthy  which  is  the  unqueflionablt  reign  of 
 Chrift  on  earth,  r*hich  all  Christians  are  agreed  may  he 
 ]»ftljfo*ght  j  and  that  temporal  dignity  of  Saints  %which 
 undoubtedly  would  much  blefs  the  world. 
 
 Whether  there  be  any  other  reign  of  Chrift  on " 
 esrehtobeexpeded,  that  11,  byhisvifible  perfonal 
 abode  (  which  I  perceive  fome  Papifts  of  late  very 
 bufy  ,  under  their  fereral  maskes,  to  indigitate,  part- 
 ly in  order  to  perfwade  men  that  the  Church  is  a 
 Body  that  bath  an  Univerfal  vifibleHead^whicbmuft 
 be  Chrifts  Vicar,  but  in  the  interfpacc  betwixt  his  firft 
 and  fecond  coming, )  this  controverfie  1  do  not  now 
 determine.  For  my  own  part ,  I  reverence  the  Anci- 
 ents that  were  of  that  mind  ,  and  many  later  that 
 have  followed  them.  I  am  my  felf  as  meerly  Neutral 
 in  it  as  in  almoft  any  point  of  fo  great  moment  fo 
 often  propounded  to  my  confi  deration  :  I  oppofc 
 them  not  in  the  leaft,  nor  am  I  for  them  :  "Not  from 
 a  carelefnefs  or  onwillingnefs  to  know  the  trntb,  but 
 the  difficulty  of  the  cafe ,  and  the  weaknefs  of  my 
 
 wader- 
 
a  ii        Of  the  bejfprm  of Government 3 
 
 undcrftanding.  I  live  in  hope  of  the  coming  and  ap- 
 pearance of  our  Lord'JefusChrift,  and  pray  that  he 
 may  come  quickly  :  But  that  he  will  after  h  s  coming 
 raign  Vtfibly  on  earth,  and  if  Jo,  in  what  manner,are 
 things  that  I  have  read  much  of,  but  am  uncertain  af- 
 &er  all,  and  force  can  perceive  which  way  ray  judge- 
 ment raoft  incltnech. 
 
 But  in  the  mean  time,  whylhould  wenotallcon- 
 
 jfp  re  in  our  longings  after  x  hit  Raign  of  Cbrift,  and. 
 
 Dignity' 6?  theSainrs,and  Reformation  of  the  vVorld, 
 
 ch  is  undoubtedly  our  duty,  and  which  all  agree 
 
 about  that  have  the  fear  of  God  ? 
 
 If  there  be  mch  a  thing  as  a  vifible  Raign  of 
 Chrifthere  to  be  cxpe&ed  ,  he  will  furely  elevate 
 h  s  Trvants  in  their  Capacities  of  Soul  and  Body  ,  as 
 well  as  in  their  Dignity  of  Rule  :  And  therefore  we 
 have  little  now  to  do  but  ftudy,snd  wait ,  and  pray 
 for  that  Kingdom  that  is  to  come.  For  till  we  have 
 the  Capacity,  we  can  have  no  exercife  of  that  Dig- 
 nity. 
 
 But  in  onr  prefent  Capacity  ,  I  would  fain  know 
 of  them  that  talk  of  the  Ruling  of  the  world  by  the 
 Saints ,  what  more  they  can  defire  or  expeft  in  Rea- 
 fonthan  I  here  propound,  i.  They  cannot  with- 
 out fa&idus  uncharicablenefsand  imnaodefty  fay, that 
 it  muft  be  only  the  Saints  of  this  or  that  party  or  Opi- 
 nion, that  (hall  fubduc  and  Rule  the  reft  :  nor  only 
 the  ftronger  fort  that  (hall  be  dignified  ,  excluding 
 them  that  are  babes  and  weak  in  the  Faith.  2.  Nor 
 can  they  rationally  dream  that  the  mod  unchari  able 
 ( that  it,  in  Chrifts  fenfe ,  the  mod  gracelefs  fort ) 
 that  can  cenfure  and  condemn  all  others  as  no  Saints, 
 and  appropriate  holmefs  cauflcfly  co  themfelves , 
 
 fhould 
 
Ana  vappyeft  c  ommsn-  maiw.        21$ 
 
 fliould  therefore  have  tha  Role  of  others.  If  Cha- 
 rity Rules  not,  Chrift  Rules  nor,  3.  Nor  can  they 
 cxped  fure  that  all  and  only  Saints  (hall  be  Princes , 
 Judges,  or  other  Magiftrates  :  Fcr  then  the  World 
 were  worfe  an  hundred  fold  then  no w.  For  now  wc 
 have  thonfands  of  Saints  that  are  Subjects  ^  and  then 
 all  the  Subje&s  rouft  be  fuppofed  wicked,  and  no 
 Saints,  and  we  rouft  have  no  more  Saints  but  enow 
 to  Rule  :  And  if  wc  had  materially  fuch  wicked 
 Common- wealths ,  it  would  bring  the  plagues  of 
 God  upon  us  :  And  if  Government  cf  Saints  do  no 
 more  Good  in  the  World  but  to  leave  all  the  Snb- 
 jeds  wicked,  icwerelikcr  Satans  Govemmenr  then 
 'Chrifls.  It  is  certain  therefore  that  it  is  not  all,  but 
 fame  of  the  Saints  that  mtift  be  Governoors  •  and  fo 
 it  is  already  ;  and  that  it  may  be  mocb  Bette r,and  that 
 fecured  to  our  Pofterity,  fhould  be  now  our  joint  de- 
 fire.  And  let  us  wait  for  the  coming  of  Chnft  in  his 
 own  way. 
 
 Thef.  207.  As  there  feldcm  arifeth  any  turbulent 
 O  pinion  or  party  in  the  Churchy  but  by  the  cccafion  of 
 feme  negiett  of  Truth  or  Duty,  which  by  their  extremi- 
 ties God  callelh  m$  t$  reform  :  fo  I  thinks  the  Pro- 
 moting of  this  Holy  Theccratical  Government  is  the 
 flint  of  Reformation  that  we  are  caied  to  defire  *  bj 
 them  that  now  plead  for  the  Raign  of  Chrift  and  the 
 Saints. 
 
 It  is  a  fpecial  pare  of  our  wifdom  to  know  what  is 
 our  Health  byour  Difeafes,  and  to  learn  Truth  from 
 the  erroneous,  and  Duty  from  tbem  that  fwcrve  into 
 excreams.  The  rfntincmiam  have  called  u*  to  preach 
 
 more 
 
i  24      Of  the  bef  form  of  Government, 
 more  the  Dominion  of  Love ,    and  the  Riches  o 
 Grace,  and  divers  other  things :  The  Arminiam  hav  j 
 called  us  to  take  heed  of  a  cadfelcfs  narrowing  o 
 Grace  in  its  extent,  or  of  fathering  our  fins  diredW 
 or  indirc&ly  upon  God.  The  Anabaptifis  have  callcc 
 Us  to  reftoreand  praSHfc  Confirmation,  and  not  take 
 all  into  the  number  of  Adult  member*  that  were  bap. 
 tiled  in  Infancy ,  and  never  knew  Chrift  nor  a  godly 
 life.  I  could  fay  the  like  of  other  Parties  that  bav* 
 lately  rifen  up.   One  fort  runneth  to  tbetti,  and  ano- 
 ther part  raileth  at  them  •  but  he  is  the  wife  mail 
 that  knoweth  how  to  receive  from  them  fo  much  as 
 is  good,  and  leave  the  reft:  could  we  duly  improve^ 
 them,  we  might  have  caufe  to  thank  God  ( though 
 not  them  )  that  ever  he  permitted  fuch  occasions  off 
 our  Reformation.   So  may  I  (ay  in  particular  of  thefi 
 Millenaries  :4f  we  could  by  them  be  awakened  to 
 promote  the  unqtieftionable  Raiga  of  Chrtlt ,  what 
 a  mercy  would  enfue  ? 
 
 Tbef.  208.  It  is  no  men  frame  or  mode  of  Govern-  i 
 mem whether  Monarchy  Ariflocraty,  Democratj,  or 
 mixt,  whether  the  Roman,  Spartan*  Venetian ,  or  any 
 ether  Jlf ode,  that  will  m*ke  happy  a  Common-wealth  in 
 the  hands  of  imprudent,  impious  men  ,  fo  much  as  one  of 
 the  other  forms  >f Hpfofed  worfey  will  do  in  the  hands  of 
 wen  of  prudence,  and  the  fear  of  God. 
 
 A  great  ftir  is  made  by  Mr.  Harrington  and  other 
 ftlf- conceited  Polituians  for  their  fcveral  forms.  No 
 contrivances  are  of  much  moment  to  our  bappinefi, 
 but  thofe  that  fecure  us  of  a  fucceffion  of  good  Go- 
 vernors. Thtfe  particulars    I  fhall  here  briefly 
 
 manifeft, 
 
And  hapfjefl  Common-wealth.        1 1  > 
 
 tnanifeft.  i .  That  their  contrivances  tend  not  to  fe- 
 core  us  of  fuch  a  fucceffion ,  nor  a  prefent  faithful 
 Government.  2. That  imprudent and  bad  men  in  their 
 contrived  form  will  undo  the  people.  3. That  prudent 
 faithful  men  in  other  forms,  are  likely  to  be  a  blefiing 
 to  the  people. 
 
 1.  That  Hobbs  hit  Leviathan,  or  way  of  abfolute 
 Impious  Monarchy  ,  making  us,  our  Religion,  &c. 
 tendetb  not  to  fecure  us  of  a  Righteous  Govern- 
 ment, is  a  point  that  needeth  go  proof  with  any 
 reafonabie  man ;  were  it  but  becaufe  the  irreligious 
 Author  pretendech  not  to  any  fuch  thing  as  the  fc- 
 curing  a  fucceffion  of  the  Chriftian  Religion,  without 
 which  a  Rgh:eous  Government  is  not  to  be  ex- 
 pend. 
 
 That  Mr.  Hnrringtons  Oceana,  and  Venetian  Bal- 
 lot, have  no  fuch  tendency,  is  plain.  1.  In  that  it  is 
 fuch  a  Governmentas  Heathens  have  been  our  Ex- 
 amples in,  and  in  which  he  thinks  they  have  excelled 
 us,  that  be  propounded.  And  therefore  doubtlefs  he 
 inrendech  cot  that  his  frame  (hall  fecure  us  the  Chri- 
 ftian Religion,without  which  we  can  have  no  happy 
 Government. 
 
 2.  And  he  profefleth  himfclf  that  his  fammnr 
 wealth  u  meft  inconfijient  with  a  Clergy  :  without 
 which  the  Chriftian  Religion  never  was  maintained 
 in  any  Nation  upcm  earth.  And  Chrift  faith  to  bis 
 Minifters,  whom  he  promifed  to  be  with  to  the  end 
 of  the  world,  that  he  that  defpifctb  them  ,  defpifeth 
 him,  Luke  10. 1$.  And  as  Chrift  never  Ruled  fiflcc 
 hiiAfcenfion  but  by  his  Officers,  Word  and  Spirit  - 
 fo  be  that  purpofely  defigncth  the  extirpation  of  bid 
 Officers,  inundsth  not  his  Raign3  0?  at  itfift  promo- 
 
216      Of  the  befiform  of  Govtrnmtnt, 
 tcth  it  nor.  And  he  chat  is  an  enemy  to  the  Raign  o 
 Chrift,  at  he  is  the  heir  of  wrath  himfelf \Luke  19.27 1 
 fo  would  be  make  others,  and  therefore  murder  xm 
 Coramon-wealeh. 
 
 3 .  He  thinketh  Venice^  where  Popery  Ruletb,  anc 
 whoredom  abounds,  is  the  pcrfc&eft  Pattern  o: 
 Government  for  u§y  now  exiftcnt  :  thererore  he  in 
 tendetb  not  fure  that  his  Model  fhould  keep  us  frorr 
 the  Raign  of  Popery  (  or  whoredom. )  I  doubt  no* 
 but  the  fame  Model  among  better  men ,  might  dc 
 much  againft  them  :  which  doth  but  (hew  that  it  ij 
 not  the  Model ,  but  the  better  men  that  muft  dc1 
 moft. 
 
 4.  The  wbolefcopeofthedefignisby  the  Bailor 
 and  Rotation  to  fecureus  from  the  danger  of  a  pro- 
 bability of  being  Ruled  by  Wife  or  Honeft  men ,  and 
 put  the  bufinefs  out  of  doubt ,tbat  ftrangers  to  Pru- 
 dence^and  enemies  to  Piety  (hall  be  our  ordinary  Ru 
 lcrs,andconfeqnently  Chriftianity  be  expelled.  Car 
 you  doubt  of  this  ?  1  .He  knoweth  not  what  Prudenci 
 and  Piety  are,  or  knowe:h  not  England  or  mankind 
 that  knoweth  not  that  the  Major  part  of  the  vul. 
 gar^rc  fcarcely  Prudent  and  Pious  men.  2.  Hi 
 knoweth  not  what  Piety  is  f  that  knoweth  not  thai 
 Jm  pious  men  abhor  it ;  and  he  is  not  a  Chnftian,  thai 
 neither  believeth  the  Prologue  to  the  firft  Covenant 
 of  Grace-,  tkditfmb^God^ill  pnt  enmity  between  tk 
 Woman*  and  the  Serpents  feed ,  which  the  firft  borr 
 man  (hewed  in  killing  his  brother ,  becanfe  his  em 
 "works  were  evil ,  and  his  brothers  Righteous,  l  Johr 
 3.12.  Nor  yet  believeth  the  words  of  Chrift,  thai 
 bis  fervants  mil  be  hated  of  all  men  far  his  fake  ,  bt\ 
 caufe  the)  are  not  of  the  mrld>  &c.   3 .  And  he  know 
 
 eifc 
 
And  happy  eft  CQmmM-malth.         227 
 
 eth  not  Oceana  (  Mr*  Harringtons  Common-  wealth  ) 
 that  knowcch  not  that  the  ignorant  and  ungodly 
 rabble  are  made  the  Lords  and  Rulers  of  all. 
 
 Goto  the  Foundation ,  and  follow  it  up  to  the 
 Head,  and  Judge.  In  his  firf t  Order,  fag.  58.  in  the 
 diftribution  into  freemen  and  fir v anu  ,  all  are  free- 
 men that  can  live  of  thenafcives.  2  In  bis  ftcomi 
 Order,  the  younger  fort  are  made  the  marching  Ar~ 
 my,  and  the  Elder  the  Garrifons.  3.  In  the  third,  by 
 their  eftates  they  are  diftribmed  into  the  EqneftrUn 
 Order  and  the  fat  ■  only  tbofe  that  have  prodigally 
 fpenc  their  eftates  are  excluded  Suffrages  and  Go- 
 vernment. 4.  His  fourth  Order  fettleth  the  Paro- 
 dies, Hundreds  and  Tribes.  5.  His  fifth  Order  be- 
 gins with  the  Panto  Ballot ;  where  all  above  thirty 
 years  of  age  are  to  choofe  their  Deputies  by  fuffrage: 
 when  in  raoft  Parifhes  its  too  well  known  that  the 
 Major  part  are  Ignorant  men,  and  too  many  enemies 
 to  Piety  ,  and  many  to  common  fobriety  and  Civi- 
 lity.  In  fome  Parifhes  you  may  go  to  five^  if  not  ten 
 families,  before  you  meet  wit  hone  that  can  fo  much 
 :  is  read  (  though  i  hope  that  is  not  the  common  cafe) 
 ( And  in  abundance  of  them,  the  multitude  are  fo  edu- 
 cated ,  that  beyond  the  matters  of  tbeir  Ploughs, and 
 j Cam,  and  Trades,  they  are  fcarce  men ,  and  can 
 ,icarce  fpeak  fenfe.  And  of  all  men ,  the  rabble  hate 
 3K>th  Mtgirtrates  and  Minifters  that  would  bring  them 
 ,  tp  to  Piety  ,  and  reftrain  them  from  a  licentious  fen- 
 a  ual  life  And  of  all  their  Neighbours,they  moft  bate 
 1  :hem  that  live  an  holy  Heavenly  life ,  and  condemn 
 s:hem  by  their  difference. 
 
 y  And  of  crari  fequitur  effe  •,  fuch  as  men  are/o  they 
 [j Prill  aft  -  aodftichif  ibey  ire  freemen,  (bey  will 
 
 C^a  *    *hoof«4 
 
228       Of  the  be  ft  form  of  Government  y 
 
 choofe  :  wilt  they  choofe  wife  and  Godly  men  tb 
 partly  hate  them,  and  partly  know  not  the  worth 
 Wifdom  ?  Would  they  choofe  thofe  Magiftrates  thi 
 they  know  would  pumfh  them,  and  whom  they  a 
 hor  for  ftriflnefs,  and  for  punifliing  Vice  ? 
 
 6.  In  his  fixch  O  der,  two  parrs  in  three  in  evei 
 Panflimuft  be  for  the  Minifter  :  And  how  many  P 
 rifties  be  they  where  a  bad  man  that  will  fair  the 
 humours ,  lhallfooncr  have  two  parts  ,  then  a  god 
 faithful  Paftor  ?  And  pag.  6$  He  providcth  that  the 
 
 .  be  no  excommunication  to  make  a  difference,  b<i 
 Heaven  and  Hdlmuft  be  confounded  •,  forfooth  b 
 caufe  that  excommunication  is  not  clearly  proved  0 
 of  Scripture  to  fuch  capacities  as  his. 
 
 7.  His  feventh  Order  gives  us  Juftices  of  Peao 
 Jury-Ken,  Captains,^. by  thefefuffrages.  And t 
 choofers  may  tell  us  whit  kind  of  Juftices  and  Ca 
 tains  they  will  be.  8.  His  eighth  Order  giveth 
 Horfe  and  Foot-Captains  by  a  Bailo!,  that  its  ten 
 one,  know  as  well  how  to  perform  their  truft  as 
 know  how  to  guide  a  (hip  that  was  never  in  one. A 
 as  wifely  might  our  parifhes  and  their  Deputies 
 the  Major  Vote  eled  us  Pilots  and  Captains  of  (hi 
 out  of  ftabl.es,  and  barns,  and  Cow-houfes,  as  then 
 cleft  us  Land -Captains  and  Magiftrates.  So  I 
 ninth  and  tenth  Orders  carry  on  the  fame  work, 
 giving  us  Magiftrates  out  of  Shops  and  Threfhin 
 floores.  They  muft  elc&  us  the  Philarch  ,  the  Lo 
 Lieutenant  (perhaps  my  Lord  Ale-feller,  or 
 Lord  Plow- jogger  )  the  Cnftos  Rotuhrnm ,  &c. 
 Philarch  muft  keep  the  Qoarter-Seffions ,  and  hi 
 caofes  in  order  to  the  protection  of  Liberty  of  Co 
 fcience,  who  partly  know  not  what  Confcience  is,a 
 
 pari 
 
And  happyefi  Common-wmth.  2  2  £ 
 
 pirtly  hsce  riorhngmore  then  Conferee  ,  though 
 hey  love  nothing  nr.ore  then  Liberty.  No  Tribe  may 
 fctiion  a  Parliament  ,  qnlefs  the  Philarch  at  the 
 ouncel  frame  the  Petition,  aud  propofe  it  by  clau- 
 se, unto  the  Ballot  of  the  who!e  Tnbe,  &c.  We  are 
 like  then  to  have  goad  Petitions,  am!  comfortable  re- 
 lief from  Parliaments:  When  a  pack  of  the  rabble 
 »re  got  together ,  that  lately  had  got  the  name  of 
 [[Damn-m^fr]]  tba{  took  him  for  a  Puritane  that 
 fllfpoak  a  fenrence  without  £God  damn  roe]  in  it  ^ 
 and  no  man  (hall  put  up  a  Petition  to  the  Parliament, 
 but  by  their  Counfel  and  propofal  and  Confcnt  ^  then 
 we  have  a  perfeS  Common-wealth  I  Were  it  not  for 
 fear  of  abufing  the  naoae  of  God  and  Holinefs,  I 
 would  here  by  predidion,  draw  you  up  one  of  theic 
 Petitions;  but  I  dare  not  fo  far  defile  my  Paper,  and 
 the  Readers  eye* .  I  am  aftiamed  and  a  weary  to  fol- 
 low this  gang  any  further,  and  fliew  you  what  Par- 
 liaments we  muft  have,  that  being  fetched  from  the 
 Dung-cart  to  make  us  L<*ws,  and  from  tie  Ale- 
 houfe  and  the  May- pole  todifpofe  of  our  Religion, 
 Lives  and  Eftates,  can  fcarce  tell  whether  the  Lan- 
 guage of  a  rational  Law  be  humane  and  intelligible; 
 and  if  they  read  fuch  a  Law,  they  fcarce  know  whe- 
 ther it  be  Englifh,  but  better  undcrftand  ihem  that 
 bleat  and  bellow,  then  they  do  thefe  Law- terms.  Or 
 if  there  be  a  cunning  Knave  among  them,  its  he  that 
 ftiallbe  the  Prince  and  lead  the  reft.  When  I  lately 
 heard  a  defer iption  of  the  Irifh,  I  was  thinking  how 
 gallantly  they  would  Rule  or  choofe  us  Rulers  by 
 Vote,  efpccially  in  Religion ;  when  they  know  fo 
 much  of  Cbrift  as  to  tell  us  that  he  is  a  better  man 
 then  Saiat  Patrick.  \  and  fo  much  of  the  Devil,  as  to 
 
 0^3  call 
 
2  3  °        Of  the  be  ft  form  of  Govmmtnt, 
 
 call  bitn  Knave,  and  tbats  a  great  part  of  their  Reli- 
 gion. Aad  yet  this  is  not  all;  but  Mr.  Harringto* 
 will  give  the  people  the  fupremacy  and  laft  refoluti* 
 on.  Thats  better  of  the  two,  then  to  give  it  to  ih< 
 Devil  §  or  to  worfhip  the  old  Egyprian  gods ,  ar 
 Ox  or  an  Onion  :  Get  all  the  Nobility  and  Gentry 
 firft  to  put  it  to  the  Countreys  Vote,  who  (hill  be 
 pofTefTors  of  their  Lands  and  Lordfhips :  Or  get  all 
 the  learned  and  Wife  men  in  Pb.lofopby  ,  Phyfick, 
 Law,  Theology,  to  put  it  to  the  Vote  bow  tbefe  (hall 
 be  regulated  and  ufed  1  The  beft  ufe  that  we  have  in 
 England  for  popular  power  of  judging,  ii  by  Juries, 
 tfeft  we  think  preferve  our  Liberties  :  And  yet  ( I 
 (hall  fay  again  )  I  have  thought  of  the  excellency  of 
 a  Deroocracie,  when  I  have  fat  and  he*rd  a  Learned 
 Judge  opening  a  hard  cafe  of  Titles  to  the  Jury,  and 
 they  have  flood  by  him  all  the  while  as  if  he  had 
 been  talking  Greek  and  Hebrew  to  them,  and  gone 
 f heir  way  and  brought  in  a  Verdtft  for  Plaintiff  or 
 Defendant  at  a  venture,  %$  ic  firft  came  to  their 
 Tongues-ends,  before  they  undcrftood  thecaufc  any 
 more  then  the  man  in  the  Moon  ^  unlefs  there  were  a 
 crafty  fellow  among  them ,  and  then  he  ruled  all  the 
 reft,  and  he  had  the  day  that  had  bis  voy  ce.  Which 
 when  I  faw,  I  thought  it  in  fuch  difficult  cafes  almoft 
 as  good  to  throw  the  Dice  to  decide  the  Contro- 
 verfie. 
 
 Bat  Mr.  Harrington  doubts  not  but  the  people  will 
 be  wife  enough  to  choofe  the  wife,  and  good  enough 
 to  choofe  the  good.  As  if  we  knew  cot  what  bard , 
 anifcornful,  and  cenforioua  thoughts  the  vulgar 
 have  of  Nobility  ,  Learning,  and  all  thit  is  above 
 them.  W  .i:u  reproaches  do  we  daily  hear  from  them, 
 
 not 
 
And  bafpyefi  Common-wealth.  231 
 
 I  otonly  againft  Divines,  bat  againft  Lawyers ,  Phy- 
 •itians,  Princes,  and  all  whofc  waies  they  are  unac- 
 quainted with  ?  Many  a  time  have  I  heard  them  fay  , 
 
 I I  Ic  will  never  be  a  good  world,  wbile  Knights  and 
 "jenrlemen  make  us  Laws,  that  are  cbofenfor  fear, 
 f»nd  do  but  opprefs  us,  and  do  not  know  the  peoples 
 t  ores:  It  will  never  be  well  with  us  till  we  have  Parlia- 
 ments of  Country- men  like  our  felvcs,that  know  our 
 *ant*.]  Nothing  more  natural,  then  that  the  propa- 
 gation ftiould  be  of  the  kind  :  and  tb&c  fenfual  and 
 mgodly  men  fliould  choofe  fuch  as  themfelves ,  and 
 is  will  fit  their  ends  :  Efpecally  being  now  exafpe- 
 ated  by  a  war  and  fome  attempts  of  Reformation  , 
 :hcy  wiH  be  more  virulent  then  heretofore ,  and  no- 
 :hing  will  fatisfie  them  but  the  extirpation  of  thofe 
 hat  have  croft  them ,  aud  would   have  reformed 
 
 9$KD. 
 
 It  is  ea  fie  to  bring  fuch  on  the  ftage  in  a  dreaming 
 Model,  and  put  a  golden  Oration  into  their  mouthes, 
 and  feign  a  fool  more  eloquent  then  Dmoftkexes  : 
 bat  when  it  comes  co  the  execution  (iftbeNition  be 
 fo  dtftra&ed  as  to  try  )  it  will  not  be  found  fo  cafie 
 1  matter  to  teach  the  Eleded  to  fpeak  fenfe  :  but  the 
 Senate  and  the  Prerogative  tribe  muft  prcfently  be 
 put  upon  wielding  the  great  affairs  of  Government, 
 Civil  and  Religions ,  of  Peace  and  War,  which  they 
 ure  utterly  ignorant  of,  as  never  being  exercifed  in 
 before.  If  tbefe  Politicians  will  fcorn  to  be  equalled 
 h  the  reputation  of  their  Learning  with  unftudied 
 ncn  that  never  took  any  pains  to  get  it  ;  (  yea  or  to 
 >c  matcht  in  point  of  Prudence  by  Divines  that  ftudy 
 ts  likely  much  more  then  themfelves,  if  fo  be  they 
 lave  but  read  more  of  fome  parts  of  Hiftory  or  Poli- 
 
 0^4  ticks, 
 
7  3  2        of  the  befl  form  of  Government  ^ 
 
 ticks,  though  they  are  ignorant  of  the  principal  part 
 of  folid  learning  ^ )  why  then  fhould  we  equaliz- 
 unskiliul  Rufticks  that  rever  Oudied  Politicks  a  day 
 but  are  fuddenly  chofen  from  the  Plough  or  Alehoui 
 by  the  vuigar  vote,  with  men  that  have  fludied  an< 
 been  trayned  up  to  the  skill  of  Governing,  and  beei 
 cxercifed  in  it  ?  Surely  if  Mr.  Harringtonbz  (o  much  i 
 wifcr  man  as  he  proclaims  himfelf  then  the  Clergy,  a 
 may  warrant  him  to  give  it  us  as  the  fuffrage  of  thi 
 Nations  (pag.  223. J  that  Q  An  ounce  of  Wijdom  i 
 -worth  a  pound  of Clergii]  and  that  \^Minifiers  of  at 
 others  leaft  mderftand  Political  Principles']  j  if  all  th« 
 Clergy  though  they  are  men  of  the  fame  Countn 
 and  complexion  withhimielf,  and  have  ftudied  manj 
 t  purs  for  his  one,  cannot  yet  come  near  the  eminence 
 of  hiswifdom,  no  nor  attain  to  fo  much  knowledgt 
 pf  Political  Principles  as  all  others  have'  ("in  his  ac- 
 count -,  )  we  muft  then  exped  to  be  Governed  by  i 
 conftant  Miracle,  or  by  conftant  folly,  when  men  tba 
 never  ftudied  fuch  things  are  made  our  Governours 
 Are  Divines  all  fuch  fools  for  all  their  ftudies?and  wil 
 the  Plough-mens  Vote  immediately  give  us  a 'Senate 
 and  Prerogative  tnbe  of  wife  men!  wife  in  matten 
 of  higheft  moment,tbat  they  never  heard  of  or  med- 
 led  with  before. 
 
 And  left  we  ftiould  have  any  hope  they  fhould 
 grow  wifer  by  experience ,  the  Rotation  muft  turr 
 them  out  before  they  well  know  where  they  are,  and 
 what  it  is  they  were.  Called  to  do  ^  and  from  the 
 Academy  of  the  Shop  br  Alehoufe ,  we  mnft  hiv< 
 frefhmen  in  their  rooms  that  are  as  wife  as  they  were. 
 What  Ship  was  well  Governed  that  was  thus  ufed  in 
 choice  of  Pilots  ?  What  Army  was  profperous  that 
 
 was 
 
Andhappyeft  Cm  men- we  alth.         233 
 
 J*as  thus  ufed  in  choice  of  Commanders?  What 
 School  was  well  taught  that  was  thus  ufed  in  choice 
 )f  School. matters  ?  to  have  the  ignorant  and  on- 
 ixercifed  introduced,  and  then  corned  out  before  they 
 :an  grow  wife,  to  fecure  as  againft  all  poffibilicy  of 
 Remedy. 
 
 ,  Bat  though  che  National  Religion  and  Confcience 
 !mult  be  thusdifpofed  of  ^  yet  Mr.  Harrington  and  his 
 Brethren  (they  know  why)  do  haply  lecurc  us  of 
 libtrtj  of  confcience  ,  and  that  of  a  fufficent  lacicude 
 that  [_No  gathered  Congregations  be  molefled  or  inter- 
 rupttdin  their  vtaj  of  T»or(hip^  being  neither  femfbnor 
 Idolatrous,  but  vigilantly  and  vigoroujly  protctted,  &C 
 pag.  rjo.]  Popery  had  been  before  excepted,  but 
 chat  found  place  for  repentance  ;  and  now  Mr.  H.  and 
 bis  fraternity  have  Liberty,  either  never  to  worfhip 
 God  at  all  (Tor  chat's  fuppofed  co  be  free)  or  co  fee 
 upDeifm,  and  worfhip  God  without  a  Saviour,  or  cp 
 fee  upMahometaniim,  or  cry  down  Chrift  and  Chri- 
 ihanity,  or  to  make  a  worfhip  of  preaching  op  impie- 
 ty and  vice,  and  crying  down  the  Scriptures  and  all 
 true  Worfhip.  I  will  not  talk  of  fuch  low  things  as 
 Liberty  to  preach  down  the  Godhead  or  manhood 
 ofChnftjtheCreafton,  the  Refurredion  and  Life  co 
 come,  and  other  Articles  of  the  faith,  by  parts.  But 
 if  he  fclc  not  force  extreamneceflity  of  fuch  Liberty, 
 there  need  not  thisexceffive  care  co  fecure  it.  What 
 oeed  all  this  ado  for  liberty  of  fuch  Confidences, 
 when  the  major  Vote  of  the  impious  Rule,  who  will 
 not  only  grant  you  Liberty,  but  extirpate  thofe  that 
 for  the  defence  of  Chriftianity  would  deprive  you 
 of  it? 
 Afgu.  To  exclude  the  heavenly  treafures  of  vertne x 
 
 pUty 
 
2  S  4       Of  the  heft  firm  of  Government, 
 
 piety  and  prudence,  a  an  evil,  which  Government  mufi 
 be  jecured  again fi,  or  it  cannot  be  good. 
 
 But  Mr  Hs government  is  not  fee  med  again  ft  ity(but 
 *  certainly  bindeth  it  upon  us  :  ) 
 
 Therefore  Mr.  V?' government  cannot  be  good. 
 
 The  Major  is  hiiown5page  10.  faich  he  [Sad com- 
 plaint if  that  the  Principles  of  Power  and  Authority,  the 
 goods  of  the  mind  andof fortune  do  not  meet^and  twine  in 
 the  wreath  or  Crown  of  Empire  !  Wherefore  if  we  have 
 any  thingofPietyorofTrudenceJet  us  raife  our  f  elves 
 cut  of  the  mire  of  private  Inter  eft,  unto  the  contemplation 
 cf  Vertue,  and  put  an  hand  to  the  removal  of  this  evil 
 from  under  the  Sun ;  this  evil  again  ft  Which  no  Govern- 
 ment  that  is  notfecured,  can  be  good  •  this  evil  from 
 which  the  Government  that  isfecure  mufi  be  perfeft:  So- 
 lomon tells  US)  that  the  caufe  of  it  is  from  the  Ruler, 
 from  thofe  principles  of  Po^er  ,  which  ballanced  upon 
 earthly  trajh,  exclude  the  heavenly  Treafures  of  Venue  % 
 and  that  inflnence  of  it  upon  government  y  which  is  Au- 
 thority .  We  have  wandred  the  earth ,  tofixd  out  the  bal- 
 lance  of  power  f  but  to  find  out  th^t  of  Authority ,  we 
 tn*ft  afcend nearer  Heavenyor  to  the  Image  ofGodtor  the' 
 foulofmtn.^lhasW.H. 
 
 Oat  of  his  own  mouth  are  men  invited  Co  oppofe 
 his  Policy,  as  they  would  do  the  Devil,  or  at  leaft,  the 
 moft  deftru&ive  plague  of  a  Common- wealth.  Ie  is 
 not  more  certain  that  the  earth  doth  bearna,  then 
 that  the  rabble  vulgar  multitude  are  for  the  greater 
 part  not  only  void  of  folid  Piety  and  Prudence  ,  and 
 this  Heavenly  Treafure,  but  enemies  to  it :  and  that 
 all  men  are  by  aflcd  and  Ruled  by  a  private  felftfli  fpi- 
 rit,  till  faving  grace  make  God  their  Center,  or  com- 
 mon 
 
And  happy  eft  CmmM-wealth.      235 
 
 Hon  help  do  elevate  one  of  many  to  prefer  cbe  com- 
 mon good  before  their  own.  Is  bis  Common* wealth 
 fecare,  yea  perfed  (as  he  faith  it  rouft  be ,  if  feenre) 
 from  this  felfifli  evil?  Muft  we  be  Ruled  by  the  rabble 
 that  (as  I  before  faid  from  the  words  of  Auguftine) 
 bad  rather  cbere  were  two  Stars  fewer  ip  the  Firma- 
 ment f  then  one  Cow  lefs  in  their  paftarcs,or  one  tree 
 leis  in  their  hedges,  and  thisto  fecurc  as  from  Pri- 
 vate intereft,  and  the  excinfion  of  the  heavenly  Trea- 
 fure  ?  Let  qs  then  go  to  a  Brothel- boofe  for  a  pat- 
 tern of  Chaftity,  or  to  Mr.  H.  for  a  pattern  of  Hn- 
 mility. 
 
 Argu.  2.  That  Government  is  next  to  Helljkataf- 
 certainethus  of  a  cenftant  fnccelfion  of  impious  enemies 
 of  heavenly  vertut  in  chief  Power.  Butfnch  is  Mr.  Hfc 
 Government,  that  give  th  the  Major  Vote  the  power,  and 
 calleth  ignorant  men  to  places  cfhigheft  truft9and great- 
 eft  Korl^ ;  and  is  inconfiftent  with  a  Clergy  ;  there* 
 fore,&c. 
 
 Argo.  3 .  A  people, faith  Macbiavel,  that  is  corrupt, 
 is  not  capable  of  a  Common-wealth.  (  They  are  Mr. 
 Harringtons  motfa,V*g  45)  But  the  Major  V*te  of 
 alrnoft  all  Nations  a*e  corrupt  •,  therefore  they  are  un- 
 capable  of  a  Common  wealth. 
 
 1  know  Mr.  Harrington  is  here  involved  (as  be 
 fpeaks)  by  Machiavtl.  No  wonder.  Bur  if  MachiaY 
 vel  be  become  a  Puritan  to  him,  what  is  Mr,  Har~ 
 rington  to  us  t 
 
 Bat  per  hap*  fome  will  fay,  [Was  not  David  a  Shefc 
 herd,  and  yet  a  per  [on  meet  to  tea  King  Q 
 
 *Anfw.  1.  It  teems  then  there  is  an  Inftanceofa 
 worthy  King  that  was  taken  from  a  Sbeepfoid:  Bat  to 
 have  many  hundred  pcrfons  fo  prepared  for  Govern- 
 ment! 
 
236       Of  the  left  form  of  Governmtnt, 
 
 merit,  is  not  ordinarily  to  be  expe&ed.  Amos  %  Pro 
 pher5ywas called  from  the  herd  :  but  argue  not  there 
 if  yoa  love  the  reputation  of  \ourreafon;  that  th 
 major  Vote  of  our  Hcrdfmen  fhould  judge  rhe  fpirit 
 of  the  Prophets  9  or  be  accounted  Prophets  as  wcl 
 as  he. 
 
 2.  God  can  fetch  a  Ruler  from  aSheepfotd:  bu 
 the  vulgar  Rabble  are  not  fo  go  *J  cboofcrs  a*  God  is 
 At  leaft  not  fo  much  better  then  God,  as  to  chooft 
 five  hundred  good  ones    for  one  that   God  did 
 choofe. 
 
 3.  But  its  well  known  that  in  thofe  dayes,  wher 
 Countries  lay  open,  and  mens  treafure  lay  in  Cattle 
 rather  then  in  Gold  ,  that  Hcrdfmen  and  Shepherd* 
 were  the  greateft  men  ,  and  fitted  for  Riches  to  be 
 Princes. 
 
 Obje<9\  But  do  not  our  common  people  choofe  good 
 Psrliammts  hj/z  Major  Votey8cc 
 
 jinfjfi.  10.  Mr.  Harringtonf  Model  hath  not  yet 
 made  them  Independents  5  and  therefore  they  ordi 
 narily  choofe  fuch  as  their  Landlords  do  defire  tbera 
 to  choofe;  and  therefore  it  will  go  according  to  the 
 quality  of  the  Landlords ,  and  not  according  to  the 
 quality  of  the  people*  2.  Formerly  when  the  peoples 
 Liberties  wereercroachton,  and  no  divifions  made 
 in  the  Land  among  the  Gentry,  they  were  all  ready 
 to  joyn  for  the  common  liberty , with  fomc  more  una- 
 nimity then  now.  But  now.by  the  late  wars  they  arc 
 divided,  and  one  part  think  themfelves  opprcfTed,  and 
 the  attempts  of  Reformation  have  irritated  the  fen- 
 fual  gang  ;  there  wants  nothing  but  Liberty,  to  tread 
 tbefe  Reformers  in  the  dirr.  Lee  Mr.H.  and  his  party 
 gee  down  the  Army , rod  take  off  all  the  late  reftraints, 
 
 and 
 
And  happy  c ft  Commonwealth.  2  37 
 
 and  let  Parliaments  be  chofen  by  unreftrained  Voict, 
 :i  and  that  party  that  hath  mod  tenants,  and  that  is 
 rooft  againft  Puritans,that  will  carry  it.  3 .  And  even 
 before  the  divifions  and  exafperations  ,  the  divided 
 Parliament  and  the  war  enfuing,ar.d  Major  part  of  the 
 N'-bility  and  Gentry  adhering  ro  the  King,  (who  by 
 a  minor  part  were  conquered  )  did  (hew  us  what  a 
 Vote  would  have  cone.  So  much  to  Mr.  H. 
 
 2.  Having  (hewed  that  thefe  new  Models  fecure 
 tis  not  of  a  Righteous  Goverment,  ( though  there 
 is  much  good  lnterwoven^which  by  righteous  Gover- 
 nors rmght  be  made  good  ufeof,)  I  (hould  next  (hew 
 that  the  Imfrndent  and  Evil  mil  not  be  kindred  bj  theft 
 Forms,fr§m  undoing  the  Common-Health.  And  for  that, 
 what  need  I  more,  then,  i.  That  men  at  liberty  will 
 rule  according  to  their  difpofitions  ?  An  evil  tree 
 bringeth  not  forth  good  fruit.  Men  gather  not  grapes 
 of  thorns,  nor  figgs  oftbiflle*.  Folly  will  not  do  the 
 works  of  Wifdom ,  nor  Impiety  cherifh  Godlinefs 
 which  it  hatecb.  Why  elfe  do  not  Heathens,  Turks 
 and  all  Infidels  fet  up  Cbriftianity ,  but  becaufe  they 
 are  againft  it?  and  as  much  are  ungodly  fenfual  men, 
 though  called  Chriftianf,  againft  true  Piety.  2.  What 
 is  there  to  hinder  them  ?  Is  it  Laws,  who  made  them  ? 
 It  is  they  themfelves  that  are  the  Law-givers.  Whe- 
 ther \t  be  a  Monarchic,  Ariftocracic,  or  Democracies 
 the  Soveraign  is  the  Law-giver.  They  are  alfo  the 
 Judgesofthe  Law,  having  none  above  them  :  So 
 that  in  making,  repealing  and  executing  Laws ,  what 
 mifchief  may  they  not  do,  efpecially  which  the  fen- 
 fual multitude  can  but  bear  ? 
 
 Name  us  that  Common- wealth  on  earth  that  is  pi- 
 on  fly  Ruled  by  impious  Rulers ,    and  Prudently 
 
 Ruled 
 
338        Of  the  beflform  of  Government, 
 
 Ruled  by  foois,  whatever  the  Model  of  Government 
 way  be. 
 
 And  to  what  nfe  are  all  their  Models,  if  not  Co  fe 
 core  us  of  good  and  righteous  Govcrnours  ?  Is  it  any  ; , 
 better  co  be  impioufly  and  unrigbceoufly  Governed  „. 
 by  a  thoufand  tben  by  one  ?  If  therefore  it  fecure  not  e. 
 this,  but  rather  certainly  deftroy  it  ,  their  Model  ii  I 
 poor  relief  or  comfort  to  an  oppreffed  undone  people.  |: 
 
 3 .    The  next  pare  of  my  task  here  is  to  (hew  you,  t 
 that  in  every  Form,  whether  Monarchy,  Arittocratic,  ,f 
 or  Democratic,  wife  and  pious  righteous  Governors  „ 
 will  make  the  Government  a  bleffingtothe  people. 
 For,  i.  They  will  ad  according  to  their  Principles : 
 But  the  Principles  of  ail  wife  and  pious  men ,  do  lead 
 thcra  to  prefer  God  and  the    Common  Good, 
 before  any  private  intereft  of  their  own  •    there- 
 fore, &c.     2.   They  will  ad  according  to   their 
 Eifpofitions :  But  honefty  and  wifdom  difpofes  them  to 
 prefer  God  and  the  common  good  >  &c.     3.  Gover- 
 nors will  Rule  according  to  the  attradion  of  their 
 Ultimate  End.    But  every  wife  and  boned  man  dotb 
 make  God  bis  Ultimate  End,  (and  the  nearer  End  the 
 Common  Good.) 
 
 Holincfs  is  a  new  Nature :  and  therefore  a  conflant 
 Monitor  and  mover  unto  Good.  They  that  Love  God 
 indVertue,and  hate  all  evil,  will  Rule  accordingly. 
 
 Its  true,  they  are  imperfeft,  and  have  their  faults : 
 but  that  which  is  predominant  in  their  hearts,  will  be 
 predominant  in  their  Government. 
 
 Thcf.  209.  From  hence  the  common  JJZueftioH m*)  be 
 refihed,  Whether  it  be  better  to  be  Ruled  bj  good  Lws 
 and  b*d  Governors \or  b]  good  Governors  and  b*d  Law*  ? 
 
 Anfw, 
 
And  happy  eft  Conwafi-wuhk.        a  jp 
 
 Kd(w .  It  is  as  ifjou  jbonld  as^ls  it  better  be  warmed 
 >j  coldfnrw,  or  tooled  bj  the  fire  ?  Laws  are  nothing  but 
 itts  of  Government  \eff efts  and figmficatious  of  the  Go- 
 jernours  will  concerning  whatjhallbe  tbefubjetts  Duty. 
 Laws  antecedent  to  the  Sever  aigns  vile, are  effttts  before 
 he  caufe.Good  Rulers  will  m*k*  &  continue  good  Laws% 
 tnd  bad  ones  the  contrary.  AH  the  -world  have  good  Laws 
 \lreadj  made  them  by  God:  But  ifjou  will  needs  fuppofe 
 i  feparationj  fajjbat  Good  L*ws  with  bad  Rulers  will 
 lo  little  goody  but  rejlrain  a  little  of  their  evil :  But  if 
 he  infer  iour  Magifirates  enlj  be  bad,  the  Good  Rulers 
 \nd  Laws  that  are  over  them  may  force  them  to  do  good. 
 
 Gods  Laws  arc  the  effc&  and  fignifications  of  bis 
 pffc.  And  bis  Will  and  Power  are  before  bis  Laws : 
 rbe  Laws  of  the  Common- wealth  that  are  made  by 
 nen9  are  cbe  effe&s  and  figns  of  the  Wills  of  the 
 jw  givers :  Leg  flation  is  the  chief  a  A  of  Govern- 
 nent,  and  bigheit  prerogative  of  Governing  Autho- 
 icy.  Contrads  may  be  antecedent  to  Government, 
 >ut  Lawcannor.  When  tbe  Individual  Ruler  dyetb, 
 he  Laws  furvive,  not  as  effe&s  of  Contrad,  or  effed 
 rithoucacaufe,  nor  as  his  Laws  that  is  dead,  but  as 
 lis  Laws  that  doth  fucceed  ,  who  ownetb  then  (as 
 >y  tbe  ContraA  be  is  obliged  J  as  foon  as  be  fucceed- 
 th  :  TbeSoveraignIiveth*»/p*o>in  the  Confticuti- 
 m  •  and  to  whomfoever  tbe  Power  is  di volved,  his 
 dido  the  Laws  become,  and  as  foon  as  be  difown- 
 th  them ,  they  are  null  ( though  tbe  conftiturivc 
 Zontrads  are  not  fo.)  Where  Kings  only  are  the 
 .aw-givers,  or  Senates  only,  er  both  con jucft,  they 
 »ve  power  over  the  Laws,  to  repeal  them.  And  bad 
 overaigns,  fifno  reftraint  be  in  on  them)  will  make 
 
 bad 
 
2  40       Of  the  be  ft  form  tf  Government, 
 bad  Laws ,  and  good  ones  will  make  goods  Law: 
 
 And  if  fundamental  Contracts  limit  the  Soveraigr 
 if  he  can,  he  will  violate  them ,  if  vice  difpofe  him  t 
 ir,  and  carnal  Intereft  entice  hira.  And  how  bard  i 
 is  to  execute  limiting  Contra&s  effe&ually  for  bis  re 
 flraint  that  hath  got  poffeffion  of  ftrength  an 
 Soveraignty,  is  commonly  known. 
 
 And  if  the  Laws  were  good ,  and  the  fuperiou 
 power  fo  good  as  to  make  them,  but  not  fo  good  as  t< 
 be  much  regardful  for  the  execution,  then  if  the  infe 
 riour  Magilirates  be  naught ,  they  will  make  nothinj 
 of  the  Laws.  Whoknowethnotboweafily  impiou 
 Judges  and  Juftices  can  deftroy  the  full ,  and  tun 
 moft  righteous  Laws  againft  them,  by  mif-urerp-e 
 Cations  and  misapplications?  Saich  Plant  hs  in  Trin 
 ad. 4.  Mores  leges  jam  perduxermt  in  poteftatem  fa- 
 am  •,  £<t  mi/era  etiam  ad  par  let  em  fnnf<  fix*  elavi 
 ferreis  ^  Vbi  males  mores  affigi  nimis  f Herat  aqnitis 
 &c. 
 
 I  conclude  therefore  that  God  having  already  givei 
 us  the  bd\  fundamental  Lms,  lee  us  have  goedSove 
 raigns  $  and  wc  ihall  have  good  humane  Laws  ,  and  lei 
 us  have  good  Afagiftrates,  and  we  fhall  have  go$d  ext 
 cation,  which  is  the  end  or  ufe  of  Laws :  But  if  w< 
 have  bad  Soveraigns ,  we  (hall  have  badLa^s^in  parr 
 and  ihzgood  will  be  uneffe&ual  •  much  more  if  alio 
 we  have  badMagiftrans.  This  is  paft  doubr. 
 
 Cha  p  I 
 
241 
 
 Chap.   9, 
 
 rlow  a  Common-wealth  may  be  re- 
 duced to  this  Theocratical  tempeyf 
 it  have  advantages ,  and  the  Rulers 
 and  People  are  willing. 
 
 rbef.  210.  A  Sitfiould  be  the  do  fire  of  all  good 
 JLXmenjhat  the  (fommon-ivealth  might 
 >*  happy  in  the  enjoyment  of  the  Cjofpel  and  Peace  ,  and 
 hUfecnred  to  pofteritj  •,  fo  the  open  way  to  attain  thefe 
 nds,  confifleth  in  thefe  following  Rules  ofprattice. 
 
 R.  I.  That  the  Mini/ters  of  Chrifi  that  are  to  teach 
 \nd guide  the  people  by  the  Word  of  God ,  be  generally 
 tb/e,judiciowJgodljJ'ai:hfuli  diligent  men. 
 
 We  cannot  expeft  the  people  to  be  good,  if  the 
 Teachers  be  bad,  unable,  or  negligent.  It  is  Gods 
 Word  thai'*  managed  by  them,  that  muft  reform  the 
 people,  and  work  out  their  vice.  As  mens  Laws  fup- 
 pofe  the  Laws  of  God, and  mens  Government  prcfup- 
 pofeth  Gods  Government ;  to  the  true  methodical 
 obedience  to  mens  Laws,  prefuppofeth  obedience  to 
 Gods  Lt ws,  and  confequentiy  forac  underftanding  of 
 them  •  and  a  right  fubjeftion  to  roan  prcfuppoftth 
 fabjeftion  to  God.  The  firft  work  therefore  being 
 the  Miniftcrs,  the  true  reformation  of  the  Miniftry, 
 making  them  indeed  Divine,  is  the  fi^ft  thing  to  the 
 making  a  Common  wealth  Divine. 
 
 Much  hath  been  done  already  to  this  of  late  in  this 
 R  Nation, 
 
5  \i  How  4  Commw-  wealth  may  be  reduced, 
 
 Nation,  through  the  bleffing  of  God  :  (though  muc 
 is  yet  to  be  done,  efpecially  for  ripening  the  Miniftr 
 in  Judgement  and  Charity,  &  bringing  them  to  nse 
 et  Unity,  which  time  mult  do.)  And  the  princip 
 hopes  that  we  have  in  this  Land  of  a  faithful  fu< 
 cfffive  Eledion  of  Parliaments,  from  any  thing  tfn 
 is  yet  before  us ,  is  the  happy  fuccefs  of  the  Miniftr 
 upon  the  Souls  of  many,  by  which  the  people  bein 
 much  reformed  ( though  yet  too  little)  arc  raor 
 enclined  to  prudent  pious  men  to  be  their  Govcr 
 nour*  in  Parliament,  then  they  have  been  heretofore 
 So  that  this  hath  made  a  hopeful  beginning,  and  if  f 
 be  cartyed  on,  will  do  much  more. 
 
 This  is  not  unknown  to  the  Enemies  of  Chriftianil 
 ty,  or  to  the  Papifts,  that  all  confpire  againft  the  Mi 
 niftry,  as  knowing  that  to  make  them  odious,  an< 
 their  labours  vain ,  or  get  them  down,  is  the  likelyei 
 way  to  attain  their  ends. 
 
 Let  thefe  enemies  note,  that  lam  not  here  plead 
 ing  for  Lordly  greatnefs ,  nor  Riches  to  the  Miniftry 
 nor  an  aliene  Power  in  Stare  affairs,  or  any  coercive 
 Power  at  all:  (and  would  they  have  a  Ciergie  lower?; 
 but  only  that  they  may  be  Learned,  Judicious,Godly 
 Able,  faithful  men,  provided  with  their  daily  bread 
 or  food  andrayment ;  x\nd  can  they  for  ftnraeoppoft 
 •his? 
 
 Thef.  2 1 1.  RhL  J  J.  Above  all  let  there  be  a  fxec 
 Law  for  the  due  Regulation  of  the  Elettonrs  and  Elefli- 
 ens  of  Parliaments. 
 
 The  true  Reformation  mult  here  begin  •,  and  if  the 
 Foundation  be  well  laid  in  the  people,  the  building  wil 
 be  firmand  fafe.  And 
 
TitbisTheocr4tic*I~Tewper,&.c         243 
 
 And  bcrcletmeprcfumetofpeaka  few  words  of 
 the  NeceJJity,  and  of the  Vtiliij  of  this  courfc,  and 
 then,  Hiw  itjbould  be  dene. 
 
 1.  It  is  known  that  Parliaments  qua  tales,  are  not 
 Divine,  Religious,  ProtcJUnt  or  juft.   The  fixArti- 
 
 1  cles  by  which  the  Martyrs  were  burnt,  were  made  by 
 a  Parliament.   Ail  tbe  Laws  for  the  Papal  intercft  in 
 
 J  the  dayes  of  Popery  have  been  made  by  them.  They 
 have  often  followed  the  wills  of  Prince*  to  and  fro. 
 And  therefore  they  are  not  indefcdtble,  nor  immuta- 
 
 f  We  as  fuch. 
 
 2.  It  is  known  that  there  are  Members  of  various 
 minds  in  them  all,  and  fometinac  tbe  raifcarrying  par* 
 ty  is  fo  ftrong,  that  by  a  few  more  voices  they  might 
 bring  mifery  on  the  Common-wealth. 
 
 3.  It  is  well  known  that  in  mod  parts,  the  Major 
 Vote  of  the  Vulgar  that  arc  Cboofcrs  are  Ignorant, 
 fclfifti,  of  private  Spirits,  ruled  by  mony ,  and  fchere- 
 
 1  fore  by  their  Land-lords,  and  other  great  and  power- 
 fill  men  •  and  withal  they  are  bitterly  diftafted  againft 
 tbe  ferious  diligent  pra&ice  of  Religion,  according  to 
 the  Rules  of  Chrift. 
 
 4.  It  is  therefore  apparent  that  if  they  bad  their 
 Liberty,tbey  would  choofe  fuch  as  arc  of  their  minds ; 
 and  it  was  by  providence  and  accident  that  heretofore 
 they  did  not  fo. 
 
 5.  Aod  it  is  certain,  that  the  wars,  the  change  of 
 Church  government  and  forms  of  worfhio,  the 
 differences  of  Rcligtous  men, and  the  many  Sefts  that 
 have  lately  rifen  up  among  u?,  and  tbeftrift  Laws  of 
 Parliament  about  the  Lords  day  ,  &c.  and  fptcially 
 their  Tixc^have  deeply  difcontented  them  and  exaf- 
 pcratcd  th*&  againft  fuch  as  they  think;  have  caufed 
 
 R  %   '  tffefc; 
 
2 44     Hm  4  Cdmtnon-  malth  mdj  be  reduced 
 
 thefe,   fo  that  many  would  now  purpofely  defign 
 tbeir  ruin. 
 
 6.  It  is  known  that  in  the  late  Ele&ions ,  the  ex- 
 clufion  of  Delinqaents,  and  the  Countenance  of  the 
 times  made  terrible  by  many  late  fucceffes  8gainft  all 
 forts  of  enemies ,  and  the  prefent  cxiftence  of  the 
 Army  that  hath  fo  prevailed  ,  hath  been  their  rc- 
 ftraint,  fo  that  they  durft  not  go  according  to  their 
 inclinations. 
 
 7.  It  is  known  that  the  rcflraincd  Gentry,  with 
 thofc  that  are  enemies  to  ferious  holy  living  accord- 
 ing to  the  Chriftian  Rules,  are  in  moft  places  flrongefi 
 in  popular  Intercft,  having  moft  Tenant$,and  moft  ol 
 the  affedions  of  the  vulgar:  Andthst  they  can  tbi< 
 day,  were  they  bat  as  free  from  fear  of  fufferirgs  a< 
 others,  bring  more  voyces  into  the  field  in  moft  pla- 
 ces then  any  others  can  :  And  that  even  many  wel 
 meaning  honeft  men  are  of  cowardly  Spirits,  anci 
 dare  not  difpleafe  their  Landlords  or  great  Neigh 
 hours,  but  will  vote  with  the  ftronger  fide. 
 
 8.  And  its  known  that  the  Leaders  never  lefs  want 
 cd  will  upon  the  grounds  fore-  mentioned. 
 
 And  what  followeth  upon  ail  this  •  btic  either  fl ill 
 to  keep  an  Army  over  them  (which  fhculd  not  be 
 or  to  Regulate  the  Eledion,  is  necefruy  to  faveu 
 fromruine  by  a  Parliament?  For  what  probablhi 
 is  there  but  the  next  that  is  chofen  by  fuch  a  Ma  jori 
 ty  of  Votes  with  abfolutc  freedom,  will  undo  all  tha 
 hath  been  done,  and  be  revenged  to  the  full  on  a]j 
 that  were  fo  odious  to  them,  and  fettle  our  c«laK)it]j 
 by  Law  ?  The  effe&  lyeth  fo  obvious  to  a  difcerninj* 
 eye,  (andalmoft  toallj  in  the  Moral  Caufei,  that  w 
 way  reckon  it  as  done  already,  if  not  prevented. 
 
 z.Bu 
 
To  this  7  be$cratical  Temper,  &c.        245 
 
 2.  Bat  could  a  Prudent  courfe  be  taken  now  for 
 the  Regulating  of  future  Elc&ions,  we  fhould  have 
 a  moral  fecurity  of  good  Parliaments  to  all  Genera- 
 tions, who  would  make  good  Laws ,  and  fee  to  the 
 execution,  and  be  under  God,  the  fum  of  Bleffings 
 for  the  Common- good  ;  We  (hould  have  Parliaments 
 *)f  the  wifeft  and  mod  pious  men  -5  and  fuch  as  are 
 leaft  for  private  Fntereft,  but  would  devote  them- 
 felvcs  to  God  and  to  their  Countrey  h   The  Parlia- 
 ment would  be  the  Princes  Intercft  •,  fo  that  he  nei- 
 ther would  nor  could  divide  from  them.   And  they 
 would  be  the  peoples  Intereft,  fo  that  they  could  ndt 
 difownthem,  but  would  lift  them  up  in  their  eftcem, 
 and  (a  them  with  the  firft  in  their  daily  prayers  and 
 praifesunto  God.  And  Parliaments  would  be  more 
 Honourable,  when  they  were  more  Divine,  and  cho- 
 fen  only  by  vertuous  men,  and  net  by  prophane  de- 
 bauched perfors.   In  a  word,  Pietj  and  Peace  were 
 more  likely  to  be  fecured  to  Pofterity,  certainly  ,  e*- 
 fiiy,  and  honeftly  this  way  then  any  w&y. 
 
 And  ihentheeffedingofit  willbean  A&ual  moft 
 excellent  Reformation  of  the  Common- weakh  h 
 fclf-,  and  the  Regulating  Laws,  excluding  the  vici- 
 ou%  would  eDgagctbc  people  againft  Vice ,  and  fo 
 conduce  to  their  falvacion. 
 
 Thef.  212.  The  Regulating  Lm  mufi  contain  1  .the 
 defcription  of  the  Electors  by  their  necejftrj  Qua- 
 lijicatiom  ^  and  2.  a  cowfe  f*r  Legal  discerning  the 
 Qualified  from  the  Vnquali  fed-,  and  3.  angulation 
 of  the  Manner  tfEUttions. 
 
 The  firft  and  fecond  reform  the  very  fubfiance  of 
 
 R  3  ihe 
 
t\6  Hew  a  Common-wealth  may  be  reduced 
 
 the  Republike,  and  arc  the  mod  neceffary  excdient 
 pare  of  its  Reformation. 
 
 Thef.  2 1 J .  i .  For  the  due  Salification  of  Mem- 
 bers, let  fokuch  of  Gods  own  La&s  bo  owned  ,  as  u 
 ftill  undoubtedly  in  force* 
 
 -  It  is  an  erroneous  and  impious  affertlon  that  all 
 Gods  Political  Laws  are  repealed.  Vniverfal  Policy 
 raufl:  be  diftinguiftied  from  Particular :  And  the  Ge- 
 neral Laws  and  Principles  from  the  Application  oi 
 them  to  a  particular  people  and  cafe.  As  the  World 
 is  ftill  Gods  univerfal  Kingdom,  fohatb  he  univer- 
 sal Laws  to  Govern  them.  The  fifth  Commande- 
 ment  fet  in  the  Head  of  the  fecond  Table  ,  is  the 
 fummary  or  ground  of  humane  Politicks,  command-j 
 ing  the  duties  of  Princes  and  people,  though  Pa- 
 rents and  children  only  are  exprefly  mentioned.  The 
 following  Commands  agaainft  Murther ,  Adultery, 
 Thefr^  and  falfe  wicnefs,  were  part  of  the  Jews  Po- 
 litical Laws,  and  are  ftill  part  of  Gods  Univerfal  Po- 
 liticks ,  and  belong  to  every  Common-wealth  in 
 particular  to  enforce,  and  fee  them  executed,  as  well 
 a*  Ethically  to  private  Confidences.  Princes  are  the 
 keepers  of  Gods  Laws,  and  nmft  fee  them  executed  • 
 to  promote  which,  their  Laws  muft  be  Subfervient : 
 where  any  of  tbefe  Morals  by  a  penalty  annexed  is 
 applycd  to  the  Jews  in  particular  ,  though  qmatentu 
 Mofaicatfr  Judaica^  the  Law  be  ceafed,yet  as  it  is  the 
 Law  of  Nature,  or  as  Chrift  hath  taken  ic  into  his 
 Law,  it  doth  remain  :  And  not  only  fo,  but  the  Rea- 
 fon  of  many  o;herJcwi(h  Laws  may  ftill  be  fignifica- 
 tire  of  Gods  Will  to  us,  and  fo  be  Obligatory. 
 
 Where 
 
7#  this  Thttcr fitted  Tmper,8cc.         2  47 
 
 Where  there  is  nothing  in  the  difference  of  their 
 :ate  and  ours  that  varietb  ttie  cafe  fo  as  to  deftroy 
 0  ostbeReafonof  the  Lair,  it  may  thus  indireftiy 
 ►ind  us  ftill ,  by  (hewing  us  what  God  would  have 
 aen  in  fuch  a  cafe  to  do . 
 
 Thef  214.  The  Mvral  J%uaR$catiou  of  E  left  or  s 
 ntffi  be  this ,  that  no  man  choofe  but  thofe  that  have  pub- 
 ikelj owned  the  Baptifmal  (fovexxnt^  ferfonallj,  dtlibe- 
 welj  andferiouflj^  t  ak}ng  the  Lord  for  their  en  lj  (jod% 
 ven  the  Father^  SonandHoljGkoft^  the  Creator ,  Rt~ 
 "leemerandSanftifier^  and  that  Ijeth  mt  under  the  guilt 
 f  any  of  thofe  fins  for  which  God  would  have  men  put 
 0  deaths  or  ctit  off  from  hu  people. 
 
 Here  are  but  two  things  required  in  the  Moral 
 Qualification,  which  no  man  that  bath  the  name 
 md  face  of  a  Chriftian  can  except  againft.  Pirfttthat 
 le  be  one  that  ownech  God  the  Father,  Son  and  Holy 
 
 hoft,  in  perfonal  Covenant  ^  that  is,  that  he  pro- 
 efs  himfeif a  Cbriftian  ;  Oihers  are  excluded  from 
 Liberty,  I  think,  by  our  Laws  already.  This  there* 
 Fore  cannot  be  denyed.That  be  was  Baptized  in  Infan- 
 :j  is  not  enough ,  becaufe  cboofing  Parliament  men 
 is  not  a  work  for  Infants  i  but  the  Adult;  and  he  at 
 age  that  owneth  not  his  Baptifmal  Covenant,  dotb  re- 
 nounce it,  or  atleaft  is  not  to  be  reckoned  among 
 believers.  The  fecond  point  is,  that  he  live  not  in 
 fuch  fins  as  God  would  have  men  cut  efffor.  And 
 who  can  except  againft  this  ?  But  here  nore  1.  Thai 
 it  is  not  the  oft  committing  fuch  fins  only  that  ma- 
 kcthhimuncapable-,  but  being  at  that  time  under  the 
 Guilty  For  araanmuft  be  hanged  for  one  Murder, 
 R  4      "  though 
 
1 
 
 * 48   How  a  CtmtMn-wtalth  may  be  reduced 
 
 though  be  daily  live  not  in  it.  2.  It  is  the  Guilt  info 
 r$  humano  that  I  fpeak  of,  and  not  of  his  conference  a 
 co  God.  If  the  Magiftrate  pardon  him,  and  fully  paote 
 don  him,  he  is  not  under  Guilt  before  him.     3.  Not<»< 
 that  it  is  not  only  cutting  off  by  Death,  but  alfo  by  ac  il 
 extermination,  or  disfrancbifing,  or  excommunica- 
 tion, that  I  fpeak  of.  He  is  unfit  for  the  Pri viledge  oi 
 a  Choofer,  that  God  would  have  any  of  thefe  wayei 
 to  be  cut  off,  but  fpccially  by  Death. 
 
 4.  And  note,  that  a  capital  offender  may  have  I 
 pardon  for  his  life,  when  yet  the  Ruler  may  not  per 
 baps  reftorc  him  to  his  freedom  herein. 
 
 it 
 
 Thef.  215.  For  what  crimes  God  would  have  men\C 
 cutoffs  Ihavefhtwedbefore%c^.j.  viz.  For Blafphe- 
 my,  Idolatry,  perfwading  to  Idolatry ;  Murder,  Man- 
 ft  eating ,  Inceft^  Sodomy ,  Adultery ,  prefumptuous  finning , 
 and  obftinate  refufing  to  obey  Magiftrate^Prieft,  or  Pa- 
 rentjn  cafe  of  Gluttony,  Dru»ken»efs9  and  the  like  :  and 
 all  fuch  06  would  not  feek^  the  Lord  :  all  wizards, 
 and  that  turn  after  wiz,zards%and  more  fuch  tike, which 
 may  eafify  be  collected. 
 
 Thef.  216.  It  will  be  a  fair  and  expeditious  courfe, 
 that  all  thefe  crimes  enumerated  by  the  Parliament, for 
 which  they  allow  Paflors  to  excommunicate  men ,  Jbsll 
 alfo  difable  any  perfon  from  choofing  any  Parliament- 
 man  or  Magiftrate. 
 
 There  are  many  enumerated  in  the  Ordinance  that 
 fetletbche  Government  of  the  Church,  and  jfihe 
 Pirliament  plcare,  they  may  add  more,  as  they  fee 
 caufe. 
 
 Thef. 
 
to  tbisTbeecraticdl  Tempered        249 
 
 Thcf.  217.  At  lea  ft  it  cannot  be  denied  us,  but  that 
 kefe  crimes  enumerated  in  the  late  Humble  Petition 
 ni  Advice,  difablingmentofitin  Parliament ,ficuld 
 ilfodifable  the  people  to  Elttt. 
 
 And  that  much  well  executed,wou!d  do  cbc  Nition 
 /cry  much  right,  and  free  us  from  much  guilt  and 
 langer.  And  there  is  no  Rcafon  cbac  Lords  and 
 iCnightsihouIdbedifabled,  and  Pefants  let  alone  in 
 heir  Priviledges  that  are  guilty  of  the  fame  thing*. 
 
 Tbef.  2]  8.  As  no  man  was  to  live  a  member  of  the 
 Common-wealth  of  lh&t\  that  entered  not  into  the  Co- 
 venant of  God,  and  fubmittedn9t  to  his  worfhip  ,  under 
 the  Miniftratkn  of  the  Pt  lefts  (though  thej  mi^ht  have 
 faults  )  but  he  that  would  not  feek,  the  Lord  God  of  lf- 
 rael  was  to  be  put  to  death  ,  be  he  great  or  [mall, 
 2Chron.J5. 11,12,13.  So  no  man  Jbould  be  fo  free 
 in  our  Common-wealth  as  to  be  choojtrs  of  cur  Varlia- 
 ment-men  or  Magiftrates ,  that  Hve  not  in  Cbnftian 
 Order  and  communion ,  for  the  ordinary  worfhipping  of 
 God,  and  under  the  Difcipline  or  Guidance  of fome  faith- 
 ful Paftors  (where  fuch  are)  either  Jppreved  or  Tole- 
 rated bj  the  Ma  gift  rate. 
 
 To  be  an  ordinary  defpifer  of  Gods  pub  ike  wor- 
 (lvp,or  a  ncgleftercfit ,  and  of  the  Guidarce  of 
 Gods  Minifters,was  Death  or  cutringeff  in  the  Jew- 
 i(h  times:  And  no  man  can  teii  us  why  it  fiiouid  not 
 be  at  leaft  a  caufe  of  disfranchiz:ng  now.  A  man  by 
 disfranchizing  is  not  a  penny  the  poorer,  but  only 
 kept  from  hurting  the  Coo>mon*wcaltb.    And  its  a 
 
 bird 
 
250  How  a  Common-wealth  may  be  reduced 
 
 hard  cafe,  if  we  mod  commit  our  lives  and  Religion 
 to  the  Votes  or  Government  of  them  that  God 
 would  hare  had  then  cat  off,  and  put  to  Death!  Let 
 men  have  liberty  freely  in  all  lefTer  doubtful  things 
 that  good  and  fober  Chriftians  differ  about:  and  if 
 they  be  Impious  or  Infidels,  (unlefs  by  particular 
 crimes  they  incur  any  penalty  )  I  urge  not  the  Ma- 
 gtftrate  now  to  deprive  them  of  their  Eftatcs  or  per- 
 gonal Liberties :  But  let  them  have  nothing  to  do 
 with  Governing  us.    A  man  would  think  this  (hould 
 be  a  fair  and  moderate  motion  i  It  is  not  an  Ana- 
 baptift  f  nor  an  Indep-ndent,  nor  any  upon  fuch  kind 
 of  differences  that  I  am  motioning  an  exclufion  of: 
 But  thofe  thatare  Members  of  no  Approved  nor  To- 
 lerated Church.    And  there  is  great  Reafon.     For 
 i.  They  Live  like  Acheiftsaud  Infidels,  and  therefore 
 they  may  be  numbred ;  if  not  with  fucb,  yet  with 
 them  thatare  near  them.  Faith  is  pradfrcal,   and 
 tendeth  to  holy  living  and  obeying.   He  that  refu- 
 feth  to  give  God  his  publike  Worfhip,  aud  fo  denyeth 
 him  the  chief  part  of  his  homage,  is  *n  Atheift  in  life. 
 2.  There  were  no  Chriftians  in  the  Apoftles  dayei 
 that  had  a  fixed  abode,  that  were  not  members  of 
 the  Cbriftian  Churches  in  the  phces  where  they  li- 
 ved :  and  thofe  that  were  unruly  and  walked  difor- 
 derly,  were  to  be  avoided  and  caft  our.     3.  If  they 
 believe  not  that  God  is  to  be  worfhipped  publikely 
 by  his  fervanti,  and  would  perfwade  others  againft 
 all  p.ihlike  worfhip,  they  are  not  fit  to  live  among 
 men  ^  therefore  if  they  therafeives  forfake  it ,  they 
 are  unfit  for  to  meddle  with  onr  Government.  4  He 
 is  not  ordinarily  fit  to  choofe  a  Governour,  that  as 
 to  his  Morals  is  nor  capable  of  Governing  (allow- 
 ing 
 
To  this  Thtacrdtual  Temper,  &c.       251 
 
 ig* gradual  diflfe rente. )  But  the  negle&ers  of  all 
 Church-order,  and  Communion,  and  Difcipline,  are 
 infit  to  Govern :  for  they  would  deftroy  Chrifts  In- 
 creft  in  the  world:  therefore  they  are  unfit  to  choofe. 
 If  it  be  becaufe  they  know  not  of  a  true  Church 
 o  joyn  with,  its  a  fign  tbey  doubt  of  the  Head  when 
 bey  doubt  of  the  body,  and  know  not  that  Chrift  in- 
 ked is  King,  that  know  not  bis  Kingdom:  Or  elfe 
 ire  juftly  tobefufpededfor  Romilh  Juglers,  wbofe 
 lefign  is  to  take  down  all,  that  they  may  fet  up  cb em- 
 elves.  6.  However  it  be,  they  that  excommunicate 
 hemfelves  from  Chriftian  Churches,  can  blame  none 
 )ut  themfelvcs  for  it,  and  have  no  rcafon  toesped 
 :o  be  taken  for  Rulers  or  choofers  in  a  Chriftian 
 Common-wealcb.  7.  He  that  refufed  all  pubiike 
 Worfhip  under  the  Pricfts ,  would  not  have  been 
 fudged  to  feek  the  Lord,  nor  be  one  of  their  Com- 
 mon-wealth. 8.  God  hath  no  ordinary  pubike  wor- 
 ship but  by  his  Minifiers ;  snd  therefore  to  live  under 
 the  Guidance  of  no  Paftor,  is  to  rejed  the  ftated  way 
 of  worfhip  -,  nor  can  be  (ordinarily)  be  numbred  with 
 the  flock  of  Cbriit,  that  is  under  no  particular  Shep- 
 herd. Everyone  therefore fhould  be  a  member  of 
 fame  Church. 
 
 Thef.  219.  2.  For  the  execution  of  this  LaW.  then 
 fhduld  be  Cdreful  previjionjvhicb  being  a  Mod ]a /  thing, 
 lfhdll  not  pre  fume  tofayfo  much  of ,  bnt  leave  to  the 
 wifdomof Goverr.ours\  only  I  fee  before  tu  I.  anim- 
 ferfeU  utejfetiual  way,  which  u  bj  convitling  men  fer 
 thefe  crimes  before  >ome  fufiice.  2.  An  eff'tiudi  Re- 
 gular more  excellent  way,  which  u  this :  Let  all  Fa- 
 ftorsin  England  that  are  approved  have  an  Ivfinwevt 
 
1 5  %     ttwa  Common- wealth  may  be  reduced 
 
 of  Approbation,  and  all  that  are  Tolerated  an  Inftru 
 ment  of  Toleration-,  and  let  no  man  he  achoofer  or  t 
 Ruler  that  holdeth  not  communion  with  an  approved  o\ 
 Tolerated  Church,  and  is  not  fignifed  under  the  Paflor. 
 hand  to  be  a  member  thereof ':  or  that  Jball  be  caff  om 
 of  the  Church  for  any  ofthofe  crimes  that  the  TarlU* 
 ment  {ball  enumerate  :  And  that  there  may  be  no  jea* 
 Uufie  of  Minifters  ufnrpations  or  abufes  herein,  lei 
 every  Parifh  h*ve  one  or  two  of  thewifeft  men  bj  the 
 fuperiour  Rulers  made  Church-fujlices,  or  Cenfors  tc 
 meet  ftith  the  Church-  Officer  s,and  to  take  cognizance  oj 
 the  cauft :  And  lei  all  that  the  Paftors  and  Church  take 
 tn  or  caft  out  according  to  Cjods  Word,  be  ufed  bj  them 
 as  members  or  no  members  of  the  Church  -,  But  let  no 
 man  be  disfranchise  din  the  Common-  wealth ,  or  lofe  his 
 Vote  in  El  client ,  u*lefs  the  Cenfor  or  Church  Jufticc 
 Ruled  by  the  Parliament*  Laws,  confent  to  the  cenfure. 
 And  let  all  that  are  caft  out  by  hi*  confent  and  the 
 Churches  b<nh,£;  regiftred,and  difabled  to  Vote,  unlets 
 bj  the  confent  of  both  upon  Repentance  they  be  re- 
 Jtcred. 
 
 This  courfe  is  eqaal :  For  it  is  not  meet  that  Mi- 
 nifies fliould  bethedifpofcrsof  the  Liberties  of  the 
 Cornmon-weahh  ,,  nor  will  irhtlp  but  hinder  their 
 Mmiftry  thst  they  (houid  mix  it  with  any  fecular 
 Power  ^  and  though  the  penalty  were  but  confe- 
 quentia!,  it  would  be  inconvenient  for  them  toufc 
 that  Power.  And  yet  on  the  other  fide,  it  is  not  Par* 
 Hament  Orders  any  funhef  then  as  they  are  fubor- 
 d«nate  to  Gods  Liws  ,  that  they  muft  Guide  the 
 Church  by.  Now  in  this  way  the  disfranchized  per- 
 fen  hath  no  more  trouble  through  the  Minifler  thcrr 
 
 if 
 
To  this  TbtocrAticd  Temper,  &c.        255 
 
 if  he  had  nothing  c o  do  in  it,  but  Come  more  eafe  and 
 benefit:  For  if  the  Cenfors  alone  fhould  judge  him 
 criminous,  he  would  have  no  benefit  by  the  Churches 
 more  favourable  Judgement ,  in  cafe  the  Cenfors 
 fhoold  be  too  rigid  :  Or  if  tbey  fhould  bear  any  man 
 a  Grudge,  it  is  unmeet  they  fhould  difable  him 
 alone :  And  therefore  when  the  Judgement  of  the 
 Church  and  of  the  Cenfors  muft  concur  to  any  mans 
 Convidion,  he  will  be  further  from  the  danger  of 
 anv  injury :  The  Church  fhall  have  no  power  to  cor- 
 vi&  him  with  Relation  to  his  civil  Liberty  ^  but  only 
 the  Cenfors  fhail  not  do  it  withou:  their  confenr, 
 that  his  Liberty  may  be  the  better  fecured. 
 
 If  you  think  that  this  power  of  Church  and  Cen- 
 fors is  too  great  ro  be  exercifed  over  Joftces  of 
 Peace,  or  perfons  of  greater  place  :  I  anfwer, 
 1.  Where  ever  there  are  Jufticcs  of  Peace,  itisfup- 
 pofed  that  they  be  themfelves  the  Cenfors  ,•  and 
 therefore  that  fear  is  vain ;  And  for  Riches ,  they 
 fhould  priviledge  no  man  in  impiety.  2<  You  may 
 leave  your  Greater  men  (if  you  will  be  partial  )  to 
 forae  higher  Judgement,  or  leav«  them  the  Liberty 
 rfan  Appeal. 
 
 Of  the  Office  of  thefe  Cenfors  I  fhall  fp^ak  jnore 
 ander  the  hit  Rule. 
 
