FROM THE LIBRARY OF REV. LOUIS FITZGERALD BENSON, D. D. BEQUEATHED BY HIM TO THE LIBRARY OF PRINCETON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY SW7 V' THOMAS KEN, D.D. T5 ^KftrfffH^Specstifh^Jl^Jhs. if(Sn4**f; m te4\iirn£+? 7V'»jf* t *fy&w£ / t+ >Vfoi % * V Ha w* \<$yuv?ef03&\ DHAPT PETITION OF THE SEVEN B18II0PB. Prom the OripinaJ in Sancroft's hand, in the Bodleian Library. THE LIFE OE THOMAS KEN. D.D. BISHOP OF BATH AND WELLS By E. H. PLUMPTRE, D.D. DEAN OF WELLS WITH ILLUSTRATIONS BY E. W HTM PER "Of whom the world was not worthy.' " Isti sunt triurnphatores et amici Dei, qui, contemnentes jussa principum, meruerunt prsemia aeterna : Modo coronantur et accipiunt palmam. Isti sunt qui venerunt ex magna tribulatione et laverunt stolas suas in sanguine Agni : Modo coronantur et accipiunt palmam." IN TWO VOLUMES VOL. II. NEW YORK E. & J. B. YOUNG & CO. COOPER UNION, 4th AVENUE TABLE OF CONTENTS. VOL. II. XVIII. PAGE THE TRIAL OF THE SEVEN BISHOPS, A.D. 1688 . . 1 XIX. THE REVOLUTION OF A.D. 1688 24 XX. HESITATION — FINAL DECISION — DEPARTURE FROM WELLS, A.D. 1689 — 1691 . ... . .37 Note. — BISHOP KIDDER 60 XXL KEN AND THE NON-JURORS TO THE DEATH OF MARY, A.D, 1689 — 1694 64 Notes. — l. THE JACOBITE LITURGY AND MODEST ENQUIRY 82 XXII. KEN AND THE NON - JURORS TO THE DEATH OF WILLIAM III., A.D. 1694—1702 95 Note. — DID KEN WRITE * THE ROYAL SUFFERER?'. . 115 XXIII. KEN AND THE NON-JURORS UNDER QUEEN ANNE, A.D. 1702 — 1705 119 TABLE OF CONTENTS XXIV. EPISODES IN PRIVATE LIFE, A.I). 1695 — 171" : .. " 1. THE " STUDENT-PENITENT' OF 169.5 2. THE TRAGEDY OF STATFOLl) . :j. LEWIS SOUTHCOMBE, PENITENT 4. Till: LADIES OF NAISH COURT :>. KEN AND ELIZABETH ROWE . G. ken's 'LYRA innocentium' 1.').") 160 163 167 172 174 XXV. LITERARY CORRESPONDENCE WITH DR. THOMAS SMITH XXYI. CLOSING YEARS AND DEATH, A.D. 1709 — 1711 Appendix. — KEN'S WILL XXVII. KEN'S MORNING, EVENING, AND MIDNIGHT HYMNS XXVIII. KEN AS A POET AND THEOLOGIAN XXIX. ESTIMATES, CONTEMPORARY AND LATER 179 191 206 210 231 2.-) 7 APPENDICES. T. KEN PORTRAITS II. KEN's BOOKS 291 294 INDEX 303 KEN'S LETTERS. VOL. II. LETTER XXII. To Viscount Weymouth. (Longleat MSS.) . XXIII. To Lord Dartmouth. (Dartmouth MSS.) XXIV. To Archbishop Sancroft. (R., p. 41. A., p. 474) XXV. To Archbishop Sancroft. (A., p. 489. From Tanner MSS xxviii., p. 299) .... XXVI. To Viscount Weymouth. (Longleat MSS.) . XXVII. To Viscount Weymouth. (Longleat MSS.) . XXVIII. To Henry Dodwell. (Morrison MSS.) XXIX. To Henry Dodwell. (Morrison MSS.) XXX. To Bishop Burnet. (R., p. 18. A., p. 530. From Hawkins, L'fe) To Mrs. Gkigge. (B., ii., p. 192. R., p Malet MSS ) . XXXI. XXXII. To the Rev. Mr XXXIII 13. 605 Harbin. p. 370 R., p. 44. XXXIV. XXXV. XXXVI. XXXVII. XXXVIII. XXXIX. XL. XLI. XLII. XLIII. XLIV XLV To Archbishop Sancroft. xxvii. (R.,p (A., App., To Bishop Lloyd. To Robert Nelson. (B , ii., p. 198. From Malet MSS ) . (A., p. 564. From Tanner MSS p. 155) .... 48. From Williams MSS.) p. 671. From Life of Kettlewell, p. lxxxvi.) To Viscount Weymouth. (Longleat MSS.) . To Dr. Thomas Smith. (R., p. 45. From Smith MSS. Bodleian Library) .... To Dean Hickes. (R., p. 48. From Bodleian Library) To Dean Hickes. (R., p. 50. From Bodleian Library) To Rev. Mr. Harbin. (B., ii., p. 228. R., p. 53. A., p. 682 From Malet MSS.) To Rev. Mr. Harbin. (B., ii., p. 231. R., p. 54. A., p 682. From Malet MSS.) To Henry Dodwell. (Communicated by Rev. Canon Moor) To Bishop Lloyd. To Bishop Lloyd. To Bishop Lloyd. (R., p. 55. MSS.) . (R., p. 55. MSS.) . (R., p. 54. A., p. 699. From Williams A., p. 699. From Williams From Williams MSS.) . PAGE 13 15 22 28 37 39 41 42 48 52 54 66 78 102 106 107 108 110 111 112 113 120 122 123 viii A'hWS LETTERS. LKTTKK PA01 XLVL To Bishop Lloyd. (B., ii., 246. II., p. 08. From Williams MSS.) 124 XLVII. To Bishop Lloyd. (E., p. 69. From Williams MSS.) . 125 XL\ 111. To Bishop Lloyd. (It., p. GO. Brom Williams MSS.) . 126 XLIX. To Bishop Lloyd. (R., p. 61. A., p. 703. From Williams MSS.) 127 L. To Bishop Lloyd. (R., p. 62. A., p. 704. From Williams MSS.) 128 LI. To Bishop Lloyd. (R., p. 63. A., p. 706. From Williams MSS.) 129 LII. To Bishop Lloyd. (R., p. 64. A., p. 70. From Williams MSS.) 129 LIII. To Bishop Lloyd. (R., p. 65. A., p. 713. From Williams MSS.) 130 LIV. To Bishop Hooper. (B., ii., p. 249. R., p. 65. A., p. 712. From Prowsc MS.) 131 LV. To Bishop Lloyd. (B., ii., p. 241. It., p. 66. A., p. 712. From Williams MSS.) .... 133 LVI. To Bishop Hooper. (B., ii., p. 250. R., p. 67. A., p. 714. From Browse MS.) 134 LVI1. To Bishop Lloyd. (R., p. 80. A., p. 715. From WiUiams MSS.) 138 LVIII. To Bishop Lloyd. (R., p. 81. A., p. 716. From WiUiams MSS.) - .139 LIX. To Bishop Lloyd. (R., p. 82. From Williams MSS.) . . 140 LX. To Bishop Lloyd. (R., p. 68. A., p. 718. From Williams MSS.) 141 LXI. To Bishop Lloyd. (It., p. 68. A., p. 720. From Williams MSS.) 143 LXII. To Bishop Lloyd. (B., ii., p. 262. R., p. 74. A., p. 723. From Williams MSS.) . . . .145 LXIII. To Bishop Lloyd. (R., p. 76. A., p. 724. From Williams MSS.) 146 LXIV. To Bishop Lloyd. (It., p. 78. A., p. 727. From Williams MSS.) 149 LXV. To Bishop Hooper. (B., ii., p. 252. R., p. 78. A., p. 730. From Prowse MS.) 150 I, XVI. To Bishop Lloyd. (B., p. 60. A., p. 732. From Williams MSS.) 152 I. XVII. To Bishop Hooper. (B., ii., p. 253. It., p. 79. A., p. 735. From Prowse MS.) 153 I,X VIII. To Mrs. Graham. (From Paget's Student Penitent) . . 158 LXIX. To Viscount Wbymouth. (Longleat MSS.) . . . • 170 LXX. To Viscount Wbymouth. (Longleat MSS.) .... 171 LXXI. To Dk. Thomas Smith. (R., p. 84. From Smith MSS. in Bodleian Library) . . . . .181 I. XXII. To Db. Thomas Smith. (R., p. 86. Prom Smith MSS., in Bodleian Library) 181 KEN'S LETTERS. ix LETTER PAGE LXXIII. To Dr. Thomas Smith. (R., p. 89. From Smith MSS., in Bodleian Library) 182 LXXIV. To Dr. Thomas Smith. (R., p. 92. From Smith MSS., in Bodleian Library) . . . . .184 LXXV. To Dr. Thomas Smith. (R., p. 93. From Smith MSS., in Bodleian Library) 184 LXXYI. To Dr. Thomas Smith. (R., p. 95. From Smith MSS. in Bodleian Library) . . . . .185 LXXVII. To Dr. Thomas Smith. (R., p. 98. From Smith MSS. in Bodleian Library) 186 LXXVIII. To Dr. Thomas Smith. (R., p. 161. From Smith MSS., in Bodleian Library) 187 LXXIX. To Dr. Thomas Smith. (R., p. 104. From Smith MSS., in Bodleian Library) 188 LXXX. To Dr. Thomas Smith. (R., p. 10cS From Smith MSS. in Bodleian Library) 189 LXXXI. To Henry Dodwell. (From Morrison MSS.) . . .193 , LXXXIL To Robert Nelson. (A., p. 776. From Mai shall '§ Defence of Constitution, 1717) 194 LXXXITI. To Henry Dodwell. (Communicated by T. M. Fallow, Esq.) 195 LXXXI V. To Viscount Weymouth. (Longleat MSS.) . . . .196 LXXXV. To Rev. Mr. Cressy. (Sloane MSS., 4,274-15, British Museum) 197 ABBREVIATIONS. A — Anderdon, Life of Ken, by A Layman. Second Edition. B — Bowj.es, Life of Lien. R — Round, Prose Works of Ken. LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS VOL. II. Fac-simile of the Draft Petition of the Seven Bishops (from the Original in Sancroft's Hand, in the Bodleian Library) Frontispiece Medals to Commemorate Acquittal of the Seven Bishops . . . 9, 36 Sancroft's Design for Medal . Longleat . Fac-stmile of Lettkr from Ken Ken's Paten and Chalice Ken's Tomr .... Ken's Coffee-Pot 11 57 112 190 205 2o0 CHAPTER XVIII. THE TRIAL OF THE SEVEN BISHOPS. " And next I mark, 'twas trial did convey Or grief, or pain, or strange eventful day, To my tormented soul such larger grace." /. H. Newman. The tale of that passage from Whitehall Stairs to the Traitors* Gate, on the evening of that " Black Friday," June 8th, has been told by many masters of narrative. We see the crowds that follow the Bishops to the river's edge, and kneel, asking for their blessing, or rush towards the boats, that they may grasp their hands or touch the hem of their garments. We hear the shouts of the thousands who greeted them as the saviours of their Church and country. Even the soldiers of the Tower by turns fall on their knees before them, and drink their health, in spite of orders to the contrary, with three times three. To one of those who listened to that clamour there must have come, if I mistake not, as there did to William III., when he too was for the moment the idol of the people, the memory of a crowd that once shouted to-day, ' Hosanna,' and to-morrow, 1 Crucify. ' We at least may remember that, within two years from that day, men were writing pamphlets against Ken and the other non-juring Bishops, and were stirring up the people to that form of * lynching ' which was then known as * De Witting,' a phrase which to Ken, who had lived in Holland, was only too terribly significant (p. 66). Men noticed at the time, and doubtless the Bishops them- selves felt, that the Second Lesson for that day, as the Calendar then stood (2 Cor. vi.), seemed as if it had a special message to those who, like St. Paul, were called to " approve themselves 2 TRIAL OF THE SEVEN BISHOPS. [chap. xvm. as ministers of God, in much patience, in afflictions, in dis- tresses, in stripes, in imprisonments, in tumults, in labours, in wat chings, in fastings." Some of them may have remembered how the Lesson for the day (Matt, xxvii.) had brought a like message to Charles I. on the morning of his execution. On June 10th, Trinity Sunday, the prisoners received the Holy Communion in the Tower Chapel. The Chaplain had received special orders from Sunderland to read the Declaration. He chose rather to suffer affliction with the confessors who were communicating with him, did not read it, and was dismissed from his office. The week that followed was one continual hrrc. The Bishops were allowed to walk in the precincts of the Tower, and crowds of all classes, including the very soldiers on guard, came to ask their blessing. The courtyard was crowded with the carriages of those of higher rank, among whom Clarendon was conspicuous. Ten Nonconformists came to ex- press their sympathy and admiration. 1 Evelyn paid a visit on June 13th, of which Sancroft, Ken, Turner, and Lloyd were the special objects. We note, with something of the feeling that " such is life ! " that the next entry in his Liar// records that he dined on the following day with Jeffreys, and wonder whether his visit to the Bishops formed a topic of conversation. One memorable event was brought to the Bishops' knowledge whilst they were in the Tower. On the morning of Sunday, June 10th, the long-expected heir to the throne was born at St. James's Palace, to which the Queen had been carried after midnight from Whitehall. Sunderland and the Roman Catholic lords, supported by Jeffreys, urged the King to signalize the occasion by a general pardon, but in vain.- That birth was destined to play a memorable part in the life of each of the prisoners, to determine their decisions on great critical questions this way or that, to advance two to higher positions in the Church, to consign the other five to an old age of depri- vation and poverty. These last, at all events, were not likely to give credence to the "warming-pan" story, which William affected to believe, on which Burnet and Lloyd again and again insisted, but which has now been relegated to the 1 Rereeby, p. 3! - Clarendon, Li. 206. a.d. 1688.] WILLIAM PENN. 3 mythical history which is the offspring of popular suspicion. Neither then, nor afterwards, did Ken doubt the legitimacy of the Prince. For him, at least, who believed the father to be incapable of such a fraud, the son was never the Pretender. Their imprisonment did not last long. Within a week of their committal, on June 15, the Bishops were brought before the Court of King's Bench, and this time, the question having been argued and decided against them, they did not stand on their privilege as peers, and were content to enter into their own recognisances. Had they been required to find sureties, Halifax, or Compton, had arranged to find three peers for each of the seven. It was said that an eminent Nonconformist of the City had " asked for the special honour of being allowed to give surety for Ken." * Their progress to and from the Court was attended by the same expressions of enthusiasm as had been shown on their passage to the Tower. When they were seen to leave it, no longer in custody, there were shout- ings and ringing of bells. The Abbey struck up a peal, which Sprat, as its Dean, quickly silenced. The prelates made their way to their own houses, or to those of their friends ; Ken, probably, to his friend Hooper's Pectory, at Lambeth. Cart- wright, the so-called "Papist" Bishop of Chester, one of James's most servile tools, had mingled with the crowd, and was taken by some one, who did not know him, for one of the seven Confessors. The man asked his blessing, and the Bishop gave it. Soon the mistake was discovered, and the suppliant told the "Popish dog" to take his blessing back. The trial was fixed for the 29th of June, and the fortnight that followed the release of the Bishops was spent by them in consultations with counsel, in receiving letters from all parts of the kingdom, even from the Presbyterians of Scotland, of grateful sympathy 1 Macaulay, chap. viii. Mr. Anderdon (p. 432) obtained from Macaulay the nformaiion that the Nonconformist was a Quaker. The fact was reported in a dispatch from the Dutch envoy in London. It is, I think, a probable con- jecture that the Quaker in question, if not William Perm himself, was one acting under his influence. Penn had been to St. James's on the morning of the previous Sunday, and had urged the King to take the opportunity of the Prince's birth, and to release the Bishops as an act of grace and amnesty. The three peers who were to have answered for Ken were the Earls of Clarej Shrewsbury, and Dorset. — Gutch, Coll. Curiosa, i. 356. 4 TRIAL OF Tin- SEVEN BISHOPS. [chap, xviii. and adhesion. Everywhere the feeling of the people showed itself in clamorous demonstrations. The men of Cornwall revived the burden of an old ballad, and shouted : — •• And have they fixed the where and when, And must Trelawney die ? Then thirty thousand Cornish men Will know the reason why." ■ The memorable 29th at last came, and the lovers of coin- cidences noted, as doubtless the Bishops themselves felt, that the services of the day, St. Peter's day, were singularly appropriate. They told of the Apostle who, because he had said that he must " obey God rather than man," had been cast into prison, and had been delivered from it by the ministration of an angel. The trial, as such, belongs to general history rather than to the biography of Ken. It has been told, with more or less fulness, over and over again, and is probably sufficiently familiar to all who read these pages. I must resist the temptation to tell a twice-told tale yet once more, and will content myself with what seems to me to fall within my province, by attempting to enter, more or less conjecturally, of course, into Ken's feelings, as he watched, in silent expectancy, the proceedings of the trial. To him, I conceive, the earlier part of those proceedings must have seemed eminently unsatisfactory. The counsel for the defence tried, as they were, of course, bound to do, to win a verdict for their clients on purely technical grounds. There was no sufficient proof that the petition and the signatures were in the handwriting of the accused. When that point was settled by the evidence of Blathwayt, a clerk of the Council, who had been present when the King interrogated the Bishops on June 8th, and swore that he had heard the seven prelates own their signatures, they argued that that confession had been given under a promise from the King that it should not be used against them. When that plea was set aside by the wit- ness swearing that there had been no express promise, they 1 Macaulay (chap, viii.) quotes the lines with a variation, as if thoy had h en composed with special reference to the Bishop. As a matter of fact, however, thev referred to an earlier Trelawney, who had supported Parkin Warbeck against It* in y VI I, and was imprisoned at the time in the Tower. — Strickland. Lif)99 t p. 366. Compare the poem based upon the lines by the Rev. E£. 8. Hawker, ol Morwenstow. Another version gives, "Then thirty thousand underground." a.d. 1688.] PROGRESS OF TEE TRIAL. 5 started the objection that there was no evidence that the petition had been written in the county of Middlesex ; Sancroft, indeed, who had written out the petition, had never left Lambeth, which was not in Middlesex. The Crown lawyers changed their ground and undertook to prove that the petition, though not written, had been published, i.e. presented to the King, in that county. But of this there was at first no evidence. No one had been present when the Bishops presented the petition, and the King could not be put in the witness-box. Pepys and other witnesses, including Blathwayt, who had been present at the Council, while they remembered the Bishops owning their sig- natures, could not swear that they had admitted the delivery. That difficulty was got over by sending for Sunderland, j ust as the Chief Justice was about to charge the jury, and direct a verdict of acquittal. He came, and proved that the Bishops had shown him a petition, and that he admitted them into the royal closet ; and this was held to be sufficient presumptive evidence of publication, and so that point had to be abandoned. All this, I imagine, must have seemed to Ken and his fellows wearisome and unsatisfying. To be set free on such grounds as these would settle nothing for the future, and would leave the whole battle of the constitution to be fought over again. It must have been a real relief to them, when they heard the discussion pass to the graver questions of the King's dispensing power and of the subject's right to petition. Their hearts must have burnt within them, as they listened to that five minutes' speech with which Somers ended the pleadings on their side, and which established his fame both as an orator and constitutional lawyer. One by one he went through every word of the indictment. The petition was not false, for every fact stated in it could be proved ; it was not malicious, for the Bishops had taken no action till they had to choose between the King's command and their own con- science ; not seditious, for it had not been by them scattered abroad among the people, but delivered into the King's own hands ; not a libel, because not a single phrase passed the limits of humble supplication. After replies from the Attorney- and Solicitor- Generals, the latter contending that the Bishops had no right to petition except in Parliament, the judges summed up, each giving his VOL. II. B 6 TRIAL OF THE SEVEN BISHOPS. [chap, xviii. own view of the case. The Chief Justice was, on the whole, against the prisoners, though he did not go all lengths with the Solicitor-General. 