 Q^eft.  But  what  fh xll  be  done  in  the  Tolerated  Chur- 
 :hes  f  Anfw.  As  you  pleale ,  either  let  them  alfo 
 raftout  none  from  his  Common  wealths- Priviledges 
 Without  the  confentof  ths  Cenfors  of  that  Parilh  •, 
 >r  rather  let  them  alone  to  do  with  their  own  mem- 
 icrs  as  they  lilt  in  this  refped  ;  Becaufc  1.  They 
 will  befo  eager  to  keep  their  ftrcngth  and  number, 
 :hat  they  will  difpriviledge  noreof  their  own,  with- 
 out 
 
2^4  &*#  A  Commw-  wealth  may  be  reduced 
 out  great  caufe.   2.  And  if  they  da,  it  is  ofuallybe 
 of  all/orit  will  drive  them  to  the  approved  Churche 
 Queft.  But  what  if Miniftert  mil  not  admit  oftfn 
 thy  ferfons  into  their  Qhnrcheslfhall  the)  therefore  war 
 their  civil  Privileges  ?  Jnfw.    I .  If  Miaiftcrs  grafl 
 raifcarry  in  their  Office,  the  Magiftrate  bath  powc 
 to  pumfh  them,  or  cad  them  out ;  and  what  woul 
 you  have  more  ?    2.  If  one  Church  will  noc  receiv 
 them,  another  will,  either  Approved  or  Tolerated 
 3.  If  all  this  will  not  ferve,  let  your  Cenfors  in  thi 
 alfo  have  the  Judgement,  or  a  Negative  voyec.   Le 
 the  Qualifications  already  given  by  the  Parliamen 
 concerning  thofc  that  are  to  be  debarred  from  th< 
 Lords  Supper  for  Ignorance  or  fcandal,  be  the  Cen< 
 fors  Rule  (with  what  clfethey  think  meet  to  add^ 
 and  if  any  man  publikely  offer  himfelf  to  be  a  mem 
 berofthe  Approved  Church  of  that  Parilh  when 
 he  liveth,  and  be  refufed ,  if  the  Cenfor  Judge  the 
 Refufal  injurious   ( according  to  the   Parliaments 
 Ru!e?j  Ice  it  not  injure  him  in  his  civil  Liberties,  but 
 let  him  be  Regiftrcd  inter  dves  •,  Though  I  rhink  this 
 caution  fhould  be  unnecefHry,  becaufe  the  Minifters 
 themfeives  are  under  your  Power.     But  it   is  only 
 men  that  are  Utterly  uncapable  of  Church- commu- 
 nion, or  that  wilfully  refufe  it.  that  we  defire  may  be 
 no  C hoofers  or  (fives  (though  Sabptts  flill.) 
 
 Queft.  But  what  if  jour  T  afters  will  negleEl  Difci* 
 flines  and  let  inrloemofi  fcanddlous  men  ;  will  not  the 
 Cowman-wealth  he  polluted  and  hazarded  bj  their  neg- 
 ligence? Anfw.  i.  Ic  can  be  no  worfefor  that ,  then 
 it  is ;  and  therefore  thats  no  reafon  sgainft  the  thing. 
 2.  I  confefs  there  lyeth  the  greateft  danger ;  And 
 therefore  Parliaments  fhould  noc  by  any  catrfeleft 
 
 fl 
 
 fe 
 
To  this  Thetcratical  Temper,  &c.       2  55 
 
 caloofics  of  Minifters  doing  ove rraqch,  reftrain,  dif- 
 ible  or  difcouragc  them  from  cbae  ducy  which  flefh 
 nd  blood  is  moftagainftof  all  their  work-,  But  Ice 
 he  wilful  negled  of  Difcipline  (and  if  you  will,  ex- 
 :effive  rigour  too)  bepunifhable  according  to  the 
 [uality  of  the  offence.  And  let  there  be  a  Court  of 
 >oamiffioncrs  in  every  County  (  thofe  that  are  for 
 je&ing  fcandalous  Minifters)  empowred  tbereun- 
 o  ^  For  Ey&ion  (hould  not  be  the  punifhment  of 
 bailer  faults ,  cfpecially  before  obftinacy  •  nor  yet 
 hould  fuch  faults  be  unpnifted  •  But  of  this  more 
 non.  But  that  here  the  Cenfor  (hould  have  power 
 ilone  to  deprive  him  of  his  civil  L  berry  (as  we  grant 
 lim  alone  to  preferveit)  will  be  injnrious  to  men* 
 tights. 
 
 .  Thef.  220.  The  third  part  of  the  Law  for  Eegula- 
 ing  Elections  foncerneth  the  Manner  of E 'letting ,wb ere 
 variety  of  tolerable  Afzdes  occurring  J  fbtllr.ot  prefume 
 0  extol  any  one  above  the  r eft ,  there  being  no  fuch  n& 
 ejjltj  of  any  one  Mode  as  the  felf-ccnceited  Modi  Hers 
 magine.  1.7  he  Cives  that  are  in  the  Cenfor s  Regifter 
 nay  meet  in  every  Parifh  Churchy  and  btfore  the  Cen- 
 ors,  MinifttrsjConftabUs, Church-War  der>s,and  Over- 
 men of  the  poor  (  fwsrn  all  to  fidelity  )  may  give  their 
 Votes  for  Parliament-men^  which  tkefe  Officers  may  car- 
 y  in  at  a  General  meeting  to  the  High  Sheriff e.  2.  Or 
 heft  Ctves  in  the  fame  place  and  manner  5  may  choofe 
 heir  Deputies  (proportioned  to  the  number  of  the  pecple 
 n  alt  Pcrifhes )  which  Deputies  may  at  the  General 
 meeting  ( to  avoid  eo*fufio»  )  choofe  the  Parlia- 
 ment men  (  bting  t h em f elves  firfl  fworn  to  a  faithful 
 rtoyce)  And  tkeje  Elcttms  in  the  Parties  >  and  the 
 
 County 
 
2  5  6    How  a  Common-  wealth  may  be  reduced 
 fiunty  meetings  may  be  either  by  Vote  or  Ballot 
 
 [ 
 
 The  confufion  that  is  now  at  Ele&ions,  is  very 
 great  •,  and  without  abundance  of  coft  to  theCoun 
 trey  or  the  Ele&ed  Gentlemen  ,  fo  great  a  multitude 
 cannot  be  brought  to  the  Pole  j  which  if  they  be  nor, 
 the  uncapable  roue  may  intrude  and  carry  it.  And 
 therefore  for  every  Parifti  or  Hundred,either  to  fend 
 in  their  written  Votes  by  Officers,  or  rather  to  fend 
 their  fworn  Deputies  with  power  to  Vote  in  their 
 ftead,will  more  orderly  difpatch  the  work,  and  with 
 much  lefs  charge  and  trouble.  Every  Deputy  may 
 bring  in  a  lift  of  the  names  which  he  reprefentetb 
 and  ip  he  thacreprefenteth  a  Panlhof  an  hundred 
 men,  (hall  have  the  voices  of  an  hundred  ^  and  he  or 
 they  that  reprefent  aParifii  of  a  thoufand  men,  (hall 
 have  the  voices  of  as  many. 
 
 Where  there  is  danger  led  the  Greatncfs  of  any 
 over-awe  the  people  from  their  liberties,  the  Ballot 
 isfomewhatthefafer  way  then  the  open  V.ote^  and 
 yet  not  much  •  both  becaufe  Jug'ers  by  flight  of 
 hand  might  convey  in  five  for  one  ^  and  fpecially  be 
 caufe  thofe  great  men  will  beforehand  be  engaging  the 
 people  to  Promife  them  their  faffrages,  and  they  dare 
 not  deny  the  Promife  ^\i  they  are  fuch  as  dare  not  de- 
 ny them  their  Vote  ^  And  yet  in  all  thefc  things  indif- 
 ferent, we  would  not  flick  to  gracifie  Mr. Harrington^ 
 or  any  rational  Model!er,that  can  get  the  Parliaments 
 confenr.  But  i.  We  mutt  have  our  Gives,  the  matter 
 of  our  Republick  firft  reformed.  2.  AndNwe  would 
 have  no  more  change  then  needs  rauft  ,  but  things 
 done  with  as  little  ftir  as  may  be,  about  circumftanti- 
 ais  -a  and  not  have  the  Venetian  painted  drefs  and  toy^ 
 
 ifh 
 
 i 
 
 ■ 
 
T$  xhu  Theocratic d  Temper,  &c.        257 
 
 ifh  gawds,  to  cover  a  defiled  people  ;  nor  wub  a 
 great  deal  of  coft,  and  labour,  and  pomp ,  to  fee  up 
 an  adorned  Image  •,  Et  magno  Lahore  nugas  agere  ,  ut 
 materiam  fuvtr ant  opus.  We  arc  fomewhac  indiffe- 
 rent for  the  drefs  ;  but  cannot  be  indifferent,  whether 
 we  have  a  pious  cr  impiOus3Cbriftian  or  Infidel  Com- 
 mon-weahh.  Reform  and  fecure  us  in  the  main,  and 
 we  will  not  quarrel  about  fucb  variable  unnecefftry 
 modes  and  circamftanccs. 
 
 Thef  221.  Though  foUcitations  cannot  be  prevented, 
 jet  that  liber t y  of  Votes  maybe  preferved,  let  the  Regu- 
 lating Law  deprive  all  men  of  their  Vote*  in  that  EUtti- 
 eny  that  are  proved  to  have  t  romifed  them  to  any  man 
 before  the  meeting. 
 
 They  raay  confider  and  debate  it  before-  hand  ,  for 
 better  information,  but  not  promife. 
 
 Thef.  222.  Ral.IlL  To  make  the  Common- wealth 
 more  Divine,  our  Parliaments  themfelves  mufi  be  more 
 Divine:  which  mufi  be  tffcEted  by  Defer  i  prion,  and  by 
 Oath .,  which  are  bothfo  happily  Ordered  already  in  the 
 Hucr  b!e  Petition  and  Advice,  that,  if  execution  be  ad- 
 ded, may  conduce  much  to  gut  bappineff. 
 
 The  faid  Petition  and  Advice  determineth  ,  that 
 inder  the  Penalty  of  a  choufand  pound  ,and  imprifon- 
 uent  till  it  be  paid ,  no  perfon  be  clc&ed  and  fit  u\ 
 ^rliament  bur  [fuch  as  are  perfons of  known  Integrity , 
 
 "earing  Ged,  andofGotdcenvtrfatien Net  fur h 
 
 is  are  gutltj  of  any  of  the  Offences  mentioned  in  an  Act 
 f  Parliament  o/Aug.i  650.  intituled^  Aft  agunit 
 
 S  fcvcral 
 
258  How  a  CemmM'Maltb  may  be  reduced 
 
 fcveral  Aheiftical,  Blafphemous  and  execrable  opi- 
 nion*, derogatory  to  the  honour  of  God,  and  deftru- 
 dive  to  humane  Society.  No  common  fcoffer  nor  revi- 
 ler  of  Ri  listen,  or  of  an/  perfon  or  perfons  for  prof  effing 
 thereof  :  No  pzrfon  that  hath  married  or  fhall  marr)  a 
 wife  of  the  Popijh  Religion-^  or  h*th  trained  or  /hall  train 
 wp  his  child  or  children  5  or  any  other  child  or  children 
 under  hx  tuition  or  Government,  in  the  Popijh  Religion  ^ 
 or  that  fhatl  permit  or  faff er  fuck  child  or  children  to  be 
 trained  up  in  the  fail  Religioner  that  hath  given  or  fh^U 
 give  his  confent  that  his  Son  or  Daughter  fbtllmarrj  any 
 of  that  Religion  :  No  perfon  shut  fhall  deny  the  Scri- 
 ptures to  be  the  Word  of  God>y  or  the  Sacrament  sprayer, 
 Aiagijlracj  and  Mimfirj  to  be  the  Ordinances  of  God : 
 No  common  propkaner  of  the  Lords  day  ;  nor  prophage 
 (wearer  or  curfer  •  no  Ar nn^ar d,  or  common  haunter  of 
 Taverns  or  Ale-honfes.  ] 
 
 They  arc/worn  alfo  for  the  true  Proteflant  Chriftian 
 Religion  in  the  purity  ofit^as  contained  in  the  Holy  Scri- 
 ptures, and  far  fidelity  to  the  Prottttor,  an  i  for  the  Peo- 
 ples Rights  and  Liber  ties. ~]  A  more  excellent  Ad  hath 
 not  been  made  for  the  Happinefs  of  England,  con- 
 cerning Parliament*,  atleaft  fincethe  Reformation. 
 O  chat  it  may  be  bat  effectually  put  in  execution. 
 
 Thef.223.  Rul.  IV.  The  Prudence,  Piety  ani  fi- 
 delity of  the  Princes  (landing  (Council conduceth  much  to 
 thefelictij  of  the  Common-wealth:  and  is  to  be procured^ 
 i.B]  Description.  2.  And  by  Oath. 
 
 1 .  The  Law  mud  defcribe  them  according  to  their 
 ncceffary  qualifications.  2.  The  cboofers  of  them 
 (  efp. daily  where  Parliaments  choofe)  may  be  fworn 
 
 as 
 
To  this  Theocratic dl  Temper  >  Sec*        259 
 
 as  near  as  they  can  to  choofe  according  to  that  De- 
 scription. 3.  Themfelvesare  to  be  fworn  toad  ac- 
 cordingly. 
 
 Thef.  224.  Ru*.  V.  The  Prudence  and  Piety  of  the 
 Prince  is  of  high  concernment  to  the  Happinefs  of  the 
 People  •  which  is  to  be  fecurf din  Countries  where  be  is 
 Elective \  by  a  duly  Regulated  EleUien  -0  and  where  he 
 u  Hereditary,  by  a  duly  Regulated  Education  ^  and  by 
 due  Limitations,  and  by  Oath. 
 
 Where  he  is  Elettivi,  a  Defcription  is  prefuppofed 
 asexiftent  in  Gods  General  Laws  already, which  rcuft 
 be  obferved. 
 
 Tbef.  225.  fhefafe  way  for  E teftlon  ,is, that  a  Par- 
 liament c hoofing  or  approving  the  Council ,  [wear  them 
 to  choofefourof  thebefi  Qualified  perfons  ,  and  that  a 
 well-regulated  Lot  take  one  of  the  four •  the  people  of  the 
 chief  City  ,  or  ddjoyning  parts ,  feeling  God  by  fo limn 
 fafiing  and  prayer ,  for  merciful  determination  by  that 
 Lot. 
 
 In  ele&ive  Principaliciei ,  it  muft  be  fuppofed  that  a 
 Council  of  Srace  have  a  fufficient  power  to  keep  the 
 teace  till  a  due  Elc&frm  :  and  yet  that  they  be  (effici- 
 ently difabled  from  perpetuating  their  Supremacy,  or 
 delaying  theEIeftion. 
 
 The  Perfons  to  be  Eleftedmay  be  either  left  to 
 rhemftlves  as  to  their  Rank,  or  they  may  be  limited, 
 cither  to  take  four  of  the  Council  (  as  men  firft  ap- 
 proved by  the  Parliament,  and  acquainted  belt  with 
 >tace-aff4ir$;;  or  elfe  the  General  of  the  Army  (if 
 
 S2  hi. 
 
*  6o  Hew  a  Ctmmtn-  wealth  nuy  be  reduced 
 be  be  not  of  the  Council )  and  one  of  the  Nobility, 
 and  two  of  the  Council.  But  however  let  them  ac 
 their  admiftion  into  Council,  be  ftridly  fworn  to 
 choofe  the  fitteft  according  to  the  defcribed  Qualifi- 
 cations, if  they  (hall  be  called  to  a  choice. 
 
 Here  arc  divers  thing;  expreflfed  as  neceflary,  or 
 much  inducible  to  (he  propounded  end.  (Suppofing 
 ftdl  that  wefpeakof  rhofe  Nifions  that  are  fecting 
 up,  or  have  already  an  EScfiive  Prince,that  is  not  ab- 
 lblare,  nor  bvA)  the  whole  Soveraignty ,  but  in  con- 
 jinftion  with  a  Parliament  or  Senate)  i.  That  the 
 Senate  choofe  the  Council,  or  at  leaft  approve  of 
 them.  And  fo  them/elves  being  firft  compofed  as 
 afofefsid,  there  wiil  be  great  hopes  of  a  Prudent  Pi- 
 ous Cottxcil.  2.  That  the  Council  (  or  the  Parlia- 
 rnenr,if  then  (icting  )  choofe /i^r  ,  being  fwore  to  a 
 faithful  choice  aforehand. 
 
 And  here  let  itb:  obferved,  that  Ele£lion\%  to  be 
 preferred  to  a  Lit,  where  it  may  be  performed  upon 
 grounds  of  Judgement  and  Freedom  -  and  that  a 
 Lot  is  not  to  be  brought  into  ufe,  but  in  cafes  of  Ne- 
 cefficy,  where  judgement  failetb.  For,  i.Elfemen 
 fhall  negled  the  Law  of  God,  which  is  propounded 
 to  them  as  the  Rule  of  Judging.  2.  And  they  (hall 
 negleft  their  Reafooand  Gods  gifts,  by  which  they 
 are  qualified  for  Judging  3.  And  they  will  tempt 
 God,  and  therefore  povoke  him  to  afllift  them  by 
 the  Lor,  while  they  take  his  name  in  vain.  4.  And  if 
 they  eled  nor  fit  perfons  in  preparation  to  the  Lot  / 
 but  turn  loofe  a  Lot  among  a  number  that  are  molt 
 unft  ;  they  betray  the  Common-wealth  to  ruine. 
 If  our  new  Modellers  (hould  carry  their  Lotteries 
 among  the  vulgar  rowt,   whe*r  there**  one  or  two 
 
 wife 
 
To  this  Theocratic al  Temper.  &c.       2  6 1 
 
 wife  men  among  a  multitude,  3ncl  expe&  ihat.theic 
 Lot  fhould  fkd  ouc  thofe  few,  thay  might  be  convin- 
 ced  by  experience,  that  God  made  then  no  promife 
 of  foch  fucceft,  nor  appointed  Lots  tafp  re  men  tie 
 ufe  of  their  Reafon.  Till  I  have  Gods  command  oc 
 promife  to  (hew  for  our  encouragement,  I  muft  be- 
 lieve ,  tint  he  that  cafts  a  Lor  to  find  ouc  one  wife 
 and  godly  man  among  an  hundred  fimpietcns  or  un- 
 godly men,  is  1  kely  sn  hundred  to  one  to  be  deceived. 
 The  Apoftle*  cbofe  two  of  the  mcercfl  men  ;  to  be 
 Judas  his  fucceffor,  before  they  rr ade  ufe  of  the  Lot : 
 ar.d  then  the  Locd.d  choofe  Mutrban  cne  of  the 
 two 
 
 3 .  It  ii  here  taken  for  a  matter  of  great  necefiky  , 
 that  ye:  a  Lot  fhcuid  finally  determine.  ( In  an  ex- 
 traordinary cafe  indeed,  as  afteraConquefiufually 
 One  only  is  capable  :  bat  we  are  not  giving  Rnlts 
 for  extraordinariei.)  Ard  the  need  of  this  Lot  is 
 thus  apparem.  i .  1c  will  prevent  Confederacies  and 
 making  parties  and  friends  for  the  fucceflion  ,  which 
 eKe  will  hardly  ever  be  prevented.  2.  It  will  avoid 
 the  odium  that  elfe  wiii  I;e  upon  the  Council,  from  the 
 re jeSed  party  :  Men  will  eafier  take  a  rejection  from 
 God  then  from  man,  3.  I  twill  prevent  tfec  dif-fdtif- 
 "a&ion  and  confequcne  rebelliou \  contrivances  of  the 
 rcjjded.  For  it  fcemeth  a  difhonour  to  be  rcj>&ed 
 byebosfers,  but  its  nodifhoncur  to  mifs  it  upon  a 
 Lot.  4.  It  is  a  mod  rational  fuicable  courfe  ,  that  he 
 :hat  ftaods  next  Goi3(hou\d  btchojn  b)  <W?and"God 
 (hould  have  the  principal  hand  in  the  choice.  The 
 \poftles  give  God  the  choice  of  Matthias  an  A?g(IU 
 by  Lot,  b:caufc  no  power  under  God  was  fit  to  con- 
 vey (  orchoofca  man  to)  the  highell  Ecdefisitick 
 
 S  3  power : 
 
r  $  %  How  a  Common-  wealth  may  be  reduced 
 power  :  But  ihey  chofer.ot  inferior  Officers  by  Lor. 
 5.  It  will  more  comfortably  iasisfie  the  Prince ,  to  do 
 or  fufferinhis  office,  when  God  calls  him  cor.  6.  l'c 
 w^ii  very  much  fatisfie  the  people  in  their  fubmiflion 
 and  obedience,  and  prevent  rebellions ,  and  hinder 
 fufpit  ons  of  the  Princes  ambitious  afptring  to  the 
 power.  Ai  his  choice  wa?  Divine,  their  dUmitinQ 
 vnd  obedience  will  be  towards  him  as  towards  an  Of- 
 ficer of  G>d. 
 
 4.  Ir  is  here  taken  t!fo  as  neceffary,  that  the  Lot 
 be  carefully  regulated  by  a  Law  ,  e.g.  as  to  be  dona 
 before  man}%  'n  the  publickeft  Chprch  of  the  City,  in 
 inch  and  fuch  order,  which  is  eafily  contrived  •  tbac 
 fo  they  that  would  creep  in  by  unrighteous  mcars 
 may  h?.veno  hope. 
 
 5.  That  the  chief  City  OFa!!thararenear,that  cm 
 fo  Ypeedily  meet ,  may  by  faffing  and  prayer  feek 
 Gods  merciful  determination,  is  a  thing  of  apparent 
 need,  by  rcafon  of  the  great  weight  of  the  cafe,  and 
 that  the  Government  may  be  more  purely  Divjne, 
 and  the  people  the  fully er  fatisfied  in  the  pcrfon,  and 
 the  bicffir.g'  of  God  procured  thereby. 
 
 Thef.  226.  Where  the  Prince  u  Hereditary  ,  and 
 hath  a  Parliament  either  to  participate  intheSove-* 
 raignty,  or  to  feenre  the  peoples  Rights,  the  education  of 
 his  children  JhmU  be  [tewed  b)  a  Qandin^  Rule,  ftrittlf 
 defcHbing  the  Tator sjboth  Divines  and  Tolititiansyand 
 careful!)  jecuring  the  execution. 
 
 The  Prince  that  will  not  Confent  to  this  ?  for  fear 
 of  ioHi  g  hislnrercft  in  bis  own  children,  in  reafon 
 ffcgtiid  do;  citfire  chat  they  (hould  hereditarily  fuc- 
 
 ceed 
 
T*  this  Tkeoc ratted  Temper^  &C.        ^  6$ 
 
 fucceed  him  in  the  Government.  If  he  govern  nor 
 for  the  common  Good  as  his  end,  he  is  a  Lord  or  Ty- 
 rant, and  not  Governour  of  the  Common- wealth. 
 If  he  do  govern  for  the  common  good,  then  the 
 Common- wealth  hath  a  far  greater  Intereft  in  his 
 children  that  muft  fucceed,  then  he  can  have.  If  they 
 be  fo  his  own,  as  to  be  principally  for  him ,  or  for 
 themfelves^  they  sre  then  unfit  to  be  tbe  Governours 
 of  a  Common-  wealth.  Iftbey  be  not;  then  the  Laws 
 muft  difpofe  of  their  Education.  Tbe  fubordinare 
 Rules  for  this  Edccuion,  I  will  not  be  foprefumptu- 
 cus  as  to  let  down. 
 
 Thef.  227.  Thefecondmeanscfa  peoples  fecuritj 
 as  from  their  Prince ,  is  that  in  the  Fundamental  con- 
 tracts he  he  limited  to  Rule  them  bywb^lfom  Laws  to 
 be  made  bj  the  [ropofal  and  conjent  of  his  Parlia- 
 ment. 
 
 TheReafonof  thisis ,  1.  Becaufe  of  the  irnper- 
 feSion  of  ail  Princes  (  as  of  all  men  )  who  therefore 
 muft  be  fuppofed  to  bave  feme  evil  or  imprudence, 
 whofe  evil  fruits  fhould  be  prevented,  that  they  may 
 not  produce  the  common  hart.  2.  Becaufe  it  is  fup- 
 pofed poflible  that  Princes  may  efpoufe  a  private  In- 
 tereft ,  from  which  rhe  publxk  Intereft  muft  be  fecu- 
 rcd.  And  being  not  Abfolute  and  Arbitrary ,  he  will 
 be  Icfs  capable  to  hurr. 
 
 Tbef.  228.  Ths  third  means  of  Security  Jsjhe  Prin- 
 ces Oath,  rvhieh  is  to  contain  the  fumme  of  the  Funda- 
 mental cent  ratt  which  laj  the  ground  of  his  future  Go- 
 vcrnmer.t. 
 
 S  4  Every. 
 
2  6j\   How  a  Common- we  dth  may  be  reduced 
 
 Every  point  of  a  Princes  du:y  is  not  to  be  put  into 
 his  Oath,  but  fo  much  as  is  ncctffiry  to  the  common 
 fofecy,and  cpnftq.ueptly  to  the  being  of  hU  Govern- 
 reenr.  Tor  elfe  it  will  tempt  the  people  to  think  that  hi 
 they  aredifohliged  when  he  viola,  eh  his  Oath  in  any 
 of  thofe  particular.  Buttbcfubftance  of  his  Cove-  e 
 nant  ftiould  be  in  it. 
 
 Thef  229.  Ru.VI.  The  fee Hr it j  of  a  Nation, as 
 to  their  fucceffive  Safety,  Piety  and  Peace,  rtqui eth 
 th#:  the  JM.luia.btin  Honeft^  faithful  tbedtent  and  va- 
 liant hands :  -which  will  be  arc  amplified,  I .  By  thefore- 
 we.-uiomd  fecurfag.  a  faithful  Prince  and  Parliament 
 th*t  mufl  Ku-e  thim.  2.  By  arming  all  the  faithful  of 
 the  Nation  that  are  fit  for  arms,  and  faff e>  ing  none  but 
 fre  men,  to  be  of  the  Handing  force   Aitkin  the  Land. 
 
 3  .  By  cauftng  all  Souldiers  te  be  fworn  to  the  Sovereign 
 and  ibe  (fonftituti.n.  4.  By  keeping  the  Forces  that  are 
 under  p  y,  in  neceffa-y  dtpendance  up  n  the  Sovereign 
 pomr  for  their  pay.  5.  By  keeping  the  power  of  placing 
 and  dtfpi'ucing  (he  greater  Officers  out  of  the  hands  of 
 any  Cjensral  Officer  in  pay.  6.  By  keeping  them  by  di- 
 flanre,  and  other  mea\ns,from  uniting  in  anj  as  afttfjici- 
 intthad,  but  the  Soveraign  power.  7.  By  vigiluncy 
 againft  tntrud  ng  masked  Papifts  and  enemies  that  fow 
 the  feds  of  fedition  among  them.  8 .  By  f applying  every 
 vacant  place  with  Godly  valiant  men ,  and  weeding  out 
 thetn^odly  and  feditiour.  9.  By  afufjicient  encouraging 
 of  the  faithful  in  their  due  pa  \  10.  By  making  them 
 ft  ifi  Laws  again  ft  Impiety  and  fedition,  and  keeping  up 
 1  rptc  Dij  upline  among  them. 
 
 1.  yi",  Harrington  iruly  tels  you  the  neceffuyef 
 
 Armmg 
 
To  this  Tbeccrdticsl  Temper 5&c.        2  £5 
 
 Arming  the  freemen  :  men  of  beft  Education  and 
 n:erelt ,  will  be  moft  valiant  and  moft  trufty  5  and  if 
 leformed  as  I  forementioned,  they  will  betrueft  to 
 :heir  Country,  in  matters  of  cverlafting  confequence : 
 tisreafon  thaimen  of  greateft  Imereft  and  feffici- 
 ncy  fhould  betrufted  with  the  defence  of  themfelves 
 tnd  their  own.  Thecowardlinefs  of  Freeholders  is 
 be  undoing  of  their  Country  :  To  fave  their  own 
 kin  they  arm  their  fervants,  and  fo  make  them  their 
 oris.  Efpeciaily  when  it  comes  to  fighting  indeed, 
 tnd  they  dare  not  venture  their  lives :  Orellein  for- 
 gn  Wars,  where  they  ufc  to  employ  their  fervants 
 ly,  except  in  command,  and  then  they  return  up- 
 >n  them  as  their  Ccnqaerers.  Many  that  are  fer- 
 eants  may  be  fent  abroad,  but  not  fo  many  as  may  be 
 tbie  to  matter  their  Commanders,  and  the  junior  fort 
 rf  Freemen,  that  ihould  ftill  be  mixt  in  competent 
 number*.  The  moft  fervile  and  bafc  are  ufualiy 
 ihrough  the  disadvantage  of  their  education  the 
 moft  impious.  And  fo  rtuch  wickednefs  as  ufualiy 
 dwelleth  in  fuch  Armies,  is  worfe  then  the  enemy  to 
 them.  Noneol  the  Forces  in  p3y,  that  intend  the 
 common  good,  anddeferve  the  name  of  Chriftians, 
 orCommon-weahhs-men,  will  be  unwilling  ro  have 
 the  faithful  people  of  the  Land  to  be  pofTcffcd  of  a 
 ftrengcb  Sufficient  to  ballancc  them  for  their  necefTary 
 jreiervation. 
 
 The  reft  alfo  are  fo  plainly  rational ,  neceflary 
 nd  confcionable ,  that  I  (hall  think  it  nccdlefs  to 
 *ive  Reafons  for  them  diftm&iy,  there  being  nothing 
 >u:  ignorance,  ungodlinc's,  or  a  treacherous  fcififh 
 defign  co  matter  the  Common-wealth,  that  can  have 
 any  thing  cofcfiderabic  to  fay  sgainft  them. 
 
 Two 
 
II 
 
 z*6    Horn  a  Common  -  wealth  m*y  be  reduced 
 
 Two  things  more  I  add,   i  Let  the  old  tryed  faith£ 
 ful  Souldicrsof  the  Army  be  the  chief  Commander 
 of  part  of  the  Militia  of  the  Countries  •,    yee  non 
 but  the  faithful,  and  men  of  Intercft,  that  have  fomc 
 what  to  lofe  by  the  mine  of  the  Common- wealth  f 
 nor  yet  fo  as  to  ftreng  hen  any  co  a  dirgerous  re- 
 dundancy of  Power.    2.  That  every  Regiment  o 
 Yooi  have  one  faithful  Minifterto  reach  them,  and 
 every  Regiment  of  Horfe  two  at  leaft  {  becaufe  quar 
 teringvery  diilant,  ore  man  can  be  but  with  few  atf 
 once)  Seducers  are  the  feditious  difturbers  and  de-  \ 
 ftroyers,  who  will  creep  in  and  prevail,  if  there  be  * 
 none  to  gain-fay  them. 
 
 Thef.  230,  R.  VII.  //  u  necejfarj  to  the  true 
 Happinefs  of  the  fowmw-wea'th  ,  that  the  Inferior 
 Mdgijlrates  (fudges,  Jptjiicts^  &c.)  bepradent,  God- 
 ly fatthfu/me>s  ;  which  u  [eenred  to  m  ,  I.  By  the 
 forewcHtiomdFietj  of  the  Sovereign  Powers  th*t  muft 
 choefe  them  ^  and  2.  By  good  Laws  that  binde  them  to 
 thtir  Duty. 
 
 It  is  a  great  mifhke  in  many  Law-rmkwrs,  that  are 
 more  folicicous  incomparably  to  reftrain  both  Inferi- 
 our  Migiftrates  and  Minifters  from  going  too  far,  and 
 doing  too  much ,  then  to  put  them  on  to  do  that 
 which  is  indeed  the  bufinefs  of  their  Office,  when  yee 
 Cud\  and  blood  will  do  as  much  (and  in  the  Miniftry 
 abundance  more)  to  bring  us  to  the  defective  Ex- 
 tream,  then  to  the  exceflive.  The  benefit  of  Law  is 
 s  rainei  by  the  Execution:  And  if  we  have  not  faith- 
 ful Jjdgc$andjiftices>  we  can  look  for  little  exe- 
 cution.   If  the  Mig  Urate  benui?ht,  it  is  an  eafie 
 
 cnatter 
 
/  7*0  this  Theocratic al  Temper,8cc*        26 j 
 
 :  j  atter  for  him,  by  difcouraging  Plaint  ff»  andAcca- 
 
 a  rs,  and  by  hiding  the  fence,  or  u  refting  the  Law,  or 
 
 hundred  wayes  to  make  nothing  of  rhcm  ,  if  noc 
 
 orfc  then  nothing ;  and  turn  our  dcfepfive  Arms 
 
 jainft  us. 
 
 oj  Thef.  231.  R.  VIII.  The  Chriflun  excellency  and 
 Jlicity  of  a  Commonwealth,  dtpendeth  exceeding  much 
 ,,.  *  the  Purity  and  Unity  of  the  £  hurches  that  arc  there  : 
 lt  ind  therefore  it  muft  be  the  Rulers  facial  care  1 .  That 
 j,  of  j  Dottrinc  ,  IVorfhp  and  Order    and  Difcipline  be 
 
 nnintained  in  the  Churches  ;  and  2.  That  they  be 
 ought  to  as  much  Charity,  Agreement  and  Ccmmu- 
 
 ion  as  can  be  agreed. 
 
 Thtf.2S2.This  fur  it  j  of  the  Church  rcillbe  procure^ 
 .  By  the  Aforementioned)  care  that  godly,  able  faith- 
 ul  Puflors  be  provided  ;  and  the  ungodly  ,  inefficient 
 mi  negligent  kept  or  cafl  out.  2 .  By  the  faithful  order- 
 ng  of  the  Churches, and  exercife  of  holy  Difcipline,  fup~ 
 vefing  the  previous  rcquifites  forcmentioned. 
 
 Tbcf.  2:3.  For  the  fttling^f  a  found  and  holy  Mi- 
 wfl>J,  1 .  There  muft  be  Laws  defcribing  fuch  asfb&ll 
 be  pnblikely  Approved  and  encouraged,  and  f nth  as  /halt 
 be  only  Tolerated  2.  The  'People and  Patrons,  the  Or- 
 iaUeri  and  Approvers ymuft  each  have  their  due  htereft 
 prefer vei  and  allowed  them.  3.  No  man  muft  pub- 
 likely  Teach,  nor  hold  private  Affemblies,  be  fide  fuch 
 as ftandin  due  fvbwdinaticn  to  the  Churches,  but  fuch 
 as  have  from  the  Approvers  an  Injlrument  of  Approba- 
 tion or  of  Toleration.  4.  Blafphemy  and  fubverting 
 the  Effentials  ofChriftiamy,  or  of  Cbrift  an  communi- 
 on 
 
i6S    How  a  Common-  wealth  may  be  reduced     in 
 
 on  and  worfhip  are  to  be  fever  ely  reftrained,  not  Tole  *' 
 rated  in  any  way  of  Teaching  or  propagation  what  fa  * 
 
 ever. 
 
 $■ 
 
 It  is  in  vain  to  make  Laws  defcribing  fuch  as  dial: 
 be  Tolerated,  unlefs  there  be  a  way  to  put  them  in 
 execution.  If  all  be  Tolerated  without  difference,  * 
 why  (hould  the  Law  make  a  difference?  Ic  is  asne-" 
 ceffary  therefore  that  by  the  Rule  of  thofe  Laws,0 
 Commiffioners  gran:  an  Inftrutnenc  of  Toleration,  as  * 
 of  approbation.  And  that  the  Commiffioncrs  of  E je-  I 
 dion  have  power  to  deprive  them  tint  forfeit  it  of] 
 their  Toleration,  ss  others  of  their  Approbation.  But 
 of  this  elfe  Where.  The  reft  I  hope  is  all  granted. 
 
 Thef.  234.  To  the  holy  order  and  Difcipline  of  the 
 Churches ,  be  fides  the  JMinifters  duty  {of  which  1  have  • 
 fpokenin  other  Writing i  )  it  is  nedful,  I.  That  the 
 M*v) fir  ate  drive  on  all  that  are  Paftors  andadminifitr 
 Sacraments,  to  exercife  Difcipline,  by  diftingmfiing  the 
 clean fromths  uncle zn.  2.  And  to  feenre  the  Inter  eft 
 of  the  Jfrfdgiftrate  and  the  Common-wealth, that  there  bt 
 duly  jiyned  fome  Officer  of  the  Mdgijl rates  in  all  the 
 jiffcmbliet  for  Worfhip  and  Difcipline  -,  and  Magifira- 
 cj  ani  Aiinifirjjotwified  together ,  that  the)  may  con- 
 cur andc^-operatie,  without  any  invafion  of  each  others 
 Offices ,  but  for  mutual  he^p. 
 
 God  hath  in  wonderful  Holy  Wifdora  fo  nearly 
 joyned  the  Chnrch  and  Commonwealth ,  and  the 
 Magistracy  and  Miniftry  ,  that  both  are  of  neceffity 
 t>  the  w?lfare of  e*ch Nation-,  and  ic  haih  occafi- 
 oned  many  ignorant  mtrn  to  comend  about  their  pre- 
 eminence 
 
I  To  this  Theocrdtical  Temper,  &c.  2  69 
 minence,  as  if  it  were  a  controvcrfie  among  fobcr 
 Ihriftians,  which  of  them  were  the  chief :  when  ic  is 
 10  controverfie,  nor  is  there  any  room  for  thecom- 
 arifon,  they  bcin£»  tf#4  tales  of  dillind  co-ordinate 
 ;ixids,and  each  is  chief  in  his  proper  Office.The  Magi- 
 trateisastruly  the  Governour  of  Mmiftcrs  by  the 
 >  word  or  coercive  power  -  a<  he  is  of  any  other  of 
 lis  Subje&s :  And  tbeMinifterisas  rraly  the  Magi- 
 trares  Church-guide  by  the  Word  of  God  ,  as  he  is 
 jf  any  other  of  his  Flock  :  yet  indiredly  be  may 
 rcquently  be  bound  from  exercifing  any  fucb  dif- 
 jraceful  a&sofDifciplineon  them,  as  may  tend  to 
 diminifh  their  Authority,  ordifabletbem  to  their 
 jroper  work.  Government  is  a  divine  A#,  which 
 Imitateth  Nature.  Arijlotle  and  Galen  could  not 
 agree  whether  the  Head  or  Hears  was  the  Principal 
 member  anil,  firft  feat  of  Life.  And  why  may  they 
 not  be  conjanA  and  co-ordinate,  each  being  the 
 pincipal  in  its  kind ^  the  Head  of  the  animal  ipirits 
 ar.d  operations,  and  the  Heart  of  the  Vital?  Philo- 
 fophers  have  troubled  therafelves  with  difputing, 
 Vfkeihtr  the  Intellect  or  IVMbetfce  firft  Principle  of 
 the  fouls  operations  ?  But  by  this  time  they  are  for 
 themoft  pare  agreed,  that  the  IntclleS  is  the  firft 
 quoad  fpuificationem  attns,  and  the  Will  quoad  exerci- 
 tinm.  But  if  any  will  make  a  tough  difpute  of  it, 
 whether  Specification  or  Exercife  be  firft  y  he  will  do 
 it  to  no  profit.  It  is  a  dead  Common  weath  (and  that 
 is  none,  bat  a  mcer  carkafs)  that  is  without  thc^  Ma- 
 giftrate  :  And  it  is  a  mad  Commonwealth  (wbicfns  lit- 
 tle better  then  none)  that  is  without  t  Church  and 
 Miniftry.  I  think  they  that  Would  feparate  the  h- 
 tclleft  from  the  Will,  the  Braiu  from  the  Heart ,  the 
 
 Dire&ive 
 
270    tlow  a  Ccmmdn-  tveaUh  may  be  reduce  d\   V 
 
 Dire&ive  power  from  the  Imperial }  are  no  betttkl 
 friends  to  the  Common-wealth,  then  he  chat  woulk 
 deliver  a  man  from  the  prefurrption  of  bis  phantafi  t 
 by  cutting  off  hs  Head,  or  from  the  paffions  of  hi  ^t 
 Heart  by  pulling  it  out  of  his  Body.   Some  Difeafe  * 
 may  warrant  roe  to  cut  off  ray  finger ;  bat  none  wi!  p 
 warrant  me  to  cut  offmy  Hrai  ,  or  to  pull  out  m\$ 
 Heart.    Some  fay  the  Intellect  fo  participated  of  Jn-k 
 tlination,  and  is  fo  near  kin  to  the  Witt,  that  We  majL 
 properly  fay,  IntelleBuj  vultvtrum  ;  and  that  th<L 
 Will  hath  fo  much  participation  of  Intelligence  thatt 
 we  may  well  fay, that  Volant  as  inttlligithonHtn  ;  wbc-h 
 rher  that  be  fo  or  nor,  I  am  Aire  that  it  is  no  humane! 
 Body  that  hath  not  both  Heart  and  Brainy  nor  a  hu-  \ 
 inane  foul  that  wants  either  Will  or  lnulktt.     The 
 Priefts  fat  with  the  Civil  Judges  in  Mofes  time ,  and 
 had  Judicial  Power,  much  further  then  we  now  de- 
 lire.   The  Minifters  fat  with  the  Magistrates  in  Eng~ 
 land  before  the  dayes  of  milium  the  C^qatroy.     If 
 any  would  exempt  the  Miniltry  from  being  under  the 
 civil  Governours  Jurifdidion ,  or  would    pnt  into 
 their  hand  the  civil  Power,  or  Sword,  even  any  de- 
 gree of  u  proper  coercive  forcing  Power,  I  would 
 Petition  with  thefirfl  againftit;  But  if  any  Parlia- 
 ment would  have  fome  chofen  Minifters  fit  in  both 
 Houfes  without  any  Votes  or  Power  at  all,  but  only  a 
 Liberty  to  fpeak  when  the  caufe  of  Religion  and 
 Confidence  is  on  the  Stage;  or  if  they  would  have 
 ifacra  *fit  with  Judges  on  th^Bench,  and  Juftices  at 
 their  Sellions,  without  any  power,  only  with  a  Li- 
 berty of  fpeaking  to  a  cafe  of  Confcience,ai  I  would 
 never  Petition  for  it,  fo  I  would  not  think  thsu  £om« 
 raonwcaltfi  the  leff  Wife,  or  Pious,  or  Happy,  or  hte 
 
 that 
 
To  this  Tbeocraticdl  Temper  >&c.        2  7 1 
 
 lat  did  admit  ir.    Bat  we  are  all  for  excreams .  Same 
 
 *  oft  have  a  Pope  to  carry  both  fwords,  and  trample 
 l\  pon  Kings  and  Common-wealthy  or  at  leaft  they 
 >  luft  have  Lord  Bifhops  to  fet  and  Vote  among  the 
 
 *  ords :  And  others  rauft  think  them  unworthy  to 
 (>eakintheCaufeof  Cbrift,  which  fometime  is  toft 
 ^p  and  down  by  men  that  little  nndeiftand  it-,  and 
 
 >me  think  them  not  worthy  to  ftand  in  their  pre- 
 :ncc,  but  make  them  arthc  fcum  and  fcorn  ©f  man- 
 Lnd  :  And  what  have  they  but  their  holy  Relation 
 »Chriftandbisfervice,  to  make  them  lb  contem- 
 tiblc  ?  They  arc  of  the  fame  Nation,  blood  and  pa- 
 ntage  as  other  men  :  For  their'lives,  though  they 
 re  imperfect,  if  any  one  relation  and  rank  of  men  be 
 lore  upright  and  blamclefs  and  holy,  let  as  be  bani- 
 led  or  dicthedcatb*  For  their  fludies,  unlefs  it  be 
 Nvioc  things  that  make  men  fools,  or  much  learning 
 nd  fiudie  that  make  them  lefs  wife  then  other  men, 
 nd  unlefs  the  way  towifdom  be  to  lay  afleep  our 
 Leafon,  and  caft  off  ftudy  r  or  at  lead  to  ftudy  no- 
 ling  higher  then  the  Moon,  undoubtedly  they  have 
 tie  advantage  by  far  of  any  one  rank  of  men.  If  Di- 
 inity  be  True  and  Good,  then  certainly  the  Students 
 fit  are  likely  to  be  the  wifeft  and  the  beft  qF  men  i 
 or  the  cbjed  ennobleth,  and  the  employment  per- 
 :&eth  the  facultie?. 
 Kings  themfclves  were  commanded  by  God  of  old, 
 ftudy  Divinity  continually ,  and  fa  were  other 
 Commanders,  yeaandall.  Dott.  17. 18 ,19,20. 7*;5. 
 .8,  7>™*.i  1.19,20  &6.<J,7>8.-P/i/w.i.2,3.Ific 
 ebafe  the  Teachers,  it  cannot  honour  Princes  nor 
 ny  of  the  Learners. 
 The  Nation  therefore  that  vilifietb  and  defpifetb 
 
 the 
 
2  7  *   Bew  a  Common*  wealth  may  be  reduced 
 
 thcMiniftry,  defpifeth  Chrift.  And  tbe  Magiftrat 
 that  grow  jealous  of  their  intereit,  and  fei  againft 
 work  that  Chrift  hath  fee  them  to  do,do  but  pluck  oi 
 their  own  eycs,and  deftroy  therafclves,and  unchrifb 
 their    Coramon-weath.     Magiftrates  and  MinifteM^ 
 therefore  muft  joyn  together  in  the  work  of  God  k 
 yet  fo  that  we  will  not  meddle  at  all  with  their  work  fo 
 much  lefs  defire  their  Riches  and  honour  :  Let  thei  td 
 take  the  Pomp,  and  Rule,  and  wealth  of  the  world  w 
 We  defire  thera  fo  much  fplendor  as  may  countenance 
 them  in  their  work.  For  our  felves,  we  would  bavj^ 
 nothing  but  leave  to  labour,  and  tbe  Devil  chained  u  t 
 from  hindering  mem  falvation,  as  far  as  by  the  Magi  t 
 ftratecan  be  procured.  k 
 
 r 
 
 \ 
 
 Thef.  2  3  5 .  To  free  the  M^gifir ate  from  alljealoujii 
 of  our  ufurpations,  and  to  further  us  in  our  "toork^  by  at 
 holy  Concord,  Let  every  Parijh  have  one  or  wore  Cenfors 
 cr  Civil  Officers  ^enabled  to  thefe  following  works.  I .  Tt 
 keep  peace  in  the  Congregations,  if  any  make  diflurbance^ 
 cr  if  any  by  force  intrude  to  the  Sacrament  (for  the  Pa-* 
 [lor j  or  peeple  have  no  power  of  violence.)  2.  Topjn 
 with  the  Mtnijier  and  Church-War  dent  in  dijpofwg  of 
 Seats  in  the  Church,  to  avoid  Contentions.  3 .  To  meet 
 once  a  moneth  with  the  Church-Officers  (or  others)  to 
 hear  the  Caufes  that  are  brought  before  them:  Where , 
 I .  He  -may  force  thofe  to  appear  as  Atagiftrate,  (when  he 
 feescaufe)  whom  we  can  butintreat.  2.  And  he  may 
 (whin  he  fees  caufe)  have  power  to  adminijfer  an  oath. 
 3.  And  his  Tower  and  Vote  concurring  or  differing, 
 t&kj  determine  how  far  the  Magiftrate  ftallfecond  them; 
 Andalfo,  ^.Thttmnebe  taken  to  be  dhfranchifed  for 
 
 crimes, 
 
To  this  TheocraticatTcmpr^  &c.       2  73 
 
 times,  by  any  excommunication,  without  the  Cenforj 
 '  d  vvittion  and  confent  (as  we/did  before. ) 
 
 ■:<  In  every  Corparation  that  hath  a  Maior  or  Bay 'iff, 
 to  d  other  Juft  ces,  lee  them  alfo  be  the  Cenfon.    And 
 xi  fmallCountrey  Parifhcs  where  no  Juftice  of  Peace 
 i  ideth,  let  the  fufficienteft  perfon  or  psrfons  be  ena- 
 eicd  by  the  Magiftrate to  this  Office;    And  let  him 
 Wive  no  further  Power,     If  the  Church  may  prc- 
 toMind  theficteft  perfons,  and  the  Rulers  accept  or 
 nje&themas  they  fee  caufe>  and  fo  authorize  foch 
 q  they  accept,  it  may  fully  fatisfie  deir  intereft.  If 
 gjey  refufethif,  we  au  well  content  thit  they  chcofc 
 em  as  they  fee  meet.    This  will  further  the  Mini- 
 y,  and  flop  the  Eraftians  mouthes,  and  take  away 
 ic  jealoufits  that  are  ufually  by  Magiftrates  kept 
 (p  againft  the  Paftors :  Their  Cenfors  (hall  be  pre- 
 i.nrt  and  fee  whether  we  meddle  with  State  matters, 
 r  go  beydnd  our  line.    But  ftill  let  this  introduce  no 
 >nfufion  of  the  Offices  by  the  conjunction.  Let  the 
 Churches  ads  be  valid  co  meer  Church  refpe&s  (as 
 kbiolacionor  Excommunication )  whether  theCen- 
 »rs  (hall  confent  or  not :  but  let  them  be  of  no  in- 
 uence  upon  Civil  Rights ,  if  he  confent  nor.    As 
 lagiftrates  are  Civil  Rdfers  of  Paftors  and  Churches 
 ndmuft  help  them  with  their  power  agiinfl:  oMk- 
 ate  untraftablc  ones  $  fo  there  is  no  reafon  that  we 
 hould  defire  them  to  be  meerly  the  Executioners  of 
 »ur  Sentence  •,  but  they  muft  take  cogntzince  of  the 
 aufc,   and  Judge  where  they  mult  execute  :  If 
 bercfore  their  Officers  be  with  us,  and  hive  notice 
 >(  the  whole  proceeding ,  they  may  be  fatisfied  how 
 ar  tQownoura&s. 
 
 T  Thef. 
 
274  Hw  *  Commo#'weahb  may  be  reduced 
 
 Thcf*  236.  Theugh  Magiflrates  cannot  force  wen  to 
 JBelieve,Love  Godyandfo  to  befaved,yet  thty  muft  force 
 them  tofubmitto  holy  Dottrine,  and  learn  the  Word  of 
 God,  and  to  walk^orderly  and  quietly  in  that  condition, 
 till  they  are  brought  to  a  voluntary  perfenal  profejfim  of 
 Chriftianity,  and  fubjeSlion  to  Chrift  and  hu  holy  Ordi- 
 nance ;  andfo  being  voluntarily  Baptized,  (if  they  are 
 new  converted  Heathens,  that  never  were  before  baptim 
 zed)  or  Confirmed  (if  they  were  baptized  before)  they 
 may  live  in  holy  Communion  with  the  Church. 
 
 t 
 
 If  Magiflrates  force  not,orMiniftcrscaufe  not  the 
 grofly  ignorant  to  bear  and  learn ,  and  fubmit  to 
 Conference,  or  Catechizing^nd  fach  neceflfary  means 
 oflnftru&ion  till  they  arc  confirmed,  or  by  the  Ap- 
 probation of  the  Paftors  admitted  into  the  Communi- 
 on of  the  Church  with  the  adu.t^heir  Infay  Baprifm 
 will  but  let  in  corruption  and  confufion  into  the 
 Churcbci ,while  men  arc  commonly  taken  for  mem- 
 ben  of  tt,that  know  not  what  Christianity  is ,or  live  in 
 the  open  violation  of  their  Baptifmal  Covenant.  Mi- 
 nifters  therefore  (hould  be  by  Law  retrained  from  ad- 
 mitting the  uncatechized  antf  unconfirmed  to  Com- 
 munion. 
 
 Thef.  237.  2.  The  Vnityalfo  of  the  Church  is  ve- 
 ry needful  to  thefafety  and  peace  of  the  Common-wealth  % 
 that  Parties  be  not  hatched  and  animated  againfi  each 
 other,  who  will  be  difturbing  the  Common  peace  to  pro- 
 mote their  ends. 
 
 Two  extreams  are  here  to  be  avoided.  The  firft  of 
 them,  chat  will  give  Liberty  or  Forbearance  to  none 
 
 but 
 
To  this  Thtocrattctl  Temftr,  &c.       27  5 
 
 bat  tbofeof  one  Opinion  or  way,  in  points  where  dif- 
 ference is  tolerable.  And  while  they  think  by  this  to 
 fecare  Unity  and  Peace,  they  moft  effe&ualiy  deftroy 
 them  both  :  while  they  put  a  necefiity  on  many  good 
 end  fober  men,  tofufferthc  execution  of  their  pe- 
 nattie^  JMid  then  movexorapaflion  in  others  to  the 
 fuffcreri,  and  provoke  many  to  hazard  att  for  their 
 impunity.  The  other  extream  is  theirs  that  either 
 pnrpofciy  cherifh  diviiions  ro  weaken  the  people, 
 that  titty  themfehrcs  may  hold  the  ballance,and  make 
 advantage  of  their  diffcntion«,  or  at  leafldocarelef- 
 ly  permit  intolerable  Herefie,  infidelity  or  impiety  to 
 be  propagated  or  praftifed  wuhout  due  reftrainr. 
 And  thefe  Rulers  will  find  in  the  iflue ,  that  obeying 
 God,  and  looking  tobislntereft ,  and  the  common 
 good  in  g-eateft  things,  was  their  greareft  duty,  and 
 would  have  moft  conduced  to  their  own  fecurity:  and 
 that  when  ihefe  Fa&ions  h  ive  a  while  contended  with 
 each  other,  fomecfrthem  will  fall  on  the  Magiftrate 
 himfelf,  and  however  he  behave  himfelf,he  (hall  never 
 be  without  foroe  perilous  enemies.  A  broken,divided, 
 contending  people  will  never  be  long  true  to  him,  nor 
 ftrong  enough  to  defend  him:  but  their  ftrength  is 
 tnoft  exercifed  in  winceing  at  each  other,  till  perhaps 
 they  have  unhorft  the  rider. 
 
 Thef.  238.  The  means  which  the  Magiflr ate  mnft 
 fife  for  the  Churches  unique  thefe.  1 .  He  muff  neither 
 h\m[elfimpofey  nor  fnfftr  the  Pajtors  to  impofe  any  un- 
 certain or  umeceffarj  points  of  doftrint,  difcipiine  or 
 TPorJhip ,  at  neceffarj  to  the  Vnion  or  Communion  of 
 Churches  j  tut  reftore  the  primitive  (implicit] ,  hj  tak- 
 ing tbi  Holy  Scriptures  in  general  M  thifuffichni  Rul? 
 T  %  uHd 
 
1^6  How  a  Common-wedth  may  be  reduced 
 
 and  Law  of  faith  and  w  or/hip,  a^d  the  ant  lent  Creeds  of. 
 the  Church  in  particular  y  as  the  univerfal  Sjmbole  :  or 
 if  any  more  copious  be  drawn  up,  let  it  meddle  with  ni 
 Controverfies  that  may  be  forlorn,  and  let  it  be  as  much 
 *s  may  be  in  Scripture  words. 
 
 Neceflfary  points  rouft  be  held  as  necefTary  -y  and 
 unneceff  >ry  things  muft  not  be  made  neceffary.  This 
 is  the  g^eat  Engine  that  hath  torn  the  Churches  and 
 battered  their  Peace.  If  men  Zealous  for  opinions  cry 
 out  againft  errours,  and  for  fecurity  of  the  Orthodox 
 profciSon,  let  them  have  leave  to  be  as  Orthodox  as 
 they  will,  and  to  do  as  much  againft  errour  as  they 
 can  :  but  let  them  nol  be  the  common  Judges  of 
 Truth,  nor  have  every  thing  done  that  fanfic  or  fury 
 (hall  think  nccefDry  to  fecure  the  Truth.  The  Scri- 
 pture is  acknowledged  to  be  certainly  true  by  us  all  • 
 and  therefore  none  will  fcruplethe  fubferibing  it; 
 but  fo  are  not  the  doubtful  colk&ions  of  all  that 
 think  their  opinions  rauft  needs  be  Articles  of  their 
 neighbours  Creed.  He  is  Orthodox  that  holds  but 
 fo  much  Truth  as  is  contained  in  the  Scripture.  He 
 that  believeth  explicitly  %  and  obey eth  but  fo  much  as 
 is  there  delivered  in  plain  expreliions,  is  fit  to  be  a 
 M?nifter,and  to  have  Communion  with  the  Churches. 
 He  that  lubfcribech  to  the  Truths  which  are  plainly 
 exprefled  in  Scripture  ?  and  yet  perverteth  them  by 
 Herelie,  or  underftandeth  them  not  through  igno 
 ranee,  may  as  eafily  pervert  or  not  underftandthe 
 fame  truths  plainly  delivered  by  men.  Let  therefore 
 the  holy  Scripture  be  the  National  Confe/fion  and 
 Religion ;  and  let  the  antient  Creeds  be  exprcfly  pro- 
 
 feffed 
 
To  this  ibeccratcd  Temper,  &c.  277 
 fcfod  by  all  that  are  Baprzcd,  or  admitted  to  Church 
 Communion.  And  if  any  fpecial  occafion  make  more 
 feemneceffary,  wh'chmuft  beinrpofed,  let  that  more 
 be  no  wore  bat  a  Confeffion  expnfFedin  Scriprure- 
 phrafe,  atleaftin  every  controvertible  point  wheh 
 godly  men  do  differ  about.  Let  men  enlarge  their  vo- 
 luntary Confeffions,  andfparenot^  bat  rotirepcie 
 them,  nor  make  them  the  bailance  of  their  Commu- 
 nion. 
 
 If  any  fay  that  [7*  u  met  that  Fzftors  explicitly 
 Hnderfiand  mere  then  the  antient  Creeds  jhotigh  no  more 
 may  be  ofnecejfit]  to  everj  member: ard  therefore  a  more 
 Urge  Confeffion  u  to  be  fubferibed  or  owned ,  feting  by 
 fubferibing  to  the  Scriptures  ,  he  frefejfeth  but  an  Im- 
 plicit belief  as  to  the  particular  truths .[] 
 
 I  aniwer,  1.  I  can  as  truly  and  wifely  fay  that  by 
 fubferibing  to  the  National  Confeffion  he  profeffech 
 but  an  Implicit  belief  of  the  particular  truths  therein 
 contained.  They  are  as  plain  and  as  wellexpreft  in 
 the  Scripiure  as  in  the Ccnfeffior.  And  therefore  the 
 fubferibing  of  one  is  ssgood  a  proof  of  an  Explicit 
 belief,  as  of  the  other.  2.  You  know  that  fubferi- 
 bing to  your  Conftffion  proveth  not  that  men  under- 
 ftand  ir.  And  therefore  you  take  another  courfe  to 
 try  the  found  underftanding  of  •the  Preacher  r  It  is 
 fuppofed  that  he  is  a  known  tryed  man,  and  that  the 
 Examiners  have  queftioned  hra  in  order  to  difcover 
 his  underftanding ,  befides  what  his  preaching  muft 
 difcover.  And  cannot  the  Examiners  as  well  try  him 
 by  a  Qneftion  about  fomc  Scripture  Text ,  as  by  a 
 Queftion  about  an  Article  of  a  Confeffion  that  no 
 more  plainly  cootaineth  the  fame  trurh?  3-Andthrn 
 if  he  comradift  the  nee*  ffiry  Scripture-  truchstwhich 
 
 T3  he 
 
1 7 8    Hew  a  Cowmw+wealthmAy  be  reduced 
 
 he  doth  confefi  •,  Church- Difciphne  an  J  the  MigN 
 iVate ,  according  to  the  quality  of  the  Errour  and 
 eff  nce,muH  rcftrain  him^  which  they  may  as  well  do 
 if  the  Scripture  only  be  the  Rule,  as  if  it  be  a  Con- 
 fe/fion. 
 
 Thef.  239.  2.  It  is  necefary  both  to  the  purity  and 
 p  ace  of  the  Churches,  thaf  the  publifbingor  propaga- 
 ting of  the  Certain  intolerable  Err  ours  be  reflrained^ 
 fatJtfa  the  Magiftratc  and  the  Chnrches  :  and  alfo  the 
 frafticeof  lui.U  Er  r  our  t  th  M  a\e  practicable. 
 
 A<  Lb^rry  in  things  where  Lberty  may  be  grant- 
 cd,is  ncafl\ryX0i:h€  Churchei  peace  ;  fo  is  reftrainc 
 in  (hinge  intolerable.  !  t  is  not  Liberty  of  Confidence 
 *ha?I  fprakof,  but  Liberty  of  tongue  and  p  afticc. 
 Mens  coiikiences  are  not  under  the  infpeftion  or 
 cogn  zacice  of  the  Magiftrate.  He  that  will  be  an 
 Inrtdcl,rr  uit  bnve  liberty  of  confidence  to  damn  him- 
 telf,  and  then  to  torment  h'.mfelf  whether  the  Ma- 
 giftrace  will  or  no  :  But  if  he  have  liberty  to  infeft 
 and  feduc*  other*,  the  Magiftrate  (hall  anfwer  for  it. 
 If  any  Libertine  here  incerpofe,  and  ask  me,  Tiy  what 
 Law  a  MagiftrAte  fly  all  meddle  in  matter  1  of  Religion 
 to  reftrain  men  againfi  their  conferences  *  I  (hall  fully 
 anfwer  him  eife  where,  if  God  will,  in  a  more  feafona- 
 bit  Difcoarfe  on  thatSubjed. 
 
 Thef.  240.  3 .  It  is  necefarj  to  the  Churches  Peace, 
 fhat  no  prvate  Congregations  be  gathered,  or  Anti- 
 chit  re  he  erected  by  any  but  fuch  as  have  an  Approbati- 
 on 0  Toleration  fur  it  from  the  Magifkrate  :  foppofitg 
 flik  fhAt  {nek  private  Ajfemblies  are  A/lowed  of  courfe 
 
 as 
 
Ti  this  Thcocratical  Temftr,  &c.       279 
 
 *  as  are  kept  bj  the  Approbation of Approved  Minifters, 
 in  adnefubordinatitnto  the  Chnrdh- Ajfemblies. 
 
 Let  Approved  or  Tolerated  Minifters  (that  have 
 an  Inftrument  of  Approbation  or  Toleration)  have 
 leave  to  allow  of  private  meeting*,  fubordinate  to 
 the  publike,  fo  tbey  be  well  regulated  by  Laws.  Bue 
 ifunliraitedly private AffeDblies'be  permitted,  then 
 1.  It  is  in  vain  to  limit  Toleration  ^  for  all  will  be 
 Tolerated.  2.  And  then  it  will  be  impoffible  to  rc- 
 ftrain  Herefie,  Infidelity  or  impiety.  3,  Yea  they 
 may  meet  to  plot  againft  the  Migiftratc ,  and  who 
 can  difcover  or  hinder  them  ?  To  force  them  to  keep 
 open  their  doors  is  fome  Remedy  ,  but  a  poor  one : 
 for  the)  c*n  do  it  at  fucb  times  as  none  will  trouble 
 them.  What  honed  man  will  be  with  them  on  the 
 Lords  Day  at  the  time  of  publike  Worftiip,  or  in  the 
 night  unfeafonably  ?  &c.%  And  they  can  tell  when 
 any  more  then  their  own  company  ire  there.  Ma- 
 tters of  Families  muftbe  encouraged  in  their  Fami- 
 ly- worfhip,  andhoneft  Neighbours  in  helping  each 
 other  in  holy  Exercifes  in  their  proper  places.  But 
 no  Aflemblies  (hould  be  Allowed  by  the  Magistrate, 
 but  what  an  Approved  or  a  Tolerated  Paftor  will 
 Over-fee  and  take  care  of,  and  in  fdme  fort  be  ac* 
 countable  for,  as  under  his  charge. 
 
 Thef.  241.  4.  It  unecejfarj  to  the  Churches  Peaa, 
 that  no  Paftor*  or  Chriftians  hi  fuffered  in  Print  or 
 Speech  to  rail  at  one  another,  and  nfc  contentions  oppro- 
 brious fpteches  :  but  that  the  Magiftrate  moderate 
 them  in  their  Difputis  ,  and  that  the  Tolerated  Chur- 
 ches b$  not  fujfered  U  caft  [corn  ufen  the  Approved 
 T  4  Churches, 
 
*8o  Hw  4  Centmefl'ipealth  may  be  reduced 
 
 Choreics ,  nor  to  be  over-bufte  or  fub like  in  drawing 
 away  others  to  ihiir  mind,  fuppofivg  them  to  have 
 leuve  to  Vvorjlip  God  thtmf elves  in  their  Tolerated 
 '  ***?,  and  modeftlj  to  defend  themfelves  under  the  Ma- 
 gistrates moderations 
 
 If  other  men  for  foul  words  fha!l  be  bound  to 
 the  good  ,  behaviour  ,  and  fcolding  Women  fhall 
 b  put  in  the  gamble  ftool :  there  is  no  reafon  that 
 the  people  (hail  have  leave  to  rail  and  fcold  on  pre- 
 tence  of  their  Opinions  in  Religion. 
 
 2.  In  p^bike  Deputes  the  Magiftrate  Should  be 
 Moderacor  in  point  of  peaceable  modeft  carriage. 
 And  theiefore  hcfhould  be  prefent  in  Synods  ufuaily 
 to  keep  peace.  No  Synods  have  been  fo  peaceably 
 managed  fincc  the  Magiftrate  withdrew  from  them, 
 as  they  were  before  when  he  bore  fway. 
 
 3.  It  is  fuppofed  that  t*ie  Magiftrate  judgeth  the 
 Tolerated  Churches  to  be  erroneons ,  though  he  judge 
 them  tolerable-,  and  therefore  it  is  not  fit  that  he 
 give  them  leave  to  draw  peep'e  to  their  way  by  bufie 
 publike  importunity,  which  may  both  corrupt  and 
 difquiet  the  Churches^  nor  to  pour  cur  contempt 
 and  icorn  upon  the  Approved  M»ni(Urs  or  Churches. 
 But  1.  They  may  have  leave  in  their  own  Aflcm- 
 liies  foberly  and  raodeftly  to  plead  their  own  caufe. 
 2.  Andalfo  to  defend  it  modeftly  in  print ,  if  it  be 
 fcffiuhed.  3.  Andalfo  to  give  to  the  Magistrate  or 
 others  an  account  of  cheir  faicb  and  vorfbip  when 
 they  arejufllytalltd  to  it.  4.  A;d;'fj  to  manage 
 pub'ikt  D.fputcs  when  the  Mafciftrace  fhail'Liccnfe 
 tfcein. 
 
 Thcf. 
 
To  i his  Theocratic d  Temper, &c.         281 
 
 Thef.  242.  5.  The  Magiflrate  in  crder  to  the 
 Churches  feace  muft  moderate  Contriver  [us,  efpecially 
 as  managed  by  Writings  and  Dilutes  :  and  when  he 
 [eeth  that  thej  are  not «,  ed  to  Edtfi:ati  n  4  but  to  Divi- 
 fiony  and  that  they  cannot  be  further  /offered  without 
 the  great  danger  of  the  Church %  ht  mufl  either  comm 
 m*nd  them  filence ,  cr  prefcribt  them  necejfarj 
 hands, 
 
 •  The  Servants  oftbe  Lord  mufl:  not  ftrive  :  and 
 therefore  Logomachies  and  perverfe  difputings  that 
 gender  ftrife,  and  qnerch  Charity  ,  efpeciaHy  when 
 they  kindle  a  pubiick  flame,  are  not  to  be  per mic- 
 ted  :  Magiftrares  muft  not  here  nnnecejfarilj  inter- 
 pofe  :  but  when  it  is  nectffory,  they  muft  ufe  their 
 Authority,  efprciatly  in  over- feeing  the  prefs ,  and 
 retraining  piffionate  intemperate  men. 
 
 Thef .  243 .  6.  Frate''  nal  Affociations of  Churches 
 and  Affzmblicj  of  their  Officers  andMeffengers  muft  be 
 enaurjged,  in  order  to  the  needful  correfpondencj  and 
 communion  of  the  Gharchrt  •,  and  thai  Gods  work^  may 
 be  carried  on  in  concord 3  the  (fenfor  or  other  M  gifirate 
 being  prefenty  when  heftcth  it  meet  to  rejirain  them  from 
 usurpations,  and  contentions. 
 
 I  fpeak  not  of  Aflbciations  of  parties  to  bandy 
 againft  each  other,  nor  of  Synods  dire&ly  and  pro- 
 perly for  Government  of  the  particular  Paftors  ; 
 for  this  is  controverted  among  wife  men  ,  whether 
 ihey  have  .uch  a  Power.  Bat  as  Scripiure  and  Na- 
 ture require  Vnity  anu  Communion  of^Churches,  and 
 
 corictrd 
 
concord  in  Qods  Work> ,  fo  do  ibev  require  the  meanr 
 tbat  Nature  it  felf  makech  neceffary  to  thefie  ends 
 But  of  this  elfwhere. 
 
 Dividers  therefore  that  refufe  Communion  wittf* 
 the  Approved  Churches,  fhould  have  lefs  of  the  Ma 
 giRrates  Countenance  ;  and  the  Unanimous  ,  chari- 
 tably peaceable  men,  that  are  Lovers  of  concord  and 
 brotherly  communion  ,  (hould  from  the  Magiftrace 
 bare  fome  fpecial  countenance  and  encouragement. 
 
 cr 
 
 Thef.  244.  7.  The  Magiftrate  mstft  net  commit 
 any  of  his  } roper  coercive  power  into  the  Paflors  bands, 
 nor  trnft  them  "frith  hu  Sypordjitbcr  to  depofe  each  other v 
 er  any  way  Govern  each  other  by  force  :  But  the  reject- 
 ing others  from  their  communion,  and  perfrpading  men 
 to  avoid  them y  u  all  that  the  bigheft  pretenders  can  call 
 an  Ecclejiaflical  farifdiffion  over  thnr  Brethren  ,  in 
 which  alfo  tb'ej  are  to  be  moderated  by  the  Magifirati 
 for  peace. 
 
 It  would  long  ago  have  quieted  the. Churches ,  if 
 the  Magiftrates  had  kept  their  Power  to  themfelves " 
 and  alfo  had  not  made  themfelves  the  Prelates  Exe- 
 cutioners. If  the  Pope  bad  not  got  the  Sword  into 
 his  hand,  nor  into  the  hands  of  bis  Prelate*,  and  Ma- 
 giftrates made  not  themfelves  bis  LiSors ,  he  could 
 not  fo  much  difturb  the  peace.  If  bis  Excommuni- 
 cations were  not  feconded  by  violence,  and  he  could 
 not  meddle  with  mens  bodies  or  eftate*,  he  would  be 
 at  laft  aweary  of  thundering  againft  them  that  care 
 not  for  ir.  And  no  Prelate  bach  any  face  of  a  Title 
 to  a  forcing  Power :  who  made  them  Magiftrates  ! 
 Whit  (hey  can  do,  rauft  be  by  the  Word  uponehc 
 
 Conference  • 
 
"pnfcience-,  byfpiritual,  and  not  by  carnal  Wea- 
 pons. And  for  a  Magiflrate  to  punifh  or  dcftroy  a 
 nan  to  nomine,  bccaufc  he  is  excommunicate ,  before 
 ,j  »c  knows  whether  it  be  juft  or  unjuft,  is  but  to  make 
 limfelf  the  Prelates  Hangman,  and  renounce  his  Rea- 
 bn  with  his  Authority,  and  to  do  he  knows  noc 
 vbac  or  why  ,  at  the  command  of  another  •,  who 
 fee  cannot  lave  him  from  the  wrath  of  God  if  he 
 >rove  a  perforator.   As  fcolds  in  the  ftreet  endan- 
 ger not  the  Peace  of  the  Land,  becaofe  they  are  un- 
 irmed  ,   and  go  to  it  but  witlPTongues  %  or  Nails  and 
 Fifts:  foif  Divines  be  kept  unarmed  ,  and  have  no 
 power  to  perfecute  one  another  ,  they  will  at  laft  be 
 weary  of  contending ,  and  when  the  fray  is  over , 
 :hcy  will  be  as  they  were  :  Or  if  they  paffionately 
 excommunicate  each  other,  experience  will  convince 
 them  of  their  folly  ,  and  drive  them  to  return  to 
 Unity,  when  they  have  felt  awhile  that  they  are  but 
 weakened  by  it,  and  hindred  in  their  work,  and  made 
 the  contempt  and  fcorn  of  tbeir  enemies.    Bat  if  a 
 Prelate,  or  a  Synod  ,  or  any  of  them  have  power  to 
 difplaceandcaftout,  or  fine,  orimprifon,  orbanifh 
 others  when  they  are  angry  with  them,  there  will  be 
 no  peace. 
 
 Be  awakened  then,  ye  Cbriftian  Magiftrates,  to 
 keep  your  Sword  in  your  own  band,  and  ufe  it  for 
 God,  according  to  bis  Law,  difcerncd  by  your  own 
 tanderftandings  ( though  taught  by  Miniftcrs )  and 
 put  an  end  to  the  quarrels  of  Popes,  and  Prelates,  and 
 Councils,  that  are  partly  contending  for  jour  power 
 to  be  in  them  •  and  partly  difturbing  and  deftroying 
 our  peace  by  jour  Sword  which  they  have  got  into 
 their  hands,  or  at  their  Commands. 
 
 So 
 
284  How  a  Common- wealth  may  be  reduced^ 
 
 So  much  for  the  Rules  by  tvbich  a  Common- wealt 
 may  be  made  a  Theocr;  fie,  or  truly  Divine ,  and  tt 
 Kingdom  of  Chrift  ma  v  come  among  a*,  and  his  Wi 
 be  done  co  the  Glory  of  God  and  happinefs  of  th 
 people :  Whicb  I  have,though  not  who!ly,yet  chief!' 
 fitted  totbisCommon-weaKb,outof  a  defire  of  ii 
 feliory. 
 
 ,  BlciTcd  are  the  people  that  are  in  fucb  a  cafe ,  yc 
 bleffcd  argthey  cbac  have  the  Lord  for  their  King  am 
 God.  Grant  us  but  rh^fe  Snbftantiais,  and  fecure  til 
 thefe  great  ?hir,gs  which  our  happinefs  confifteth  in 
 and  wr  w  II  not  contend  cither  for  or  againft  fuel 
 jingles  as  Mr.  Harrington  and  others  do  by  fo  great  j 
 ftieisupon.  Monarchy,  Ariftocraty,  cr  Democrat} 
 wiil  fecure  us  ( tfa  ugb  a  oiixt  Government^  limi;ec 
 M-  narchy  we  judge  beft  ;  and  Democracy  worft,  it 
 mod:  places  •, )  fo  we  may  befecurcdintbemain.  Lei 
 us  pray,  and  in  our  places  peaceably  endeavour,  thai 
 we  may  fretheday  when  the  ?rest  Voice  in  Heaven 
 (hall  fav\  [  T  H  E  KINGDOMS  OF  THIS 
 WORLD  ARE  BECOME  the  Kingdoms 
 OF  OUR  LORD,  AND  OF  HIS 
 CHRIST]  £$.11**5, 
 
 And  thai  if  alUhefe  GhriSian  Common- wealths 
 were  bat  by  Affociackui  conjoyned  for  :acir  n.utual 
 defence,  rind  promoting  che  Intercft  of  their  common 
 King,  f  he  earth  would  be  in  its  neareft  refemblance 
 cf  Heaven. 
 
 Chap*  10. 
 
285 
 
 C  H  A  Pi    10. 
 
 )f  the  Soveraigns  Power  over  the  Pa- 
 ftors of  the  Church,  and  of  the  dif- 
 ference of  their  Offices. 
 
 Thcf.  245.  HP  H  E  office  of  Magiftrates  and  Ml- 
 JL    nijiers  (or  Pajlors  of  the  Church)  are 
 
 Ictafpecie  *£/?/*£?. 
 There  are  common  anions  that  either  of  them 
 may  do :  but  chcy  are  diftin&ly  obliged  and  autho- 
 rized to  fpecial  works,  which  arc  therefore  proper  to 
 their  feveral  Offices  :  and  forbidden  to  ufurp  each 
 others  office.  Vzziah  the  King  was  irnictcn  with  le- 
 protic for  medling  with  the  works  of  Priefts. 
 
 Thef.246.  The  Civil  potter  is  EffentialU  afi**- 
 mon-wealth  (  or  Civil  'Polity  )  and  the  Paftors  only  ne- 
 ceffarj  to  its  well- being ;  and  the  Payors  are  effentialto 
 the  £hurcb  (  as  a  Political  Society  )  and  the  CMagi- 
 ftrate  necejfary  but  to  its  well- being. 
 
 A  Chnrch  may  poffibly  be  without  a  Magiftratej 
 but  not  well:  And  a  Common-wealth  may  poffibly  be 
 without  the  Paftors  of  the  Church  or  other  Minifters 
 of  thrift  h  but  not  well. 
 
 Thef.  247.  Magifl racy  and  Minifkrj  are  each  of 
 th:m  Immediritelj  and  co-ordinately  from  Chrift,  a*d 
 
 neither 
 
a86        of  the  Sovereigns  Power  over 
 
 neither  cf  them  from  each  other.  Though  re(peStivti 
 one  may  be  under  the  other  in  txtrcife ,  &  the  Objeli  l 
 the  Agent,  jet  neither  of  them  flow  efentiafl/  from  tk 
 other,  as  the  ejf eft  from  its  proper  caufe. 
 
 Magiftrates  arc  not  the  Indicators  of  the  Miniftry 
 They  fee  rhera  not  up,  nor  can  take  them  down 
 Chrift  hath  not  put  the  Minifterial  Power  into  the 
 Magiftrates  hands  as  a  conveying  Caufe,  that  they 
 might  give  it  Minifters.  Nor  do  Miniftersgive  the 
 Prince  his  Power,  though  they  have  been  ufed  oft  to 
 Crown  them.  They  are  twitted  together,  and  joy ned 
 as  the  Soul  and  Body,  or  rather  as  the  Brain  and 
 Heart,  the  Intellect  and  Will ,  as  I  faid  before  :  bui 
 one  is  not  the  others  root. 
 
 Thef.  248.  Eecaufe  the  Power  that  is  One  and  Per- 
 fed  in  Chrifi^  who  U  perfeEllj  capable  of  it ,  cannot  in 
 the  derived  meafure,  be  all  received  and  exercifedby  one 
 man  ;  therefore  he  hath  divided  it,  giving  part  to  Aia- 
 giftrate%  and  part  to  the  Paftors,  to  be  refpeftively  exer- 
 cifed  under  him '." 
 
 It  is  a  great  Queftion  with  many ,  Whether  the 
 fame  man  may  be  a  Magiftrate  and  a  Mioifter  ?  and  a 
 greater,  Whether  one  man  may  be  a  Soveraign  or  the 
 higbeft  in  both  Powers  in  a  Nation  ?  And  yet  a  great- 
 er, Whether  one  man  may  be  the  Spiritual  and  Tem- 
 poral Head  of  the  whole  world  ? 
 
 1.  ThePapifts  commonly  think ,  and  fo  did  our 
 Prelates,  that  inferiour  Magistracy  may  be  ordinari- 
 ly held  by  a  Bifhop,  and  a  Biflioprick  by  a  Magi- 
 Urate.  Ncceflity  I  doubt  not  may  make  it  lawful,  to 
 
 which 
 
The  Pdflors  efthe  Church,  &c.        2  87 
 rfhch  all  Laws  of  meer  Order  do  very  much  fubmir. 
 J  f  there  were  no  man  capable  of  the  Miniftry  there 
 ^  ut  the  Magiftrate,  or  no  man  capable  of  the  Magi* 
 ™  :racie  bat  the  Minifter,  no  doubt  but  they  might  rc- 
 eive  the  refpc&ive  Offices  con  jun&Iy  ,  rather  then 
 he  Church  or  Common- wealth  fhould  be  ruined,  or 
 /  eceive  any  hazardous  detriment.  This  I  ftand  not  to 
 Srotc,  as  fuppofing  the  Evidence  obvious  to  the 
 _ tcader .    But  without  fucb  neceflity,  it  feeros  to  me 
 hey  may  not  be  conjoyecd.  Por  1.  Chrift  hath  plain- 
 y  feparared  them.  2,  Yea  and  forbid  temporal  Rule 
 obtsMinifters.  3.  And  he  hath  prefcribed  to  Magi- 
 Irate  and  Miniftcrfo  much  work  as  will  take  up  the 
 vhole  man  and  time.  4.  And  he  hath  forbidden  Mk- 
 lifters  to  entangle  tbemfelves  with  the  affairs  of  this 
 iky  2  Tim.  z.  4.  And  5.  the  an  tier,  t  Church  univer- 
 ally  was  of  this  mind,  as  is  well  known,  not  only  by 
 "an.  Apoftol.  6. 8 1 , 8  3 .  bat  by  the  Council  of  Calce- 
 ion^Cam.  3.^7.  and  divers  others.  Sjmfttt*  Epift. 
 ?o*t.  Andronicum,&  Athtnaf.  ad  vitam  folitar.  *gtn- 
 es,  write  exprefl y  againft  it,  and  fay  chat  God  hatb 
 "eparated  the  Offices,  and  that  its  not  lawful  for  Bi- 
 [hops  to  play  the  Magiftratr,  nor  for  Magiftratcs  to 
 play  the  Bifhop.  Cyril  of  Alexandria  is  branded  by 
 Socrates  with  a  black  Mark,  as  being  the  fir  ft  Bifhop 
 there  that  did  ufurp  a  cc  crcive  power.    What  Pope 
 GtUfius  faith  againft  it ,  you  may  read  in  Grotim  ii 
 limp erio fum.  Pol.  p.  37 .He  that  will  do  one  of  the 
 works  faithfully,  I  warrant  him  will  have  no  mind  CO 
 have  another  Office  toanfwer  for, unlets  neceffity  re* 
 quire  it,  which  is  nothing  to  the  ordinary  cafe. 
 
 2.  For  the  fecond  Qgeftion  ,1  deny  the  fubjefi  of  it 
 on  one  part ;  There  is  not  to  be  a  S 0 veraign  Paftor 
 
 in 
 
f 
 
 2o5       Of  the  Sovereigns  T$mr  over 
 
 in  a  Nation,  as  there  is  a  Soveraigo  Prince*  If  there 
 were,  and  oie  man  could  manage  both,  I  confefi 
 Rcafon  would  fay  much  for  the  great  convenience 
 that  both  (houldbeinonehand.  But  we  rauft  nor 
 ufe  our  Reafon  to  tell  Chrift  what  he  fhould  have  „ 
 inftitwed ,  bui  to  find  out  what  he  hath  infti- 
 euted. 
 
 3 .  And  for  the  third  ,  there  is  no  need  of  Argu- 
 ment (  but  where  pride  and  fafiion  makes 
 men  mad)  to  prove  that  no  meer  man  is  capable 
 of  an  univcrfal  Epifcopacy ,  or  an  univerfal  Mo« 
 tiarchy  ^  much  left  of  both;  which  yen  the  flat 
 terers  of  the  Pope  would  give  him.  If  Pope  Gre 
 forj  (o  abhorred  the  name  of  univerfal  Patriarck  J, 
 in  John  of  Cenjiantinople  ^  how  are  they  to  be  thought 
 of  that  not  only  ufurp  both  Name  and  Office,  but 
 alfo  make  it  Effential  to  the  Catholick  Church,  and 
 oeceffarily  to  be  believed  to  falvation?  O  horrid  pride 
 and  faftion  !  faith  Gregory ,  Epift.  Jon.  Conftanc. 
 c.  82.  p.  208.  QTuquidChrifto,  Univerfalis  fcilicct 
 Ecclefisecapiti,  in  extremi  judicii  esdifturm  examine 
 qui  cunda  ejus  membra  tibimct  conaris  Univerfalis 
 appellationefupponere?  Qmsrogoin  hoc  tarn  per 
 verfo  voc?balo  ,  nifi  ille  ad  imitandum  proponitur 
 qui  defpeftus  Angelorum  legionibus  fecum  focialitet 
 conftitutis,  ad  oilmen  conatus  eft  (ingularitatis  erum 
 pere,ut&  nullibi  tubeffe,  &folus  omnibus  praecflc 
 videretur?!  Hemeancth  T  the  Devil.  ]  And  doth 
 not  the  Pope  now  do  the  fame ,  and  much  more  ? 
 What  need  we  any  other  teltimony  to  prove  the  no 
 velty  of  Popery  ?  And  how  Will  the  Pope  any  better 
 anfwer  it  to  Cbrift  the  true  Univerfal  Head , 
 then   the  Bifhop  of   CwftantinoyU    could  do  ? 
 
 But 
 
Ths  P afters  tfthe  Churchy  &c.  2  8$ 
 
 Jut  I  have  faid  more  to  thefe  men  in  due  ptece- 
 
 Tbcf  249.  JIUgiftratis  and  Pajlors  lowing  diffc- 
 tnt  kjnds  of  Power,  muft  txircife  their  ftvertl  Powers 
 «  one  another :  So  that  the  Magiftrate  u  the  Paftcrt 
 Inlerbj  the  {word,  and  the  Pafior  u  the  AJJgiJlrates 
 *aftor  and  Ruler  bj  the  Wrd. 
 
 This  Is  tinqueftioned  among  all  fober  Chriftians: 
 
 ave  that  the  Papifls  put  in  fome   excepions  for  cbe 
 
 xereption  of  their  Clergy.  There  is  no  prudent  Chri- 
 
 Han  Magiftratc  that  dare  or  wilfdeny ,  tbit  Paftors 
 
 M  Authoritatively  excrcife  their  Office  towards  him%  as 
 
 •  veil  as  towards  other  ^po.  To  exempt  them  from  the 
 
 1  }a!loral  Power,  if  hot  to  except  them  from  their  care 
 
 jind  charge,  and  fo  from  the  benefits  of  iheir  wcrk : 
 
 &hich  is  no  greater  a  favour  then  to  be  exempted 
 
 rom  all  other  helps  from  God  by  ram  :  Was  it  Altx- 
 
 mders  fervitudc  to  be  taught  by  *Ariflotle  ?    Would 
 
 iot  that  flittercr  be  kickt  oat  of  doors  by  a  Prince  % 
 
 hat  fnould  perfwade  him  not  to  Obey  his  Phyfitiana 
 
 br  his  bodily  health  and  life,  as  if  it  were  a  debafc- 
 
 nentof  hisMsjefty?  Or  that  ftiou  Id  perfwade  him 
 
 iot  to  let  his  Son  be  Guided  by  School-maftcrs  and 
 
 Turors  ? 
 
 The  Government  of  Paftors  is  much  like  a  Phyfiti- 
 ins  Government  of  his  Patients,  cfpecially  in  Hofpi- 
 tals,  or  Cities  where  Phyfitians  know  their  charge: 
 Though  a  man  be  authorized  by  the  Prince  to  be  a 
 Phyfitiao,  it  is  but  unto  voluntary  Patients :  every 
 rtian  may  choofe  whether  he  will  take  thtir  medicines 
 or  not.  If  the  greateft  Prince  or  the  pooreft  totn  ac- 
 count it  hi*  Liberty,  tQ  die  or  be  (icki  rather  ibenfo 
 
 w  mm 
 
2  9°  °f  the  Sovereigns  Tower  ever 
 
 fubmittorheRulcof  aPhyfi:ian,thcy  may  ufcthat 
 Liberty.  If  theyrcfufc  to  obey  tbePbyfitian,  bis 
 Puniihmcnt  is  to  deny  tbero  his  help,  and  It t  cbera 
 take  their  courfe.  If  God  have  inrrufted  Paftors  as 
 bit  Officers,  with  a  pardon  to  be  by  tbem  de'ivcrcd 
 to  the  Penitent,  and  fealed  by  Bapcifm  or  the  Lords 
 Supper,  or  publifhed  by  Abfoluiionfrom  parcicular 
 fins,  itimotin  the  power  of  any  Prince  here  to  in- 
 ter pofc  and  force  the  Paftors  to  deliver  this  pardon  or 
 thefcalstowbom  he  plcafe-,  or  to  the  Impenitent, 
 contrary  to  the  will  of  Chrii^.  Wetnuft  be  faithful 
 difpenfers  of  the  MefTagcs,  Pardon,  Seals,  and  all  Or- 
 dinances committed  to  our  truft.  Nor  will  I  *  t  the 
 command  of  a  Prince*  be  cbi^ftor  of  a  Church  that 
 will  have  Church*  privilcdges,  and  rcfufe  Church- 
 Difcp'ine.  If  the  Prince  himfelf  will  have  me  to  be 
 bisPhjfitian,  and  yet  wilt  Role  himfelf,  and  refute 
 my  direftioni ,  and  command  me  t  *  gve  him  my  Me- 
 dicine that  he  may  take  It  how  and  when  he  lift  him- 
 felf, Iwilldifobcyhim,  (if  the  Medicine  mifufedbe 
 dangerous)  left  I  fendbim  poyfon  inftead  o;  Phy. 
 fick  •  tbat  may  be  poyfon  in  bis  ungoverned  ;vay,thit 
 may  be  health  in  mine.  And  as  long  as  he  is  free, 
 whether  be  will  ofc  me  as  bis  Pby  (man  or  not,  it  is  no 
 injury  to  his  Dignity,  tbat  I  require  him  to  fubmit  to 
 my  dircdion,  upon  the  penalty  of  being  without  my 
 help.  I  need  not  tell  you  of  Amhrofe  his  ufagc  of 
 TheodofiHsfit  Chrjfoftoms  freedom  with  Eadoxi*,tnd 
 his  rtfolution  rather  tolofcbis  hand,  then  girc  the 
 Sacrament  to  the  proud  contemners  of  God  and  dif* 
 fciplinc  :  the  nature  of  the  office  may  fatisfie  any  •  he 
 that  hath  faid  £  A  man  that  u  an  Heretick,  after  the 
 firfi  andfecond  admonimn  rcjettl  and  \jHS  awajfrom 
 
 among 
 
The  Ptftors  of  the  Churchy  &c.  a^i 
 
 amingjonthAi  wicked  perfon\  and  [with  Cuch^no  not 
 to  eat]  hath  not  fa^d  ,  [except  the  Af*vifir*tecom- 
 m  And  J  on  otherwijc  ]  or  [except  he  be  a  MagijlrAte.] 
 Thoagh  accidentally  (as  1  (hail  (hew  anon  J  he  may 
 be  excepted. 
 
 ^Tbef .  250.  The  nature  of  P  after  aI  G over nntent ^whe- 
 ther over  Alsg' fir  ttesor  the  meweft  men,  is  n§t  lm- 
 peridl,  Afsgifterial,  Coercive  by  any  force  on  body  or 
 fftate,bu:  like  thifof  a  Tutor  over  his  P*fi'j,  or  a  Phy- 
 fitian  over  his  Patients ,  but  that  it  u  of  a  tnoreefpeciAl 
 lnftitution  of  Chrift,  and  exercifed  by  hU  Commiffitn  , 
 and  in  his  nance. 
 
 The  Minifier  indeed  may  Command,  but  only  ai  an 
 Ecnbaffador  of  Chrift  in  his  name ;  and  not  by  a  pro- 
 per Imp^ra!  power.  We  may  Command  a  wicked 
 man  to  Rf  pert  in  the  name  of  Chrift -5  but  cannot 
 touch  his  Body  or  Eftatc  if  be  difobey  •  bat  by  the 
 fame  power  bind  him  over  to  anfwer  it  at  the  Bar  of 
 Chrift.  The  Paftoral  Power  is  bat  that  of  Preaching 
 and  Applying  the  word  of  God  ,  and  adminiilring 
 his  holy  Worihip.  His  jurifdi&ion  is  no  other  buc 
 fhii  managing  of  the  Keyesof  the  Kingdom  of  hea- 
 ven. Excommunication  and  Abfciution  are  bat  the 
 Application  of  ibe  Law  of  Chrift  to  the  perfona  and 
 cafes  before  as.  Bat  yctaMtffigc  from  the  Eternal 
 God  bath  fo  much  authority  on  the  well-informed 
 foal,  that  it  can  prevail  without  a  rod  or  fword.  W* 
 defire  not  to  meddlt  with  the  (word  or  violence  ;  but 
 defil  e  the  Magifirate  to  vindicate  his  power  from  all 
 invaders,  not  only  for  his  honour, but  for  the  Chur- 
 ches Peace* 
 
 U  2  Thcf. 
 
2p2  Of  the  Sovereigns  Powef  over 
 
 1  hcf.25  I .  The  Magiftrate  hath  fetter  over  the  per* 
 fonof  the' P after,  btttvo  over  his  *$cc;an]l  the  Pa.- 
 ftorhath  a  fpiritual  minifterial  Authority  even  over 
 Magiftrates,  but  not  over  their  office  :  that  is,  they  can 
 make  no  alteration  in  it,  nor  do  anj  thing  atrainftit. 
 
 It  is  God  that  hath  Infticured  both  che  Offices,and 
 therefore  neither  of  them  can  change  his  Infticueions^ 
 not  wrong  che  Office  of  each  other,  by  any  depra- 
 vation. 
 
 Thef.  252.  The  fiver al  Powers  of  Magifl rates  and 
 JMtinifttrs  toward  the  ferfons  if  eaeh  other  are  limited y 
 and  net:  h?r  tfthem  are  left  to  their  ab foist:  e  wills. 
 
 ItisnotenooghforaMinifler  to  fay  ,  The  Ke^es 
 of  the  Kingdom  of  Heaven  are  committed  ro  me,  and 
 therefore  I  may  ufe  them  as  I  pleafe  :  For  be  that 
 did  commie  them  to  him,  did  alfo  leave  him  a  Law  to 
 ufe  them  by.  And  fo  if  with  the  Magiflrate. 
 
 Thef.  2S3-  A  faithful  Miniftet  mtsft  be  no  flat- 
 terer, hue  re  f  rove  a  Prince  as  clofelj  as  another  man  : 
 yetfo  that  he  be  J efficient  ly  tender  efhis  honour, which  U 
 neceffary  to  the  ends  ef  Magiftracj. 
 
 1 .  How  plainly  by  Gods  own  Command  the  Pro* 
 phets  dealt  wirb  Princes  of  old,and  the  Apoftles  with 
 all  men,  and  the  ancient  boly  Bifhops  with  the  great- 
 eft,  is  a  thing  fo  well  known  at  needs  no  proof.  If 
 Princes  (ins  be  greateft,  and  their  fouls  as  precious  as 
 other  mens,  t«d  theic  (ins  as  dangerous  to  them- 
 
 fclves, 
 
The  Paflors  of  the  Church ,  &c.         29  J 
 
 felves ,  and  much  more  to  the  Commonwr  alth  then 
 others,  there  is  then  great  reafon  why  they  fhoold 
 be  as  ciofcly  and  faithfully  dealt  with.  And  he  that 
 meets  with  the  reward  of  a  Zechdriah  or  fohn  Bap- 
 tift,  is  as  true  a  Martyr,  and  may  as  comfortably  give 
 up  his  foul  to  Chrift,  is  be  that  dyeth  in  defence  of  an 
 Article  of  Faith, 
 
 2.  But  the  Honour  of  Magiftrates  moft  be  tender- 
 ly regarded  by  the  Reprover  •  and  therefore  bis  Re- 
 proof (hould  be  in  fecrer,  till  raecr  neceffity  call  it 
 out  into  publike  audience.  No!  out  ef  fear,  or  flat- 
 tery :  but  i .  The  honour  of  God  is  much  con- 
 cerned in  the  Magiftrates  honour,  for  bis  Office-fake. 
 If  th:y  fliouldnot  tooharfhly  uncover  the  naked* 
 nefs  of  Minifters,  no  more  fhould  Minifters  do  theirs. 
 
 2.  If  the  Magiftrate  be  once  under  difhonour,  be 
 will  be  lefs  capable  of  fcrving  God,  and  managing 
 his  calling  for  the  Common  good,  becaufe  of  the  con- 
 tempt. It  is  therefore  ncccflary  to  the  Common 
 good,  that  the  Magiftrates  honour  be  preferved.  But 
 if  he  openly  offend,  and  own  it,  and  openly  pcrfc- 
 cute  the  Reprover,  and  ieare  bimfelf  uncapable  of 
 more  fecret  Reproofs,  he  may  be  openly  Reproved, 
 fo  it  be  with  that  fubroiftion  and  modefty  that  may 
 fignihe  that  we  Honour  him  as  a  Magiftrate, while  we 
 reprove  him  as  an  impenitent  offender. 
 
 Thef.  254.  whether  it  be  in  cafe  of Here  fit  or  other 
 crimes ;  both  Magiftrates  an, I  P  after j  are  ] sedges  •,  but 
 differently  %  as  to  different  ends :  The  Magiftrate  ia 
 fuige  Viho  id  to  be  arpora/ij  p unified  for  Here  fie  or 
 dnj  crime,  and  this  no  Pafior  muft  ufurp  :  The  Paflors 
 dre  fudges  'Direftive,  who  is  to  be  excommuniedtedfor 
 
 V  3  Herefie 
 
2  $4  °f  the  Sovcraigns  Power  over 
 
 Herejit  dr  ether  crime /,  or  Abfolvcd  upon  Repentance : 
 and  tbv  no  Magijlrate  may  ufurp. 
 
 Icis  therefore  an  infipid  Qaeftion  of  the  P^pifls 
 and  Libertines,  who  made  t  ha  Mdgiftrate  fudge  of 
 Herefie  ?  Or^whojhll  be  fvdgi  of  Controverts  in 
 Religion!  Por  Judgement  about  the  fame  cafe  if  not 
 ell  of  thefamckind  :  but  is  difunguiftud  from  the 
 diffcrft Executions  u-hch  arc  the  end*  Thereisa 
 Judgement  about  Cnporal pumfbixg,  or  not  pmifhing  ^ 
 and  thii  belonged  to  that  Power  that  pumftiing  io 
 bclongeth  to  :  And  there  is  a  judgement  { about 
 Church  communis*  ani  Priviledges  ^  and  this  belongs 
 io  *bcm  towhomk  belongethto  admit  to,  or  ex- 
 clude from  that  Communion  and  thefe  Privticdges^ 
 which  i?  not  %  Pope  or  diftant  Metropolitan  or  Dio- 
 cefenC,  buttheprefent  Payors  of  tbc  Church,  the 
 People  alio  having  a  Judgement  of  difcretion,  fo 
 far  as  is  ncceff.ry  to  their  own  pare  in  (he  Execution, 
 and  no  more. 
 
 Thef  255.  Thmgha  Magtfrattmay  be  an  object 
 capable  of  Excommunication  ^  jet  as  it  i*  not  rafhly  to 
 be  done  on  the  Urn ft    fo  it  rarely  fals  out  that  the  So-  ( 
 *ver±ign  may  l.wfully  be  excomunicate  ^  becanfe  by  Ac 
 ciJent  it  becomes  nnmtit. 
 
 Forinftance  :  ■  1.  It  feldom  if  ever  fals  our,  bat 
 tbae  an  Excommunication  of  a  Sovcraign  will  fo  dif- 
 houotirhiflt,  asto make  agiinft  the  Common-good, 
 by  making  bim  left  capable  of  improving  hi*  Office. 
 2.  A  o  r  feldom  us  oac  but  .has  it  will  provoke 
 the  M  -tgiilr&ic  10  perfecuie  not  only  a  particular  pcr- 
 
 fon,  ' 
 
The  Tafiors  *f  the  churchy  &t.  29  j 
 
 fon,  but  til  the  Church  that  (hunneth  his  Communi- 
 on. 3.  And  it  feidom  fals  out  thac  the  Prince  is  a 
 member  of  that  particular  Church  that  raoveththe 
 doubt.  4.  It  iian  hundred  to  one  thac  the  Church 
 may  as  fccurcly  for  their  own  Confidence*,  filently 
 withdraw  themfel  ves  from  the  Comma  nion  of  fuch  a 
 Prince,  without  any  Publication  of  an  Excommuni- 
 cation to  bis  difhonour.  All  this  corifidercd,  and 
 withalltbat  Affirmatives  bind  not  ad  femper ;  and 
 that  Pofitives  give  place  to  greater  duties,  and  by 
 weighty  Accidents  may  be  fufpendcd(as  Chrift  (hcw?s 
 n  the  cafe  of  the  Sabbath  and  eating  che  (hew  bread) 
 [  think  it  will  follow,  that  feidom,  if  cver,doth  it  fall 
 DUt,  buc  that  by  Accident,  it  will  be  unlawful  foex- 
 :omun!catc  the  Sovcraign ,  though  Church-power 
 Imply  extend  to  him  as  well  as  others. 
 
 Thef.  256.  If  a  Magiflrate  of  higher  or  lower  ran\ 
 be  excommnniedte,  he  muftfor  all  that  be  Honoured  and 
 )bejedy*nd  no  man  u  -watt Anted  thereby  to  contemn  him. 
 
 Much  lefs  may  men  lay  hinds  on  him,  or  difpoflefs 
 Sim  of  his  Dominions,  as  the  Pope  doth  by  Chrifti- 
 in  Princes ,  or  allow  the  Sub  je&s  to  rebcll,or  to  mur- 
 :her  him.  Wonderful !  that  Princes  will  fo  long  en- 
 dure that  Power,  that  not  only  teachesh  this,  but 
 hath  fo  often  executed  it. 
 
 Thef.  257.  To  deny  Magiftrates  to  be  the  ObjeSii 
 )f  Pajfera]  Power \  u  but  10  deprive  them  of  the  Excel- 
 lent mercies  oftheGofreUnd  Sacraments  9and  Church- 
 communion ,  and  order,  and  Absolution ,  &c«  which 
 *krifi  hath  committed  me  hie  Mmftcri  hands,  and 
 
 U  4  which 
 
J  99  vjiw  zovtrvgns  temr  tvtr 
 
 vehicle  Princes  need  as  much  At  others,   And  have  a 
 fmtchriglpt  to. 
 
 The  Minifterial  Power  is  bat  an  Obligation  ao< 
 Authority  to  adminifter  thefe  mercies  in  the  name  o 
 C  hrift :  arid  therefore  the  firft  Queftion  is,  whetbei 
 Alagijtrdtes  have  Right  to  the  Bit flings  ornti  If the] 
 have  nor,  they  are  the  mod  miferablc :   If  they  have 
 they  inuft  be  fo  far  uadcr  the  Power  of  him  thaL; 
 doth  adminifter  them,    as  the  ends  and  application 
 do;h  require.    As  if  the  Turk  fh  Emprrour   wen 
 converted,  and  did  believe  in  Cbrift,  he  had  R'ght  cc 
 Baptifra  for  Remflion  of  fins:  And  therefore  h 
 mult  befofar  under  the  Mmiftcrs  Power,    as  toty 
 judged  by  him,  whether  he  be  indeed  a  Believer,  anc 
 fie  for  Baptism,  or  not.    And  fo  for  Commuri^n  ir 
 the  Lords  Supper,  and  Abfo«ution3  and  the  reft. 
 
 Thcf.  25S  MagiJJrates  may  not  ufurp  the  PA^ora, 
 office,  nor  do  the  work*  that  are  proper  te  it. 
 
 Such  are  the  Adminiflration  of  Sacraments  and 
 other  publickWorfhip,  and  all  contained  in  the  Key* 
 of  the  Kingicm  of  Heaven  :  The  Example  of  SahI\ 
 Vz>za,  and  many  Scripture  psflages  are  plain  in  this. 
 [No  man  taketh  this  Honour  to  hitpfelF,  but  he  chaz 
 is  called  of  God,  as  was  isfaron]  Hcb.  5.4.  Yet  Ma- 
 giftratcsmuft  worfhip  God  with  their  families  and 
 people  ••  they  have  opportunity.  Though  they  are 
 not  [fepAratedto  tie  Qofpel^tnA  have  not  a  charge  of 
 b^ngtbe  Teachers  of  a  people,  yet  niuft  they  joyti 
 In^rpdioo  with  their  cqrrt&ions;  and  Judges  on  the 
 genfb,  and  ptber  MagiftraTci,   may  teach  the  people 
 
 the 
 
The  Payors  of  the  Ck»rcb>  &c.  297 
 
 he  Laws  of  God.  Cenftantine  ufually  made  fucb 
 )rarions  as  we  call^Scrmoni.  And  that  they  may 
 ray  wich  thcro,  is  as  much  paft  doubt  •,   but  ycc  not 
 
 0  the  Pallors  pare. 
 
 Thcf.  259.  Minifttrs  as  mil  as  other  mtnmuftbt 
 uhjttt  to  M'giftrates,  and  pay  them  Honour,  obedience 
 md  tribute :  and  *re  to  be  pttmfied  bj  them  if  thtj 
 lifobej* . 
 
 When  Will.BarcUy  was  pleading  againft  the  Popes 
 Supremacy  over  Princes  in  Temporals  (which  inde- 
 pitc  of  ail  the  Sophifms  of  Bcllarminc  he  hath  well 
 Kriormed)  cap.  3  3  p^.265 .  he  begins  with  an  £Am- 
 pliusdicaro,  &  veritatcm,  licet  odium  fonaflismihi 
 pariturarc,  &c. — Dcam  ergo,  &  grandc  vcrbutn 
 >erloquar,  cujus  force  auc  nondutn  meminit  quif- 
 juam,  aur,  fi  meminit,  faltem  eos  quos  intereracid 
 cire^  non  ut  debuit  commonefceir :  Gcricos  fcilicct 
 Dcr  coiom  orbcm,  qtocarq-  ordinc  velgradti  fiot, 
 ion  cflc  adhuc  ullo  modo  exemptos  &  libcratoi  a 
 potcftate  temporali  Pnncipum  feculariam  in  quorum 
 rcgnis  ac  regionibus  vicam  degunr,  fed  pcrindc  ac 
 cjeccricivcs  ijs  iubjedos  eflc  in  omnibus  quae  ad  po- 
 icitarn  &  rcmporalera  adrainiftrationem  8c  jurifdi- 
 dionem  pertinent,  inq- cos  jus  viraeaenccit,  &c. 
 
 O  fearful ,  doleful  itate  of  the  Papal  Nations  / 
 
 I  when  among  them,  yea  even  in  France,  the  Power  of 
 
 P/incesover  the  Clergy,  and  the  duty  of  Paftors  to 
 
 [  obey  the  Prince  in  fecular  things  was  fo  unknown,  as 
 
 1  that  fo  wife  a  man  rauft  begin  with  a  £  forte  auc  non- 
 
 dpm  meminit  auifquaraj 
 
 It  is  one  of  the  intolerable  ufurpations  of  the  Pi- 
 pal 
 
>98  Of  the  Sever  aign  Power  ever 
 
 pal  Clergy,  to  plead  an  exemption  for  facb  t  cum  * 
 row  potent  party,  from  municipal  Laws  and  Ma$  n 
 ftrarcs  Judgement :  Though  Chrift  paid  Tribute,  at 
 commanded  Peter  to  do  the  like :  and  Peter  and  Pa 
 hare  given  fuch  exprefs  commands  to  all  the  Cham 
 without  exception,  yea  to  every  foul,  to  be  fubjed  t 
 the  H»ghers  Powers,  to  honour  them,to  pay  them  tr 
 bate,  &c  yet  all  this  is  nothing  to  men  that  hai 
 got  the  maftery  of  Gods  Laws.     Is  it  poffible  tbi 
 they  that  plead  Antiquity  and  Tradition  for  thci 
 Religion,  can  believe  chat  they  have  either  of  thee 
 for  this  ?  Were  the  ancient  Bifhops  exempt  from  th 
 Judgement  of  the  Magiftrates,  though  Heathens 
 Or  did  ever  tny  of  them  plead  for  fuch  exemption 
 Nay,  do  they  not  with  oneconfent  profefs  the  con 
 crary  ?  Doth  not  Scripture  and  til  Antiquity  fpeak  & 
 plain  for  the  Magiftrates  power  over  Bifhopsf  that  is 
 thePaftors  of  the  Churches)  and  for  the  Churchc 
 fubjedion  to  Magiftratcs,  as  its  poffiblc  for  words  tc 
 exprefs?  And  yet  thefe  Novelifts  traiteroufly  pra 
 ttod  exemption.     Pcrfccudon  by  unrighteous  Judg- 
 ment indeed  the  ancient  Chr  iftians  did  deprecate  and 
 dtclaim  againft :  but  never  againft  Magiftrates  judg' 
 ingof  the  Clergv.    They  did  indeed  condemn  thofe 
 Cbriftians  that  were  fo  worldly,  uncharitable,  and 
 contentious,  as  to  go  to  Law  about  perfonal  in  ju 
 rics  which  Chrift  bad  commanded  them  to  forgive, 
 and  about  the  trifle*  of  this  world,  when  they  all 
 believed  an  everlaftim?  glory :  especially  feeing  they 
 were  Infidels  that  mail  be  their  Judges,  who  were 
 their  common  enemies  and  perfecutors  I  They  made 
 feveral  Canons  to  rcftrain  them  from  fuch  unchari- 
 table courfet,  requiring  them  to  avoid  fuch  incon- 
 veniences. 
 
The  Pdfttrs  of  the  Church,  &c.  199 
 
 nccs,  to  refer  the  matter  to  ferae  among  them* 
 cf .    And  fo  the  Bifhop  became  by  their  volnma- 
 confent ,   inft  e*d  of  the  Magiftrale  to  them ;  bat 
 w&t   as  well  to  the  People  as  the  Psftors  of  the 
 rch:   And  when  Magiftrates  turned  Christians, 
 Churches  kept  their  cuftom ;  and  hence  the  Pa* 
 1  would  plead  exemption  from  the  Laws.  It  is  ft  ill 
 jirabic  that  thofe  that  lire  in  holy  Communion, 
 aid  forbear  Law  fuits  about  perfonal  matters, 
 title  a  reference  to   fober  pious  Neighbours  may* 
 i:ide  the  difference,   and  prevent  the  uncharitable 
 dcoftly  consequents.   But  what  ?  Shall  we  hence 
 ncludc  that  Chriftians  are  not  fubjeft  to  the  Ma- 
 (rate?  Yea,  even  to  a  Cbriftian  Magiftrate  that  if 
 clterand  a  Nurfing  Fttber  10  us  ?  Muft  every  foul 
 f#b}e£l9  at  d  yet  all  the  Papal  Clergy  be  exempt  ? 
 th  Bernard  to  them  [Si  omnis,  &  vefira  :  qui*  voi 
 ipit  ab  nwverfetate?]  Saith  Chryfefiom  in  Rom.  1 3. 
 virjfiuly  though  an  Apoflle,  though  an  Evangetift, 
 Hgh  4  Prophet^]  How  is  the  Soveragin  Power' 
 gheft,  if  the  Pope,   even  about  the  corporal  penal- 
 1%  oi  the  Clergy,  be  above  him?  Who  knows  not 
 e  ancient  Chnftiam  profefiion  ?    fach  as  that  of 
 irtuUUn  ad  Scap.    [_CoHmus  Imperatorem  fie,  quo- 
 ado  mbk  licet  e£  ipfi  txpedit,    ut  hominem  a  Dei 
 cundum9    &  ejnicquid  eft  h  Deo  confecutum,   /Wis 
 »f  9  minor  em.    Bee  &  ipfe  volet ,  fie  enim  omnibus  mar 
 nft,  dumfolo  vtro  Deo  minor  fjT)  So  Optatuiadv. 
 arm.  lib»  3 .  Super  Imperatorem  no*  eft  nifi  folus  Df 
 f  qui  fecit  Imperatorem.']  But  of  this  there  is  fo  much 
 ruten  by  Bilfon,  Chamier,  Spdatenfis  de  Repub.Ec- 
 ref.  S+rravia,   and  abundance  more,   chit  all  the 
 apiftt  iu  khc  world  may  fooccr  multiply  their  guile 
 
 and 
 
300  of  the  Sovereigns  Power  over 
 
 *nd  finrae, with  maintaining  their  treacherous  crira 
 then  ever  juftifie  fo  palpable  in  impiety.  Mich.  Qc 
 daftus  hath  done  good  fervice  to  the  Chircb  &  Cbr 
 ftian  Common-wealthi,in  refcuing  and  delivering  1 
 fo  many  learned  antient  Treaties  againft  their  ofui 
 pation.  And  fmartly  they  arc  1afht  for  it  by  Sigclw 
 tusy  Avtntke,  Benno,M4ttb.P4ru,M\A  many  ancief 
 Chroniclers,  bat  not  fo  much  as  they  defervc. 
 
 Only  one  thing  I  crave  the  Magiftratesof  Englat 
 to  fee,  that  the  maiked  Pap  ft s  are  now  pleading  tt 
 fame  caafc  by  the  Libertines,  which  where  they  han 
 better  opportunity  they  do  in  their  own  names.  He 
 COO  blind  that  feeth  not  who  is  the  Spirit  and  life  of  a 
 our  common  Paradoxes,  QThat  the  Magiftrate  g< 
 vcrncth  os  but  as  men,  and  not  *s  Chriftians :  That  fc 
 bath  nothing  to  do  with  matters  of  Religion:  oc 
 may  punifh  men  for  their  conferences]  that  is,  fc 
 finning  and  defending  it  as  juft .  The  meaning  of  it 
 Originally  and  Finally,  that  all  thefe  things  belon 
 only  to  the  Church,  that  if,  to  the  Pope  and  Pr< 
 latcf. 
 
 Thef.  260.  Magiftratis  muft  not  only  Govern  Mi 
 nifters  *u  men,  but  as  Minifters ;  nor  CkriftUns  only  4 
 meny  but  tit  £brifti*ns,  and  as  Chnrcbes  ;  nor  only  i 
 fechUr  affairs,  but  in  the  mutter  of  Gods  worfiip. 
 
 As  a  Magiftrate  doth  not  only  Govern  Phyfitiar 
 as  men,  but  asPhyfitians,  with  his  kind  of  Govern 
 ment ;  nor  Academies  and  Colledges  only  as  men,  bo 
 as  Scbollars  and  Societies ;  nor  Merchants  only  a 
 men,  but  as  Merchants-  norSchool-maftcrsonlya 
 men,  but  as  School-  matters  :  So  do  they  alfo  by  Mi 
 
 niftcr 
 
The  Tajlors  of  the  Churchy  &c.       3  01  # 
 
 [ters  and  Chriftians.  Ddvid,  Solomon,  Jehofofhat^ 
 tz<kjah,  fofiah,  governed  the  Priefti  as  Pr iefti,  and 
 \  Ltvito  as  Lcvtres,  and  that  in  the  matters  of  Gods 
 )r(hip.  When  Conftannne  fat  in  the  Council  of 
 ice,  did  he  not  govern  Bifhops  as  Bifhops?  The 
 nemay  we  fay  of  M*rtiant  Tbcodofius,  and  other 
 aperours. 
 
 Thcf,  2  6 1.  Though  Magi  (Irate  i  cannot  ufurp  the 
 Snifters  office,  nor  anj  fart  of  his  froftr  Vtorl^  yet 
 \j  the j  funifh  him  for  male-adminiftration,and  in  cafe 
 tnfitntfj,  caft  him  out  from  the  Liberty  of  exerciftng 
 office  in  their  dominions. 
 
 For  Magiftratcs  are  the  guardians  of  the  Church, 
 imuftfeetothc  execution  of  Gods  Laws  by  ail 
 lirSubjcSs  in  their  places ;  And  therefore  Gods 
 ws  were  firft  given  to  the  Prince  and  Prieft,  and  by 
 a  ro the  people,  as  Ifjchius  faith,  in  Ltvit.  15. 
 j.  329.  Rede  Mojfi  quidem  &  A*r*n  loqumus 
 ,  fed  tradi  filiis  I  [rail,  id  eft,  omni  populo,  manda- 
 m  jubet :  quia  quscurquc  per  do&rinam  divinam 
 icet  fanciuntur ,  feu  fenbuntur,  primum  quidem 
 ncipibus  egenc  populi,  quia  ipfis  maxinre  divina  eft 
 dita  dodrina,  &c.  ]  How  could  the  Magiftrate 
 Cuftos  utriufc  tabula ,  if  he  might  not  punifh  all 
 fub  jefis  thai  violate  them  ?  He  that  may  punifh 
 irent  for  negled  of  his  own  children,  and  a  huf- 
 )d  for  the  neglcft  or  abnfe  of  his  own  wife,  or  a 
 fter  for  wronging  his  fervants,  nodotbt  may  pu- 
 ti  a  Paftor  for  wronging  his  flock,  and  abufing  the 
 dinancesof  God. 
 
 [f  §  Paftor  preach  falfc  Dcftrine,  the  Magiftrate 
 
 cannot 
 
*30x  Of  the  Sovereigns  Power  over 
 cannot  therefore  forbid  him  preaching,  and  yet-coi 
 tinue  him  a  Paftor  ;  and  if  hemifadrainifter  Sacn 
 ments  or  any  holy  Worfhip,  the  Magiftrate  may  n< 
 forbid  hira  the  adminiftrationof  thofe  Ordinance 
 and  yec  allow  him  the  reft  of  bis  Office  :  and  if  1 
 abufe  his  power  about  Church  cenfures ,  be  canm 
 take  Church-Government  from  him,  and  yet  coi 
 tinue  him  in  the  free  exercife  of  other  parts  of  tl 
 Miniftryj  for,thisisto  abafcand  alter  the  Office 
 Nor  is  it  neccfliry  that  the  Magiftrate  form  him 
 Law  of  his  own  by  which  to  exercife  his  Miniftry 
 But  the  Magiftrate  muft  firft  rebuke  thofe  that  mi 
 carry,  and  then  punilh  them  if  they  amend  not,  ar 
 caft  them  out,  in  cafes  that  make  them  more  hmrtfi 
 then  helpful  to  cbc  Church.  Yet  in  rhii  cafting  the1 
 out%  the  Magiftrate  doth  not  Degrade  (hem-  As  I 
 Ordaineth  not  Mmifters,  fo  neither  doth  be  nullif 
 their  Ordination ;  but  onlyf  proh.biteth  ihem  to  exe 
 cife  the  Miniftry  in  his  dominions :  and  this  no  qu 
 ftion  but  he  may  do. 
 
 Objed.  But  Magiftrates  are  feldem  compctt 
 Judges  efDtclrine  and  Adrninifl rations  y  as  having  a 
 -will  or  time  tofiuaj  as  divines  have. 
 
 Anfw.  i.  It  fhould  be  the  principal  pare  of  i 
 their  ftudies  to  know  the  Laws  of  Gcd/andther 
 fore  it  is  their  own  fault  if  they  are  ignorant.  2.  W 
 fill  or  negligent  omiflions  of  aperfon,  may  not  alio 
 us  to  alter  the  Office.  3.  It  is  fuppofed  that  Maj 
 ftrates  have  the  counfel  of  Divines  in  fuch  matte? 
 Though  a  Magiftrate  be  uncapable  of  Judging 
 matters  of  Phyfick  and  Aftrology,  yet  may  he  G 
 vern,  and  for  their  offences  punfli  Phyfitians  ai 
 Aftrologcrs,  upon  the  counfel  of  fuch  as  better  nnde 
 ftand  the  matter.  pbjed 
 
The  Pa/lors  of  the  Church,  &C.1        30 3 
 
 Objed.  BjthU  means  MdgifirMtes  mil  be  ledt* 
 wng  judgement,  *ni  fo  ferfecuti  the  Church- 
 Anfw.  1.  So  you  may  fry  of  his  Governing  the 
 ofefforsof  any  Arts  or  Sciences.  2.  Whoever  go- 
 xneth  may  belyabletofuchinconfeniencei.  That 
 irt  of  the  world  tbac  bath  cfcaped  the  plague  of  bc- 
 g  blinded  by  fcififh  intcrtft  and  partiality,  do  know 
 at  the  Pope  and  Prelate*  have  feccn  far  more  guilty 
 j  this  mif-  judging  and  perfection  ;  then  Princes 
 ivc  been :  and  that  Princes  have  been  drawn  into 
 00ft  all  their  guile  by  Popes  and  Prelates  (  fuppe- 
 ng  we  fpeak  of  Chriftian  Princes.)  3 .  We  muft  not 
 r  deprived  of  the  bleffing  of  Government  for  fear 
 f  aba  fc  through  humane  frailties;  No  more  then 
 t  muft  be  a  gainft  eating,  and  drinking,  and  apparel, 
 1  avoid  gluttony,  drunkennefs  and  pride.  God  bath 
 Dmraanded  Magistrates  to  do  their  duty  ;  They  can- 
 Dt  fo  far  miftake  as  to  become  dangerous  per feca tor s 
 ftbe  Church  without  fome  grievous  negligence  or 
 Milignity  of  their  own  •  which  if  tbey  are  guilty  of, 
 ad  will  know  no  mean  between  Negligence  and  Per- 
 vution,  they  (hall  bear  the  blame  and  puniflimcnt 
 om  6od. 
 
 If  Paftors  will  caft  off  the  work  of  Preaching,  or 
 e  negligent  in  if,  all  grant  that  the  Magiftrate  may 
 aoi(h  them.  And  fo  he  may,  if  they  caft  off  Difci- 
 »line,  and  corrupt  the  Church  by  admitting  and  re- 
 aming the  prophaneand  fcandalous.*  And  fo  may 
 it  punifh  them  that  will  exclude  the  faithful  to  the 
 Ictrimcnt  and  bazzard  of  the  Churches  ,  or  the 
 ;reat  injury  of  the  perfons  thcrofelvei.  As  if  a  Paflcr 
 vill  gather  a  Church  in  a  Parifh,  and  exclude  the 
 jrcaicr  pare  of  them  that  are  meet  to  be  received 
 
 and 
 
30%       uj  we  zoveratgns  rower  over 
 
 and  defire  ir,  fubmitting  to  any  rcafonable  terms 
 when  perhaps  no  other  Church  is  near  for  them  cf 
 joyn  with.  It  is  meet  in  this  cafe  that  the  Magiftratc 
 allow  them  a  Paftor  that  will  Govern  them  according] 
 to  the  Word  of  God,  And  fo  in  other  cafes. 
 
 It  is  therefore  an  injurious  clamour  of  them  thai] 
 fay,  [If  Pope  and  Prelates  be  laid  by,  Presbyters  willb\ 
 Uwlefsy  *nd  will  be  every  man  a  Pope  in  his  own  Parifh 
 and  wh$ /ball govern  them, or  punifh  them  iftheycffenb? 
 
 Anfw.  Is  the  Cfiriftiao  Magiftrate  no  body  wicf 
 thefe  men  ?  Are  his  Laws  and. Government  nothing  i 
 Who  hath  to  do  with  corporal  pugifhirg  but  he  ? 
 would  we  could  once  fee  a  Pope  and  Prelates  that  hac 
 no  other  arms  but  fpirituah  I  doubt  not  but  the  work 
 Would  quickly  find,  bowiinle  their  Authority  wil 
 uphold  their  Kingdom,  or  maintain  their  Unity  ox 
 Scrcngch.  If  Paftors  arc  to  b?rcje&ed  from  Comma 
 nion,  it  conccrneth  them  with  whom  thev  hsd  Com 
 reunion  :  If  they  are  to  be  fined  or  puniflied  corpo 
 raliy,  itconcerneth  the  Magiftratc  alone. 
 • 
 
 Thcf.  262.  If  M*giftrat:s  pur.ifr  Miniflers  unjuR 
 Jy>  that  is,  per  fee  ute  them,  ihcy  mufi  not  refift^  nor  di 
 honour  tbe  Magiftrate,  but  patiently  ft^ffer  the  wrong. 
 
 This  being  commonly  confeft  by  Proteftants,  an 
 plain  in  it  fclf,  I  (hall  take  as  granted. 
 
 I 
 
 Thcf    263.    If  Magnates  forbid    UWinifters 
 preach  erexercife  the  reft  of  their  office  in  their  domini 
 tns,  they  are  to  be  obeyed,  in  cafe  that  other  compete* 
 ftrfons  are  provided  for  the  work,  that  the  Church  r< 
 ceive  no  danger  om  detriment  by  %tj>ut  othermfe  they  a: 
 
The  Pafters  of  the  Churchy  &c.  joj 
 
 not  to  fa  obeyed ',  bnt  yee  mnfi  do  Chrijis  work  till  they 
 difable  us. 
 
 1.  That  they  Are  to  be  obeyed  in  the  firfienfe  is  plaifl; 
 becaufc  ic  bclongeth  to  them  to  govern  and  order 
 the  worrtiip  of  God.  David,  Solomon,  and  other 
 tings  of  Jfracl or  fudsb,  did  take  down  and  fee  up 
 hrielUf  and  order  the  Officers  of  the  houfe  of  Gad. 
 rhcdcpoiingof-^^rW  and  fetting  up  of  Zado^3 
 was  juft  :  And  therefore  when  it  is  but  Orderirg 
 ind  nor  destroying  that  they  arc  abour,  we  muft  obey 
 :hem.  Befides  the  Miniftry  may  not  lawfully  be  taken 
 ip  or  held  for  per  fond  commodity  (principally)  bnc 
 tor  God  and  the  common  good :  If  therefore  nothing 
 iat  per fon *l  commodity  be  croft,  and  the  Church  not 
 horded  or  much  damnified  by  ir,  we  have  no  reafon 
 odifobey  :  Much  lefs  when  perfonal  commodity  it 
 retf  doth  aifo  invite  us  to  confenr*  And  I  am  of  the 
 ■pinion  chat  the  Minifter  that  doth  not  fcrvc  the 
 Lord  upm  terms  of  f elf  denial ,  and  (ufferetb  not 
 ^oneway  or  other)  more  to  his  flefhbythc  Mini- 
 try,  then  be  fhould  do  if  be  were  put  out  of  it,  (nn- 
 ifsinfome  cxtraodinaf  y  cafe  )  hath  greater  reafon 
 tofufpeft  that  he  is  either  a  felf*feeking  man,  or  ac 
 eaft  doth  fcrve  God  with  much  unfaithfulnefs  and 
 Jarnal  complyance.  We  are  fore , 0bedier.ee  to  Ru!ei;i 
 is  a  Dmyy  and  therefore  we  muft  not  difobey  thea 
 [ill  we  have  fucb  reafon  as  may  juftific  it, 
 
 2.  Butyetlhai  we  mnft  not  obey  m  the  other  ctfi, 
 [when  it  tendcth  to  the  deftru&ion  of  the  Church,  on 
 notable  damage  of  mens  fouls)  is  plain,  i.  Becanfe  the 
 Magiftratcs  as  well  as  the  Minifters  have  their  Pow*<? 
 to  Edification  and  not  to  deftnidioa.  No  man  hath 
 
 X  authority 
 
3  06         Of  the  Sovereigns  Power  over 
 
 authority  from  Chrift  co  deftroy  his  Church  or  th« 
 foulf  of  men.  2  >  Becaufc  our  office  depend*  thai  im- 
 mediately upon  Chrift  ,as  the  office  of  the  Magnate 
 end  therefore  men  cannot  difpence  with  us  againft  hi- 
 will.  3 .  The  Apoftles  have  gone  before  us  with  their 
 example,  preaching  and  exercfing  all  their  office, 
 though  they  were  both  prohibited  and  beaten  ^  and 
 hive  taught  us  to  fay,  [whether  it  be  better  to  obey 
 God  or  men,  judge  ye."]  4.  Elfe  it  would  alf©  warrant 
 all  Chrifliani  to  forbear  fraying  and  other  worfhip  of 
 God,  when  the  Magiftrace  commanded  it:  which 
 neither  Daniel  (Dah.6.)  nor  the  ^foflles,  or  any 
 good  Chriftiam  did  believe.  5.  And  it  would  excufe 
 men  on  thefc  accounts  from  Martyrdom. 
 
 Qoeft.  'But  mujt  we  not  obey  the  Magijlr  Ate  forbid- 
 ding us  the  exzrctfe  of  our  office  jf  Any  hurt  Acorew  bj  it 
 to  the  Church  ? 
 
 Anfi*.  We  mutt  prudently  confider,  Whither  the 
 hurt  of  our  filence  and  forbearing  our  office,  or  the 
 hurt  of  our  not  obeying  the  Magiftrate,  is  like  to  be 
 greater  as  to  the  Church  •  and  whether  the  Benefit 
 of  ourMiniftry,  or  of  our  fubmiffive filence,  is  like 
 to  be  greater  to  the  Church  ,  and  the  honour  of 
 Chrift,  and  accordingly  our  choifc  mud  be  deter- 
 mined. 
 
 Tbcf.  164.  If  a  MtgijtrAte  commAnd  us  to  do  evil 
 inGedswor/bip,  or  clfewhcre,  We  may  not  obey  him. 
 
 E.  G.  If  he  difable  me  only  from  calling  out  from  | 
 the  Church  or  its  Communion,  a  wicked  impenitent  I 
 pcrfon,  in  cafe  of  neceiiity,  I  muft  obey  him  •  and  ] 
 niy  yet  continue  in  that  Church,  (unlefi  I  be  called  I 
 
The  Paflors  of  the  Church,  &c.  307 
 
 6  another,)  but  if  he  require  me  to  apply  Abfolutioni 
 >r  the  StcrAmtnt  perfonal/y  CO  that  man,  I  may  no: 
 rbey.  Or  if  he  require  me  to  preach  falfe  DoArine, 
 >r  renounce  any  truth  of  God  ( and  yet  fome  may  be 
 ilenced  for  a  time  J  For  fin  mud  not  be  committed 
 or  the  pleafure  of  man. 
 
 Tbef.  265.  Magiftratet  may  determine  of fome  ne- 
 tjfary  circ  urn  fiances  in  the  vorfhif  of  God,  which  God 
 at  h  left  undetermined  in  hu  Word  ;  hnt  jet  they  mujt 
 fke  heed  of  unntceffary  Laws,  and  of  invading  the  office 
 c  the  Paflors. 
 
 M*giftrates  may  not  make  God  any  new  itforfhip- 
 >rdinance§.  Circumftances  of  worftiip  are  Deter- 
 mined bvGod>  or  Undetermined.  The  former  (as 
 fce  Lords  Day)  the  Magiftrate  muft  fefcond  by  Law*, 
 ■quiring  obedience  to  Gods  Laws .  The  fecond  fore 
 re  Necejfary  or  Vnneeeffarj  to  be  determined  .•  If 
 Ineciffary,  the  Magiftrace  fhould  not  put  it  into  a 
 iw  (  N.  a  thing  may  be  neceflary  to  be  determined, 
 tit  is  not  it  ielf  comparatively  neceftiry,  but  ano- 
 icr  might  have  ferved  in  its  ftcad.)  If  the  dctermi- 
 Kion  be  Needful  ox  Profitable \  then  either  Ordinarily 
 >  a  whole  Nation,  or  only  mutably  fro  hie  &  nunc. 
 be  later  fhould  be  left  to  the  Piftors  determination : 
 he  former  the  Magiftrate  may  determine:  As  e.g. 
 bat  Tranflation  of  holy  Scripture  (hall  be  of  pub- 
 tc  life  ;  What  Verfion  of  Pfalms  (hall  be  Sung,  &c„ 
 pe  need  noBilhops  for  thefc  9  if  the  Magiftrate 
 eafe. 
 
 Thtli  z66.  Tht  Magifirste  may  appoint  ni ni» [Of- 
 
 X  i  fktfs 
 
308  Of  the  Soveraigns  Pewer  over 
 
 pars  for  Cjeds  vrorjbip  itfelfjwt  he  may  make  new  0\ 
 firs  for  thefe  cirenrnftances  of  his  Worfh\p+ 
 
 God  hath  done  the  firft  already.  That  the  M  j 
 ftrare  may  do  the  fecond  ,is  plain,  in  that  he  may  c 
 termine  of  chat  which  is  hii  work  :  And  fo  he  m 
 circa  facra  make  officers,  as  Church-  Warden*  to  j 
 to  the  building,  and  Porters  to  keep  the  doors,  a 
 Sextons  to  toll  the  Bells,  look  to  rhc  etenfiis,  & 
 and  Cenfon  to  keep  peace  and  order. 
 
 Thcf.  267.  Magiftrates  have  the  chief  Power  of  1 
 Temples  and  Church-maintenance  ^  jet  fo  as  that  ti 
 are  bound  bj  (jod,  to  difpofe  of  it  for  his  Churches  grc* 
 eft  benffit. 
 
 If  any  Give  maintenance  to  the  Church,  the  M 
 giftratemay  noc  lawfully  alienate  it,  no  more  then 
 may  deftroy  other  p-ous  or  charitable  works :  But  y 
 all  Churches  Colledge*,  Hofpitais,  (o  ere&ed,  a 
 under  his  Government  for  che  common  good.  If  1. 
 Magiftratc  command  os  to  forfake  the  Temples,  ai 
 pat  others  in  poffeflion  of  them,  we  moft  obey.  If  J 
 take  from  us  ibe  publick  maintenance,  we  rauft  fnj 
 mit:  When  yet  (tf  the  Churches  good  require  il 
 we  may  be  bound  to  preach  without  maintenanl 
 from  him  in  forac  other  place.   Bifhops  have  nochii 
 to  do  with  Temples  or  Maintenance,  but  under  tl 
 Magiftrate,  by  his  grant:  And  yet  both  are  fin  g 
 neral  at  lctft);*rt  divine,  of  Gods  ordination,  whi 
 cannot  be  denyed  the  Church  without  fin. 
 
 Tbi 
 I 
 
The  Pa/tors  of  the  Church }  &c.         3  °9 
 
 Thef.  268.  Though  Magiflrates  may  not  lawfully 
 \fy  from  the  ^People  the  Ptwcr  of  c  hoofing  or  confenring^ 
 ir  from  the  Pafiorsthe  Power  of  Ordaining ,  jet  muji 
 jfj ovcrfiebotb  People  and  Paftorjf  andnotfujfer  them 
 
 choofe  or  order  fuel)  as  are  intolerably  unfit,  but  by 
 *d*rate  corre&iens  bring  them  to  4  right er  choice  and 
 rdination. 
 
 J.  Chrift  hath  left  the  forcfaid  Power  to  the  Pl- 
 an and  people:  and  therefore  the  Magiftratc  may 
 ^i  take  it  from  them.  2.  Yet  as  he  hath  left  the 
 wer  of  Governing  all  men  to  the  Msgiftratc,  fo  no 
 an  can  take  this  from  him.  And  be  is  not  to  leave 
 :op!c  to  choofe  what  Ministers  thejpleafe%  nor  to 
 aftors  to  ordain  whom  thej  fteafe  ^  but  to  fee  that 
 wcy  do  all  to  the  Churches  good  :  None  of  them  can 
 aim  a  fuller  power  in  his  place ,  then  a  parent  hath 
 ftr  his  own  children,  who  yet  muft  be  hindred  by 
 )c  Magiftratc  from  wronging  them,  and  forced  by 
 m  to  iced  and  cloatb  them,  if  he  deny  it. 
 
 Thef.  269.  The  principal  workof  Magijlrttes about 
 f^**5  k t$  Pr*fcrvt  ^,  ** <i  further  the  Obedience  of 
 ids  Laws ,  which  is  a  great  p^tofhis  work^ ;  but  not 
 alter  it. 
 
 1.  Truly  faith  Grotius  de  Irrrperio  fura.  Pot .7.8, 9. 
 fcc  cnim  eft  vera  civicatis  felicitai ,ut  Dei  fit  araam f 
 :  amata  Deo  •,  ilium  fibi  Rcgem,fe  illius  populum ag- 
 Dfcat:  qucmadraodam  prxclare  loquitur  Augafli- 
 asdcOvit.  Dei.  1.  5.  c.  14.  qui  &  faclices  dicit  Rc- 
 es  11  fuim  poceRaccm  ad  Deicuhum  maxirrediU- 
 X  3  land u er, 
 
3 1  o  of  the  Sovereigns  Fower  over 
 
 tandum,majeftati  ejus  faraulam  faciant.  j  So  thf  Era* 
 pcrours  Theodofius  and  ftonorius  in  Epift.  ad  Marcel 
 Nequc  enim  aiiud  aut  belli  laboribus  agimu?7»ut  pad 
 confiliisordinamus,  nifiut  verumDci  culcora  orbi 
 noftri  plcbs  devota  caftodiar.  ]  Et  Theodofius  a< 
 Cyril.  Csefarei  eft  munerii,  ui  non  folurn  panfiie 
 fed  pie  etiam  fubditi  vtvanc.  ]  See  what  Gretius  cite 
 out  of  Auguftine and  others,' pag.  u,  12,  13,  14 
 «nd  theConfeffionsof  Homer ,  Livie,  Horace,  Valer 
 M*x.  &c.  p.  18,  19  That  irreligioufnefs  ?nd  th< 
 contempt  of  Gods  worfhip,  is  the  mine  of  Gover 
 nors,  &c 
 
 2.  To  be  enftos  Tabularnm,  is  not  to  charge  them 
 Some  think  if  Magiftrates  may  not  make  Indifferen 
 things  neteffarjpnd  fo  make  newChurch-Ordmancei 
 tbeyhave  nothing  to  do:  As  if  it  were  no-hing  tc 
 promote  the  obedience  of  GodsLawi?  Have  all  cht 
 Judges  and  Joftices  of  England  nothing  to  do  bccauU 
 they  have  no  Legiflativc  power  ?  One  Legiflacor  i; 
 enough  in  a  Common  wealth* 
 
 Thef.  270.  It  being  fo  high  a  part  of  the  MagL 
 ftrates  norland  honour  to  promote  Gods  fervice  anc 
 mens  falnation^  jea  an  higher  end  of  huMagiftracy  thet 
 weir  corporal  common  good ,  their  dofirine  is  trajterou. 
 ani intolerable  who  affi'  m  I.  That  Magiftrates  havt 
 nothing  to  cjo  with  matters  of  Religion, but  are  to  leave  al 
 men  to  their  confidences,  and  govern  ns  as  men,  andnoi 
 as  Chriftiixn^  Churches  or  Minifters.  2.  That  thi 
 ClerU  *™  exempt  from  the  Magiftrates  judgement 
 and  fio  wonld  (et  up  the  ? opens  a  civil  Prince  in  ever} 
 Cowinin  wealth. 
 
The  Pafiors  $f  the  Churchy  &C.  3 1 1 
 
 His  charge  againft  the  Presbyterians  as  fucfa  ,  is 
 ftlfe,  tbacfeigneth  them  to  fet  up  Imprium  in  lm- 
 periojf Imferinm  be  taken  for  any  Civil  forcing  powtr. 
 Bat  (be  two  parties  tbat  I  now  mention  do  plainly 
 hold  a  dodrinc  intolerable  in  a  Common- wealth. 
 1. 1  fhall,Godwilling4morefullyfhcwyouina(horc 
 Treatife  by  ft  felf,  how  they  debafe  the  office  of  the 
 Magiftrate  ,  and  teach  people  to  value  bim  but  as  the 
 dirt  of  the  earth,  and  incomparably  below  the  Mi- 
 niftry,  tbat  would  make  him  fo  tcrreftrial  as  to  have 
 nothing  to  do  wtib  the  matters  of  Religion,  cor  the 
 promoting  of  mens  falvation  as  fuch. 
 
 2.  ThcPapiftsarc  of  three  forts  herein.  1.  Some 
 of  tbem  hold  (as  Hoflicnfis,  Boz*ius,  &cj  that  the 
 Pope  is  dire&ly  intruded  with  both  Swords  by  Cbrift, 
 land  is  the  fpiritual  and  Temporal  Monarch  of  the 
 'world.  2.  Others  of  them  (as  TielUrmine,  that 
 in  h  f  It  is  the  common  judgement  ofCttholtckJDivines, 
 de  Rom.  Pont.  lib.  5.  cap.  1 .)  fay,  that  the  Pope  indi- 
 ntllj  in  order  to  fpirituals,  hath  the  foprcam  power 
 in  Temporals  through  the  world  ;  even  as  the  foul 
 'hath  over  the  body  :  Tffis  comes  all  to  one  with  the 
 former.  3.  BarcUj  and  others  more  moderate,  af- 
 fert  the  Soveraignty  of  Princes  againft  the  Pope : 
 tod  fa datbe  Learned  Lawyers  of  France.  Bur  att* 
 ihey  that  do  depofe  the  Pope  from  his  ufurped  So* 
 waignty  over  the  Laity  ;  yet  leave  him  the  fole 
 Judge  of  the  Clergy,  or  take  them  from  under  the 
 Magiftratcs  power ,  do  plainly  fet  up  a  Monarchy 
 in  every  Common-wait h ,  befides  its  proper  Go- 
 vernment ,   and  give  the  Pope  t  Civil  Govern- 
 
 X  4  menc 
 
3 1  %       Of  the ,  Soveraigns  Power  over ,  &c . 
 
 merit  in  every  Chriftian  Nation  in  the  world.  For 
 is  not  that  a  Civil  Government  that  punifheth  men 
 by  fines,  imprifonmcnt,  or  death?  Though  it  be 
 about  Clergy- men,  furely  it  is  a  Civil  Govern- 
 ment. It  is  long  of  facile  unfaithful  Princes,  that  g«ve 
 up  half  their  Power  to  the  Pope  and  bis  Prelates,  that 
 the  Chriftian  world  is  fo  divided.  Had  not  they  arm- 
 ed the  Pope,  he  could  not  have  done  it.  If  Princes 
 will  notbewifer,  let  them  take  heed  left  they  excite 
 the  people  to  enquire  ,  Whether  a  Trince  have  Povtr 
 togivemaf  his  Soveraigntyor  part  of  it  t§  another? 
 and  what  the  introducing  ot  a  forreign  Soveraign 
 (hould  be  efteemed,  and  how  avoided  ? 
 
 Ch  a  f\ 
 
313 
 
 Chap.  if. 
 
 Of  the  Soveraigns  Prerogatives,  and 
 Power  of  Governing  by  Laws  and 
 Judgement. 
 
 THc  Reader  need  not  rdl  me  here,  either  that  the 
 whole  fhoald  have  been  handled  before  the 
 parts,  and  the  Genus  before  the  Species,  or  tbac  Laws 
 and  Judgement  are  pirrs  of  ddminiftrdtion^nd  not  of 
 the  CenjiitMtio*  of  a  Common  wealth :  ForllntcnJ 
 not  exaftnefs  of  Method,  and  I  purpofely  paft  ow 
 the  JurdRegdlid  generally  before,  and  rcfolve  to 
 lav  nothing  (here  at  leaft)  of  the  Admimftrdtion,  bat 
 what  falls  in  upon  the  by  in  the  defcription  of  the  Po- 
 wer and  therefore  (hall  fomewhat  the  fullyer  here  dc. 
 kribe  the  Power  with  refpeft  to  its  ads,  which  I 
 avoid  the  fuller  handling  of,  and  fay  no  more  of  the 
 f*rdRtgaUdthen\%  neceffary hereunto. 
 
 Thef.  271.  The  Rights  oft  hi  Soverdign  4ft,  1 .  His 
 Tower  of  Governing,  which  is  his  Office  it/elf.  2.  That 
 fdfetjiftrengtbdmd  Honour^  dsfdr  ds  the  people  ctndf- 
 forditf  which  is  fmfficient  or  necejftrj  thereunto. 
 
 I  know  that  Polititians  ufeto  treat  of  this  pare 
 before  they  treatof  the  Specitjot  Ccmrmon- wealths: 
 and  therefore  I  took  in  briefly  fo  mi'ch  of  it  in  the 
 fifth  Chapter  as  I  thoagh?  rherc  r^ceflary  :  and 
 (ballfptak  a  little  more  ftuiyof  it,  for  the  foremen- 
 
 turned 
 
314  Of  the  Soveraigns  Prerogatives  &  Power  o 
 
 iioned  Reafons :  cfpecially  becaufe  I  omic  that  par 
 10  here  the  nature  of  Laws  fliould  more  fully  be  open 
 ed  -  I  know  alfo  that  Politicians  much  differ  in  dc 
 (bribing  the  Jar*  Regalia  •  and  that  thofe  that  rathci 
 enumerate  then  defenbe  them,  agree  not  about  the 
 Enumeration.  They  are  ufually  diftinguifhed  inrc 
 the  Major*  &  miner  a*  I  think  they  may  beft  be  re 
 duced  all  to  tbefetwo  Heads:  Of  which  the  latter 
 (hall  be  fir  ft  fpoken  of,  becaufe  it  is  but  for  the  for- 
 mer. 
 
 Thcf.  272.  1.  It  is  a  Prerogative  of  Ma'y&y,  that 
 the  S  over  signs  life  have  a  [fecial Guard  ^  and  that  the 
 crimes  that  tend  to  his  deft  raft  ion  be  Treafen,  and  have 
 tbefevereft  pmijhment. 
 
 For  the  Common  good  is  fo  much  concerned  in 
 the  Sovcraigns  life,  that  it  is  not  to  be  left  fo  open  to 
 the  ftroak  of  malice  as  another  mans.  1 1  is  requifitc 
 therefore  for   the  fafety  of  the  Commonwealth, 
 
 1.  That  there  be  fpecial  Laws  againft  Treafon  •  and 
 
 2.  That  the  Soveraign   have  a  fufficient  fafc-guard. 
 
 Thef.  273,  2.  Another  Prerogative  is ,  to  have  po- 
 wer to  bind  all  thefubjetts  in  an  Oath  of  fidelity. 
 
 As  the  welfare  ©f  the  people  lyeth  much  on  the 
 Soveraigns  life,  fo  will  it  therefore  have  more  ene- 
 mies: and  therefore  thercisreifoajhat  thofe  cfpe- 
 cially fliould  be  engaged  to  the  utmoft  to  fidelity  and 
 defence,  for  whom  ic  is  that  he  incurs  the  dinger. 
 Ashe  isfworn  cu  Govern  them  faithfully,  fomuft 
 they  to  defend  him. 
 
 Thef.  274- 
 
Governing^  by  Laws  and  judgement.      315 
 
 Thcf.  274.  3.  Another  Prerogative  is,  to  declare 
 enemies  to  the  State,  and  to  have  the  power  of  war  and 
 feace. 
 
 Though  forac  peopfc  limit  their  Sovcraigns  in  this f 
 becaafe  their  welfare  Syeth  fo  much  on  it  ^  yet  when 
 a  Parliament  of  their  own  choofing  have  a  part  in  the 
 Sovereignty,  it  is  not  fit  at  ail  to  limit  them.  For  it  is 
 rot  to  be  foppofed  that  fo  many  perfons  ebofen  by 
 themklves  fhould  willingly  fell  their  lives  to  the  ene- 
 my, or  mine  the  Common-  wealth  ;  And  its  known 
 that  all  men  arc  too  fclfifh,  and  ready  to  prefer  their 
 I  private  good  before  the  publike:  &  therefore  the  com- 
 naon  Subjeds  muft  be  forced  to  (ecure  the  Common- 
 wealth, ard  not  be  fuffcred  to  pot  in  fuch  Refervef 
 a?  may  endanger  the  whole,  under  pretence  of  fecur- 
 ifng  their  feveral  private  Inter  efts. 
 
 Thef.  275.  4.  Another  Prerogative  is>  to  have  the 
 I  power  of  the  Arms  ard  Forces  of  the  Nation^  for  defen- 
 sive and  off  en  five  wars. 
 
 This  in  fome  refped  belongs  to  this  Head  of  fe- 
 curity  and  ftrengtb,  and  in  fome  refped  to  the  other 
 i  Head  of  Government.  For  the  commanding  of  Ar- 
 mies i$  a  pare  of  Government.  Though  where  the 
 Soveraignry  is  divided  between  a  Prince  and  Parlia- 
 ment or  Nobles,  there  may  be  contefts  about  the 
 Power  of  the  Forces  •,  yet  between  the  Sovcraignand 
 1  the  Sab  jed  there  can  be  none,  favc  only  about  the 
 fecuring  of  any  Liberties,  which  by  Limitations  in 
 the  Confutation  by  his  own  confene  he  is  bound  to 
 
 grgnt 
 
3 1&  of  the  Sevtraigns  Prerogatives  &  tower  of 
 gram  r hem,  and  faithfully  prcfervc :  No  doubt  the 
 Sovcraigo  bach  the  cbicfeft  command  of  the  Nations 
 Anna  :  And  he  that  may  not  command  them  to 
 fight,  doth  in  vain  command  them  to  obey  in  civil 
 cafes,  and  in  vain  undertake  to  be  their  Governor. 
 
 Thef.  276.  5.  Anothtr  Prerogative  u ,  by  Cr°»*' 
 lands,  Tribute/,  £uftoms ,  and  $ther  incomes  to  receive 
 fnfficient  Revenue j  to  defray  the  charges  of  the  Govern- 
 ment. 
 
 Without  this  the  Government  could  not  be  ex- 
 ercifed.  Chrift  payethtribute,and  fo  doth  T>eter :  and 
 Paul  faith,  Rom.  1 3  •  5, 6, 7.  [Te  mufi  needs  bcfub'ytt, 
 not  *n/yfor  wrath,  but  al/§  for  confeience  fa  kf  •  for,  for 
 this  caufe  pay  yon  tribute  alfo  :  for  the)  aire  Gods  Mi- 
 nifiers  attending  continually  upon  this  very  thing :  Ren- 
 der therefore  to  all  their  dues :  tribute  U  whom  tribute, 
 cuflom  to  whom  cuflom,  fear  to  whom  fear  y  honour  to 
 whom  honour^  The  limitations  I  before  mentioned. 
 
 Thef.  277.  6.  Another  Prerogative  is,  to  have  that 
 Eminency  of  Honour  which  is  needful  to  maintain  Au- 
 thority, and  to  leave  a  power  of  fecuringit  bj  fpecial 
 Laws. 
 
 If  Msgiftracy  be  not  kept  from  contempt,  the 
 common  iafety  and  peace  will  not  be  preferved,  nor 
 vice  rrftraincd  :  As  Al'jefiy  h  a  beam  from  the  Hea- 
 venly Mjje&j,  fo  rauft  it  participate  of  the  Splendor 
 in  a  ncceffary  me?  fare,  as  well  as  of  the  Pswer.  This 
 is  principally  needful  for  the  borour  of  God  from 
 whom  it  flows  -3  as  an  E&bifiadors  Honour  is  the 
 
 Honour 
 
Geverning  bj  Laws  tnd  judgement.       317 
 
 Honour  of  the  Prince  :  next  it  is  needful  to  the  pub- 
 like good,  the  end  of  Migiftracy.  And  therefore  the 
 dfhonorers  of  Majeftj  muft  be  more  fevcrely  punch- 
 ed, then  thofe  that  detame  or  diftionour  private  men, 
 though  perfonaly  perhaps  of  more  excellent  quali- 
 fications. 
 
 Thef.  278.  2.  The  highe Si  prerogative  of  Majtfty 
 U  its  conjlitutedform  -,  that  is,  to  be  the  fumma  Potc- 
 ftas,  to  h*ve  the  Supreme  Government.  This  confi  fieri?, 
 1 .  In  hdvitgfhefupream  Legifldtive  poster.  2.  And 
 the  fnprctm  power  oj judgement ,  and  execution  of  that 
 ^)  utgtment. 
 
 Some  call  this  Effcnce  of  Majefty  its  'Prerogative^ 
 and  tome  think  that  Title  bclongeth  but  to  the  Ac- 
 cidents :  but  it  being  the  principal  Jus  MayHatti, 
 'Magift-acy  it  fclf  being  effentially  a  ftu  Regendi,  we 
 (hail  therefore  fo  call  it,  leaving  to  all  the  Liberty  of 
 their  own  pbrafe.  And  though  it  may  be  thought  to 
 be  out  of  place,  I  flnll  hereftay  a  while,  and  en- 
 quire into  the  nature  of  Laws  ,  under  th.s  Head  of 
 Legiflative  Power,  and  then  fpeak  of  the  Properties  of 
 Supremacy  herein;  a;  d then  of  judgement,  but  ve- 
 ry briefly. 
 
 Thef.  179.  A  La  w  u  an  ambiguous  term,  and  is  ta» 
 kjtn,  I.  Sometime  for  the  internal mind  of the  Law-gi- 
 ver. 2.  Sometime  for  the  txurnal  produtts.  In  the 
 former  fence  Gods  mind  and  will  is  called  Lex  seterna  5 
 which  proper  I]  is  but  the  Fountain  of  Law,  unlefs  jcu 
 takeit  as  the  Significaturo.^  the  Utter  fence,  I .  Some- 
 time it  is  takenforamtqns  of  effetttug  ^  andfometime 
 
 for 
 
3 1 8  Of  the  Soveraigns  Prerogatives  &  Power  of 
 
 for  the  thing  effected  on  the  SnbjeEl.  In  the  former 
 fenfejomettmeit  is  taken  Metaphorically  for  a  con- 
 neecion  of  Phyfical  canfes  •  andfometimefor  metr  moral 
 foteflative  Rnles :  Andfemetime  it  u  taken  Metaphor  i- 
 calljfor  the  orderly  difpofal  of  intimites  and  brutes 
 andfometime  only  for  Rnles  to  the  rational  free  Agent. 
 
 Thef.  280.  1  take  the  mind  of  the  Law-giver,  the 
 fetled  order  of  Nature  among  inanimates  or  brntes  or 
 m*n  ai  a  Natural  agent ,and  alfo  the  imprefs  on  the  jouly 
 atf*cb,to  be  improperly  called  Laws:  and  therefore  take 
 net  the  werdin  any  ofthefejenfes. 
 
 Thef.  281.  The  Law  of  2{atnre  and  of  Grace,  are 
 fometimet ahtn  for  the  imprinting  figns,  and  fometime 
 for  the  Imprefed  Image  :  In  the  latter  fenfe  I  take 
 them  improperly  to  be  called  Laws. 
 
 Yet  even  the  Internal  Difpofttion,  confidered  not 
 as  a  Difpojition,  but  a  fign  of  Gods  W»H,  I  number 
 with  the  Laws  of  Nature.  Bat  Internal  A&s  or  Dif- 
 fpofitions  as  fucb,  are  but  figuratively  called  Laws  : 
 But  properly  the  Nature  of  things  ("within  us  or 
 without  us)  as  revealing  the  will  of  God  de  Debitc, 
 11  the  Liw  of  Nature :  and  properly  no  other. 
 
 So  the  Law  written  on  our  hearts  and  put  into  our 
 inwards  parts ;  that  is,tbe  holy  effedi  of  the  Law  up- 
 on us,  in  thcmfelvcs  arc  no  Law,  but  the  effc  As  of  a 
 Law;  unlefsasfccondarily  ,  they  become  the  figns 
 of  the  will  of  God  impofing  further  duty. 
 
 Thef.  282.  The  word  £Law  is  alfofometime  ta* 
 kfnfo  largely  a&  to  comprehend  mtsr  Diittltons  or  pre- 
 
 ctpts 
 
Governing^  hy  Laws  &nd$udgmtnt.    319 
 
 pts  of  finch  as  hive  no  Governing  pofoer.  and  alfo  cm* 
 mBj:  B*t  Its\e  it  not  thus  improperly. 
 
 Thcf.  283.  By  feme  alfo  it  is  tttynfo  narrowly,  as 
 exclude  verbal  Precepts^  Commifjions,  Priviledges9 
 mporary  Conftitmions,  p  emiant  Lawsy  and  all  fuck 
 mccrij conftttme  the  Jqs  Poflidendi,crdcbit»m  ba- 
 :ndi,  as  fuck:  and  is  mMdeonljtoJignifietbofe  Lmws 
 idtdriby  e  mi  tunc j  fo  called  ,  And  to  comprehend  no 
 f/j  ^fobligircaut  ad  ebedtentiaro  aut  ad  fcenaw. 
 ut  I  follow  n:t  that  too  ftrift  acceptation. 
 
 Lccchofc  men  that  arc  not  the  Matters  of  Lan- 
 jage  y  be  content  to  cxprefs  their  own  minds  by 
 ieir  own  term* ,  and  give  as  leave  to  do  the  like.  If 
 iy  think  that  the  [Name  of  a  Law]  (hould  be  ufed 
 ore  Laxely  or  more  ftri&ly  then  I  ufe  it ,  he  hath 
 s  Liberty  ;L(t  him  have  the  patience  alfo  tofuf- 
 rme  to  ufe  mine;  and  to  tell  him  that  my  words 
 e  to  explain  my  own  mind,  and  not  bis.  It  is  Things 
 ad  not  words  that  I  am  here  to  open:  And  it  is  that 
 hing  which  I  here  define  that  I  treat  of,  and  mean 
 /  the  word  Law.  So  various  are  cbe  Definitions  of 
 iws  among  Polititians  and  Lawyers,  that  its  not 
 ific  to  meet  with  many  that  agree  in  one  and  the 
 me  Definition.    And  therefore  among  fucb  varie- 
 
 I  may  have  the  freer  leave  to  thruft  in  mine,  then 
 
 the  gowned  Tribe  had  been  agreed  on  fome  other : 
 pecially  when  u  I  never  yet  faw  many  ,if  any  other 
 I  could  fee  reafon  to  be  fatisfiedin.  2.  And 
 et  I  pretend  to  no  Infallibility  •  or  that  mine  (hall 
 e  more  perfed  then  other  mens,  but  only  that  it  is 
 
 ore  ftiisfa&Qry  to  mc :  To  confute  other  mens 
 
 various 
 
3  20  Of  the  Sever  tigns  Prerogatives  &  Fewer  ej\ 
 various  Definitions  would  be  but  odious  &  tedious 
 
 Thef.  284.  ALitokd  fi^nification  cf  the  Ruler jf 
 tyill  conflicting  the  Snbjetts  due  :  Or ,  Poteftativaf 
 conftitutio  debiti  fubditorum. 
 
 K 
 
 Becaufe  the  word  [Law^s  fometime  taken  for  thej1 
 fign  or  eff.ft  alone,  and  fomecime  as  comprehending 
 the  ad:  of  Legi fiction  ^  I  ufe  the  word  £  Signification  m 
 as  appliable  to  both  acceptions  But  it  being  not  Le 
 giflation  (the  efficiency  being  prefuppofed  )  but  £  $k 
 Law]  as  the  ef$8  that  I  define,  therefore  it  is  paf 
 fively,  Qtproipfofigno that  I  here  take  the  won 
 \_fig*ifoAtion.~yyfzrz  it  Ltqtfl  <t>on  that  I  defined  , 
 fhould  make  xhzGenw  an  Ail  of  the  Ruler  :  But 
 judge  ^yjpi***]  tobethetrue(7f;i»jof  a  Law  (whe 
 
 ther  pr&dicamentale^  or  tranfcendcntale  \  Lawyer 
 would  not  thankmetodifcufs.)  It  is  not  the  will  o 
 the  Ruler  in  it  felt,  for  thats  unknown  {  but  as  R¥ 
 vealed^And  the  will  of  God  or  man  can  be  no  other 
 wife  revealed  to  another  but  by  fome  fign  ,  wheche 
 it  be  word,writing,  factor  whatever,  faith  Fr.  Sin- 
 re*,  truly  (de  Legib.  lib.  i.e.  5.  pag.zo,)  Afferent 
 fpiciertdo adnomiKM  Legu  lmpcfmontm  ,  videripriu 
 pofitumad figmficandum  ixttmtim  Imferium  &  Jig 
 num  oft enjivum  voluntatis  pracipientis*  Ihoenim  A 
 riftot. 10.  Ethic,  eitxit  Legem  (jfe  fermonem  d  fapfrn 
 tiaprofeftum,&tc.~] 
 
 So  cap.  q.pag.iq..  Lexconfideratur-—'$t  in  aliqh 
 alio  (igno,  [en  alia  materia  exterior  e%  ut  infcripfiVi 
 ettam  in  voce  manifeflanti  voluntatem  (uperiork. 
 