1 Allibone, a Roman Catholic, took the same line. Holloway held, without giving an opinion on the dis- pensing power, that the petition was such as subjects who think themselves aggrieved had a right to present, and was therefore not a libel. Powell took a bolder tone, treated the Declaration of Indulgence as a nullity, and pronounced against the dispensing power as making an end of parliaments. " That, issue, gentlemen," he said, " I leave to God and your consciences." It was already dark. The prisoners were allowed, as before, to go to their homes, and the jury were locked up for the night to consider their verdict. One of them, Arnold, the King's brewer, was reported to have said that he would hold out to the last for a verdict of guilty. It was a night of agitated expectancy for all concerned, for the King and his advisers, for the defendants and their friends, for the population of London, for the whole Church and nation. But expectancy at such a time takes different forms, according to the diversity of men's characters. I confine myself to asking how that night was likely to be passed by a man like Ken, feeling, as he did, all the issues for himself and others that hung on the verdict of the morrow. The region to which that inquiry leads us is one on which we may well enter with reverent feet, and our words should be wary and few ; but I seem to myself to hear in those midnight hours some such words as these, " Father, forgive them, for they know not what they do ; " " If it be possible, let this cup pass from me;" " Lord, lay not this sin to their charge;" perhaps, also, words like those which had passed from the lips of William Tyndale on the scaffold at Vilvorde, " Lord, open the King of England's eyes." The jury were heard to be in loud debate at midnight, and again at three a.m. It was rumoured once more that Arnold was holding out against the rest. At ten the next morning the court met. The accused were, as before, at the bar. Then came the well-known scene. Sir Roger Langley, the 1 "He behaved with great moderation and civility to the Bishops." — Evelyn, June 29th, 1688. a.d. 1688.] VERDICT OF ACQUITTAL. 7 foreman of the jury, reported, in answer to the questions of the Clerk of Assize, that the jury were agreed, and that their verdict was " Not Guilty." * How Halifax waved his hat, and the people shouted by their thousands, first in the court and then in Westminster Hall — a shout, as Reresby describes it, which was a " very rebellion of noise ; " how the clamours, as Williams told the Nuncio 2 and Sunderland, were mingled with tears of joy ; how loud and long huzzas took up the accla- mations in Whitehall, in the Strand, the Temple, and the City ; how messengers on horseback carried the tidings far and wide throughout the country; how the news reached James in the camp at Hounslow, and how he said, when he was told that the Bishops were acquitted, Taut pis pour eux ; how, as soon as his back was turned, the soldiers burst into cheers, which they had repressed while he was still in the camp, and how James asked what the shouts meant, and Feversham told him that it was nothing but the troops huzzaing for the acquittal of the Bishops, and the King said, " Do you call that nothing ? " and fell back, as before, on the ill-boding words Tant pis pour 1 The fate of those who serve on a jury in some important crisis of national history has always seemed to me a strange instance of the irony of fortune. For a few hours or days every one watches them, thinks of them, talks of them, and then their names sink into the dim obscure. On the principle of giving honour where honour is due, I print the list of the jury who returned the ver- dict that determined the course of English history : — Names of the Jury on the Trial of the Seven Bishops. Sir Eoger Langley, of Westminster, Foreman. Sir William Hill, Teddington. Robert Jennings, Hayes, Esq. Thomas Harriot, Islington, Esq. Jeffrey Nightingale, St. Giles, Cripplegate, Esq. William Withers, ditto ditto, Esq. William Dacres, Enfield, Esq. Thomas Austin, South Minis, Esq. Nicolas Grice, Heston, Esq. Michael Arnold, Westminster, Esq. Thomas Done, St. Giles-in-the-Fields, Esq. Richard Shoreditch, Tottenham. The jury would seem to have been, as was natural in such a case, a special one. Should these pages fall under the notice of any of their descendants I shall be glad if they will favour me with any information as to the life and character of those to whom England owes so much. 2 Adda says il Avvocato. Possibly he may have meant Powys. B 2 8 TRIAL OF THE SEVEX BISHOPS. [chap, xyiii. eur — of all this we may say, Is it not written in the pages of Macaulay ? * It was, perhaps, significant of the prominent position that Ken had occupied throughout, that his name followed Sancrof t's in the indictment, and that, when the prelates left the court, he accompanied the Primate in his carriage. Their journey, which was, perhaps, intentionally made in this way, and instead of being by water, took them through the Strand, Fleet Street, Ludgate Hill, Cheapside, across London Bridge, and so on by Southwark to Lambeth, had the character of a triumphal pro- cession. The crowds gathered round the coach, and insisted on both the prelates giving them their blessing. They, of course, complied with the request, and as they did so, repeated, again and again, the counsel, " Keep to your religion." 2 That 30th of June was, however, memorable, in yet another way, in its bearing on the history of England. It was on that day that Henry Sidney dispatched the famous memorial to Wil- liam, signed by some of the chief nobles and statesmen of England, begging him to come over and help them, and defend their religion and their liberties. Compton, who had all along been privy to the negotiations, was the only bishop who signed it. The week that followed was one of rejoicing through the 1 The counsel who defended the Bishops were Sir Rohert Sawyer (i. 90, n. 3), Pollexfen, Finch, Somers. It may he mentioned that Sawyer and Finch, on one occasion, refused their fees of twenty guineas. The costs were assessed at .£240 16s. 6d., and were paid by the Bishops at the rate of six per cent, on the revenues of their sees — Sancroft's being estimated at £4,000, Turner's at £2,000, Ken's at £900. (Dallaway's Western Sussex, p. 91 ; Gutch, Collect. Curios., ii., 368 — 380.) The expenses included an express sent by Ken to Oxford, and two to Exeter (Ibid. ii. 377). They were probably intended to urge the bishops or deans of those cities to follow the example of the Seven Confessors in refusing to read the Declaration. Trelawney, in a letter to Sancrof t, of August 16th, 1688, refers to letters which he and Ken had written to Bishop Lamplugh to that effect. That prelate's motto, however, was, "I will be safe," and he was rewarded for his subservience with the Archbishopric of York. The Dean was faithful to his trust. 2 Ken was staying with his friend Hooper at Lambeth Rectory (Prowse IMS.). The Grenadiers of Lord Lichfield's regiment, who had been ported at Lambeth, received the Archbishop with military honours, made a lane for his passage from the river to the palace, and fell on their knees to ask his blessing. — Ellis, Corrtsp., i. 350. in Anderdon (p. 433). This, however, was on June loth, on their release from the Tower. a.d. 1688.] MEDALS. whole kingdom at the great and unlooked-for deliverance. Portraits of the Bishops were sold by thousands. 1 Not less than eight different medals were issued to commemorate their acquittal, were worn round the neck, treasured up in families, handed down afterwards as heir -looms. 2 The Bishops were MEDAL TO COMMEMORATE ACQUITTAL OF SEVEN BISHOPS. 1 The Sutherland Collection in the Bodleian contains a series of seventeen folio and quarto prints of the seven oval portraits, some with the heading, "The Seven Candlesticks," for which the sketches were taken as they sat in court. One of these, Gribelin's, has the device, " Protestant Christianity restored in England." 2 I reproduce a list of these from Anderdon. 1 ■ 1 . The White Tower of London ; in the distance are the Bishops approaching under guard. Legend, probis honori infamleque malis. Honour to the good, infamy to the had. Exurge. archiepisc. cantuar : episcopi- S? ASAPH. BATH. ET WELL. ELY. PETER B CHICHEST. BRIST. INCARCER. — % 1688. The Sun and Moon equally balanced in scales suspended from the clouds. Leg. sic sol lunaque in libra. 2\ inch diam. 2. Bust of Abp. Sancroft, wearing a cap and robes. Leg. gvil. san croft. archiepisc. cantuar. 1688. Eev. Busts of the six imprisoned Bishops round that of the Bp. of London, stars interspersed, g.b.f. (Geo. Bowers, fecit.) Edge, si fractus illabatur orbis impavidos ferient ruinje. 2 inch diam. 3. A variety of the preceding, the date in Roman numerals. 4. Bust of Abp. Sancroft, same as No. 2. Eev. Seven stars in the middle of the starry heavens. Leg. qvis restringet pleiadvm delicias. iob. c. 38. (See p. 36). 2 inch diam. 10 TRIAL OF TEE SEVEX BISHOPS. [chap, xviii. received on their return to their dioceses with acclamations which reminded students of Church history of those which had greeted Athanasius and Chrysostom on their return from exile. 2 Bonfires and ringing of bells proclaimed, as at Peterborough, the joy of the people, where the thanksgiving service for the birth of the Prince of Wales had been received in sullen silence. In what way Ken's own diocese testified its joy I have not as yet been able to trace, except in the parish of North Curry, where the bells were rung " on the deliverance of the Bishops from the Tower.'' Letters came from Scotland reporting to Sancroft " the strange news that the Bishops of England are in great veneration among the Presbyterians of Scodand.'' 2 Ken remained for some time in town, and was much in San- 6. Bust of Abp. Sancroft, wearing a cap and robes. Leg. gvil Bancroft ARCHIEP S CANT. Rev. Church founded upon a rock, in the midst of the sea, and assailed by the four winds. Leg. immota triumphans. ]i inch diam. 6. A Jesuit and a Monk, with spade and pickaxe, endeavouring to undermine a Church, which is supported by a hand from Heaven. Leg. the gates OF HELL SHALL NOT PREVAILE. Matt. XVI. 18. Rev. Seven medallions of the Archbishop and six Bishops, a mitre over each, and name below. Leg. wisdom hath builded her hovs : SHE HATH HEWEN OVT HER 7 FILLERS. FrOV. iz. 1. 2\ inch diam. 7. Same device. Leg. the gates of hell shall not prevaile against it. Rtv. Seven medallions of the Archbishop and Bishops, with their names. Stars interspersed. Edge, upon this rock have i built my chirch. If inch diam. 8. A Jesuit and a Monk, with spade and pickaxe, endeavouring to undermine a Church, supported by a hand from Heaven; the field chequered. Leg. incuse, the gates of hell shall not prevail against it. A border of large beads. Rev. Medallions of the Abp. and Bishops. Legend incuse ; the field radiated. li inch diam." In addition to these there is the singular design (p. 11) found in Bancroft's papers {Tanner M8S., Bodleian Library), with its Greek inscription. I know nothing of it beyond the fact of its existence, and am in doubt whether it was meanl for p* - atation to the Bishops' counsel, or as a recognition of the work . i' a higher Advocate. 1 Overton, Life in L.C., p. 82, with special reference to Lake. " Gutch, Collect. Curiosa, i., 383. a.d. 1688.] INSTRUCTIONS TO THE CLERGY. 11 croft's counsels. His hand is to be traced, with a probability- little short of certainty, in the Instructions 1 which the Primate issued to the Bishops in the course of the following month. The document is a little wordy, and I give extracts that sufficiently indicate its character, instead of quoting it in extenso. The clergy are exhorted to be patterns of all holy conversa- tion ; to be constantly resident ; to catechise the children ; to have daily service even in villages ; to urge frequent commu- •0A CiV£S*SMT&S'. nion. They are, " four times a year at the least," to preach against all usurped and foreign jurisdiction. They are further, "the King's power being in his dominions highest under God," upon all occasions to persuade the people to loyalty and obedi- ence to his Majesty in all things lawful, and to patient sub- mission in the rest ; promoting, as far as in them lies, the public peace and quiet of the world. They are further to " exhort all those of our communion to continue steadfast to the end in their most Holy Faith, ... to 2 D'Oyly, Lxfe of Saner oft, chap. vii. 12 TRIAL OF THE SEVEX BISHOPS, [chap, xviii. take heed of all seducers, especially of Popish emissaries ; " and inasmuch as "those emissaries were commonly most busie and troublesome to our people at the end of their lives, labour- ing to proselite and perplex them in time of sickness and in the hour of death, n 1 the clergy were to be more diligent than ever in the work of visiting the sick, " watching over every sheep within their fold . . . lest those evening wolves devour them." In what follows I trace Ken's influence yet more distinctly. It is entirely on the lines of his own thought and action, and, though Bancroft had been more lenient to the Dis- senters than Sheldon, is in advance of anything he had before written. The Bishops are to instruct their clergy — "That they also walk in Wisdom towards those that are not of our Communion : and if there be in their Parishes any such, that they neglect not frequently to confer with them in the Spirit of Meekness, seeking by all good ways and means to gain and win them over to our Communion : More especially that they have a very tender Regard to our Brethren the Protestant Dissenters ; that upon occasion offered, they visit them at their houses, and receive them kindly at their own, and treat them fairly, wherever they meet them, discoursing calmly and civilly with them ; perswading them (if it may be) to a full Compliance with our Church, or at least, that ' whereto we have already attained, we may all walk by the same Rule, and mind the same thing.' And in order hereunto that they take all opportunities of assuring and convincing them, that the Bishops of this Church are really and sincerely irreconcileable Enemies to the Errors, Superstitions, Idolatries and Tyrannies of the Church of Pome ; and that the very unkind Jealousies, which some have had of us to the contrary, were altogether groundless. ' ' And in the last place, that they warmly and most affectionately exhort them, to join with us in daily fervent Prayer to the God of Peace, for an universal blessed Union of all Reformed Churches, 2 both 1 Was Ken, or Sancroft, thinking of Charles II. and Huddleston ? 2 The words seem singularly significant, as pointing to the enlargement of sympathies which followed on the sense of a common danger. The Protestants of Germany and Sweden, the Reformed Churches of France, Switzerland, and Holland, were all distinctly recognised as Churches, though they might be want- ing in some elements of polity or worship that were necessary for the complete- ness of a Church. In the idealism of the moment the hope of union included the Dissenting Communities in England and the Presbyterians in Scotland. Alas ! too soon the dreamers found that neither the hour, nor the man, had come. a.d. 1688.] FORECASTS. 13 at home and abroad, against our common Enemies ; that all they who do confess the holy Name of our dear Lord, and do agree in the Truth of His holy word, may also meet in one holy Communion, and live in perfect Unity and godly Love." 1 Ken, we may assume, was active in circulating the Instruc- tions among his own clergy, and in exhorting them not to read the King's Declaration. About that time, I think it probable that he returned to Wells, and that the following letter, in which he gives his forecast as to the impending crisis, though bearing no date of place, was written from the palace : — LETTER XXII. To Viscount Weymouth. " All Glory be to God. " My very good Lord, 1 ' I have a great many acknowledgments to returne to your Lord- shippe for the favour of your last visitt, and of your present letter, w ch answers those intimations I gave you hence, & wh: I had received when I was last in Towne. I confess I do believe y* God is doing some great thing for the good of His Church, but, in all probability, some medicinall Chastisement will goe before, to render us the more fitt to receive a blessing. I am further persuaded y* God will doe y e work Himself e : so that wee are not to rely on y e arme of flesh ; but y e true disposition in w ch this Church ought now to be, is most appositely describ'd in y e first Lesson for this day, w ch teaches us y e it is not Ashur y* shall save us (Hosea xiv. 3), but, that all our hopes of God's Goodnesse to us & of our own prosperity, y* we shall grow as the Lily, depends on our Returning unto the Lord. I beseech your Lordshippe to present my most humble Service to y r Good Lady, y e two young Ladys, & to the little Gentileman, & to those Country Confessours who are with you. The blessing of this life & y e next be multiplied on you all. God of His Infinite mercy give us grace to keep y e Word of His Patience, & keep us in the hour of temptation. " My Good Lord, "Your Lordshipp's most humble & affect: Servant, "THO. BATH & WELLS. "Sept. 1st (1688)." 1 Gutch's Collectanea Curiosa, vol. i., p. 386. 