 So  Gabriel.  3 .  */.  3  7.  <J.  un.  calls  it  [_fignum  verm 
 creatura  rational* notiftcattvttm  rtilarationk  diSat 
 %U%  ligari  eam>&cc.  Cbje<i 
 
Governing  by  Lam  and  Judgement.    321 
 
 Objc&.Signuta  ii  anadjunft,  and  belongs  to  Legibly 
 fit  a  Law  doth  properly  belong  to  the  fee  end  part  ojPoli- 
 if 4*j  a»d  ought  to  have  its  Genus  thence  as  being  an  att 
 ~  the  fupream  power t  &c. 
 
 Anfw.  1.  li  Politick*  banifli  Logic kfbty  muft  ba- 
 i(h  Definitions  and  rational  debates.  iVefenbechius 
 nd  other*  have  evinced,  that  thcCivilLaw  it  felfis 
 ot  fallen  out  with  Logiclr.  2  An  Act  is  a  Logic* I 
 crm  as  well  as  a  fign.  3 .  I  fay  not  (imply  £  4fa»3 
 uc  £  4  yfj«  */>&*  iJ*&rj  w'//  3  which  arc  terms  chic 
 aw  abhors  nor.  4. 1  never  law  any  fit  one  put  in 
 he  Read  of  this,  but  what  dotb  more  darkly  exprefs 
 he  fame  thing,  which  is  therefore  lefs  fit. 
 
 Objc&.TW  it  is  lignum,*  better  exprejfed  bymtn- 
 ioning  the  Promt* Igatien. 
 
 A»[w.  Notfo:  Promulgation  is  ufually  taken  for 
 he  id: of  Publication,  which  followcch  the  En'a&ing 
 md  £  fence  of  the  Law  •,  and  is  iroplyed  as  ncceflary 
 o  the  effeft  of  the  fign  •,  Of  which  I  ftiall  next 
 peak. 
 
 Thef.  285.  Though  to  be  an  Aptitudlnalfignf&?4# 
 hat  is  of  the  Generic al  E fence  h  jet  to  be  Promulgate 
 md  thereby  made  an  Aftual  fign,*r  to  befofar  revealed, 
 hat  thefubjeftsmay  be  informed  by  it  that  are  not  cul- 
 pably negligent  is  a  condition  necejfary  to  the  Obliga  ti- 
 nt §r  Confiitmion  of  duty. 
 
 Some  had  rather  diftinguifh  between  the  ttefrifem- 
 ing  and  Informing  aft  of  Laws,  and  make  the  former 
 tffential  to  them,  aud  not  the  latter,  add  fo  re  jeft  the 
 diftin&icn  of  Aptitudinal  and  A  final  figns  here  : 
 but  groundlcfly.    To  Reprefeht^  is  al  ambiguods  as  td 
 
3210/  the  Soverdgns  Prerogatives  &  Power  ef 
 
 fi£»ifie,  and  is  of  the  fame  importance  :  And  there- 
 fore if  we  have  need  to  diftinguifli  of  o**,fo  we  have 
 of  the  other.  To  Reprefent  Aptituimallj ,by  contain- 
 ing that  expreffion  of  the  Superiours  will  as  is  Ape 
 to  Inform  if  Revealed,  is  one  thing  \  and  to  Reprefent 
 attuall}  to  another  by  the  means  of  Revelation  or  fit 
 approximation,  is  another  thing,  A  (hilling  in  my 
 pocket  AptitudinaUj  f*£"ifietky  or  Reprcfcntetlo  the 
 Sovcraign  whofe  Image  it  bcareth  :  but  not  afiually 
 till  I  take  it  out  and  (hew  it  ^  Nor  then  neither,  nifi 
 fxpArtertveUntu,  that  is,  it  is  but  in  T>ettnlU  pr$- 
 xima,  till  the  beholder  perceive  it.  So  here,  i .  A 
 L*r*  E»4cled  is  truly  a  Law,  as  zfignum  tptitudinale 
 is  a  [\jn :  but  it  obligeth  not  yet.  2.  A  Law  En- 
 aftcd  and  Promulgate  obligeth,  becaufc  the  Law- 
 giver bath  done  his  part  to  the  full  effeft.  3 .  A  Law 
 Received  is  yet  in  a  nearer  capacity  for  the  full  effed; 
 but  Reception  or  A&ual  understanding  it,  is  not  nc- 
 ccflary  to  the  obligation. 
 
 Some  affirm  that  Trmnlgation  Is  effential  to  a  Law. 
 Let  them  that  think  fo,define  it  accordingly :  I  quar- 
 rel not  with  them ,  becaufe  I  come  fo  near  them  as 
 that  the  difference  is  of  no  great  moment:  But  yet  I 
 confent  not :  For  its  one  thing  to  m*kt  *  !**» ,  *nd 
 another  to  pr*mulg*tt  it.  Yet  the  laft  is  a  Condition 
 fine  quA  n$ny  as  to  obligation.  As  in  Belief,  the  Rtvr 
 Jaticn  itftlf  is  not  the  formal  objcdl  of  Faith,  (that 
 is  Vir deltas  ReveUntU)  nor  part  of  it  ^  nor  yet  the 
 mdttridlobjttt  (that  is  the  Truth  Revetted)  but  a 
 naturally  necef&ry  condition  of  botb,which  fomc  call 
 the  vinculum ;  fo  premutation  is  not  effential  to 
 Law,  nor  is  it  the  formal  objc&  of  our  obedience} 
 ( that  i$,  the  Power  of  the  Law-giver )  oor  ;bc  mate- 
 pal, 
 
Governing  by  L*m  and  judgement.      323 
 
 ial  (that  if,  the  Law  it  fclf)  but  a  nccefTiry  means 
 nd  condition  to  induce  the  Obligation  5  chc  cna<$ed 
 .aw  having  but  the  Totcntiam  &  Aptitudinem  ibli- 
 andi,  which  muft  thus  be  made  aftuaL 
 
 Thef.  286.  When  Ifay  a  Lar*  U  a  fign  of  the  £aw- 
 ivers  VfiltJ  imply  hie  under ft anting  Jignifed  alfo  :  As 
 Light jtproceedtth  from  the  Legiflaters  IntetleU^anddi 
 mpofed  jtproceedeth  from  kid  Will,  and  fo  is  to  be  re- 
 tivedby  the  Intellttt  andvtM  of the  fubjettfor  Regw 
 ttion \and  Obligation  or  Obedience* 
 
 It  ii  a  great  controverfie  whether  it  be  the  ReafoM 
 r  the  Will  as  fignified  that  informeth  Laws.  On  the 
 ne  fide  arcT.  Aquin.  Cajetan.xAlenf.  Richard.  An^ 
 mi*.  Soto,  and  many  mdfre  :  and  on  the  other  fide, 
 \tnric.  Gabr. Occam,  and  others,as  Suarez  reckoneth 
 icm ;  buc  doubtlcft  many  of  them  hold  as  he  doth, 
 id  as  the  plain  truth  is,  chat  it  is  bo  h  :  As  a  man  is 
 til  ma*  without  an  Inte/tift  andmM,  and  as  an  ad 
 f  command  is  not  human*  that  proceedcth  not  from 
 otb  ;  and  ai  the  Law  it  fclf  hatb  both  an  Informing 
 3d  Compiling  power:and  as  it  is  by  ehefubjeft  to  be 
 ceived  borb  by  the  Jntelleft  and  trill,  (o  muft  ic 
 •ocecd  from  both  in  the  Law  giver  ,add  fignifie  both  5 
 et  differently :  For  it  proximately  proccedeth  from 
 i  will,and  fignifieth  that  as  Obligatory, not  fufpend- 
 gmens  Obedience  upon  their  discerning  the  Rca- 
 inablencfi  of  the  Law,  which  is  to  be  fuppofed. 
 
 Trbef.  287.  Intbteffencepf  thtftgn  there  u  a  three* 
 
 Id Rcfpett  of  the  matter  of  the  fign.   I.  To  the  thtn£ 
 
 [ntfod.  z.  To  the  mil  of  the  Lawgiver,  i>To  the 
 
 Y  2  fubietoe 
 
324  Of  the  Soveraigns  Prerogatives  &  Power  t 
 
 fubjctts,  to  Whom  his  willisfignified.The  thing ftgnifii 
 conftjleth,  I.  Of  the  mutter,  z.  The  form  ^  that* 
 Right  or  %Duenefs. 
 
 Tbc,Law  i  r  Signifieth  the  will  of  the  Legiflator, 
 words  exprefsthe  fpeakers  mind*  And  cbercfo 
 fome  make  \jhe  will  of  the  Qovernour]  to  be  t\ 
 Genus  of  a  Law ;  and  Atfignfied,  fo  it  it :  but  not 
 exiftent  initfelf.  2.  The  Law  nafign  refpe&ingtl 
 undcrftanding  and  will  of  the  fubjeft ,  as  the  Termin 
 or  finis  eui :  It  nonfieth  to  the  fub  jed  the  Legiflaio 
 will.  3.  It  refpedeth  the  matter  fignified  *  e.g.  th 
 ChafHty,  Sobriety,  Temperance,  or  this  or  that  da 
 is  the  matter  to  which  we  are  obliged.  4.  The  Lit 
 refpc&erb  the  form  produced  by  fignification,  that  [ 
 the  Debitum  or  Right,  th\t  is  or  that  (hall  be  DsA 
 All  thcie  fignifiearions  are  efTcncial  to  a  Law  ;  fuppl 
 ling  thttas  to  the  fubjeft,  the  Aptitude  \%  enoagb,a? 
 the  Reprefenuticn,  whether  the  pcfton  receive  infi 
 mation  by  ir,  or  not. 
 
 Thcf.  288.  All  Laws  being  nottimg  elfe  but  the  H 
 frejpons  of  mother  t  Reafon  d*d  JViU,  it  is  terttin  til 
 /ubjeftsare  not  to  tfttem  themfelves  jelf  (ufficient  or  4 
 dependent,  nor  enjltved  by  being  Rptled  by  the  Red 
 and  will  of  others. 
 
 Gods  Reafon  and  will  revealed,  is  the  Univci 
 Light  and  Law  of  the  whole  world  :  TheSoverat 
 Reafon  and  will,  is  the  fubordinaic  Light  and  Law 
 chat  people  whom  he  governcib  •  arid  is  the  pub! 
 Reaonand  Will  of  the  Common-wealth :  Yet  « 
 this  two-fold  limitation.  1.  Tha;  he  have  no  poic 
 
 agaji 
 
 1 
 
Gwtrning  bj  Laws  *nd  Jdgemtnt.     3  z  J 
 
 jgainft  the  Light  and  Law  of  God.  2.  That  all  the 
 people  have  a  Reafon  and  Will  that  is  private  and 
 lerfonal,  for  the  difecrning  che-.r  Duty,  and  choofing 
 iccordingly.  Bat  doubtlcfs  Godi  appointing  that  the 
 Laws,  that  is,  the  Reafon  and  Will  of  the  Soveraign, 
 lull  rule  the  fubje&s,doth  hereby  require  much  fub- 
 nifibn  in  us,  even  16  far  as  that  we  difobey  not  his 
 
 gheft  will. 
 
 And  confeqaently,  in  many  doubtful  cafes,  the 
 Joveraign  may  be  guilty  for  ntif-commanding,  when 
 ;hc  fubjed  is  innocent  that  obcyeth  him. 
 
 Thef.  289.  It  U  no  L*w  th*t  is  not  the  effetl  of  Go- 
 verning Power,  or  thefign  of  the  Rulers  will. 
 
 Authority  is  the  efficient  caafeofLaw,  or  is  the 
 ower  of  the  efficient.  Authority  is  fomettmc  taken 
 Formcer  Intereft,  by  Wifdom*  ftrengeh,  goodnefs, 
 c£*r.  by  which  one  man  can  prevail  with  others.  This 
 is  no  Law-giving  Power.  But  the  A inherit j  that 
 muft  make  Laws  is  nothing  elfe  bat  fusregendi^z 
 Right  to  Govern, which  is  originally  and  primitively  in 
 God,  and  Derivatively  in  the  creature.  Remember 
 ftill,  that  this  is  it  that  1  mean  by  Authority,  or  Power; 
 and  no:  mccr  power  of  Intereft  by  Reputation,  ror 
 yet  meer  nature,  ftrength  or  force.  Jtu  prdcipientis, 
 the  Right  of  commanding  is  the  only  fuffici:  nt  caafe 
 of  Jm  fr€cefti%oi impofed  Right.  Yet  Jus  conceffum 
 may  arife  from  a  more  private  caafe, 
 
 Analogically  as  man  is  called  a  Governor  of  him- 
 felf ,  fo  his  will  and  word  are  called  a  Law  f  0  himfelf : 
 But  this  is  no  fuch  Law  as  we  treat  of. 
 
 If  Ljcurgus  or  any  wife  man  dr^gv  up  the  Syftem 
 Y  3  of 
 
%%6  Of  the  Severaigns  Prerogstwis  &  Power  ef 
 of  Laws  for  Governing  a  Common- wealth  ;  or  if  in 
 any  N*tion,fomc  that  hive  no  part  in  the  Sovereign- 
 ty m*y  be  the  Propofers,  thefc  are  no  Laws,  till  they 
 have  the  ft*mp  of  Sovcraign  Command.  Bat  as  a 
 Prayer  in  a  Book  is  ufually  Called  a  Prayer,  which  in- 
 deed is  no  Prayer  (for  the*4«**is  given  it  ftom  the 
 mat  ter,  which  (hoiil  J  follow  tbtform):  So  alfo  a  Loft 
 propofedlmo  L*w,  but  the  matter  of  a  L*r*  without 
 tbeform 
 
 Comraftt  arc  but  fe If  obligations ,  and  fuch  as  may 
 Oecafi  n  a  divine  or  a  publick  humane  obligation,  but 
 arc  no  proper  Laws.  But  if  any  will  call  his  buying 
 and  felling  or  any  other  CeneraA  aLrw,  as  he  hath 
 the  liberty  of  roifpeakiag,  fo  let  him  grant  us  the 
 liberty  of  more  ftrid  expre/fions.  Hence  we  fay,  thic 
 Fundamental  Conftitutions,  as  by  man,  are  by  mcer 
 ComraA,  and  sot  by  proper  Laws  of  men,  becaufe 
 they  are  antecedent  to  governing  Power,  thecaufe  of 
 Laws. 
 
 Thef.  290.  Hi*ce  arifeth  a  double  diflribution  of 
 Lws.  1. Some  Laws  are  but  O  economical  ^and  fome  art 
 Political. 
 
 The  L  uvs  of  a  Father  to  bis  children,  and  a  nailer 
 to  his  fcrvants,  arc  truly  and  properly  Laws  :  Yet, 
 
 1 ,  Thev  are  not  eminently  fuch  at  Political  Lawi  are. 
 
 2.  And  cuftom  hath  (but  cauflefly)  confined  the 
 nnme  ;o  Political  Ltrvr.  All  that  is  Ejfential  to  a  Lxy$t 
 is  found  in  LmsO  economical. 
 
 Thef.  291.    2.  Laws  are  either  Univcrfal  for  ok 
 whole  Commonwealth,  or  Local  and  particular  •,  ant 
 
 mad! 
 
Governing  hj  Laws  and  judgement.      3*7 
 
 made  either  by  the  Sovereign  Immediately \or  by  a  fub- 
 ordinate  fewer  Immediately,  and  only  mediately  by  the 
 Sovcraign. 
 
 Some  make  a  great  Queftion  of  it,  Whether  Le- 
 .giflicion  bz  not  proper  to  the  Sovcraign.    x.  Univer- 
 fal  L*ws  for  the  whole  Commonwealth  in  the  main 
 ptrci  of  Government,  muft  be  made  Immediately  by 
 the  Sovereign:  (Though  its  poffiblc,  e.  g.  a  modal 
 or  circumftantial  univerfal  Law,  as  about  Excifc , 
 Meetings  &c.  may  be  made  by  *  derived  power.  ) 
 2.  Local  and  fubordinate  Laws  may  be   made  by 
 others ;  but  only  by  a  Power  (o  Derived  from  the 
 Sup;cam  Ruler,  that  Originally  and  med  arely  they 
 are  his  Law*,  though  proximately  theirs.     That  fub- 
 jeds  may  make  fuch  Local  Statutes  by  theSoveraigns 
 .grant,  is  maintained  by  Politicians  commonly  (Bocer. 
 Camman  Be  fold,  and  abundance  more  •  )  But  ftillic 
 isbu:  by  a  Derived  Power  ^  and  it  is  but  fro  mo  do 
 ^opritjurifdiElionui  and  it  muftnot  b:  againft  the 
 Common  Laws.     So  Maiors  with  their  Corporation- 
 Burgefles  are  enabled  to  make  Corporation- Laws  : 
 And  Phyfitiam,and  other  ft u dents  in  Colledges,may 
 make  Colledge  Laws :  And  a  Gcner  a!  by  Commiiflon 
 may  make  Laws  Military  far  his  Army. 
 
 Thef.  292.  Liws  may  cMfft  in  w'itingt ,  words  , 
 cufioms  or  aBions%or  whsteW  may  truly  be  called  a  fign 
 .of  the  Rulers  will  -,  and  thej  are  not  confined  to  any  one 
 
 ]  Some  will  needs  tall  nothing  a  Law  but  whats  in 
 writing :  and  fome  will  add  cu/lom  only  :  By  which 
 
 Y  4  ** 
 
3 28  of  the  Soveraigns  Prerogatives  &  Tower  oj 
 
 the  Law  of  nature  it  fclf  it  made  no  Law.    But  ho\*f> 
 arc  Nations  Governed  that  have  no  writing?  Doub 
 Icfs  any  fignificationof  tbeSoyeraigns  will  it  Debito 
 may  be  a  Law. 
 
 Tbef.  293.  A  Commiffun  or  Precept  to  a  jingle  per  f 
 fen  or  more,  u  truly  a  Lawy  h  wing  all  that  it  ejfentia  fa 
 to  it  •  but  it  is  the  leajl  of  Laws  y  una  not  a  Law  as  th  f 
 word  is  confined  to  fuck  as  art  eminently  called  Laws 
 
 The  Command  of  a  Parent  is  an  Occonomtcal  Iaw 
 the  Commandof eScveraig*  «  a  Political  L*w.Wbtr\ 
 there  is  no  writing, this  is  cafily  perceived*  They  tak 
 the  word  \_L*w\  abufively,  too  ftridtly,  that  exclud 
 t!  ere  fmalleft  Laws  that  have  fomewbat  of  the  coin 
 mon  nature.  If  a  copamiffion  or  precept  to  a  fingl 
 perfon,  be  not  a  Law  ,  tbey  will  find  it  impoffible  t< 
 determine  juft  how  many  rouft  be  the  fubje&s  of 
 Law.  Its  not  necc  ffary  that  it  be  the  whole  Common 
 wealth.  Laws  are  oft  made  to  enable  a  particular  pe 
 fon  to  fell  his  Lands,  co  inqaturalize  biro,  &c.  I 
 doth  not  therefore  p'Qve  ic  no  Law,  becaufe  it  j 
 i  boat  but  a  fingle  perfon,  or  cafe,  or  fad. 
 
 Tbef.  294.  Laws  may  be  either  permanent  or  tera 
 porary  :  Even  that  which  is  butfer  an  hour  or  a  day 
 may  have  all  rjfential  to  a  Lawy  thongh  of  the  Lowej 
 ki*d-  M 
 
 Some  will  call  no  temporary  Precept  \a  Law  3 
 They  may  ufe  their  liberty  ,though  without  Reafon 
 It  is  not  Eflertialtoa  Law,thatit  be  for  continuance 
 If  not  for  a  thoufand  years, then  not  for  an  hundred 
 
 noi 
 
Govtrning  by  Laws  and  judgement.       329 
 
 ot  for  feven,  not  for  one,  not  for  a  day.  The  Prince 
 .  nd  Pat  lis  mens  may  make  a  Law  for  a  certain  fad  (as 
 he  beheading  of  a  Traitor ,difpo(Teffiog  the  Gorer- 
 iour  of  a  Girrifon,a  Commander  in  an  Army,  dr.) 
 vhtchma^  be  executed,  and  ended  in  an  hour,  and 
 ^et  be  a  true  Law.  And  if  the  fame  Prince  and  Par- 
 iamenc  (peak  the  word  by  way  of  Command,  it  is  as 
 TulyaLaw,  though  not  fo  eminent. 
 
 Thef.  295.  The  Jpeeifick  form  of  this  fignwhieb  we 
 call  a  Law,  tonfifteih  in  Conftitution  of  Due  :fo  that 
 a  LdVr  efentiallj  is  an  lnftrnment  of  the  Soveraignt 
 ml/h  which  the  word  [^Constitution]  dothexprtfs. 
 
 The  word  [Ldw~]  11  taken  AZivelj  or  Pajftyely  : 
 and  fo  may  the  word  [Conftitution\  accordingly. Molt 
 properly  it  is  taken  both  paffivtlj  in  refpeft  to  God 
 the  principal Canfe  :  and  Attivel)  (by  Moral  aflion) 
 as  to  the  Confti'.ution  of  Right :  It  is  fignum  Arbitrd- 
 rium,  &  IfiflruwKnttlij  non  for male  -,  and  fo  it  is  not 
 only  fignttm  theoricnm  ,fedpratlic*m.  So  that  it  is 
 iflential  ro  it  to  be  both  fignum  notificans,vet  manift- 
 ftans,  and  alfo  fconfiituens  vtt  lnftrnment  die. 
 
 Thef.  296.  This  differ encelh  d  Law  from  'Judg- 
 ment :  A  Ldw  doth  Infirument dlly  conftitute  the  Right 
 by  wdj  of  Regulation :  The  Judgement  doth  but  Deter- 
 mine of  it  when  Controverted  by  way  ofdecijion,  or  in 
 oeder  to  execution. 
 
 Thef.  297-  ^/DebituravelJus,Dueor  Right  ,£ 
 the  Common  nature  of  Mordlitj  (dire&ly :  as  injuftucn 
 indireftlj)  fo  is  it  the  effentitl  terminus  of  4  Ltw. 
 
 The 
 
i 
 
 W 
 m 
 
 i  J 
 
 33°  0/*^*  Soveraigns  Prerogatives  &  Power 
 The  very  fumm  of  Morality,  and  therefore  of  4 
 Lawfii  in  this  one  word  [Dibit***]  (to  which  [inJk 
 }>itum\  isreducedj  morecxa&Iy  expeffed  thenj 
 theufaal  Metaphors  and  Circumlocutions.  Right  ku 
 Wrong  is  the  fumme  of  alt :  which  are  thernfelves  R<,: 
 lations  rcfulting  from  the  Inftrumemal  figi ,  (To 
 wefpsaknoiof  them  as  in  the  ad*  of  raen.j 
 
 ObjcA.  Debitamconftitutum^^/  the  efeBof'f^ 
 Law,  and  therefore  not  to  be  put  in  the  Definition .  ^ 
 Anfw.l*  Tbenyouroblgdtioad  reftnm  rauft  b.jj,,: 
 left  out,  which  is  the  fame  .-For  it  is  in  x^b  igatioinjf 
 all  contained,  2.  As  if  the  Termini  mutt,  not  entei^ 
 the  Definition  of  a  Relation!  Or  as  if  [the  Law"Jo 
 mull  not  be  put  into 'the  definition  of  Legifldtion  y, 
 nor  a  Son  be  in  the  Definition  of  hnmane  generation  { 
 not  the  Creature  be  in  the  Definition  of  Creation  -,  not 
 health  in  the  Definition  of  Healing*,  becanfe  they 
 •re  all  effc  As !  This  is  new  Logic  ^  to  make  new  Poli- 
 tick*. Debitum'w  the  Produft  and  Terminus  of  Law 
 and  raaft  be  in  in  Definition. 
 
 mi 
 iro 
 
 k 
 
 w 
 ■to 
 
 Thef.  298.  The  common  wjrd  [Obligation]  Uf^ 
 
 tolerable  ffibftitHte  ef\Confiitution  ef  Due]  which  1 
 
 willinglj  ufe, but  choofe  the  other  in  a  Definition  rather  ± 
 
 I .  becanfe  Obligation  is  but  a  Metaphor.    2.  And  de- 
 
 fcBive  of  fit  ixpr  effing  the  whole  effential  Act  of  Laws. 
 
 1 '.  Metaphors  may  be  ufed  in  cafes  of  Neccffitytor 
 for  Ornament :  but  not  in  Definitions  without  Nc- 
 ceffity. 
 
 2.  I  conceive  it  defe&ive.  i.becaufe  obligor*  ad 
 fosnani}  is  an  unmeet  or  harfti  cxpreffion*  It  is  not 
 *df&utminferendam :  for  that  were  but  to  oblige  to 
 
 Dfitji 
 
Givtrning  by  Laws  and  ^udgtmtnt.      331 
 
 mi :  but  ok  poenamferendam.  And  [}o  bind  a  man 
 fuffer~]  is  nothing  To  fit  in  exprcflfijn  as  ce  make 
 due  te  him. 
 
 2.  Becanfe  there  are  many  proper  Laws  that  con- 
 fute the  ?ut  habendi  vel  ptffldendi,  and  do  not  pro- 
 riy*4/*£tatall,  etcher  adebedientiam,  aut  ad  pa- 
 p*,  (unlefa  by  fomc  other  conjunA  a&  or  part) 
 So  God  did  divide  the  Inheritance  of  tbc  Tribes 
 1  lfrael  by  Law ;  and  Laws  of  Poffcfsion  in  a  new 
 ian:ationf  are  ordinary  1  which  confticute  only  (by 
 lis  aft )  the  Debitum  habendi,  or  give  Right  to  fach 
 id  fach  Land ,  bnt  oblige  not  ad obediential,  aut  ad 
 v*am ,  by  this  a  A. 
 Ob jeft.  Thefe  Law  do  alfo  conjiitute  the  Jus  noo 
 uferendi ,  andfo  oblige.     Anfw.i.    Thatsdoneby 
 not  her  Law  againtt  Theft,  which  was  pre-exiftent 
 t  concomitant*   2.  If  foch  an  ad  were  found  in  this* 
 bats  nothing  to  the  Queftioo.  The  Qoeftion  ii,Whc- 
 her  thi  ail  of  the  Lawgiver  conftituting  metrly  the  Jus 
 labendi  bj  a  Attribution ,  or/etling  divift<m%  be  not  * 
 Law  ? 
 
 2.  Is  not  Lex  pramians,  as  foch,  a  Law?  As  if  a 
 King  make  a  Law  that  every  man  that  difcovereth 
 my  new  art,  or  Engine  for  the  Common  good  ,  at 
 Waterworks,  Military  Engines,  &c.  or  doth  any  no» 
 :ab!e  ad  againft  the  enemy  (bribe  Commonwealth, 
 (hall  be  made  a  Knight  or  Lord,  or  be  thus  or  thus 
 rewarded. 
 
 Obje&.  Thefe  bind  himfelf  to  give,  and  are  but  pub- 
 Ike  Promifee.  Anfw.hut  they  bind  not  the  Subjed  to 
 obey  or  fuffer :  They  only  conft itote  the  Debitum  pra- 
 »;;and  fuch  pMik?  Premifes  being  made  by  a  Legif- 
 lator  for  the  Common  good  fire  properly  fnblikf  Laws. 
 
 The 
 
33  *  of  the  Sovtraigns  Prerogatives  &  Power  of 
 
 The  lame  I  fay  of  abundance  of  Priviledges  ^  As  if 
 there  be  a  Lit*  chat  be  that  hath  fcrved  fo  long  in  the 
 Wars,  (hall  have  fuch  Priviledges  in  che  Common- 
 wealth: He  chat  hath  ferved  feven  years  Appren- 
 tiftiip,  (hill  be  free  to  fet  op  the  Trade;  He  that  it 
 of  fo  long  (landing  in  the  Univerfiey,  and  Learned, 
 fliallbcfrce  toprofefs  Law,  Phyfick,  &c  He  that 
 hath  fo  many  children,  (hall  be  exempt  from  Tax* 
 €S\&c.  Thefc  oblige  not  at  all,  either  to  duty  or  pu- 
 nifhmenr ;  but  conftitutc the jHthabrndi  only, though 
 confcquentially,or  by  other  aftt,theSubjc&$  be  obli- 
 ged not  to  difturb  them  in  their  juft  p^ffeflions. 
 And  fuch  afts  as  tbefel  think  are  the  [  Permijfton\ 
 that  is  commonly  faid  to  be  an  ad  of  a  Law  •  For  if  a 
 CV*ff^*  be  not  meant  by  a  Permflion^xi  will  prove 
 no  aA  orXaw,  but  the  Negation  of  an  Aft,  asffro- 
 tim9  $u*rez>  and  others  truly  Note.  But  certainly 
 Permijfitn  is  not  Obligation. 
 
 Such  alfo  are*thc  Laws  for  Naturalizing,  enfran- 
 chifing,eH. 
 
 And  it  is  no  wonder  if  fome  Politicians  know  not 
 where  to  place  Priviledges  and  ads  of  grace,  when 
 they  have  tbruft  them  in  jurioufly  out  of  the  number 
 of  Laws,  by  confining  the  word  to  the  eminent  fort 
 of  Laws. 
 
 Nay  in  fome  cafes,  (as  in  the  firft  Dividing  of 
 Countries^  in  4  General  *fl  of  Oblivion  after  a  civil 
 War,  &c .)  I  think  that  may  be  *  mejl  eminent  L*wy 
 thu  neither  ob  igetn  ai  obed>entUm%  ant  ad  paenam% 
 bat  only  conftuatcth  the  Debit urn  babendi 
 
 Bu  it  is  objofted  that  tcontradtft  the  Scripture  that 
 exclude  b  all  w>rkj  of  fnpererogntion,  &c.  Anfyp. 
 i .  I  coucradict  it  not ;  for  I  affert  npon  fuch  towards 
 
 God: 
 
Geverningby  Laws  And judgement.      333 
 
 God  :  but  there  may  be  fuch  towards  men.  2.  Buc 
 what  though  the  work  be  not  commanded  by  a  Law; 
 may  not  the  fus  habendi  be  confUtuted  by  a  Law  ? 
 
 3.  Yea  moreover  in  the  fame  Laws  that  do  com- 
 mand Dnty  ,  and  fecond  it  with  a  premiant  Sandion, 
 the  premiant  ads  is  part  of  the  Law  :  And  premiaro  as 
 well  as  punWe  is  commonly  called  an  ad  of  a  Law. 
 
 Pot  (  faitb  the  Ob  jedor  )  A  Benefit  u  theatt  of 4 
 Bfnefattor  as  fuch,  and  not  of*Legifl*tor. 
 
 tsfnfw.  And  fo  beating  and  killing  in  Revenge,  is 
 the  ad  of  a  Revenger  as  fuch.  But  yet  as  it  is  pare  of 
 the  fandion  of  the  Law,  you  confefs  that  obligate  ad 
 pcenam  is  an  ad  of  Law.  And  you  can  give  no  Rca- 
 Jon,  why  the  prewar  parr,  as  well  as  the  Commina- 
 torjy  is  not  a  proper  ad  of  Law  ^  and  why  the  making 
 &  Reward  for  Obedience,  is  not  an  ad  of  Law  as  welt 
 as  making  /ujferingDuefor  Difobedience.Tht  fame  mao 
 that  is  a  Benefaftor,  is  a  Prince:  And  as  a  Benefit,  ic 
 proceedeth  from  him  as  a  Bencfaftor  •  Bit  aiconfli* 
 tuted  Due  by  a  Law- giver  for  the  ends  of  the  Lar*y  fo  it 
 is  a  effed  of  Law. 
 
 It  is  added  by  the  Objedor  ["  //  any  by  giving  4 
 Benefit  dotb  conftituere  Jus  publicum,  then  he  doth  this 
 as  Legislator  %  and  the  Snbjcft  is  bound  obfervarejus 
 a  Legiflatorc  conftitutum,  non  heneficium,  quatenus 
 i  Bcnefadorc  Collatum.  3  Anf*.  1 . 1  (hall  yet  be- 
 lieve cbac  a  publicly  Law  may  give  many  per  fetal  Re- 
 wards asaLaft ,  that  are  all  tgrminative  private. 
 2.  If  it  be  buc  a  fuj  habendi  that  is  conflicted,  it  is 
 do  Obligation  to  obedience  or  punifiment  (though  fuch 
 ads  may  be  concomitant. ) 
 
 I  inftance  in  Gods  own  mod  excellent  Law  of 
 Cracc^whcnCi^y?  and  lift  eternal  are  given  by  a  Pr#- 
 
 mifi9 
 
334  Of  the  Soveraigm  Prerogatives  &  Ptwcr  Oj 
 
 ntife,  which  yet  if  truly  *  Law,  and  will  be  the  Rule  0} 
 Judgement.  To  this  is  anfwered,tbat  [  To  give  Chrift 
 was  to  give  a  Benefit,  and  a  Law-giver, not  4  Lato  :  ond 
 to  make  a  grant  of  Eternal  life  with  a  precept  of  faith 
 as  a  Conditioners  to  give  a  Law,  and  not  a  meet  bene- 
 fit] To  which  I  reply.  To  give  Chrift  to  the  world 
 in  his  Incarnation, was  to  give  a  Benefit  abfolutely  ^nd 
 not  a  Law(  who  dreamt  of  chat  ?  )  To  give  Chrift  to 
 particular  fouls  for  tkeifynJHfication  and  falvaiion  on 
 condition  of  Faith,  and  to  give  Heaven  on  conditi- 
 on alfo  of  perfevering  obedience,  is  an  ad  of  Law, 
 though  a  Gracious  Law*  And  it  is  not  only  the  Obli- 
 gation to  believe  1  hat  is  an  aft  of  Law  ,  but  alfo  the 
 Conftitution  of  the  fus  habendi  or  Dcbitum  pramij- 
 
 But  all  this  I  fpeak  with  fubmiffion  to  better  Judg- 
 ments about  Laws. 
 
 Thcf»299  TbeDutthai  is  cenfthuted  by  Law  is 
 twofoldi  I .  What  fhjtUbt  the  fubjeds  duty,  that  is,  the 
 Dcbitum  officij.  a.  what  firilbeDtxc  to  him  upon 
 obeying  or  difobeying,  or  othertvife  yfor  the  ends  of  the 
 Law, that h ,the Debitum praccoij  vel  pcenar •,  or  the 
 Jus  habendi  vel  ferendi. 
 
 The  firft  aft  of  moft  publick  Laws  in  order, is  the 
 conftituting  (primarily,  or  by  confirmation)  the 
 Right  of  poffeffiom  as  Antecedent  to  obedience  or 
 
 difobedience  :  The  next  \$de  officii*  in  the  Precepts 
 and  prohibitions.  The  laft  is  de  pcenis  & pramiis,  an- 
 nexed to  the  fecond  for  the  promoting  of  obedi- 
 ence. 
 
 Thef.  3  00.  Lafitr,  it  is  only  the  Debitum  fubdito- 
 
 rum 
 
 9f  \m 
 
 of 
 
Governing  by  Laws  dnitfudgetntnt.    335 
 
 rnm  as  fttch ,  that  is  confiitutei  by  a  Law  ^  andfo  it  U 
 hiftingui fted from  Rulers  alls  about  tbiir  own  or  alien* 
 duty. 
 
 Ir  is  no  proper  Law  by  which  any  Soveraign  binds 
 bimfeif,  unlcfs  he  have  alfo  a  private  or  Inferiour  ca- 
 pacity* To  hirafelf  ir  may  be  a  Promife  or  Cove- 
 nant •  but  to  himfelf  as  Soveraign  it  can  be  no  Law  : 
 God  binds  hicn  to  keep  his  Covenants :  and  he  binds 
 his  Subjeds  to  their  dories.  His  Commands  alfo  to 
 men  of  another  Land ,  chat  are  no  Subjeds,  arc  no 
 Laws. 
 
 Thef.  301.  The  will  of  the  Lawgiver  doth  alwayts 
 attain  its  neareft  tni^  which  is,  To  oblige,  or  fomake 
 Due^  fat  its  ultimate  ends  depending  %on  the  Subjects 
 wiS,  are  often  frujlrate. 
 
 To  make  this  or  that  a  Dtuy%  is  his  work,  to  which 
 his  Law  is  prcfently  effedual ;  but  to  perform  that 
 Da  t  y ,  is  the  Subjeds  work  •  and  the  beft  Laws  of  the 
 wifeit  Lawgiver  may  be  broken:  yet  muft  he  en- 
 deavour fo  to  compote  bis  Law  as  may  amend  or 
 rcftrain  the  Subjeds:  for  they  are  not  only  Direding 
 Rule%  but  compuifivc  for  obedience. 
 
 Thef.302.I4w  are  the  RuleofDnt]&  of  Judgment. 
 
 Juftice  wilLpnnifli  bat  by  the  Law  that  is  violated : 
 ItmuftbeaRuleefLife,beforewecan  be  judged  by 
 it.  Its  the  Judges  Rule  too  ,  though  in  a  different 
 fort,  when  the  Lawgiver  hirafelf  is  Judge,  of  which 
 mgr$  afterwards* 
 
 Thef.30j. 
 
33$  of  the  S$vemgns  Prerogatives  &  Power  of 
 
 Thef  303.  As  the  Soveraign  Power  maketh  Laws, 
 fo  may  it  Abrogate  ^or  con eft  thofe  Layps. 
 
 Queft.  what  if  a  Soveraign  make  a  Law  for  per- 
 petuity,  and  call  it  fundamental,  may  his  Suecefour 
 change  it?  Anfa.  K%  \  L&w,  tftey  arc  not  obliged 
 by  it  from  a  change,  bat  have  the  fame  Power  to  al- 
 ter it  as  be  bad  to  make  it.  But  yet  bis  Promife  ex* 
 prefled  in  that  Liw,or  hisConfent,  may  oblige  his 
 ^uccefTors ,  if  they  fucceed  upon  his  terms,  before  a 
 Change  in  the  Confticution  •  if  he  pals  a  Law  of 
 great  neceffity  for  the  Publike  good  ,  and  oblige 
 bimfelf  and  pofterity  not  to  change  ic,  his  Covenant 
 obligcth  him  and  them.  If  the  Subjeft*  Covenant 
 muft  oblige  their  Poller  it  y,  the  Princes  mult  alfo  bind 
 bis  Succcffors. 
 
 Q^jcft.  But  where  the  Soveraignty  is  in  Prince  and 
 Parliament \may  they  not  change  a  Law  which  a  former 
 Prince  and  Parliament  obliged  Pojferity  not  to  change  f 
 Anfw.  If  it  be  a  Parliament  tbat  hath  meerly  a  pare 
 in  the  Supremacy,  they  may  not ;  becaufe  their  Pre- 
 deceflors  Covenants  bind  them  till  God  or  the  Peo- 
 ple ( to  whom  they  are  bound  )  (hall  difoblige  them. 
 But  if  it  be  a  Parliament  that  alfo  Reprefenteth  the 
 People,  and  is  thereby  enabled  to  aft  in  fuch  cafes  on 
 their  behalf,  then  they  may  change  any  Laws  or 
 Contrads,  (  except  when  a  Divine  Obligation  dotb 
 prohtbite  )  Becaufe  the  people  can  acquit  the  Prince 
 of  his  promifes  to  them ,  and  he  can  difcharge  them 
 of  theirs  to  him.  But  when  any  Law  appearctbto 
 be  inconfiftent  with  the  Laws  of  God,  or  End  of 
 Government ,   God  faimfelf  then  doth  diffolve  it  by 
 
 hif 
 
Ceverning  by  Laws  And  Judgement.       337 
 
 bis  diffcnt  i  without  whom  it  can  be  of  no  true  Air 
 thoricy. 
 
 Thcf.  3  04.  It  belongeth  to  the  S 'over sign  Power  u 
 ma\ta  fitted  univerfaBy-obUging  Interpretation  if  the 
 Laws. 
 
 Jadgi!  make  pauicuiar  Interpretations,  id  order 
 to  theDrciiionof  particular  cafes.  Bat  to  make  ah 
 Interpretation  which  (hall  be  the  Gated  fenfe  of  the 
 Law ,  obliging  the  fnbje&s  at  fubje&s  univer  fally,  or 
 per  modum  Legis,  Regt*Urlj>  this  none  bat  the  Law- 
 givers tbemfelve*  can  do. 
 
 Thef.  3 05.  It  beUngeth  to  ths  Soversig*  to  difpence 
 with  PenU  Laws,  by  pardening  offence 1  :  and  alf*  to 
 difpence  with  Pofitive  L*w$  about  Dnty%  when  the  End 
 and  Reafon  of  the  Law  reejnireth  it :  Becrtfe  hit  Laws 
 are  to  bindtbejnbjett,  and  not  him  ft  If, 
 
 TheLw-giverti  above  the  Law;  yet  not  fo  that 
 he  may  difpence  with  it  at  bis  pleafnre,  bec&ofe  he  is 
 not  above  the  End  of  Laws.  The  Law  is  but  the  wii 
 6/  the  Lawgiver  fignified  :  If  he  have  power  of  his 
 own  will ,  he  hatb  power  of  bis  Laws.  He  may  not 
 alwaies  revoke  the  Decrees  of  his  own  will.bm  thai'* 
 by  accident.  It  bath  ever  belonged  to  the  Soveraign 
 to  grant  a  pardon,  even  for  Life  :  And  this  is  to  Re- 
 lax the  Law  :  and  to  Difpence  with  it  as  Penal.  If 
 Soveraigns  are  limited  from  pardoning  in  cerrain 
 cafes ,  that  is  btcaufe  thofe  cafes  are  exempted  from 
 
 2  tbe'if 
 
3380/  the  Sovereigns  Prerogatives  &  Power  of 
 
 their  Power,  and  fo  their  Soveraignty  extends  not  to 
 them :  None  but  God  is  an  Abfolute  Soveraign : 
 Man  is  but  Analogically  called  fo,  in  refped  to  God : 
 And  therefore  where  he  is  limited ,  bis  Power 
 fitiletb. 
 
 Penal  Laws  do  makje  the  Penalty  Due  to  the  offen- 
 dor  •,  but  do  not  bind  the  Law-giver  to  inflid  that 
 penalty  dire&ly  :  but  yet  a  fine%  &c.he  may  be  ob- 
 liged. 
 
 Thef.  306.  A  Law  being  the  Infirument  of  Go- 
 vernment ,  and  the  Rule  of  Duty  and  Judgement,  the 
 Laft  giver  bj  making  it  doth  oblige  himfelfe%  ordinarily 
 to  Govern  by  it ;  So  that  he  is  engaged  in  foint  of  Pru- 
 dence and  Fidelity •,  for  his  Honour ,  and  for  the  Common 
 good, not  rafhly  to  pardon  crimes, nor  difpence  with  Laws, 
 butftill  upon  grounds  of  fecuritj  as  to  their  ends. 
 
 He  that  makes  an  houfc,doth  not  fay  exprefly,  that 
 it  (hill  be  inhabited  :  but  interpretatively  be  doth : 
 For  being  a  wife  man,  icisfuppofedebat  helabour- 
 rth  not  in  vain,  nor  ufech  a  means  when  he  intended 
 not  the  end  •,  which  is  indeed  not  to  ufe  it  as  a  means. 
 He  that  maketb  aLaw^doth  interpretatively  fay,  By 
 this  I  veill govern :  And  therefore  be  doth  in  prudence 
 and  fidelity  oblige  bimfelf  to  Govern  by  it,and  not  to 
 difpence  wi;h  it,  but  feldom,and  upon  weighty  caufe, 
 and  alwaics  with  a  fufficient  (alvo  as  to  the  end  of  the 
 Law  and  Government. 
 
 Thef.  3  07.  He  that  difpenceth  with  a  L*w  upon  jufi 
 eccafion ,  doth  not  thereby  become  a  Lyar  \  nor  m*k*  the 
 Law  fpe*k.f*tfelj  :  beCaufe  it  fpeaketh  but  de  De- 
 
 bito 
 
Governing  by  Laws  and  judgement.      339 
 bitOj  and  not  direttly  de  Eventu,    as  it  is  a  Laic* 
 
 1.  A  claufe  may  be  jnned  to  a  Law  that  fpeaketh 
 de  Eventual  well  *%ce  Debit*  ^  and  then  the  veracity 
 of  the  Speaker  lieth  on  the  fulfilling  ofir.  2.  As  was 
 laft  faid,  imerpretarively  tbc  Governoar  intimatetb 
 that  ordinarily  be  will  Govern  by  ir.  3.  Bat  yet  & 
 Law  ai  a  Law  doth  not  fpeak  dire&Iy  de  Eventuy  noc 
 engage  the  Govcrnour  in  point  of  Veracity  alway  to 
 fulfiil  ir.  As  for  inftance  :  The  L8W  that  faith,  [Re 
 that  committeth  Treafon^  Felony,  8cc,  jhallbe  pnt  to 
 death :~]  doth  not  mean  de  eventu ,  that  it  (hall  fo 
 came  to  faff-:  but  doth  only  far,  [Death  (ball  be  his 
 Due :  and  all  fudges  [hall  proceed  According  to  this  Rule 
 in  admimflring  fuftice,  till  it  be  dijpenced  with^So  that 
 if  a  Traytor  be  pardoned,  the  Prince  or  Parliament 
 are  not  therefore  Lyars ,  much  lefs  effenders  againft 
 that  Law ;  For  as  they  did  conftituce  this  Due  Jo  Due 
 it  is-  and  the  Law  is  verified:  And  as  tbey  obliged 
 Judges  andMagiftratestoadminifter  Jufticc  accord- 
 ing to  this  Rule,  fo  are  they  obliged  ,  till  they  that 
 have  power  difobiige  them. 
 
 Thef.  3  o  8 .  A%  no  Lawgiver  can  dif pence  with  Gods 
 Laws, nor  with  the  necefary  means  of  the  common  fafetyi 
 fo  neither  m*y  he  difpence  with  his  own  Covenants ,  nor 
 deprive  anfeaufele fly  of  their  Rights  nor  ordinarily  cr 
 caufelefly  dtf pence  with  his  own  Laws  nor  when  the  ends 
 ef  Government  forbid  it. 
 
 Here  are  mtny  cafes  in  which  a  Ruler  may  not  dif- 
 pence. 1.  He  may  not  difpercc  with  Gods  Laws, 
 becaufe  he  hath  no  Authority  thereto.   2.  The  com* 
 
 %  i  moti 
 
34°  Of  the  Soveraigns  Prerogatives  &  Power  of 
 
 mon  Good  he  may  not  overthrow,  becaufcit  if  alfo 
 above  and  contrary  to  his  Authority,  3 .  His  Cove- 
 nants he  is  bound  to  obey  in  point  of  fidelity,to  which 
 he  is  obliged  by  the  Law  of  God.  4  He  cannot  cake 
 •way  any  mans  Right  from  him :  for  that  were  in* 
 jufticc  and  injury  to  the  pcrfon  :  And  therefore  he 
 cannot  Difpcnce  with  a  Donation  or  full  promifc,  as 
 he  can  with  a  Penal  Law,  A  Pollicitation  may  be  re- 
 voked :  for  it  doth  but  exprefs  a  Purpofc  to  Give 
 fuch  or  fuch  a  Benefit ,  and  doth  not  live  it :  And  a 
 man  upon  fufficicm  caufe,  may  change  his  Purpofes : 
 Bat  a  f  /Ipromifei*  of  the  nature  of  a  Donatio*  \  and 
 alienatech  the  Righr,  orobligeth  in  point  of  fidelity 
 to  do  it.  Grorius de'jnre  Belli,  /.  2.  r.  I  I . [eft.  2,  ? ,4. 
 dtftingaifhetb,  1.  Inter  ajferticnem  explicantem  ani- 
 mum  de  futuro  qui  nunc  efl.  2.  Et  pollicitationem. 
 3.  Et  pranifiionem  perfect  am  qud  JHsproprium  alter* 
 tonfert.  Tbc  firft  obligeth  no  man  further  then  as  he 
 isboundtoconftancy.  Thefecondmay  bind  him  in 
 point  of  mecr  Fidelity  or  Veracity  •  The  third  bindeth 
 in  point  of  Juftice,  and  allows  a  man  an  A&ion,  as 
 for  his  Right.  Sec  alfo  Grotius  dfjtireT!eBi9li.i.c.  3. 
 /f#.7 .7.61,62.  5.  The  Soveraignmsy  not  ordina- 
 rily (for the  Reafons,  The/.  304.)  difpence  with  his 
 own  Laws  •,  but  that  is  not  for  wane  of  Po-#er ,  but 
 becaufe  Prudence  doth  prohibit  him.  6.  Unlets  the 
 common  fafecy  would  be  overthrown  by  the  Relaxa- 
 tion, and  then  be  hath  not  Twrr  to  that. 
 
 Thef.  309.  It  behngexh  to  the  Soveraign  to  grant 
 cpriviledgts  j  which  he  may  rever/e^  unle/s  he  have  ex- 
 pre  fly  or  implicitly  di/abled  him/elf thereto. 
 
 When 
 
Gwcrnhg  b)  Laws  and  judgement.    3  4  £ 
 
 When  the  reafon  ceafetb,  he  may  withdraw  the' 
 Priviledge  t  unlcfs  he  be  reftraincd  by  prom^fe,  plena- 
 ry  grant,  or  otberwife ,    of  which  Politicians  com- 
 monly treat. 
 
 Thef.  310  To  blot  out  in} 'amies  (as  in  cafe  cfba- 
 ftardj)  ani  aperireafyla,  and  other  inferiour  Jara  Ma- 
 jcftatis,  are  reducible  to  the  greater ,  and  need  not  be 
 enumerated. 
 
 Its  eafier  to  8grec  of  the  nnmber  £$  well  as  nature, 
 in  Generals,  then  in  particular :  And  its  as  found  in 
 the  General,  that  the  Particulars  may  beft  be  judg- 
 ed of, 
 
 Thef.  311.  2.  ts4s  the  Tomer  of  making  Laws  is 
 the  fir  ft  and  mofi  eminent  part  rf  Sovereignty  -y  fo  the 
 Power  of  appointing  all  Inferiour  Afagiftrates  is  the  fc- 
 cond  :  there  being  no  Governing  Power  in  the  Common^ 
 wealth,  bat  what  is  derived  from  the  Soveraign. 
 
 AsSovcrisgrscan  hate  no  Powtr  but  from  God, 
 fo  Magiftrates  can  have  none  but  from  the  Soveraign- 
 We  here  take  the  name  ^Magifirate^  ftriftly  for  an 
 Officer  to  execute  Laws,  and  r«ot  laxly  as  it  alfo  com- 
 prehended the  Soveraign.  The  People  in  a  Corpora- 
 tion may  choofc  cbeir  Magiftrates ,  but  it  is  the  Princes 
 (or  whoever  is  Soveraign's)  Charter  that  giveth 
 him  the  Power,  If  the  Souldiers  might  choofc  their 
 Captains,  yet  their  Power  is/rom  the  General.  Choice 
 (as  I  have  aforefaid  )  may  determine  of  the  perfon 
 that  (hall  receive  the  Power  from  the  Soveraign. 
 
 Z  3  But 
 
34*  Of  the  Saver  aigns  Preventives  &  Power  ef 
 But  the  great  Officers  he  ufually  choofcth  him- 
 fclf. 
 
 Thef.  312.  It  is  a  matter  of  exceeding  moment  to  the 
 
 fafetj  and  welfare  iff  the  Peopl^  that  Infsriour  Magi- 
 fir  ates  be  men  fearing  Cjody  Prudent,  juft,  of  public^ 
 fpiritt,  and  conragious,  hating  impiety \vice  and  all in- 
 yjftice  :  And  therefore  next  to  the  making  of  Good  Laros^ 
 it  is  the  Sovereigns  principal  worl^  to  be  exceeding  care- 
 full  of  his  choice  of  Officers ,  and  to  keop  out  infinuating 
 Unworthy  men. 
 
 If  we  have  a  juft  and  pious  Sorcraign ,  and  have 
 impious  unrighteous  Judges  or  Juftices,  &c.  the  peo- 
 ple may  groan  and  languifli  in  continual  oppreffion 
 and  mifery.Dead  Laws  willnot  prcferve  them  againft 
 Living  Wolves  and  Foxes.  Poverty,  and  diftance, 
 and  fnendlefnefs  dothdhially  difable  the  poor  oppref- 
 fedpeope  toprofepate  an  Appeal  to  an  higher  Tri- 
 bunal From  whence  it  comes  to  pafs  that  Laws 
 themfelvesgrowddions ;  and  poor  men  think  it  is 
 at  any  time  better,  if  a  Rich  man  do  but  demand  of 
 them  half  their  cftates,  to  let  him  take  it,  rather  then 
 by  feeking  to  prefcrve  it  at  Law,  to  lofe  all.  All  vice 
 will  flounfh  under  impious  Magiftrates  :  Piety  and 
 honefty  wil  be  mens  outward  calamity.  If  Soveraigns 
 look  not  exceeding  ftri&ly  to  tb^ir  Officers*,  the  peo- 
 ple will  be  unhappy :  And  difcontents  will  be  raifed 
 againft  the  Government  :  and  the  peop'e  will  eafily 
 think  that  the  Sovcraign  choofeth  fuch  as  bimfelf,  or 
 as  are  moll:  agreeable  to  his  mind  :  And  when  once 
 the  Soveraign  is  brought  into  a  common  diftaftc  with 
 toe  people,  the  Common-wealth  it  fick  of  Aicb  an 
 
 Head- 
 
Governing  by  Laws  and  judgement.      5  43 
 
 Head-akeas  threatneth  fomc  worfedifeafc.  Nothing 
 Jcarce  ever  loft  Princcf  more  then  irapiouSjflatcering, 
 unrighteous  Officers.  And  fear ce' any  thing  doth 
 more  ingratiate  a  Prince  with  the  People,  then  to  find 
 that  he  lets  faithful  Magiftrates  over  them  ;  and  alio 
 to  hear  that  he  er.quireth  after*,  andfevercly  puniih- 
 ecb  the  un juft ;  This  greatly  endcareth  him  to  the 
 people. 
 
 Tbef.  3 1  j.  Princes  fhauld be  very  circumfpeSi  and 
 [ollicitous  to  find  cm  theworthieft  perfomin  the  Land% 
 and  advance  them  to  Jlfagiftracy  and  Trnflyand  torefift 
 fuck  a*  by  flattery y  ncarnefs,  friends \  or  bribery,  jeek^ 
 advancement. 
 
 With  raoft  Princes  few  have  Honour  and  Power 
 but  tbofe  that  feek  it ,  and  ambitioufly  turn  every 
 ftone  to  attain  it :  And  few  that  are  Ambitious  of  it 
 and  feek  it ,  are  werthy  of  it  :  And  confequcwly 
 few  worthy  perfons  are  in  Power  ,  in  companfon  of 
 what  might  be,  if  Princes  did  their  duty.  As  the  Chri- 
 ftiaas  were  wont  to  repcll  the  feekers  of  the  Paftoral 
 office,  and  to  feek  after  them  that  hid  rberafelves  or 
 fled  from  it ,  foroewhac  of  thi«  is  imitablc  by  Princes 
 in  the  choice  of  Magiftrates.  Firft  they  rooft  be  fare 
 to  cboofe  fuch  as  are  moft  worthy  :  and  next,  fuch 
 as  are  not  unacceptable  to  the  people  \  that  is,  to  the 
 generality  of  good  and  fobcr  men  ^  For  the  impious 
 and  vicious  would  have  Governors  like  them,  that 
 will  deftroy  the  common  good. 
 
 Tbef.  3  14.  The  Soveraign  hath  Power  to  be  Judge 
 
 in  hk  omn  canfc  7  Ordinarily ,  as  having  no  fuperiour 
 
 2  4  ]»ke  i 
 
344.  Of  thtSowfMgns  Prerogatives  &  Power  of 
 
 judge  -,  fo  the  controverjie  be  not  -with  the  bedj  §f  the 
 people^  about  the  very  ends  of  Government. 
 
 1 . 1  here  determine  not  this  laft  excepted  cafe,  be- 
 caufc  1  leave  it  to  the  next  Chapter.  2  An  inferiour 
 Judge  may  judge  in  his  own  caufe,  if  iucb  Power  be 
 derived  to  him.  But  it  is  not  fit  that  ufually  it  (houl4 
 be fo,  if  it  be  perfona!  and  prof  erly  his  own.  3 .  The 
 prince  may  depute  another  co  be  Judge  in  bis  caufe, 
 and  fomecimc  Prudence  may  (ell  him  it  is  bed  to  avoid 
 cenfures :  Sut  the  Power  is  in  himfclf. 
 
 Tb^r.  3 1 5 .  It  helongeth  to  the  Soveraign  H  be  Judge 
 of  all  inferionr  fudges. 
 
 No  fnbjcd,  and  therefore  no  Judge ,  is  exempted 
 from  the  Sovcraigns  Judgement  :  Suppofing  ftill 
 that  it  is  by  a  civil  Judgement  proper  to  himfelf  that 
 he  judgeth,  and  not  by  Ecclefiaftical  cenfure :  There 
 he  may  command  the  Church  to  do  that  which  he 
 may  not  do  himfclf. 
 
 Tbcf.  316.  The  lap  Appeal  u  to  the  Soveraignt 
 Judgement,  and  his  [entente  is  final  j  fo  that  from  hp* 
 there  is  no  Appeal  but  unto  God. 
 
 [know  that  no  Sentence  is  abfolutely  final  but 
 Gods :  and  that  the  Judgement  of  men  is  of  fmall 
 moment,  if  it  be  not  the  Judgement  of  God  by  them. 
 The  Judge  of  all  the  world  is  at  the  door.  The  judge- 
 ments of  the  Princes  of  the  earth  (hall  be  there 
 Judge!  Thats  the  day  that  turns  the  fcalestoan 
 S^rlafHng  Happiqefs  or  mifery.     It  is  the  Joy 
 
 of 
 
Governing  bj  Laws  and  judgement  ^      34$ 
 
 of  Believers,  that  under  all  the  oppreffions  of  the 
 unjufc,  and  tbe  perfections  of  tbe  Malignant,  tbey 
 bkve  room  for  an  Appeal  to  the  Barr  of  God,  where 
 no  in  juftice  (hail  find  place.    But  till  then  there  is  bo 
 removing  of  our  Caufctoan  higher  Court  then  that 
 where  the  Soveraign  power  is  the  Judge.    Though  it 
 is  nor  meet  for  Princes  to  allow  Appeals  to  themfclves 
 too  commonly  ,  yet  (hould  they  do  their  mmoft  to 
 relieve  oppreffed  innocency.     Of  the  controvcrfies 
 about  tbe  Soveraigns  Judgement,!  have  fpoke  in  pare 
 before.   As  we  muft  reverence  the  fentence  of  thefc 
 earthly  Judges,  becaufe  they  are  Commifsioned  by 
 tbe  Lord,  and  the  Judgement  is  his,  who  bath  promi- 
 fed  to  be  with  them  in  bis  work :  So  muft  we  be  com- 
 fortably patient  under  all  tbofe  injuries  from  men, 
 which  temporal  judgements  will  hoc,  or  cannot  right 
 us  againft  ,  becaufe  that  we  arc  the  fubje &%  of  the 
 Heavenly  King  ,  and  that  tbe  Judge  of  all  tbe  world 
 willdorighccoufly,  and  that  we  are  near,  yea  very 
 near  tbe  day,  when  all  will  be  fet  ftraigbt,  and  tbe  in- 
 jured (hall  have  full  relief :  and  they  that  have  cryed 
 day  and  night  to  God  for  help  and  Juftice,  (hall  find 
 that  he  will  avenge  them  fpeedily  ;  and  the  expefta* 
 tion  of  tbe  righteous  (hall  not  be  in  rain,  nor  will 
 their  Reck,  their  King,  their  Father  fail  them. 
 
 Chap. 
 
$46  Of  due  Ohdience  to  Rulers > 
 
 Chap.  12. 
 
 Of  due  Obedience  to  Rulers,  and  of 
 Refinance. 
 
 Tbef.  3  fj.  T  Tis  the  Command  of  God  the  universal 
 JL  Sovereign  r  that  every  ;oal  bt  fub tit  te 
 the  higher  Powers,  and  refift  t^em  not  •  and  this  not  only 
 for  fear  of  pumfynem,  bntfor  conference  (ake^  Rom. 
 13. 1  .to  7.   Tit.  3.  1.   xPct.  2.  13,14,15. 
 
 Becaufe  the  right  underftanding  of  thefe  com- 
 mand* of  God,  is  of  great  ufc  for  our  guidance  in 
 fbefe  weighty  points,  I  (hall  ftay  a  while  upon  the 
 fearch  of  that  Rom.  1 3 .  which  faith  rooft  h  and  if  we 
 undcrftand  chat,  it  will  be  the  eafier  to  underftand  the 
 reft. 
 
 Many  occafions  concurred  to  make  this  document 
 of  the  Apoftlc  necefftry  to  the  Rowans.  1.  There 
 were  Hereticks  crept  in  among  them  thatabufed  the 
 doftrine  of  Chrittian  Liberty  ,  and  perfwaded  them 
 that  fub je&ion  to  the  Rule  of  Magiftrates  was  againft 
 their  Liberty.  2.  Aad  the  weaker  Chriftians  were 
 the  eafier  induced  to  entertain  this  dodrinein  pare, 
 bectu  e  they  were  Heathen  Magiftrates  that  they 
 hereunder.  And  the  Chriftians, being  (juftly)  pro- 
 hibited by  the  Apoftles  to  go  to  Law  about  perfonal 
 injuries,  before  Heathen  Judges,  but  to  agree  them 
 among  themfclves,they  were  the  readyer  to  have  low 
 thoughts  of  fucb  Judges  as  ufelefs  or  burdenfom,  or 
 
 not 
 
And  of  Refiftance.  347 
 
 not  fie  to  be  the  Governors  of  Chriftians.  3 .  And  efpe- 
 eially  becaufe  many  of  the  Chriftians  bad  been  Jews, 
 that  were  hardly  brought  to  any  bat  a  forced  fubmif- 
 fion  unto  Gentile  Raiers  ;  and  were  ever  prone  to  re- 
 bell  againft  them,  thinking  it  an  honourable  vindica- 
 tion of  tbeir  holy  ftace  and  Church  ,  which  they 
 thought  no  Heathen  had  right  to  Rule  over.  Thcfirft 
 Hereticks  rifing  from  the  Jf  wifti  hriftians,  and  Ju- 
 daizingfo  palpably  in  this  and  other  things,  and  the 
 weaker  (ortof  tbejewifh  Chriftians  beirg  fo  prone 
 to  hearken  to  them,gave  great  occafion  to  the  Apoftle 
 thus  to  prefs  thedodxincof  fubje&ion. 
 
 Where  note,  that  the  main  queftion  here  refolved, 
 is,  Whether  Magiftracj ,  and  Heathen  Magiftrates 
 Jhould  be fnbmittedto  as  Gods  Ordinance  for  cenfccnce 
 fake  ?  And  fo  it  was  about  the  very  ftate  of  fub  jefti- 
 en  :  which  among  us  Chriftians  is  a  matter  p?ft 
 doubt  •  though  we  are  not  all  agreed  about  obedience 
 m  iome  particular  cafes. 
 
 The  Precept  it  (elf  is  laid  down  in  the  firft  verfc, 
 £  Let  every  foul  be  fubjeft  to  the  higher  forcers]  The 
 firit  moving  Argument  is  drawn  from  the  efficient 
 caufe,  which  is  God.  1 .  In  general  Magiftracy  is  his 
 Inftirution  [There  is  no  power  but  from  God  I  And  fo 
 it  is  he  that  fcts  up  Magiftrates,  and  tbey  ntfubordi- 
 nate  to  him,  and  have  a  power  derived  from  him 
 \The  Powers  that  be  are  ordained  of  God.]  The  con- 
 clufions  hence  inferred  are  t/>  2.  that  therefore  1 .  Who- 
 ever  refifteth  the  power,  refifiethGods  own  Ordinance, 
 that  is,  both  breaks  his  Law,  and  refifteth  a  Power  de- 
 rived from  him ,  and  confeqaently  refifteth  God. 
 2.  And  fo  great  a  fin  as  refitting  Gods  Officers  and 
 Ordinance,  deferveth  a  grievous  puniftunent.  In  the 
 
 third 
 
348  Of  he  obedience  to  Rulers, 
 
 third  verfe ,  the  Apoftlc  doth  conjan&ly  bring  in  his 
 fecond  Argument,  (from  the  end  ot  Government  ^ ) 
 &  aifo  anfwer  an  ob  jedion  which  ther.ee  was  brought 
 fgainftit.    [Whit  can  be  cxpe&ed  from  Heathens 
 ("might  the  Chriftians  fayj   but  ads  of  enmity? 
 They  will  (till  be  perfecting  us]  The  Apoftle  at  once 
 anfwering  this,  and  arguing  a  fine  for  fubjeflion,  tells 
 tbtfn,  that  Magistrates  have  their  office  to  be  a  terrour 
 to  evil  worlds ,  and  not  to  good  :  And  therefore  let 
 as  do  good,  and  if  the  office  be  ufed  but  according  to 
 its  inftituted  nature,  we  (hall  have  praife  from  Magi- 
 itrates,and  need  not  fear  them.  For  it  is  for  our  good 
 that  God  bath  appointed  them.     Here  the  Apoftle 
 conjoyncth  bis  two  Arguments,  from  the  Author  and 
 tht  Snd  [He  uQods  Minifier  for  thy  Good}  Its  pof- 
 fible  a  wicked  man  may  abufe  his  office:  but  this  is  the 
 End  for  which  God  bath  appointed  Magiftracy  in  the 
 world;  and  this  even  Heathen  Magiftrates  profefs 
 tbut  they  intend ,  and  fuch  vice  and  vertue  as  they 
 are  acquainted  with,  they  do  in  fome  meafure  deal 
 with  accordingly.  But  if  nacn  do  evil,  then  they  have 
 caufe  to  fear  theMagiftrate  ^  [  for  he  is  Gods  M\ni- 
 flery  a  Revenger  to  wrath  %  to  infliEl  funifhment  on  him 
 that  doth  evil :  2  But  men  mutt  blame  themfelves  and 
 not  the  Magiftrate,  if  they  fuffer  for  IB- doing.  Here- 
 upon the  Apoftlc  repeateth  the  Corclufion  ,   that 
 there  is  a  neceffity  of  fubjc&ion ,  not  only  to  efcapc 
 pnnifhment ,  but  to  obey  God  ,  even  for  conference 
 f*ke ;  And  hence  infers  a  further  Conclufion,  that  for 
 confciencc  fake  alfo  we  muft  pay  them  tribute,  beeaufe 
 they  are  Godsfcrvants,  employed  in  bis  work  for  out 
 good  :  And  therefore  on  thefe  grounds  Tribute,  Ch~ 
 $;m,  Fear \Honour  muft  be  given  to  all  to  whom  they 
 
 arc 
 
And  ef  Refinance.  349 
 
 arc  due.  Where  he  fhewetb  chat  ic  was  the  Govern* 
 
 ors  in  aftnal  poffejfion  then  chat  he  commanded  fubje- 
 fti^n  to,  when  he  argueth  from  their  aft  Hal  Lateur 
 for  the  Sub  jefts  good. 
 
 [  YiuaoL  4^  everj  foul "]  is  the  Synecbdochc  for 
 £  tvtrj  ferfon^  [v7m*osi&w % be fnb]iU^\ or fubordi- 
 nate ,  excendeth  both  o&ftateof  fnbjettien^nd  CO  the 
 exercife  of  a  Subjcds  duty-  q.  d.  Let  him  keef  kisfia* 
 tion  as  a  fubjett  ,  and  live  at  fuck  :  The  Apoftle  put* 
 ['Z,«ncw>pQwers~^  in  the  abfiratt,  though  it  have 
 cxiftence  but  in  a  iubj\  &  ^  and  (b  ic  is  \niht  concrete 
 that  he  mcanech  ;  but  fub  jedion  is  due  to  the  man  for 
 the  fake  of  his  Am horitj^  and  rot  on  any  other  ac- 
 count ■  and  therefore  it  is  in  order  of  nature  firft  to 
 tbcJtithoriij,  and  then  to  the  «m*.  And  is  is  not 
 JlJyAfu>9  natural  power  or  ^rengtb,  thatbefpeaks  of^ 
 but  that  Civil  Power  which  is  fns  Regendi.  Whether 
 j[  tmpe^v  ?4i&[]be  tranflated  as  a  comparative  or  fuper- 
 lative,  isnotconfidcrable  in  point  of  do&rine,  thert 
 beir  g  no  doubt  but  the  Apoftle  intendeth  our  obedi- 
 ence to  more  then  the  Soveraign  ,  and  yet  to  none 
 other  but  thofe  that  receive  their  power  from  bim. 
 Bur  yet  wby  literally  [ymt&x*****  D  ^oa\i  be  tranf- 
 lated [tbehigbeft]  rather  then  [Tngh,  *rhigber$er 
 fuperieur  ]  I  know  not :  Nor  have  I  any  mind  to 
 tempt  men  to  think  that  it  was  only  Nv*%  that  be 
 Apoftle  (peaks  of,  ox  inly  the  Senate  %  it  being  more 
 that  wait  and  labour  in  this  very  worl^i  and  to  whom 
 tribute^  c*ftometfear,  honour  were  to  be  paid. 
 
 For  the  right  underftanding  both  of  tbe  Text  and 
 Subjed  f  let  thefe  Qneftions  be  briefly  anfwer- 
 cd. 
 
 C^eft  1.  what  U  mam  by  [  Fewer  ?  ]  Anfw.  Any 
 
 men 
 
3  5  o  Of  due  Obedience  to  Rulers, 
 
 men  in  the  Office  of  Governours,  having  Autho- 
 rity. 
 
 Qneft.  2.  What  is  meant  by  £  Higher  Powers  ?  ] 
 Anfw.  All  that  are  in  Government,  and  (o  above  us, 
 bat  principally  the  Soveragin. 
 
 Qoeft.  3 .  What  k  meant  by  [  every  foul  t  ]  Anfw. 
 Every  perfon  except  thofe  to  whom  we  arc  com- 
 manded to  be  fubjed.  For  in  that  all  are  put  under 
 them,  it  is  mamfreii  that  they  themfelves  are  excepted 
 to  whom  all  are  fub  jeded.  So  far  as  they  are  Rulers , 
 they  arc  excepted,  though  the  fame  perfons  may  be 
 both  Rulers  and  Subjeds  in  feveral  refpeds, 
 
 Q^eft.  4  What  it  meant  by  being  [  fubjett  ?]. 
 
 Anfw.  Perturb  not  the  Order  of  the  Common- 
 wealth. Yield  y our  (elves  voluntary  fubjeds  to  your 
 Governours ,  and  behave  your  fclvcs  according- 
 
 Qaeft.  5.  Whn  is  meant  by  £  v to  <n5  3t*  71  -rjy.dv-i 
 I  <w  ~]  g0ds  ordaining  them  ?  Is  it  an  Ordaining  by 
 Decree ,  by  Law, or  by  Providential  difpofal  of  Event  ? 
 Anfw.  The  internal  ecernal  Decrees  of  God  are  no 
 Rule  of  Duty  tons,  nor  the  thing  here  meant:  But 
 his  Inftitution  of  the  office  by  the  Vniverfal  Law,  to- 
 gether with  thofe  Providential  diff  of als  that  make  over 
 the  Tower  to  the  individual  perfons. 
 
 Q^elt.  6.  But  is  it  mt  enough  to  oblige  us  tofub\efti- 
 o*y  if  the  Power  have  but  the  Ordination  of  Decree %and 
 'Difpofwg* Providence  de  Eventu  ?  ^a/iv.Tbatsacon- 
 tradidion.  It  muft  have  a  Law,  Grant,  Commiffion, 
 or  other  Moral  Donation,  or  it  is  no  Power ,  that  if  f 
 no  Right  of  governing.  The  Kings  that  give  up  their 
 Kingdoms  to  the  Beait ,  may  fulfill  Gods  Decreeing 
 and  Providtncial  Wili  de  Eventu :  The  death  of  Cbrift 
 
 by 
 
And  tj  Rt\i\tMct.  35  I 
 
 by  the  Jews,  may  fall  under  a  certain  Decree  and 
 Providence  :  Buc  it  is  a  Grant  of  Right  tbac  rooft 
 prove  the  Right.  Pcjfr/Jion  of  firength  if  feparable 
 from  fojfe  ifion  of  true  governing  Right.  If  a  Plague 
 come  upon  us ,  it  i*  by  Decree  and  Di  pjfing  Provi- 
 dence :  And  yet  we  may  do  our  belt  to  refiit  it.  The 
 Devil  rules  the  children  of  Diobedience,  not  without 
 Gods  permiffive  Decree  and  Providence ;  but  yet  he 
 hath  no  Right  to  Rule  there,  nor  they  any  warrant  to 
 obey  him. 
 
 Qneft.  7.  what  it  meant  by  £  the  Pwetsthtt  be}  ] 
 h  it  all  that  be  in  prefent  Pcffeffion  ?  Anfw*  I .  It  is  di- 
 redly  all  per  fens  that  are  in  Power.  Bat  then  remem- 
 fcc  that  Potter  is  ftij  regtnii  ,  and  not  meer  firength. 
 2.  Yet  it  imp:yetb,thae  tojw*^  ;*f,and  other  fingle 
 private  perioni,  he  that  iiitated  in  the  Pofleffion  of 
 theefficej  and  excrcifcth  ir,  is  to  be  taken  to  have 
 the  Right  of  Government,  unlefs  the  contrary  be  no- 
 torious. And  therefore  the  Apoftle  argueth  for  obe- 
 dience and  tribute  from  their  exercife  of  the  effice^ 
 £  They  attend  continually  ,  or  labour  **bout  this  vet) 
 thin£.  ]  O^chs  more  anon. 
 
 C^cit.  8.  When  did  God  £  erdaix  3  the  Powers?  and 
 by  what  ail  *  Anfw.  By  the  ad  of  Law  or  Inftitution 
 he  ordaineth  the  office  ;  and  by  Ads  of  dift»fin£  Pro- 
 vidence he  determmeth  of  the  per/on  (  ulually  by  the 
 Inftrumentality  or  means  of  men. )  1.  In  the  begin- 
 ning in  the  Law  of  nature,  he  fubjeded  man  to  hire- 
 feif,  and  the  woman  to  the  man,  and  (  by  appoint- 
 ment )  children  to  their  parents ,  and  in  general,  at 
 lead  after  the  fall,  made  Magiftracy  and  Subjrdion 
 nccefiary  to  the  world.  The  more  men  finned,  the 
 more  he  gave  them  up  to  humane  Government,  and 
 
 as 
 
3  5  2  of  due  Obedience  u  Rulers  % 
 
 as  they  rebelled  and  departed  from  bim,fo  he  forfook 
 them,  as  to  bis  fpecial  Government  in  way  of  mercy  * 
 He  kept  himfelf  the  Soveraignty  over  bis  peculiar 
 prople  of  Ifrael  in  a  more  eminent  Way  of  excrctfc 
 then  over  any  other,  i  .He  made  their  common  Laws 
 for  Government.  .2-rHe-cbofc  himfelf  their  Sovc- 
 raign  Magiftrate  •,  a  limited  Monarch  to  be  his  Depu- 
 ty or  chief  Officer.  3. He  appointed  a  courfe  for 
 choice  of  the  Sanhedrim.  4.  He  enabled  them  for 
 their  work.  5.  He  kept  the  chief  Judicature  in  his 
 hands,  rcfolving  their  doubn^and  deciding  their  moft 
 difficult  cafes  by  his  Oracles.  But  when  they  were 
 aweary  of  this  Theocracy ,  he  withdrew  from  thcra 
 according  to  their  corrupt  defircs ,  and  left  them  to 
 their defircd  King:  Yet  did  he  not  wholly  forfake 
 them,  but  only  in  that  weafure  as  they  had  forfaken 
 andcaftofFbim. 
 
 Qneft.  9.  Whs  is  meant  here  bj[°  aVim^VV^  tw 
 i%*ict  1 2  Anfw.  The  Contracrdinate ,  that  beak  out 
 of  the  rank  of  fubjc&s  f  and  fct  themfelvcsagainft 
 Government ,  as  Army  is  fct  cgainft  Army  in  fight : 
 All  is  here  prohibited  that  is  contra*]  tefubjection^  but 
 not  all  Re(iftancey  nor  is  the  word  properly  trar)flitcd 
 by  Refifting  s  There  is  a  Rt ft  ft  ante  that  is  contrary  to 
 (abjection ,  and  that  is  forb  dden :  and  there  is  *R(- 
 fiftancenotcotttrarj  tofubjettion:  and  that  is  not  for- 
 bidden. 
 
 Qyeft.  10  What  is  meant  by  [  eDamnauon\  which 
 the  comraoriinatc  ir  rebellious  do  receive  ?  Anfa.  Not 
 only  puniihment  from  man,but  a  moft  beary  punifti. 
 ment,  even  evcrlafting  roifery  from  God,  wbofe  or- 
 der and  power  they  oppofe :  Unlefs  by  faith  and  Re* 
 pehtance  ic  be  prevented. 
 
 Qacfc 
 
And  of  Refinance.  353 
 
 Qacft.  1 1  MhJI  we  obey  no  Rulers  bat  fuck  as  are  here 
 defcribed,as  are  notaterrourtothegtod,  but  the  evil? 
 Anfw.  If  the  very  drift  and  work  of  their  Govern- 
 ment were  for  evif  works  and  againft  good,  then  they 
 afted  as  the  Devils  fubftitutes,  and  could  not  be  Ma- 
 gi ftrates,  nor  fervants  of  God,bur  nallifie  their  office 
 aito  ihem.  But  if  it  be  but  in  fome  particular  cafes 
 that  they  are  againft  Good,  and  for  Evil,  andfoch  as 
 nullifie  not  their  officc^hen  we  muft  not  deny  fubje- 
 ftion  to  them  :  bat  how  far  we  may  or  may  not  refift^ 
 (hall  be  (hewed  anon. 
 
 Q^iert.  1 2  Hoft  could  Nero  be f aid  to  be  an  encourager 
 of  Good ^  and  a  urror  to  evil^andfuch  an  one  as  is  here 
 defcribed?  Anfw.  1.  It  is  directly  to  Magistracy  as 
 Juch  char  i^a/requireth  fubje&ion  :  And  therefore 
 he  defcribetb  it  as  it  is  in  Godslnftitution.  2.  Yet  it 
 is  alio  Migiftracy  as  in  thofe  particular  men:  But 
 then  the  Apoftle  confidereth  them  partly  as  obliged  to 
 be  fucb  a$  be  defcribetb,  and  partly  as  profeffing  to  be 
 Foch  ■  for  To  did  Nero :  and  partly  as  being  a&oally 
 fuch  in  many  thing*.  In  matters  of  common  equity, 
 and  againft  moral  evil,  and  for  that  good  which  the 
 Law  of  Nature  revealeth  ,  the  Roman  Laws  might 
 well  id  the  main  be  faid  to  be  a  terrour  to  evil  works  , 
 and  not  to  good  ^  though  in  the  matters  of  fopernatu- 
 ral  revelation  they  were  perverfc  :  And  Nero  was  to 
 Govern  by  tbefe  Laws  :  And  there  were  multitudes 
 of  Officers  befides  Nero  that  were  to  be  Judge  and  ex- 
 ecute according  to  thefe  Laws  •  And  the  Apoftle 
 had  refpeft  to  thefe.  And  the  Senate  bad  pari 
 ftill  in  the  Soveraignty  it  felf.  But  of  this  more 
 anon. 
 