14 TRIAL OF THE SEVEN BISHOPS. [chap, xyiii. [We note the coincidence of thought with that of the last sermon preached at "Whitehall. Ken looked forward, as Micah and Jeremiah had done, to the discipline of suffering. The reference to " Ashur" and the "arm of flesh" obviously points to the hopes which some were building on the intervention of the Prince of Orange, but I doubt whether Ken knew of the invitation that had been sent off on the very day of the acquittal of the Bishops, signed by the Earls of Devonshire, Shrews- bury, Danby, by Compton, Bishop of London, William Russell, nephew of the Duke of Bedford, Lord Lumley, and Colonel Churchill, afterwards Duke of Marlborough. The " Country Confessours " are, I imagine, parochial clergy who had refused to read the Declaration of Indulgence. The steps which James had taken, within a fortnight of the trial, in carrying out his threat of Tant pis pour eux, ordering the names of all who refused to read the Declaration to be sent by the Chancellors of Dioceses and Archdeacons, and laid before the Court of Ecclesiastical Commission, might well entitle those who followed in the foot- steps of the Bishops, to that honourable title. They had the prospect of nothing less than deprivation, fines, imprisonment, if convicted, and of being tried, not by a judge and jury, but by a tribunal over which Jeffreys presided, and which claimed to be above the limitations of other courts, as to evidence and pro- cedure. The threat proved, it is true, a brutum fulmen. The Chancellors and Archdeacons made no returns. Sprat, Bishop of Rochester, resigned his seat on the Commission. He had read the Declaration himself in obedience to the King's commands, but he could not condemn the thousands of pious and loyal divines who had taken a different view of their duty. The Court broke up in confusion, and never met again to take any active measures.] Towards the end of September the King was informed by Louis XIV., on the report of the French ambassador at the Hague, of the expedition which William was preparing, of the invitation which he was reported to have received, of the pre- sence in Holland of English nobles and gentlemen who had gone over to support him. 1 James was alarmed, and in his distress turned to the very men whom a few weeks before he had sent to the Tower. He clung, we may believe, to the hope that they, at least, were loyal to him. If I am not mistaken, he trusted most of all to Ken's personal affection. The Bishops of London, Winchester, Ely, Bath and Wells, Peterborough, Bristol and Rochester, received a letter from Sunderland informing them that the King 1 At the levee on September 24th, James reported the tidings to those who attended it. "Now," he said, " we shall see what the Church of England men will do." "Your Majesty will see," was Clarendon's answer, "that they will act as honest men, though they have been somewhat ill-used of late." On September 27th Jeffreys, who was getting alarmed, told Clarendon that " some rogues had changed the King's mind, that he would yield in nothing to the Bishops; that the Virgin Mary was to do all." — Clarendon, ii., pp. 221 — 244. a.d. 1688.] SUMMONS FROM THE KING. 15 desired to speak with them, and fixing September 28th, 10 a.m., for their attendance. Ken's answer, addressed to Lord Dart- mouth, who apparently had transmitted Sunderland's letter, or communicated a like message, is as follows : LETTER XXIII. To Lord Dartmouth. "All Glory be to God. " My very good Lord, " The expresse your Lordshippe sent I just now reciev'd, and in obedience to his Majesty's pleasure, by whose command I presume you wrott, I will make what haste I can to the towne, though I am the more unfitt for a journy because I came a tedious one yesterday. I did all way es thinke that his Majesty could never believe our Church would be disloyall, having given so many undeniable in- stances to the contrary, and I shall be allwayes ready to serve my Sovereign to the utmost of my power, as far as can be consistent with my superiour duty to God and to that Holy Eeligion I prof esse. The declaration you mention is not yett sent downe, which I should have been glad to have seen before I leave this place, which I intend to doe, God willing, earelye to morrowe that I may reach London on "Wenesday night if possible, time enough I hope to see you before you goe. My humble service to my good Lady. God, of His Infi- nite goodnesse, multiply his blessings on you booth, and on your children and keepe you all stedfast in our most Holy faith. "THO. BATH & WELLS. "Sept. 23 (1688)." [The letter exhibits the painful conflict in Ken's mind. He is " ready to serve his Sovereign to the utmost of his power," hut it must he within the limits of his higher duty. He still cherished the hope, apparently, that James, in summoning the Bishops to advise him, was willing to be guided by their counsels. The declaration referred to was probably that which James issued on September 21st, announcing his resolution to maintain the Church of England. Ken's hopes of being in time to see Lord Dartmouth in London probably refer to that nobleman's appointment as Commander of the Fleet against "William. It was on this occasion that the offer of a Chaplaincy, referred to in i. 163, was made to Pechell, Master of Magdalen College, Cambridge.] Ken accordingly presented himself with five other Bishops — Winchester, Ely, Chichester, Peterborough, and Rochester (Sancroft was unwell), at the appointed day and hour. They 16 TRIAL OF TEE SETEN BISHOPS. [chap, xyiii. found James in one of bis fits of oscillation. He would not ask their advice about anything definite, but contented himself with vague professions of goodwill towards the Church of England, and with lecturing them on their duty. Ken, who clearly took the lead in the interview, had to express his own disappointment and that of his brethren, that they had been brought up to London on what was practically a fool's errand. " His Majesty's inclinations towards the Church and their duty to him were sufficiently understood before, and would have been equally so, if they had not stirred one foot out of their dioceses." Sancroft, on hearing from the Bishops of the result of the conference, went to the King, on September 30th, and asked for another interview. James appointed October 2nd. In the meantime he issued a proclamation in the London Gazette , calling on his subjects to rally round him against William's invasion, and recalling the writs which he had issued for a new parliament, on the ground of the confusion into which the country had been thrown by it. On the 3rd of October (James had been engaged on the 2nd) Sancroft, with Ken and the other Bishops, Winchester excepted, who had left London, waited on him, and the Primate, after mildly expressing his regret, in Ken's very words, that the first interview had not advanced matters further than "if the Bishops had not stirred one foot out of their dioceses," presented a Memorial which he and the other Bishops had drawn up, for the King's con- sideration. 1 It was, beyond all question, a State paper of the first order of importance, a Petition of Eights, in which the gravamina, of which the Church and nation complained, were fully and deliberately stated, and, as such, I print it nearly in extenso. They recommended him "1st. To put the administration of government in the several counties into the hands of such of the nobility and gentry as were legally qualified for it. " 2nd. To annul the Ecclesiastical Commission. 1 D'Oyly, p. 203. The Memorial was signed by all the Bishops who were present. With the addition, " We do also heartily concur," H. LONDON. P. WINCHESTER. W. ASAPH. a.d. 1688.] 2TEJI0RIAL TO THE KING. 17 " 3rd. To withdraw, and in future withhold, all dispensations, under which persons not lawfully qualified had been, or might be, put into offices of trust and preferment in Church or State, or in the Universities, especially such as have cure of souls annexed to them, and particularly to restore the President and Fellows of Magdalen College. 1 ' 4th. To withdraw all licenses for Roman Catholics to teach in public schools. " oth. To desist from the dispensing power, until that point had been freely and calmly debated, and settled, in Parliament. " 6th. To prohibit the four foreign Bishops, who styled themselves Yicars Apostolical, from further invading the ecclesiastical jurisdic- tion, which is by law vested in the Bishops of the English Church. " 7th. To fill the vacant Bishoprics, and other ecclesiastical pro- motions in England and Ireland, and in particular the Archiepiscopal chair of York, which had been so long vacant, and on which a whole Province depended. ! " 8th. To restore the ancient Charters of the Corporations, which had been forfeited. " 9th. To issue writs with all convenient speed, calling a free and regular Parliament, for the purpose of securing the uniformity of the Church of England, due liberty of conscience, and the liberties and properties of the subject, and for establishing, between himself and all his people, a mutual confidence and good understanding. " 10th. To permit the Bishops to offer to His Majesty such motives and arguments as might, by God's grace, be effectual to persuade him to return to the Communion of the Church of England, into whose most Holy Catholic Eaith he had been baptized and educated, to which it was then their earnest prayer to God that he might be reunited. "These, Sir" concluded the address, "are the humble advices, which, out of conscience of the duty we owe to God, to your Majesty, and our country, we think fit at this time to offer to your Majesty, as suitable to the present state of your affairs, and most conducive to your service; and so we leave them to your Princely considera- tion," &c. 2 James thanked them for their advice — there was no " This is the standard of rebellion " now, — and promised to comply with 1 James acted on the suggestion by appointing Lamplugh Bishop of Exeter, see p. 8, n. 2 Gutch's Collectanea Curiosa, vol. i., p. 411. 18 TRIAL OF THE SEVEN BISHOTS. [chap. xvm. some of their suggestions. On the point of calling a parliament he could, he said, make no concessions. He summoned the Bishops again for October 8th, directed them to appoint a fast and to compose prayers with reference to the expected invasion, told them he had considered their paper and " seemed sufficiently displeased with it." On the 9th, Turner and Ken held a consultation with Clarendon. On the 10th they presented the prayers they had drawn up to the King. On the 11th they were again summoned to hear that the prayers were approved, and were ordered to be used in all the churches. 1 They then resolved to go to their respective homes, and " feeling no longer bound to secrecy, gave their friends an account of what had passed between the King and them." 2 That 11th of October was the last day on which James and Ken ever met. The latter, and most of the other Bishops who had taken part in the interviews, left London for their dioceses, and Ken awaited at Wells the issue of events. Meantime those events followed in quick succession. James took a few hasty steps of compliance with the Bishops' memorial. The Charters of the City of London and other corporations were ordered to be restored. The Court of Ecclesiastical Commission was abolished. The Bishop of Winchester (Peter Mews) was ordered, as Visitor of Magdalen College, to restore the President and Fellows, who had been expelled by Cartwright's Commission. On October 16th William started on his expedition. The flag, with his hereditary motto, " Je maintiendray ," was hoisted on his frigate, and the sentence was completed by the flag of England, with the words, " The Liberties of England and the Protestant Religion." 3 The fleet made its way, with varying 1 The Form of Prayers was drawn up with, singular skill and caution. It consists of three prayers. (1) For Repentance, perfectly general in its con- fessions of sin. (2) For the King, carefully avoiding all approval of the past, and for the future " Inspire him with wisdom . . . Prosper all his under- takings, for Thy honour and glory." (3) For Peace and Unitie. " Give peace in our days, if it be Thy good will. Prevent the effusion of Christian blood. Reconcile all our dissensions . . . ," and so on. All could join in the prayer, and it committed none to any line of policy. 2 Clarendon, Diary, ii., pp. 72, 73. 3 It is a curious instance of the ins and outs of the bye-ways of the history of the Revolution that while this was the view popularly accepted then, as it has been since, the Non-juringthoory oi William's expedition, held by Frampton and there- a.d. 1688.] INTERVIEWS WITS THE KIXG. 19 casualties, according as it had a " Protestant wind " with it, or a " Popish wind " against it, and on November the 5th, the memorable anniversary of the overthrow of a former con- spiracy against the liberties of England and the Protestant religion, the Prince of Orange landed at Brixham in Torbay. It is natural to assume that Ken was kept fairly informed of what was passing at such a critical time, both in London and in the West. He would hear how James, startled by the news of the Prince's landing and the statement made in his declaration, that he had been invited by Lords Spiritual as well as Temporal, had first questioned Compton, and on the following day Sancroft and the few other Bishops who were still in town, 1 as to their complicity ; how Compton, in terms fore probably by his friend Ken, was of a very different character. William, as they held, was merely a tool in the Pope's hands. James had refused to enter the continental league against Louis XIV., whom the Pope was bent on humbling, and therefore Innocent XI. was bent on his destruction, and found his tool " in an ambitious son-in-law, and crafty, Jesuitical statesmen." William, accordingly, was sent to possess himself of the Kingdom of England, "with the Pope's Apostolic benediction." The theory was not without, at least, an element of truth. Macaulay exults in the supreme skill with which William made the Pope subservient to his policy, and drew him into the alliance against Louis (chap, ix.) He accepts, that is, the facts, but sees them from a different point of view. Frampton and Ken had both travelled much, the former had been at Rome, the latter both at Rome and the Hague, and they may have understood, better than most of their contemporaries, the inscrutable policy of the Roman Curia. To that Curia the humiliation of Louis might seem an object of more importance than the re-establishment of Romanism in England, under a Defender of the Faith who, like his " Most Christian" brother of France would, as he said on his accession, be "an upholder of the Royal Supremacy against the Pope in its strongest forms." (Reresby, p. 328.) And so Petre and James's other Jesuit counsellors were only the conscious, or unconscious, instruments by which he was pushed on in the infatuated course that led him to a foredoomed destruction. He was a pawn that was to be sacrificed that the Pope might give checkmate to Louis. If so, it was a case of " Greek meeting Greek " and " diamond cutting diamond." Innocent must have felt, after a time, that William was the better chess-player (Evans, Frampton, pp. 179, 180.) Among the strange results of this entanglement of policies we may note that AVilliam had 4,000 Papists in his army in London, and James 6,000 Swiss Protestants in that with which he invaded Ireland. — Reresby, pp. 436, 444. 1 The interviews are leported as follows: — " Oct. 15th, with Sancroft alone ; Nov. 1st, with Compton alone ; Nov. 2nd, with Sancroft, Compton, Crewe, Cartwright, and Watson, of St. David's ; on Nov. 6th, with Sancroft, Compton, Sprat, and White. On Nov. 1st, James questioned Compton as to the share of the Bishops in the invitation addressed to William, and received the answer, ' I am sure my brethren will say that they have taken as little part in 20 TRIAL OF THE SEVEN BISHOPS, [chap, xyiii. which afterwards proved to be a dishonourable prevarication, and the others in good faith, had denied all knowledge of any- such invitation ; how they had refused to comply with his de- mands that they should sign a declaration that they abhorred the Prince's invasion, and had questioned the genuineness of the proclamation, which, it was said, he had issued ; how on No- vember 17th the two Archbishops (Lamplugh of Exeter, who had read the Declaration of Indulgence and tried to make his clergy read it, was now Archbishop-elect of York), the Bishops of St. Asaph, Ely, Rochester, Peterborough, and Oxford, and a few peers who were still in town, including Ormond, Clarendon, Rochester, and Dorset, had presented a petition to the King entreating him to call " a Parliament, ready and free in all its circumstances ; " and lastly how, on November 20th, James declared that there was nothing he desired so passionately as a Parliament, but that he could not call it while an enemy was in the kingdom and could make a return of nearly a hundred voices. This would bring the London news up to date. 1 From the West there would have come tidings of William's march to Exeter, of the service in the Cathedral there, at which Burnet had preached and had read the Prince's manifesto, of the march eastward in the direction of Honiton and Sherborne, of the appearance of his troops under Kirke's command, probably near Warminster, within ten miles of Wells. We may venture to ask ourselves with what feelings Ken it as I have.' On the following day, when the other Bishops gave an explicit denial, Compton contented himself with saying, ' I gave you my answer yesterday.' " It may he noted that Evelyn thought it his duty to write to Sancrofton Oct. 10th, warning him that these invitations to interviews with the King were hut a trap cunningly devised in order that they might seem to be identified with his policy, and urgently counselling him to avoid them. He specially urges that the Bishops should always use the word " Protestant " or " Reformed" before the ambiguous formula of " the Church of England as by law established." Watson, of St. David's, whom Bin net describes as "one of the worst men I ever know in holy orders," took the oaths to William without hesitation, was formally charged with simony in 1099, and deprived, after five years of quibbling and chicane, in 1705, when Bull succeeded him (p. 152). 1 On November 17th James had set out from London to take the command of his army. He got as far as Salisbury, but on hearing of the growing strength of William's forces, and alarmed by the defection of his own adherents, Corn- bury, Prince George of Denmark, Churchill, Ormond, and others, precipitately returned to London on the 26th. A.D. 1688.] KEXS VIEWS OX THE CRISIS. 21 was likely to look on the impending crisis. Politically, I believe, lie had a respect for the part which William had taken in resisting the aggressive ambition of Louis XIV., especially, as he afterwards declared (if the letter to Tenison be authentic), for the heroism with which he had rejected the bribes of wealth and honour with which the French King had, at one time, tempted him. The Prince had deliberately dis- claimed all ambitious projects for himself in his present expe- dition. He had simply come, on the invitation of men whom he believed to express the wishes of the English people, to maintain the Protestant religion and the liberties of England. He was content to press for a free Parliament, and to leave the future absolutely in its hands. Ken, as his after conduct showed, would have acquiesced in the decision of such a Par- liament, giving the Prince supreme administrative power. As a man, I imagine, he could scarcely have felt much affection for him. He knew that he was as unfaithful to his wife as James was to Mary Beatrice. He knew that he had treated that wife, as James had not treated his, with boorish rudeness, had sneered at her religion and insulted her chaplains. If he had broken her in to a complete submission to his will, and that submission was united with affection, it was, in great part, due to Ken's own teaching, when he had impressed on her the wis- dom of patience, and had taught her that, subject to the supreme authority of conscience, passive obedience and non-resistance were as much the duty of a wife to her husband as of subjects to their king. The morals of the Court of Hague were not one whit better than those of the Court of Whitehall under Charles II. There also was the reign of harlots, and, in the homely language of Dr. Covell, the chaplain who succeeded Ken, " pimps and panders" were the only people who won the Prince's favour. William had frowned on Ken, had almost dismissed him, because he had prevailed on Zulestein to make to the English lady whom he had wronged the reparation which James, under like circumstances, had made to Clarendon's daughter. His religion, too, was of the type most alien to Ken's mind. His Calvinism was not like that of Morley, whom Ken had loved ; nor like that of the Huguenots, whom he honoured and helped ; nor like that of Leighton and Bunyan, vol. ii. c 22 TRIAL OF THE SEVEN BISHOPS, [chap, xyiii. one which tends to closer communion with God and greater holiness of life, nor even that of the decrees of Dort, repellent as that form would have been to Ken's more Catholic belief. William's faith in the dogma had more affinity with the belief of the Bonapartes in their star, and may have seemed to Ken simply that kind of fatalism which narcotizes conscience. "" What do you think of predestination now, Doctor ?" was the question which he put to Burnet when he landed in Tor- bay. 1 If that question ever came to Ken's knowledge I imagine it would have reminded him of the title of the treatise by which Sancroft had won his early fame as a controversialist, and that he would have said, when his eyes had been opened to William's schemes, " So then here, at last, is the living Fur Pradestinatus." 2 As it was he wrote a letter to Sancroft on November 24th, with which I close this chapter : — LETTER XXIV. To Archbishop Sancroft. " All Glory be to God. "May it please your Grace, " Before I could return any answer to the letter with which your Grace was pleased to favour me, I received intelligence that the Dutch were just coming to Wells, upon which I immediately lefft the town, and, in obedience to his Majesty's generall commands, took all my coach horses with me, and as many of my saddle horses as I well could, and took shelter in a private village in Wiltshire, intending, if his Ma: had come into my country, to have waited on him, and to have paid him my duty. But this morning wee are told his Ma: is gone back to London, so that I onely wait till the Dutch have passed my diocesse, and then resolve to returne thither againe, that being my proper station. I would not have lefft the diocesse in this juncture, but that the Dutch had seas'd horses within ten miles of Wells before I went, and your Grace knowes, that I, having 1 Macaulay's explanation that William's question was a gentle hint to Burnet's hustling meddlesomeness, of the Xe sutor ultra crepidam kind, seems to me strained and artificial. 2 Sancroft' 3 book was a somewhat severe exposure of the Antinomian side of Calvinism. It whs published in 1661. a.d. 1688.] LETTER TO BANCROFT. 23 been a servant to the Princess, and well acquainted with many of the Dutch, I could not have staid without giving some occasions of suspicion, which I thought it most advisable to avoid ; resolving by God's grace to continue in a firm loyalty to the King, whome Gfod direct and preserve in this time of danger ; and I beseech your Grace to lay my most humble duty at his Majesty's feet, and to acquaint him with the reason of my retiring, that I may not be misunder- stood. The person your Grace mentions wrote to me to the same purpose, and I spake with the Archdeacon, who says he demands nothing but his due, so that the law must decide the controversy. God of his infinite mercy deliver us from the calamitys which now threaten us, and from the sinnes which have occasioned them. " My very good Lord, " Your Graces very affect: Servant and B r , "THO. BATH & WELLS. "Nov. 2itk (1688)." [The letter has no date of place, but the " private village " was probably Poul- shot, near Devizes, where Ken's nephew, Izaak Walton, was rector. I do not find any evidence in our city records or elsewhere that the Dutch actually came nearer Wells than Wincanton. As Bound, prints the letter, we read that the Dutch had "seas'd houses," but the context obviously requires " horses." James had apparently issued general orders to all his adherents to keep horses and war provisions generally out of the hands of William's army. He had been at Andover, which was within twenty miles of Poulshot. Burnet, in his account of the expedition (0. T., B. iv., 1685), specially notes that " being at such a distance from London, we reckoned that we could provide ourselves with horses." A letter in Ellis, 2nd Ser., iv. 156, reports that William had seized all the horses in Bridgewater and the neighbourhood. (Anderdon, p. 474.) Bentinck and Zulestein were probably in Ken's mind as among the Dutch to whom he was known. The last sentence but one refers apparently to some diocesan business which I have been unable to trace.] c2 CHAPTER XIX. THE REVOLUTION OF 1688. " Read, who the Church would cleanse, and mark How stern the warning runs ; There are two ways to aid her ark, — As patrons, and as sons." J. H. Newman. Within a few days from the date of that last letter, Ken pro- bably read a document which must at once have astonished and horrified him. A proclamation was circulated throughout the kingdom, purporting to be issued by William at Sherborne Castle on November 28th. It was signed in his usual manner, and countersigned by his secretary, C. Huygens. It gave an entirely new character to the Prince's expedition. It began, as the first manifesto published on his landing had done, with declaring his intention to support the religion and liberties of England, but soon it passed into a very different strain. The Prince expressed his desire to accomplish his purpose " without the effusion of any blood, except of those execrable criminals who have justly forfeited their lives for betraying the Religion, and subverting the Laws, of their native country. " This obviously doomed all James's counsellors to the scaffold. But this was not all. " All Papists found in open arms, or with arms in their hands or about their persons, or in am r office or employment, civil or militar}', upon any pretence whatever, contrary to the known Laws of the Land, shall be treated by us and by our Forces, not as Souldiers and Gentlemen, but as Robbers, Freebooters, and Banditti; they shall be incap- able of quarter, and intirely given up to the Discretion of our Soldiers." It is not too much to say that had these orders been acted a.d. 1688—89.] THE SHERBORNE PROCLAMATION. 25 on they would have issued in a general massacre of Roman Catholics throughout the kingdom. London would have be- come an Aceldama. The stain of blood would have cleaved to William's fame, as the slaughter of Drcgheda had cleaved to Cromwell's. Ken may, perhaps, have remembered the proclamation to which, in its "no quarter" severity, this bore a suspicious resemblance, and which Ferguson had drawn up, and Mon- mouth had signed, as he told James, without reading. He may have doubted, as others doubted then, the authenticity of the document. 1 It would, at all events, have been a relief to 1 The history of the Sherborne proclamation is still an unsolved problem. It appeared in the Collection of Papers relating to the Present Juncture of Affairs in England, 1688, in company with other documents, everyone of which is received as authentic. Macaulay says that some suspected Ferguson, the 'Plotter,' and some Johnson, the author of Julian the Apostate, of being the writer. After the lapse of twenty-seven years the credit of it was claimed by Hugh Speke, a kind of political Barry Lyndon, who boasted that he was the author of well-nigh every act of political scoundrelism that had stained the history of the Revolution. The book bears the title of A Secret History of the Happy Revolu- tion, by the Principal Transactor in it. It was published in 1718, dedicated to George I., and presented to him by the Earl of Berkeley. Speke, whose father had been fined, and whose brother had been condemned to death, by Jeffreys, after the Monmouth rebellion, says that he drew up the proclamation as he had drawn a previous Advice to the Army, on the same lines ; that " it was dispersed over most parts of the kingdom, and believed to be genuine ;" that he himself gave it to William at Sherborne Castle (where William halted for two nights, Somers Tracts, ix. 280), that "the Prince seemed somewhat surprised at first and openly declared he knew nothing of it," but when "he had read and considered it, his Highness and all that were about him, seemed not at all displeased with the thing ; and they were all sensible, in a very little time, that it did his Highness's interest a great deal of service." Of this passage Macaulay takes no notice, and does not even state that William stopped at Sherborne. Speke' s character makes it, per- haps, unsafe to rely on any statement of his, but I do not find that William ever made his disclaimer as public as the proclamation had been. The Prince of Orange was never an Orangeman, but he might have been content, in that in- scrutable silence of his, to let the passions, which were afterwards the evil inheri- tance of the Orangemen of Ireland, do their work. I remember how he pensioned Titus Oates as a man w r hom he delighted to honour. Ferguson, who had drawn up Monmouth's declaration, and was suspected of complicity with the Sher- borne proclamation, received, in the first days of William's reign, a lucrative sinecure place in the Excise. Speke says (p. Go) that after William's acces- sion he " kept up a continual correspondence with King James by his knowledge and direction, and for these and other secret services received from him several sums of money." Letters in the State Papers for 1689 and 1704 show that he was always pressing these services upon the government, and claiming compen- 2fi REVOLUTION OF 1688. [chap. xix. him to hear as the weeks went on that it was not acted on. James played unconsciously into William's hands. Ken would hear how he had returned to London ; how, on his arrival on November 27, he heard that his daughter Anne had fled from Whitehall with Lady Churchill and the Bishop of London and Lord Dorset ; how, in his despair, he signed writs for a Parlia- ment, which was to meet on January 13 ; how he published an amnesty, and removed Sir Edward Hales from his post as Lieutenant of the Tower; how, on December 6, he sent Halifax and Nottingham and Godolphin as commissioners to treat with William; how, on December 9, he sent qff his Queen and her infant child to France under the protection of the Chevalier de Lauzun ; how his negotiations, after all, were only meant as a blind to put the Prince off his guard ; how r on December 11 he had fled, burning the writs for the new Par- liament before he left, and flinging the great seal into the Thames ; how he had been detected and arrested at Faversham ; how he had been brought back again to London amid popular exclamations which led him and others to believe that the people were still with him, and had resumed his old life at Whitehall 1 on the 16th; how in the interval the two archbishops, five bishops (Ken not one of them), and twenty- two peers had formed themselves into a kind of provisional government at Guildhall, and had earnestly entreated William to come with all speed, and avert the anarchy with which London and the Nation for them. I fear we must own that William's Calvinism did not involve the "clean hand" and the "pure heart," without which the hero statesman is hut as a Machiavelli or a Tiberius. It is perhaps worth noting (1) that a tradition in the Digby family, then, as now, the owners of Sherborne Castle, runs to the effect that a printing press was set up in the green drawing-room, and that a large crack in the hearth-stone remains to testify the fact ; and (2) that Spoke boasts (p. 43) of being the contriver of the "Irish scare," by sending in all directions letters reporting that the Irish papists were going to rise all over England and Scotland, and massacre the Protestants. The object in this, as partly, perhaps, in the Sherborne proclamation, was two-fold: (1) to inflame the passions of the Protestants^ and (2) to drive the Papists, and James and his adherents generally, who found themselves likely to be the victims of those passions, to a hasty flight. Speke'8 chief object was, he says, to get James out of England, and in that he succeeded. If I mistake not, we shall tiaee his handi- work again in a memorable incident of Ken's Life (p. 85). 1 Ev( lyn w,t- ]u< s< nt at the supper that evening. -Diary, December 17th. a.d. 1688—89.] WILLIAM AT ST. JAMES'S. 27 whole country were threatened ; x how James had fled again on December 18, 2 and all his evil counsellors, Petre and the rest, had scuttled off in hot haste, with bag and baggage, in all directions ; how Jeffreys 3 had been taken disguised as a sailor, and was now in the Tower ; and finally, how William was lodged at St. James's. 1 On December 11, the mob destroyed Roman Catholic chapels, the King's printing-house, and even attacked the houses of foreign ambassadors, notably Barillon. On the night of the 12th there came the terrible "Irish Scare," of which also Speke claimed to be the contriver. 2 It is a curious fact that James at one lime thought, in those days of confusion, of taking refuge under the wing of Bancroft at Lambeth, or Mews at Winches- ter. — Reresby, p. 434. 3 Jeffreys is one of the few characters in history for whom no one has a word to say. Every historian, great or small, thinks it a duly to cast a stone at him. I have no desire to rehabihtate hia reputation, but I cannot refrain from giving here what was new to me and may be new to others, the story of his closing days. He was, as I have said, in the Tower. None of his old boon companions, none of those who owed their fortunes to his patronage, came near him. He had, however, one visitor, Robert Frampton, Bishop of Gloucester, one of Ken's dearest friends, who had only escaped through the accidents of travel irom being one of the Bishops whom James sent to the Tower, who came to see him. He found him sick, disconsolate, weeping bitterly, with the sorrow which seemed to the Bishop to be the " sorrow of the worid that worketh death." He spoke to him as a minister of Christ at such a time ought to speak ; roused his conscience to repentance ; told him to '• weep on and spare not." " Those tears of his, if they were the tears of a penitent, would be more precious than diamonds." The Ex-Chancellor was, at all events, not callous. He thanked Frampton for his fatherly advice, recog- nised the goodnfss of God in sending him, whom he could least have expected to see, when all others had deserted him, asked his prayers, and entreated that he would give him the comfort of Holy Communion. This the Bishop, believing in his repentance, did when he next came to see him. Jeffreys accordingly re- ceived it, with his wife and children, and "in a few days died in peace of mind." (Evans, Frampton, p. 197) Frampton had been for many years in the East, as chaplain of the Company of Merchants at Aleppo, and knew Arabic well. I ask myself whether he could have known the Moslem tradition of the Lord Jesus and the dead dog (Trench, Poems from Eastern Sources, p. 104). Macaulay (iii., 402) reports like acts on the part of Dean Sharp of Norwich, and Dr. John Scott, author of the Christian Life, but apparently with less success than Frampton hoped he had attained. I will venture to add a sentence from a speech of Jeffreys', sitting as judge in a case of high treason, which shows that he was, in one point at least, in advance of his contemporaries : " I think it a hard case that a man should have counsel to defend him for a twopenny trespass, and his witnesses examined upon oath ; but, if he steal, commit murder or felony, ay, high treason, where life, estate, honour and all are concerned, he shall neither have counsel nor his witnesses examined upon oath." {State Trials, x. 267, in Lingard x. 95.) It is well sometimes for the historian to turn from Philip drunk to Philip sober, and to remember that even a "dead dog" may have a certain " whiteness of teeth" beyond his fellows. 