 Qotft, }  3  r  But  kov  could  Ntro  bt  [aid  to  be  tke 
 
 A  9  Mini- 
 
3  54  0/<f*'  Obedience  u  Rulers, 
 
 Minifter  of  God,  and  a  Pofter  fit  over  them  by  God, 
 (  efpecially  as  to  the  Jews )  when  he  h*d  no  lawful  Calif 
 Anfw.  i.  Tbc  ApofUe  look!  at  the  whole  frame  of 
 Government,  Laws,  Senate,  Officers,  as  well  as  at 
 Nero.  2.  Nero  bad  the  Confcnc  of  Senate  and  peo- 
 ple before  Paul  wrote  this.  3 .  Settled  poffcffion  fig. 
 nifieth  a  Confeni :  For  the  people  are  the  ftrengrh  : 
 and  theftrongeft  can  refill,  if  they  will:  and  cfaey 
 that  can  and  do  not,  (hew  that  they  will  not.  4.  The 
 Apoftlc  fuppofcth  that  tbc  private  Chriftians  to 
 whom  he  writetb,  were  not  the  Judges  of  tbc  Titlci 
 of  Princes,  Senates  or  People. 
 
 Thcf.  318.  A  Chriftians  fnbjeftion  to  Magiftrates 
 muft  be  participativelj  Divine  ^  that  isy  to  Magiflrates 
 as  Officers  authorized  by  God  the  Vniverfal  King. 
 
 He  that  obcyeth  upon  any  other  account  excluding 
 tbii,  dotb  not  obey  a  Magiftratc  as  a  Magiftrate,  but 
 it  an  Idol ,  or  as  one  that  is  able  to  do  him  good  or 
 hurt :   and  fo  it  is  himfelfihut  be  fcrveth  in  his  obe- 
 dience ;  and  there  is  no  Divine  obedience  in  ir.  But  a 
 Chriftian  undcrftandeth  that  God  is  tbc  Alpha  and 
 Omega  ,the  firft  and  laft ;  and  that  of  him,  and  through 
 bins,  and  to  him  are  all  things,  Rom.  11.36.  And 
 therefore  he  intendeth  God  in  all,  and  dependctb  on 
 him  in  all; and  doing  all  for  him  and  by  his  command, J 
 all  things  are  fan&ified  that  be  dotb,  and  from  God]1 
 he  (hall  receive  bis  reward.  Our  Obedience  is  princi- 
 pally denominated  and  cftimatcd  from  tbc  principal 
 Authority.     In  the  laft  Refolution  all  the  Obedience  * 
 of  a  Chriftian  to  whomfoevcr  is  Whine  :    and  all  i 
 ifee  Obedience  of  a  wicked  man  i$  10  an  /£/,  or 
 
 10 
 
And  ofRefiftdnce.  3  5  j 
 
 to  t*rk*i-ft1fi   to   which  he  fubje&eth  even  God 
 himfclf. 
 
 Tbef.  3 1 9.  -/*//  pcr/onsjven  Pafiors  of  the  Churchy 
 Ore  bound  to  this  fubjeftion  to  Magiftrates,  as  1  have 
 before  proved ,  and  it  is  a  double  wickednefs  and  tfeafon 
 for  them  to  exempt  tbemfelves^that  fhould  Preach  the 
 doftrine  of  obedience  to  others. 
 
 Beta  on  the  Text  ciceth  Chryfofioms  expofition 
 before  mentioned,  viz.  [  That  this  is  commanded  t* 
 all,  even  Preiftt  and  Monks  ,  *nd  not  only  to  them  thai 
 ate  employed  in  thebafinefs  of  this  life,  as  the  Apofth  in 
 the  very  entrance  declareth ,  when  he  faith,  Let  every 
 foal  be  fub jed  to  the  higher  Powers :  though  m 
 Apoftie,  though  an  Eva ngelift, though  a  Prophet ,  or 
 whoever  elfetboube;  For  this  (ubjetlion  overthrow- 
 ttb not  Piety,']  Upon  which  Beta  with  exclamation 
 faith,  [GoodGod,  if  he  bad  but  lived  at  this  time,  bow 
 fbttply  would  that  man  inveigh  agatnfi  him ,r hat  not  on* 
 ly  refufetb  fnbyiHion  to  Kings ,  but  transferred 
 4lfo  Kingdoms  and  Empires,  and  yet  would feem  the  Vi- 
 tar  of  Chriji  ij  But  oi  this  before. 
 
 Thef.  320.  RHlert  muft  be  obejed  in  all  lawful 
 'tringsi 
 
 That  is,  in  ill  things  that  God  bath  not  difablcd 
 ithem  to  oblige  as  inland  hath  not  obliged  m  himfclf 
 |fO  the  contrary. 
 
 tbefj2i.  kitty 4*d Magiftrdtis  m*fi  ieoiejedj 
 
3  5  <5  of  due  obedience  to  Rulers, 
 
 even  about  the  Worfliip  of God,  in  all  lawf nil  com- 
 mands. 
 
 Somuchofthecircumftances  of  Worfliip  as  God 
 hath  left  to  be  determined  by  men,  we  muft  obey  a 
 Magiftratc  in  if  he  determine  them  :  And  much  more 
 when  he  doth  but  enforce  Gods  own  Command- 
 ments :  Of  this  alfo  before. 
 
 Thef.  3  22.  About  the  circumjlances  of  Divine  Wer^ 
 fhipjnucb  more  about  fecular  things,  if  the  Prince 
 command  one  thing  (  not  contrary  to  Gods  Law)  and  the 
 Pafiors  ofths  Church  command  the  contrary ,  wemnft 
 obey  the  Prince  before  the  Paftors. 
 
 I  bring  toot  the  Pope  or  any  unla  wfull  Prelates  into 
 qneftion  j  who  are  not  as  fuch  to  be  obeyed  u  all : 
 But  ie  is  the  lawful  Pallors  of  the  Church  , 
 that  Ifpeakof  :  In  the  fubfiance  of  their  office, which 
 God  hinrfelf  hath  made  ncceffary,  they  are  not  to  be 
 difobeyed,  whatever  Princes  fay,  becaafe  it  were  a 
 difobeying  God :  As  if  we  were  forbid  to  Hear,  Pray, 
 Receive  the  Sacraments,  live  in  Church  Communion, 
 &c.  But  the  circumftances  of  Time,  Place,  Uten- 
 fils,  &c  though  ordinarily  they  (hould  be  left  to  the 
 Paftors  determinations,  yet  are  fucb  things  as  a  Magi 
 Urate  may  determine  of,  and  mail  be  obeyed  in. 
 And  in  tbefe  works  common  to  botb,he  is  the  higher 
 Power. 
 
 "thef.  323.  We  mufi  *bey  Magiftrates,  thought 
 know  not  that  their  Commands  are  lawful^  as  long  a 
 they  arefc  indeed \and  ftv  hsvi  nofufficmt  Reafon  to  be 
 lave  them  unlawful.  I .  ! 
 
And  of  Refiftdnct*  .   357 
 
 i.  It  is  not  our  erroneous  conceits  thit  a  Lawful 
 Command  is  unlawful,  that  will  excufe  any  mm  from 
 the  gujit  of  difobedierce  ;  For  that  very  crrour  is 
 our  fin  :  If  you  fay,  that  we  muji  go  according  to  our 
 confciences:  I  anfwer;  Not  according  to  an  erring 
 Confidence  (it  being  doubcfnlwhejher  that  be  truly 
 Confcience :  )  unlefs  you  will  make  nun  a  God  to 
 himfelf,  asfeccing  him  above  the  Laws  of  God,  and 
 that  by  vertue  of  his  errors.  If  you  fay,  that  at  leafk 
 we  muft  not  go  again]}  Confcience -^  I  anfwer,  lnfenfn 
 divifo  you  mult  •'  Infenfu  compoftto  you  muft  nor. 
 And  yec  you  muft  not  go  ac ctrding  to  it.  So  that  cr- 
 rour intangleth  you  in  anecefficy  of  finning,  if  you 
 will  not  dcpofc  it.  what  then  muft  be  done?  Anfw. 
 Gods  Law  fhnds  ftiil  the  fame  ,  and  vary eth  not  with 
 your  erring  mind.  It  binds  you  firft  to  lay  by  your 
 errour,  and  then  to  Obey.  Objed.  But  in  cafe  I  can- 
 not lay  it  by,  what  am  I  found  to?  I  anfwer,  you  are 
 ftill  bound  to  lay  it  by,  and  to  ufe  the  means  that  art 
 neceflary  thereto,  with  arightdifpofed  mind,  that 
 you  may  be  able  or  apt  to  do  it.  You  cannot  be  inno^ 
 cently  impotent  to  your  Duty. 
 
 2.  We  know  that  Obedience  to  Magiftrates  is  a 
 Duty  :  If  therefore  we  know  not,  nor  have  fufficient 
 reaion  to  belieye,that  the  thing  is  finfal  to  the  obeyer, 
 we  muft  obey. 
 
 Thef.  3  24.  Many  things  are  finfullj  commanded^ 
 that  art  lawfully,  yea  necejfarily  to  be  obeyed. 
 
 r 
 
 I  have  given  many  inftances  in  cafes  about  Wor- 
 
 ipf  in  my  fifth  Difput.  about  Church- government.- 
 
 Aa3  It 
 
35$  Of  d*e  Obedience  to  Rulers, 
 
 It  may  be  finful  in  a  Governour  to  lay  an  unneceffa- 
 ry  Tax  upon  the  people;  who  yet  may  be  bound  in 
 conscience  to  obey  the  impofition*  If  the  thing  be  not 
 evil  in  it  felf,  nor  by  a  more  weighty  accident ,  then 
 the  Magiftrates  command  is  to  the  doing  it,  we  moft 
 
 obey.    Of  this  more  ip  the  Negatives 
 
 i 
 
 Thef  325.  hula^fnl  for  fnbjtSls  to  fwear  fidelity 
 and  obedience  to  Sover  signs* 
 
 !♦  If  it  be  needful  to  perform  it,  ft  is  lawful  and 
 jaft  that  wepromifcand  fwear  it.  For  why  (hould 
 we  deny  to  be  engaged  to  that  which  we  rouft  per- 
 form? 2.  It  if  juft  as  to  the  Prince,  wboisfwornto 
 the  Common-wealth  ^  and  obligations  here  (hould 
 be  mutual.  Why  (hould  he  hazard  his  life  for  a 
 People  that  will  not  /wear  fidelity  to  him?  Princes, 
 and  Parliaments,  and  all  Soveraign  Princes  go  in  con- 
 tinual danger  by  reafon  of  the  plots  and  malice  of  the 
 enemies.  And  (hall  we  not  fwear  fidelity  to  them  ? 
 3.  If  crery  husband  expedetb  it  in  marriage  from  his 
 wife  •  and  if  %Abr*ham  made  his  fcrvant  fwear  to  be 
 faithful  in  one  particular  duty,  much  more  is  it  nccef- 
 fary  in  this  cafe. 
 
 Yet  upon  a  Hidden  change,  while  times  and  Confid- 
 ences are  unfetled ,  it  is  a  more  prudent  courfe  for 
 Princes  to  forbear  exading  oathes,  left  it  occafion 
 feruplcs  and  divifions  (  unlcfs  forac  urgent*neceffi- 
 ty  require  it)  and  to  flay  till  Confidences  arc 
 fettled. 
 
 Thef.  326.  It  U  the  fubjetts  D*ty  udefen&their 
 Trince  with  their  Jtrength,   *nd  hszAtrd  cf  their 
 
 lives. 
 
And  of  Re  ft  fiance.  359 
 
 lives  ^againfl  all  forr  sign  ani  domefHckjnemies  thatfeeK 
 hi*  life  ermine* 
 
 Tbe  way  of  defence  they  may  be  limited  in  by  the 
 Law:  Every  man  is  to  do  it  in  bis  place  and  calling. 
 Fidelity  rcquireth  it.  The  common  good  rcqoirctb  it. 
 Elfe  no  man  that  is  wife  would  be  a  King  or  Gover- 
 nor. For  if  the  people  be  not  bound  to  defend  bim, 
 be  is  but  fee  up  to  be  the  objed  of  envy  and  a  bait  to 
 the  ambitious  to  entice  men  to  invade  bim ,  and  exe- 
 cute their  fury  on  bim. 
 
 Thef.  327.  It  is  a  mfl  impious  thing  for  Pipes  t$ 
 pretend  r>  dif oblige  Chrijlians  from  their  Oaths  and  fide- 
 lity to  thfir  Soveraigns,  and  to  encourage  their  fubjetts 
 to  rebel  and  murder  them. 
 
 That  this  is  their  Religion,  I  have  already  (hewed 
 in  the  exprefs  words  of  the  Council  at  the  Laterane  un- 
 der Innocent  the  3.  And  that  it  hath  been  their  pra&ice, 
 Germany,  France,  England  and  many  Nations  know. 
 Many  Popes  have  done  fo  againft  the  German  Empe- 
 rors. Math.  Paris  calls  it  the  [Papal  Rebellion*} 
 againft  Frederick,  -,  which  Chriftian  people  then  la- 
 mented and  dctefted.  Roger  Hoveden  (that  flatters 
 tbe  Pope  more  then  M.  Paris)  tells  us  (H.  2.  pag. 
 284.)  i  hat  the  Pope  undertook  to  damn  tbe  Lavs 
 and  Cujtoms  of  England,  in  perpctuum  ^and  anathema- 
 tiKed  all  that  held  them,  or  any  way  favoured  them} 
 not  excepting  the  King  himfclf.  Thcfc  Laws  and  cu- 
 ftoms  were  no  Novelties  •  but  fucb  as  tbe  King  and 
 Nobles  called  avisos  confuetudines  &  Leges  -y  the  en* 
 fioms  and  Laws  of  their  Ancsftors,  ("And  yet  the  Pj^ 
 pills  pretend  thai  Papacy  if  no  Novelty,  nor  the  Fa- 
 
 Aa4  tber 
 
3^o  Of  due  obedience  to  Rulers^ 
 
 *her  of  Novelties. )  Matb.Paru  fin  Hen. 2.)  tells  you 
 whit  thefeXaws were.  And  Becket  himfdf  (that  was^ 
 Sainted  for  fuch  fluff)  cclkth  the  King,  £Quia  cer- 
 tain eft,  RcgesporefSaceiB  foam  ab  Ecdefia  acopere, 
 &  nonipfam  abillis  — —  ergo  vo)  hab^retis  Epi- 
 fcopis  praecipere  abfolvere  a!iquera  ,  vel  excommuni- 
 care,  trahere  Clericos  ad  Seculai  ia  exacnina,  judicare 
 dedecimis,deEcclefiis — &multaalia  quse  in  hunc 
 modum  fcripca  funt  inrer  confuetudines  veftras ,  qua$ 
 dtckis  avitas.]  Here's  holy  Dodrine  !  chat  Kings  re 
 ceive  their  power  from  the  Church  and  may  not- 
 judge  of  Tythes,  or  Churches,  nor  bring  Clergy- 
 men to  examination  at  their  Barr  !  Rog  H&veden  H.  2. 
 p.  2S5.  And  the  fame  Prelate  of  Canterbury  Epift.  ad 
 fuffragdn.Molyeihall  Bifhops  from  their  obedience, 
 fmd  condemned  and  excommunicated)  all  the  Exsft- 
 eri ,  Counfcllors  andObferversof  theEnglifh  Laws, 
 £Omnefq-,vos  Epifcopos  a  promiffiore  qua  contra  in* 
 ititocioneoa  Ecclefiafticam,&  ad  carum  obfervationem 
 tenebamini,au(ftoritate  Dei  &  noftra  abfolvirau^Quis 
 cnim  dubitac  facerdotcs  Chfifti  Regnum  &  Pnnci- 
 pum,  omniumque  fidelium  patres  &  Magiftros  cenfe- 
 ri?  Nonne  raiferabilis  infania?  efTr  cognofcitur,  fi  fili- 
 ns  Patrem,difcipulus  Magiftrum  fibi  conetur  fub juga- 
 re,  &  iniquis  obligationibus  Poteftati  fuac  fubjicere  ?  a 
 quo  credit,  nonfolumfe  in  terra, fed  ctiam  in  coelisli- 
 gare  poffs,  &  folvi  ?  ]  O  how  would  Paul  and  all  the 
 antient  Church  have  detefted  thisdodrinc  of  the  Pa- 
 pal Saint,  that  makes  it  madnefs  for  Priefts  to  be  fub- 
 jefted  to  Kings,  forfooth  becaufe  (in  another  kind ) 
 they  are  their  Matters,  andean  bind  or  loofe  them  ? 
 And  fo  their  Tutors  in  Mufick  ,  Phyfick  or  any  Sci- 
 ♦;ccfhou!d  b:no  fubje&s?  Yea  a  Prelate  we  (tt  as 
 
 well 
 
And  of  Rcfifldttce.  161 
 
 well  as  a  Pope  can  abfolve  the  Subjc&s  from  their  pro- 
 mifcs  and  fidelity.  The  King  hirafelf  he  had  yet  mercy 
 on,  and  forbore  to  excommunicate  (  which  was  then 
 to  depofe  himj  bat  [jn  proximo  earn  Uturf\  he  was 
 ready  next  to  do>  if  he  did  not  the  iooner repent ^  of 
 whac  ?  Of  the  Laws  ^/England  againft  the  Pope,  and 
 his  Clergies  pretended  liberties .  And  thefe  great  ene- 
 mies of  Novelty  and  Friends  to  Antiquity,  made  Ri- 
 chard the  frfi  fwcar  at  his  Coronation,  \jo  blot  out 
 thefe  ill  Laws  andperverfe  cuftoms~]  R.  Hoved.  p.  3  74. 
 yea  when  the  good  Bifhop  Rob.  Groftheft  had  writ- 
 ten a  faithful  Letter  to  the  Pope ,  the  Pope  fwearcth 
 by  Peter  and  Paul  £  Ni(i  moveret  nos  innata  in- 
 genuita?,ipfam  in  ta-ntacn  confufionempraecipitarem, 
 ui  toti  mundo  fabula  foret,  ftapor,  cxemplam,  9c 
 prodigiuro.  NonneRex  Anglorumnoftcr  eftVaffal- 
 lus,  &  ut  plus  dicam  mancipium,  qui  poteft  eum  nuto 
 noftro  incarcerare&ignominia^mancipare?  that  is, 
 [Is  not  the  King  of  England  our  Vaffal ,  and  to  fay 
 more,  ottrflave?  who  can  with  our  md  imprifon  him, 
 and  enflave  hm  to  ignominy  (or  (hame)  ]  Math. 
 Paris  in  H.  g.  *n.  1253.  fag.  872.  Here  was  p'ain 
 dealing  wiih  Kings:  And  the  Papal  pradifes  have 
 bscn  as  plain,  thatis,plain  Hiftiliiy  againft  all(fhr\fti- 
 an  Kings  and  States. 
 
 He  that  hath  read  but  'Math.  Paris '  and  the  Hifto- 
 nes  of  Germany  colleded  by  Pifioriusy  and  thofc  by 
 Freberus,  and  thofc  by  Reuberus  ;  and  Goldafttti  de 
 Monarch,  and  his  Imferial  Cenftitutions  (to  name  no 
 morej  bath  feen  foeh  trains  and  fuceeffions  of  Papal 
 TrcafonsandHoftilities  againft  Chriftian  Princet,  ai 
 may  make  him  wonder  that  Princes  fuflfer  Arch  a  thing 
 as  a  Pope  upon  the  earth . 
 
 Saida 
 
3  6%  Of  due  obedience  to  Rulers, 
 
 Smith  the  Apolog.  Henr.  4.  Imperstoru  (in  M*rq. 
 frekeri  Tom.    1.  fag.  172.)    Scripfic  Hildebrand 
 
 Papa,  ^quodipfe  exemplo  alicujus  Roraani 
 
 Pontificis  Poteftatcm  babqeric  folvcrc  i  Sacramento 
 Principcf  Regni,  ienmo  folvere  in  eis  Sacramcntum, 
 quofidcravel  padura  promifcrant  Regifuo.  Mifere- 
 mini  O  Principes  regni  coeteftis,  populas  Dei,  fi  camen 
 eftispacificit&(ieitis  in  Unitatc  Ecdcfiar  Dei:  vos 
 inq  jam  raiferemini  &  indignemini ,  quod  aeftimavit 
 vos  talis  roomenei,ut  putaret  vos  poffe  in  banc  fenten- 
 tiam  adduci,ui  id  quod  non  poteft  fieri,  eredacis  poffe 
 fieri.  Nam  Sacra  tnen  tuna  dicitur  quoquc  j  as  jura  n- 
 
 dumf Jarabis  inquicDominus ,  in  vericate,  in 
 
 judicio  &  in  jaftitia  :  Quis  poteft  hacc  folvere  ,  qua: 
 fane  opera  roanumtuarum  Domine?  Opera  quippe 
 
 virtatis  Dei  fane  Veritas,  judicium  &  juftitia- ] 
 
 %*?*&-  I74*  Sed  Hildcbrand  Papa  fie  fcripfit,  &  fie 
 praedicavic  [Quidam  ( inquiens)  Romanus  Pontifcs 
 Regem  Francorum  non  cam  pro  fuit  iniquitatibus, 
 quam  pro  co  quod  tanrg  poceftati  non  erac  ntilis  f  a 
 Regno  depofuit,  &  Pipinum  Caroli  Magni  patrcra  in 
 ejus  loco  fubftttuit,  omnes  Francigenas  i  juramenco 
 fidelitatis  quam  illi  fecerunt  abfolvic.  J  Mira  qui- 
 dem  videmur  nobis  quae  aftruit !  at  fcilicct  Rdigio- 
 fus  aliquis  Romanus  Pontifcx  Sacramenrum  fidci 
 in  aliquo  abfolvcre  rencaverit :  quia  fides  Dei  ma- 
 gis  quam  alicujus  xftimacur,  quae  alicui  in  ejus  no- 
 mine datur,  arque  promittitur  ■ Quandoau* 
 
 tern  a  fide  aliquis  folotas  fuerit,  &  fidem  non  ba- 
 bucrir,  proculdabio  mend  ax  eft,  infapcr  &  per)  urns, 
 
 qualis  regnum  Dd  non  poifi debit . J  Read  the 
 
 reft  ibid.  But  of  ibis  I  have  faid  more  in  othec 
 writings. 
 
 Thcf* 
 
And  of  Refiftance.  3  $j 
 
 Tbcf.  328.  It  is  a  great  Contreverfie3  whither* 
 fnbjtB  may  fight  at  a  Princes  command  when  he  kjtow~ 
 eth  net  the  caufe  to  be  jnft ,  *r  when  he  knowetb  it  to  be 
 unjufi  ?  Anfw  I .  If  he  know  it  to  be  unjnfljee  may  not ; 
 (except  Accidentally  ahorse  fame  further  prevalent 
 Reafon  warrant  it.)  2.  If  he  Itnow  it  not  tobeurjuft, 
 when  it  is  fa  btcaufe  he  doth  not  his  duty  to  know,  he  is 
 bound  to  do  that  duty,  and  knowing  to  forbear.  3  If  he 
 know  it  not  to  be  unjuft,  becaufe  he  hath  no  capacity  to 
 difcover  the  unjufiice%  nor  to  judge  of  it, then  he  may  bear 
 firms* 
 
 1.  The  guile  of  blood  iifo  heavy  a  thing  that  no 
 roan  {hould  draw  it  upon  bimtclf  or  his  Prince  1  on* 
 juft  war  U  murdering :  And  no  roan  (hould  murder 
 in  obedience  to  a  Prince  t  when  God  condemneth  it. 
 Z.  The  Accidental  exceptions  it  fine}icc.  1  fhall  fpeak 
 of  among  th4  Affirmative  Propofuions.  3 .  Wilful 
 ignorance  will  not  excufc  a  man  from  the  guilt  of 
 murder,  though  a  King  command  it.  Bat  the  pcrfon 
 is  at  once  obliged  to  ufe  means  for  bis  berter  informs* 
 tion,  to  lay  by  bis  erronr ,  and  to  forbear  the  fin. 
 4.  But  when  the  (in  or  unjuftneis  of  the  war  is  not 
 notorious,  nor  within  our  reach  ro  know  it,  then  wc 
 mud  obey  our  Rulers  that  are  the  Judges  or  difcern- 
 ers  of  the  cafe :  For,  1.  Rulers  may  not  open  all 
 caufea  of  a  war  to  all  the  Souldicrs  :  Sometime  the 
 cafe  rcquircth  fucb  fccrccie  and  expedition ,  ai  will 
 not  confift  with  that.  2.  Subjc&s  by  reafon  of  di- 
 ftance  and  difacquainrancc  arc  ufually  incompetent 
 Judgeaof  fucb  cafes.  3.  And  if  they  (hould  never 
 fight  till  they  know  the  Joftncfs  of  the  caufe,  they 
 
 would 
 
3^4  Of  he  obedience  to  Rulers, 
 
 would  negleft  the  NecefTary  Defence  of  their  Sove- 
 raign  and  Count  rey. 
 
 Yer,  if  there  be  not  competent  knowledge  that  it 
 is  a  good  caufe ,  men  fhoold  not  thruft  on  them- 
 felves,  nor  go  to  war  without  fome  kind  of  Ne- 
 ceffity. 
 
 Thef.  329.  The  fame  anfwer  ftrveth  to  that  ether 
 Controverfie,  whether  a  fubjeEl  may  execute  an  unjufi 
 Sentence  of  4  "Prime  or  ^udge  ? 
 
 If  it  concern  the  Common- wealth  direftly   ( or 
 nearly )  be  mnft  fufpend  his  execution  till  he  have 
 competent  fatisfaSion  :  As  if  he  were  commanded 
 to  put  to  death  fome  perfons  of  great  Eminency  and 
 Intereft  in  the  Common- wealth.     But  if  it  be  but 
 againft  a  private  perfon  (as  the  hanging  a  man  con- 
 demned for  felony,  the  {hooting  to  death  a  Souldier 
 condemned  for  mutiny )  here  if  the  un  juftice  be  /iot 
 notorious,  and  you  fee  no  great  caufe  to  fufped:  it, 
 and  be  not  negligent  in  doing  what  concerneth  you 
 in  your  place,  for  due  information,  you  may  do  exe- 
 cution, if  you  are  commanded.   But  not,  if  the  un- 
 juftice  be  notorious,or  fucb  as  you  may  well  difeover, 
 without  tranfgreffing  yotis;  bounds  in  the  enquiry. 
 In  fuch  cafes,  Princes  (hould  find  no  Executioners  : 
 And  the  Executioners  are  guilty  of  the  crime:  For 
 God  is  to  be  obeyed  more  theii  man.  Doeg  was  curfed 
 for  flaying  the  Priefti  at  Kiog'&w/'i  coramand.lt  coft 
 the  CaptaifK  and  Souldier*  their  livei  that  would 
 have  fur  prized  Eliot  a:  ;he  Kings  command.  Obadiah 
 is  blcffed  that  faved  the  Prophets;  and  fo  are  the 
 Egyptian  Mid  wives  that  faved  the  Ifrnclifes  chil- 
 dren* 
 
And  of  JReftjlanct.  365 
 
 dreR,  whom  the  King  commanded  to  deftroy.  Many 
 thai  have  been  Executiones  in  the  Martyrs  death, 
 have  hid  exemplary  plague?.  Its  the  Legal  way  of  re- 
 training Kings  from  unjuftice,to  puntfh  their  Execu- 
 tioners that  are  fubjefts,  that  others  may  fear  obey- 
 ing tbem  in  wickednefs. 
 
 Thef.  330.  A  Sever  aign  that  u  an  Heretic^  er 
 wicktd  man,  ye  a  Infidel  of  Heathen,  muft  be  obeyed  in 
 all  lawful  things  :  but  with  an  Obedience  anfwerable  to 
 hU  Authority. 
 
 I  fhall  open  this  together  with  the  next  Thefis. 
 
 Thef.  331.  He  that  hath  no  fuch  Right  to  Govern, 
 04  willjuftifie  himfelf  for  it  before  God,  majjet  be  fuck 
 \tohom  we  are  obliged  to  obey. 
 
 We  have  here  one  of  the  weigbtyeft  and  difficukeft 
 cafes  about  Obedience,  before  u*.  It  is  very  hard  to 
 conceive  how  an  Intidel  or  Heathen  can  have  any 
 Right  of  Government  bscaufe  they  deny  the  Uai- 
 verfal  Soveraign  from  whom  they  muft  derive  theie 
 Right,  or  they  can  have  non«  :  And  how  can  a  Rebel 
 receive  Authority?  And  whyfhou!d  we  obey  him 
 that  hatb  no  Authority  ?  Nay  is  it  not  impofliblc, 
 when  Author  it  as  Imferantis  is  the  formal  cbjett  rf  Obe- 
 dience ?  Alfo  will  it  not  follow  that  the  Pope  ihould 
 be  obeyed  thai  is  no  Infidel  or  Heathen  ? 
 
 And  yet  Cbrift,and  Paul,  and  Tetir  have  (6  plainly 
 decided  the  cafe,  that  the  Heathen  Magiftrates-tbac 
 were  in  their  daies  were  to  be  obeyed,  that  we  muft 
 needs  take  that  fQr  a  certain  truth.  And  therefore  we 
 
 have 
 
$66  Ofiut  Obtdknce  to  Rulers, 
 
 have  only  to  confider  upon  what  ground,andhow  far 
 they  are  co  be  obeyed  ,  and  to  anfwer  cbc  obje- 
 Aions. 
 
 Aquino*  22**  ^.10.4.1  o.doth  firft  well  diftinguifb 
 between  a  Governor  to  fa  chofen,  and  a  f re-ex  flent 
 Governour :  And  then  well  concludech  that  an  Infidel 
 is  not  co  be  made  a  Governour,  (that  is,  if  be  be 
 eledive  > )  but  if  be  be  already  a  Governour  — • 
 what  then  ?  Why  then  he  ill  concladetb  that  the 
 Church  havinyGods  authority  %can  take  away  from  them 
 their  Jus  Dominit  &  prxlationis  •  but  till  the  Church 
 dodepefcihcm,  (which  it  for  beareth  fometime  to  avoid 
 fcandtl)  wemufiobej  them, and  pay  them  tribute  to 
 avoid  fcandal  too~\  And  to  he  interpreted  the  Texts 
 of  Scripture  that  command  fubje&ion  to  Infidel  Prin- 
 ces, as  being  only  to  keep  as  from  offence.  But  this 
 agrectb  not  with  the  word*  of  Paul,  chat  faith,  Eve- 
 ry foul  muft  befubjott  even  for  conference  fake ^  and  as  to 
 the  Miniftcrs  of  God.  To  obey  only  to  avoid  offence, 
 is  not  to  obey  at  all:  It  it  but  the  matter  of  that  which 
 is  Obedience  in  another  :  For  the  Form  and  Being  is 
 wanting,  if  it  be  not  done  for  the  Authority  of  the 
 Commander*.  Even  as  that  n  no  3< lief which  is  not 
 for  the  Authority  or  credit  of  the  a  firmer.  Bat  Aire  it  it 
 true  f*bjcflion  that  is  commanded  us. 
 
 The  Tratb,  as  I  conceive,  lieththos.  I.  If  the  n- 
 fidelitj  of  a  Prince  be  not  notorious,  he  is  no  Infidel 
 to  vou  and  me,  and  then  there  is  no  doubt.  As  in  the 
 Miniftry,  foin  the  Magiflraey,  if  he  be  in  the  place, 
 and  not  a  mtoriom  Vfurper ,  be  is  an  Officer  to  me : 
 The  Benefit  of  thefubjeR  from  Mafifiracy  (and  Mr 
 uiftry)  i*  firft  confidcrable:They  are  means  to  our  good. 
 The  Duty  is  iq  order  to  the  Benefit.    We  have  Title 
 
 to 
 
 J 
 
And  cf  ReftjUnce.  $6y 
 
 to  the  Benefits  of  tbe  office,  though  a n  U  fur  per  be  in 
 the  place.  And  having  right  Co  the  Benefit ,  muft  do 
 the  £>**;. 
 
 2.  If  the  Ruler  be  notorioufij  an  Infidel  or  Hedtbtn, 
 yet  be  is  fa  ppofed  to  own  a  God,  even  one  higheft  God$ 
 that  is  naoft  pcrfed  in  Power,  Wifdora  and  L>oodne(s, 
 and  to  prate fs  bimfclf  a  fub  jc&  of  God ,  and  an  Offi- 
 cer under  him  to  punifti  evil  doers,  and  encourage 
 well-doers  :  This  the  Heithens  did  profefs.  Bue 
 witball  they  knew  not  the  Redeemer,  nor  the  True  God 
 aright ,  with  a  faving  knowledge,  but  difhonoured 
 him  by  wor (hipping  many  Idols  in  conjunction  with 
 him.  And  in  the  execution  of  their  offices,  they  per- 
 fecnted  Chriftianity,  though  they  encouraged  Moral 
 Vertuc.  What  then  muft  we  think  offuch  ?  I.  It  is 
 better  for  the  world  to  have  fuch  Governors  then 
 none.  And  therefore  they  did  more  good  then  hurt* 
 There  never  was  among  thofe  Heathens  fo  bloody  I 
 periecuror ,  that  did  not  favc  tbe  lives  of  many  from 
 pcrfecution,  for  one  that  they  deftroyed.  For  it  is  the 
 rabble  rout  of  the  Vulgar  that  arc  the  bloody  eft  per* 
 fecutors :  Where  the  Etnperours  killed  an  hundred 
 Chriftians,  bad  they  but  turned  loofe  the  vulgar 
 rabble,  they  would  have  killed  a  tboufand,or  made  an 
 end  of  them.  We  (hould  have  ten  tboufand  Perfecu- 
 tors  for  one,  if  there  were  no  Rulers  to  retrain  tbe 
 Serpentine  Malignant  enmity  that  is  in  tbe  multitude 
 of  the  ungodly.  2*  Seeing  therefore  that  wt  have 
 prefcrvation  and  benefit  by  them  as  Governours,  we 
 owe  them  doty  as  Governours.  3 .  They  are  Analo- 
 gically R#lers9  having  an  Analogical  Authority  im- 
 ferfelii  gentry.  As  they  own  a  God ,  and  pro- 
 I  fed  to  worlhip  God ,    and  to    preferve  peace 
 
 and 
 
and  order  in  the  world ,  and  puniflh  vice  \  and 
 promote  vertue  ,  according  to  tjic  Law  of 
 Nature, fo  thejr  are  in  tantttm  trnly  Magistrates.  But 
 as  they  deny  the  Redecmer^nd  corrupt  the  doSrine 
 of  the  God-head ,  fo  they  fall  (hort  of  that  depend- 
 ance  on  the  fountain  of  Authority,  that  fbouldmake 
 them  folly  men  of  power.  4.  They  are  accordingly 
 to  be  obeyed  with  obedience  proportioned  to  their 
 Authority,  and  no  more.  5  How  far  an  x\theift  or 
 Infidel  is  to  be  rejeded,  I  fhall  mention  anon  under 
 the  Affirmative*.  6  Even  thofe  that  by  Atheifm ,  or 
 doing  more  hart  thengood^  do  nullifie  their  Magiftracy, 
 may  yet  be  materially ,  though  not  formally  obeyed 
 to  avoid evilsthatelfe  would  fall  upon  our  felves,or 
 upon  the  Church  or  Common- »raltb.  7.  And  pri- 
 vate men  may  hoi  lay  hands  on  them,  as  long  as  God 
 and  the  Common-wealth  (  or  body  of  the  Nation  ) 
 forbear  them.  If  a  Jufticeof  Peace  renounce  the 
 King,and  yet  go  on  to  execute  the  Laws ,  and  if  the 
 Kiag  be  one  that  can  feize  on  him  at  his  plcafure,  and 
 willingly  forbeareth  him,  the  fubjed  mutt  let  him 
 alone,  and  obey  all  that  he  coraimndeth  according  to 
 Law,  till  the  King  lay  bands  on  him,  or  forbid  obedi- 
 ence to  him.  8.  Such  perfons  therefore  have  no  nght 
 Coram  BeQ  to  govern,  which  will  juftifiethem  agamft 
 the  accufatiofi  of  Usurpation  or  Treafon  againft 
 God  :  But  yet  the  people  may  be  bound  to 
 obey  them  (  though  they  know  this)  not  as  fo 
 Authorized,  bur  as  being  inthefeator  place  of  Go- 
 vernment, and  commanding  in  Gods  name  by  his  vo- 
 luntary pcrraiffion,  If  a  Tray  tor  come  and  charge  me 
 to  obey  the  KingsLaws  J  will  obey  them  *t  the  Kings % 
 though  formally  I  obey  not  him;  But  if  he  be  one 
 
 that 
 
jina  oj  &ejijtance.  3  09 
 
 that  the  King  permitteth  in  a  place  of  power ,  I  will 
 obey  ixwalio,  foitbe  not  againft  the  King.  So  is 
 ic  in  this  cafe ,  about  Infidel  and  Heathen  Gover- 
 nor?. 
 
 And  now  rhe  objeSions  need  no  further  anfwer. 
 The  grand  Obje&ion  (that  they  are  Tray  tors  againft 
 God,  and  have  no  Power  from  him  ,  becaufe  they 
 deny  him  J  is  anfwered  in  th  s  that  hath  been  faid. 
 The  other  ObjediQn  (that  this  would  infer  obedi- 
 ence to  the  Pope)  is  eafily  anfwered:  The  Office  it 
 felf  of  the  Papacy  is  erefted  by  man  againft  the  JVM 
 ofChrift.  An  Infidel  King  is  in  an  Office  of  Gods  in- 
 Ititutton,  though  the  prfon  be  half  unfit  :  Bat  the 
 Pope  is  in  an  Office  that  God  condemneth  ,  whatever 
 the  perfon  be .  And  therefore  a  (inful  office  may  not 
 be  obeyed  by  us  at  all. 
 
 Thef.  332.  Toebeyamanthatiiknovpn  to  have  no 
 PoWer^  isnotofitfelfnnlartfnl,  fo  the  office  or  thing 
 commanded  be  not  forbidden. 
 
 for  we  are  commanded  to  fubjeft  our  fclves  one  to 
 another,  1  Per,  5.  5.  and  in  honour  to  prefer  each 
 other.  I  may  obey  any  man  that  commanded!  me, 
 even  if  it  be  to  give  him  my  Cloak,  or  Coat,  or  go 
 with  him  fo  many  miles :  So  be  it  there  be  not  fome 
 accident  that  makes  it  finful:  As  if  it  fees)  to  own  an 
 unjuft  Authority  to  the  publick  fcandal  ^  er  if  ic  will 
 encourage  the  Ufurper  in  his  fin,  &c. 
 
 But  this  alfo  is  no  plea  for  the  lawfuloefs  of  obey- 
 ing the  Pope,  whole  Office  is  unlawful,  and  who  is 
 the  enemy  of  Common- wealths,  while  he  proclaim- 
 ed) bimfdf  the  Lord  of  Princes.  Saith  an  old  Poet 
 
 Bb  and 
 
and  Htftorian,  Guntber.  Ligurin.  Lib.  6.  pag.  376. 
 
 Cogitet  anttynos  primtvitemporis  annos, 
 
 Fr&teritofa  d^es^  &feculaprifcarevplvat9 
 
 Num  Vetrut^  am  Clemens v>um  cater  a  turba  prior  nm 
 
 Sceptra  Latina  dab  At  ?  Romanes  tempore  prifco 
 
 Pauper  erat  ptaful%  regali  munere  crevit :     ' 
 
 Nee  tamen  ntfafces  &  regni  jar*  Latini 
 
 Vel  dare  prafamat,  velcuicjuam  toller e  poffit : 
 
 JExceJfere  mo  A  urn  magnornm  munera  regum, 
 
 Si  tantum  cuiquawjus  infua  regna  dederunt :        ■     » 
 
 Hoc  tamen  ar  barium  Roman  us  tempore  no  fir  0 
 Vendicat  Antifles^  doeumenta^  vana  §,gurU 
 Bxprimit\  &  cbartis  datgrandia  verba  faperbis* 
 Rtad  the  reft. 
 
 When  Princes  ruled  Popss,and  placed  and  dicta- 
 ted them  as  they  faw  meet ,  there  was  fome  Peace  to 
 be  had  •  but  fince  Popes  have  placed  and  difplaced 
 Princes,  Peace  and  Honefty  are  facriBced  to  odious 
 pride  and  arrogancy  :  and  if  Princes  will  not  re-af- 
 fame  their  right,  they  ftiallanfwcr  for  betraying  the 
 people  committed  to  them.  Its  a  part  of  the  Praife  of 
 the  Emperour  Otho ,  given  bira  by  an  antient  female 
 Poet,  tbat  he  in  a  right  zeal  depofed.a  faulty  Pope  , 
 and  put  abetter  in  his  place.  Hrofwilhae  Hiftor.  fin, 
 p.  1 01.  ex  colled,  Rcuberi. 
 
 Qualittr  tfrrt&i  compmBnt  acxmnezeli 
 Summnm  Pentifcem  quadam  per  verfa  pair  antew7 
 Ejtu  nee  wrhh  fcgnanum  ctdere  crtbris, 
 
 StdU 
 
And  of  Refinance.  371 
 
 SedU  Ap§ftolic&  fraudari  fecit  honor e, 
 '  Con/lit  uenj  alium  Rettorunomive  digntim* 
 
 Thcf.    333.     Private    men    disjunttly     are    not 
 
 made  Judges  of  the  Title  of  their  Princes  9  and  therefore 
 
 muft  obey  them  that  are  in  P off effion  and  Admiqjjtrati- 
 
 .  crt,  unlefs  their  Vfurpatidn  befo  notorious  at  to  he  pajl 
 
 controverfie. 
 
 Private  men  conjunctly  art  the  Body  of  the  Com- 
 mon-wealth, who  being  kisfirength,  muft  defend  their 
 Princes  right  :  and  therefore  muft  Judge  of  it  y\n  order 
 to  fucb  defence.  Bat  while  the  Body  (real  and  re- 
 prefentative)  fubmit,  it  belongeth  not  to  private 
 members  to  cry  or  judge  of  controverted  Titles  of 
 their  Princes.  For  their  diftance  and  unacquainted- 
 nefs  wicb  State-affairs,  doth  ufually  leave  them  un- 
 capable  of  Judging,  e.g.  In  the  time  of  the  Roman 
 Eraperours,  there  were  few  private  perfons  fit  to 
 judge  of  their  Titles  %  and  therefore  the  Apoftlc  fup- 
 pofing  this,  commandeth  them  to  obey  the  power* 
 that  then  were.  If  a  private  man  muft  firft  know  his 
 Princes  Gencalogie,  orhavefatisfadory  evidence  of 
 his  Title  to  the  Crown5  before  he  be  obliged  to  obey,  - 
 then  obedience  would  be  rare,  and  Princes  muft  take 
 another  courfe  to  acquaint  their  fubjeds  with  their 
 Title?,  then  hitherto  they  have  thought  meet  toufe, 
 How  tew  in  England  of  the  common  people  were  ac- 
 quainted with  King  James  his  Title?  or  with  Henry 
 the  fevenths,  or  many  of  their  PredeCcfibrs  9  from 
 whom  they  pretended  that  theirs  was  derived.  The 
 vulgar  muft  fee  reach  by  the  eyes  of  the  Nobles  and' 
 .Senate  in  thefe  things. 
 
 Bbi 
 
372  of  due  obedience  to  Rulers, 
 
 Tbef.  334.  //  V'urpition  be  notorious t  yet  if  it  be 
 mt  to  the  injury  of amther ,  the  body  of  the  Nation  may 
 lawfully  afterward  Confent,  and  having  conferited,  are 
 obliged  to  obey,  though  JliS  the  Vfurper  is  accountable  to 
 Cjod  for  unjufi  procurement  of  their  confent. 
 
 Of  the  cafe  of  injuring  another,  and  of  the  change 
 of  Government  from  perfon  to  perfon,  I  have  fpoken 
 before.  Bat  out  of  that  cafe,  there  is  no  prohibition 
 of  God  to  fub jed  our  felves  to  an  Ufurpcr* 
 
 Thcf.  335.  ItisthefubjeElsT^utytofubmittofuf- 
 feringy  and  not  rejifi  the  Power  of  their  Rulers,  in  cafes 
 where  they  may  not  lawfully  obey. 
 
 Yet  thofe  raifunderftand  the  Apoftle  Paul,  that 
 think  by  the  ©  aV^iac^'^©-,  Rom,  13.  2.  is  meant 
 enly  violent  Refiflers :  meer  disobedience  may  make  a 
 man  a  Rcfifter  in  the  Apoftles  fenfe.  It  is  Antifubjefti- 
 on,  or  breaking  out  of  the  rank  of  fub  jeds,  which  the 
 Text  forbids.  And  he  that  unwarrantably  difobeyeth, 
 may  do  that,  though  he  forcibly  refift  nor.  But  when 
 obedience  in  the  thing  commanded  is  unlawful ,  yel 
 fubraifiion  to  Suffering  may  be  a  duty ;  The  excepted 
 cafes  are  after  to  be  mentioned. 
 
 Thef. 
 
And  of  Refijtanct.  375 
 
 Thef.  336.  In  many  cafes  where  Officers  may  be  re- 
 fijttd,  it  may  be  unlawful  to  rejifi  the  Sovereign  kirn" 
 (elf. 
 
 I  ftnll  onlyinftancenowin  this  general;  In  cafe 
 the  Law  or  will  of  the  Soveraign  allow  us  to  Refift 
 bit  Officers  upon  fuppofition  of  fuch  or  fuch  mif- 
 carriages  -  but  not  to  refift  himtelf. 
 
 Tfoef.  3  3  7.  In  many  cafes  when  it  is  Lawful  forcibly 
 to  refift  a  Prince,  in  fame  one  particular  cauje  or  a&,  we 
 may  jet  remain  obliged  to  honour  and  obey  him  in  all 
 things  elfey  and  not  to  dtpdfe  him,  or  hurt  hu  perfon. 
 
 As  there  is  great  difference  between  bis  in  jufticc  in 
 a  particular  aEl ,  and  tbt  Nullity  of  bis  Power;  fo  is 
 there  great  difference  between  Keftfting  anunjuft  ail, 
 and  Refifling  his  offia  in  the  main,  and  denying  him 
 our  fub  je&ion.  When  the  former  may  be  a  Duty  ,the 
 later  may  be  a  damnable  fin.  A  man  that  holds  the 
 bands  of  an  angry  Prince  from  killing  bimfelf^or  ano- 
 ther in  his  paflion,  may  ycc  honour  him  and  obey 
 hi ai  as  faithfully  as  another  man  •  and  do  him  neither 
 wrong  nor  hurt. 
 
 Thef.  338.  Every  breach  of  Oath  or  Covenant  by 
 the  Prince,  will  not  warrant  the  peopk  to  dtpofe  him,  or 
 difobey  him. 
 
 In  two  cafes  this  is  evident,  ("which  contain  the 
 particular  cafes.)  1.  The  Covenants  between  Prince 
 and  people  contain  fome  particulars  oft  times  that  arc 
 
 Bb3  not 
 
3  74  of  due  Obedience  to  Rulers 7 
 
 not  of  Necefiuy  to  the  Being  of  the  common  gooif 
 but  only  to  the  melius  (Jfe,  or  to  the  good  of  fome 
 particular  p^rfons.  If  the  Prince  or  Senate,  or  who- 
 ever is  Soveraign,  break  fuch  Covenants,  they  offend, 
 but  do  not  thereby  forfeit  tfeeir  Soveraignty  •,  unlefs 
 ( which  is  not  to  be  fuppofed)  it  were  agreed  between 
 them,  that  this  (hould  be  a  forfeiture  :  Nor  may  men 
 lefift,  in  fuch  a  cafe  of  breach,  in  fmallcr  things,  on- 
 lefs  the  Covenants,  or  Law  allow  it  them:  2  If  the 
 Soveraign  (hould  violate  his  Covenants,  or  the  Con- 
 ftitution  it  felf  in  matters  Fundamental ,  which  the 
 common  good  doth  lie  upon,  and  yet  do  this  but  in 
 fome  one  Aft,  which  he  pcrfifleth  not  in,  but  recurn- 
 eth  into  his  way,  and  is  not  a  flared  habi  uated  offen- 
 der in  this  kind;  it  cannot  be  taken  for  a  forfeiture  of 
 his  Power  ^  nor  fufficient  to  warrant  men  to  with- 
 draw fubje&ion  ,  unlefs  it  were  fo  expreffed  in  the 
 Covenants  or  Laws.  Such  a  deftru&ive  Aft  of  bis  may 
 be  £»Wrai,that  is,  Refifted,  and  yet  the  Regal  ejlate  not 
 fubverted,  while  the  crime  is  not  ftaced. 
 
 So  much  for  the  Negative,  How  far  Refinance  is 
 unlawful/Now  of  the  Affirmative,how  far  it  is  law- 
 ful. A  tender  paint :  but  fo  weighty,  that  confciecce 
 (hcu'd  not  be  unetled  in  it. 
 
 Thef. 
 
And  $f  Rtfiflancc.  375 
 
 Thcf.  339.  ivhtn  it  is  notorious  that  a  man  loath  nd 
 right  to  Govern,  the  people  are  not  bouni  to  obey  him,  m- 
 left  bj  accident. 
 
 Elfc  wc  fhosld  be  bound  to  take  every  man  for  our 
 Soveraign  thatcaileth  himfelffo:  And  fo  the  peo- 
 ple (hould  be  bound  to  Treafon,  and  to  have  many 
 Soveraigns ,  when  many  pretend  to  ir.  Materially 
 men  may  be  obliged  to  obey  (that  is,  to  do  the  thing 
 commanded  )  in  prudence  to  avoid  an  evil  to  the 
 Nation  or  therafclves.  Bat  formal  obedience  is  dpe 
 to  none  bat  fuch  as  are  in  Authority,  or  feem  to  have 
 Authority,  and  fo  quoad  nos  are  truly  Govcrnours, 
 though  perhaps  their  Tide  csram  Deo  may  not  be 
 good.  Even  as  I  am  not  to  take  any  man  for  a  Paftor 
 of  the  Church  that  is  not  lawfully  called  to  it,  or 
 being  in  PofTeffionand  Adrainiftrarion  doth  feem  fo 
 fo  the  Church. 
 
 Thef.  340.  If  a  Lawful  King  be  limited,  if  he 
 Command  the  fubjefls  beyond  his  Limits,  in  matters  ex- 
 empted from  hu  power ,  orelfein  matters  that  the  nature 
 of  his  office  extendeth  not  unto,  that  command  is  not 
 an  aft  of  power-,  and  therefore  it  is  not  a  refinance  of 
 Power  to  di/ebej  it. 
 
 The  Refiftance  of  a  perfon  in  power  ,  in  a  point 
 wherein  he  hath  no  Power,  is  not  to  refift  Power, 
 (that  is,  Jns  regendi)  but  the  will  of  a  private  man ; 
 For  he  is  a  private  man  in  all  things  exempted  from 
 his  Power.  1 .  A  School-matter  hath  nothing  to  do  to 
 command  bis  Scholars  in  matters  about  their  trades 
 
 B  b  4  and 
 
376  Of  due  obedience  to  Rulers, 
 
 and  callings  in  the  world,  but  only  in  matters  of 
 learning  and  manner*,  becaufe  it  belongs  h  riot  to  his 
 Office.  A  Captain  hath  no  Power  (  as  fuch)  about 
 mensefhtes,  but  only  about  the  manners  and  milita- 
 ry aftions  of  his  Souldiers,  in  order  to  his  military 
 ends.  If  a  Judge  of  one  Court  ftep  into  another 
 without  Coramiffion,  in  alienoforo,  his  Sentence  is 
 null,  and  no  man  bound  to  obey  it.  So  if  the  Mini- 
 fter  prcfume  to  commsnd  in  things  belonging  to  the 
 Magiftrate,  and  not  to  him,  his  aft  is  private,  vain 
 and  noil.  So  if  a  Soveraign  will  turn  Phyfitian  ,  and 
 command  all  men  to  take  this  or  that  Phyfick  only, 
 not  in  order  to  publike  good,  but  private  health »  or  if 
 he  will  turn  Paftor  and  do  things  proper  to  a  Paftor 
 of  the  Church,  bis  acts  are  private  and  null,  as  being 
 without  the  verge  of  his  vocation. 
 
 2.  And  where  his  Covenants  with  his  people  limit 
 him,  be  hath  no  power  in  the  excepted  points  •  e.g.  if 
 he  be  reftraioed  from  raifing  Taxes  without  the  peo- 
 ples confent ,  if  he  yet  command  the  payment  of 
 luch taxes,  he  doth  it  not  by  Authority  :  For  nei- 
 ther God  nor  man  did  ever  give  him  Authority  there- 
 to. If  the  Confticution  reftrain  him  from  raifing  war 
 without  the  confent  of  the  Senate,  and  yet  he  under- 
 take to  do  it,  it  is  not  an  aft  of  Authority  ,  for  he 
 never  had  Authority  thereto. 
 
 Objeft.  Who  hath  Power  te  limit*  Prince,  when  hi 
 h  the  Officer  ef  God  ?< 
 
 Anfy*.  i.  God  bath  limited  him.  2.God  hath  not 
 determined  in  Nature  or  Scripture  of  the  (pedes  of 
 Government,  nor  of  the  perfon  or  family  that  (hall 
 Govern :  The  People  therefore  being  his  Inftraments 
 or  means,  may  Imit  their  Soveraigns  in  things  that 
 
 God 
 
And  of  Rtfiftdnce.  377 
 
 God  hitb  not  determined  of.  3 .  His  own  Covenants 
 may  limit  him.  And  the  people  having  (Irength  and 
 liberty %  may  force  him  to  luch  Covenants  as  are  nc- 
 cefliry  to  their  fecurity  ,  before  they  choofe  him  to 
 be  their  Kmg.No  man  or  family  hath  Originally  more 
 right  to  Govern  a  Nation  then  the  reft,  till  Provi- 
 aencctn&Confent  allow  it  them.  Few  Princes  will 
 plead  a  fucceffi  ve  Right  of  Primogeniture  from  Noah. 
 If  the  pcop'e  then  fay,  \_Wt  choofe  you ,  (  and  jour  fa- 
 mily fuccejfively)  to  Rule  m  on  thefe  and  no  ether  terms  ^ 
 Accept  the-e  terms, or  we  accept  not  you.  3  If  he  thus  ac- 
 cept them,  he  obligcth  himfelf,  and  all  his  fucceffors  9 
 that  will  Rule  on  that  foundation.  And  therefore  he 
 hath  no  more  Authority  then  another  man,in  the  ex* 
 cepted  points. 
 
 .  Thef.341.  He  thit  thus  commandeth  beytnd  hU 
 bounds  and  wthout  Authority,  may  be  lawfully  Reftfled 
 in  thofe  Commands,  unlefs  the  Law  or  C  on  flit  ut  ion  for- 
 bid fucb  Refiftance  :  Provided  that  the  Honour  and  Au- 
 thority of  the  Ruler  be  preserved,  and  he  be  obeyed  in  all 
 lawful  things. 
 
 Not  obeying ,  is  the  firft  and  chief  Refifting  ^  Ani 
 that «  proved  lawful  before,  which  proveth  this  alfo. 
 He  Refifteth  not  Power  or  Authority,  that  Reffieth 
 only  the  will  of  a  man,  that  ( in  that )  hath  no  Aa- 
 ,  thority :  Indeed  if  the  Conftitution  (hoald  be  (which 
 is  not  to  be  imagined  )  that  the  Prince  (hall  have  no 
 Power  in  this  or  that ,  and  yet  if  he  aflame  it ,  none 
 (hill  refift  him ,  then  men  are  retrained  from  re- 
 fiftance. Ocberwifcjn  thofe  points  he  is  a  private 
 man.  YeUfo^*;*//j' Refiftancc  may  become  a  fin 
 
 or 
 
378  Of  due  Obedience  to  Rulers, 
 
 or  a  Duty.  If  it  cannot  be  done  without  the  com- 
 mon lofsand  hart,  by  dishonouring  and  dcpoling  the 
 Goyernoar,  it  is  a  fin  by  accident.  If  it  be  nctrfhry 
 to  reftrain  bis  ufurpation .,  and  to  fecure  the  pubiick 
 goad,  it  will  be  a  duty,  and  no  indifferent  thing. 
 
 If  I  be  bound  to  obey  or  not  refill,  where  there  is 
 m  Authority  to  require  my  obedience,then  it  muft  be 
 fomewhat  diftind  and  feparated  from  Authority 
 that  I  am  bound  to :  Aod  what  that  is ,  muft  be  dif- 
 covered.  It  can  be  but  Accidental :  and  thai's  no- 
 tfaiag  to  the  point. 
 
 Thef.  342.  No  Law  cm  oblige  m  to  Punijhment 
 buffer  difobedience  ^  And  therefore  where  the  Obedience 
 .  Was  not  due ,  the  difobedience  is  inculpable ,  and  the  pn- 
 nijbment  not  due:  And  where  it  U  not  due,  I  am  not  obli- 
 gtdtoit  by  that  Law  %  though  pojfiblj  fome  other  L*w 
 may  bind  me  to/ubmit  to  undnefujferings. 
 
 If  there  be  a  Law  forbidding  Refiftance,  how  un- 
 due foevcj:  the  penalty  be,  that  Law  mutt  reftrain  us. 
 But  that  Law  it  felf  that  obligeth  ant  adobeduntiam, 
 autpanam,  obligeth  not  to  punilhment,  but  in  cafe  of 
 difobedience.  The  a&ion  therefore  of  fuch  an  unjuft 
 aufli&cr,  ii  without  Authority  ;  And  therefore  ie  csn- 
 QOt  be  formally  in  obedience  unto  him  that  I  muft 
 fubmit  (  unlefs  to  forac  cither  Law.  )  But  it  may  be 
 an  ad  of  formal  obedience  to  God,  that  requireth  me 
 to  fubmit  to  the  unjuft  affii&ions  of  men,  when  they 
 cannot  be  refilled  without  deturbing  or  difhonouring 
 the  Governours ,  to  the  injury  of  the  Common- 
 wealth. Rulers  are  not  authorized  to  hurt  the  inno- 
 cent at  pleafure* 
 
 Thcf. 
 
And  of  Refiftance.  3  j9 
 
 Thef  343-  lnferiour  Rulers  have  no  Authority  but 
 what  it  give*  them  from  the  Sovereign  Porter  5  and 
 therefore  in  all  other  things  the  fubjetti  are  not  bound  to 
 obey  them  ^  but  may  forcibly  njift  them,  bj  the  Confent 
 of  the  Sovereign. 
 
 They  are  Private  men  in  matters  without  the 
 verge  of  their  Commifiions.  If  a  Conftablc  ufurpc 
 the  Office  of  a  Juflice,  or  a  Juftice  of  a  Judge,  or  one 
 Judge  of  another,  (heir  commands  are  null  and  may 
 be  refilled  by  difobedience,  and  by  force  too ,  unlefs 
 where  the  Law  for  Peace  and  order  doth  forbid  it. 
 No  man  doubts  but  the  Soveraign  may  authorize  us 
 to  rcfift  his  Officers ,  when  they  tranfgrefs  their 
 bounds, 
 
 Thef  344.  No  humane  Soveraign  hath  Authority 
 toforbd  ft  hat  God  commands >%or  to  command  what  God 
 forbids  -5  but  their  Laws  that  are  notoricujly  contrary  to 
 the  Laws  of  G*d,  are  nullities,  and  cannot  oblige  to  obe- 
 dience or  punijhment. 
 
 A  Conft able  or  Juftice  may  a  thoufand-fold  more 
 excufably  pretend  Authority  againft  the  King,  or  in- 
 dependent on  him,  then  a  King  can  claim  Authority 
 againft  God,  or  independent  on  him.  There  is  no 
 Power  but  from  God ;  God  giveth  none  againft  hira- 
 felf.  All  Laws  or  commands  of  men  are  null,  or  void 
 of  true  obliging  Authority ,  which  are  againft  his 
 Laws.  They  are  not  words  of  Authority,  bnt  of  Re- 
 bellion or  VfitrpaiionjLhit  command  us  to  difobcy  the 
 God  of  heaven.  To  refill  fuch  a  command,  is  not  to 
 
 Refill 
 
3 So  Of  he  obedience  to  Ruler sy 
 
 Refill  an  aft  of  Power,  bat  of  Vfurpation.  For  there 
 can  be  no  Power  without  ,  much  iefs  againft  the 
 fountain  of  all  power  ,  the  univerfal  Soveraign.  It 
 may  be  this  is  the  meaning  of  the  School-men  and 
 Politicians,  that  fay  it  is  no  Law  -which  is  ur.juft  ^  and 
 of  A uguftine  that  make*  JufticeefTential  to  the  Com- 
 mon-wealth, de  Civic.  Dei  \\ig.  [  V hi  ergo  fufiitia 
 vera  non  eft,  necjtupoteft  ejfe  :  ^uoi  enim  jure  fit, pro  - 
 feclojufte  fit  :  quod  antem  fit  injufte  ,  nee  jure  fieri  po- 
 teft.  Non  enim  jura  dicenda  funt  velputanda  qu&libet 
 iniqua  keminum  conftituta  :  Qu0ci*ca  ubi  non  eft  vera 
 jttftitiajuris  conf$nfuf$ciatus  coetm  h  minum  nonpoteft 
 eJF*i  &  iieo  nee  popnlus  :  Etfi  nonpopulm.nec  respopu- 
 li ,  fed  qualifcm^  multituiinis  qua  populi  nomine 
 dignamn  eft.  Ac  per  hoc  ft  Refpubl  ca  Res  eft  Popvli,& 
 Populus  mn  eft  qui  eon  fin  fu  juris  foeiatus  non  eft  -,  non 
 eft  antemjnsnbi  nulla  eft  JufHtiajroculdubio  colligitur^ 
 ubi  fuftitia  non  eft, non  ejje  Re  mpublicam.]  Of  this  mt)re 
 anon. 
 
 Yet  as  God  rcqaireth  as  to  yield  for  peace  f  ike  to 
 men  that  have  no  Authority ,  and  rather  then  be  re- 
 venged or  break  Charity  and  Peace,  to  go  two  miles 
 with  him  that  would  compell  us  to  go  one ,  8nd 
 to  give  our  coat  to  him  that  takes  away  our  clo^k  •,  fo 
 much  more  finis  grath  for  the  fake  of  Charity ,P<race 
 and  Order,  he  requireth  ni  to  fuflfer  wrongs  from 
 Kings  and  M*giftrates>  and  not  difturb  the  publick 
 peace  for  our  private  inceretl.  But  yet  for  all  this, 
 their  ads  againft  God  and  his  Laws,are  not  atts  *f  Au- 
 thority %  nor  oblige  to  formal  Obedience  -y  nor  are  wc 
 tyed  from  Reftftance  when  the  publick  good  requireth 
 ir,  and  fo  the  end  is  fuch  as  we  cannot  difpence  with. 
 
 B  jc  yet  if  upon  this  pretence  any  private  fubjeda 
 
 or 
 
Andef  Refinance.  381 
 
 or  others  take  on  tbem  to  jadge  the  Soveraigns  afli- 
 ons,  rhat  are  uncspable,  or  not  called  to  it ,  or  (hall 
 conclude  that  to  be  contrary  to  Godi  Law  chat  is  not, 
 and  (hall  relift  Authority  under  pretence  of  refitting 
 a  private  Will,  their  temerity  and  errcur  will  not ex- 
 cufe  them  from  the  guile. 
 
 Tbef.  345.  Tofpe*k.pr*perly^m  Law  cbligetbany 
 man  to  [afferent  only  tofttbmityandmt  refft:Andthere- 
 fore  we  are  allowed  to  fly  to  ejeape  undeferved  offering. 
 
 Chrifthimfelf  allowethhis  Difciples  to  fly  in  cafe 
 of  perfection  ,  ur.iefs  when  accidentally  the  confef- 
 fing  of  his  name  requiretb  ihem  to  ftay.   He  that  fly- 
 eth  dorb  nor<  bey, or  fuffer  :  and  yetoffendeth  nor, 
 becaufehedotn  not  diiobey  a  Command  of  Autho- 
 rity, but  of  u'.'urpiiigtirt//,  nor  doth  refift  tothedi- 
 fiurbancenf  the  common  peace ,  nor  to  the  difcou- 
 r*gemenc  or  di  paragement  of  Governours.    And  if 
 flight,  then  any  other  lawful  means  may  be  ufed  ro 
 avoid  unrighteous  iuffering*,  as  by  intreaiy ,and  by 
 mediation  of  friends,  or  as  Paul  by  an  Appeal ;  and 
 why  not  by  forcible  efcape  out  of  prifon  ,  or  the  infe- 
 riour  officers  bands  ?  The  A  potties  went  out  of  Pri- 
 fon when  the  Angel  let  them  loofe*,  and  the  fear  of 
 the  People  often  refcucd  Cbrift  and  them .    Bafil  was 
 violently  refcued  from  the  Tribunal  by  the  multitude , 
 and  many  antientBifhops  have  fo  efcaped  :  This  is 
 Reft/ling,  and  violent  Refining :  but  when  it  is  bot  an 
 efcapefrom  the  hands  of  perfecution  and  injuftice,and 
 is  no  injury  totheGovernour  ,  ncr  a  difturbing  of 
 publick  order  or  peace,  it  is  not  the  refitting  that  God 
 forbid^  nor  any  refitting  gf  Authority, 
 
 Thef. 
 
381  Of  dutObtdknu  to  Rulers, 
 
 Thef.-  346.  In  many  cafes  it  u  lawful  to  Refiji  the 
 Officers  and  Inftruments  of  a  King^  though  againfi  hii 
 -will 
 
 1.  A?  to  their  per fens ;  chcy  KXtfabjetis  %  and  have 
 notthemfclvcs  the  Sovcraign  Power.  2.  Every  man 
 that  faith  be  comes  in  the  Kings  name,  is  not  ro  be  be- 
 lieved. 3<  Unlawful  commands  fhould  have  no  Exe- 
 cutioners, if  they  may  be  known  to  be  unlawful  : 
 And  therefore  the  Executioners  deferve  punifhment, 
 and  not  obedience.  4.  A  King  may  be  limited  him- 
 fclf,  and  then  cannot  give  the  Power  to  his  Officers 
 that  he  hath  nor.  And  when  they  arc  fentby  mecr 
 Will  without  Authority  fhty  may  be  dealt  with  as  pri- 
 vate invaders  of  our  rights.  Eliot  deftroyed  two 
 Captains  and  their  Companies  with  fire  from  Heaven , 
 that  came  to  command  him  to  come  to  the  King  > 
 2  King.  1. 9, 10.  Though  the  manner  was  excraor* 
 dinary  by  Miracle ,  yet  the  matter  (deftroying  the 
 Kings  Souldiers )  was  the  fame  as  if  it  bad  been  done 
 by  war  ^  and  was  done  by  his  voluntary  Refinance. 
 Every  fouldier  is  not  the  King :  and  the  command  of 
 obeying  the  higher  Powers ;  obligeth  us  not  to  obey 
 them  that  have  00  Power  high  or  low  h  but  are  the 
 mcerlnftrumeotsof  will  and  Arbitrary  invafion,  and 
 not  of  Power.  A  Kings  will  cannot  ju&ifie  his  own 
 ads  that  proceed  not  from  Power  but  ufurpation  : 
 Much lefs  his  Officers  or  Souldiers  ads. 
 
 Thef.  347.-4  King  muft  not  he  obeyed  that  command- 
 ttb  dfubjftl  f  hill  him,  or  unjuftly  to  kill  anotlnr,  or  to 
 do  any  evil  that  U  $r  may  be  known  to  befuch. 
 
 David 
 
And  cf  Refinance.  383 
 
 David  hewed  in  pieces  him  that  killed  Saul  in  obe- 
 dience to  him.  He  was  a  Tray  tor  that  obeyed  the 
 King  to  his  deftru&ion.  Doeg  was  a  branded  wicked 
 wretch  that  obeyed  the  King  10  killing  the  Priefts.  It 
 was  foabs  fin  to  fct  Vriab  in  the  place  of  danger,  and 
 be  Davids  infirument  to  murder  bim,  though  by  the 
 enemies  fword.  Daniei  would  not  forbear  open  pray- 
 ing in  his  houfe  for  a  few  daies  time  at  the  will  of  the 
 Kmg:  The  three  witneffcs,  D**.  3.  boldly  told  the 
 King  to  his  face  ,  that  they  would  no!  worfliip  tbc 
 Image  that  he  commanded  them  to  worfhip.Man  may 
 {no:  be  obeyed  againft  God. 
 
 Thef.  348.  Itu  lawful  and  a  Duty  to  Reftfi  a  King 
 even  bj  viohnce  Hp:n  his  per  fen  ,  to  prevent  the  dtftru- 
 Bion  cf  him/elf,  jea  or  of  the  innocent  y  in  cmfe  it  be  dent  - 
 ypith  the  due  regard  ofh:s  honour  and  dignity yand  the  end 
 of  Government. 
 
 1.  If  a  King  (tsSsuI)  would  make  away  him- 
 felf,tbe  Subjeft  is  a  Tray  tor  that  doth  not  Refift  him, 
 and  prefirrve  him,  though  again  ft  hrs  will.  Nature 
 and  the  common  good  require  it.  We  muft  do  fo  for 
 1  fellow- fubjift  ;  much  mt>re  for  a  Prince.  If  in  his 
 ficknefs  he  would  eat  or  drink  that  which  would  kill 
 him,  he  may  be  birdrcd  even  by  fcrce.  2.  If  in  his 
 Pafiion  he  would  kill  his  wife  or  fervants ,  or  faithful 
 fubjeds,  he  is  to  be  refitted  even  by  force  :  and  be 
 that  holds  bis  hands,  and  takeib  the  fword  cut  cf  bis 
 hands,  may  expect  that  he  wiil  praife  him  when  the 
 Paifion  is  over  :  But  if  he  do  ror,God  and'goed  men 
 \vill  praife  him-,  and  the  wickednefs  of  an  obftinate 
 
 Xing, 
 
384  Of  due  Obedience  U  Rulers % 
 
 King,  cannot  make  the  good  a&ion  to  be  evil.  He  Is 
 not  £0  ttV77n*^V*p©-]  that  only  hindreth  a  King 
 from  murder. 
 
 Thef.  349.  As  it  is  lawful  thus  tofave  another s  life 
 from  a  murderous  King,fo  alfo  to  fave  our  own  ^  with 
 the  afore faid  caution,  and  if  no  other  accident  for  kid  it. 
 
 No  man  is  bound  to  love  his  neighbour  ,  b6t  as 
 himfeif.  We  arc  bound  to  prefer ve  our  own  lives  as 
 well  as  anothers :  It  is  as  great  a  fin  in  a  King  to  mur- 
 der you  as  another:  And  therefore  you  fhouid  equal- 
 ly endeavour  to  prevent  that  (in.  You  may  hold  h'sfj 
 hands,  or  take  away  his  fword,  in  cafe  you  cannot  flic 
 orotberwifeefcape.  For,  vi.  It  is  not  Authority  but 
 Paffion  that  you  refift.  2.  You  hurt  him  nor,  nor  de- 
 rogate from  his  authority,  nor  difturb  the  Order  and 
 Government  of  the  Common-wealth.  3.  You  arc 
 bound  to  preferveyour  life  by  lawful  means,  4.  And 
 ~a!fo  to  preferve  him  from  fuch  deadly  fin.  David  fl  d 
 from  Saul  with  an  Army  to  defend  him  :  And  his 
 queftion,  £  Will  the  men  of  Ke»lah  deliver  me  into  the 
 hands  */Saul  ?  _]  doch  inriraace  tha^he  would  have  de- 
 fended that  town  againft  him, if  the  To  wnftpen  would 
 but  have  ftuck  to  him.  The  peop'e  refcued  fonathsn 
 refolutely  from  the  fword  of  a  King  and  Father ,  en- 
 gaged by  Oath  to  have  put  him  to  death  ,  1  Sam. 
 14.45 .  £  And  the  people  faid  unto  Saul,«JW/  Jonathan 
 die  who  huh  wrought  this  great  falvatian  in  Uracil  God 
 forbid*  As  the  Lord  liveth%  there  fhall  not  one  hair  of 
 
 hii  head  fall  to  the  ground So  the  people  refcued  Jo* 
 
 nzthzhihathedjed  not.]  The  other  is,i  Sam.  23*  I2# 
 
 Thcf.  5$o. 
 
And  of  Re  ft  fiance.  417 
 
 Tfaef.348.  It  is  the  But j  of  a  Woman  to  Refift  a 
 King  that  would  raviflj  her^  and  the  duty  of  9* 
 t hers  to  ajfift  her. 
 
 For  1.  To  ravifti  her  is  no  aft  of  Authority,  and 
 therefore  to  Refill:  is  no  Refilling  of  Authority  ,but  of 
 luft.  2,  Elfe  the  Woman  fhould  be  guilty  of  Adul- 
 tery, being  bound  by  God,  to  preferve  her  chaflity, 
 and  fo  fhouid  thofe  that  being  bound  to  affift  her,do 
 negleft  it. 
 
 Thef.349.  Much  more  Jhould  a  Nation  preferve 
 themf elves,  or  their  Reprefentative  Body,  from  the 
 nnjufl  endeavours  of  a  King,  that  woxld  deftroy 
 them. 
 
 The  Reafon  is  mod  evident  ^  1 .  Afortiore  :  if  the 
 life  and  chaftity  of  a  fmgle  perfon  may  be  refcued  by 
 force  from  the  Will  and  Inftruments  of  a  deftroying 
 and  urichaft  King,  much  more  may  a  Nation  or  "par- 
 liament be  io  refcued . 
 
 2.  We  have  a  concurrence  of  many  greateft  obli- 
 gations to  fuch  a  refcue.  1 .  Parliaments  we  call  out 
 about  our  work,and  truft  them  to  fecure  our  IntereiT:, 
 and  therefore  to  forfake  them  to  the  will  of  the  unjuft 
 is  to  betray  them.  2. There  is  the  higheft  Reafon  for 
 Natural  felf-prefervation,  to  preferve  a  whole  Nati- 
 on.3  .The  honour  and  intereil  of  Godas  moft  concer- 
 ned in  publike  intereft.He  that  thinks  a  Parliament  or 
 Nation  fhouid  lay  their  necks  upon  the  block,or  qui- 
 etly perifh  whenever  a  King  would  have  it  fo,  hath 
 loft  fo  much  of  humanity,  that  he  is  unfit  to  be  Civ  fa 
 tX  member  of  a  Commonwealth,     fonaihah  was  not 
 
 V  c  more 
 
420         of  due  Obedience  to  Rubers, 
 
 3 .  if  warre  be  juft,  either  as  a  meane  j-,or  as  an  end  : 
 The  later  no  man  is  fo  void  of  reafon  as  to  pretend 
 (that  is  fit  for  us  to  difpute  with.)  If  as  a  meanes,  it  is 
 either  as  a  meanes  to  the  common  good, ox  to  fomething 
 better,  or  to  fomething  Worfe  :  if  warre  be  a  meanes 
 to  the  common  good,  or  elfe  unlawtull,  then  have  we 
 that  granted  which  we  feek :  then  the  warre  is  finfull 
 that  is  again fi [the  common goodli "it  be  undertaken  for 
 a  lejfergoodjt  muft  needs  befwfufl :  for  a  greater  good 
 is  not  to  be  caft  away  in  order  to  a  lefs.  Reafon  will 
 cry  fhame  on  this.  Though  it  were  the  Right  and 
 Prerogative  of  the  King,  it  cannot  be  juftly  preferred 
 before  the  common  good  :  For  even  his  Prerogative, 
 as  his  Office  and  Government  it  felf,  are  the  meanes 
 to  this. 
 
 Two  thingsvindeed  are  above  the  common  good  of 
 a  Nation  :  One  is  the  Intereft,  Pleafure  and  Honour 
 of  God  himfelf.  The  other  is  the  good  of  the  world  ^ 
 or  of  many  and  greater  Nations  rouml  about.  And 
 the  welfare  of  thefe  (  and  of  the  Church  univerfal ) 
 
 ,  he  a  higher  end  then  a  Nations  good,  but  no- 
 thing elfe;  ' 
 
 Thef.352.     Though   a  Nation  wrong  their  King, 
 and  fo  meritum  caufae,   they  are  on   the 
 
 worfer  Gde,  jet  may  he  not  law  fully  Warre  againft 
 thefu!  like  good  on  that  account,  nor  any  help  him 
 in  fuck  a  Warre  ^  but  propter  finem  he  hath  the 
 Worfer  caufe. 
 
 The  Reafon  it  is  plain  in  what  is  faid :  1  .If  not  on- 
 ly his  Rights,  but  his  very  Office  and  Adminifiration 
 be  propter  bonum  publicum,  then  may  he  not  plead  or 
 defend  thofe  Rights  contra  bonum  publicum  •  But  the 
 
 Antecedent 
 
And  of  Re  ft  fiance.  421 
 
 Antecedent  is  paftcontroverfie  :  therefore  fo  muft  be 
 the  confequent. 
 
 2.  An  exceflive  penalty  beyond  the  proportion  of 
 the  offence,may  make  that  cauf  e  bad,that  elfe  would 
 have  been  good- The  danger  or  ruin  of  the  Common- 
 wealth^ its  felicity  is  fuch  a  punilhment .  If  a  King 
 be  wronged,he  mull:  be  righted  according  to  the  pro- 
 portion of  his  wrong  :  whatever  is  againft  the  Com- 
 monwealth, efpecially  in  the  great  matters  of  its  fafe- 
 ty  and  felicity  ,1s  incomparably  above  the  proportion 
 of  his  wrong  :  It  is  more  in  juftice  to  feek  the  deftru- 
 ftion  of  the  common  good,  for  a  real  injury  to  a  fin- 
 gle  perfon,  then  it  was  in  them  to  do  that  injury. 
 
 Thef.353,  A  tyarrc  raifed  again fi  the  Body  of  a 
 Nation,  is  by  them  to  be  confirmed  to  be  againfi  the 
 common  good ;  No  Vtarre  therefore  again  fi  the  Body 
 of  a  Nation,  by  any  of  its  members-,  Prince  or  peo- 
 fie, can  be  law  full  :  At  It  aft  except  in  the  two  fore- 
 excepted  Cafes,  viz.  the  Command  of  God,  and 
 the  Interefi  of  the  many  Nations  near  them. 
 
 Reafons  of  the  Antecedent :  1 .  The  very  miferies 
 of  a  warre  do  hazzard  all  the  faftety  and  felicity,yea 
 the  being  of  the  Commonwealth. 
 
 2.  He  that  raifeth  Vvarre  proclaimeth  hofiilky  with 
 them- he  warreth  againft.He  that  proclaimeth  hefiili- 
 r/againft  the  iV^n^depofeth  all  friendly  Relations,  - 
 and  is  fuppofed  to  be  one  that  will  deal  as  an  enemy. 
 An  enemy  is  to  be  fuppofed  to  be  one  that  intendeth 
 not  the  good  or  felicity  of  the  Commonwealth. 
 