28 KEVOLUTIOX OF 1688. [ciiAr. xix. On that very day Sancroft issued a circular letter to the Bishops requesting them to come up, "with all convenient haste," to London and consult with him on " the perplext state of affairs." To this Ken returned the following answer : — LETTER XXV. To Archbishop Bancroft. " All Glory be to God. ' ' My very good Lord, " I received your Grace's letter, which came to my hands late on Thursday night, so that had I had no obligation on me to ordain next JSunday, yett it was impossible for me to have reached the towne before Christmas, but as soone as the weather will permitt, I intend, God willing, to wait on you. God of His infinite goodnesse, send downe a double portion of His Spirit, to rest on your selfe, and on my reverend Brethren, to direct, and support you in this great con- j uncture. " My good Lord, " Your Grace's very obedient Servant, "THO. BATH AND WELLS. " Dee. 22, 1688." When his Ordination and the Christmas services were over Ken accordingly w T ent up to London, and was at Lambeth on January 10th, 1689. A letter from Francis Turner, dated January 11th, shows that he had drawn up a memorial, as the basis of the deliberations of the Bishops, which is probably identical with a paper in Turner's hand among Sancroft's MSS. in the Bodleian Library : — " Previous Considerations of what method is left for the Bishops to use, in representing to the Prince of Orange their sense concerning the King and kingdom^. The earlier part of the paper deals with the question whether the Bishops should unite in addressing the Prince, and decides against it. " It would be premature, before some of us have seen his face, or endeavoured to know what he intends to do." 1 1 prefers the plan of publishing three Propositions, " as if they were directed against the bold wild discourse and apparent designee of our commonwealth-men. but without the least O' A . D . 1688—89.] THE BISHOPS IN CONSULTATION. 29 reflection on the Prince or his purposes." The Propositions are as follows : — 1 1 First — Against deposing the King. ' ' Secondly — Against electing any other King. "Thirdly — Against breaking anyone link in the royall chaine ; i.e. any way intercepting the right succession to the imperial crown. " These Propositions should, in my judgment, bee drawne and taken from the very words either of our 39 Articles, or our Liturgy, or our Rubricks, or our Canons, or our Homilys, or our Acts of Par- liament and fundamental laws of the land, or from our Oaths and Tests (which indeed are part of our law). " And this paper of Propositions, with a short preface before it, or something after it, declaring our obligations to maintaine these doctrines, need be directed to no body, though intended, as for our owne vindication, so for every body's satisfaction one day, and for the Prince's presently, and most particularly. This paper should be delivered by one of us to Monsieur Benting, or some chief e Minister, to be handed by him to his Highness, with as little noise and notice as may bee, and if such a representation dos not putt a stopp (as 'tis to be fear'd it will not), then it will be time enough, and high time it will bee, for the Lords Spiritual!, and those Temporall that will act con- joyntly with us, to oppose the commonwealth-men openly at the Con- vention." Ken was also of opinion, as Turner's letter shows, that the Bishops should not present themselves at William's court. As Sancroft frankly told William, in the letter which he wrote excusing his absence, while he and his brethren were grateful for "his heroick undertaking upon the reasons exprest in your gratious Declaration, and for the Benefitts that wee enjoy and hope to receive by your means, " there were some things " which have bin done since your Highnesse came to Windsor" with which we are " not so far satisfy 'd " as to " approve of them or seem to do so." * In the meantime William pursued the course of inscrutable silence which might entitle him also to the name of William the Taciturn. On December 4th, Ben- tinck had told Clarendon at Salisbury that to say that the Prince aspired to the Crown was " the most wicked insinuation that could be invented." On January 5th, Burnet had told Lloyd of St. Asaph that " he would not take the title of King, 1 Tanner MSS., xxviii., p. 310 ; in Anderdon, p. 490. 30 REVOLUTION OF 1688. [chap. xix. though it should be offered him." Events, however, were hastening on. "William had complied with the request of Sancroft's short provisional Government by summoning a Con- vention, which was to include the whole House of Lords and all the surviving members of the last House of Commons elected under Charles II. The following extract from Evelyn's Diary (Jan. 15, 1689) will show with what views Ken and the other Bishops were prepared to meet the grave questions which the Convention had to settle : — l " I visited the Archbishop on the 15th, where I found the Bishops of St. Asaph (Lloyd), Ely (Turner), Bath and Wells (Ken), Peter- borough (White), and Chichester (Lake) ; the Earls of Ailesbury and Clarendon, Sir George Mackenzie, Lord Advocate of Scotland ; and then came in a Scotch bishop, &c. After prayers, and dinner, divers serious matters were discoursed concerning the present state of the public ; and sorry I was to find [from them] there was as yet no accord in the judgments of those of the Lords and Commons who were to convene : some would have the Princess [of Orange] made Queen without any more dispute ; others were for a Pegency : there was a Tory party (then so call'd) who were for inviting His Majesty again upon conditions ; and there were Eepublicarians, who would make the P. of Orange like a Stadtholder. The Pomanists were busy among these several parties, to bring them into confusion ; most for ambition, or other interest, few for conscience and moderate resolutions. I found nothing of all this in this assembly of Bishops, who were pleas' d to admit me into their discourses ; they were all for a Pegency, thereby to salve their oaths, and so all public matters to proceed in his Mj ty ' 8 name, by that to facilitate the calling of a Parliament, according to the laws in being. Such was the result of this meeting." It is eas}- to point out, as Macaulay has done, the inconsis- tencies and inconveniences to which this theory of a Regency would have led, that it relied on the fiction that the King was insane, that it might have led to the yet further anomaly of a perpetuated Regency in England, governing in the name of a succession of kings in France, who were kept out of their inheritance on the same legal fiction that they were insane, the only proof of their insanity being that they preferred being 1 Evelyn's "Diary for December 30th notes the significant fact thai the prayera for the Prince ot Wales were no longer used in Church. a.d. 168S— 89.] POLICY OF THE BISHOPS. 31 Bornan Catholics to joining the Anglican Communion. It is not difficult, however, to see the attractions it may have had for Sancroft and the others, laymen as well as Bishops, who acted with him. As Evelyn says, "it salved their oaths," and, with the natural tendency of the clerical mind, when it deals with legal questions, they became super-subtle in their legalism. It maintained the theory of hereditary right. It met the immediate necessity of providing an executive govern- ment, acting in conjunction with Parliament. It left an opening for favourable contingencies, which were, at least, pos- sible. James might be re-converted to the Church of England. There had been instances of such re-conversion before (Chil- lingworth was a memorable example), as there have been in our own time. The language of the Bishops whom James had consulted in October, of Ken himself, if he was the author of the Royal Sufferer, shows that they clung for some years after- wards, hoping against hope, to that possibility. 1 The young Prince of Wales might return to the Church of his fathers. Or he might die, and then the Crown would revert, in succes- sion, to James's daughters, from neither of whom was any danger to be apprehended on the score of religion. On these grounds it may well have seemed to the Bishops, and to men, like Evelyn, more or less of a clerical mind, that this plan would work better than recalling James, with or without con- ditions, or declaring the Crown forfeited, or falling back on the notion of a Republic, of which their experience of the Long Parliament and of Cromwell had sufficiently sickened the great body of the English people. On January 22nd, 1689, the Convention met, and the great battle began. Sancroft, whose age and infirmities seem to have led him, with the one exception of the provisional Government at Guildhall, to shrink from publicity, adopted a policy of absten- tion, and never once appeared in the House of Lords. Ken 1 " Your Royal Father was a Protestant, and liv'd and dy'd in and for that Profession, and I could heartily wish that your Majesty was so too : For then we might quickly hope to see an end of our present miseries in a shoit time " (p. 1). " If , through the Divine Blessing, they (the arguments against Rome) should he made efficacious to cause your Majesty to reiurn to and embrace the Religion, professed even unto Death by your Royal Father, it would he the Joy and Rejoicing of all your people " (p. 4.) 32 11KV0IXTI0N OF 1688. [ciiap. xix. voted in every division for a Regency, and his friend Turner was conspicuous as a speaker, on the same side, both in the debates of the Lords and in their conferences with the Com- mons. The record of Ken's votes will sufficiently indicate the line which he took in the great questions which were at issue. The first act of the Convention was to order a public thanks- giving for the " great deliverance from Popery and arbitrary power," of which the Prince of Orange had been the " gracious instrument ; " and he, with ten other Bishops, five of whom were afterwards Non- jurors, accepted the task of drawing up the form of prayer to be used on that occasion. 1 On the same day Ken acquiesced in the unanimous address to the Prince, confirming to him the administration of affairs. On the 28th the Commons, after a vain attempt on the part of some of the peers to forestall their action by meeting on the 25th, passed their memorable resolution, that the King, " having endea- voured to subvert the constitution of the kingdom, by break- ing the original contract between King and people, and by the advice of Jesuits and other wicked persons, having violated the fundamental laws, and having withdrawn himself out of the kingdom, had abdicated the government, and that the throne had thereby become vacant." Macaulay says, with some severity, that " perhaps, there never was a sentence written by man which could bear minute and severe criticism less than this." It assumed, to start with, a theory — that of the " original contract " — which was historically untenable, 1 The Bishops (I indicate the future Non-jurors by italics), were Compton, Sprat, Turner, Lloyd (of Norwich), Lake, Frampton, Km, White, Harlow, and Trelawny. It was a curious illustration of the chances and changes of the time that some of them (Ken being one) had taken part in drawing up the prayers that -J ami s directed to be used at the time of William's so-called invasion. In this rase, as before, the prayers were drawn up with a singular caution and com- pFehensiveness, avoiding the burning questions of the time, and expressing tho feelings in which all, or nearly all, could concur. Of the Thanksgiving form, Macaulay says that it was '• perfectly free from the adulation and from tho malignity by which such compositions won; in that age too often deformed, and Sustains, better, perhaps, than any occasional service which has been framed during two centuries, a comparison with that great model of chaste, lofty, and pathetic eloquence, the Book of Common Prayer" (chap. x.). It and tho prayer which was ordered to be used daily for the Prince recognised him as the divinely sent '• Defender of our Laws and Religion," a "mighty deliverer" from tin " intolerable yok< ofth( tiomiah Chur< h." A . D . 1688—89.] KEN'S ACTION IN THE CONVENTION 33 and had never been recognised except by the judges who condemned Charles I. It was less consistent than they had been, in treating the violation of fundamental law and desertion, not as leading to forfeiture, but as an act of abdication, at the very moment when James was asserting his rights to the full. It violated the two principles of English law, that " the King can do no wrong," and that " the King never dies," and by affirming that the throne was vacant, set aside the claims alike of the infant Prince of Wales and of James's two daughters, and substituted an elective monarchy (the words " vacant throne " implied that it was a throne that was to be thus filled up) resting on a Parliamentary vote, alike for the prescriptions of English law and the doctrine of Divine Right. With the exception of that word " throne," it affirmed all that the most zealous Republican could contend for. All that can be said for it is, that it was a compromise, that it was made to catch votes in many different directions, that it caught them, and was thus successful. We may be well content, as I am for one, with the outcome of the whole, but not the less can I sympa- thise with Ken and others, as they scrutinised the phrases that involved the upturning of all that they had before contended for. On the 2yth, Ken joined in the unanimous vote for the declaration, "that it was found by experience to be incon- sistent with the safety and welfare of the Protestant religion to be governed by a Popish Prince " — (we note the change from the time when the bishops and clergy had been prominent in opposing the Exclusion Bill of 1678), — the Lords insisting on discussing that question before the resolution of the Commons, but voted in the minority, 51 against 54, as might be expected, for a Regency. 1 Men like Evelyn noted that on the following- day, January 30th, the anniversary of Charles I.'s martyrdom, the public offices and pulpit prayers, the collects and litany for the King and Queen were curtailed and mutilated — it does not appear by what authority — to suit the altered conditions of the time. 2 The tone of the sermons on that day must also, one 1 Ken and Turner were the only two Bishops who voted on that side. (Evelyn, January 29th, 1688.) Sancroft, as has been said, never attended the Convention. 2 Sharp, Dean of Norwich, the Eector of St. Giles' -in-the- Fields, for not suspending whom Compton had been himself suspended, had the courage to read 34 REVOLUTION OF 1688. [chap. xix. imagines, have been somewhat different from that with which congregations had been familiar in former years. On the 31st the Lords discussed the resolution of the Commons, and Ken, as might be expected, voted against the declaration that the throne was " vacant." In this instance he was in a majority of fifty-five to fort} r -one. William, in the meantime, had allowed Bentinck to say to a meeting of peers " that he would not like to be his wife's gentleman usher," and Mary had written a letter to Danby, confirming a statement which Burnet thought himself justified in making, that if ever she came to the throne, she wished to surrender all her power into her husband's hands ; and so the Regency proposal was quashed, and James had addressed a letter to the Convention, as though he was still master of the situation, promising a general pardon, with a few unnamed exceptions. On February 4th Ken voted with the majority who adhered to their objection to the resolution of the Commons. The Commons asked for a conference, which was fixed for February 6th. In the mean- time William called together Halifax, Danby, and Shrewsbury, and other political leaders, and at last broke the silence which had till then been so impenetrable. He more than confirmed what Bentinck had hinted. He would not be Regent. He would not even be a King Consort. He would not " submit to be tied to the apron-strings even of the best of wives." He seemed to leave it doubtful, to Burnet's indignation, whether he would allow her to be more than a Queen Consort. "The Convention were free to take their own course. He was free to take his." There was, after this, no alternative between accepting William's implied demands, swallowing the bitter pill with whatever wryness of face, or the uttermost chaos and confusion. The conference was held, the debates were long. When the Lords returned from the Painted Chamber to their own House it was soon clear that the balance of parties was shifted. Only the whole service before the House of Commons, at St. Margaret's, Westminster, and preached a sermon in the old tone. He narrowly escaped — on the technical ground that he was hound to ignore the resolution which the Commons had passed tho previous day, and of which there had been no official publication — the censure of the House. a.d. 1688—89] KEN'S VOTES IN THE CONVENTION. 35 three peers voted against the proposition that the King had abdicated. The motion " that the throne was vacant " was carried by sixty-two to forty-seven, Ken being in the minority. The resolution " that William and Mary should be declared King and Queen " was carried without a division, but thirty- seven peers, including twelve bishops, of whom Ken was one, entered their protest against it. Of these only five ultimately refused to take the oaths. On February 9th, 10th, 11th, and 12th, he voted consistently against the measures which followed as natural corollaries from the decision already taken ; among others against the new oaths, destined to have so fatal an in- fluence on his own life, and on that of many of his dearest friends, which were to transfer the allegiance, alike of clergy and laymen, to the new sovereigns. On the 12th he left the House of Lords never to enter it again. 1 At some stage in the progress of the Convention he had supported a bill, drawn by Nottingham, for Toleration and Comprehension in matters of doctrine. On the evening of that 12th of February Whitehall witnessed a scene which, if I mistake not, must have brought a keener pain to Ken's heart, when he heard of it, than even the result of the Convention. Mary arrived at the Palace, and instead of appearing impressed with the solemnity of her position, as others were, acted with a strange and unbecoming levity, came " laughing and jolly, as to a wedding," rose early the next morning, and " in her undress, as was reported, " ran from room to room, looking at the furniture, turning up the quilts of the beds with a childish exultation, sitting down within a night or two to play at basset, as her step-mother used to do. 2 Even Burnet was shocked into remonstrating with her, in his character of spiritual director. The explanation which she gave, and which served afterwards as the apologia of her champions, was that William, fearful of the inference that 1 Evelyn records (March 29th) that " the Archbishop of Canterbury and foure other Bishops refusing to come to Parliament, it was deliberated whether they should incur Praemunire ; but it was thought fit to let this fall, and be connived at, for feare of the people, to whom those Prelates were very deare, for the oppo- sition they had given to Popery." 2 Evelyn (Feb. 13th, 1689) ; Strickland, Queens, xi. p. 5. 36 nEVOLUTIOX OF 1688. [cnAr. xix. might be drawn from any apprarance of sadness, had told her that she must look cheerful, and that she, accustomed to im- plicit obedience, had simply over-acted her part. The break- ing-in process had succeeded. Never had Petruchio a more obedient Katherine. "With a sad and sorrowful heart Ken returned to Wells to wait in patience the course of events which he could no longer control, in which he could no longer take even a dissentient part. It lies in the nature of the case that neither he nor Sancroft, nor the other Bishops who thought with them, attended the Court of the new King and Queen, in the Banqueting Room at "Whitehall, in which they received, on February l<3th, from both Houses of the Convention, the offer of the crown. Note. — The Memoirs of Mary, recently published by Dr. R. Dobner (1886), give the results of her self-scrutiny during the eventful years 1688 — 93. They contain a frank and touching confession, in full accordance with what she told Burnet. " And here I was guilty of a great sin. I let myself go on too much, and the devil immediately took bis advantage. Tbe world filled ray mind, and left but little room for good thoughts. The next day after I came we were pro- claimed, and the government put wholly in the Prince's hands. This pleased me extremely, but many would not believe it ; so that I was fain to force myself to more mirth than became me at that time." She adds that she " had been only for a regency " (p. 11.) > ■ , °Ti MEDAL TO COMMEMORATE ACQUITTAL OP SEVEN BISHOPS. CHAPTER XX. " I step, I mount where He has led ; Then count my haltings o'er ; I know them ; yet, though self I dread, I love His precept more." J. H. Newman. HESITATION FINAL DECISION DEPARTURE FROM WELLS. It is not without a sense of relief that I turn from the main stream of English history, in which Ken had been reluctantly compelled to bear a part, to a narrative of more limited scope. I gladly leave the actors in that history — Shrewsbury and Danby, and Churchill and Nottingham, with their rivalries and intrigues, the Scotch, Irish, and foreign policy of William, the Act of Union, the Battle of the Boyne, the massacre of Glencoe — to be with Ken in his retirement. I have had, in justice to him, to tell, as far as he was connected with it, a twice-told tale, in which I expose myself to comparison with the great masters of historical narrative. I now enter on a personal history, within narrower limits, in which, whatever may be my defects, in substance or in style, I shall no longer incur the risk of that comparison. The two letters that follow, written within a few weeks of Ken's withdrawal from the scene of action, will sufficiently indicate the feelings with which he looked forward to the impending future. LETTER XXVI. To Viscount Weymouth. " All Glory be to God. " My very good Lord, " Your Lordship was so well employ'd in a Labour of Love to y e Publiek, y* I could not regrate your absence when I came to VOL. II. D 38 HESITATION— FINAL DECISION. [chap. xx. Longleat. The trueth is, I fully intended to have wayted on you before, but my Cousin Walton being with me & beinge to returne on Saturday, y e desire I had to accompany him so much on his way determin'd me to y 4 day. I will take what care I can in the choice of Convocation Men. I thought the two last had been very steddy, but the current of preferment running at present y e other way, t'is hard in so giddy an age as this, to choose those who will row against the Streame, or those who, though they goe well resolved from us, shall not have their braines turned by y e aire of y e Towne. If y e Parlament thinke fitt to give us more time, 'tis all y e kindnesse they can doe us, & that will be a little respite, but not finally prevent y l mine. God's Holy will be done. I intend, God willing, when the weather grows more temperate, to try my fortune once more ; & I shall not thinke my iourney lost, as long as I find y e good Lady there, & y e young Lady, & M r . Thinne, to whom I beseech your Lordship to present my most Humble Service ; God of His Infinite Goodnesse multiply His blessings on you all. ''Your Lordship's very humble & affectionate Servant, "THO. BATH & WELLS. "March 3rd (168f)." [The "labour of love" is, I take it, Lord Weymouth's attendance in the Convention Parliament, and his efforts to moderate the rigour of the measures contemplated against those who declined to take the oath to the new sovereign. It is only fair to Burnet to note that he took a prominent part in the debates in the House of Lords in urging, as he himself says, "with vehemence," that the deprived Bishops should be excused from taking the oath, unless tendered by the King in Council. He also proposed and carried a clause in the Act of Parliament (1 William and Mar) r , c. viii. sec. 17), authorizing the King to allow to twelve of the Non-juring clergy an allowance out of their benefices, not exceeding one-third, during His Majesty's pleasure. It does not appear that the authority was ever acted on, but Ken was probably one of the twelve in whose favour it was proposed. {Proceedings of Parliament upon the Bill to prevent Occasional Conformity, 1710.) "My Cousin Walton" is Ken's nephew, Izaak Walton, jun., then Canon of Salisbury, who seems to have been with him at Wells. Convocation had been summoned to meet on November 17th, and Ken was clearly anxious as to the line it might take on Church affairs. The proctors actually chosen were Dr. Busby for the Chapter (see i. 202) and William < llement and Giles Pooley for the diocese. Of the two latter I have not as yet lxcri able to learn anything. The prizes of the Church, as, e.g., a little Later in the case of Sherlock, were already beginning to exercise an attractive influence on those who seemed to Ken to be men of mixed motives and unstable cha- racters. The "more time" refers probably to the interval, ultimately fixed as a six months' grace, from suspension on August 1st, 1089, to deprivation on February 1st', I 690, which was to be given to the clergy, in which to make up their minds as to the great question of taking the oaths. He obviously already turns to I.'mgleat as a place where he is sure to find, if not perfect agreement, at all a.d. 1689-91.] « WHOLLY IN THE LARK:' 39 events, a sympathising friendship. The " young lady " and the " Mr. Thinne " are the two children of Lord Weymouth, to whom, in 1685, he had sent copies of his Manual of Divine Love. The form of the oaths was, on the whole, less stringent than that which it replaced. The promissory oath was simply "I, A. B., do sincerely promise and swear that I will be faithful and bear true alle- giance to their Majesties King "William and Queen Mary." It was followed by that rejecting the " damnable doctrine and position . . . ."with which we are familiar. The scruples of Ken and his brother non-jurors obviously turned entirely on the first of the two.] LETTER XXVII. To Viscount Weymouth. " All Glory be to God. " My very good Lord. "It lias been a great disappointment to me y* I could not wait on your Lordship all this while. The trueth is, I had done it, but j b M r . Davis assur'd me you would not be at home till y e end of this weeke. On Thursday last I intended to have done it, but was f eare- f ull to loose my labour & so putt it off to this day, w ch prov'd so bad I could not stir, and iust now, M r . Davis sends me word y l you goe towards London tomorrow, so y* I now despaire of seeing you be- fore you goe. If your Lordship has leasure to enlighten me in a line or two, who am wholly in the dark, & know nothing, & to give me what advice you think fitt for one who is certainly design' d for ruine, you will doe a great act of Charity, & as soon as ever I have perused your Instructions I promise to burne them. God of His Infinite Goodnesse multiply His blessings on your selfe, your Lady and your family. " Your Lordship's most humble & affectionate Servant, "THO. BATH & WELLS. "March loth (168*)." [The projected visit to Longleat did not come off. There is something pathetic in Ken's sense of being " wholly in the dark." A few months before the eyes of England had been fixed on him. He was the observed of all observers. James and Sancroft and Clarendon were inviting him to share their counsels. A few weeks before he had been in the "fierce fight" of the Convention, knowing everything, and taking part in the counsels of one of the great parties of the State. Already there presses on him the sense that he is as a man " designed for ruine " by the vindictive policy of the Whigs, who were now dominant in the House of Commons. That text of his, Et tu quceris tibi grandia ? Xoli qucerere, (i. 139), had proved but too prophetic. All that he could now hope for was that, as with him to whom the words were spoken, his " life should be given him for a prey." The promise to burn his correspondent's letters is not without signifi- cance as to the temper of men's minds in those dangerous days.] d2 40 HESITATION— FINAL DECISION. [chap xx. During those anxious months the question, which must obviously have been uppermost in Ken's mind, was that which was to determine the whole future of his life. Could he take the new oaths or not ? It was, I imagine, not an easy question. He had never, as he himself says, " flown so high " as others had done, into the speculative regions of Filmer's theory of divine hereditary right. He seldom " meddled," in his sermons or otherwise, as he tells Burnet (p. 48), " with the passive obedience" which had been "preached up" by Tillot- son, Burnet himself, and others, who were now foremost among the worshippers of the rising sun. He so far accepted the theory of an implied " original contract " between king and people as to maintain that there might be an Act, such, e.g., as James's rumoured transfer of Ireland to Louis XIV., 1 which, like the sin of unfaithfulness in marriage, would justify a divorce a vinculo between the king and the nation. He had voted for the proposition that no Roman Catholic could safely hold the reins of government in England, and so had accepted the principle of the Exclusion Bill, and secured, as it might well seem, the right relations, as far as that point was concerned, between Church and State. He was prepared, as his subsequent conduct shows, to pay obedience to a king de facto, and, both on this and the preceding ground, he lived in quiet obedience to the law, and held aloof from all conspiracies for James's restoration. He dreaded above all the perpetuation of the schism in the Church, which was sure to follow on the secession of the non-juring bishops and clergy. It was known among the other non-jurors that he was in doubt. Turner wrote to Sancroft on Ascension Hay, 1689, to say that he feared that " this very good man is warp- ing from us and the true interest of the Church, towards a compliance with the new government." He apprehends that " your parson of Lambeth has superfined upon our brother of Bath and Wells." Fitzwilliam wrote to Lady Rachel Russell that he "knew him to be fluctuating," that " the consideration of the peace of the Church " might induce him to comply. Years afterwards, in 1696, Lady Rachel wrote, 2 though in this she, like Burnet, was mistaken, that she knew he had advised others to take the oaths, and had rejoiced that they could take 1 Macaulay, chap. viii. ■ Letters, 98, 14-4. a.d. 1689— 91.] DODWELL, THE LAY DICTATOR. 41 them, though he shrank from doing so himself. Burnet had been told by Dr. Whitby that he had seen a paper, written shortly after Ken's withdrawal from London, which he had pre- pared, persuading the clergy to take the oaths, and by Ken's chaplain, Dr. Eyre, that " he came with him to London, where at first he owned that he was resolved to go to the House of Lords and take the oaths, but that he was prevailed on to change his mind on the first day after he arrived in town." 1 The author of the Life of Kettlewell laments that Turner, dear as he was to Ken, had never been able to "draw him up to the same height as himself in the matter of the oaths." A correspondence with Henry Dodwell, who now, as through- out his life, assumed what Frampton called the position of the great " lay dictator " of the Church, reminding bishops of their duty, and upbraiding them with their weakness and wicked- ness when they did not follow his advice, shows at once the imputations to which Ken was exposed and his sensitiveness under them. Dodwell had written, as we gather from Ken's answer, a strong letter of remonstrance based upon the reports he had heard of his wavering and uncertain counsels. To this Ken replied as follows : — LETTER XX VIII. To Mr. Henry Dodwell. "All Glory be to God. " Sir, — I was surprised to receive a letter from you, having not had y r favour for many yeares, but y e letter itself e did much more surprise me. You are pleased to accuse me of fluctuating, & by y l meanes, of being accessory to very many & great sinnes in others, of scandall & perjury & y e like, and in a very few lines you inculcate y e prevalence of flesh & blood on me, four severall times one after another. I conceive that common kindnesse & equity should have inclined you to have sent to me to know whether y e reports you heard of me were true, before you laid so great a load on me. If there had been ground for them, & I had been falling, you should have endeavoured to restore me w th y e spirit of meeknesse. If I had actually fallen, I do not apprehend I should have deserved such 1 Burnet, 0. T. Book v., 1689. 42 HESITATION— FINAL DECISION. [chap, xx. odious imputations. If I did, I must have condemned a great many wise & good & conscientious men who have allready complyd, w ch I dare not doe. So y i upon the whole, though I perswaded my self e your letter was well intended, yett it was so worded, y* it rather causelessly grieved than convinced me. God of his iustice & good- nesse give us grace, in this and all other di fficulty s, to keepe a con- science void of offence. " Good S r , " Your very affectionate Friend, "THO. BATH & WELLS. u May Uth, 1689." [The chief points in the letter are — (1) the tone of plaintive protest which runs through it. Ken will not retaliate. He will believe that Dodwell's letter was "well intended," even though it had conveyed "odious imputations" against him. (2) There is the fullest recognition that the question of the oaths was not such plain sailing as it seemed to those who rushed, with a rough-and-ready haste, to extreme conclusions. He, for his part, was not prepared to condemn the " many wise and good and conscientious men " who had already complied.] Dodwell answered in a letter, too long to be reproduced in full, in much the same spirit as before. He wonders that Ken should have been " surprised " by his former letter. Was he not bound to watch over the interests of the Church, and to warn his friend of the "sin and scandals" to which his example might lead ? And after all his strong language had only been conditional. He had only spoken on the hypothesis of Ken's compliance as to the oaths, and he had not actually gone beyond a remonstrance with him on his doubts and fluctuations. As for the plea that good men had complied, if taking the oath was a crime, the number of criminals could make no difference. It could never be otherwise than wrong to " follow a multitude to do evil." He exhorts Ken finally to follow the examples of Cyprian and Athanasius and Hosius. Probably Ken felt now, as later on, that even the multitudo peccantium was a plea for charity (p. 193). To this letter Ken returned the following answer : — LETTER XXIX. To Mr. Henry Dodwell. "All Glory be to God. 11 S r , — Your letter followed me intoy e country, in w ch you expresse so reall a kindnesse & hearty concerne for me, y 1 I think my selfe bound to returne you my hearty acknowledgments for them, & I doe withall beg your pardon for my last, w ch I had much rather doe than endeavour to justify it. The very trueth is, when your letter came to my hands I was sick, & my indisposition was y e more a.d. 1689—91.] KEN AND HOOPER. 43 inflamed by finding my selfe so vehemently assaulted & suspected by boeth sides, & my distemper governed my style. I had given you a full & free account of my selfe before this time ; but I could meet with no private hand to conveye it to you, & I thought it not fitt to write by y e post. In short, I am now & allwayes was of your opinion in y e maine, & so I am like to continue, unlesse things change to y* degree y* I may lawfully change allso ; onely in one thing I cannot goe so far as you seeme to doe, in condemning those who are of another perswasion, because I thinke there are more degrees of excusability in what they have done than perhapps you will admit. God of his infinite goodnesse blesse & prosper all your labours of love for His Church. "Good S r , " Your truely affectionate Friend, "T. BATH & AVELLS. "June 12th, 1689." [The meek, apologetic tone of the letter is eminently characteristic. It was in Ken's natural man to flash, under the double pressure of bodily infirmities and unjust imputations from " both sides," into a white heat of indignation, but this was, in all cases that we can trace, followed, after no long interval, by repentance and confusion of face and confession of his fault (p. 149). Most of those who have studied the spiritual life will feel, I think, that this implies a measure of saintliness higher even than that of a more uniform, because more natural, equanimity. We note, however, that, even now, he will not go so far as his correspondent. " Things may change " so far that he himself may "fully change'' with them. James might so act — he is probably thinking once again of Ireland (pp. 10, 49) — as to justify the renunciation of all allegiance to him. Meanwhile he will not condemn those who are of another persuasion, and recognises, in the temper of a true charity, that there are (it was a favourite phrase of his) different " degrees of excusability" (pp. 93, 110).] How painful this fluctuation was, how nearly the scales hung balanced equally, was shown in the fact that he went up, pro- bably, as Turner's letter shows, before Ascension Day, 1689, to consult Hooper, who had taken the oaths : " On parting one night to go to bed, the Bishop seemed so well satisfied with the arguments Dr. Hooper urged to him, that he was inclined to take the oaths/' But the next morning he used these expressions to him: — "I question not but that you and several others have taken the oaths with as good a conscience as myself shall refuse them ; and sometimes you have almost persuaded me to comply by the arguments you have used ; but I beg you to urge them no further ; for should I be persuaded to comply, and after see reason to repent, you would make me the most miserable man II HESITATION— FINAL DECISION. [chap. xx. in the world." "Upon which the Doctor said he would never mention the subject any more to hirn, for God forbid he should take them.