 Thef.3  54.    It  is  net  prof  effing  in  Wa  r  as, that  the  ftarrz 
 
 E  e  3  ii 
 
42*  Of  due  obeditme  to  Rulers, 
 
 is  raifed  againfi  a  rebellion*  Party  only,  or  that  the 
 King  intendeth  by  it  the  common  good,  that  fhovdd 
 wtke  the  Nation  take  it  as  warrantable,  and  for 
 their  good,  if  they  be  the  Party  that  it  is  aBually 
 raifed  again  ft. 
 
 i.  Oherwife  they  fhould  never  ufe'  meanes  for 
 their  fecurity :  For  it's  eafie  to  fay,  /  intend  not  the 
 common  hurt :  And  who  will  not  fay  it,  how  hoftile 
 foe  ver  his  aftions  be. 
 
 2.  Quid verba  audiam,  cumfaEia  vide  am  ?  War 
 is  not  an  ad:  of  Government,  but  Hofillitj.  Men  are 
 not  in  reafon  to  be  fuppofed  to  intend  their  enemies 
 good.  If  they  fight,  we  are  to  believe  they  would 
 kill :  and  nature  believeth  not  killing  to  be  an  aft  of 
 friendfhif. 
 
 3 .  He  that  raifeth  War  but  againft  afattion  of  Re- 
 bels, that  hinder  or  difturb  the  common  Peace,  doth 
 not  make  the  Nation  or  Commonwealth  it  felf,  but 
 thofe  Rebels  to  be  a  Party  :  He  that  makes  the  Na- 
 tion the  adverfe  Party,  cannot  be  fuppofed  to  intend 
 only^r  Party  of  Rebels. 
 
 4.  A  Nation  conquered  by  the  fword,  hath  no  fe- 
 curity for  their  fafety  ,Uberty  or  felicity :  If  they  ever 
 haveit,it  nmft  be  from  the  mercy  of  theConquerour. 
 He  that  puts  hirnfelf  into  a  garb  and  ftate  ofHofiilay, 
 is  not  to  be  trufted  to  for  mercy,but  when  there  is  no 
 other  remedy.  When  a  Nation  hath  loft  their  juft 
 fecurity  for  fafety,  liberty  and  felicity,  they  have  in-# 
 terpretarively  loft  their  fafety,  liberty  and  felicity  it 
 felf.  In  theConfitution  it  is  now  fuppofed,  that 
 they  provided  for  the  fecurity  of  the  Common  good, 
 and  put  not  the  lives  and  ftates  of  all  men, into  the  ar- 
 bitrary 
 
And  of  Refinance.  42  3 
 
 kitrary  power  of  one  man, that  all  (hould  live  or  die  ac 
 his  beck,and  the  Nation  periflyf  he  fell  into  a  phren- 
 fie.  Now  Conqueft  depriveth  them  of  their  fecuritj. 
 They  are  then  at  the  mercy  of  the  Conquerour : 
 therefore  the  Conftitution  is  aloered  ^  and  interpret  a- 
 tivelj  all  is  gone.  The  King  may  mean  better:  But 
 Kingdoms  and  common  Felicity  are  not  all  to  be  ven- 
 tured, upon  the  fecret  unknown  good  meanings  and 
 good  wills  of  Kings. 
 
 5.  A  Prince  is  not  his  own  ftrength.  Ifhegoyern 
 by  his  own  W  if  dome  and  Vtrtnc,  yet  muft  he  execute 
 byothersftrength.  ifitbeb^y  theP^p/?,  it  cannot 
 be  againft  them  ^  for  they  will  not  be  againft  them- 
 f elves.  If by  Strangers,  or  a  Fattion  at  home,  (ef- 
 pecially  Delinquents,  or  irritated  impious  men)  the 
 Nation  is  not  to  trull  them  with  its  felicity.  Thofe 
 that  the  King  conquereth  by,  maymafterhim  when 
 they  pleafe  :  They  are  ftronger  then  he.  His  good 
 meanings  therefore  are  no  fecurity  to  the  Nation,  if 
 he  conquer  them  by  fuch  as  mean  them  hurt,or  as  the 
 Nation  hath  no  caufe  to  truft.  Efpecially  when  it  is 
 fo  commonly,  that  the  Conquerours  have  a  felf-inte- 
 reft  oppofite  to  that  of  the  conquered  h  and  that  felf- 
 intereft  fo  much  ruleth  the  world.  It  is  a  plain  cafe 
 then,that  whatfoever  is  fecretly  intended,the  Nation 
 is  to  fuppofe  it  to  be  againft  their  felicity,  when  they 
 are  the  party  that  War  is  raifed  againft.  And  con- 
 fequently  that  no  War  can  be  lawfully  raifed  by  a 
 King  againft  his  people  (that  is,  the  Body  of  the  Na- 
 tion) becaufe  none  can  be  lawfully  raifed  againft  the 
 common  Good. 
 
 Ob je&.  But  then  Princes  are  left  without  remedy, 
 if  the j  are  injured  by  the  people. 
 
 Ee4  Anfw.  i. 
 
4*4         Of  due  obedienet  to  Rulers, 
 
 Anfw.  i.  They  think  it  meet  that  the  People  be 
 left  without  remedy,  if  injured  by  them  :  and  there- 
 fore they  fay,  they  are  refponfible  to  God  alone. 
 
 2.  A  remedy  is  to  be  fought  by  Government  or  by 
 War :  By  Government  they  may  have  remedy  againft 
 particular  perfons,  or  the  whole  by  fuch  light  and  le- 
 gal penalties,  as  are  not  againft  the  Commonwealth. 
 But  if  this  will  not  do,  if  their  injury  be  too  great  to 
 be  born,they  may  lay  down  their  Crowns  at  pleafure, 
 Crowns  are  not  like  Lands,  that  men  hold  primarily, 
 Jure  Domimj  :  They  are  not  primarily  the  matter  of 
 Propriety.  Government  ^that's  Lawfull,and  not  Ty- 
 ranny) is  a  meanes  to  publike good.  When  any  mans 
 pofleifion  of  his  Crown  doth  ceafe  to  be  a  meanes  to 
 the  publike  Good  find  this  without  the  peoples  injury, 
 it  is  then  his  duty  to  refign  it,  and  no  injury  to  be  de- 
 prived of  it.  For  the  meanes  is  no  meanes  when  it  is 
 againft  the  end.  If  the  Nation  injurioufty  deprive 
 themfelves  of  a  Worthy  Prince,  the  hurt  will-be  their 
 own,  and  they  punifh  themfelves:  But  if  it  be 
 neceffarily  to  "their  welfare ,  it  is  no  injury  to 
 him. 
 
 But  the  King  that  by  War  will  feek  reparations 
 from  the  body  of  the  People,doth  put  himfelf  into  a 
 hofti/efiate, and  tell  them  adually  thatlie  looks  to  his 
 own  good  more  then  theirs,  and  bids  them  take  him 
 for  their  enemy,  and  fo  defend  themfelves  if  they 
 can. 
 
 Thef.355.  Thoughfome  injury  to  the  King  be  the 
 occofion  of  the  War,  it  is  the  duty  of  all  the  people  ,to 
 defend  the  Commonwealth  againft  him^  jet  fo  as 
 that  the j  proteft  againft  that  injury. 
 
 This 
 
And  of  Refinance.  425 
 
 This  is  a  plain  confequent  of  the  former. 
 
 1 .  They  reiift  no  true  Authority,  in  refilling  him 
 hat warreth  againft  the  Commonwealth,  which  is 
 he  end  of  Government. 
 
 2.  All  are  engaged  to  defend  it. 
 
 3.  It  being  the  end,  no  meanes  can  be  pleaded  a- 
 jainftit. 
 
 4.  Afimili.  If  my  own  Father  or  Mother  wrrong 
 mother  by  a  foul  word,  and  the  injured  perfon  feek 
 their  ruine  for  it :  I  muft  not  forbear  detendingmy 
 parents,  becaufe  they  were  offenders  ^  fo  be  it  I  pro- 
 teft  againft  their  Vorong  doing. 
 
 2.  A  Lawyer  at  the  Bar  may  plead  againft  an  ex- 
 ceftive  mul&  or  penalty,  that  wculd  be  impofed  on  a 
 culpable  Client.  If  his  Client  have  done  a  trivial 
 wrong,  and  another  would  therefore  take  away  his 
 eftate  or  life,  the  party  that  had  the  worfe  caufe  quo- 
 adculpam,  hath  the  beft  quoad  p&nam,  and  the  Law- 
 yer may  defend  him; And  fo  muft  a  Subjeft  the  Com- 
 monwealth from  hurt  and  danger. 
 
 3 .  If  our  own  King  had  wronged  the  Pope  or  King 
 of  Spain,  orafavage/#^#King/5  and  a  War  begin 
 upon  it  -7  If  it  be  juftly  fuppofed  that  the  enemy  if  he 
 (hould  prevail,  would  deftroy  the  happinefs  of  the 
 Commonwealth,  we  may  and  muft  all  fight  againft 
 them,  for  the  defence  of:  the  Commonwealth  ^  but 
 not  for  the  juftifying  of  the  Princes  caufe,  which  we 
 may  poffibly  be  called  to  proteft  againft.  Every 
 wrong  that's  done  by  a  King,  doth  not  forfeit  the 
 peoples  happinefs,  nor  warrant  the  enemies  to  invade 
 it,  nor  exempt  them  from  defending  it. 
 
 Thcf.356.     If  a  Nation  regularly  cbcofea  reprefex- 
 
 tativt 
 
taiive  Body,  of  the  mofi  noble ,  prudent,  interejfed 
 members,  to  difcem  their  dangers  and  the  remedies , 
 And  preferve  their  liberties  and  fafety,  the  people 
 themselves  are  to  difcem  thofe  dangers  and  remedies , 
 by  their  eyes,  and  to  judge  that  to  be  againft  the 
 common  good,  -which  their  Trufiees  do  rationally 
 and  regularly  acquaint  them  to  befo. 
 
 Proved.  If  they  muft  difcern  their  danger«either 
 with  their  own  eyes  immediately,  or  with  ethers  ^  it  is 
 not  neceflary  that  it  be  by  their  own  immediately. 
 For  Countrymen  are  unacquainted  withState-affairs, 
 and  with  enemies  contrivances  at  home  and  abroad  : 
 And  nothing  more  eafie  then  to  bring  them  paft  all 
 remedy,  before  they  can  fee  the  evil  themfelves. 
 And  what  need  thcyTruftets, if themfelves  immediately 
 were  capable.  Ifitmuiibe/jr  others,  either  by  the 
 King,  or  their  Trufiees.  If  they  do  trufi  the  King 
 abfolutely  and  entirely ,they  muft  ftand  to  it :  But  then 
 what  need  they  choofe  Trufiees.  Kings  being  much 
 trufted  againft  ftrangers,  our  cafe  fuppofeth,  that  the 
 people  do  not  abfolutely  trufi  him,  but  that  in  the 
 Conftitution,  they  have  provided,  that  the  publike 
 peace  and  felicity  fliall  be  held  by  reasonable  fee uriry, 
 and  not  meer  trufi  in  the  Princes  will:  And  that  Par- 
 liaments are  appointed  to  that  end.  And  if  fof  they 
 are  to  be  trufted  accordingly. 
 
 And  as  thcConfiitution  and  our  Choice  requireth  it, 
 fo  their  Interefts  require  it-,  they  being  many,  and 
 their  Inter efigr eat ,and  not  lying  fo  much  within  the 
 temptation  of  an  oppofition  to  the  peoples  intereft, 
 as  the  Princes  doth:  And  it  is  fuppofed  that  the  Con- 
 {Htutionofthe  Government,  appointeth  them  for 
 
 thvs 
 
lis  very  end,to  fecure  the  people  from  the  ufurpati- 
 n  and  tyranny  of  Kings :  and  therefore  in  that  cafe 
 ingsarcnot  by  the  people  to  be  credited  before 
 hem  ^  for  then  they  (hould  not  appoint  or  choofe 
 hem. 
 
 hef.357.  Jf  the  faid  Parliament  or  Trufiees  he 
 alfo  legally  the  Kings  chief  Council y  and  Jo  have  a 
 double  capacity  of  difcerning  the  dangers  of  the 
 Commonwealth,  the  people  are  the  more  to  fee  their 
 dangers  by  their  eyes. 
 
 For  1.  This  fuppofeth  them  infulleft  capacity  to 
 iifcern  them.  They  that  are  legally  the  Kings  chief 
 Council,  are  to  be  fuppofed  acquainted  with  State- 
 iflfairs,  and  how  things  ftand  between  him  and  the 
 people.  2.  And  the  King  himfelf  having  not  his  office 
 for  himfelf,  but  for  the  people,  is  to  fee  their  danger 
 tad  remedies  by  the  Council,which  the  Conftitution 
 doth  appoint  him.The  Law  therefore  fuppofeth  them 
 to  be  the  moft  credible  Judges. 
 
 Thef.358.  Jf  the  King  raife  War  againft  fuch  A 
 Parliament  y  upon  their  Declaration  of  the  dangers 
 of  the  Commonwealth,  the  people  are  to  take  it  at 
 rzifed  agaitift  the  Commonwealth ,  till  it  be  notori- 
 ous that  the  Parliament  have  deceived  them  and  be- 
 trayed them. 
 
 The  Reafons  are  plain  ?  1  /Becaufe  the  dangers  of 
 the  Commonwealth  were  firft  declared  by  competent 
 Judges,and  credible  WitnefTes.  2.  Becaufe  all  their 
 own  dangers  and  oppofitions  is  juftly  fuppofed  to  be 
 
 for 
 
if&\j  \sj     two    winter***,     ty    n»tt/j> 
 
 for  the  fake  of  the  Commonwealth.  3 .  Becaufe  they 
 are  the  Commonwealth,  or  people  Representative! 
 4.  Becaufe  being  the  only  legal  Truftecs  appointed 
 for  the  Nations  fecurity  from  tyranny,  when  they 
 are  conquered,  our  fecurity  is  conquere4,and  the  ve- 
 ry Confticution  overthrown. 
 
 Thef.359.  If  a  Parliament  be  moreover  the  fu- 
 preme  Judicature,  by  the  Constitution  enabled  to 
 cenfure  andpunifh  Delinquents  and  enemies  of  the 
 Commonwealth,  and  to  raife  the  power  of  the  Na~ 
 tion  again  ft  them,  if  they  reft  ft,  the  King  himfelf 
 having  no  Authority  in  that  cafe  to  far  don  orproteEi 
 them^  then  isitjuftfor fuch  a  Parliament  to  raife 
 Arms  againft  fuch  Delinquents,  to  bring  them  to 
 due  punijhmcnt,  andtofrofecutethem,  though  they 
 have  the  Word  or  Will  of  the  King  on  their  fide. 
 
 This  cafe  is  plain:  For  1.  It  is  SubjeEls  here  that 
 the  War  is  raifed  againft.  2.  It  is  in  a  legal  execu-' 
 tion  of  Juftice.  3 .  It  is  againft  no  Authority  :  For 
 it  is  in  a  cafe,  where  it  is  fuppofed  that  the  King  hath 
 no  power  to  pardon  or  proteft,it*s  fuppofed  that  his 
 protecting  power  is  reftrained  unto  certain  cafes,  of 
 which  this  is  none.  4.  If  all  Delinquents  or  enemies 
 fhal!  fcape,  that  will  but  rife  in  Arms  for  their  fecuri- 
 ty, Commonwealths  are  deftroyed,  and  Juftice  and 
 Judgement  are  idle  names,  when  a  few  Thieves  may 
 eafily  kill  the  Judge.  And  if  Kings  (hall  have  power 
 to  pardon  all  Delinquents  without  limitation,  the' 
 common  good  is  wholly  intruded  to  their  wils,where 
 the  King  is  absolute  and  above  all  Laws,  he  may  pro- 
 ted:  all  offendors.     But  where  the  Laws  are  above  the 
 
 King 
 
And  of  Re  ft  ft  wee.  429 
 
 King,  they  muft  be  obeyed  though  his  will  be  againft 
 it,  and  he  forbid  it :  For  his  will  is  not  his  Autho- 
 rity. 
 
 Thef.360.  If  in  the  fundamental  Conftitutions, 
 any  rights  by  contratl  be  referved  to  the  people,  and 
 the  King  obliged  to  maintain  them,  the  people  may 
 lawfully  defend  thofe  Rights,  (  ky  means  proporti- 
 enable  to  their  tyorth  )  againft  the  King  that  vio- 
 late th  them,  unlefs  they  have  alfo  conferred  to  be 
 reftrained  from  fuch  defence. 
 
 1 .  If  the  Rights  be  but  fuch  as  are  needfull  ad  meli- 
 us efie, or  thelofsof  them  be  tolerable,  the  defence  of 
 them  mufl:  not  be  by  depofing  the  Prince,  but  by 
 gentler  meanes :  Though  as  Thiews  are  hanged  for 
 robbing  one  man,  fo  divers  Sub  jeds  may  be  deftroy- 
 ed  for  robbing  the  Commonwealth  at  tht  Kings  com^ 
 mand,  of  its  Rights  and  Liberties.  2.  But  if  people 
 to  avoid  a  civil  War,  have  exprefly  tyed  themfelves 
 not  to  re  ft  ft  a  King  or  Sub  jefts,  that  by  his  command 
 do  deprive  them  of  their  Liberties,  then  they  are 
 wholly  at  his  will.  3  .But  fuch  a  Confent  or  Obliga- 
 tion is  not  to  be  fuppofed,unlefs  it  be  expreflfed.  For 
 1.  The  very  Covenanting  for  our  Rights  irnporteth, 
 that  we  fecure  them,  and  leave  them  not  meerly  to 
 the  Princes  will.  2.  And  in  Covenanting  for  them, 
 we  exempt  them  from  his  power  •,  fo  that  in  invading 
 them  he  is  but  a.  private  man  •,  and  in  refitting  him  we 
 refift  not  Authority ,but  Will.  For  if  he  have  power 
 of  our  excepted  Rights,  it  is  either  immediately  from 
 God,  or  mediately  by  Confent  of  men.  Not  the  for- 
 mer :  For  we  fuppofe  it  to  be  in  cafes  that  God  hath 
 
 left 
 
43^         of  due  Obedience  to  Rulers, 
 
 left  undetermined.  The  people  can  have  no  Right  to 
 that  which  God  bimfelf  takes  from  thefri :Not  by  man\ 
 Fer  it  is  fuppofed  that  the  people  have  excepted  thefe 
 things  from  the  Princes  power,  andheconfented. 
 
 Tfcef  .  3  6 1 .  The  Oaths  of  Kings,  and  the  Charters  or 
 Laws  in  Which  they  have  expreffed  their  Confent  td 
 Govern  on  fuch  and  fuch  termes,  together  Vvitb  the 
 ancient  Cuftomes  of  the  Nation,  are  the  difcoverers 
 rf  the  Princes  limits,  and  the  Peoples  Rights. 
 
 Though  every  breach  of  Covenant  forfeiceth  not 
 the  Crown,  yet  every  Covenant  or  Confent  of  the 
 Prince  doth  (hew  the  limits  of  his  Power.  If  he  (that 
 naturally  had  no  more  right  than  other  men)  do  ac- 
 cept the  Government  on  fuch  and  fuch  termes,  or 
 afterward  Confent  to  them^  he  hath  no  power  be- 
 yond or  againft  thofe  termes :  and  therefore  he  may 
 not  break  his  Oaths. 
 
 I  Thef.  362.  It  is  I  aw  full  to  refifi  either  King  or  Sub- 
 jefts  that  are  his  Infiruments,  by  Law-fmts,  or  by 
 force,  where  the  Laws  allow  it,  if  he  he  not  above 
 Law,  and  do  not  Repeal  them. 
 
 I  fpake  before  of  the  peoples  Rights  referved  from 
 the  Kings  power:  I  fpeak  now  of  the  allowance  of  tbd 
 Law.  If  the  Law  be  above  the  King^then  may  be  do 
 what  the  Law  alloweth,  though  againft  his  will.  If  it 
 allow  us  to  fue  the  King  in  his  Courts  of  Juftice,  we 
 inay  do  it :  If  it  allow  us  to  fue  his  Agents,as  fub  jefts 
 that  have  broke  the  Law,though  by  his  command,we 
 ipay  do  it.     If  the  King  bid  a  man  murder  another,  I 
 
 may 
 
And  *f  Refftanet.  431 
 
 mayfuebim,  and  hang  him  againft  the  Kings  will,  if 
 the  Law  allow  it.  If  the  Kings  Tenant  keep  anun- 
 juft  pofleflion  againft  me,  it  is  lawtull  for  me  to  lue 
 him  at  Law,  and  at  laft,if  he  forcibly  refift,  the  She- 
 riff may  raife  the  Power  of  the  County  toeje&him, 
 though  againft  the  Kings  will,  when  the  Lawallow- 
 eth  it.  And  if  the  Law  allow  us  to  refill  his  Armies, 
 we  may  do  it :  and  fo  doing,we  Refift  no  Power ,but 
 ftrength  and  will.  But  where  the  King  is  Absolute 
 above  the  Laws,  as  being  meerly  his  own  Afts,therc 
 we  may  Refift,till  he  repeal  the  Law,or  forbid  us,  and 
 no  longer  (on  that  account.) 
 
 Thef.  363.  Where  the  Sovereignty  is  diftribxted  into 
 fever al  hands,  (  as  Kings  and  Parliaments, )  and 
 the  King  invade  the  others  part,  thtj  may  lawfully 
 defend  their  own  by  warre,  andthefttbjeti  lawfntl] 
 ajfift  them,  yea  though  the  power  of  the  Militia  be 
 exprejly  given  to  the  King;  unlefsitbe  alfoexprefi 
 that  it  /ball  not  be  in  the  other. 
 
 The  Conclufion  needs  no  proof  ^  becairfe  Sove- 
 raignty  as  fuch  hath  the  Power  of  &rms,  and  of  Laws 
 themfelves.  The  Law  that  faith  the  King  (hall  have 
 the  Militia,  fuppofeth  it  to  be  againft  enemies,  and 
 not  againft  the  Commonwealth,  nor  them  that  have 
 part  of  the  Soveraignty  with  him.  To  Refift  him 
 here,  is  not  to  refift  Power ,but  Ufurpation,  and  pri- 
 vate will.  In  fuch  a  cafe,  the  Parliament  is  no  more 
 to  be  Refilled  than  he^becaufe  they  alfo  are  the  high- 
 er Power. 
 
 Thef  3  64.     Names  are  not  the  only  nctes  cf  Sove- 
 reignty : 
 
432  *      of  due  obedience  to  Rulers, 
 
 raignty  :  If  a  King  have  the  Title  oftheSttpream 
 bead,  or  only  Sovereign  of  his  Dominions,  and  yet 
 a  Senate  have  an  eftentirallpart  Without  the  Names, 
 they  lofe  not  their  fart,  'nor  is  it  to  be  judged  of  by 
 the  Name. 
 
 A  people  may  give  an  honorary  Title  to  the 
 Prince,and  not  give  the  fame  to  others  that  have  part 
 in  the  Soveraigncy ;  and  this  is  ordinary  :  fometimes 
 for  the  Nations  honour,which  they  would  have  to  be 
 abroad  confpicuous  in  their  Princeiand  fometimes  to 
 pleafe  him  inftead  of  fuller  power.  Thofe  therefore 
 that  will  judge  of  the  power  of  Princes  by  their  Ti- 
 tles or  Names,  and  thence  fetch  Arguments  to  re- 
 folve  mens  confidences,  know  not  what  a  narrow 
 foundation  they  build  on :  Of  which  fee  Mr.  Lawfon 
 againft  Hobbs  his  Politicks. 
 
 Thef.364.  Where  the  Sovereignty  is  in  fev:ral 
 hands,  and  fo  the  Conflitution  fuppjfeth  their  a- 
 greement,  the  dividers  are  the  dijfulvers,  and  upon 
 a  Divijion  barely  among  themfelves,  in  -which  thz 
 Commonwealth  is  not  concerned,  the  Subjeftsfliould 
 obey  neither  of  them  againft  the  other,  as  having  no 
 fewer  againft  each  other:  but  fhould  be  againft  them, 
 
 [     that  In  obedience  to  either  part  do  raife  the  War. 
 
 The  Reafon  is  plain:  Becaufe  though  they  are  ma- 
 ny natural  perfons,  they  are  all  but  one  civil  perfon^ 
 and  becaufe  that  all  the  power  of  Arms  here  is  either 
 defenjive  againft  Enemies,  or  vindictive  and  punitive 
 againft  offending  SubjeEls.  But  none  in  foveraignty 
 while  fuch,  are  to  be  taken  a$  enemies :  And  neither 
 
 part 
 
And  of  Reftfiance.  433 
 
 part  that  have  the  Soveraignty,  as  fuch,can  be  offend- 
 ing Subjects  ^  for  they  are  no  Subjects.  Indeed  in 
 fuch  a  Senate,  the  perfons  confidered  dlsjunBly  may 
 be  Sub  jeds :  but  it  is  conjunctly  as  a  houf&br  body, that 
 they  have  the  Soveraignty.  Moreover,  ail  lawiull 
 War  is  for  the  common go'od&riz  the  diffolution  of  the 
 fundamental  Conftitution,  is  not  to  be  taken  for  the 
 common  good,  but  grievous  hurt  and  ruine,though 
 when  neceflity  diffolvethir,  the  beft  parts  mud  be 
 fitft  fecured  from  perdition: 
 
 Thef.365.  Vpon  [itch  a  dhificn  among  them  that 
 have  thehighefi  fower,  if  feme  Subjects  will  un- 
 lawfully begin  as  infiruments  of  the  divifions,  the 
 eftzrc  then  obliged  to  fiend  up,  and  that  for  the 
 fafetyefthe  Comwcr^vealth,  more  then  for  either 
 bf  the  forties;  and  f of  that party ]  that  is  for  it  ^  and 
 again]}  them  buik,  if  thy  be  both  again  flit. 
 
 1.  Ii  is  notorious  to  the  Nation;  when  the  King 
 and  Senate  (that  are  now  fuppofed  to  be  fharers  in 
 the  Soveraignty)  dodiiagree,-  and  fall  into  hoftility 
 and  open  War,  that  the  frame  of  the  fundamental 
 ConfHtution  is  diffolved.  And  when  the  fhip  is  fplit 
 or  finking,  it's  time  for  the  pafTengers  to  faye  them- 
 felves  and  their  goods  as  well  as  they  can  :  When  the 
 houfe  is  on  fire,  we  muft  fnift  for  our  felves  and  that 
 we  have:  When  the  Government  diflblveth  itfelf, 
 they  that  poffefTed  it  turn  us  loofetorule  our  felves, 
 and  defend  our  felves.  If  a  man  fight  againft  himfelf, 
 he  is  to  be  held  as  a  diftra&ed  man:  And  fo  fhould 
 King  and  Senate  be  in  fuch  a  cafe,  being  but  one  civil 
 perfon :  But  if  any  will  rufh  ina  and  help  one  hand  a- 
 
 Ff  gainft 
 
434  °f  due  Obedience  to  Rulers, 
 gainft  the  other,  the  people  muft  either  fall  on  them> 
 or  otherwiie  fecure  themfelves.In  this  cafe  the  Prince 
 hath  no  offenfive  power  againft  the  Senate,  nor  the 
 Senate  againft  the  prince:and  therefore  we  (hould  fo 
 obey  neither,  nor  help  neither,  as  fuck  :  But  if  we 
 fee  that  all  Vti/lnot  be  lb  wife  or  honeft,but  fome  De- 
 linquents W/// adhere  to  one  of  the  parties,  and  fome 
 foolifh  people  to  the  other,  we  mult  then  look  to  the 
 Commonwealth. 
 
 And  here  if  one  party  have  the  jufler  caufe  ceteris 
 -paribus ,we  muft  adhere  to  that  part  •  not  as  authori- 
 zed primarily  againft  the  other,  but  as  juftly  defend- 
 ing themfelves  againft  them.  "Rut  Ji  cat  era  nonfwtpa* 
 rja,  that  is,  if  the  welfare  of  the  Commonwealth  lie 
 on  one  fide  more  then  the  other ,yea  though  that  fide 
 had  at  firft  begun  the  wrong,(much  more  if  that  par- 
 ty were  juft  and  innocent)  we  muft  joyn  with  that 
 part:  yea  or  againft  both,  ifthefafety  of  the  Com- 
 monwealth require  it.  lor  then  -  we  go  not  againft 
 Authority  ^  neither  King  nor  Senate  having  Authori- 
 ry  (unlefs  to  defend  themfelves  and  the  Nation)  a- 
 gainft  the  other.  And  furely  whether  we  may  fave 
 the  Commonwealth  againft  Authority  or  not,  there 
 is  no  doubt  but  we  may  fave  it  without  any  governing 
 Authority  /when  it  is  not  againft  it.  Nature  that  al- 
 loweth  felf-prefervation  to  all,  that  forfeit  not  their 
 lives,  doth  eminently  requires  Nation  to  preferve 
 themfelves  •,  their  common  welfare  being  a  thing  that 
 can  be  forfeited  to  none  but  God,and  neighbour  Na- 
 tions ;  not  to  any  within  themfelves.  It  is  not  the 
 falling  out  of  King  and  parliament  that  forfeiteth  the 
 Nations  happinefs,  or  can  make  it  unlawfull  to  pre- 
 ferve it .    If  you  fuppofe  them  both  to  be  guilty  of  an 
 
 unjuft 
 
And  of  Re fi fiance.  43  j 
 
 unjuftWar,  as  having  no  power  againft  each  other, 
 then  may  the  people  defend  themielves  againft  the 
 Souldiers  of  both,  as  being  but  pr<edones  &  grajfato- 
 res :  Or  make  ufe  of  either  to  further  their  detence. 
 But  if  one  of  them  as  a  defender,  or  on  other  ac- 
 counts have  the  more  righteous  caufe,the  people  may 
 joyn  with  them  fo  farre  as  it  is  righteous,  fecuring 
 ftillthe  Commonwealth.  A  King  may  have  caufe  ^ 
 blame  a  Parliament,  when  he  hath  no  caufe  that  will 
 juftine  raifing  a  War  againft  them  ^  and  a  Parliament 
 may  have  caufe  to  blame  a  King,and  yet  none  to  raife- 
 ]  Var  againfi  him.  In  this  cafe,  when  one  is  originally 
 in  the  fault,  or  it's  ten  to  one,  both  of  them  infome 
 fault  before  a  War,  but  neither  of  them  in  fitch  faplt 
 as  will  warrant  a  War  againft  the  other,  (  which  is  a 
 diffolvingofthe  Government  itfelf,  and  is  an  injury 
 to  the  Commonwealth,more  then  to  themfelves)  the 
 people  may  joyn  with  neither  of  them  as  offenders  a- 
 gainft  the  other,  but  muft  firft  look  to  themielves  and 
 the  common  fafety  which  the  contenders  do  forfake, 
 and  next  confider  what  ufe  may  be  made  of  either  to 
 that  end-,  andinfubferviency  to  it,  rather  to  defend 
 "the  innocent  then  the  guilty  :  The  Law  knowes  not  a 
 Divifton,  but  fnppofeth  an  Vnity  ^  and  therefore  it 
 hath  nothing  to  do  in  dire&ing  any  of  the  Sub  jefts  to 
 fight  againft  either  King  or  Parliament :  When  it 
 comes  to  this,  the  bufinefs  is  refolved  into  the  funda- 
 mental Lawes  of  God  and  nature,  antecedent  to  all 
 humane  Lawes.  The  Defender  may  have  a  juft  War 
 againft  the  Invader,  by  the  grounds  of  nature :  But 
 neither  of  their  caufes  is  to  be  preferred  to  the  Com- 
 monwealth .And  if  finis  gratia  for  the  common  fatety, 
 the  people  (hould  take  part  with  the  more  culpable 
 
 P  fz  fide, 
 
43 6         of  due  Obedience  to  Rulers, 
 
 fide,not  as  owning  their  original  caufes,  but  as  joyn- 
 ing  with  them  for  the  common  fafety  •,  this  maketh 
 not  the  people  guilty  of  the  ill  begumingot  caufe  of 
 thofe  they  joyn  with.    e.  g.  Asl  laid  before,  ifrfie 
 King  abufe  the  Pope  or  Turk,  and  they  mfe  War  a- 
 gainft  him  for  it,the  people  taking  hk  part  to  prevent 
 theNationsoverthrow,do  not  thereby  engage  them-  [ 
 lelves  in  theoriginaLof  the  quarrel,nor  become  guil-  | 
 ty  of  his  fault,  nor  of  any  unlawfull  War  •  for  they  j 
 mana^fe  it  but  as  defenfive,  againft  fuch  as  would  take  [ 
 unjuft  revenge  of  the  innocent.     And  fo  if  a  Ptrlia-  { 
 wentihould  fomewhat  diftionouror  abufe  a  King,  j 
 (whenyetneidierofthemfhouJdgo  to  War  for  k)  j 
 the  people  joyning  with  the  Parliament,  are  not  | 
 guilty  of  that  abufe-  nbr  of  an  unlawfull  War,  while 
 they  interefle  themfelves  only  in  the  bufinefs  of  their  I 
 own  preservation,  and  not  in  the  original  of  the  dif-  | 
 Terence.  The  Law  of  nature  ftands, when  men  do  fin-  J 
 fully  diffolve  (the  Commonwealth. 
 
 Thef.366.      If  in  cafe  of  fuch  divificn,  the  Ccnfti- 
 tution  (fore feeing  it)  have  determined  Vvhich  fide 
 V?e  mu ft  adhere  t0o>  then  that  part  becomes  the  So-\ 
 veraign,  which  we  muft  obey  againft  the  other. 
 
 If  it  be  faid  in  the  fundamental  Contracts,  that  in  I 
 cafe  the  King  and  Parliament  differ,  the  Sub  jeft  fhall  j 
 adhere  to  King  againft  Parliament,  or  to  Parlia- 
 ment againft  King  ^  then  in  that  cafe  the  other  lofeth  I 
 l;is  Authority,  or  rather  had  but  a  diminutive  part,  I 
 which  might  be  refilled.  But  this  is  a  cafe  that  fel-  j 
 dcm  happens  :  For  were  there  fuch  a  determination,  1 
 that  one  muft  not  be  obeyed,  they  would  not  enter! 
 
And  of  Rejijlancc.  437 
 
 into  the  contenfion ,    unleis   by  force  to  make  a 
 charge. 
 
 Thcf.367.  If  the  Senate  be  fides  their  fart  in  the 
 Sovereignty,  hc.ve  a  ju(i  off  en  five  War  agtin ft  de- 
 linquent Subjects,  and  profefs  no  \Vs/r  againft  the 
 Kingunlefs  defenfive,  and  alfo  be  the  Trufteesof 
 the  people  for  the  fecunty  of their  liberties  and  haf- 
 pinefs,  and  fxjfer  danger,  and  enter  into  War  upon 
 no  account  of  their  own,  but  the  peoples :,  then  are 
 the  people  bound  to  adhere  unto  them  by  many  oblige 
 ttens. 
 
 Thisismoft  evident  from  all  that  isfaid  before, 
 and  needeth  no  more  proof  But  I  fuppofe  fome  will 
 fay  here,  that  then  the  cafe  is  hard  "frith  Kings  that 
 have  Parliaments  to  joyn  \X?ith  them  in  the  Soveraign 
 power:  for  the  people  mitft  ahvayes  take  part  with  the 
 Parliament,  though  they  do  the  wrong,  becaufe  it  is 
 they  that  are  their  Trustees  andReprefentatives ,  andfo 
 Kings  ?nufl  evvr  be  at  their  mere  y. 
 
 Ianfwer,  1.  Where  this  is  the  Conftitutiony  it  is 
 fuppofed  that  a  King  mull  never  tight  againft  his  peo- 
 ple, or  parliament :  and  if  he  receive  the  Crown  on 
 thefetermes,  he  meeteth  with  nothing  but  what  he 
 confented  to  ^  he  might  have  refufed  it,  and  may 
 leave  it  when  he  will.  He  muft  never  e^peft  upon  any 
 pretence  of  felf-prefervation,  to  have  the  peoples 
 confent,  that  he  (hall  have  power  to  deftroy  them,or 
 make  War  againft  them  or  their  Truftees. 
 
 2.  But  yet  there  are  cafes  in  which  we  all  muft  take 
 part  with  a  King  againft 'a  Parliament :  As  1.  if  they 
 would  wrong  a  King,  and  depofe  lum  i;a  juftly,  aa4 
 
 Ff3  "cha 
 
45°         vj  am  vbeatzme  to  snier$y 
 
 change  the  Government,  for  which  they  have  no 
 power,thebodyof  the  Nation  may  refufe  to  ferve 
 them  in  it,  yea  may  forcibly  reftrain  them.  2.  If  they 
 notorioujly  betray  their  truft,  not  in  fome  tolerable 
 matters,  but  in  the  fundamentals,  or  points  that  the 
 common  good  dependeth  on,  and  engage  in  a  caufe 
 that  would  deftroy  the  happinefs  of  the  Common- 
 wealth •  it  is  then  the  peoples  duty  to  forfake  them, 
 and  cleave  to  the  King  againft  them,  if  they  be  ene- 
 mies to  the  Commonwealth:  But  this  is  not  to  be  fuf- 
 pe&ed  till  it  be  notorious.  But  Parliaments  are  inde- 
 fedible:Should  they  ever  be  fo  corrupt  as  to  feek  our 
 ruine,we  fhould  not  think  our  felv'es  obliged  to  obey 
 them  or  defend  them.  They  may  forfeit  their  power 
 as  well  as  Kings :  But  no  fuch  thought  muft  be  enter- 
 tained of  either,  till  neceffity  force  it. 
 
 Thcf.368.  If  a  King  deliberately  and  obftinate- 
 iy  engage  himfelfin  the  change  of  the  Conftitution 
 inthe  fab  ft  annals,  to  the  dcftruStlon  of  the  fafety 
 and  happinefs  of  the  Nation,  he  may  not  only  he  re- 
 ftfted,  but  ceafeth  to  he  a  King,  and  entreth  into  a 
 ft  ate  of  War  Vvith  the  people. 
 
 1.  *Tis  not  a  change  in  fmaller  matters,  but  the 
 fubftantials  of  the  Government  that  we  fpeak  of. 
 2.  It  is  not  a  fudden  paffionate  ad,  but  a  fetled  en- 
 deavour that  we  fpeak  of.  3.  And  fo  the  cafe  is 
 plain.  For  1 .  In  Contracts  each  party  is  conditio- 
 nally obliged :  And  we  are  bound  to  him,  on  condi- 
 tion he  be  true  to  us.lf  one  party  (hall  remain  bound, 
 though  the  other  violate  their  fidelity,  the  Cove- 
 nants are  vain.  In  other  Relations  it  is  fo,and  there- 
 fore 
 
And  of  Refijlanct.  qjp 
 
 *ore  in  this.  2 .  He  diffolvech  the  Government :  and 
 then  he  can  be  no  Governour.  3 .  He  becometh  an 
 enemy,  and  therefore  can  be  no  King.  A  deftroyer 
 cannot  be  a  Ruler  and  Defender.  He  proclaimeth 
 hoftilicy,  and  is  not  to  be  trufted. 
 
 Thef.369.  It  belongethto  the  people  to  difcern  a- 
 mong  competitors  and  contenders  for  the  Govern- 
 ment, Vvhofe  caufe  is  be  ft,  and  to  re  ft  ft  ufurpers  and 
 enemies  to  their  Peace. 
 
 That  the  Nation  is  thus  to  have  a  Judicium  difcre- 
 tionisis evident:  1.  Becaufeitistheirintereft  that  is 
 principal  in  the  bufinefs:  the  good  or  hurt  will  be 
 principally  theirs.  2.  If  they  do  not  j  udge  (difcern- 
 *ngty)  they  cannot  execute  '  And  then  the  people 
 muit  not  help  their  Soveraign  againft  ufurpers.  But 
 iftheymuft,  (and  who  elfe  ftiall)  then  muft  they 
 difcern  whofe  caufe  is  right,  that  they  may  know 
 whom  to  help,  and  whom  to  refill.' 
 
 Thef.  370.  Though  an  Infidel  or  Heathen  King  have 
 a  Power  fecundum  quid,  end  maybe  the  Head  of 
 an  Infidel  or  Heathen  Commonwealth,  yet  may  he 
 not  be  voluntarily  chofen  the  Head  of  a  Chriftian 
 Commonwealth. 
 
 Not  only  becaufe  the  Commonwealth  cannot  be 
 called  Chriftian  when  the  Head  is  a  Heathen5but  be- 
 caufe it  is  treachery  againft  God  and  the  Redeemer, 
 for  a  People  that  have  their  free  choife  of  their 
 Governours  to  choife  fuch  as  are  enemies  to  the  U- 
 niverfal  Soveraign :  They  fhould  hereby  be  guilty  of 
 
 F  f  4  feme 
 
44°         Of  due  Obtdunu  to  Rulers, 
 
 fome  degree  of  a  National  Apoftacy:  The  Kingdoms 
 of  the  world  {hould  be  the  Kingdoms  of  the  Lord  and 
 of  his  Chrift  \  therefore  they  muft  not  be  given  up  to 
 Infidelity.  But  if  a  Nation  be  not  free  to  choofe  their 
 Go  vernours,  but  are  by  che  Sword  or  otherwife  for- 
 ced to  fubrmt,then  whether  they  (hould  fubmit  to  an 
 Infidel  to  a\ cid  deftrudion,is  a  cafe  that  I  am  not  now 
 to  determine;But  it  is  uo  be  deeided,not  bygthe  perfo- 
 rm! prefent  fuffering  which  the  Nation  byfuchfub- 
 miffion  may  avoid  ^  but  by  the  intereft  of  their  ,po- 
 fterityand  the  Nations  round  about  them.     If  the 
 prefent  fpoil  andruine  of  a  Nation  might  prevent  the 
 captivating  ofpoilerity  or  neighbour  Nations  more 
 considerable  to  perpetual  Infidelity,  or  tyranny  of 
 Infidels,  it  {hould  be  born:  But  if  they  can  make 
 better  terms  for  themfelves  and  pofterity  (without 
 greaier  hurt  to  the  Chriftian  caufe  and  Nations)  by 
 fuch  fubmiffion,thenJwithout,  I  fee  not  but  they  may 
 fubmit  co  the  Government  of  Infidels ;  And  if  they 
 fubmkand  promife  obedience,  they  muft  obey  in 
 lawfull  things,and  be  faithfull  to  them  :  But  if  Chri- 
 flians  live  (as  the  primitive  Chrifiians  did)  ina  Com- 
 monwealth  where  Prince  and  people  are  Infidels, 
 there  they  owe  obedience  whether  they  promife  it  or 
 not :  For  rheir  being  fubjefts,  and  members  of  the 
 Commonwealth  containeth  their  obligation.  While 
 they  have  the  protedion,  they  owe  obedience. 
 
 Thef.371.  The  chief  part  of  the  common  goad,  or 
 hrfpinefs,  is  the  enjoyment  of  the  meant s  which 
 God  hath  made  neceffarj  to  (alvation :  tt  is  there- 
 fore as  lawfull  for  a  Nation  to  fight  for  the  prefer* 
 vation  oftheje  meanes  to  themfelves  andpoflerity,  as 
 
 for 
 
And  of  Reftftarce.  441 
 
 for  their  worldly goods  and  liberties,  at  letfi  ; 
 though  for  neither,  -without  jufi  Authority  and 
 Licenfe. 
 
 TheLiberties3Goods,  and  other  accommodations 
 of  the  fle(b,which  worldlings  fo  much  value  and  con- 
 tend for,  are  dung  and  drofs  in  comparison  of  the 
 things  of  everlafiing  life.  If  therefore  we  may  not 
 fight  for  Religkn,  much  !efs  for  Liberties  or  Lives 
 that  are  contemptible  in  cemparifon  thereof.  It  is 
 therefore  either  confufion  and  ignorance  of  the  Rate 
 of  the  QuefUon,  or  palpable  errour,  in  them  that 
 maintain,  that  it  is  unUypfr.ll  to  figh  for  Religion.  It 
 is  one  thing  to  fight  to  make  others  Rtligk  its,  and  a- 
 nother  C  hing  to  fight  to  preferve  our  , a r  d 
 
 to  preferve  the  meanes  of  Religion  to  us  an  tk  n 
 
 and  ourpofieritj.     They  graxit  themfeh  es  what  they 
 deny,  when  they  fay  that  we  may  fight  for  our  L 
 and  Liberties  ;  for  though  all  that  fight  Li- 
 
 berties, fight  not  for  their  Religion  ,  \  et  all  thac  thus 
 fight  to  preferve  Religion,  do  fight  for  their  La 
 alfo.     perfecutors  will  take  away  our  Lives  or  Liber- 
 ties, if  we  worlhip  God  according  to  his  vs   ,,and  ufe 
 the  neceflary  meanesof  falvatitm.  In  rig  againft 
 
 this  perfecution,  wre  fight  prirc  r d  ultimately 
 
 for  our  own  and  pofteritiesfaRaaon,  ar.d  next  for 
 the  neceffary  means  thereto,and  proximately  for  our 
 lives  and  liberties. 
 
 And  it  is  but  a  delufory  courfe  of  fome  in  thefe 
 times,that  write  many  volumes  to  prove jh&tfvbjeftt 
 may  -not  bear  Arms  againft  their  Princes  for  Religion, 
 Asifthofethatare  againft  them  did  think  that  Reli- 
 gion only  as  the  end,  yea  or  life  or  liberty,  would 
 
 juftifie 
 
44 2  Of  due  okdienee  to  Rulers, 
 
 juftifie  Rebellion  ?  or  that  the  efficient  authorizing 
 Caufe  were  not  necefTary  as  well  as  the  final?  It's  as 
 true  that  fubje&s  may  not  fight  againft  their  Princes 
 for  their  Lives  or  Liberties,  as  that  they  may  not  for 
 Religion. 
 
 There  are  other  things  necefTary  to  warrant  an  a- 
 <5Hon  befides  tht  final  Caufe.  All  things  are  not  a 
 means  to  a  good  end  :  nothing  can  be  a  means  that's 
 againfl  the  end  :  but  many  things  may  be  unwarran- 
 table,and  no  juft  meane$,whicli  by  man  are  intended 
 to  the  beft  end.  No  man  may  do  any  thing  againft 
 his  falvation,  nor  againft  the  publll^egood^  efpecially 
 in  matters  of  f/v/r  falvation :  Butyecall  is  not  iaw- 
 full  that  men  do  with  an  intent  to  further  their  own 
 or  other  mens  falvation.  Where  bearing  Arms  a- 
 gainft  Princes  is  warrantable  quoad  fundamentum, 
 this  will  warrant  it  quoad finem.  No  better  end,  but 
 there  muft  be  a  good  ground  alfo. 
 
 And  yet  as  to  the  end,  it  is  not  every  matter  of  Re- 
 ligion, much  lefs  every  erroneous  conceit  of  men,that 
 is  fufficient.  If  men  that  are  Equals,  yea  or  Superi- 
 ours,  fhould  think  indifferent  things  to  be  necefTary, 
 or  thofe  that  are  necefTary  only  ad  melius  ejfe,  to  be 
 limply  necefTary  •  or  thofe  that  are  evil  to  be  good, 
 and  hereupon  (hall  force  them  by  fire  and  fword-on 
 other  men,  they  fhall  anfwer  for  their  errour,  arro- 
 gance and  cruelty  together  .If  Papifts  will  firft  believe 
 their  fond  opinions  to  be  articles  of  faith,and  necefTa- 
 ry to  falvation,and  then  will  think  that  the  falvation 
 of  men,  and  the  publike  good  dependeth  on  them, 
 and  therefore  will  propagate  them  by  the  fword,  or 
 '  rebell  againft  princes  to  maintain  them,  their  errour 
 will  not  juftifie  their  wickednefs.  It  muft  be  truly  the 
 
 caufe 
 
And  of  Refinance.  443 
 
 caufe  of  God,  and  the  truly  neceffary  meanes  of  life, 
 and  of  the_coinmon  good,and  not  miftakes  or  fmaller 
 matters,  that  mud  be  the  fufficient  end  of  Warre, 
 even  ia  Princes  themfelves,  that  fight  for  Religion: 
 
 Much  more  in  people  5  of  which  in  ihe  next. 
 
 1 
 
 Thef.372.  In  a  Chriftian  Commonwealth ,  where 
 Rulers  in  their  Oaths  or  Covenants  have  obliged 
 themfelves  to  maintain  the  Chrifiian  faith,  and 
 necejfary  meanes  of  the  falvation  of  their  people, 
 and  have  taken  the: Government  en  thefetermes^  if 
 after  this  they  breal^thefe  Covenants,  and  cafi  off 
 Chrifiianity,  or  cafi  cut  the  meanes  of  falvation, 
 which  they  bound  themfelves  to  defend,  it  is  law- 
 full  for  the  body  of  that  Nation  to  refifl  them,  and 
 defend  their  welfare :  Much  more  if  thofe  that 
 have  but  part  in  the  Soveraignty,  do  this. 
 
 Note  here  1  .That  I  fpeak  not  of  an  Infidel  Nation, 
 where  the  people  never  make  fuch  Covenants  with 
 their  Princes,  but  would  doubly  perfecute,   were 
 they  not  reftrained :  There  an  Infidel  Prince  may  be  a 
 protection  and  blefling  to  thofe  few  among  them  that 
 believe.     Whereas  in  a  truly  Chriftian  Nation,either 
 no  Governour  would  be  better  then  a  perfecuting  Infi- 
 del, (the  people  affociating  in  Communities)  or  at 
 leaft,they  may  eafily  choofe  a  better.    2 .  I  fpeak  not 
 of  thofe  Chriftian  States  and  Nations,  that  have  al- 
 ready promifed  obedience  to  kno  wn  Infidels.  But  of 
 thofe  that  have  limited  the  power  of  their  Princes,  in 
 thefe  things:  And  if  the  Conftitution  limit  them,their 
 Acceptance  of  the  Government  is  an  impliciteCon- 
 fent  and  Covenant  though   there  were  no  more. 
 
 3.  I 
 
<<H%         Of  atie  oveaienct  to  Knurs, 
 
 3.  I  fay  not  yet  that  every  private  man  may  refift, 
 but  that  the  body  of  the  Nation  in  this  cafe  may.  And 
 the  Reafon  is  evident :  becaufe  1 .  They  are  naturally 
 bound  to  preferve  the  common  good,  cfpecially  in 
 the  greateft  points.  2.  And  info  doing,ic  is  no  pow- 
 er, but  arbitrary  ufurpation  which  they  refift  For 
 God  giveth  j£mgs  no  power  againft  himfelf  ^  and  it  is 
 here  fuppofed  that  the  People  have  excepted  this 
 power  from  their  Princes:  And  therefore  in  this  chey 
 have  no  power,and  to  refift  them  is  to  refift  no  pow- 
 er.- 
 
 And  to  break  the  Covenants,  and  rejeEt  the  termes 
 on  which  they  did  receive  their  Crowns, \s  to  difoblige 
 the  people  to  whom  L"hey  Covenanted,  and  &&  away 
 theirCrownSj  and  turn  into  a  ftate  of  enmity,  if  it 
 be  habituate,  and  if  it  be  in  the  Effentials  of  the  Cove- 
 nant ^  and  efpecially  if  they  profecute  it  by  a  Warre. 
 What  man  can  pretend  to  be  fo  independant,  and  a- 
 bove  the  God  of  Heaven,  as  to  have  an  Authority  a- 
 gainfthim,  and  confequently  not  from  him,  which 
 no  men  may  refift.  But  if  the  Caufe  be  Gods,  and 
 the  Prince  difabled  to  oppofe  it  by  the  Constitution, 
 the  cafe  is  then  moft  clear. 
 
 Here  I  (hall  again  annex  a  Caurion,  and  thenan- 
 Twerfome  Obje&ions. 
 
 If  private  men  in  doubtfull  cafes  will  take  on  them 
 to  be  judges  of  their  Governors,  and  conclude  them 
 to  violate  their  Covenants,  or  their  Conftitution,  or 
 the  Common  fafety  when  it  is  no  fuch  matter,  they 
 grievoufly  fin  againft  the  Ordinance  of  God,  and  the 
 publike  Peace.  And  in  cafe  of  a  private  or  lefs  publike 
 injury,  it  is  rebellion  to  make  a  publike  refiftance,  by 
 raifing  a  warre.    A  woman  may  by  perfonall  private 
 
 refiftance 
 
And  of  Refiftdjtce.  445 
 
 refiftance  defend  her  Chaftity  againft  a  King  •  but  {he 
 may  not  raife  a  warre  to  defend  it.  The  Priefts  did 
 lawfully  (  AzAriah  withfonrfcore  more  valiant  men) 
 with  ft  and  Vz,^iah  the  King  "when  he  went  into  the 
 Temfle  to  burn  incenfe  ^  and  told  hint  it  beknged  not  to 
 him,  and  bid  him  go  out  of  the  SanRnary  :  yea  when 
 the  Leproiie  rofe  upon  him,  they  thruft  him  out, 
 2  CAr0».26. 16,17,18, i9,20.Butit  they  had  raifeda 
 warre  againft  him  for  this,  they  had  do'neili. 
 
 And  when  a  people  are  neceffitaced  to  a  defenfve 
 warre  •  if  thy  will  proceed  beyond  a  jiift  defence,  and 
 depofe  their  Kings  or  Governours  that  have  notde-. 
 pofed  themfelves,  nor  notorioufly  made  thcmfelves 
 uncagabje,  they  vCill  be  Rebels  in  depoiing  them, 
 tflough  their  defence  was  juft. 
 
 A  Civil  warre  doth  hazzard  the  happinefs  of  a  Na- 
 tion, and  therefore  is  not  to  be  enrerprized  for  any 
 fmaller  crimes,  or  for  the  avoiding  of  any  tolerable 
 evil,  but  for  that  which  is  nororioufly  more  dan- 
 gerous to  the  Nation  than  the  warre  it  felf. 
 
 Indeed  where  all  the  Na. ion  agree  (as  in  the  de- 
 fence of  Jonathan  againft  Saul )  or  fo  many  that 
 there  is  no  party  to  make  warre  againft  them,  then  if 
 the  Kin g  reak  his  Covenants,  or  violate  their 
 
 Libertiesina  lower  cafe  (as  f  :s  death- was) 
 
 they  may  as  one  man  fay,  This  fbaR not  be  :  and  hin- 
 der the  execution  of  the  evil,  without  a  warre  •  yet 
 fo,  that  they  neverthelefs  obey  and  honour  the  King 
 in  all  things  elfe. 
 
 And  now  concerning  a  Peoples  defence  of  their 
 happinefs  and  fafety  againft  a  King,that  was  reftrain- 
 ed  by  the  Conflitution  or  his  Content ;  I  muft  anfwer 
 fome  of  the  Learned  Hadrians  Stravias  Objections, 
 
 it 
 
44 £  of  due  obedience  to  Ruler* 7 
 
 de  Imperan.  author.  &  Obed.  li.  4.  cap.  4.  He  arguech 
 from  the  ft  ate  of  Marriage ,  1 .  That  many  Covenants 
 about  Dowry,  foyntures,ik£.  may  beviolated,withoi:t\ 
 diffolving  the  marriage.  2 .  That  the  effential  condi-  \ 
 tions  may  be  violated  without  fuch  diffolution.  3  .That 
 no  stimulation  can  be  made  that  wUl  warrant  the  offend- 
 edparty  tofeparate. 
 
 To  thefe  I  anfwer  :  1.  Igranthim,that  tiilaKing 
 do  aftually  caft  away  his  Government  and  become  an 
 Enemy,  or  elfe  habitually  make  himfelf  incapable  or 
 be  made  fo  by  God,  the  people  may  not  depart  from 
 their  fubje&ion.  It  is  not  casing  off f abjection  in 
 *  ft  ate,  but  reftfiing  in  a  particular  cafe  thatis  now  in 
 queftion. 
 
 2 .  The  cafe  of  Alarriage  and  Civil  Government^ 
 much  vary,that  the  Objection  is  of  no  force.     For 
 
 1 .  God  hath  already  dated  the  power  of  Husband 
 and  Wife,  and  fub  jefted  the  Wife  to  the  Husband  by 
 his  Laws,and  that  for  all  alike  •  fothat  they  are  not 
 left  at  liberty  to  make  any  alterations,  nor  feveral 
 Species  of  Husbands,  as  Commonwealths  may  have 
 feveral  Species  of  Government.  God  hath  not  deter- 
 mined in  his  Word,whether  this  or  that  Nation  fhall 
 be  governed  by  a  Monarch,  by  the  Optimates,  or  by 
 a  mixt  Government.  He  hath  left  it  free  to  them  to 
 put  the  Soveraignty  into  the  hands  of  one,  or  two, 
 or  an  hundred,or  a  thoufand  ^  and  to  make  the  divi- 
 fion  equall  or  unequall :  much  more  to  limit  Rulers 
 in  the  things  that  God  hath  left  to  their  prudentiall 
 determination.  2.  Moreover  God  hath  determined 
 that  Marriage  (hail  be  for  life,  and  not  for  a  limited 
 time^nd  that  it  (hall  not  be  dilfolvable  on  any  terms 
 but  thofe  of  his  defcription  :  But  he  hath  not  done  fo 
 
 by 
 
And  of  Refinance.  447 
 
 by  Governours.  He  hath  no  where  made  it  necef- 
 fary  that  Kings  (hall  be  for  life,  and  unremoveabie  : 
 A  Diftator  for  a  year,  or  two  year  is  not  forbidden  ; 
 A  King  for  feven  year,is  not  contrary  to  Gods  Word. 
 If  a  people  that  are  free,  may  choofe  whether  they 
 will  have  a  King  or  none,  then  may  they  fay,  if  you 
 -frill  accent  the  Crownforjeven  years  ,we  vpiUfuhjeEt  our 
 [elves  to  you,  elfe  not.  if  they  refolve  to  have 
 Kings  by  Rotation  as  Rome  had  Confuls,  that  every 
 yearor  feven  year  they  might  have  a  new  one,though 
 I  think  it  not  fit,yet  it  is  not  againft  any  word  of  God. 
 And  if  they  may  absolutely  Stipulate  with  them,  to  be 
 Kings  but  forfuch  a  tlme,x\\zn  may  they  conditionally 
 ftipulate  to  be  Kings  no  longer  then  they  dofo  crfo.  e. 
 g.  To  forfeit  their  Crowns,  if  they  {hall  raife  War 
 againft  the  Nation,  or  if  they  introduce  a  forraign 
 power,  or  if  they  fet  up  infidelity,  or  banifh  the 
 Gofpel,  or  if  they  difpoffefle  the  people  of  their 
 Proprieties .  There  is  liberty  for  fuch  contracts  here, 
 when  there  is  none  in  Marriage,  which  God  hath 
 not  left  fo  much  to  the  will  of  man. 
 
 3 .  And  yet  even  in  the  cafe  of  marriage,  I  deny 
 his  conclufion  that  the  violation  of  the  effentiaj  Con- 
 ditions doth  not  warrant  afeparation.  He  confefTeth 
 that  Adultery  and  wilfull  deferticn^re  juft  Caufes  of 
 divorce  :  and  thefe  are  the  violations  of  the  eflential 
 Gondirions.An  obftinate  perpetuated  negatio  congref- 
 fus,  isadeferrion,  His  inftances  otfterUity,  fnorofi* 
 ty,  and  adventitious  imfotency,  are  not  initances  of  a 
 violation  of  the  eflential  Conditions,  kfcold  vio- 
 lateth  not  the  eflential  Conditions  and  volmtaryfte- 
 rility,  and  impotency  fubfequent  were  never  Cove- 
 nanted againft.  Voluntary felf 'debilitation  (yea  in- 
 voluntary) 
 
448  of  due  obedience  to  Rulers, 
 
 voluntary)  in  many  Chriftian  States,  is  allowed 
 as  a  juft  caufc  of  Divorce.  But  if  it  be  not  fo 
 yet 
 
 4.  The  cafe  diflfereth  in  this  :  A  Nation  muft 
 needs  have  Government: :  But  a  man  or  a  woman  are 
 notiniuchneceflity  of  marriage:  If  a  Husband  be 
 impotent,  the  woman  may  lawfully  live  without  his 
 ufe.  Bui  a  Nation  may  not  live  ungoverned  :  And  I 
 therefore  if  a  King  fall  diftra&ed,  or  ftatedly  incapa- 1 
 ble,  they  muft  be  governed  by  others.  ^ 
 
 5.  And  laftly  I  anfwer,That  even  about  Joynture, 
 and  Peace  and  outward  Privi!edges,  though  a  Wo- 
 man may  not  be  divorc't  for  injury  in  thefe,yet  hath 
 (he  her  remedy  from  theMagiftrate,who  isfuperiour 
 to  her  Husband.  By  your  fimilkude  then,you  fhould 
 allow  a  Nation  their  remedy,  in  asgreat  and  much 
 greater  cafes,  which  yet  will  not  warrant  a  divorce^ 
 or  withdrawing  of  their  fubje&ion. 
 
 There  is  fomewhat  in.cxcrcitio,  that  is  effentia!  tol 
 Governing-,  and  fomewhat  that  percainech  but  tol 
 better  Governing.     As  he  that  nfeth  not  the  former  is[ 
 no  Governotir,  To  he  that  is  mcapable  of  it,  is  uncafa 
 ble  of  Governing.     If  the  ejfential  qualifications  hi 
 wanting,  or  the  ejfential  conditions  vi^cUed,  andthd 
 ejfential  ends  be  ftatedly  fub verted,  the  Government 
 nullified :  Or  elfe  the  effence  is not  thejffence.    if thaiji 
 part  of  the  happinefs  of  the  people  be*  iubverted  thaij! 
 is  next  to  theeffential  end,   they  may  retain  anc  j 
 exercife  the   power    of  feeking    a   due    Remell 
 dy. 
 
 The  commoneft  remedy  that  Nations  have  thought 
 meet  to  life  in  this  cafe  is,  to  keep  all  Subje&s  unde 
 the  known  Laws,  and  Courts,  of  Juftice,  that  the 
 
 ma 
 
 te< 
 
And  of  Rcftftanct.  44^ 
 
 may  not  dare  to  execute  unlawfull  Commands,and  to 
 reftrain  Kings  from  pardoning  or  defending  ftich  ma- 
 lefactors as  do  endanger  the  Nations  Rights  and 
 Peace  :  And  fo  to  let  the  Perfon  of  the  King  alone, 
 and  co  punifti  the  Subjects  that  break  the  Laws, 
 though  he  command  them.  This  is  a  refitting  the 
 J  ufts,  and  the  Wills  of  Princes,  but  not  them,  as  to 
 their  per  ions  or  their  Power, 
 
 Augufiine  thought  that  feme  Juftice  wasEffentiat 
 ro  a  C  ommoi; wealth  (Lib.  1 1  Je  CMm.DcL  cited 
 by  a  great  defender  oi  Kings,  jiptJog.VLenvid.+.Jni- 
 ferdti  ris  in  l:rchrr.  Vc  L I ..  pag.  1 77. )  \_Rcpulmn  nun 
 omnem  t  ceium  mtdtitHdlms ,  fed  coetxmpiris  confenfu 
 GJ  utilltatls  comrnnnicne  fociatum  ejfe  determinant-,  & 
 diixnt,  tt;nc  cjfe  Rewpubliccrrn,  id  eft,  rem  fofxll 
 (jHumbene  ac  folic gericar,  five  ab  uno\Rege>  five  a. 
 panels  opt  Mat  ib  its  y  five  ab  univerfopopu/o.  $Vftm 
 vero  injuftm  eft  Rex,  quern  Tyra?:nam,  more  Gr&co 
 appellant,  av.t  injuftl  Qptimates,  quorum  con[er.fiu?n 
 die  tint  ejfe  fa&ionetti,  ant  injuftus  ipfe  populus,  cut 
 women  ufitutum  nan  rtfcri~UHtt  nifx  etiam  ipfitim  Tyran* 
 nam  vocent ,  nenjarn  dicmt  Wix^i^Xificut  priusfue- 
 rat  disput at urn,  fed  fie ut  ratio  ex  his  illis  rations  bus 
 connexa  docuijj] :r,Omnino  nullam  efle  Rempubiicam: 
 Jthtcni.im non rjftr  Res  Popu/i  qnum  Tjr annus  earn 
 Sattione  capejferet.  Nee  ipfe  Populus  jam- Populus 
 effctiieflct  injuftus.  Qiioniam  non  ejfet  multitude 
 juris  confen[pt&  utilitatis  communionefocietas  >  fictn 
 Populus  fuerat  definitns. 
 
 To  conclude  this  point :  If  princes  violating  their 
 Covenants,  and  changing  the  Conftitution,  be  not 
 to  berefifted,  then  all  Princes  have  equal  power,that 
 'Is,  theit  pow<?r  is  abfolute  and  unlimited  as  to  man: 
 
 Gs  lor 
 
45°         Of  due  obedience  to  Rulers, 
 
 For  then  they  may  all  do  what  they  lift  •,  which  if  we  I 
 tell  them,  their///?  to  exalt  their  Wills  and  Intereft 
 will  be  invariable :  And  Covenants  are  vain,  and  af- 
 ford not  the  leaft  fecurity  for  our  .peace  or  Welfare, 
 wheninforo  exteriori, the  keeping  and  breaking  them 
 is  all  one.  If  Princes  were  fent  down  from  Heaven, 
 or  meer  Nature  produced  Governing  Families,  this 
 Doctrine  might  have  fome  pretence,which  now  hath 
 none. 
 
 • 
 Thef.373.  A  notorious  Atheifl ,  and  Enemy  to 
 the  Ejfentials  of  Godlinefs,  that  fets  himfelf  to 
 root  it  out,  is  an  op en  Traitor  or  Rebel  a  gain  ft 
 the  God  of  Heaven,  from  whom  all  Power  mufi 
 -proceed  :  And  therefore  as  he  is  a  Afagiftrate 
 but  fecundum  quid,  fo  it  is  but  an  anfwerablt 
 obedience  that  we  owe  him,  as  one  that  is  tole- 
 rated by  God  in  his  Rebellion,  for  the  maintain- 
 ing of  external  Order  among  men,  for  the  com- 
 mon good. 
 
 Thef.374.  If  a  Prince  that  hath  not  the  tvholt 
 Soveraignty,  be  conquered  by  a  Senate  that  hath 
 the   other   part  ,    and  that  in  a  jufi  Defenfivi 
 
 e  Warre,  that  Senate  as  the  conquering  part,  can* 
 not  affume  the  whole  Sovcraignty,  but  mufl  fnp- 
 pofe  the  Government  in  fpecie  to  remain,  a^ 
 therefore  another  King  mufi  be  chof en,  if  the  forme* 
 be  uneatable. 
 
 I  here  refpeft  the  Senate  as  the  remaining  Sove- 
 raigntj,  and  not  as  the  Peoples  Reprefentative :  Anc 
 
 f< 
 
And  of  RtfiftaMe.  451 
 
 fo  the  cafe  is  plain :  Becaufe,  i .  They  conquered  not 
 the  Species,  but  the  Individual.  2.  They  conquer- 
 ed not  the  People^  but  the  Prince  :  And  therefore 
 they  have  no  Power  to  change  the  Confii tut ion, which 
 was  formed  by  Contrail  with  the  People.  The  Com- 
 monwealth hath  not  forfeited  its  form  of  Government 
 when  a  Prince  hath  forfeited  his  Inter  eft  :  And  there- 
 fore- Re. v  non  moritur :  The  Conflitution  remains 
 good,and  the  Conquerours  have  no  power  to  change 
 it,  without  the  Peoples  Confent. 
 
 Thef.375.  If 'the  whole  Family  with  whom  the 
 People  were  in  Covenant  be  extirpated ,  or  be- 
 come nncapible ,  the  People  may  new  forme  the 
 Government  as  they  fleafe>  (  fo  they  contradict 
 not  'the  Lew  of  God  :  )  not  by  Authority,  but 
 by  Contraft  with  the  next  chofen  Governours; 
 nor  as  Subjefts,  but  as  Free  men,  the  Govern- 
 ment being  dijfolved. 
 
 When  one  party  in  Covenant  is  dead(raturally  or 
 civilly)the  other  is  tree:  j *ubje Bs  asfuchfaxt  nothing 
 to  do  to  change  the  Government :  nor  SubjeEls  while 
 fuch,  unle fs  they  exprefly  referve  that  liberty.  But 
 when  a  whole  Royal  Family  is  extin&,or  all  that  they 
 were  in  Covenant  with  for  fucceffion,thcy  are  difob- 
 Jiged,and  may  offer  the  next,what  terms  they  pleafe> 
 that  are  confident  with  the  Laws  of  God.  But  they 
 cannot  fettle  the  new  Government,  either  as  Subjefts, 
 or  as  Rule r/,but  by  Contrail :  For  they  can  command 
 Jio  man  to  become  their  Governour,  an^  fubmitto 
 their  terms^but  they  may  ofer  it  to  any  that  is  fit,who 
 is  as  free  to  accept  it,  or  refufe  it. 
 
 Gg2  Thef. 
 
4J2         of  due 'Obedience  to  Rulers, 
 
 Tbef.376.  Where  there  are  not  Affemblies  Repre- 
 senting the  People,  or  feme  Truftees  enabled  to 
 be  the  Preservers  of  their  Liberties,  it  Vritf  -be 
 hard  to  imagine  how  a  War  re  can  lawfully  be 
 raifed  for  their  Defence  ,  in  any  of  the  fore- 
 mentioned  Cafes,  unlefs  Where  they  are  almoft  all 
 of  a  mind. 
 
 Foric  mcftbe  fome  private  men  that  muftbethe 
 beginners,  whofe  aftions  are  not  the  a&ions  of  the 
 Nation^  nor  can  they  know  wheriier  the  Nati- 
 on approve  of  them,  and  would* concurre :  fo 
 that  the  PojfibUity  and  Lawfulnefs  of  Defence 
 will  be  queitionable,  where  there  are  rio  Trn- 
 ftees. 
 
 Thef.377.  Though  too  many  lay  their  Religion  and 
 Salvation  at  the  feet  of  Princes,  becaufe  they 
 have  fir  ft  laid  them  at  the  feet  of  their  flejhly 
 interefi  and  lufts,  yet  moft  men  have  more  neea 
 to  be  called  on  to  obey  their  Rulers,  then  toU 
 how  far  re  they  may  difobey  cr  refift :  And  in 
 donbtfull  cafes,  it  is  fafefi  to  fuffer,  rather  that 
 refift. 
 
 Every  man  is  naturally  felfifh  and  proud,  and  apl 
 to  break  the  bounds  that  God  hath  fet  us,  andtobl 
 Kings  and  Laws  unto  our  felves.  This  Rebelling  difl1 
 obedient  difpofition,  therefore  fhould  befirft  refiftem 
 and  fubdued,  &s  a  greater  enemy  to  the  peace  of  Nat 
 tions  (at  leaft  of  many)  then  the  faults  of  Princel 
 are. 
 
 Thef.378 
 
And  of  Refinance.  45  J 
 
 Tlief.378.  The  proud  cenforioufnefs  of  Subjetts, 
 that  thir\  them  ft Ives  caf -able  of  fudging  of  all 
 their  Rulers  alt ions ,  when  they  are  fo  diftam 
 as  never  to  know  or  hear  the  Reafuns  of  them, 
 is  the  common  Caufe  of  ftnfvll  wurw firings  and 
 Rebelluns. 
 
 The  moft  ignorant  Country  people  are  exceeding 
 prone  to  pafs  their  cenfures  upon  the  adions  of 
 Kings  and  parliaments,  and  flioot  their  bolt  before 
 they  ever  faw  the  Mark.  How  confidently  will  they 
 blame  and  reproach  their  Superiours,as  it  they  were 
 able  rheinfe!  ves  to  Govern  better,  or  at  leaft  were  fo 
 much  honefter  then  their  Rulers,  that  their  honefty 
 would  fupply  their  lack  of  wit.  In  all  ages,  mur- 
 muring againftSuperiours,  and  ignorant  cenfuring 
 them,  have  been  the  common  finne  of  the  people: 
 Though  alas,  Princes  have  given  them  too  much  oc- 
 cafion  and  provocation. 
 
 Thef.379.  The  moft  excellent  Policy  is  true  Piety: 
 and  the  principal  ..way  for  Princes  to  oblige 
 the  Subjects  to  them,  and  remove  all  fears  of 
 Seditions  and  Rebellions,  is  heartily  to  devote  all 
 their  Power  and  Inter  eft  to  the  Caufe  of  God,  and 
 the  common  aood. 
 
 e> 
 
 This  will  engage  the  Lord  to  own  them,  that  is 
 the  King  of  Kings,  and  the  difpofer  of  all,  inwhofe 
 "avour  alone  their  fafety  lieth.  And  this  will  endear 
 :hem  to  all  that  are  good,  and  caufe  them  to  be  as 
 tealous  in  loving  and  honouring  them,  as  children  to 
 
 G  g  3  their 
 
454  of  du$  Obeditnte  to  Rulers, 
 their  lather.  Yea,  it  will  breed  much  Reverence  in 
 the  minds  of  common  and  ungodly  men,  who  will 
 fpeak  highly  of  Godlinefs  in  a  prince,  though  they 
 like  it  not  for  themfelves.  And  when  they  fee  that 
 Princes  are  Fathers  of  their  Countreys,  and  feek  not 
 themfelves,  but  the  common  good :  it  is  the  moft 
 excellent  means  to  procure  them  common  Love  and 
 Reverence. 
 
 Thef.380.  A  Prudent,  Godly,  Righteous  Prince 
 is  fo  rare,  and  fo  great  a  mercy,  that  the  Peo~ 
 fie  that  enjoy  fuch ,  are  hound  exceedingly  to 
 Love,  Honour  and  Obey  them,  and  daily  fray 
 for  them,  and  cheerfully  fay  the  Tributes  they 
 demand,  and  willingly  venture  their  lives  for  their 
 Defence. 
 
 Oh  how  few  fojhuah's,  David's,  Jojiah's,  Conftan- 
 tine's,  Theodoftus's,  &c.  have  the  Kingdoms  of  the 
 world  enjoyed  1  At  this  day  alas,  how  few  are  the 
 Princes  that  have  any  zeal  ,for  God,  and  preferre  his 
 Kingdom  and  Intereft  before  rheir  own  I  How  many 
 arc  fighting  their  own  warres,  arifing  from  the  lulls 
 that  warre  in  their  members,  and  making  havock  of 
 the  Church  of  God?  But  how  few  are  itudious  to 
 promote  the  Gofpel,  and  the  union  of  the  Churches, 
 and  Peace  of  Chriftians,  and  the  Converfion  of  the 
 enbelieving  world!  Let  them  that  God  enricheth 
 with  fo  great  a  mercy,  value  it  highly,  and  take  heed 
 of  murmuring  and  ingratitude,  or  of  negledt  of 
 thofe  earned  prayers,  and  cheeriull  obedience,  by 
 which  fo  great  a  mercy  may  be  continued  and  im- 
 proved.    How  fad  a  blow  was  it  to  .England  that 
 
 Edward 
 
And  of  Rtpftancc.  4S* 
 
 Edward  the  Sixth  was  fo  foon  taken  away  I  How 
 many  would  have  after  redeemed  his  life  with  the 
 deareft  price,  that  before  too  much  undervalued 
 their    happinefs   !    One    ferious   thought    of  the 
 ftateof  moft  of  the  Nations  of  the  world,  fhould 
 turn  the   murmuring  humour  of  too  many  into 
 hearty  Praife,  and  earneft  Prayers  to  God  for  our 
 Superiours.     if  that  Nation  "that  is  moft  happy 
 of  any  upon  Earth,  in  a   Government  Anted  to 
 the  higheft  Intereft ,  - -and   to  Gods  Defcription, 
 (  Rom.  3.   5.  )  ftiould  yet  murmure  and  defpife 
 that  Government,  it  would  be  a  moft  hainotts  fin, 
 and  a  terrible  Prognoftick,  efpecially  to  the  guilty 
 fouls.  * 
 
 Gg+  CHAP. 
 
45<*  of  the  late  Wanes 
 
 CHAP.  XIIL 
 Of  the  late  Warres. 
 
 HAving  laid  down  thefe  fore-going  Grounds, 
 it  would  not  be  hereunfeafonable  to  render 
 a  publick  account  of  my  own  a&ions,  in  an- 
 swer to  that  Queftion,  which  I  have  been  urged 
 with  byfo  many,  £  By  what  Reafons  was  I  moved 
 to  engage  my  ft  If  in  the  Parliaments  War  re  ?  2  But 
 (thougn  I  have  not  leifure  to  render  fo  full  an  account 
 to  each  particular  Quxrift,  as  may  be  fatisfaftory, 
 and  therefore  could  be  content  to  difpatch  it  here  at 
 once  for  all,  yet  )  it  will  require  fo  long  a  Hi- 
 floryofmy  own  affairs,  and  alio  fo  many  ungrate- 
 full  recitals  of  the  abufes  and  evils  of  thofe  times, 
 that  I  fball  not  undertake  fo  unpleafant  a  task, 
 till  I  am  called  to  it  by  fuch  neceflity,  as  will  ex-< 
 cufethefe  inconveniences:  but  only  curforily fhall 
 caft  in  thefe  following  brief  accounts  inftead  of  a  ful- 
 ler Declaration. 
 
 §.  I.  The  malignant  hatred  of  ferioufnefs  in  Reli- 
 gion, did  work  fo  violently  in  the  rabble  where  Hi- 
 ved, that  I  could  not  ftay  at  home  with  any  probable 
 fafety  of  my  life.  My  life  was  fought  before  I  went 
 away  :  Sober,  pious  men  of  Nvighbour-P<*rifhes, 
 that  thought  the  rabble  had  been  upon  my  head  in  a 
 
 tumult 
 
Of  the  Lite  Wanes.  457 
 
 tumult  (  when  indeed  I  was  out  of  Town  )  were 
 knocktdownin  theftreets,  to  the  hazzard  of  their 
 lives,  when  they  went  amoLg  them  to  look  after  me^ 
 and  meerly  becaufe  they  were  accounted  Puritans, 
 And  all  this  was  but  on  a  falfe  rumour,  that  the 
 Churchwardens  were  about  to  obey  the  Parliaments 
 Order,  in  taking  down  the  Images  .of  the  Trinity 
 about  the  Church.  TheWarre  was  begun  in  our 
 ftreets  before  the  King  or  Parliament  had  any  Ar- 
 mies. The  hatred  of  the  Puritans,  and  the  Parlia- 
 ments Reformation,  inflamed  theignorant,drunken, 
 and  ungodly  rout,  fothatl  was  forced  to  begone 
 even  before  the  Wanes  ^  but  when  I  returned,  and 
 the  Armies  came  among  us,  I  could  then  ftay  no 
 longer  ^  nor  had  I  any  place  of  fafety  from  their 
 rage,  but  the  Armies  and  Garrifons  of  the  Parlia- 
 ment: And  multitudes  of  my  Neighbours  as  well  as 
 I,  were  forced  into  Garifons  to  fave  their  lives, 
 that  elfe  would  have  lived  at  home  in  peace.  And 
 I  only  propofe  it,  Whether  thofe  Subjeds,  that 
 are  utterly  undeservedly  deprived  of  the  protecti- 
 on of  Magiftrates  and  Laws,  are  not  difcharged  of 
 their  obligations,  and  turned  out  of  their  Relati- 
 ons to  them,  and  are  put  to  feek  for  other  Pro- 
 tedours  ? 
 