*' ' As we know, he adhered finally to that resolve. As far as I can judge the workings of his mind, I take it that there were three dominant elements in his decision. (1) He saw in the oath of allegiance a personal promise to James. It had been given unconditionally and in accordance with the laws of Eng- land, and, the extremest case, as stated above, excepted, he was unable to read into it ex post facto limitations. He clung to the theory of a regency, and could not honestly say that James had abdicated, and therefore, though he might hold that it would be wrong to entrust him personally with the exercise of kingly power, and would obey a de facto ruler, yet he could not recognise another king. (2) He could not admit that Parliament had the dispensing power, against which he had protested when it had been claimed by James. As he would not be accessory to James's violations of the law, so neither could he make himself accessory to the deprivation of his brother bishops and the clergy by a purely secular autho- rity. That would seem to him simple undiluted Erastianism. (3) He shrank with, it may be, a morbid sensitiveness from even appearing to be one of those who changed their voice according to the time, and abandoned all they had been preach- ing for years, for the sake of gaining or retaining high places in the Church. He could not bear to think that men should speak of him as they already spoke of Tillotson and Burnet, as they afterwards spoke of Sherlock, when, following the line of action suggested by Overall's Convocation Book, he took the oaths, and passed from the Mastership of the Temple to the Deanery of St. Paul's. The temper of his mind inclined in quite the opposite direction. If he was in doubt it was safer, in quite another sense than that in which others counted " safety," to take the losing and not the winning side. The via cruris, the path of suffering and sacrifice, brought with it fewer temptations than one of prosperity and ease.' 2 And for 1 ProwBe MS. and Hawkins, p. 30. 2 In 1879, as Canon Jackson informs mo, an old playing card, the deuce of spades, I'll Out of a volume in Ken's library at Lougleat, Priorato's History of the V a.d. 1689—91.] IMPERFECT SYMPATHIES. 45 him the sacrifice was great. He had to part not only from the state and income of his episcopate — that for him would have been but a small thing — but from the flock which he loved, dear to him as his own soul. He at last made his choice, and could only say, as he had said to James on that memorable 8th of June, 1688, " God's will be done." But the very struggles through which he had himself passed gave a very different character to his position from that of most of the other Non-jurors. One of the trials of the years that fol- lowed was, indeed, that he found himself in imperfect sympathy with those with whom he was classed, with whom he was com- pelled to class himself. He shrank from their bitterness and hardness, from their scurrilous libels on men better than them- selves, from the anathemas which they dealt out to those from whom they had separated, from the restless conspiracies of some of them, from the tendency of others to take up a position like that of the Donatists and Montanists of old, as though they, and they only, represented the true Church of Christ in England, and all others were renegades and apostates. He foresaw, more clearly than they did, all the evils of a perpetuated schism. If among them there were men like Kettlewell, Fitz- william, Nelson, of whom the world was not worthy, whose holiness of life had probably contributed, in no small measure, to influence his decision, there were, on the other side, men of equal holiness, of equal wisdom, of equal loyalty to the prin- ciples of the Church of England. He could not and would not blame them. He continued to count Hooper his dearest friend, and he was content to find a home under Lord Weymouth's pro- Wars of Europe, translated by Henry Cary, Earl of Monmouth, in 1648. On the card, which he had apparently used as a hook-marker, were two sentences in Ken's writing. The first of these was, " It is better to hazard one's self in war y n to be sure to lose all in peace." There is no date, but the maxim may, I think, throw light on Ken's motives in his final decision. He preferred the "hazard " of the conflict which lay before him to the certain "loss" of forfeiting what to him was "all," his self-respect, his conscious integrity, by the ignominious " peace" of surrendering his convictions for the sake of place and power, The other sentence does not connect itself with this or any .other special period in Ken's life, but I may as well quote it here : " Y e sun in a direct way enlightens ye object, but confounds the organ." Could this have been suggested by the prayer of Ajax, " iv Se <.)from the Lansdowne MSS. in the British Museum, 987. A form of the Petition, with a blank left for the name of the Diocese, is Pound in tlit- Additional MSS. of the British Museum L 3,2096 (403), as if it had been prepared for general use. a .d. 1689—91.] KIDDER'S APPOIXTHEXT. 51 Clarendon, 1 it was, probably, with a view to see if any such arrangement were feasible. No such modus vivendi was, however, possible. The patience of the Government was at last exhausted ; public feeling had been excited during the spring and summer of 1690, as we shall see in the next chapter, by real or pretended plots, in which some of them were, and others were supposed to be, implicated ; and after waiting for more than a year, on or about April loth, 1691 (Evelyn notes the fact on the 19th), the Non- juring Bishops were formally deprived, and steps taken for the appointment of their successors. 2 Tillotson was made Arch- bishop of Canterbury, Patrick was translated to Chichester, Fowler went to Gloucester, Bath and Wells was offered to Beveridge. The choice seems to indicate a desire on Mary's part to send a man who would, in all the great questions of Church doctrine and ritual, be in sympathy with Ken. He, however, though he had no scruple as to the oath, was troubled in mind at the thought of taking a bishopric in the life- time of a deprived predecessor, and went to Sancroft for advice (Evelyn, May 7th, 1691). The Archbishop advised him strongly to " say Nolo, and say it from the heart/' but hardly seems to have thought that Beveridge would have acted, as he did, on his counsel. 3 On Beveridge's refusal, after three weeks' deliberation, it was offered to Richard Kidder, then Rector of St. Paul's, Covent Garden, and he accepted it. 4 1 Clarendon ii. p. 227. 2 William was in Holland, and the conges d'elire, &c, were signed by Mary and sealed with her private seal (Wells, Chapter Acts). 5 It is a curious illustration of the current belief that Beveridge had accepted, that bis name actually appears as Bishop of Bath and Wells, in an almanack published in the spring of 1691. So a French news-letter, dated May 29, 1691, reports that Beveridge, after accepting, had changed his mind, because Ken was reported to be about to take proceedings in the Court of King's Bench against his deprivation, and that he had called his clergy together to support him in that course. The writer, in his next letter, June 5 (May 26), 1691, reports that the affair of the Bishops was not yet finished, and that this was mainly owing to the action of Dr. Ken, who, not content with stirring up the clergy, was also stirring up the Bishops. It was even probable that Tillotson' s consecration, fixed for Whit Sunday, might have to be postponed. (Hist. MSS., Comm. Hep. vii., 197-8). 4 See Appendix to this Chapter for Kidder's life. 52 HESITATION— FIXAL DECISION. [chap. xx. What Ken thought of his successor is seen in the following letter : — LETTER XXXI. To Mrs. Grigge. "All Glory be to God. " Good Mrs. Grigge, " I hope you received mine by y e post, in answer to your last : one of my neighbours brings this, & I have sent you y e poore woman's paper ; I told you it was for a gentile-woman of my acquaintance. She fancied it was for some great Lady, & brought it me in y e style I now send you, with w ch you might despence, unlesse you desire to have it in another, w ch , when I goe next to Winchester, I can easily have done. "If you heare any thing from my friend, direct your letter not to me, but to Mr. Isaac Walton, Eectour of Polshallt ; to be left at y e poste house in y e Devizes, for to his house I am now, God willing, going, for some time, partly for my health, partly to avoid y fc odium under w ch I lye, & cheif ely from my Brethren ; God f oregive them for it, & having done all I can think proper for me to doe, to assert my Character, y e doing of w ch has created me many enemies, as I ex- pected it should. " My B r of G. is I heare out of harmes way, in Wales at y e pre- sent, but I have received nothing from him. "My best respects to my good mother, & to deare Miss, who, I doubt not, but behaves hereselfe with all y* Decency, & piety, & humility, as becomes y e daughter not onely of a Bishop, but of a Bishop in affliction. " D r Kidder is now said to be my Successour or rather supplant er. He is a person of whom I have no knowledge. God of his Infinite goodnesse Multiply his blessings on your selfe, & on my good friends with you, & enable us to doe, & to suffer His most Holy Will. 11 Your very affectionate friend " THOS. BATH & WELLS. -June 1th, 1691." [The fact of Ken's writing thus familiarly to a Mrs. Grigge, who does not appear in the main narrative of his life, has perplexed his biographers. Ander- don (p. GO-0) conjectures that it was a pseudonym for Bishop Lloyd, adopted to erade the opening of the letter by the Post Office. It is clear that the Non- juring Bishopfl knew that their correspondence was thus tampered with, and so Ken directs nearly all his letters for the deprived Bishop of Norwich, to " Mrs. a.d. 1689— -91.] MRS. GRIGGK 53 Hannah Lloyd." In this very letter he requests that a letter for him may be directed to Mr. Izaak Walton, and in another instance (p. 124) to Mr. Jones, at Walton's house in Sarum Close. Commonly, perhaps, Ken's correspondence was protected by his residence at Longleat. Miss Strickland {Seven Bishops, p. 190) gives a letter from Mrs. Grigge, or Grigg, and says that she was a rela- tion of Francis Turner's, staying at the Palace at Ely. Fox Bourne's Life of Locke shows her to have been one of two sisters with whom Locke corres- ponded on terms of fraternal affection. Her husband, the Rev. Thomas Grigg, of Trinity College, Oxford, was Chaplain to Bishop Henchman, of London, and Rector of St. Andrew Undershaft. He died in 1670. Locke speaks of him as vir optimus. In 1680 we find Locke writing to her as travelling with a youth of good family in France. In 1689 he writes to her as "Dear Sister," and after that, she was in the family of Bishop Patrick, of Ely. It is probable enough that she may have been governess to Francis Turner's daughter. Turner mentions her in the "Ascension Day" (1689) letter, already quoted (p. 40), as having received a letter from Ken. She herself had been left, in her widowhood, with one daughter, who by this time must have been over twenty. The internal evidence of the letter is in favour of its being written to some one closely connected with Turner. The ex-Bishop of Ely was in hiding, and it was probably of him that Ken wished to hear news when he asked after "my friends." The " odium," under which he lay, was the report that he was going after all, to take the oaths. The "brethren" who had spread that report were probably Dodwell and Hickes. The " brother of G." is Robert Frampton, Bishop of Gloucester, who also refused to take the oaths, and was suspected, like other Bishops, of being connected with the conspiracy of 1690. 1 The "good mother" is, on this hypothesis, Turner's mother, who kept house for him at Ely after his wife's death, and the " dear Miss," his daughter, then nine years old. The manner in which Ken speaks of his successor, though it does not express more than personal non-acquaintance, implies, I think, something beyond this. He did not know him, and did not wish to know. From first to last the tone in which Ken mentions him (he does not often do so) is that of a thoroughly antipathetic nature. What is said of Kidder in the note to this chapter will show, if I mistake not, that there were reasonable grounds for the antipathy. Anderdon gives only a part of the letter. It is found in full in the British Museum {Add. MSS., 32.095, f . 387). I am indebted to Mr. R. C. Browne for a more accurate transcript than that given by Round.] Kidder's consecration, and that of three other of the new Bishops, took place at Bow Church, on August 30th, 1691. The manner in which Ken acted on hearing of this decisive step may be best given in his own words, in a letter written by himself some years afterwards : — 1 A letter of Frampton's to Lloyd, of Norwich (February, 169-g-), sends a message of respects to our good brother of Ely, our other brother of Bath and Wells, and " Madam Philomela," Turner's daughter, the " little Miss " of Ken s letter. VOL. II. E 5 1 HESITATION— FINAL DECISION [chap. xx. LETTER XXXII. To the Rev. Mr. Harbin. "All Glory be to God. " Good Mr. Harbin, " I well remember y l you told me, you were to pay some debts for your mother, but y e sume of £300 I am confident y l you did not mention, & I am unwilling to putt you to any streights. You tell mo y l Mr Pitts censures y e deprived Bishopps, for not asserting their Eights, in a publick manner, at their Deprivation. If he putts me among y e Number, he does me wrong, for I, at y e time, in my Cathedrall, w ch was y e proper place, from my Pastrall Chaire, pub- licldy asserted my Canonicall Bight, professing y l I esteemd my selfe y e Canonicall Pastour {Bishop ?) of y e Diocese, & y* I would be ready on all occasions to performe my Pastorall duty : this I did, when all were devoted to y e Revolution. I watched for some ex- pressions, w ch they might informe of particularly; it was then urged y* I said I was y e Lawfull Pastour, Insomuch y* I was faine to appeal to some lesse byassd, whether my word was not Canonicall, w ch I usd, as most proper, & as a word y' y e Law was a stranger to, & I professed, y* not being able to make y 4 Declara- tion to y e whole Diocese, I made it virtually to all, by making it in y e Mother Church {Market Square ?). What others of my Brethren did I knowe not ; but I acted as Uniformly as I could. Pray lett good Mr Jenkins know this, and lett Mr Pitts know it, if you chance to meet him. Probably, I may have y° copy of my Decla- ration, among my papers at Longleat. I beseech [pray to) God to restore my good Lord, I shall be extreamely Glad to hear y t He goes abroad, God keepe us in His Holy fear. "Your very affec. friend & B r "T. B. & W. "Dec. Wt (I709r)" [Harbin, to whom Ken writes, was then Chaplain to Lord Weymouth. He was of Cambridge, had been Chaplain to Francis Turner, and was a Non-juror. Curiously enough he had been, in early youth, Kidder's private pupil. Ken was, of course, much associated with him in his retirement at Longleat, and al- ways speaks of him with strong personal affection (see p. 108). The letter was probably written in 1709, in answer to a pamphlet that had appeared, "The Character of a Primitive Bishop, in a Letter to a Non-juror," in which the writer argued that the acquiescence of the deprived Bishops in the appointment of their successors, and their retirement from all Episcopal duties in their several dioceses, virtually amounted to a oession, and thai those successors were accord- a.d. 1689-91.] PROTEST IN THE CATHEDRAL. 