 $.  II.  A  Parliament  (as  farre  as  I  have  been 
 able  to  learn)  hath  all  thefe  four  or  five  capacities 
 1.  ItisaReprefentativeofthe  Peopleasfree.  2.  Ie 
 Reprefenteth  the  People  as  Sub  jeds.  3.  By 
 the  Constitution  they  have  part  in  the  Sove- 
 raignty.  4.  They  are  the  Kings  chief  Counce!. 
 5.  And  they  are  the  Kings  chic?  Court  of  Judi- 
 cature. Of 
 
458  Of  the  late  Wanes. 
 
 Of  the  Antiquity  of  their  Power,  and  its  Extent, 
 I  referre  you  to  Mr.  Ba.com  Treatife  of  Parliaments, 
 and  Mr.  Prins  Book  of  the  Power  and  Priviledges  of 
 Parliaments  (to  pafs  by  others  )  But  it  is  no  way 
 neceflary  to  the  caufe  in  hand  to -prove  the  Antiquity 
 of  their  Being,  or  their  Power.  When  ever  they 
 were  eftablilhed  in  that  Power,  it  wasjby  an  Explicit e 
 or  Implicit e  Contratt,  between  the  Prince  and  Peo- 
 ple,there  being  no  other  Ground  that  can  bear  them, 
 except  an  immediate  Divine  Inftitution,  which  none 
 pretend  to.  And  the  Prince  and  People  have  as  much 
 power  in  this  Age  to  make  fuch  a  Contrad:,  and  al- 
 ter the  Conftitution,as  they  had  three  thoufand  years 
 ago.  And  therefore  if  I  find  them  in  pojfejfi  on  of  the 
 Power,  and  can  prove  but  a  Mutual  Consent  of 
 Prince  and  People,  I  need  no  other  proof  of  their 
 Power. 
 
 §.  III.  When  I  fay  that  the  Parliament  Repre- 
 fenteth  the  People  as  free,  I  take  it  for  undeniable, 
 that  the  Government  is  constituted  by  Contract,  and 
 that  in  the  Contract,  the  People  have  not  Absolutely 
 fub  je&ed  themfelves  to  the  Soveraign,  without  re- 
 fcrvinganj  Rights  or  Liberties  to  themfelves-,  but 
 that  fome  Rights  are  referved  by  them,  and  exempt- 
 ed from  the  Princes  power :  And  therefore  that  the 
 Parliament  are  their  Trvftees  for  the  fecuring  ofthofe 
 exempted  Rights,  and  fo  Represent  the  People  as  free  -y 
 not  as  wholly  free,  but  as  being/0  farre  fret  as  that 
 exemption  fignifies.  The  Rights  and  Freedom  of  the 
 People  as  a  People,  are  in  order  of  nature  before  the 
 Confiitution,  and  excepted, and  fo  eftablMhed  and  fe- 
 cured  ik  it.  And  this  is  the  firft  Capacity  of  Parlia- 
 ments, 
 
of  the  UtcWmes.  459 
 
 merits,  To  Reprefentthe  People  as  a  People,  to  fecttre 
 their  Liberties  as  Trufiees.  if  any  man  deny 
 them  this  Capacity,  he  makes  us  abfoluteljfubjeEl^o 
 an  unlimited  arbitrary  power,  contrary  to  all  Law, 
 and  our  long  poffeflions,  and  to  all  reafon.  To  have 
 no  Rights,  and  to  have  none  but  what  are  wholly  at 
 the  Princes  will,  and  which  we  have  no  fecurityfor, 
 is  in  eflfed  all  one. 
 
 2-  The  Parliament  as  they  Repr eft nt  the  People  as 
 Subjetts,  can  do  nothing  but  humbly  manifeft  their 
 grievances,  and  petition  for  Relief. 
 
 3  .The  Parliament  as  having  part  in  the  Sovereign- 
 ty by  the  Confutation,  hath  part  in  the  Legiflative 
 power,  and  in  the  final  Judgement. 
 
 4.  As  it  is  the  Kings  chief  Councel,  he  is  ultimate- 
 ly to  hear  them  in  cafes  that  concern  the  fafety  and 
 Peace  of  the  Commonwealth. 
 
 5.  As  it  is  bis  higheft  Court  of  Juftice,  they  have 
 power  of  judgement  and  execution,  over  all  the  Sub- 
 jeds  •,  fo  that  from  them  there  is  no  Appeal :  The 
 King  being  to  judge  by  bis  Judges  in  their  fever«tl 
 Courts,  this  is  his  higheft  Judicatures  yet  fo  as  that 
 the  Power  of  Judging  was  not  equally  in  both 
 Houfes. 
 
 The  Difputers  that  oppofe  the  Parliaments  Caufe, 
 do  commonly  go  on  falfe  fuppofitions,  about  the  ve- 
 ry Being  and  Power  of  Parliaments,  and  take  it  for 
 granted,  £  That  the  Soveraign  Pcwer  was  only  in  the 
 Ki'ng,  and  fo  that  it was  an  Abfolute  Mcnarchy,  and 
 not  a  mixture  of  Monarchy,  Arifiocracy  and  Demo- 
 cracy ^  and  that  the  Parliament  had  but  the  propofiftg 
 of  Laws,  and  that  they  were  enabled  only  by  the  Kings 
 Authority,  upon  their  Re  que  ft,  and  fo  that  the  Power 
 
 of 
 
46o  Of  the  late  Wanes. 
 
 of  Ar me s^  andofWarre,  and  Peace >  was^tn  the' King 
 alone  j  and  therefore  they  conclude,  That  the  Parlia- 
 ment being  Sub)e&s  way  not  take  up  Armes  without 
 him,  and  that  it  is  Rebellion  to  refifi  him  •,  and  mofi  of 
 this  they  gather  from  the  Oath  of  Supremacy,  and 
 from  the  Parliaments  calling  themfelves  his  Sub- 
 jects. 
 
 But  their  Grounds  are  fandy,  and  their  Superftru- 
 Aure  falfe,  as  I  (hall  manifeft. 
 
 i.  The  Oath  of  Supremacy  fecureth  the  Kings 
 Title  againft  all  forrain  claim,  either  of  the  Pope  or 
 any  other,  and  consequently  againft  all  home-bred 
 Ufurpers:  But  the  Name  of  j^m^/,  or  Sovereign, 
 given  peculiarly  to  the  King,is  no  fufficient  difcovery 
 of  the  conftitution.of  the  Commonwealth,  nor  any 
 proof  that  it  is  an  abfolute  Monarchy,  and  not  a 
 mixt  Government,  and  that  the  foveraign  Power  is 
 wholly  in  him;  When  the  contrary  is  known  in  the 
 Conftitution,  the  Name  or  Title  is  no  difproof.  It's 
 ufualto  honour  the  Prince  with  the  Title  of  Sove- 
 raign,  (for  divers  weighty  Reafons)  when  yet  the 
 Senate  or  Nobles  have  a  part  in  the  foveraign  Power. 
 Such  Oftthes  therefore  bind  us  only  to  acknowledge 
 the  Kings  Soveraignty  a^it  is  in  the  conftitution,  im- 
 plying the  Power  of  the  Parliament,  and  they  cannot 
 be  interpreted  to  be  againft  the  Conftitution  :  Politi- 
 cians and  Lawyers  commonly  warn  us  to  take  heed 
 of  judging  of  the  Power  in  the  Commonwealth  by 
 meer  Titles. 
 
 2 .  That  the  Parliament  are  Sub]eUs  is  confefled  •, 
 but  as  they  are  Subjefts  in  one  capacity,  (both  in  their 
 pejrfonal  private  ftates,  and  as  the  Reprefentative  of 
 ihcSubje^is  as  fuch)  fo  have^  they  part  in  the  Sove- 
 reign- 
 
of  the  late  Wanes.  461 
 
 ratgntj  alfo,  in  their  higher  capacity,  by  the  Conftitv- 
 t ion, as  (hall  be  proved .  The  fame  perfons  may  have 
 part  in  the  Soveraignty,  that  in  other  refpe&s  are 
 Subje&s. 
 
 3.  Some  go  further,  and  would  prove  from  Scrip- 
 ture, the  full  Soveraignty  of  the  King,as  from  1  Pet. 
 2.  I3,&c.  As  if  the  Species  of  Government  were  um- 
 verfally  determined  of  in  Scripture  •,  and  fo  all  forms 
 of  Government  made  unlawfull,except  abfolure  Mo- 
 narchy. If  they  could  prove  this,  they  might  dif- 
 patch  many  Controverfies  inChriffian  States  about 
 their  Conftitutions,  and  all  muft  be  reduced  to  one 
 form :  But  there  is  nothing  in  Scripture  againft  other 
 forms,  but  fomewhat  for  a  mixt  Government  in  7/"- 
 rael.  God  hath  not  told  us  whether  Englandznd  all 
 other  Nations  fhall  be  Governed  by  One  or  Two,  or 
 four  Hundred  :  but  Vrherc  the  King  is  the  Svfream3 
 it  is  the  will  of  God  that  the  people  (hould  obey  him, 
 which  is  all  that  Peter  requireth.  The  Romans  hated 
 the  Name  of  a  King :  It  was  neither  the  intent  of  Pe- 
 fcrhere,  or  otPattl,  Rom.  1 3 .  to  determine  whether 
 the  Emperotir  or  the  Senate  were  Supreaimmuch  lefs 
 to  determine  that  Kings  muft  have  the  full  Suprema- 
 cy through  the  world . 
 
 This  folly  poffeffeth' the  Democratical  party  alfo, 
 (that call themfelves  Commonwealths  men:  )  they 
 imagine  that  God  himfelf  hath  given  the  Sovetaign 
 Power  to  the  people-,  and  confequently  that  no  Go- 
 vernment,but  Popular  is  lawfull.  Whereas  itV  cer- 
 tain, that  God  hath  not  tyed  the  Nations  df  the 
 world  to  Monarchy,  Ariftocracy,  Democracy,  or 
 any  one  form,  but  left  that  free  to  their  own  choice, 
 under  the  Direction  of  his  general  Rules,  and  the  or- 
 dering 
 
4*2  Of  the  late  Wanes. 
 
 dering  of  his  Providential  difpofals. 
 
 2.  And  as  the  Objeders  Grounds  are  manifeftly 
 t otten,  fo  that  their  fuperftru&ure  is  unfound,  and 
 that  indeed  the  Parliament  hath  a  part  in  the  Suprea- 
 macy,  I  (hall  undeniably  prove. 
 
 i.  Legi flat  Ion  is  the  mofb  principal  eminent  part  of 
 the  Sovereigns  Right  :  But  Legijlaticn  belonged  to  the 
 two  Houfes  of  Parliament  as  well  as  to  the  King  : 
 therefore  the  Right  of  Soveraignty  belonged  to  the  far- 
 liament  in party  as  well  as  to  the  King. 
 
 The  Legiflative  Powerj4is  not  only  eflential  to  So- 
 veraignty, butisthecwW/ ofitseflfence,  and  the 
 firft  and  chiefeft  pare.  He  that  deny e eh  this,renoun- 
 ceth  Policy  and  Reafon.  But  that  the  Parliament  had 
 a  part  in  the  Legiflative  power,  (even  of  Enabling, 
 and  not  only  oipropofwg,)  is  undoubted.  I  will  not 
 run  to  Records,  or  to  Writers  for  proof,  becaufe 
 here  a  contradicting  wit  may  find  fome  work  ^  but  I 
 will  give  you  two  proofs,  that  nothing  but  immode- 
 fty  can  contradid.  The  firft  is,Common  Experience 
 defatto.  Parliaments  do  make  Laws :  the  King  was 
 fworn  to  Govern  by  thofeLaws,^//^  vulgtts  elegerit  : 
 the  Lawes  exprefly  fpeak  their  Authors,  £  Be  it 
 Enabled  by  the  Authority  of  Parliament  ]  or  £  by  the 
 Kings  Majefty,  and  the  Lords,  and  Commons  in  Par- 
 liament Affembled,  &c.  ]  It  is  not  [_  upon  their  Peti- 
 tion or  Propofal~\  only,  but  [bythemj  or  [by  their 
 Authority.  J 
 
 2.  The  King  himfelf  (by  the  advice  of  his  delin- 
 quent Council  in  the  time  of  his  feparation  from  Par- 
 liament) doth  confefs  as  much  as  I  defire :  i .  That 
 the  Government  of  England  is  mixt  of  Monarchy, 
 Ariftocracy,  and  Democracy.    2.  That  it  is  not  an 
 
 Ab- 
 
of  the  Utc  Wanes.  463 
 
 Sl>folute  Monarchy.  3 .  That  the  Ballance  muft  hang 
 :vcn  between  the  three  Eftates.     4.  That  the  King, 
 :he  Lords,and  the  Commons,  are  thefe  three  Eftates. 
 j .  That  the  Laws  are  made  in  England  by  a  King,by 
 1  Houfe  of  Peers,and  by  a  Houfe  of  Commons  ch'ofen 
 by  the  people  joyntly.     6.  That  the  Houfe  of  Com- 
 mons are  an  excellent  Confer  ver  of  the  Peoples  Li- 
 berties. y.That  they  are  folely  entrufted  with  the  firft 
 Proportions  concerning  the  Levies  of  Monies,  the 
 finews  of  Peace  and  Warre  ^  and  the  Impeaching  of 
 thofe  that  violate  the  Law.     8.  That  the  King  is 
 bound  to  proteft  the  Law.  9.  That  he  may  not  make 
 ufe  of  his  power  to  the  hurt  of  thofe  for  whole  good 
 he  hath  it.  1  o.  That  the  Commons  are  to  Avivife  him 
 fortheProte&ionoftheLaw.    11.  That  the  Lords 
 are  trufted  with  a  power  of  Judicature.     12.  That 
 they  are  a  Screen  or  Bank  between  the  Prince  and 
 people,toaffifieaeh  againft  the  Encroachments  of  the 
 other  and  by  juft  Judgement  topreferve  the  Law, 
 which  ought  to  be  the  Rule  of  every  one  of  the 
 Three.  1 3 .  That  the  Parliament  have  a  Legal  power, 
 more  than  fufficient  to  reftrain  the  power  of  Tyran- 
 ny. 14.  That  the  encroachffig  of  one  of  thefe  Eftates 
 upon  the  others  power,  is  unhappy  in  the  effefts  to 
 all.  3  All  this  you  {hall  have  in  the  Kings  own  words 
 in  his  Anfwer  to  the  Parliaments  19  Propositions. 
 
 £  There  beingthree  kinds  of  Government,  Abfolute 
 Monarchy,  Ariflocrac) ,  and  Democracy  •  and  in  ail 
 thefe  their  particular  conveniences  and  inconvenience  sy 
 the  experience  and  wifdome  of  jour  Ance flours  hath 
 mouldedthUoutvf  a  mixture  of  thefe,  with  the  con- 
 veniences of  all  three,  without  the  inconveniences  of 
 anyone,  as  long  as  the  Ballance  hangs  even  between  the 
 
 three 
 
4^4  Of  the  late  Wanes. 
 
 three  Efiates ;  andin  their  proper  channe  11  (begetting 
 verdure  and  fertility  in  the  meddows  on  both  fides  J  and 
 then  overflowing  of  either  on  either  fide,  raifed  no  de- 
 luge or  inundation  r  The  ill  of  Abfolute  Monarchy  is 
 Tyranny  ;  The  ill  of  Arifiocracy  is  Faftion,  and Di- 
 vifiun:  the  ills  of  Democracy  are  Tumults,  Violence  , 
 and  Licentioufnefs.  The  good  of  Monarchy  is  the  %J± 
 siting  of  a  Nation  under  one  Head,  to  repfi  Invafioti 
 from  abroad,  and  InfurreEkion  at  home.  The  good  of 
 Arifiocracy  is  the  conjunction  of  Councils  in  the  aklfi 
 Pe'rfons  of  a  State  for  the  publique  bene  ft.  The  good  of 
 Democracy  is  Liberty,  nad  the  courage  and  indufiry 
 Vchich  Liberty  begets. 
 
 In  thy  Kingdowe  ike  Laws  are  joyntly  m&de  by  a 
 Kingy  by  a  Houfevf  Peers,  and  by  a  Houfe  of  Com- 
 mons choftn  by  the  People,  all  having  free  Votes,  and 
 particular  Priviledges  ^  the  Government  ofthefe  Eaws 
 are  intrufied  to  the  King  •,  Power  of  Treaties  of  War 
 and  Peace,  of  making  Peers,  of  choo/ing  Officers  and 
 Counfellors  of  State,  fudges  for  Law , Commander  s  for 
 Torts andCaflles,  giving  Commifiions  for  rai/ing  men 
 to  make  War  re  abroad,  or  to  prevent  or  provide  againfi 
 Invafions or  InfurrettiiMat  home,  Benefit  of  Confif cap- 
 tions, power  of 'pardoning,  and  fome  more  of  the  likj? 
 kind  are  placed  in  the  King.  And  this  hind  of  regula- 
 ted Monarchy  havingthe  power  to  preferve  that  Au* 
 thority,  without  which  it  would  be  di fabled  to  preferve 
 the  Laws  in  their  force, and  the  SubfiBs  in  their  Liber- 
 ties,is  intendedio  draw  to  him  fuch  a  'reflect  andrcii- 
 tionfrom  the  great  ones  as  may  hinder  the  ills^of  Divifi- 
 on  and  Faction, and  fuch  a  fear  and  reverence  from  the 
 people -^as  may  hinder  tumults, violence, and  licentioufnes. 
 Again, that  the  Prince  may  not  make  ufeofthis  high. 
 
 an 
 
 d 
 
uj  %ht  late  wanes.  305 
 
 *d  perpetual  power,  to  the  hurtofthofe  for  whofe  good 
 e  hath  it,  and  make  nfe  of  the  name  of  piibjick^necejjity 
 )r  the  gain  of  his  private  Favorites  and  Followers,  the 
 Jcnfe  of  Commons  (an  excellent  Ccnferver  of  Liberty, 
 uf  never  intended  for  any  fhort  in  the  (7c- 
 ernment,  or  the  choofwr  of  them  thai  He  mcanct.i 
 ,,        '  v     ■     r     i-  a.  J       •/      the    execu- 
 
 GvVttn,)   is  fatly  intruded  with    t-Vc    in> 
 
 he  firfi  Prcpofricns,  ccncerninftheL-- 
 lesof  Afoncts  (the  finews  of  Peace  and  ]  \  . 
 be  impeaching  of  thofe,  v?ho  for  their  own  ends  haf&e 
 related  that  Law,  which  he  is  bound  to  pr.-teft,  and  it 
 ie  protection  of  which  they  were  bound  to  aavife  him, 
 Ind  the  Lords  being  tr utied  with  a  judicature  power, 
 ye  an  excellent  Screen  or  Bank  between  the  Prince  and 
 \ople,  to  ajfi ft  each  again]}  the  En.;  .  nts  if  the 
 
 her,  and  by  jtfft  Judgements  to  preftrve  that  Law 
 }hich  ought  to  bt  the  Ride  of  ever  J  one  of  the  three  — 
 nee  therefore  the  Legal  power  in  P&riixments  is  more 
 )an( efficient  to  reftrat  wer  cf  Tyrannie—fmce 
 
 h  em  rvaching  of  one  of  thefe  Eftates  uf 
 r  the  ether,  is  unhappy  in  the  efftfi  to  alLj 
 You  fee  bete  all  the  Wfliaments  capacities  acknov/- 
 dged  :   1.  Thctthe  Commons  are  chofrn  by  the 
 eopie,  asTruirees  for  their  Liberties  j   (and  that 
 ley  reprefent  them  as Subjefts  none  deny.)  2.  That 
 ley  are  the  Kings  Advifers.   3  That  the  Lords  have 
 ie  power  of  Judicature,  as  the  Commons  of  im- 
 *aching,#r.  4  .That  the  Legiftarive  power/thac  is, 
 le  Sovereignty)  is  joyntly  in  King,  Lords  and  Corr- 
 ons  as  three  Eftates  •  and  fa  that  the  Goven  m£nt 
 mixt  of  Monarchy,  Ariftocraey  and  Democracy 
 nd  thus  far  we  are  agreed  of  the  Gonfticurior . 
 3.  And  if  it  were  not  thus  confefTed,  we  might 
 H  h  prove 
 
prove  the  Parliaments  interefi:  in  the  Supremacy,  by 
 fome  Judicial  Inftances,  with  the  reftraints  of  the 
 King:,  (  but  that  it's  needlefs  to  debate  a  confeffed 
 thing.)Grotius  faith,^?  Jmperiof^mmar.Poteftat:circa 
 facra  c.i.p.y,2.\^Sunt  qui  objiciant,Rcges  q  Murium  im- 
 perare  non  poJfe,ni/i  confcenfus  Ordinum  accejf^rit  :  fed 
 hi  non  vide'nt  quibus  in  locis  id  juris  eft,  ibi  fummum 
 Imperium,  non  ejfe  penes  Reges,  fed  aut  penes  Or  dines, 
 aut  cert e  penes  id  corpus,  quod  Rex  &  f  until  conftitu- 
 unt^  m  Bodinus,  Suarezius,  Victoria,  alijque  abunde 
 demon  ft  rarunt.  Certe  fummum  Imperinm  totum  ha- 
 bere, &  aliquidimperare  nonpojfe,  ideo  tantum  quod 
 alter  vetat  aut  inter  cedat,  plane funt  *Wsa-ra.J  (But 
 in  this  laft  I  diflenc  from  him,unlefs  that  aliter  illepo- 
 te ft  at  em  habeat  illudimperandi,qnod  Reximperare  non 
 poteft  :  For  meerly  to  limit  the  power  of  the  Ruler  in 
 things  not  neceffary  unto  Government,  proveth  not 
 a  Copartnerfhip  in  the  Limiters :  for  it  may  be  done 
 by  ContraB  and  Re ferve, by  a  people  that  will  be  Go- 
 verned fo  farre  and  no  further.) 
 
 §.  IV.  I  was  fatisfied  by  Reafon,  andconfentof 
 Lawyers,even  thofe  that  are  moft  zealous  for  Monar- 
 chy, and  moft  judicious,  that  in  many  Cafes  a  King 
 may  be  refifted  :  I  will  Xnilance  thefe  following  out  of 
 Grotius  (and  Barclay,  with  whom  in  divers  of  them 
 he  contents,  and  adds  the  reft':  )  de  Jure  Belli  & 
 J}acis,li.i,c.d..pag.%6$'7J9Q,9T.  which  I  will  not  fo 
 much  as  translate,  that  none  may  mfped  me  to  cor- 
 rupt the  words  by  the  tranilation,  cr  to  tempt  the 
 vulgar  to  mifunderftand  them. 
 
 .  ^Graviar  ilia  eft  JQueftio,   An  Lex  de  non  Rejiften- 
 di)  nos  obliget  in  gravijfimo  &  certiffirno  difcrimine. 
 
 Nam 
 
of  the  late  Warrei.  467 
 
 Nam  L?ges etiam  Dei  qu&dam,  qnanquam generaliter 
 prolate  jatitam  habent exceptionemfumma  neceffitatis. 
 —Qua  exceptio probata  efi  ipfi  Chrlfto:  met  in  kge  al- 
 tera de  non  edendis  panibus  propofitioms.EtHebrxorum 
 Jidagifiri  legibus  de  cibis  vetitis,  alijfque  nonnullis  ex 
 vetch  traditione  tandem  addunt  excepticnem^  refte 
 quilem:  Non  quod  Deo  jus  nun  fit  ad  certam  mortem 
 fubeundamnos  obfiringere-Jed  quod  Leges  qu&dam  ejus 
 fwt  argumenti,  ut  mn  credibile  fit  datas  ex  tarn  ri- 
 gidavoluntate,  quod  in  legibus  humanis  magis  etiam 
 procedit.   Ncn  nego  a  lege  etiam  humana  quo] dam  vir- 
 tutis  aStus pojfe precipijub  certo  mortis  periculo  ^  ut  de 
 ftatione  non  defer  enda  :  fed  nee  temere  ea  voluntas  legis 
 condentis  fuijfe  intelligitzr:  neque  viaentur  homines  in 
 fc,  &  alios  t  ant  urn  jus  ace 'epiffe,  nifi  qutotenusfumma, 
 necefjitas  id  exlgat.     Ferri  enirn  leges  ab  hominibus 
 foL  nt  &  debent  eumfenfu  humane  iwbecillitatis.  Hxc 
 autem  Lex  de  quaagimus  ptndere  videtur  a  volunta- 
 te  ecrumy  quife  prim-urn  infocietatem  civ'dem  confoci- 
 <wt,   a  quibus  jus  pcrro  ad  imper  antes  manat.   (He 
 tneaneth  chat  it  is  a  contraft  between  1  he  Confti tutors 
 of  the  Policy,  and  not  a  proper  Law,  that  muft  de- 
 cide this  cafe. )  Hi  vero  fi  interrogaremur,  an  velint 
 omnibus  hoc  onus  imponere  ut  moripreoptent,  quam  ullo 
 vafu  vimfuperiorum  armis  arcere,  nefcio  an  vellefe 
 ftnirefponfuri,  mfi  forte  cum  hoc  additamento,  fire- 
 ffii  mqueat  nificum  maxima  reipublica  perturbati- 
 vne3  aut  exitlopluriwrutainncentium.     ^uodenim 
 tali  circumfiantiaCharitas  commendaret,  id  in  legem 
 quoque  humanam  deduct  pojfe,  non  dubito.      Dicat 
 diquis,  rigidam  illam  obligaticnem,  mortempctiusfe- 
 rendi,qgam  ullam  unquam  fuperlorem  iri^miamrepel- 
 lendi  non  ex  lege  humana  fed  divina  prbficifci,  fed 
 Hh  Z  notandnm 
 
468  of  the  late  Wanes. 
 
 notandum  efi,  primo  homines  non  Dei  pracepto,  fed 
 fponte  adduttos  experimento  infirmitatis  familiar  urn  fe- 
 gregum  adverfxs   violentiam,  in  focietatem  civ'dem 
 eoijffeyunde  urtum  habet  pet  efi  as  civilis,  quam  ideo  hu- 
 manam  crdinationem  Petrus  vocat :  (  but  here  he  i$ 
 out,  or  dark,  in  his  Politicks,  and  Expofition:  Men 
 are  (ordinarily)  obliged  by  the  Law  of  Nature  and 
 Scripture,  to  Political  Relations  and  Duties,  and  fin 
 if  they  joyn  not  to  fome  Commonwealth,  when 
 they  may ,)  quanquam  alibi  &  divina  ordinatio  voca- 
 tufj  quia hominumfaluhre  infiitutum  Deus probavit, 
 (This  is  true  of  the  Species  of  Policy,  and  of  the'  In- 
 dividual Rulers,  though  not  of  Government  in  gene- 
 re)   Deus  a  tit  em   humanam  legem  probans,  fenfetur 
 probareut  humtnam,  &  humano  mo  do.     Barclaius, 
 Regij  imperij  ajfertor  fortijfimus,  hue  tamen  defcendit 
 Mpopulo,&  injigni  ejus  parti  jus  concedat  fetuendi  ad- 
 verfus  immanem  f^vitiam,  cum  tamen  ipfe  fateatur 
 tor  urn  pupulum  Regifubditum  ejfe.Ego  facile  intelligo, 
 quo  pluris  efi  id  quod  convcrfatur,eo  major  em  effe  <zqui- 
 t  fit  em, qua  adverfus  legis  verba  exceptionemporrigat : 
 fiittamen  indifcriminatim  damnere  aut  fingulos,  am 
 yartempopulimimrem,  qua  ultimo  nece Jfit  at  is  pr&fidio 
 fie  dim  uf a  [it,   tit  interim  &  communis  boni,  refpe- 
 Bum  non  defer  at,  vix  aufim.     Nam  David,  qui  ex- 
 irapaucafaUa  testimonium  habet  vita  fee  undum  leges 
 exafta,  armatos  circa fe  primum  quadringentos,  de- 
 ind^p  lures  aliquandohabuit :  quo  nifi  ad  vim  ar c en- 
 dam  ft  inferretur  ?  Simile  pot  efi  videri  faUum  Alac- 
 cabaornm.T— -Nihil  efi  quod  Maccabaeos  tueatur  pra- 
 ter fummum  certijfimumquepericulumr-Illa  interim 
 cautio  tenendaefi,  etiamintali  periculo per/one  Regis 
 
 parcexdum. 
 
 Dixiwus 
 
Of  the  Lie  Wanes.  469 
 
 T)ixims  fummum  imprrium  tenentibns  rejlfti  jure 
 non  pejfe :  Nunc  qu&damfunt  qu&  Letiorem  monere 
 debe?hus,  ne  putet  in  banc  legem  delinquere  eos,  qui  re- 
 ver a  non  delinquent. 
 
 Primum  ergo,  qui  principes  fub  populofunt,five  ab 
 initio  talem  acceperuntpcteft^te?n  ,  fivepoftea  it  a  con- 
 venit  ,ut  Lacedxmone  yfifeccent  in  leges  ac  Rempublica, 
 non  t ant  urn  vi  repeliipojj\nt,fedfiopusfit,puniri  morte. 
 2.  Si  Rex  aut  alius  quis  i?r;periumabdicavit  ,  aut 
 manifefle  habet  pro  dtreliUo,  in  eum  pofi  id  tempus  o?r„- 
 ■  ■1  licent  qu<t  in  privatum— 
 3-  ExiftiW6tti&vchius,fi  Rcxregnumdknet,  aut 
 alii  fubjkixt,  amitti  ab  eo  regnum.      Ego  hie  fubfifto 
 ST fit amen  Rex  rcipfa  etiam  trader e  Regnum  aut  fub- 
 jicere  mcliatur^quin  eirejifiiin  hocpoffit,  non  dub  it  9 . 
 Aliudeft cnim,  Imperium^  aliudhabena.  qui 
 
 ne  mutetur  cbfiare  potefl populus  (N.  B.)  Lienimfub 
 Imperio  comprehenfum non  eft.  £lm  aon  male  aptes  u- 
 ludfeneca  in  re  non  diffimi  U:\_Et  fiparendum  in  omni- 
 bus Patri,in  eo  nonparendum  quo  effcitur  ne  Patrr  fitf\ 
 
 4.  Ait  ideyn  Barclaius,  amitti  Regnum  ft  Rex  vere 
 heftili  animo  in  totius  populi  exitiam  feratur :  quod 
 concede.  Ccnfiftere  enifn  fimul  rwn  pojfunt  voluntas 
 imperandi,  &  voluntas  perdendi.  Quare  qui  fe  hoftem 
 populi  totius  profit  etur,  is  eo  ipfo  ab  die  at  Regnum,  fed 
 vix  videtur  idaccidere  pojfe  in  Rege  mentis  compote, qui 
 uni  populo  imperet :  Quod  fi  pluribus  populis  imperet 
 accidere  poteft,  ut  unius  populi]  in  gratiam  alterum 
 velit,perditum,  ut  colonics  ibi  faciat. 
 
 5.  Si  Regnum comm'ittatur,  five  ex  fe Ionia  in eum 
 cujus  feudum  eft,  five  ex  claufulapofita  in ipfa delati- 
 one  imperii,  ut  ft  hoc  aut  hoc  Rex  faciat,  fubditi  omni 
 obedient ia  vinculo  falvantur,  tunc  quoque  Rex  in  pri- 
 vatamperfonamrecidit.  Hh  3  6.  Si 
 
47u  Of  the  late  wanes. 
 
 6.  Si  Rex  partem  habeat  fumwi  Imperij,  partem 
 alteram  Pop.  vel  Sen.  Regi  in  partem  non  fuam 
 involanti  vis  jufla  opponi  piterit  ^  quia  eatenus  Im- 
 perium  non  habet  :  J$uod  locum  habere  cenfeo, 
 etiamfidittumfit,  Belli  potefiatem  penes  Regem  fore 
 (  N.  B.  )  id  enim  de  bello  externo  intelllgendum  efi  : 
 Cum  alioqui  quifquis  Imperij  partem  h'abeat,  non  pojfit 
 non  jus  habere  earn  partem  tuendi.  Quod  ubi  fit,  po- 
 t efi  Rex  etiamfuam  Imperij  partem  belli  jure  amit- 
 tere. 
 
 7,  Si  indelatione  Imperij  diElum  fit ,  utcerto  even-. 
 turefifii  Regi  pojfit,  etiamfieo  paBo  pars  imperij  re- 
 tent  a  cenferi  non  pojfit, certe  retenta  eft  aliqua  Libertas 
 naturalis,  &  exempta  Regio  imperio.P ctefl  autem  qui 
 jusfuum  allenat,  idjuspaUis  imminuere. 
 
 You  fee  here  divers  Cafes  in  which  Reiifting  is  law- 
 full.  In  general,  it's  lawfull  for  them  that  have  part 
 in  the  Soveraignty,  to  defend  their  part :  and  it's 
 lawfull  for  the  people  to  defend  their  Liberties^  in 
 points  exempted  from  the  Princes  Power :  (but  this 
 muft  be  with  the  exceptions,  limitations  and  Cauti- 
 ons, which  I  have  before  expres't .) 
 
 $ .  V.  The  Laws  in  England  are  above  the  King : 
 Becaufe  they  are  not  his  Ads  alone,  but  the  Afts  of 
 King  and  Parliament  con jun&ly,*  who  have  the  Le- 
 giflative  (that  is,  the  Soveraign  )  Power.  This  is 
 confeffed  by  the  King  in  the  forecited  Anfwer  to  the 
 i9Propofitions. 
 
 "  §.  VI.  The  King  was  to  execute  Judgement  ac- 
 cording to  thefe  Laws,  by  his  Judges  in  his  Courts  of 
 Juftice*/aiid  his  parliament  was  his  higheft  Court 
 
 (  as 
 
Of  the  late  Wanes.  47  x 
 
 (as  is  faid)  where  his  perfonal  will  and  word  was  not 
 of  fufficient  Authority  to  fufpend  or  crofs  the  Judge- 
 •   mentof  the  Court,  except  in  lbme  particular  cafes 
 iubmittedtohim. 
 
 §.  VII.  The  peoples  Rights  were  evidently  inva- 
 ded; Ship-money,  and  other  impofitions  were  with- 
 out Law,  and  fo  without  authority  :  The  new  Oath 
 impofed  by  the  Convocation,  and  the  King:  the 
 ejeding  and  punifhing  Minifters  for  not  reading  the 
 Books  for  Sports  on  the  Lords  Daies,  for  not  bowing 
 towards  the  Altar,  for  preaching  Ledures,  and  twice 
 on  the  Lords  Day,  with  many  the  like,  were  without 
 Law,  and  fo  without  authority.     If  Bifliops jure  JEc- 
 chfiaftico  might  have  commanded  them,  yet  could 
 they  not  lay  any  corporal  penalties  or  mulds  for 
 them,nor  fhould  any  man  have  loft  his  temporal  live- 
 lihood or  Iiberty,which  Ecciefiafticks  have  no  power 
 over.    Many  thoufands  have  fuffered,or  been  forced 
 to  remove  out  of  theLand,upon  the  account  of  illegal 
 impofitions. 
 
 §.  VIII.  The  Parliament  did  Remonftrate  to  the 
 Kingdom,  the  danger  of  the  fubverfion  of  Religion, 
 and  Liberties,  and  of  the  common  good  and  intereft 
 of  the  people,  whofeTruftees  they  were.  And  we 
 were  obliged  to  believe  them  both  as  the  moft  compe* 
 tent  WitnefTes  and  Judges,  and  the  chofen  Truftees 
 of  our  Liberties.  We  are  our  felves  uncapable  of  a 
 full  difcovery  of  fuch  dangers  till  it  be  too  late  to  re- 
 medy them :  And  therefore  the  conftitution  of  the 
 Government  having  made  the  Parliament  the  Tru- 
 ftees of  our  Liberties,  hath  made  them  o^ureyes  by 
 
 H  h  4  which 
 
472  of  the  late  Wanes. 
 
 which  we  muft  difcern  our  dangers.  Or  elfe  they  had 
 been  ufelefs  to  us. 
 
 §.  IX.  The  former  proceedings  afforded  us  fo  much 
 experience  as  made  the  Parliaments  Remonftrance 
 credible.  We  had  newly  feen  a  general  endeavour  to 
 change  the  face  of  things  among  us.     Many  new  or- 
 ders in  the  Church-,  abundance  of  the-moft  painfull 
 Preachers  f  though  peaceable)  caft  out :  Abundance 
 of  ignorant,  idle,  fcandalous  Readers  kept  in  ^  and 
 pra&ical  ferious  godiinefs  made  the  commonfeorn^ 
 though  found  in  the  conformable  to  all  the  legal  Or-. 
 ders.     I  will  forbear  to  rake  any  further  into  thofe 
 calami  ties.Only  I  (hall  fay,  that  I  fuppofe  my  Reader 
 to  have  been  acquainted  with  thofe  times,  and  with 
 the  courfe  of  the  High  Commiflion,  and  the  Bifhops 
 Courts,  and  to  have  read  the  Articles  in  Parliament 
 againft  Bifhop  J^aud,  Bifhop  Goodman,  Bifhop  Wre n% 
 Bifhop  Pierce,  &c.  and  the  charge  againft  the  Judges 
 about  Ship  money  ^  and  Mr.  White's  Centuries  :  and 
 Mr.  PHns  Introduction ,  or  Works  of  Darknefs 
 brought  to  Light:,  and  his  Canterburies  Tryal,and  his 
 Popifh  Royal  Favorite,  and  his  Romes  Mafter  piece  -r 
 and  efpeciaily  the  fworn  Articles  of  the  Sfanljh  and 
 French  Match. 
 
 §.X.  It  was  time  for  us  to  believe  a  Parliament 
 concerning  our  danger  and  theirs,  when  we  heard  fo 
 many  impious  perfons  rage  againft  them  ^  and  when 
 theArmy  then  in  the  North  was  (by  the  confeffion 
 of  the  chief  Officers)  about  to  have  been  drawn  tap 
 towards  London  -,  to  what  end  is  eafie  to  con je&ure : 
 when  fomany  Delinquents  were  engaged  &  enraged 
 v  againft 
 
of  the  late  Wanes.  473 
 
 againft  them,  who  all  took  refuge  with  the  King. 
 And  when  we  fay  the  odious  Irith  Rebellion  broke 
 forth,  and  fo  many  thonfand  barbaroufly  murdered^ 
 no  lefs  (by  credible  teftimony)  then  an  hundred  and 
 fifty  thouland  murdered  in  the  one  Province  of  VI- 
 fteronly:  I  fuppofe  himthatldifpute  with  to  Save 
 read  the  Examinations  by  the  Irifh  Juftices,  and  Mr. 
 C larks  Persecution  of  the  Church  in  Ireland  :  elfe  he 
 is  incompetent  for  the  debate.lf  you  fayJVhat  tpm  all 
 this  to  England  ?  I  Anfwer,  We  knew  how  great  a 
 progrefs  the  fame  party  had  made  in  England^  and  it 
 was  them  that  we  were  told  by  the  Trufteesof  our 
 fafety,  that  we  were  in  danger  of,  and  the  fire  was 
 too  near  us  to  be  neglefted  •,  and  our  fafety  too  much 
 threatned,  to  be  carelefly  ventured  in  the  heat  of  the 
 peril  5  or  to  be  wholly  taken  out  of  our  Truftees 
 hands,when  thoufands  were  thusfuddenly  butchered 
 by  the  Papifts  in  our  own  Dominions,  and  thofe 
 Papifts  likely  to  have  invaded  England^  when  they 
 had  conquered  Ireland^  and  their  "Friends  werefo 
 powerfull  about  theCourt,&  through  the  Land,  aijd 
 the  parliament  hated  by  them  for  oppofing  their  at- 
 tempts (the  Irifh  profefling  to  raife  Arms  for  the 
 King,to defend  his  Prerogative  &  their  own  Religion 
 againft  our  Pariiament)l  fay,in  fuch  a  time  as  this,we 
 hadreafonto  believe  our  entrufted  Watchmen,  that 
 told  us  of  the  danger,  &  no  reafon  to  fuffer  our  lives 
 and  liberties  to  be  taken  out  of  their  Truft,  &  wholly 
 put  into  the  hands  of  the  King.  We  had  rather  of  the 
 two  be  put  upon  the  inconvenience  of  jnftifying  our 
 defence,  then  to  have  been  butchered  by  thoufands, 
 or  fall  into  fuch  hands  as  Ireland  did  :  For  then  com- 
 plaining would  have  been  vain.  It  would  not  have 
 
 made 
 
474  Of  the  late  Wanes. 
 
 made  dead  men  alive,  nor  recovered  England  out  of 
 their  hands,  for  the  furvivers  to  have  aeculed  them  of 
 perfidioufnefs  or  cruelty.  It  was  then  no  time  to 
 discredit  our  Watchmen. 
 
 §.  XI.  WefawtheKingraife  Forces  againft  the 
 Parliament,  having  forfaken  them,and  firft  fought  to 
 fei^e  upon  their  Members,  in  a  way  which  he  confeft 
 a  breach  of  their  privitedge. 
 
 Ob j.The  Tumults  at  Weftminfter  drove  him  away. 
 
 Anfw.  Only  by  difpleafing  blm^not  by  endangering 
 
 him,  or  medling  with  him. 
 
 Ob  yThe  Parliament  was  net  free  by  reafon  of  them. 
 Anfw.  The  Parliament  knew  beft  when  they  were 
 free.  If  the  major  part  had  thought  fb,  why  did 
 they  not  Vote  againft  thofe  tumults,  and  forbid,and 
 bring  the  rude  Petitioners  tojuftice?  Thediforders 
 on  both  fides  among  the  tumultuary,  were  unexcufa- 
 ble:but  no  juft  caufe  to  caft  the  Nation  into  a  Warre. 
 A  Prince  may  not  raife  War  againft  his  people,  be- 
 caufe  Apprentices  fhewfome  rudenefsin  their  beha- 
 viour. 
 
 Objeft.     But  the  Parliament  began  the   War. 
 Anfw.  For  my  part, I  am  fatisfied  ot  the  contrary : 
 but  the  caufe  dependeth  not  on  that.  And  the  debate 
 is  not  eafily  managed  to  fatisfa&ion  on  either  fide,be- 
 caufe  we  agree  not  what  was  the  beginning  of  the 
 Warre.     If  the  Apprentices  tumultuous  petitioning  " 
 were  a  Warre,  then  it  was  begun  long  before  on  the 
 other  fide,  when  the  Army  was  to  have  been  drawn 
 up  towards  London  ^xA  by  other  waies  ^  as  when  the 
 King  fet  a  Guard  on  them  againft  their  wills,when  the 
 Lord  Digby  raifed  Forces  near  the  City^  and  the  King 
 
 after- 
 
of  the  late  Wanes.  475 
 
 afterward  in  Torkfnre ,the  Parliament  had  no  Army ; 
 fo  that  if  adual  raifing  force  was  the  beginning  of  the 
 Warre,  itfeemshebegun.  Put  yet  he  faith,  Their 
 Commiffions  Vvere  dated  before  his.  It  may  be  fo  :  ( I 
 knew  nothing  of  that.)  But  Forces  may  be  raifed 
 before  they  have  any  written  Commiffions.  It  was 
 long  before  that  the  Lord  Dlgby  wrote  to  him  to 
 withdraw  into  a  place  of  fafecy,  10  thefe  ends  which 
 hepurfued.  If  you  fay,  that  tbofe  began  the  War 
 that  gave  the  firfi  occafion  •  1 .  We  muit  follow  that 
 fo  high  as  will  make  the  difcovery  difficult,  and  the 
 debate  irkfome.  2. And  when  we  have  done,no  doubt 
 (as  in  moft  fallings  out)  we  (hall  hnd  that  both  fides 
 were  too  blame,  though  not  equally  too  blame. 
 
 §.  XII.  Ail  the  Kings  Counfellours  and  Souldiers 
 were  Subjefts,  and  legally  under  the  Power  of  the 
 Parliament.  They  had  Power  to  try  any  Subje #,and 
 judge  them  to  punilhment  for  their  crimes.  The  Of- 
 fendors  whom  they  would  have  judged,fledfrom  Ju- 
 ftice  to  the  King,  and  there  defended  themfelves  by 
 -force. 
 
 Ob  jed:.  But  the  Parliament  would  have  injured 
 them. 
 
 Anfw.  Who  (hould  be  Judge  of  that,  if  not  the 
 Supream  Court  of  Juftice?  The  Laws  are  above  the 
 King. 
 
 Ob  je&.X/tf  Parliaments  Souldiers  were  SubjeHs  of 
 the  King,  as  well  as  the  Kings  St  uldiers  to  the  Parlia- 
 *ment4 
 
 Anfw.  True :  but  ifSubje&s  break  the  Laws,  the 
 King  is  to  judge  them  by  his  Courts  of  Juftice,  and  fo 
 the  King  can  do  no  wrong. 
 
 §.  XIII. 
 
4?£  of  the  Ute  Warns. 
 
 §,XHI.lfinferiour  Courts  of  Juftice  may  profecute 
 the  execution  of  their  fentences,  in  feveral  cafes  a- 
 gainft  the  Kings  Will,  and  the  Sheriff  may  raife  the 
 Power  of  the  County  to  afiift  that  execution,  much 
 more  may  the  Higheft  Court  do  thus :  But  the  An- 
 tecedent is  commonly  acknowledged  to  be  true : 
 Therefore. 
 
 §.   XIV.    The  Parliament  did  not  raife  War 
 againft  the  Perfon  or  Authority  of  the  King-,  nor  did  I 
 ever  ferve  them  on  any  fuch  account :  But  their  caufe 
 was,  i.  To  defend  themfelves  and  the  Common- 
 wealth from  evil  Subjects,  that  flying  from  Juflice, 
 had  made  up  an  Army  by  the  Kings  confent.  2.  To 
 bring  Offenders  to  a  Legal  Trial.     3.  And  confe- 
 quently  eo  Defend  themfelves  againft  the  Kings  mif- 
 guided  Will.  So  that  their  War  was  dire&ly  againft 
 Subje&s,  but  remotely  againft  the  Will  of  the  King, 
 but  not  againft  his  Authority  or  Perfon.    And  Sub- 
 jects ceafe  not  to  be  Sub  jeds,  when  they  get  into  an 
 Army,  and  procure  his  confent  to  their  illegal  enter- 
 prife.  Unlefs  every  one  of  his  Souldiers  was  a  King, 
 orfomeof  them  at  leaft,  I  know  not  that  I  ever 
 fought  againft  the  King.  Nor  really  do  I  believe  that 
 every  man  is  againft  him,that  is  againft  a  Subjett  that 
 hath  K^Commiffion,  when  by  the  Law  which  is 
 above  the  Will  and  Commiffion  of  the  King,  he  is  a 
 SubjeB  flill^  and  anfwerable  for  his  offences. 
 
 That  it  was  ^ubje&s  that  the  War  was  raifed 
 againft,  and  not  the  King,  appeareth,  1.  In  all  aie 
 Parliaments  Declarations  of  their  Caufe  (though  his 
 mifdoings  they  alledge  as  the  occafion  of  their  ne- 
 
 ^ceffity.) 
 
 I 
 
of  the  late  Wanes.  477 
 
 ceflity.)  2.  In  their  Commiffions  to  their  Souldi- 
 ers.  All  that  ever  I  faw  were  for  King  and  Parlia- 
 ment :  Yea  it  was  the  common  word  of  their  Soul- 
 diers,  if  they  were  asked,  Who  they  were  for  ?  ro 
 fay  -[  For  King  and  Parliament.  ]  3  N  We  had  two 
 Protections,  and  a  Solemne  League  and  Covenant 
 impoled  on  the  Nation,  to  be  for  King  and  Parlia- 
 ment. And  if  Declarations,  Profejfions,  Commijfi- 
 ens,  and  National  Ottht  and  Covenants  will  not 
 tell  us ,  what  the  Caufe  of  the  War  was,  then 
 thereisnodifcovery.,  I  refer  the  Reader  that  would 
 know  the  Parliaments  Caufe,to  their  Eemonfirance  cf 
 thefiateofthe  Kingdom-,  and  A  Declaration  of  the 
 Lords  and  Commons  ajfembled  in  Parliament,  fet- 
 ting  forth  the  Grounds  and  Rcafons,  that  necejjitate 
 them  at  this  time  to  taks  uf  Defenfive  Armes,  for 
 the  Preservation  of  his  May  flies  Per/on,  the  main- 
 tenance of  the  true  Religion,  the  Laws  and  Liber  - 
 ties  of  this  Kingdome,  and  the  Power  and  Prlvi- 
 /edges  of  Parliament.  Auguft  3.  1642."]  Thefe 
 fully  tell  you  the  Parliaments  Caufe,  being  their  pro- 
 feffion  of  it. 
 
 §.  XV.  When  the  Parliament  commanded  us  to 
 obey  them,  and  not  Refill  them,  I  knew  not  how  to 
 Refill  and  difobey  them,  without  violation  of  the 
 Command  of  God,  Rom.  13.  Let  every  foul  befub- 
 jett  to  the  Higher  Power,  Sec.  And  without  incur- 
 ring the  danger  of  the  Condemnation  there  threat- 
 ned  to  Refifters.  I  think  none  doubts  but  that  Com- 
 mand obliged  Chriftians  to  obey  the  Senate  as  well  as 
 the  Emperour.  When  it  was  confefTcd  by  the  King, 
 that  the  Legiflative  Power  was  in  the  three  Eftates 
 
 conjunft, 
 
47<>  Of  the  late  Wanes. 
 
 conjund:,and  the  State  wasMixt,  and  confequently 
 that  the  Parliament  had  a  part  in  the  Sovereignty,  I 
 thought  it  Treafon  to  Reiift  them,  as  the  Enemy  did^ 
 apparently  in  order  to  their  fubverfion,&nd  unlawfull 
 to  difobey  their  juft  Commands,  fuch  as  I  thought 
 thefe  were. 
 
 §.  XVI.  When  the  Sub  jefts  were  in  doubt  of  the 
 fenfeoftheLaw,  (into  which  m  oft  of  the  Contro- 
 verfiewasrefoived)  I  took  the  parliament  to  be  the 
 Higheft  Interpreter  of  Lowes  that  was  then  exiflent 
 in  the  Divifion.  And  therefore  that  it  was  Law  to 
 us,  which  they  declared  to  be  Law,  fo  it  were  not  di- 
 reftly  and  clearly  againft  our  own  Knowledge,  or 
 againft  that  truth  which  in  our  callings  we  might  well 
 attain  the  Knowledge  of.  I  knew  no  higher  Judge  of 
 the  Law  t  hen  to  appeal  to.  If  in  cafe  of  Ship-money 
 the  Judges  of  inferiour  Courts  did  faiisfie  the  King^ 
 then  in  cafe  of  the  fafety  or  danger  of  the  Common- 
 wealth, I  thought  the  Judgment  of  the  higheft  Court 
 ihould  fatisiie  me. 
 
 §.  XVII.  I  had  great  reafon  to  believe,  that  if 
 the  King  had  conquered  a  Parliament,  The  Nation 
 had  lofi  all  feevrtty  of  their  Liberties,  and  been  at 
 his  Mercy,  and  not  only  under  his  Government : 
 and  that  Warre  is  an  aft  of  Hoilility;  and  that  if 
 he  had  conquered  them  by  fuch  perfons  as  he  then 
 imployed,  it  had  not  been  in  his  power  to  havepre- 
 ferved  the  Commonwealth  it  he  would :  Hisimpious 
 and  popifh  Armies  would  have  ruled  him,  and  ufed 
 him  as  other  Armies  have  done  thole  that  entrufted 
 them.  And  checefore  when  Ireland  was  fo  ufed  be- 
 fore 
 
of  the  latt  Wants.  .    47^ 
 
 fore  our  eyes,  and  thePapifls  there  foftrong,  and 
 tho.  Queens,  and  the  Earl  of  New-cz files  forces  (be- 
 fides  others)  fo  many  of  them  Papifts,  and  the  com- 
 mon Souldiers  of  the  King  were  commonly  known, 
 where  ever  they  came,  by  horrid  Oaths  and  Curfes, 
 being  called  Daww-me's,  becaufe  [_God  damnwe~\ 
 was  their  common  word,  and  when  a  man  was  ufed 
 by  them  as  a  Traitor,  that  was  but  noted  forapuri- 
 tane,  or  was  heard  to  read  the  Scripture,  or  to  fing 
 apfalminhisFamiiy-,  I  fay,  when  thefe  were  they 
 that  were  imployed  to  conquer  us,  I  knew  that  the 
 fafety  of  the  Commonwealth  lay  in  refilling  them, 
 and  that  they  could  have  conquered  the  King,  when 
 they  had  conquered  us.  Jb 
 
 §.  XVIII.  I  had  fufficient  ground  from  what  is 
 cited  before  from  Grotius  (and  more  fuchlike)  to 
 conclude  that  the  Parliament  having  a  part  in  the  So- 
 veraignty,  might  defend  their  part  againft  any  that 
 invaded  it :  and  exercife  it  upon  any  Subject.  And 
 that  their  part  was  invaded,  the  fore-mentioned  evi- 
 dences, with  what  is  in  their  Remonftrances  fhew : 
 And  the  very  intermiffion  and  almoft  extin&ion  of 
 Parliaments  (heweth  it  yet  more.  The  King  wasen- 
 trufted  with  the  Calling  of  parliaments,  on  fuppofiti- 
 on  that  called  they  mult  be  :  The  feafondlenefs 
 which  he  wasentrufted  with,was  but  a  circumftance ; 
 and  if  tinder  pretence  of  feat  end  le  calling  them,  he 
 will  c.  II  none,  or  to  no  purpofe,  or  brea^  them 
 up  before  they  can  do  the  work  to  which  they  were 
 appointed,  this  is  but  to  betray  the  truft  of  the 
 Commonwealth.  Parliaments  by  Law  were  to  be 
 held  yearly,  and  fay  fome,   before  the  Conqueft 
 
 twice 
 
^ou  uj  we  Mte  wanes. 
 
 twice  a  year.  See  An.  56.  £.  3,  &  4.  £.3^  £**¥* 
 
 m*/^.r  Edgar,  r^.  5.  Cook  Infiitut.  fart  4-  /?.  7. 
 (Of  their  Honour  and  Antiquity,  fe€  Mr? Bacon  and 
 Prj^3  and  C^  7^/?//-.  P,^r  1 .  <SV#.  164.  <£•  Prafat. 
 Ii&i9.  Of  Reports, /*/.  1.2,  3,4, &c  ^  7-  H.  6.) 
 They  that  trufted  the  King  to  call  aParliament,there- 
 by  expreffed  that  they  were  to  be  called  ,&  it  was  not 
 in  his  power  to  extinguifh  them,by  not  calling  them. 
 
 §.  XIX.  I  knew,  that  as  the  Parliament  was  the 
 ReprefentativeBody  of  the  People  of  the  Common- 
 wealth, who  are  the  fubjed:  of  the  Common  Good, 
 fo  that  the  Common  Good  is  the  Effential  End  of 
 Government,  and  therefore  that  it  cannot  bea  juft 
 War  That  by  their  King  is  made  againft  them  (ex- 
 cept in  the  fore-excepted  Cafes :  And  that  the  end 
 being  more  excellent  than  the  means,  is  to  be  preilr- 
 ved  by  us,and  no  means  to  ftand  in  competition  with 
 the  End.  And  therefore  if  ]  had  known  that  the  Par- 
 liament had  been  the  beginners,  and  in  moft  faulr, 
 yet  thr  mine  of  our  Trttftees  and  Re$refentativesy 
 andfoof  a!l  the  Security  of  the  Nation,  is  a  funifh- 
 ment  greater ,  than  any  fault  of  theirs  againft  a  King 
 can  from  him  deferve  ^  and  that  thdr  faults  cannot 
 difoblige  me  from  defending  the  Commonwealth.  I 
 owned  not  all  that  ever  they  did  •,  but  I  took  it  to  be 
 my  duty  to  look  to  the  main  end.  And  I  knew  that 
 the  King  had  all  his  Power  for  the  Common  Good, 
 and  therefore  had  none  againft  it  ^  and  there- 
 fore that  no  Caufe  can  warrant  him  to  make 
 the  Commonwealth  the  party,  which  he  ftmllexer- 
 cife  Hoftility  againft.  And  that  War  againft  the  Paiu 
 li^ment(efpecially  by  fuch  an  Army,in  fuch  a  Caufe) 
 
 is 
 
of  the  late  Wanes.  4  81 
 
 is  Hoftility  againft  them,  and  fo  againft  the  Com- 
 monwealth •,  all  this  feemed  plain  to  me.  And  efpe- 
 daily  when  I  knew  how  things  went  before,  and  who 
 were  the  Agents,  and  how  they  were  minded,  and 
 what  w^re  their  purpofes  againft  the  people. 
 
 §.  XX.  When  I  found  formny  things  Conjundr, 
 as  two  of  the  three  Ejtates  againft  the  lV///of  the  King 
 alone-  the  Kingdoms  Reprefentative  and  Truftees 
 aflaulted  in  the  guarding  of  our  Liberties ,  and  the 
 higheft  Court  defending  themfelves  againft  offending 
 S*bjetts^nd  feeking  to  bring  them  to  a  Legal  Tryal, 
 and  the  Kingdoms  fafety,  and  the  Common  Good 
 involved  in  their  Caufe  (which  may  be  more  fully 
 manifefted,  but  that  I  would  not  fiir  too  much  in 
 the  evils  of  times  paft.)  AJlthefe,  and  many  more 
 concurring,  perfwaded  me,  that  it  was  ftnfull  to  be 
 Neutrals,  'and  Treacherous  to  be  againfl  the  Parlia- 
 ment in  that  Cattfe .  Thefe  were  my  apprehenfions, 
 and  on  fuch  grounds  as  thefe  here  briefly  hinted  .And 
 itfomewhat  moved  me  to  fee  what  the  Farcies  on 
 both  fides  were,  of  whom  I  will  now  fay  no  more, 
 but  that  it  were  a  wonder*  if  fo  many  humble  honeft 
 Chriftians,  fearfull  of  (inning,  and  praying  for  dire- 
 ction, fhould  be  all  miftaken  in  fo  vyeighty  a  cafe,and 
 fo  many  Dam  me's  all  in  the  right.  But  yet  this 
 was  not  the  Rule  I  went  by ,  but  fome  Motive  on 
 the  by. 
 
 So  that  the  Caufe  of  the  Parliament  which  they 
 engaged  us  to  defend,  1.  Was  not  the  Sovereign 
 Power  of  the  People,  u  above  the  King,-  and  the 
 Original  of  Authority  ^  as  if  the  State  of  the  Com- 
 monwealth had  been  Democratical.    2.  Nor  was  it 
 
 Ii  ^  td 
 
to  procure  a  change  of  the  Conftitution,  and  to  take 
 down  Royaltie ,  and  the  Houfe  of  Lords,  but  clean 
 contrary,  it  was  the  Defence  of  the  old  Conftitution 
 againft  the  changes  which  they  affirmed  were  attem- 
 pted. 3.  Nor  was  it  the  altering  of  Laws,  which  is 
 not  to  be  done  by  force.but  freely  by  the  Law-givers. 
 And  therefore  it  was  not  to  procure  a  cefTation  of 
 the  Magiftrates  Power  in  Religion,  for  encouraging 
 well-doers,  and  reftraining intolerable  Deceivers, 
 which  fome  call  Liberty   of  Confcience.     4.  Nor 
 was  it  to  offer  any  violence  to  the  Perfon  of  the 
 King  •,  but  to  refcue  him  from  them  that  hadfeduced 
 him  into  a  War  againft  his  Parliament,  to  his  peril. 
 Thefewere  the  Grounds  that  we  were  engaged  on, 
 and  I  knew  no  other. 
 
 And  therefore  whereas  fome  Pamphlets  now  flie 
 abroad,  that  would  defame  the  Parliament  and  their 
 Adherents,  as  having  engaged  in  a  Treafonable 
 Caufe,  and  make  that  Caufe  to  have  been,  1.  The 
 Changing®?  the  Government  into  Popular.  2.  Or 
 the  Defence  of  it  as  Popular  already^  as  if  the  People 
 had  been  the  Sovereign  Power.  3 .  The  depofing  or 
 deftroying  of  the  King.  4.  The  vindicating  of  an 
 illegal  or  unlimited  exemption  from  the  Magiftrates 
 Power  in  matters  of  Religion,  which  they  call,  Reli- 
 gious Liberty^  thefe  need  no  further  confutation  then 
 the  reading  of  the  Parliaments  Remonftrance  and  De- 
 claration aforefaid,  and  the  reft  of  their  pubiifhed 
 Profeffions,  and  Oaths,  and  Covenants.  The  clean 
 contrary  to    thefe   they    openly    profeflfed:   As, 
 
 1.  That  King,  Lords  and  Commons  in  parliament 
 were  the  Legidators,  and  fo  had  higheil  power. 
 
 2.  That  it  was  the  Peoples  Proprieties  and  Liberties, 
 
 (and 
 
Of  the  Ute  Wanes.  483 
 
 (and  not  their  pcrfonal  Sovereignty) chat  they  defen- 
 ded. 3 .  That  it  was  the  Defence  and  not  the  deftrnfti- 
 0/*  of  the  Laws  that  they  endeavoured.  And,  4.  That 
 it  was  former  connivance  at  Popery  that  they  were 
 offended  at,  and  not  a  Liberty  for  popery  that  they 
 fought  for  ^  and  that  Herejie  and  Popery  wereCVw- 
 nantedagzinft  by  them,  is  well  known-  chough  the 
 Liberty  of  Truth  and  Godiinefs  they  defended.  AneT, 
 5.  That  they  intended  no  hurt ,  but  prefervaiion  to 
 the  King.  This  was  iheiv  prcfejfedCxufe. 
 
 I  know  Grot  ins  in  che  lore-cited  paffages  goeth 
 higher,  Th?  t  a  Ring  may  lofe  his  own  part  in  the  So- 
 vereignty in  a  War,  in  which  he  invadeth  the  part 
 of  thofe  that  had  a  fhare  with  him  :  And  I  know  that 
 he  condudech  that  Hoftiii:y  isinconflftent  with  Go- 
 vernment^ and  chat  other  Learned  Politicians  con- 
 clude, That  if  a  King  will  make  himfelf  the  Enemy 
 if  the  People ,  and  engage  In  War  again/}  them,  he 
 depofeth  himfelf  \ and  may  be  ufed  {j  them  as  an  Enemy. 
 But  thefe  things  belong  not  to  the  Old  Cattfe  of  the 
 Parliament  ^  nor,  for  my  own  part,  have  I  ever  in- 
 :ereffed  my  felf  in  any  feirh  Cauie,  and  therefore  am 
 lot  to  be  accountable  for  it.  Every  man  muftanfwer 
 :or  himfelf.  Ic  is  only  chat  Old  C \:uft  that  I  have  been 
 engaged  in.  And  many  things  that  fince  have  been 
 lone,  my  foul  lamenteth  and  difcteimeth. 
 
 Yet  mufti  add ,  That  though  I  own  not  all  the 
 vaysof  men,  rhac  have  had  a  hand  in  our  Changes, 
 t.I  am  confident  chat  thefe  that  have  been  caft  do wn> 
 *ad  great  cauie  to  acknowledge  the  Juflice  of  God 
 igainft  them ,  efpecially  for  their  encouraging  the 
 corn  of  Holinefs  through  the  Land,  and  the  perfe- 
 ction of  multitudes  fearingGod,  which  the  righ- 
 
 Ii   2  teous 
 
484  of  the  late  Wanes. 
 
 teous    God    would    not    put    up. 
 
 2.  That  I  am  bound  to  fubmit  to  the  prefent  Go- 
 vernment, as  fet  over  us  by  God,  and  to  obey  for 
 Con  fcience  fake,  and  to  behave  my  felf  as  a  Loyal 
 Subjeft  towards  them*  For,  1.  A  full  and  free 
 Parliament  hath  owned  it,  and  fo  there  is  notoriouily 
 the  Confent  of  the  People  ^  which  is  the  evidence  that 
 former  princes  had  to  juftifie  their  bed  Titles.  They 
 that  plead  Inheritance  and  Law,  muft  fetch  the  origi- 
 nal from  Confent  (Though,  as  I  have  {hewed  before, 
 that  Confent  doth  but  Jpecifie ,  and  then  defign  the 
 Perfons ,  on  whom  Cod  himfelf  doth  confer  the 
 (Power.) 
 
 When  Gr onus  queftionethzveninvaf ores  Imperii 
 (De  Jure  belli,  lib  a.  pag.91.)  he  excepteth  from 
 any  Queflion  the  Cafe,  1 .  Poftquam  longapoffefftone. 
 2.  Aut  Pa£lo\  jus  natius  efiMnvafor^  and  even  of 
 others,  he  acknowledged!  lbme  obligation  to  obey 
 them.     And  ib.  cap. 4.  pag.93.  §.20.     he  giveth 
 that  fafe  and  general  Rule,  which  fuchas  I  that  are 
 private  men,  and  not  made  Judges  of  the  controver- 
 tible Title  of  Princes  muft  be  guided  by,  and  which 
 Paul  commended,  itfeemeth  to  the  Chrifiians  in  his 
 times,  yea  and  before  him,  Chrift  himfelf  \_Maxlme 
 tiutem  in  re  controversy  judicium  fibi  privatus  fu- 
 mere  'non  debet ,  fed  poffeffionem  feqni  3  fie  tributum 
 folvi  Caefari  Chrifius  juvebat  (Mat. 22. 20. )   quk 
 ejus  imaginem  nummus  praferebat ,  sid  eft  3  quia  in 
 Poffeffione  erat  Imperii  f\  That  is  i  Efpecially  in  a 
 controverted  matter  i  a  private  man  ought  not  to  be- 
 come a  fudge  y  but  to  follow  Poffejfion*     So  Chrift 
 commandeth  that  Tribute  be  paid  to  Cadar,    be  A 
 caufe    the   Money  had   his  Image  >    that  is,    be  A 
 
 caufX 
 
Of  the  late  Wanes.  485 
 
 caufe  he  was  in  poftejfun  of  the  Government^ 
 
 1  have  made  tins  Confeifion  to  the  world  of  my 
 former  adions,  and  the  reafon  of  them,  r.  At  once 
 to  fatisfie  the  Many  that  demand  fatisfaftion.  2. That 
 it"  1  have  erred,  I  may  not  die  without  Repentance, 
 but  may  be  recovered  by  their  advice. 
 
 And  therefore  1  will  further  confefs  how  I  ftand 
 affeded  to  thefe  anions  in  the  review,  1 .  The  expe- 
 riences of  War ,  and  the  evils  that  attend  and  fol- 
 low ie^  "hath  made  me  hate  it  incomparably  more 
 than  I  did  before  I  tried  or  knew  it :  and  the  name 
 of  Peace,  much  more  the  Thing,  is  now  exceeding 
 amiable  to  me.  2.  I  unfeignedly  believe  that  both 
 Parties  were  too  blame  in  the  late  Wars:  The  one 
 Party  in  the  things  forementioned:  and 
 the  other  in  too  impatient  nndergoings  S^eMthc  *;lfe 
 the  Prelates  perfections  and  fome  in  l^lmX 
 too  peevilhlcrupling  and  quarrelling,  clarfo  Mar- 
 where  there  was  no  caufe,  or  not  fo  tyrology,^, 
 much  as  was  pretended.  But  who  can  4*8.  about 
 be  free  from  fome  cauflefs  fcruples,  ^c  ^in8s 
 that  hath  any  Faith  of  hi?own,  and  is 
 not  carelefs  of  his  foul.  3 .  I  think  that  all  of  us  did 
 rufti  too  eagerly  into  the  heat  of  Divifions  and 
 War ,  and  none  of  us  did  fo  much  as  we  fhould 
 have  done  to  prevent  it:  And,  though  I  was  in  no 
 capacity  to  have  done  much ,  yet  I  unfeignedly 
 Repent  that  I  did  no  more  for  Peace  in  my  place,then 
 I  did ,  and  that  I  did  not  pray  more  heartily  a- 
 gainft  Contention  and  War  before  it  came ,  and 
 fpake  no  more  againft  it  than  I  did  ^  and  that  I  fpoke 
 To  much  to  blow  the  Coals.  For  this  I  daily  beg  for- 
 givenefsof  the  Lord  ,  through  the  precious  blood  of 
 
 J13  the 
 
4oo  cj  tut  late  wanes. 
 
 the  great  Reconciler.     4. The  hatred  of  Strife  and 
 War,  and  love  of  Peace,  and  observation  of  the 
 lamentable  miscarriages  fince ,  have  called  me  oft  to 
 fearch  my  heart,  and  try  my  ways  by  the  Word„of 
 God,  Whether  I  did  lawfully  engage  in  that  War 
 or  not  ?  (which  I  was  confident  then  was  the  great- 
 eft  outward  fervice  that  ever  I  performed  to  God  :) 
 And  whether  I  lawfully  encouraged  fo  many  thou- 
 fandstoic?  And  the  iflue  of  all  my  fearch  is  this, 
 and  never  was  any  other  but  this ,  1 .  The  cafe  of 
 blood  being  a  thing  fo  dreadfull,  and  fome  wife  and 
 good  men  being  againft  me,  and  many  of  their  Ar- 
 guments being  plaufible,  and  my  underftanding  be- 
 ing weak,  I  {hall  continue  with  felf-fufpition  to 
 fearch    and  be  glad  of  any  information  that  may 
 convince  me,  if  I  have  beenrniftaken  ^  and  I  make 
 it  my  daily  earneft  prayer  to  God,  that  he  will  not 
 ibflfer  me  to  live  or  die  impenitently ,  or  without  the 
 difcovery  of  my  fin ,  if  I  have  finned  in  this  matter : 
 And  could  I  be  convinced  of  it,  I  would  as  gladly 
 make  a  publick  Recantation,  as  I  would  eat  or  drink : 
 And  I  think  I  can  fay,  that  I  am  truly  willing  to  know 
 the-trurh. 
 
 2.  But  yet  I  cannot  fee  that  I  was  miftaken  in  the 
 mainCaufe,  nor  dare  I  rep -nt  of  it,  nor  forbear  the 
 fame,  if  it  were  to  do  again  in  the  fame  ftate  of 
 things.  I  fhould  do  all  I  could  to  prevent  fuch  a 
 War-  bw:  if  it  could  not  be  prevented,  I  muft 
 take  the  fame  fide  as  then  I  did.  And  my  judge- 
 ment tells  me,  That  if  I  fhould  do  otherwife  I 
 (hould  be  guilty  of  Treafon  or  Difloyakie  againft 
 the  Sovereign  Power  of  the  Land,  and  of  perfi- 
 dioufnefs  to  the  Commonwealth ,  and  of  prefer- 
 
 ing 
 
Of  the  late  Wanes.  487 
 
 ring  offending  Subjects  before  the  Laws  and  Ju- 
 ftice,  and  the  Will  of  the  Kkig  above  that  fafety 
 .  of  the  Commonwealth,  and  confequently  above  his 
 o¥wn  welfare-,  and  that  I  fhould  be  guilty  of  gi- 
 ving up  the  Land  to  blood  ( as  Ireland  was )  or 
 too  much  worfe,  under  pretence  of  avoiding 
 blood,  in  a  necefTary  defence  of  all  that  is  dear 
 to  us. 
 
 And  it  were  too  great  folly ,  by  following  acci- 
 dents ,  that  were  then  unknown ,  forme  to  judge 
 of  the  former  Caufe.     That  which  is  calamitous  in 
 the  event,  is  not  alway  finfull  in  the  enterprife. 
 Should  the  change  of  times  make  me  forget  the 
 ftate  that  we  were  formerly  in ,  and  change  my 
 judgement  by  lofing  the  fenfe  of  what  then  con- 
 duced to  its  information ,  this  folly  and  forgetful- 
 nefs  would  be  the  way  to  &  finfull.  and  not  to 
 an  obedient  Repentance.     Nor  can  I  be  fo  unthank- 
 full  as  to  fay,  for  all  the  finnes  and  mifcarriages 
 of  men  fince ,  that  we  have  not  received  much 
 mercy  from  the  Lord :  When  Godlinefs  was  the 
 common  fcorn ,  the  prejudice  and  {harne  moft  la- 
 mentably prevailed  to  keep  men  from  it ,  and  £0 
 encouraged  them  in  wickednefs :  But  through  the 
 great  mercy  of  God ,  many  thoufands  have  been 
 converted  to  a  holy  upright  life,  proportionably 
 more  than  were  before ,  fince  the  reproach  dia 
 ceafe,  and  the  prejudice  was  removed,  and  faith- 
 full  Preachers  tooJt  the  places  of  fcandalous  ones., 
 or  ignorant  Readers.     When    I  look  upon  the 
 place  where  I  live ,  and  fee  that  the  families  of 
 the  ungodly ,  are  here  one ,  and  there  one  in  a 
 Street  5  as  the  Families  of  the  godly  were  hereto- 
 
 Ii  4  fore 
 
LOO  \J\      IfJC    lUVl    Vf  nuts* 
 
 fore  (though  my  own  endeavours  have  been  too 
 weak  and  cold)  it  forceth  me  to  fet  up  the  Stone 
 of  Remembrance,  and  to  fay,  \jilTHERTO 
 HATH  THE  LORD  HELPED 
 V  S.l 
 
 And  now  I  mufl  fay  (to  prevent  the  Cavills 
 of  malicious  Readers  J  That  though  I  have  here 
 laid  down  the  Grounds  upon  which  I  think  my 
 Ergagement  in  the  late  War  to  have  been  jufli- 
 fiable ,  yet  I  intend  not  that  every  one  of   thefe 
 diftinctiy ,  is  a  fufficient  Medium  to  inferre  the 
 Conclufion ;    But  all  together  fhew  you  on  what 
 Grounds  I  (hall  proceed  with    any  man  that  will 
 ingenuoufly  difpute  the  point.     I  muft  profefs, 
 that  if  I  had  taken  up  Arms  againft  the  Parlia- 
 ment in  that  Warre,  my '  Confcience  tells  me  I 
 had  been  a  Traitor ,  and  guilty  of  Refitting  the 
 Higheft    Powers.      And  fuch  Writings  ,   as   the 
 (pretended)   French  Difcoverj  of  the   Scotch  and 
 English  Presbyterie  9  abound  with  fo  much  Igno- 
 rance of  our  Caufe ,  or  Serpentine  malice,  that 
 they  are  much  uncapable  of  changing  mens  judge- 
 ments that  know  their  vanity.     But  the  Reading 
 of  fuch  Books  doth  make  me  lament  the  mifery 
 of  the  World ,  through  the  partiality  of  Hiftori- 
 ans  :   This  Book,  and  Sanlrrfons  Hiftory,  and 
 many  more  that  I  have  lately  feen  ,  upon  my 
 knowledge  do  abound  with  falftioods,  and  delu- 
 fory  omifiions,   and  are  (in  my  judgement)  as 
 unfit  to  give  Pofterity  a  true  Information  of  our 
 late  -affairs,  as  the  Alcoran  is  to  tell  thepi  the 
 
 right 
 
Of  the  Ute  Wanes.  48$ 
 
 right  way  to  Heaven.     I  know  I  (hall  highly  of- 
 fend the  Authors   with   faying  fo-5  but  not  fo 
 much  as  they  offend  God  and  wrong  Pofteruie  by 
 their  fallhoods.     The  forefaid  (pretended)   French 
 Anti-Presbyterian ,  takes  it  for  granted ,  that  the 
 total  Sovereignty  was  in  the  King,and  upon  that,and 
 many  fuch  falfe  fuppo(itions,he  makes  the  Presbyteri- 
 ans the  odiouieft  Traitors  under  Heaven-So  that  I  do 
 not  wonder  that  Porreign  Nations  do  fpit  at  the 
 very  name  of  an    Englljh  Proteftant ,  as  at  the 
 name  of  the  Devil :  And  that  Papifts  make  their 
 Ideots  believe  ,   That  the  Proteftants  in  England 
 are  run  ftark  mad  ,   and  turn'd  fuch  Rebels  as 
 can  never  more  for  fhame  upbraid  them  with  their 
 Laterane  Decrees,  their  Powder-plot ,  or  their  mur- 
 dering of  Kings:  And  what  have  thofe  Proteftants 
 to  anfwer  for ,  that  by  odious  lies  do  feed  thefe 
 reproaches  of  the  ways  of  truth ,  and  of  the  in- 
 nocent fervants 'of  the  Lord  ?  Yea  the  faid   (Eng- 
 Ufi)  French  Calumniator ,  moft  palpably  contra- 
 di&eth  himfelf ,  and  telleth  all  the  world  that  he 
 lieth  :  When  he  hath  charged  the  Presbyterians 
 with  Hypccrifie  and  Treachery  in  their  Oaths  and 
 Covenants  for  the  fafety  of  the  King,  the  Privi- 
 leges of  Parliament,  &c.  he  proves  by  the  breach 
 of  thofe  Covenants ,  that  they  were  falfe  in  ma- 
 king them  :  And  yet  confeffech  ,  that  it  was  other 
 men  that  broke  them ,  and  pull'd  them  down,  to 
 enable  them  thereto.     Our  only  comfort  is,  That 
 malice  and  lying  {hall  not  carry  it  at^  laft ,  nor  pafs 
 the  final  fentence  on  us. 
 
 If  any  of  them  can  prove ,  that  I  was  guilty  of 
 hurt  "to  the  Perfon,  or  deftru&ion  of  the  power 
 
 of 
 
4PO  Of  the  Ute  Wanes. 
 
 of  the  King,  or  of  changing  the  Fundamental  Con- 
 ftitution  of  the  Commonwealth  ,  taking  down  the 
 Houfe  of  Lords,  without   Confent  of  all  Three 
 Eftates  that  had   a  part  in  the  Sovereignty  ^  or 
 that  I  violated  the  priviledges  of  Parliament  by  im- 
 prifoning  or  excluding  the  Members ,  and  invaded 
 the  Liberties  of  the  People,  I  will  never  gainfay 
 them,  if  they  call  me  a  moft  perfidious  Rebel ,  and 
 tell  me  tfiatlamguiityof  far  greater  fin  than  Mur- 
 der, Whoredom,  Drunkennefs,  or  fuchlike.  Or  if 
 they  can  folidly  confute  my  Grounds,  I  wilU  thank 
 them,  and  confefs  my  fin  to  all  the  world.  But  mali- 
 cious railings  of  them  I  take  for  Rebellions  them- 
 felves,  Khali  not  uegard. 
 
 April 
 
4£i 
 
 April  2$.     I  6  J  9. 
 
 When  I  had  gone  thus  far,  and  was  about  to 
 proceed  a  little  further,  the  fudden  News  of 
 the  Armies  Reprefentation,  and  of  the  dif- 
 folving  of  the  Parliament  ,  and  of  the  dif- 
 plealure  againft  my  Book  againft  Popery, 
 called,  A  Key  for  Catbelicks ,  and  fome 
 other  paflages,  interrupted  me,  and  caft 
 me  upon  thefe  M  E  DITATIO  NS  and 
 LAMENT  AT  10  NS  following. 
 
 SECT.    L 
 
 GO  D  is  not  the  God  of  Confufton  ,  but  of  Or- 
 der :  Wonderfull  I  Whence  then  are  all  the 
 wofull  disorders  of  the  world  \  Why  are  they 
 permitted,  while  infinite  Wifdom ,  Goodnefs  and 
 Power  is  at  the  Stern  !  He  loveth  and  tenderly  lo- 
 veth  his  People  :  Why  then  are  they  tofi  up  and 
 doVrn  the  world,  as  a  Sea-rackt  vrffel ,  as  the  foot- 
 ball of  contempt  !  His  Spirit  is  the  Spirit  of  Love 
 and  Peace  !  and  his  fervants  have  learn  d  to  be  meek^ 
 and  lowly  3  and  his  Difciples  are  all  humble ,  and 
 
 teachable 
 
492  MEDITATI  0  NS. 
 
 teachable ,    and  tradable  as  little  children  :  How 
 cones  it  to  pafs  then  that  their  habitation  is   in  the 
 fiances  ?  and  that  they  are  hurried  about  the  -world 
 with  tempefts  ?  and  dwell  fo  much  in  the  jlormy  Re- 
 gion ?  and  that  his  Lambs  mufl  be  fent  forth  amcncr 
 Wolves  ?  Nay  that  Homo  homini  Lupus,  is  turned 
 to  Chriftianus  Chrifliano  Lupus  !  Surely  a  word,  a 
 bech^,  a  will,  of  him  that  ruleth  over  all,  is  able  to 
 compofe  this   raging  World  y  and  ft  ill  thefe  waves, 
 and  bring  all  into  perf eft  order  :  How  eaftly  could  he 
 difpell  cur  darknefs  >  andreccncile  our  minds,  and  heal 
 cur  breaches,  and  calm  eur  pafjions,  and  fubdue  cor- 
 ruptions, and  bring  us  into  the  way  of  pleafant  Peace  ? 
 Andean  Infinite  goodnefs  be  unwilling  to  do  us  good  ? 
 Aftcnifhing  Providence  [that  the  Vejfelfljouldbefo  toft 
 that  hathfuc  h  a  Pilot  I  and  the  Kingdom  fo  difordered 
 that  hath  fuch  a  King  I  and  the  Patient  fo  almoft  de- 
 florate that  hath  fuch  a  Phyftcion,  that  is  able  to  cure 
 us  when  he  Will !  0  what  a  woundis  it  to  our  fouls, that 
 the  Churches  enemies  of  all  forts  ft  and  by,  and  laugh 
 at  our  folly  and  calamity,  and  hit  us  in  the  teeth  with 
 cur  God,  and  our  Reformation,  andourGodlinefs,  and 
 our  Hopes  !  with  our  Fa  fling  and  Prayer,  and  all-cur 
 pretended  brotherly  love  !  And  thus  it  hath  been  from 
 stge  to  age  I  and  while  we  glory  in  the  hopes  of  better 
 'days,  and  thought  that  Charity  was  reviving  in  the 
 world  though  it  cooled  when  iniquity  did  abound,  new 
 fiorms  arife  -,  our  hopes  delude  us  ^  we  find  our  J elves 
 in  the  tempeftuous  Ocean,  when  even  now  we  thought 
 we,  had  been  almoft  at  the  fhore  I  What  Age,  what  Na- 
 ticn  hath  fo  followed  Holinefs  and  Peace,  as  to   over- 
 take them  ?  Doth  the  moft  perfett  Govemour  of  the 
 world  dtlight  in  impious,  confufw  ? 
 
 Oh 
 
MEDITATIONS.  493 
 
 Oh  no  1  his  works  are  glorious ,  and  bear  their 
 (hare  of  the  imprefs  of  his  excellency.  Shali  we  pre* 
 fume  to  call  the  heavenly  M  a  jefty  to  account?  Muft 
 he  render  a  fatisfa&ory  reafon  of  his  ways,  to  every 
 worm?  Is  it  not  enough  to affaire  us  that  they  are 
 thebeft,  in  that  he  is  their  Author  who  is  infinitely 
 good?  We  that  are  in  the  Valley  of  Mortality,  and 
 the  {hadow  of  death ,  are  yet  uncapable  of  feeing 
 that,whkh  on  the  Mount  of  Immortality  we  fliall  fee 
 to  our  fatisfa&ion.  We  fee  but  pieces  of  the  works 
 of  God,bbth  as  to  their  extent  and  their  duration. As 
 all  the  Letters  make  one  word^  and  all  the  words  do 
 make  onefentence,  and  all  the  fentences  and  fedions 
 and  chapters  make  one  Book5&  the  ufe  of  the  letters, 
 fyllables,  words  and  fentences,  cannot  be  rightly  un* 
 derftood  or  valued^if  taken  feparatedfrom  thewhole: 
 no  more  can  we  rightly  underftand  &  value  the  works 
 of  God ,  .when  we  fee  not  their  relation  to  the 
 whole.  We  parcel  Arts  and  Sciences  into  fragments, 
 according  to  the  ftraitnefs  of  our  capacities,  and  are 
 not  fo  panfophical  as  uno  intuitu  to  fee  the  whole  ^ 
 and  therefore  we  have  not  the  perfed  knowledge  01 
 any  part.  As  the  whole  Creation  is  one  entire  frame, 
 and  no  part  perfedly  known  to  any , but  the  compre- 
 henfive  wifdom  that  knoweth  all  ^  and  as  the  holy 
 Scripture  is  an  entire  frame  of  holy  Dodrine-,  and 
 the  work  of  Sandification  is  one  new  man-,  fo  alfo 
 the  works  of  difpofing  providence,  are  perfedly  har* 
 monious,  and  make  up  one  admirable  Syfteme,which 
 our  non-age  hindereth  us  from  underftanding.  We 
 muft  learn  the  Books  of  God  by  degrees  ^  word  by 
 word,  and  line  by  line>  and  leaf  by  leaf  \  but  we 
 fliall  never  be  ripe  Scholars  till  we  have  learnt  all : 
 
 And 
 
4?4  MEDITATIONS. 
 
 And  then  we  fhatl  fee  that  Nature  and  Grace,  Scrip- 
 ture and  Creatures,  Phyficks  and  Morals,  and  all  the 
 works  of  God  for  man,  do  conftitute  one  moft  per- 
 fed  frame,  which  we  {hall  admire  for  ever.  The 
 knowledge  of  method ,  is  neceffary  to  our  know- 
 ledge of  the  feveral  pares :  They  borrow  much  of 
 their  fenfe  from  their  afpeft  on  that  which  goeth 
 before  and  cometh  after  •  and  the  firft  hath  fome 
 connexion  to  the  laft.  The  Wheels  of  aWatchcon- 
 fidered  feparatedly ,  are  ufelefs  toys  :  but  in  the 
 Frame  the  fmaileft  Pin  is  ufefull.  God  fetth  all  his 
 works  at  once :  were  it  pofsible  for  us  to  have 
 fuch  a  fight,  it  would  anfwer  all  our  doubts  at  once. 
 The  works  of  Providence  are  yetunfinifhed,  and 
 therefore  not  to  be  feen  in  their  full  beauty :  fix 
 days  fufficed  to  the  Work  of  Creation  ;  but  aU 
 moft  fix  thoufand  years  have  not  ended  the  difpofals 
 of  this  prefent  World.  Had  we  feen  the  Creation 
 after  the  firft  or  fecond  or  third  days  Work ,  we 
 ihould  not  have  feen  it  in  its  tuil  beauty  :  But  on 
 thefeventh  day  God  relied  in  it  all  as  very  good.  A 
 fcrap  or  broken  parcel  of  the  moft  curious  pidure 
 containeth  notthe  beauty  of  the  whole  ^  nor  is  feen  in 
 its  own  beamy  but  as  joyned  to  the  reft.  One  ftritg  of 
 thislnftrument  maketh  no  great  melody  .But  when  we 
 are  perfected,  we  (hall  have  a  more  perfeft  knowledg 
 of  the  Providences  that  now  we  do  but  fpell.  What 
 Chrift  is  doing  in  planting  and  pulling  up  in  all  thefe 
 diforders  of  the  world,  we  know  not  now,  but  here- 
 after we  (hall  know.  The  day  makes  hafte,  when 
 all  thofeaftionsfhall  be  opened  at  once  to  a  com- 
 mon view :  when  the  men  that  make  this  bufsle  in  the 
 world  are  dead  and  gone,and  Prince  and  people,Par- 
 
 Ha- 
 
MEDITATIONS.  495 
 
 laments  and  Armies  are  off  this  Stage,  and  appear 
 jndreft  before  the  Lord ,  and  have  received  their 
 *verlafiingrecompenee,from  him  that  is  no  refpe&er 
 of  Perfons,  then  Judge  of  thefe  prefers  ways  ot  Pro- 
 vidence :  The  end  will  expound  the  actions  of  this 
 day. 
 
 Till  then,  as  we  know  they  are  the  ways  of  the 
 moftwife,  fo  we  muft  confider  how  many  minds  he 
 hath  to  govern  1  every  man  hath  an  underftanding 
 and  will  of  bis  own  1  arid,  Ohow  different!  When 
 fo  many  thouland  millions  of  men  are  of  fo  many 
 minds,  or  are  principled  and  tempted  to  fo  ma»y. 
 We  may  wonder  that  fuch  order  is  preferved  in  the 
 world.  Efpecially  confidering  that  their  Interefts arc 
 almoft  as  various  as  their  minds.  Where  they  (hould 
 agree  they  differ  h  where  they  axe  uncapable  of  a 
 joynt  poflefiion  ,  they  agree  in  the  defire  of  that 
 which  is  impoffibie.     How  many  have  a  mind  of  the 
 fame  Crowns,  the  fame  Honour  or  Office,  or  Land, 
 or  other  bait  of  worldly  vanity ;  And  how  eafily 
 might  Satan  fet  all  the  world  together  by  the  ears,by 
 cafting  fuch  a  bone  among  them,  if  God  were  not  the 
 uniwfal  King.     Mens  interefts  engage  them  againft 
 each  other:  And  tbeir  vices  are  fuited  to  their  carnal 
 interefts :  When  humane  nature  is  fo  corrupt,  that 
 vices  fwarm  in  the  hearts  of  the  ungodly,  as  worms 
 in  a  Carrion  •,  when  ignorance,  felf-conceitednefs, 
 Hnbelief,  fenfuality,  pride,  worldlinefs,  hypocrifie, 
 and  paffions  of  all  forts  abound  1  When  fo  many 
 hearts  are  blinded  and  byaffed :  and  all  men  by  cor- 
 rupted nature  are  enemies  te  a  Holy  Peace,  &  honeft 
 Unity  muft  be  attained  by  croflifcg  the  very  natures 
 and  interefts  of  fo  many*,  when  the  beft  have  fo  much 
 
 of 
 
49*  MEDITATIONS. 
 
 of  ihefe  corruptions,  and  grace  that  miift  overpower 
 them  is  fo  weak  •  when  the  tempter  is  fo  fubtile,  dili- 
 gent and  unceffant,  our  temptations  to  evil,  and  hin- 
 derances  to  good,  fo'many  and  fo  great,  how  won- 
 derfull  is  that  overruling  Providence,that  keepeth  up 
 io  much  order  in  the  world  1  and  preferveth  us  from 
 utter  confufion  andlnormity?  It  is  infinite  power 
 that  fo  far  uniteth  fuch  incoherent  matter,  and  that 
 fo  far  reftraineth  fuch  corrupted  fouls:that  every  Na- 
 tion are  not  Cannibals, thn  every  Prince  is  not  a  Ne- 
 ro fit  Dionjftus,  and  every  perfon  is  not  a  Cain,  is  all 
 fr^p  the  wifdom  and  mercy  of  our  Almighty  King. 
 Let  God  therefore  have  the  honour  of  his  tranfeen- 
 dent  Government^  He  attaineth  bis  ends  by  that 
 which  feems  to  us  Confufion.  He  is  a  perfed:  Go- 
 vernour  that  perfectly  attaineth  the  ends  of  Govern- 
 ment !  His  ends  are  known  to  him,  but  much  un- 
 known to  us.  The  night  is  ufefull  as  well  as  the  day, 
 and  darknefs  is  no  difhonour  to  the  Creator.  Nor 
 isitdifhonourableto  him  that  there  are  Toads  and 
 Serpents  on  the  sarth,&that  he  made  not  every  worm 
 a  man,  or  every  man  a  King,  or  an  Angel :  Much 
 lefs  that  wicked  men  do  wickedly ,  when  he  hath 
 refolved  to  govern  the  world  in  a  way  confident 
 with  the  Liberty  of  their  wills.  If  fin  were  per- 
 fectly reftrained,  and  the  world  reduced  to  perfeft 
 order, we  (hould  not  have  the  benefit  of  persecution, 
 which  muft  be  expefted  by  thofe  that  will  live  godly 
 in  Chrifl:  Jefus.  How  (hould  we  ever  exprefs  and  try 
 our  patience  &  felf-denial  and  contempt  ©fall  for  the 
 fake  of  Chrifl:,  if  we  had  all  things  here  as  we  would 
 have  them  ?  It  argueth  too  carnal  a  frame  of  mind, 
 when  we  are  hearkning  after  felicity,  or  too  great 
 
 things 
 
MEDITATION  S.  497 
 
 things  on  earth  ,  and  with  the  Jews  would  have  a 
 Kingdom  of  this  world ,  and  a  Saviour  that  (hould 
 make  us  great  on  earth :  Should  we  not  exped  that 
 God  in  equity  and  wifdom  fhould  keep  a  proportion 
 of  our  comfort  to  our  duty,  and  caufe  our  profperity 
 to  be  anfwerable  to  our  fidelity  I  If  we  have  leffe  here 
 then  we  exped-  and  fuffer  after  our  faith  and  dili- 
 gence, eternity  is  long  enough  to  make  amends  tot 
 ali;  But  that  a  finfall;  carelefs,  hypocritical  world; 
 fhould  yet  be  a  profperous  world ,  is  utterly  incon- 
 gruous,unlefs  we  would  have  our  portion  here.While 
 the  world  is  wilfully  fo  vile,  no  wonder  if  it  be  fo  mi- 
 ferable.  When  finne  makes  the  greateft  breach  of  or- 
 der,and  divide th  our  hearts  from  our  Creatour,whac 
 wonder  if  leflet  diforder  do  attend  it ,  and  we  be  all 
 divided  from  each  othersfAnd  whofe  conference  will 
 fcruple  rebellion,  refiftance ,  or  difobedience  againft: 
 the  higher  powers,  that  is  hardned  in  rebellion  j  re- 
 fiftance, and  difobedience  againft  God  $ 
 
 It  is  a  great  miftake  to  exped  perfection  of  fo  excel- 
 lent a  thing  as  holy  order  here  on  earth. If  we  are  furc 
 th^it  there  will  be  no  perfection  of  knowledge ,  cha- 
 rity, felf-denyal,  patience,  and  ali  other  graces  ne- 
 ceflary  to  our  perfed  order,  how  then  can  that  or- 
 der be  perfeft  that  muft  refult  fromthefe?  Can  ig- 
 norant, froward  ,  imperfect  men  ,  makeup  a  per- 
 fed Church  or  Commonwealth  ?  Or  can  we  be  great- 
 Iyer  miftaken ,  then  to  afcribe  to  earth  the  Preroga- 
 tives of  Heaven  ?  Have  we  daily  experience  of  im- 
 perfedions  and  corruptions  in  our  felves  and  others? 
 Is  not  every  foul  imperf^d  and  difquieted,and  disor- 
 dered ?  and  every  Family  fo  too  ?  and  every  parifli. 
 Corporation  i  and  fociety  fo  ?  And  can  it  then  be 
 
 K  k  6ett« 
 
4^8  MEDITATIONS. 
 
 better  in  a  Commonwealth  ?  Can  it  be  peffefl:  and 
 ordered  aright,  that  is  compofed  of  imperteft  difor- 
 dered  materials  f  The  whole  cannot  be  gold,  where 
 all  the  parts  are  ftone  or  iron.    Unbelieving  fouls  / 
 repine  not  in  your  ignorance  againft  the  Lord  /When 
 you  come  to  Heaven  3  and  fee  the  perfed  order  of 
 bis  Kingdom,  and  look  back  with  better  underftan- 
 ding  on  the  affairs  of  the  world  that  now  offend  you* 
 then  blame  the  Lord  of  imperfection  in  his  Govern- 
 ment if  you  can  I  All  mercies  on  earth  are  but  hatch- 
 ing in  the  (heikNone  are  here  ripe  /  We  muft  know 
 what  earth  is,  that  we  may  the  more  thankfully  know 
 what  Heaven  is.  We  muft  fow  in  tears,  if  we  will  reap 
 in  joy.  We  muft  know  what  finneis,  before  we  find 
 what  grace  is-  and  what  grarc  is,  before  we  find  what 
 glory  is.  if  finne  were  not  fuffered  to  (hew  itfelf  in 
 the  worlds  and  play  its  part ,  it  would  not  be  fuffici- 
 ently  hated :  nor  Grace,  or  Chrift ,  or  Heaven  fuffi- 
 ciently  valued.  We  love  the  godly  much  the  better, 
 becaufe  the  neighbourhood  and  tryal  of  the  ungod- 
 ly ,flaeweth  us  the  difference.  We  are  the  more  thank- 
 full  for  our  own  grace ,  becaufe  of  the  experience  of 
 our  corruptions.    Holy  order  will  be  the  fweeter  to 
 the  Saints,  becaufe  of  the  odious  confufions  that 
 ftand  by.    And  as  itisneceflary  that  Herefie  arife, 
 that  thofe  which  are  approved  may  bemademani- 
 fieft  •  fo  is  it  necefTary  that  Warres,  confufion ,  and 
 rebellions  arife,  that  the  meek,  arid  pcaceable,and 
 obedient  may  be  manifeft. 
 
 They  are  good  works  as  from  God ,  and  as  to  the 
 finall  iffue,  which  he  accomplifheth  by  badlnftru- 
 ments.  And  when  the  work  is  rough,  and  below  his 
 upright  ones  i  he  ufeth  to  leave  it  to  polluted  hand^ 
 
 Even 
 
MEDITATIONS.  49£ 
 
 Even  evil  Angels  are  oft  his  Inftrumentsin  affiift- 
 ing :  and  God  can  do  good  by  the  Devils  i  But  when 
 there  is  fuch  a  difference  between  the  principal  caufe 
 and  the  inftrument  in  the  work,  and  each  worketh  as 
 he  is,  and  bringeth  fomewhat  of  his  nature  to  the 
 effed:,  no  wonder  if  there  be  a  mixture  of  order  and 
 confulion  in  the  world :  and  that  be  finfull  and  con- 
 fufion  as  from  men,  that  is  good  and  orderly  as  from 
 God.  If  there  were  nothing  in  the  world  but  what 
 is  of  God,  there  would  be  nothing  but  what  is  good 
 But  when  Satan  hath  got  fo  great  an  Intereft ,  and  is 
 become  a  Prince  that  ruleth  in  the  Children  of  difo- 
 bedience,  (hall  we  wonder  to  find  the  works  of  Sa- 
 tan ?  Or  (hall  we  dare  to  impute  them  to  the  Lord? 
 or  blame  his  Government  becaufe  the  enemy  makes 
 difturbance. 
 
 It  is  the  reckoning  day  that  fets  all  ftraight.  Many 
 are  now  triumphing  whom  God  laughs  to  fcorn,  be- 
 caufe he  fees  that  their  day  is  coming.  Till  then  we 
 muftlivcalifeof  Faith.  If  flefhly  props  be  taken 
 from  us,  and  we  be  left  to  live  on  God  alone;  our 
 comforts  will  be  the  more  pure,as  having  little  of  the 
 creature  to  defile  them.  A  fenfual  life  is  a  beaftial  life. 
 If  God  were  not  refolved  to  holdliis  fervatxts  to  a  life 
 of  Faith,  with  little  mixture  of  fenfible  evidence^ 
 we  (hould  not  have  fuch  feldorri  MefTengcrs  from 
 the  other  world;  and  from  age  to  age  have  fcarce  any 
 more  then  Faith  to  tell  us  of  the  invifible  things; 
 When  all  men  that  we  trufted  to  are  gone,  we  fhall 
 tomfortourfelvesonlyinthe  Lord  our  God;  And 
 is  he  not  enough  for  us  alone?  Hovy  apt  are  we  t6 
 draw  out  from  God  to  men  ?  But  when  fome  prove 
 inefficient*  and  others  treacherous,and  their  friend- 
 
 K  k  2  Jtap 
 
5oq  MEDITATIONS. 
 
 {hip  is  as  the  waves  and  weathercocks ,we  {hall  cleave 
 the  etefer  to  the  Rock  of  Ages,  and  retire  ourfelves 
 with  mortified  and  Heaven-devoted  fouls  to  God. 
 And  the  more  we  converfe  with  him,  and  fee  him  in 
 all  the  Creatures  and  their  Produds  -,  the  more  we 
 fhall  perceive  his  order  in  their  confufions,  and  their 
 confufions  making  up  his  order,  But  O  when  we  fee 
 his  bleffed  face, and  behold  the  glory  of  the  univerfal 
 King,  how  fweet  an  harmony  {hall  we  then  perceive 
 in  the  concord  of  all  the  motions  and  affairs  that  now 
 fee'm  only  tumulcuary  and  difcordant.  We  {hall  fee 
 how  all  thefe  diftanc  lines  do  meet  in  God,and  in  him 
 we  fhall  fin4  all  providences  reconciled,  and  making 
 up  one  beauteous  frame. 
 
 SECT.  II. 
 
 TIZ/t  it  is  not  the  diforder  that  is  fo  much  offence ,  as 
 ^the  quality  of  the  perfons  from  whom  it  doth  pro- 
 ceed. Shall  the  worh^  of  God  be  hindered  by  them 
 that  feems  his  mo  ft  refolved  Servants  ?  Afufi  the 
 eaufe  of  Chrifl  be  abufed  by  its  Friends  ?  And  his 
 Church  diflrejfed  by  its  Members  ?  Thefe  are  -works 
 that  better  be\eem  the  enemies ,  even  Satan  himfelf 
 then  the  Servants  of  the  Lord.  Shall  we  be  guilty 
 of  the  impenltcncy  of  the  Churches  enemies ,  while 
 wejeem  to  jufiifie  their  attions  by  our  own  ?  Mufi  we 
 receive  thefe  wounds  in  the  Houfes  of  our  Friends? 
 Did  we  once  thinly  >  hat  the  Goffrf  muU  have  fuf-* 
 ferec-  fo  much  by  them  that  were  fo  zealous  for  it? 
 Our  familiar  friends ,  that  tooh^fweet  counfel  with 
 us ,.  and  w*nt  wirh  us  In  company  to  the  Houfe  of 
 God?  Ttaftill  it  is  profejfedly  for  God,  that  God  is 
 
MED  IT  AT  10  NS.  501 
 
 abufed  and  diffjcnoured :  It  is  for  Christ  that  Chrift 
 it  fo  much  refisied ;  It  is  for  the  Gofpel  that  men 
 have  liberty  to  deny  theGsspel ,  and  dilute  against 
 it  5  and  for  the  Scripture  that  men  have  lewv&o  re- 
 vile and  argue  again  ft  the  Scripture  ,  and  draw  as 
 many  as  they  can  into  the  fame  condemnation ;  It 
 is  for  the  Church ,  that  the  Church  is  wounded  and 
 torn  in  pieces ,  and  that  the  Favours  of  it  are  by 
 lifenfe  vilified.  It  is  for  the  godly  that  the  godly 
 are  cast  out ;  and  it  is  for  the  interest  of  the  Saints 
 that  liberty  is  granted  to  draw  men  from  the  Waies  of 
 fanBity  :  It  Is  for  mens  falvation ,  that  liberty  is 
 granted  to  tempt  and  draw  the  people  to  damnation. 
 And  it  is  for  the  fecurity  of  the  Nation  ,  our  i2>- 
 ligion ,  Peace  and  common  good ,  that  the  Trustees 
 of  it  are  fo  ufed,  and.  our  fecurity  feiz,ed  upon^as 
 they  have  oft  been  :  It  is  for  Authority  that  Autho- 
 rity hath  been  brought  into  ecntempt :  and  made  the 
 football  of  the  world ;  And  if  God  were  not  wifer  find 
 faith  fuller  then  man ,  the  Church  would  be  utterly 
 destroyed  in  order  to  its  prefervation  :  and  q/ur  com- 
 mon good  would  be  procured ,  as  the  Irifi  did  procure 
 the  Peace  of  Ireland :  Our  Brethren  that  hate  us, 
 and  caft  us  out  for  the  Lords  Name  fake  ,  fay  \  Let 
 the  Lord  be  glorified,  lfa.66.%.  O  lamentable 
 cafe  ,  that  God  alfo  must  be  called  upon ,  and  engaged 
 in  the  Caufes  which  he (0  abhorres  !  That  he  is  feiJn- 
 ed  to  be  the  Author  of  Sat ans  works  ?That  fr&yt  r 
 are  engaged  against  Prayers  ?  and  fo  many  Parties 
 fait  and  pray ,  and  cry  to  God  from  morning  untill 
 night ,  with  greatest  fervency  ,  that  he  would  direct 
 them  in  his  way  ,  and  acquaint  them  with  his  Truth 
 and  Will  9  and  own  his  caufe ,  and  help  them  in  his 
 K  k.  3  work> 
 
5P»  MEDITATIONS. 
 
 work,  againft  their  Brethren :  and  all  rife  up  with 
 ftrengthened  confidence,  that  their  caufe  is  right,  and 
 Are  by  Prayer  animated  to  their  contrary  wayes, 
 which  in  fome  of  them  mufi  needs  be  very  evil.  A- 
 ^as,  that  the  ungodly  fljpuld  be  thus  temped  to  fcorn 
 the  Prayers  of  the  Saints  ^  and  weak^  ones  temped  to 
 fufftett  their  force. 
 
 But  did  we  not  know   till   now  that  offence  muft 
 come?and  that  it  will  be  woe  to  the  world  becaufe  of 
 offences?  (and  to  them  alfo  by  whom  the  offence  doth 
 come  ? )  Is  it  fuch  a  wonder  for  purblind  men  to 
 {tumble?  or  for  children  in  their  hafty  running  to 
 catch  a  fall  ?  May  not  friends  fall  out  and  hurt 
 eachuother  ia  their  paflion  ?Friend(hip  is  not  feen, 
 nor  Judgement  feen,  when  Paflion  is  up-,  but 
 a  friend  doth  feem  a  very  enemy ,  and  a  man  of 
 Reafon  feemeth  mad.   Much  more  if  paflion  turn  to 
 phrenfie  1  What  wonder  then  if  the  deareft  friends 
 have  foul  words  and  blows  from  the  diftrafted  ? 
 dpeciaily  if  they  areloofe  and  armed.    The  rem- 
 nants'of  ignorance  will  have  their  effe&s,  accor- 
 ding to  the  matter  that  we  are  imployed  in.     So 
 far  as  corruption  remaineth  unmodified  Satan  hath 
 fomuch  intereft  in  us:  and  therefore  hath  fome- 
 what  to  make  ufe  of,  and  may  eafily  make  men 
 ipftruments  in  his  work,  when  he  gets  the  advantage 
 againft  their,  graces.     But  inftead  of  being  fcanda- 
 Hztfd  with  my  God ,  or  with  his  holy  Truth  and 
 Work,  let  my  foul  be  jealous  of  it  felf ,  and  from  all 
 thefe  things  receive  Inftru&ion. 
 
 i.  Andfirft,  I  fee  here  what  Man\$!  How  un- 
 meet a  pHlar for  our  confidence?  too  fickle  to  be  a 
 certain  Friend :  tpo  feeble  to  be  a  fure  Support : 
 
 too. 
 
MEDITATIONS.  50$ 
 
 too  frail  to  ftand  in  ftrong  temptations,  without 
 relief  from   the  Almighty  ftrength  :    coo  vile  for 
 us  :o   glory  in:  too  blind,  too felfifti,iin full, and 
 infirm ,  to  be*the  Guardian  of  the  Church  !  Were 
 Godlineffe  chiefly  entrufled  in  fuch  hands,  and 
 did  the  Caufe  and  honour  of  the  Lord ,  depend  mod 
 on  their  wiidom,   fidelity  and  innocency,   how 
 foon ,  how  certainly  would  all  be  loft  •  and  pro- 
 ftkuced,  to  the  enemies  fcorn  f     Ctafe  then  from 
 man  9  whofe  breath  is  in  bis  Nostrils :  for  wherein  is 
 he  to  be  accounted,  of?  lfa.  2.  22.     Thus  faith  the 
 £ordy  curfed  be  the  man  that  tru&eth  isnman ,  and 
 rnaketh  flefh  his  arm ,  and  whofe  heart  departethfrom 
 the  Lord.      For  he  Jhall  be  like  the  heath  in  the  de- 
 fart  ,   and  fhall  nut  fee  Vvhen  good  cometh  ,  but  fiiall 
 inhabit   the  parched  places  in    the  Wildern 
 a  fait   Land 9    not   inhabited,      file  {fed  is  the  man 
 th.t  trusleth  in  the  Lord ,   and  whofe hope  the  Lrrd 
 is :    Tor  h  Jhall  be  as  a  tree  planted  by  the  waters  ^ 
 and  that  sfreadeth  out  her  root  by  the  Rivers ,   and 
 Jhall  not  fee  -when  heat  cometh ,  'but  her  leafe  JJjall 
 be  green ,    and  Jhall  not  be  carefull  in  the  year  of 
 drought ,  neither  Jhall  ceafe  from  jceldyng  frattjer. 
 7-5A?,8.  Though  grace  do  elevate  the  foul,  and 
 tend  to  ks  perfection,  yet  being  imperfeft,  it  leaves 
 man  frail ,  and  meeter  to  be  our  trouble  then  our 
 Reft. 
 
 2.  How  dangerous  a  thing  is  it  to  have  a  miftaking 
 Judgement,  in  praAicals  of  greateft  moment  ?  How 
 iamentabiy  will  it  mifguide  their  Prayers,  their 
 Speeches,  and  their  practices  ?  And  the  greater  \% 
 eheir  zeal ,  the  forwarder  will  they  be  to  p;*of^cure 
 #*hat  evil  which  they  take  for  good.     While  they 
 
 K  k  4  are 
 
504  MEDITATIONS. 
 
 ?re  pulling  down  the  Church,  fuppofing  tjiat  they  are 
 building  it,  how  refolutely  will  they  proceed?  Lee 
 but  a  zealous  mans  underftanding  be  deluded  %  and 
 it  will  engage  him  in  acourfeof  hainous  finne.  He 
 will  diftort  all  that  he  readeth  or  heareth ,  to  the 
 ftrengthening  of  bi$  finne.  Sermons  and  Prayers,and 
 Providences  ,  fhall  all  be  preft  to  ferve  him  in  his  evil 
 way.  Hov/  earneftly  will  he  beg  of  God  for  afliftance 
 in  his  iniquity,  when  he  thinks  it  is  his  duty?  How 
 joyfully  will  he  give  God  thanks  for  profpering  him 
 in  doing  mifchief?  What  evil  will  not  a  man  do,  if 
 you  can  but  make  him  think  it  good?  If  he  kill  the 
 holieft  Servants  of  the  Lord,  he  will  think  that  he 
 doth  God  fervice  by  it,  and  that  his  peoples  blood 
 is  ar\  acceptable  Sacrifice.     Were  it  the  killing  of 
 Chnft,  the  Lord  of  life,  they  would  not  ft'ick  at 
 it,  but  fay,    Let  his   I  hod  be  on  us ,   and  on  our 
 Children.     It  will  drive  back  all  the  motions  to 
 Repentance ,  and  confirm  them  in  impenitency,and 
 makethem  angry  with  all  thofe  that  approve  not  of 
 their  tranfgreffions ,   and  will   not  be  as  bad  as 
 they:  It  will  caufe  them  to  milinterpret  all  Gods 
 Providences  ,    and   mifappiy    his    promifes  and 
 Threatnings^  and  their  hearts  will  rife,  with  Zea- 
 lous indignation  againft  all  thofe  that  would  recover 
 them ;  Reproofs ,   though  moft    necetfary ,  th?y 
 will  call  Reproaches :  and  thofe  will  be  taken  for 
 fenforions  railers ,   that  tell  them  of  their  crimes, 
 though  with  the  tenth  part  of  the  plainnefle  and 
 ferioufnefle  as  the  cafe'  requirerh.     In  a  word, 
 the  difeafe  is  ftrengthened ,  and  frcqred  from  the 
 '  power  of  all  Remedies.    Let   us   therefore  bsg  of 
 God  ,    that  he  would  not  leave  us  to  a  deluded 
 
 mind, 
 
MEDITATIONS.  5°J 
 
 mind  ,  nor  give  us  over  to  the  errour  of  our  hearts. 
 Owhat  caufe  have  we  to  be  jealous  of  our  under- 
 ftandings,   and  diffident  of  our  felves,    and  to 
 prove  our  way  before  we  make  too  much  haft  in  ic^ 
 left  the  fafter  we  go  ,  the  further  we  go  out  of  *mr 
 way  I    What  caufe  have  we  to  hearken  to  the  Judge- 
 ments of  the  wife ,  and  to  be  much  in  learning,and 
 diligent  intheufe  of  holy  meanes  to  increafe  our 
 knowledge?  What  need  have  Babes  to  know  their 
 weakneis,  and  keep  their  due  dependance  on  the 
 ftrong,   and  thofe  that  lack^  w  if  dome ,   to  ask^it  of 
 God,  and  withall,  to  feel^for  it  as  filver ,  and  dig 
 for  it  as  for  a  hidden  Treafure  ,  and  to  be  fearful 
 of  falling  into  forbidden  paths  t 
 
 3.  How   dangerous  a  thing  is  Pride  of  heart? 
 When  once  it  grows  to  an  enormeous  height,  it  will 
 make  men  fwell  with  felf-conceit ,  and  think  none 
 fo  fit  to  govern  Countries  and  Nations  as  they  : 
 Nor  any  fo  fit  to  teach  the  Church:  Nor  any  fo 
 meet  to  judge  what  is  good  or  evil  to  the  Com- 
 monwealth.    They  will  think  that  God  hath  qua- 
 lified them  to  hold  the  reines  •    and  if  he  bring 
 them  within  the  reach  of  a  Crown  ,  or  lower  Go- 
 vernment, they  will   think  he  offereth  it  them. 
 How  defpicably  look  they  on  the  Judgments  and 
 Coirtifels  of  men  much   wifer    then   themfelves? 
 Pride  makes  every  Conftable  a  Juftice,  and  every 
 Souldier  a  Commander,    and  every  man  a  King, 
 a  Parliament,  and  a  Pope  in  his  own  eyes.   O  what 
 caufe  have  we  to  watch  againft  this  tumifying 
 deluding  vice,  and  to  learn  of  Chrift  to  be  meek 
 and  lowly ,  and  to  behave  our  felves  as  Children 
 in  his  School ,  and  to  fufped  our  underftandings, 
 
 and 
 
506  MEDIT  ATI  0  NS. 
 
 and  walk  humbly  with  our  God  :  What  Slaughters, 
 what  Scandals ,  what  Breaches  in  the  Church ,  what 
 Triumphs  for  the  Devil,  hath  Pride  wrought  in  the 
 Earth,  and  that  among  them  that  profefle  the 
 faith?  And  it  fortifyeth  and  defends  it  felf:  It  will 
 noflfeeitfelf,  nor  bear  with  the  means  that  {hould 
 difclofeit.  It  hateth  faithfull  neceffary  plainneffe, 
 and  loveth  fooiifh  daubing  flattery.  Wuh  humble 
 words,  will  men  be  proud:  with  formal  confeffi- 
 ons  and  daily  reprehenfions  of  the  Pride  of  others, 
 and  complaints  of  the  abounding  of  Pride  in  the 
 world  ^  with  high  applaufes  of  the  humble ,  and 
 zealous  exhortations  to  humility,  will  men  be  proud 
 and  not  obferve  it.  When  they  read  their  condem- 
 nation in  the  Scripture,  as  that  God  abhorreth  the 
 proud,  and  knowcth  them  afar  off,  and  humbleth 
 them  that  exalt  themfelves.  When  they  read  the 
 Prohibitions  of  Chrift,  againft  fitting  down  at 
 the  upper  end,  and  feeking  honour  of  men,  a- 
 gainft  defpifing  of  Dominion,  and  fpeaking  evil  of 
 dignities,  and  refilling  the  higher  Powers  as  fet  over 
 them  by  God  ^  they  read  all  this  as  if  they  read  it 
 not :  They  perceive  not  the  fenfe  of  it :  They 
 know  not  that  it  fpeaks  to  them:  But  as  the  igno- 
 rant unrenewed  foul  doth  hear  the  fubftance  of  the 
 Gofpel ,  but  as  a  lifeleffe  empty  found ,  as  not  un- 
 demanding or  favouring  the  things  of  the  Spirit,  fo 
 ufually  do  Profeflbrs  hear  or  read  Texts  that  con- 
 demn the  fins  that  they  are  guilty  of. 
 
 4.  How  dangerous  a  thing  is  it,  to  growftrange 
 at  home  ?  and  fo  unacquainted  with  our  own  hearts, 
 as  not  to  know  their  errours  and  enormities  ?  It 
 we  (hould  but  long  negled  our  Watch ,  and  grow 
 
 unob- 
 
WED  ITATIQ  NS.  507 
 
 unobfervant  of  our  hearts,  how  vfle  will  they  \fe 
 when  we  think  they  are  upright  ?  and  how  hypo- 
 critical!, when  we  think  they   are    fincere?  and 
 what   horrid  things  may  we  attempt  with  good 
 pretences? 
 
 5.  How  deceitfull  a  thing  is  the  heart  of  man  ? 
 when  after  (o  much  light  and  means,  after  fo  much 
 teaching  and  enquiry,  after  fo  long  felf-obfei;van- 
 cy  and  ufe  of  means,  and  fo  many  difcoveries  and 
 confeftions  of  finne ,  moft  odious  finnes  fhould  fo 
 eafily  cr£ep  in  ,  and  be  indulged  and  undifcerned, 
 yea  befriended  and  maintained,  as  if  they  were  the 
 holieft  Works  ?  How  deceitfull  is  that  heart,  that 
 cannot  difeern  the  moft  ugly  mountainous  tranfgref- 
 fions  ?  Yea  that  entitleth  them  ,  the  Work  of 
 God? 
 
 6.  How  dangerous  is  it  for  men  to  lean  to  their 
 ownunderftandings,  ortohearnone  but  thofethat 
 are  engaged  in  their  own  Caufe  ?  and  to  loofe  and 
 rejeA  the  advice  of  impartial  ftanders  by ,  that 
 havejbad  better  opportunities  of  knowledge  then 
 themfelves. 
 
 7.  And  how  dangerous  is  it  to  live  under 
 ftrong  temptations  ?  and  to  have  a  potent  carnal 
 Intereft  before  them  !  What  a  byas  will  fuch  an  In- 
 tereft  be  to  the  underftanding,  when  it  (hould  try 
 the  good  or  evil  of  their  waves  ?  After  great 
 Vi&ories,  Renown  and  Honour  is  become  mens  In- 
 tereft :  and  how  odious  is  any  word  or  way  that 
 would  eclipfe  their  honour  ?  if  feme  of  the  Vi- 
 ctories of  Alexander  or  Cafar  had  been  obtained 
 by  perfidious  Rebellion,  how  hainoufly  would  they 
 have  taKen  H  to  have  been  told  (o9  and  called  to 
 
 Repentance, 
 
508  MEDITATIONS. 
 
 Repentance ,  for  that  which  was  the  matter  of  their 
 Renowne,  and  to  have  their  a&s  of  higheit  Honour 
 numbred  wich  the  moft  odious  crimes  ?  What  caufe 
 have  we  daily  to  pray,  that  God  would  not  lead  us 
 into  temptation?  When  Honour,  and  Dignity,  and 
 Command  and  Wealth,  are  become  a  mans 
 Intereft,  what  will  he  not  believe,  anddotoferve 
 it,  if  wonderfull  grace  do  not  preferve  him  ?  Any 
 caufe  (hall  feem  righteous  that  promoteth -that -Inte-* 
 reft-  &  any  Arguments  lhall  feem  valid  that  do  mainr 
 tain  it  ;  Gain  (hall  become  Godlinefs :  For  nothing 
 fhall  be  Godlinefs  that  fuiteth  not  with  their  gain*  or 
 other  ends:  and  Paulftnd  Peter  fhould  noc  be  godly, 
 if  they  crofle  their  Intereft,  and  efpecially  if  they  do 
 it  plainly  and  faithfully.  And  the  Herod  th&t  hath  re- 
 verenced fohn  Baptift ,  and  heard  him  gladly ,  will 
 yield  to  the  cutting  off  his  Head,  if  Herodias  be  once 
 dearer  to  him  then  the  Lord.  How  excellent  and  ne- 
 ceffary  is  f elf-denial  ?How  dangerous  a  (landing  have 
 the  Rulers  and  Commanders  of  the  world  ?  What  a 
 follyisit  toenvy  them,  ordefiretobe  in  their  Con- 
 dition ?  What  wonder,  if  few  of  the  great  and  rich 
 arefaved?andifitbe  as  hard  for  them  to  enter  into 
 Heaven,  as  for  a  Cornell  to  go  through  a  needles  eye^ 
 how  little  caufe  have  the  low  and  poor  to  murmur  at 
 their  condition  ?  Experience  hath  taught  me  to  re- 
 folve  ,  that  I  will  never  put  confidence  in  my  neareft 
 Friend,  nor  the  beft  man  that  I  know,  if  once  he  have 
 a  potent  carnal  Intereft,  and  dwell  among  great  and 
 ftrong  temptations.  Though  I  doubt  not  but  God 
 hath  his  humble  ones ,  whom  he  preferveth  even  in 
 fuch  affaults ,  yet  how  rare  is  it  for  Cedars  loflg  to 
 ftand,on  the  tops  of  Mountains  IMan  kmgif  honour 
 
 and 
 
MEDITATIONS.  509 
 
 and  not  underftanding,  is  like  the  beafts  that  peri/h , 
 Ffal.4.9.  20. 
 
 8.  How  dangerous  a  thing  is  it  to  be  once  enga- 
 ged in  a  finful  way  ?  The  further  they  go ,  the 
 more  their  engagements  will  increale  :  How  hard 
 will  it  be  to  return/  when  once  they  have  let  foot 
 in  a  courfe  of  finne?  Their  intermit  then  will  lead 
 them  to  impiety,  and  even  to  perfecutionkfelf^ 
 and  to  take  Chrift  ,  and  Scripture ,  and  faithful! 
 Minifters  for  their  enemies.  For  all  thefe  are  in- 
 gaged  againft  finne ;  which  the  guilty  foul  is  in- 
 gaged  in ,  Chrift  and  Scripture  do  condemn  it : 
 Minifters  muft  (  as  they  have  a  Call )  reprove  it ; 
 and  taithiull  Chriftians  muft  difown  it :  and  this 
 will  enrage  the  guilty  foul.  The  guilty  have  riot 
 the  patience  of  the  Innocent.  Hadlwrocethat  to 
 the  view  of  ten  thoufand  that  are  Innocent ,  which 
 hath  fo  exafperated  the  guilty,  it  would  not  fo  much 
 as  have  offended  them.  AsSetecafouh,  Ithurteth 
 them  that  have fores  ,  tothink^that  they  are  touched, 
 though  joh  touch  them  not.  fear  makes  them  com- 
 plain as  if  they  were  hurt:  The  fiek  and  fore  are 
 impatient  and  querulous.  And  all  that  defendeth 
 them  in  the  finfull  way  that  they  are  ingaged  in, 
 they  like  and  own  i  And  fo  they  go  on  from 
 finne  to  finne,  deceiving  and  being  deceived.  And 
 if  God  have  fo  much  mercy  for  them  ,  as  ro  recover 
 them  by  Repen  r-ce^  How  dear  muft  it  coft 
 them,  incompari  v«ri  of  what  a  prevention  would 
 have  done? 
 
 9.   How  dangerr1  ?n,  fo 
 
 dream  that  ever\  < 
 with  things  abov^ 
 
 fices 
 
5IO  MEDITATIONS. 
 
 fices  winch  they  are  unfit  for  ?  When  men  that 
 have  not  had  the  inward  and  outward  opportuni- 
 ties and  helps  for  holy  knowledge  •  which  Mini- 
 sters of  Chrifl:  muft  have ,  will  invade  the  Office 
 upon  a  proud  conceit  -of  a  fitnefs  which  they 
 have  not-,  or  will  be  more  peremptory  in  their 
 judgement  in  Theological  difficulties ,  thenisfuit- 
 able  to  the  proportion  of  their  knowledge ;  and 
 when  men  unacquainted  with  the  true  Principles  of 
 Government,  will  be  rafhly  condemning  the  ani- 
 ons of  their  Govarnours,  and  turning  them  be- 
 fides  the  Saddle^  that  they  may  get  up  them- 
 felves ,  when  ever  they  have  a  conceit  that  their 
 Governours  erre,  and  that  themfelves  are  wi- 
 fer,  and  can  govern  better  ^  what  an  Ocean 
 of  iniquity  doth  this  prefumption  plunge  them 
 into  ? 
 
 10.  What  delufions  doth  i  galled  Confer- 
 ence betray  men  to?  When  they  have  done 
 evil,  in  ftead  of  Repenting,  they  would  fain 
 bring  others  to  approve  their  deeds,  and  fain 
 have  them  juftified  before  the  world  /  And  what  if 
 they  were  ?  Doth  this  conduce  to  their  Juftificat ion 
 before  God  ?  Is  this  any  falve  to  a  wounded  foul  ? 
 Will  God  abfolve  them  \  becaufe  men  do  it  ?  What 
 figg-leaves  are  thefe ,  that  will  not  hide  their 
 nakedneffe  from  Pofterity,  much  lefle  from 
 God. 
 
 11.  How  abundantly  hath  experience  fatisfied 
 me  of  the  blefTednefle  of  Peace ,  and  the  mifchiefs 
 of  Warre ,  from  the  ordinary  effe&s  of  them  up- 
 on the  foul.  In  Peace  when  we  live  in  quiet 
 Neighbourhood  ,  and  in  Church-order ,  men  are 
 
 eftecm- 
 
MEDITATIONS.  511 
 
 efteemed  among  us  according  to  their  real  worth : 
 A  poor  Chriftian  that  is  of  excellent  parts ,  and  of 
 a  holy  exemplary  life ,  is  he  that  bears  the  Bell  a- 
 mong  us,  and  the  fcandalous  are  prefently  disco- 
 vered ,  and  noted  to  their  juft  contempt  and  fhamc, 
 (Pfal.  X5.4.  2Theff.i.  14  J  and  froathy^  wrang- 
 ling, proud  Profeflbrs ,  that  know  nothing  but  dote 
 about  words  that  gender  itrife ,  and  edifie  not,  are 
 looked  upon  as  the  lpotsinour  Affemblies :  fo  that 
 Humility,  Innocency  and  Edification  here,   bear 
 ail  the  glory  and  the  fway.     But  in  the  Armies, 
 fome  ot  our  hopefull  Profeflbrs  turned  Drunkards 
 (and  when  they  came  home,    we  could  fcarce 
 recover  them-,)  fome  turned  away  from  Mini- 
 fters ,  Ordinances ,  Scripture  \  Godlinefle ,  from 
 Chrift  j  and  from  common  Sobriety  and  Civility  : 
 Some  that  fped  beft,  lament  their  coolings,  di- 
 ftempers,  and  difcompofureof  foul ,  and  are  other 
 men  in  Peace,  as  to  the  beauty  and  integrity  of 
 their  lives,  than  they  were  inWarre.  And  (which 
 is  the  thing  I  aim  at)  true  Godlinefle  and  Vice  are 
 feldom  rightly  eftimatedmWarre.  A  flip  into  ex* 
 ceffe  is  excufed  there  as  a  neceflaryevil   A  railing 
 Word  ^  or  rude  behaviour  and  unfeeftily  carriage ,  is 
 accounted  not  much  unbefeemiagSouldiers  for  the 
 moftpart:  A  great  deal  of  humility  and  real  worth 
 in  a  private  Souidier  is  buried ,  and  too  little  ob- 
 served or  operative  on  others :     When  an  ha!£. 
 wittcd  Officer,  or  one  that  is  notional ,  and  em- 
 pty ^  and  ignorant ,  may  be  heard  and  regarded,  n$ 
 if  his  erroneous  words  were  Oracles.     So  great  i$ 
 the  Iiitereft  of  Commanders  in   their  Souidier^ 
 that  thofe  have  been  there  honoured  and  followed 
 
 as 
 
512  MEDITATIONS. 
 
 as  men  of  notable  parts  and  piety,  and  born  much 
 fway,  that  when  they  have  returned  to  their  Trades, 
 and  lived  among  their  able,  humble;  upright  Neigh- 
 bours, have  appeared  to  be  of  the  loweft  forme.  I 
 doubt  not  but  Armies,  have  perfons  of  the  highefl 
 worth:  But  I  have feen  that  ignorance^  pride  and 
 errour,  have  far  more  advantage  to  gain  reputa- 
 tion, and  play  their  game,  to  leaven  others,  and  rule 
 the  roft  in  a  military  ftate,  then  they  have  in  peace- 
 able Church-ftate. 
 
 12.  I  fee  more  and  more,  how  impoffible  it  is^ 
 that  honeft, plain,  and  faithful  dealing,  in  fvlinifters 
 or  others ,  fhould  ordinarily  find  acceptance  in  the 
 world!  We  muft  expeft  to  difpleafeGod  or  men, 
 when  men  will  fwerve  from  the  wayes  of  God  : 
 God  or  the  guilty  will  condemn  us :  Confidence 
 or  engaged  galled  perfons  will  cenfure  us,  and 
 fvyell  againft  us.  While  their  Do&rines  or  Pra&U 
 ces  are  unreconcilable  to  God ,  our  Do&rineand 
 reproofs  will  be  offenfive  unto  them.  And  whofe 
 pleafure  and  favour  fhall  I  chufe  ?  Not  mans,  but 
 Gods:  For  thy  pleafure,  OLord,  was  I  crea- 
 ted: In  thy  favour  is  life:  Or  if  men  be  permit- 
 ted to  deprive  me  of  my  life  ^  thy  loving  kind- 
 nefle  is  better  than  life.  Men  are  corrupt:  and 
 honefty  will  not  alway  pleafe  j  when  they  pretend  to 
 honefty:  They  .are  giddy,  and  will  not  be  long 
 pleafed  with  one  thing :  And  I  cannot  change  as 
 faft  as  they.  Their  Interefts  call  for  that  to  pleafe 
 them  i  which  is  againft  the  Intereft  of  Chrift,  the 
 Church,  and  my  own,  and  others  fouls.  And  (hall 
 I  fell  all  thefe  for  the  favour  of  man  I  Of  a  lump 
 of  dirt ,  that  fhortly  will  be  loathed  by  thofe  that 
 
 now 
 
MEDITATIONS.  513 
 
 cow  flatter  them?  Men  are  fo  many,  and  of  fo 
 many  contrary  Intcrefts  and  minds ,  that  I  cannot 
 poffibly  pleafe  all ,  or  many :  and  which  then  fhall 
 I  pleafe  ?  Nay  one  mans  mind  is  fo  contrary  to 
 it  felf ,  that  if  I  pleafe  him  in  one  thing ;  I  muft 
 difpleafe  him  in  another.  The  holieft  Apoftlcs  and 
 Paftors  of  the  Church,  have  not  pleafed  them.  Chrift 
 did  not  pleafe  them :  God  doth  not  pleafe  them : 
 and  how  fliould  I  ? 
 
 My  God  1  I  am  fatisfied  I  May  I  but  pleafe  thee, 
 I  have  enough.     How  eafily  may  I  fpare  the  fa- 
 vour of  man ,    whofe  breach  is  in  his  noftrils ,  if 
 I  have  thy  favour  ?   He  that  cannot  be  fatisfied 
 in  thee ,  will  never  be  fatisfied.  I  covenanted  not 
 with  thee,   for  the  favour  of  the  beft  of  men, 
 when  I  became  thy  fervant :  but  that  thou  fhouldft 
 be  my  God  in  Chrift.  Let  me  have  this,  and  I  declare 
 to  all  the  world ,    that  thou  haft  made  good  thy 
 holy  Covenant ,  and  I  have  that  which  I  agreed 
 for.     O  that  I  had  more  faithfully  pleafed  thee, 
 though  I  had  difplcafed  high  and  low,  Princes 
 and  Armies ,    and  all  the  world .  The  favour  of  man 
 cannot  continue  my  foul  in  life :  I  muft  be  fick,  and 
 die,  and  rot  in  the  grave ,  if  I  have  the  favour  of  all 
 the  world .  But  if  God  be  for  me,  who  fhall  be  againft 
 me  /  All  things  fhall  work  together  for  my  good;  Be- 
 came Chrift  liveth,  I  (hall  live.  The  wounds  of  my 
 foul  arc  not  for  difpleafing  men,but  thee  / The  frowns 
 of  the  greateft  leave  no  fting  behind  them  in  my 
 heart ;  But  who  can  bear  the  frowns  of  God  ?  My, 
 God  /  it  is  not  earthly  men ,  that  I  muft  live  with 
 long  I  How  long  have  I  looked  for  thy  Call  /  It  is 
 thee  that  I  muft  live  with  for  ever.  And  therefore, 
 
 LI  hqt£ 
 
514  MEDITATIONS. 
 
 how  little  doth  it  concern  me,  whether  I  be  loved  or 
 hated  here/    Thofe  that  {hall  live  with  me  in  thy 
 prefence ,    will  ail  be  reconciled  by  the  light  of 
 thy  Face ,   and  the  power  of  thy  Eternal  Love. 
 The  reft  are  not  of  my  Communion.  Itwoundeth 
 not  my  confcience  that  I  have  honoured  thy  Pro- 
 vidence,   which  preferved  this  Nation  from  fo 
 much  guilt :  nor  that  I  preferred  the  honour  of 
 thy  Caufe  and  Churches ,   before  the  honour  of 
 finning  men.     Wifdom  and  Holmeffe  in  any  of  thy 
 feryants,  defire  me  not  to  defend  their  Neighbour 
 enemy-,  nor  to  preferre  their  Honour  before  thine, 
 much  lefle  to  juftifie  their  finne ,  which  hath  di^ 
 {honoured  thee ,    and  which  they  muft  condemn 
 themfelves,  that  they  may  not. be  condemned  for 
 it.    And  the  demands  of  folly  and  Impiety  are  not 
 regardable.     I  thank  thee  for  weaning  my  foul  from 
 man!  but  let  it  not  now  be  eftranged  from  thee. 
 I  ftand  to  my  Covenant  /  I  give  up  all  1  for  all  is 
 nothing :  But  then  let  me  have  thee,  that  indeed 
 art  all !  Forfake  me  not ,  that  confent  to  forfake 
 all  for  thee,  and  ikould  not  have  confented,  if  thou 
 hadft  forfaken  me.    The  darkneffe  and  diftance  ©f 
 thy  foul  from  thee,  is  more  grierous  to  me  than 
 all  the  frowns  of  men !  Alas  my  God ,  that  I  can 
 know  thee  no  more ,  after  fo  many  and  gracious 
 difcoveries  /  That  I  love  thee  no  more ,  that  by 
 fo  many  mercies  haft  teftified  thy  love^  and  done  fo 
 much  to  convince  me  that  thou  art  moil  Lovely -5 
 this«>  this  istheprifon,  the  famine  i  the  fickneffci 
 and  I  had  almoft  faid  the  death  of  my  languifh- 
 kg  j  drooping^  fainting  foul  /  That  I  have  thought, 
 and  read ,  and  heard  i  and  faid  fo  much  of  Heaven, 
 
 the 
 
MEDITATIONS.  515 
 
 the  Reft  of  Saints  ,  and  yet  my  foul  can  reach  no 
 higher,  and  get  no  nearer,  and  believe  \  and  love, 
 and  long  no  more  •,  thefe ,  Lord  arc  the  wounds 
 andfcourgesthatlfuffer .'  I  may  not  open  my  breft 
 wiih  Camero^  and  fay,  Feri  mifer  •  but  I  may  fub- 
 mic  with  Luther ,  and  fay ,  Feri  Domine ,  cle- 
 menter  feri ,  ill  had  but  more  of  the  apprehend- 
 ons  of  thy  love ,  and  more  of  the  tafts  of  Heaven 
 upon  my  foul.  I  reiufe  not  theftocks  of  P^/and 
 SiUs ,  nor  their  fcourges  neither,  fo  I  might  have 
 their  heavenly  vifits  and  elevation ,  which  ipight 
 tune  my  foul  to  their  delightful  melody.  Were 
 I  but  free  from  the  Prifon  of  my  ignorance  \  unbe- 
 lief, and  other  finnes ,  how  eafily  could  I  bear 
 the  imprifonment  of  my  body  I  Were  I  with  foh'n  in 
 Vatmos ,  fo  I  might  alfobe  with  him  in  the  Spirit, 
 I  would  rather  call  it  a  paradife,  than  a  Banifh; 
 menr.  What  can  it  be  but  thy  prefence  or  ab- 
 fence ,  that  may  denominate  places  and  conditi- 
 ons ,  a  Homo ,  or  a  Banifhrnent  y  Libert j  or  Im- 
 prisonment, Sweet  or  Bitter ,  Huppj  or  Mifer  able. 
 Were  there  a  Countrey  on  Earth  that  had  more  of 
 God,  and  where  the  Sunne  of  his  face  doth  ftiine 
 more  brightly,  and  where  Heaven  Is  opener  unto 
 earth,  and  the  Spirit  hath  more  illuminating,  quick- 
 wing  influences  on  the  fouls  of  men  ;  O  that  I  were 
 banifhed  thither  /  How  cheerfully ;  how  fpeedily 
 would  I  go  feek  that  place?  But  while  I  carry  my 
 Gaoler  and  my  Prifon  about  me,  and  am  fettered , in 
 my  own  corruptions  and  infirmities ,  alas  *  in  Li- 
 bert) I  am  not  free  ^  while  I  am  honoured  and  ap^. 
 plauded,  I  am  afliamed  of  toy  felf:  While  i  am 
 Loved  of  others;  I  loath  my  felf:  Though  my  bo- 
 L  1  z  dv 
 
5i6  MEDITATIONS. 
 
 dy  be  affiifted  by  none  without  me,  {but  by  thy 
 juft  and  gracious  cafti  gat  ions ,  which  I  have  born 
 even  from  my  youth)    yet  how  can  it  chufc  but 
 droop  and  languid* ,  that  is  animated  by  an  affli&ed 
 foul  ?  How  oft  do  my  Bodily  pains  feem  nothing 
 being  over-fenfed  with  my  fowls  more  grievous 
 languilhings  ?   So  long  have  I  been  a  Prifoner  at 
 Home  ,  that  I  could  long  for  a  Prifon  that  would 
 but  bring  me  nearer  Home.    The  darknejfe  that  I 
 live  in  in  the  open  light ,   doth  make  rne  think 
 that  Dungeon  happy ,  where  fouls  are  more  open  to 
 thy  celeftral  Rayes.     I  wonder  not  at  the  Labours 
 and  Patience  of  holy  Paul ,  when  I  confiderwhat 
 Spirit  dwelt  within  him  ,  and  what  a  fight  he  had 
 had  of  Chrift  f   and  whither  ke  was  wrapt ,  and 
 what  he  faw.     The  fight  of  Chrift  in  his  Humi- 
 liation was  much:,  but  the  giimpfe  of  a  glorified 
 Chrift  was  more,   though  mixt  with  fomcwhat 
 of  rebuke  and  tcrrour.    To  be  taken  up  into  the 
 third  Heavens,  and  there  fee  things  to  usunutter- 
 able,  muft  needs  be  an  effe&ual  Motive,  to  all  that 
 holy  diligence  and  patience,  and  a  reward  exceed- 
 ing all  that  we  can  do  or  fuflfer.  Much  more  unwor- 
 thy are  the  fufferings  of  this  prefent  life,  to  be  com- 
 pared with  the  glory  that  fhall  be  revealed.  It 
 will  be  a  fmall  thing  to  him  to  be  judged  of  men, 
 that  knoweth  that  there  is  one  that  judgcth,  even 
 the  Lord  ^  and  feeth  by  faith ,  the  Judge  even  at 
 the  door.     Were  I  fully  certain  that  my  finnes 
 could  do  no  more  againft  me ,   at  the  barre  of 
 God,  then  all  the  cenfures,difpleafures^  reproaches 
 or  perfections  of  men  can  do ,  how  little  fhould  I 
 fear  that  dreadful  day  /  Might  I  but  finifb  my  eourfe 
 
 with 
 
MEDITATIONS.  517 
 
 with  joy,  why  (hould  I  count  life  or  liberry  dear  ? 
 Let  me  be  equal  with  the  moft  affii&ed  of  .thy  Saints, 
 fo  I  may  but  believe,  and  ;ove  as  much  as  the  hoficft. 
 Might  I  but  have  their  meafure  of  the  Spirit,  how 
 gladly  fhould  I  fubmit  to  their  meafure  of  perfecti- 
 on !  Might  I  fee  what  Stephen  faw,  how  gladly  would 
 I  fuflfer  what  he  fu ffered  i  But  I  dare  not,  I  mull  not 
 thus  capitulate  with  God/   The  times  andmeafures 
 of  the  Reward  are  in  thy  hand.  Much  lower  termes 
 are  very  high.  Difpofe  of  me  therefore  according  to 
 thy  gracious  will.  Thy  wiil  is  the  Original  and  the 
 End,  of  me  and  all  things.  Fromitlfeekfor 
 guidance ,  fafety ,  ftrength  and  happinefs. 
 By  it  let  me  be  dire&ed  and  difpofed : 
 In  it  alone  let  my  foul  have  Reft. 
 Not  my  will ,  but  thj 
 will  be  done. 
 
 FINIS. 
 
A  Catalogue  of  the  Chief  eft  of  thofe  Books ,  as 
 are  Printed  for  Thomas  Underhil!. 
 
 By  Col.  Edw.  LelghEfqxdre. 
 
 ATreatife  of  the  Divine  Promifes  in  five  Books. 
 The  Saints  Encouragement  in  Evil  Times. 
 Critica  Sacra,  or  Observations  on  all  the  Radices 
 or  Primitive  Hebrew  words  of  the  Old  Teftament,  in 
 order  Alphabetical. 
 
 Critica  Sacra  ,  or  Philological  and  Theological 
 Obfervations  upon  all  the  Greek  words  of  the  New 
 Teftament,in  order  Alphabetical. 
 
 By  Samuel  Gott  Efquire. 
 Nova  Solym<z,Libri /ex }Sive  Infiitutio  Chrifttani. 
 I.  De  Pueritia. 
 
 2.  De  Creatione  JMundi. 
 
 3.  De  Juventute. 
 
 4.  De  Peccato. 
 
 5.  De  Virili  imitate. 
 
 6.  De  Redemptione  Hominis. 
 EfTayes  concerning  Mans  true  Happinefs. 
 Parabola  Evangelica  Latin*  redd'rt a  Carmine  Pa- 
 
 raphrafiico  varii  generis. 
 
 Morton ,  His  TouchftoneofConverfion. 
 Mr.  He^ekiah  Woodward. 
 Of  Education  of  Youth  \  or,  \  The  Childs  Patri- 
 mony. 
 
 The  Lives  and  Ads  of  the  good  and  bad  Kings  of 
 Judah. 
 
 A  Treatife  of  Fear. 
 
 A  Thank-offering.  M.  Samuel 
 
M.  Samuel  Fijher. 
 A  Love-Token  for  Mourners,  being  two  Funeral 
 Sermons,  with  Meditations  preparatory  to  his  own 
 expected  Death ,  in  a  time  and  place  of  great  Mor- 
 tality. 
 
 M .Herbert  Palmer,  and  M.  Daniel  Cawdrey. 
 ATreatife  of  the  Sabbath,  in  four  Parts. 
 Memorials  of  Godlinefs  and  Chriftianity,  in  feven 
 Treatifes  : 
 
 i.  Of  making  Religion  onesBufinefs-  With  an 
 Appendix  applied  to  the  Callingof  a  Minifter. 
 
 2.  The  Character  of  aChriftian  in  Paradoxes.      v 
 
 3 .  The  Chara&er  of vifible  Godlinefs. 
 
 4.  Confederations  to  excite  to  Watchfulnefs,  an$ 
 to  fhake  off  fpiritual  Drowfinefs. 
 
 5.  Remedies  againft  Carelefnefs. 
 
 6.  The  Soul  of  lading 
 
 7.  Brief  Rules  for  daily  Converfation,  and  parti- 
 cular Directions  for  the  Lords-day. 
 
 His  Sermon,  entituled ,  The  GLifs  of  Gods  Provi- 
 dence ttivard  his  faithful  ones. 
 
 His  Sermon,  entituled,  The  Duty  and  Honours  of 
 Church-Reft, 
 
 M.  William  $arton. 
 His  Pfalms. 
 
 His  Catalogue  of  Sins  and  Duties,  implied  ine*ich 
 (Commandment  in  Verfe. 
 His  Scripture  Hymns. 
 M.  Vicars  Chronicle,  in  four  Parts. 
 M.Samuel  Clarke 
 A  general  Marty rology,  or,  AHiftofy  of  all  the 
 great  Perfections  that  have  been  in  the  world  to 
 this  time.  Together,  with  the  Lives  of  many  eminent 
 Modern  Divines. 
 
 His 
 
His  Sermon  at  the  Warwickshire  mens  Fcaft,  enti- 
 tled, Christian  Good  Fellow/hip. 
 
 His  Cafes  of  Confcience.  His  Golden  Apples. 
 
 M.  Kings  Marriage  of  the  Lamb. 
 
 M.  Shorts  Theological  poems. 
 
 The  Trench  Alphabet. 
 
 fas  Divinum  Mini  Sierii,  by  the  Provincial- Af- 
 fembly  of  London. 
 
 M.  Thomas  Blake. 
 
 His  Anfwer  to  Blacky  ood^  of  Baptifm. 
 
 Birth-Priviledge, 
 
 M.  Coe^  His  Font  uncovered. 
 
 D.  John  Wallis,  His  Explanation  of  the  Aflfcmblies 
 Catcchifm. 
 
 M.  AuStins  Catechifm. 
 
 M.  Vicars  Catechifm. 
 
 M.  John  Pagits  Defence  of  Church-Government, 
 by  Presbyterial,  Clafiical  and  Synodal  Affemblies. 
 
 M.  Thomas  Paget ,  A  Demonftration  of  Family-f 
 Duties.  *% 
 
 M.  Anthony  Burgejfe. 
 
 Vindicit  Legis^  or5  A  Vindication  of  the  Law  and 
 Covenants ,  from  the  Errours  of  Papifts,  Socinians 
 and  Antinomians. 
 
 A  Treatife  of  Justification,  in  two  Parts. 
 
 Spiritual  Refining,  Part  i .  or,  A  Treatife  of  Grace 
 and  AfTurance ;  Handling  the  Doftrine  of  Aflarance, 
 the  life  of  Signs  in  Self-examination  •,  how  true  Gra- 
 ces may  be  Siftinguifhed  from  counterfeit ,  fevcral 
 true  Signs  of  Grace,  and  many  falfe  ones :  The  Na- 
 ture of  Grace  under  divers  Scripture  Notions,  viz* 
 Regeneratioa,the  New  Creature,  the  Heart  of  Flcih, 
 Vocation,  San&ification,  &c. 
 Spiritual  Refining,  tkc  Second  Part,  or,  A  Trea- 
 tife 
 
life  of  Sinne ,  with  its  Caufes,  Diflferences3Mitigation§ 
 and  Aggravations,  fpecially  of  the  Deceitiulnefs  of 
 the  heart,  or  Prefumptuous  and  Reigning  Sins,  and 
 of  Hypotrifie  and  Formality  of  Religion.  All  ten- 
 ding to  unmask  counterfeit  Chriftians,terrifie  the  un- 
 godly, comforc  doubting  Saints,  humble  man,  and 
 exalt  the  Grace  of  God. 
 
 His  CXLV.  Sermons  upon  the  whole  17th  Cha- 
 pter of  St.  John,  being  Chrifts  Prayer  before  his  Paf- 
 fion. 
 
 The  Difficulty  of,  and  Encouragements  to  Refor- 
 mation, a  Sermon  upon  Markj. .  «r/.2,4.before  the 
 Houfe  of  Commons. 
 
 A  Sermon  before  the Court-Marftiall,  P/W.  106, 
 30,31. 
 
 .   The  MagiftratesCommiflion,  upon  Rom.  1 3 .4.  at 
 the  Election  of  a  Lord  Maior. 
 
 RomesCmzky  andApoftafie,  upon  Revel.  19.2. 
 preached  before  the  Houfe  of  Commons  on  Nov. 5 . 
 
 The  Reformation  of  the  Church  to  be  endeavou- 
 red more  than  the  Commonwealth,  upon  J^.6.27, 
 28.  preached  before  the  Houfe  of  Lords. 
 
 Publique  Affections,  prefled  upon  Num.  1 1 . 1 2  .be- 
 fore the  Houfe  of  Commons. 
 
 Self-judging,  in  order  to  the  Sacrament,  with  a 
 Sermon  of  the  Day  of  Judgement. 
 
 A  Treatife  of  Original  Sin. 
 
 An  Exposition  on  1  Cor.  3 . 
 
 The  Godly  Mans  Choice. 
 
 M.Richard  Baxter. 
 
 Plain  Scripture-proof  of  Infant-Baptifm. 
 
 The  Right  Method  for  getting  and  keeping  Spiri- 
 tual Peace  and  Comfort. 
 The  unreafonablenefs  of  Infidelity,  in  four  Parts. 
 
 1.  The 
 
i.  The  Spirits  Intrinfick  witnefs  to  the  truth  of 
 Chriftianity,  with  a  Determination  of  this  Queftion, 
 Whether  the  Miracles  ofChrifi  and  his  Afofiles^do  ob- 
 lige thofe  to  believe ,  who  never  faw  them  ? 
 
 2.  The  Spirits  Internal  witnefs  of  the  truth  of 
 Chriftianity. 
 
 3.  A  Treatife  of  the  Sin  againft  the  holy  Ghoft. 
 
 4.  The  Arrogancy  of  Reafon  againft  Divine  Re- 
 vela  t ion  reprefied. 
 
 The  Chriftian-Goncord,  <?r,Thc  Agreement  of  the 
 A (Tociated  Minifters  of  XVorcefterfhire,  with  M.  Bax- 
 ters Explication  of  it. 
 
 A  Defence  of  the  Worcefterjhire  Petition  fo*  the 
 Miniftry  and  Maintenance. 
 
 The  Quakers  Catechifm. 
 
 An  Apology  againft  M.  Blake  y  D. Kendal \1A,Lodo- 
 vicHs  Molinaus,  M. Aires,  and  lA.Crandon. 
 
 His  Confeflion  of  Faith. 
 
 The  Saints  EverlaftingReft. 
 
 The  fafe  Religion,  a  piece  againft  Popery 
 
 His  prcfent  Thoughts  about  Perfeverance. 
 
 His  Holy  Commonwealth. 
 
 M,  Lukin^lhc  Pra&ice  of  Godlinefs. 
 1  M.  Langly. 
 
 HLs  Catechifm. 
 
 A  Treatife  of  Sufpenfion.   ' 
 
 T>.Teat.  His  Sermon  at  the  Funeral  of  S.  Charts 
 Coot. 
 
 M.  Bur j.  The  Defircs  of  Foreign  Divines ,  of  a 
 Eody  of  Divinity  from  Englilh  Divines,  with  an  Ef~ 
 fay  of  a  Model, 
 
 Thefc 
 
Thefe  fever  al  Booths  following  are  Printed  9  and  to  be 
 fold  by  Francis  Ty ton,  at  the  three  Dag- 
 gers in  Fleetftreet. 
 
 M.  Baxter. 
 
 SAints  Everlafting  Reft.  4P 
 
 His  Apology ,  containing  Exceptions  againft  M. 
 Blake, 
 The  Digreffion  againft  M.  Kendal. 
 Animadverfiohs  on  alatcDifTertationof  Ludiomem 
 
 Colvinns,  alias  Ludovinus  Molineus. 
 An  Admonition  to  Vi.Eyrs :  With  M.  Crandons  A- 
 natomy.  4° 
 
 Confeflion  of  Faith.  4° 
 
 Christian  Concord.  4° 
 
 Defence  of  the  Worce&crJbireVctition.  4° 
 
 Advice  to  the  Parliament.  4° 
 
 Letter  to  M.  Bury  for  Pacification.  4° 
 
 Concerning  the  Saints  Perfeverance.  4° 
 
 The  Quakers  Catechifm.  4° 
 
 Of  Infant-Baptifm,  againft  M,  Tombs.  4° 
 
 The  Unreafonablenefs  of  Infidelity.  8° 
 
 Thirty  two  Dire&ions/or  getting  and  keeping  Spiri- 
 tual Peace.  8° 
 Againft  Popery.  8° 
 Holy  Commonwealth.  8° 
 M.  Lawfons  Examination  of  the  Political  part  of 
 Hobbs  his  Leviathan.                                     8®. 
 
 Thtfc 
 
o 
 
 Thefe  fever  d  Bookj  of  M.  Gilberts,  Minifter  of 
 Limrick  i»  Ireland. 
 
 THe  Libertine  School'd:   or ,   A  Vindication 
 of  the  Magiftrates  Power ,  in  Matters  of  Re- 
 ligion. 40 
 A  Sovereign  Antidote  againft  thofe  finful  Errors  than 
 are  the  Epidemical  Difeafe  of  our  Times.        40 
 A  pleafant  Walk  to  Heaven ,  on  Ephef  4.1.          40 
 The  Bleffed  Peace-maker,  or,  A  ChrifKan  Reconci- 
 ler, intended  for  the  Healing  of  our  Divifions.  40 
 '  Innocents,  no  Saints :  or,  A  Pair  of  Spe&acles  for  a 
 dark  fighted  Quaker,  By  E.  Bod.                     40 
 Man's  Duty,  in  magnifying  God's  Work :  A  Sermon 
 preached  before  the  Pariiamenr  f  on  the  occafion 
 of  the  Vidory  obtained  againft  the  Spmijb  Fleet: 
 By  John  How,  Preacher  of  the  Word  at  the  Abbey  ~ 
 Church,  WeHmintter.                                         40 
 The  Perufal  of  an  old  Statute  of  Death  and  Judg- 
 ment. 
 A  Funeral  Sermon,  By M. Bedford.                    4© 
 
 Thefe  feveral  Books  following  of  M.  Strong. 
 
 HEavenly  Treafure :  or,  Mans  chiefeft  Good.  1 20 
 Communion  with  God,the  Saints  Privilcdg  and 
 Duty.  12* 
 
 Thirty  one  Sermons,  preached  on  feJed  Occafions.40 
 The  Will  of  man,  fab  jeftcd  to  the  Will  of  God,    8« 
 
A  Commemoration  Sermon,  preached  at  Paulson 
 the  5  th  of  November,  1 646.  40 
 
 A  voice  out  of  the  Temple :  Being  alfo  a  Sermon  on 
 the5thofiVW0z£/  40 
 
 A  Confeffionof  Faith,  of  the  feveral  Congregations, 
 or  Churches  of  Chrift  in  London,  commonly  called 
 Anabaptifis.  40 
 
 A  Difcovery  of  fome  troublefom  Thoughts.  By 
 Daniel  King*  4* 
 
 Gofpel-Glory ,  in  the  Vifibleandlnvifible  Worfhip 
 of  God.  By  Edw.  Drapes.  4° 
 
 Common-Good  :  or  ,  The  Improvement  of  Com- 
 mons,Forrefts  and  Chafes,by  Inclofure;By  S.T.40 
 An  Aflize  Sermon^  Preached  by  Tho.  Gilbert.       40 
 The  Word  of  Faith  :  or,  The  Collection  of  the  Ser- 
 mons of  a  Moneth,  preached  at  Martini iftihe 
 Fields  methodically.  ByM.  Sangor. 
 Bartons  Tranflation  on  the  Gnging  Pfalms,  1 20 
 
 His  Scripture  Hymns.  1  z° 
 
 Sydenham  ;  for  Infant-Bap tifm.  8° 
 
 Remdeus  Difpenfatoiy.  Tol. 
 
 Spencers  Similies.  F&L 
 
 D.  Robinfons  Eiidoxa.  8° 
 
 D.  Harrifons  Spiritual  Logick.  ,  8° 
 
 The  Hiftory  of  Dreams :  By  M.  Philip  Goodwin ,  Mi- 
 nitter  at  Watford.  8°. 
 
 The  Three  Theological  Graces :  By  M.  Ward:  8° 
 2?^W/fdifpoffeft,in  Anfwer  to  his  Challenge.  120 
 Habbington'%  Edward  the  Fourth.  Fol. 
 
 His  Observations  onHiftory .  8° 
 
 Aliens  Henry  the  Seventh.  8° 
 
 Back,  on  the  Beatitudes.  4° 
 
 Eurialns  ajid  Lucretia  ,  .  8? 
 
 Herbert**  Henry  the  Eighth,'  _  Tol. 
 
 iiS 
 
Englifh  Law  :  By  Charles  George-Cock^.  JfoL 
 
 Par  on  the  Romans,  Fol. 
 
 Hackjvels  Argument  for  the  Liberty  of  the  Sub- 
 ject. 4° 
 The  falfe  Brother.  40 
 M.Obadiah  Sedgwick*  Sermon  at  H.  Strongs  Fune- 
 ral. 40 
 Duke  Hamiltons  Cafe,  argued  by  M.  Steel  9  now 
 Lord  C  hancellour  in  Ireland.                             40 
 Gofpel-Miniftery,  and  Gofpel-Light  and  Liberty, by 
 Dow  ford.  8° 
 The  Rife,  Fall,   tnd   Ruine  of  Antichrift,   By 
 Haughton.                                                             8° 
 Orders  of  mhancery.  8° 
 Illuftrious  Bafhaw.                                          \  FoL 
 The  Bloudy  Inquifition  01  Spoilt.                         i^° 
 Hughs  Abridgment  of  the  coramonLaw.     Ear.  40 
 His  Abridgment  of  all  the  Ads  and  Ordinances.  4° 
 Several  Works  of  M.  Murcot ,  Minifter  of  Dublin  in 
 Ireland  ^  with  his  Life.                                       40 
 A  Catalogue  of  the  Chancellours  of  England.       4^ 
 A  Scripture  Chronology,  B  M.  Allin  Minifter.       4° 
 A  Catalogue  of  moft  Books  vendible  in  England,  of 
 Divinity,  Hiftory,  Law.  &c.                       /  46 
 Annotations  mpon  Job,  Pfalms,  Proverbs,  £ctleji^ 
 afies  ,    Song  of  Solomon ,    By   Arthur  Jwkjon, 
 Preacher  of  Gods  Word  at  Faiths  under  /W^* 
 
 To 
 
To  the  'Binder. 
 
 T Hough  fignature  L  and 
 Cc,  T>d  be  not>  yet  the 
 Book  is  perfedl. 
 
 The  price  of  this  Book  is  }s 
 Bound, 
 
..