55 ingly not intruders. Possibly, however, it may have been in reply to Burnet himself, who in 1696 had published a Vindication of Archbishop TiUotson, and if so, it was written at an earlier date. I have not been able to ascertain who Mr. Pitts was ; probably a Non -juror who felt the force of the ' ' implied cession ' ' argument. Ken says that in his case there had not been the shadow of foundation for such an argument. He had protested ; he was ready to perform his pastoral duties. As a matter of fact, it is probable that, like Frampton, he, from time to time, confirmed the children of Non-juring- families, catechised or preached in churches, and officiated, as he did {e.g., on Kettlewell's death), at funerals, and other occa- sional services. Some instances of this will meet us further on. The Govern- ment, either, as I think probable, under Mary's influence, who said that ''Though Ken and Frampton wished to be martyrs she would do her best to disappoint them," or because it was known that both these prelates held aloof from all political conspiracies, connived in their instance at a greater freedom than was allowed to others. (Evans, pp. 190, 204.) More than a year, as we have seen, had been allowed to intervene between the time when they were legally deprived and their actual expulsion. The distinction between " canonical " and " legal " Bishops seems to me eminently characteristic of one who had been trained in the school of Sanderson. He would not deny the validity of Kidder's acts in the sight of the law of the State ; he was bound to maintain that they were not in accordance with the law of the Church. The point had clearly been raised, and he relies on the accuracy of his memory as to having said "canonical." Mr. Jenkins is to me as little known as Mr. Pitts (but see p. 186). The " good Lord " is clearly Lord Weymouth. No copy of Ken's Declaration is, as far as I know, extant. Round and Anderdon make Ken say that he read it also in the "Market Place" of Wells, but I am assured by Mr. R. C. Browne, who has kindly transcribed the original for me, that " Mother Church " is the true reading. It would hardly have been in accord- ance with Ken's character to appeal to the demos. On the other hand, Turner is reported to have read his protest in the Market Place of Ely. (Strickland, Bishops, p. 199.) The words in italics represent Round's readings.] It seems probable that that memorable day on which Ken read his protest from his throne in the Cathedral was his last appear- ance in the Church which he loved so dearly, until, many years afterwards, he, perhaps, appeared there in another character and with very different feelings (p. 195). It was followed soon after- wards, we must believe, by his departure from his palace. There must have been partings, of which we have no record, from the Cathedral clergy, with whom, though they did not follow his example, he had always been on the friendliest terms ; from the poor, who had been his Sunday guests ; from the boys, whom he had catechised and confirmed, and to whom he had administered their first Communion. And now all was over. Those six happy years — happy as far as his work in his diocese was concerned — had come to an end, and he left his home, not e2 56 HESITATION— FINAL DECISION. [chap. xx. knowing what the future had in store for him, full of anxious forebodings for himself, for his flock, for the Church at large. Like Turner, when he left Ely, he might have quoted Milton, and said that he " took, not through Eden, his solitary way," and had "the world before him, where to choose." l And so the die was cast, and Ken entered by his own choice on the life which, though he never left his native land, was for him practically the life of an exile. And in his case, as in that of other exiles, it is difficult, in the years that followed, to track his w r anderings, just as, to speak from my own recent experience, it is difficult to track the wanderings of Dante in his exile. In each case, we know there was a home open for the fugitive. What Can Grande's palace at Yerona was for the one, Lord Weymouth's stately mansion at Longleat was for the other. Other houses were also open to him, chiefly, of course, though not exclusively, among the Non-jurors. 2 Poulshot, where Izaak Walton, junior, was Rector ; the houses of Mrs. Thynne, at Leweston, near Sherborne ; of Colonel Phillips, between Long- leat and Bath ; of the Misses Kemeys, of Naish House, near Portishead, Bristol ; that of Mr. Cherry, of Shottesbrook ; of Thomas Cheyney, his former chaplain, the Head Master of Winchester College from 1700 ; of Archdeacon Sandys ; occa- sional visits, too, under the constraint of illness, to Bath and the Hot Wells at Clifton. At all these we meet with him from time to time ; but dates are so uncertain for the most part that I abandon, at this stage, the attempt to record his wanderings from place to place in strict chronological order, and think it better to treat first, in as clear an order as I can, of the life which was more or less public, and in which he was associated in various ways, if not with the main stream of the nation's life, yet, at all events, with that side-current of Church history in which we follow the windings of the Non-juror movement, and to reserve the treatment of the more private episodes of his fortunes for a distinct chapter. Anyhow, we have to remember that the life of the exile was one of poverty. He had had to borrow from Morley's nephew the large sum which was required to meet the expenses of enter- ing on his episcopate. His income of £850 scarcely sufficed 1 Strickland, BUhopty p 208. - Anderdon, p. 027. a.d. 1689—91.] WANDERIXGS AXD PRIVATIONS. 57 for more than his ordinary ^r expenses and lavish chari- ties. When the chances of Loxgleat. tenure threw the large sum of £4,000 into his hands on the renewal of a lease, he treated it, as we have seen, as strictly a deodand, and gave the greater part of it to the fund for the relief of the Huguenots. What he actually started with, as a fund for the chances of the future, was £700, the proceeds of the sale of his effects at the Palace at Wells, his library excepted. 1 It was, perhaps, with some insight into his friend's character, as likely before long to get rid of his £700, as he used, in old Oxford days, to empty his pocket of small cash when he went out for a walk (i. 52), that Lord Weymouth proposed to change the capital in hand into a life annuity of £80, payable quarterly. 2 He always, he himself 1 I mention, only to reject, the two statements which have here and there found credence : (1) That Mary allowed him to retain his prebend in Wells Cathedral, and (2) that Bishop Kidder allowed him one-third of the income of the see. (Granger, Noble's Continuation, p. 101.) There is not the shadow of evidence that he ever held a prebend, and Kidder was as little likely to offer, as Ken to receive, such a pension. 2 I have seen, through the kindness of Canon J. E. Jackson, one of Ken's receipts, now at Longleat, given in due business form, for these payments. 58 HKsiTA TION— FINAL DECISION. [ohap. xx. pays it, refused money which was offered for his own use (p. 122) ; and though there were legacies left him, as e.g. by his friends ]>r. Fitz william and the Misses Kemeys, 1 I question whether he allowed himself to think of these as bestowed for any other purpose than that of enabling him to give help to others who needed it, or seemed to him to need it, more than he did. I cannot doubt that he often felt the pinch of poverty. He could not afford a journey to London (p. 437). We get casual glimpses of a " sorry nag n and of a threadbare cassock. The large hospitality of Longleat was, of course, always open to him ; and he received it with a deep and sincere thankfulness, and with the warmest admiration for his patron's character. Even here, however, there were drawbacks which he sometimes felt keenly. Lord Weymouth, though the protector of !N"on-jurors, was not one himself. The de facto rulers were prayed for in his chapel, if not at first, yet after Anne's succession, and Ken, though like Kettlewell and Nelson and Dodwell, he held that private persons might attend the services of the church where such prayers were said, with a mental reservation, or with some manifestation that they were not joining in them, rather than deprive themselves of the means of grace, felt that he as a public person could not so join (p. 121). 2 The presence of such prayers in the Communion Service must have hindered his joining in that act of Christian fellowship, and I incline to think that the small paten and chalice which he left to the church at Frome must have been chiefly used by him in administering that ordinance to the two or three who were like-minded with himself. It was obviously a relief to him at 1 Dr. Fitzwilliam left Ken the interest of £500 for life, with a reversion to Magdalen College, Oxford. Miss Kemeys left £200, suggesting its application to charitable uses (p. 169). 8 The same reason would obviously keep Ken from Lord Weymouth's parish church of Horningham. Frampton used to preach and read the service in his church at Standish, omitting the names of "William and Mary. Unhappily the Frayer Book was not as elastic as the later Jacobite formulary — 11 God bless the King, God bless the faith's defender, " i ;.,d bless— no harm in blessing — the Pretend* c ; " Who that Pretender is, and who that King, •• Qod bless us all, is quite another thing." a.d. 1689—91.] LONGLEAT. 59 times to leave Longleat to join the " ladies at Naish," Mr. Cherry at Shottesbrook, or other Non-juring families, even though he missed not only the magnificence of Longleat, but, what he prized more, the rich stores of his own library and his patron's. Note. — Ken's feelings on leaving Wells are perhaps represented by a Latin inscription written by him in a copy of Diogenes Laerdus in the Longleat Library : — " Si invenero gratiam in oculis Domini, reducet me. Si antem dixerit mihi, ' Non placet ; ' prcesto stem. Faciat quod bonum est coram se. " Thomas Ken." This inscription is, however, undated, and the form of the signature points to a date before his appointment to his bishopric or after his resignation. The words may possibly have been written when Ken was leaving Winchester for the Hajme or Tangier. 1/ [Note on Longleat. — Sir John Thynne purchased, in 1540, the dissolved Piiory of Longleat. In 1547 he began building a stately mansion on its site, and, ai-cording to an uncertain tradition, employed a John of Padua, who had acted as " Deviser of the King's Buildings to Henry VIII.," as his architect. This house was, however, destroyed by fire in 1568, and Sir John set to work on the construction of another, probably on the same lines but on a yet grander scale. (Canon J. E. Jackson, John of Padua, 1886). Thomas Thynne— "Tom of Ten Thousand " — planted the stately avenue which leads from Frome, and under him and Lord Weymouth it became, as Macauky calls it, "the most magnificent country-house in England." The gardens were laid out in the style of Versailles. Ken's apartments were in the upper part of the house, in what is now the old library, which includes about 1,000 volumes, left by Ken to Lord Weymouth (p. 206). Lord Weymouth was himself a great collector of books, largely of theological works. A point in the grounds, on the way to the parish church of Horningham, is known, from the beauty of its view, as the Gate of Heaven. Ken, as a Non-juror, was not likely to attend the parochial services, but during William's reign Lord Weymouth seems to have had services in his chapel without the " characteristick " prayers (p. 124).] 60 NOTE TO CHAPTER XX. [chap. xx. NOTE TO CHAPTER XX. Bishop Kidder. It does not fall within the plan of this work to give a full bio- graphy of Ken's successor. Some account of Kidder's antecedents may, however, find a fitting place here, if only to explain the tone of dislike, amounting almost to antipathy, with which Ken uni- formly speaks of him, and of which the mere fact that he had accepted the bishopric is no adequate explanation. To him he was as a " Latitudinarian traditor" (p. 133), an " hireling" (p. 143); one who " instead of keeping the flock within the fold encouraged them to stray" (p. 148); even "a stranger ravaging the flock" (pp. 132, 141). Even after Kidder's death he was constrained to write — " Forc'd from my flock, I daily saw with tears A stranger's ravage, two sabbatick years." (Poems, i., Dedication .) We have to see how far Kidder's previous career, and his ad- ministration of the diocese, justified this language. As I review that career, I own that Kidder seems to me almost a representative instance of the class of men of whom I have spoken in chapter ii., who pass with a fair reputation, and with no con- scious baseness, through many changes of political regime, and who are found " ever strong upon the stronger side," always looked upon as " safe" men for preferment to high places in Church or State. Born in 1633, he was educated at Emmanuel College, Cambridge, was elected Fellow under the Commonwealth, and in 1658 was or- dained deacon and priest on the same day by Bishop Brownrigg, of Exeter, at St. Edmundsbury. In 1659 he was appointed Vicar of Stanground, Huntingdonshire, in the gift of his college, but, as he states in the Autobiography printed in Cassan's Lives of the Bishops of Bath and Wells (p. 113), never took either the " Covenant" or the " Engagement " oaths of the Commonwealth period. 1 It lies, in the nature of the case, however, that he must have used the services of the Westminster Directory, and not those of the Prayer Book. In 1 The more scurrilous Non-jurors used to taunt him with having swallowed every oath that came in his way (llarl. MiscelL, v. pp. 263— 70 ; in Auderdon, p. 603) ; but the Bishop's word must be allowed to outweigh their assertions. a.d. 1633—83.] LIFE OF KIDDER. 61 1662 he was deprived under the Act of Uniformity, because he would not subscribe to the Prayer Book, as restored by it, till he had read and considered it, but he still went to the Church's prayers, and did not set up a Meeting House. For two years he continued with- out preferment, officiating in churches in London and the country from time to time. At the end of this period he was ready to sub- scribe, and held in succession the livings of Payne Parva, near Braintree, Essex (1664), St. Helen's, St. Martin's Outwich, London (1674), and the Preachership of the Rolls Chapel. In the position which he thus gained he soon acquired a reputation as a popular preacher, and Lady Warwick speaks of his sermons in her Diary in almost the same terms as of Ken's (i. 88). He must have been looked on as having strong sympathies with the High Church party, for Robert Nelson recommended him to Tillotson, then Dean of St. Paul's, for the living of Barnes, and Sancroft, who, as Dean of St. Paul's, had given him St. Helen's, offered him in 1688 that of Sundridge. More startling still, we find Cartwright, James's Bishop of Chester, the basest of his tools, the man whom he sent to do his dirtiest work at Oxford in the Magdalen Commission, the boon companion of Tyrconnel, who held consultations with Father Petre and Laybourne (Vicar Apostolic) on Sundays at White- hall, writing to Kidder in 1686, soon after his appointment, and inviting him and his wife and daughter to dinner in 1687. 1 One can scarcely resist the conclusion that he had his eye on Kidder, as a man who, like others, " had his price." When the Revolution came he was again found on the winning side. He was a good preacher and a fair scholar, and his appointment by William and Mary to the Deanery of Peterborough was one thoroughly respectable. His own account 2 of the way in which he was led to accept Ken's bishopric is eminently characteristic. He " waited on their Majesties as chaplain" in the spring of 1691. Tillotson proposed that he should take Peterborough, vacant by White's deprivation. He " refused it absolutely, and gave his reasons." He heard of Beve- ridge's refusal of Bath and Wells, and hoped that the " reasons" he had given would prevent his being tempted with any like offer. He went back to Norwich, where he held a prebend, and wrote to a friend that he ' • would not be so stiff as absolutely to refuse a Bishopric, excepting that of Bath and Wells, which I was not willing to take." His friend gave Tillotson the first half of the message (for it was clearly meant to be a message) and suppressed 1 Diary, pp. 9, 13, 67. 2 Autobiography , in Cassan., Bishops of Bath and Wells, ii., pp. 142 — 144. 62 NOTE TO CHAPTER XX. [chap. xx. the second. Kidder know, indeed, very well that lie " should be able to do less good if he came into a Bishopric void by depriva- tion," but he began to recognise that those who had succeeded the deprived prelates were " men of whom the world was not worthy." But, alas ! messengers " more and more honourable than before" came "with the rewards of divination in their hands" (we seem almost to be reading a chapter in the autobiography of Balaam) ; and when he was at his deanery, a letter came from Tillotson, who told him that the Queen had nominated him for Bath and Wells, and that the Earl (probably Nottingham), through whose influence he had been made Dean, had said that he must not refuse it. He was in much consternation — " had seldom known anything like it " — (that "seldom" seems to me to imply half-suppressed reminiscences of similar conflicts) —and he was in sore perplexity. If he accepted, there would be " trouble and envy." If he refused, why, he would only be attacked, as Beveridgo had been, by Stillingfleet and other pamphleteers: and so he accepted, "not," of course, as he after- wards wrote, " against his conscience," but "if the thing were to do again, he would not do it." He had "often repented of his accepting it, and looked on it as a great infelicity." The record of trouble and vexation that follows shows that his worst anticipations were fulfilled. He found himself unloved. The Dean and Chapter opposed him because he admitted Nonconformist ministers — as they thought without adequate caution — to holy orders, and would not attend his ordinations. A disreputable physician in Wells, of the name of Morrice, gave him infinite domestic worry by engaging the affections of one of his daughters. In one instance, however, there was something like a worthy " fruit of repentance." He was told in 169? — here again we note what men expected of him — that he must go up to the House of Lords and vote for the bill for Sir John Fenwick's attainder. He said that he must wait to know the merits of the case. The answer was, "Don't you know whose bread you eat?" and at last the better nature of the man broke out, and he replied, " I eat no man's bread but poor Doctor Ken's." On this occasion he adhered to his resolve, and voted, to show his principles, against the bill. At last the well-known end came, aid on the night of the great gale of November 26th, 1703, Kidder and his wife were killed by the fall of a stack of chimneys through the roof into their bed- room. That catastrophe will meet us at a later stage, but I will notice here two Local traditions connected with it : (1) It was bo- Ueved (SO Defoe writes in his account of the Storm) that the Bishop had said shortly before his death, in a burst of passion, that he a.d. 1633 -1703.] KIDDER'S EPITAPH. G3 would rather " the roof of his house should fall on him " than that he should do so and so. 1 (2) It was reported that, not long before, when one of the guests at a dinner at the Palace remained standing for want of a seat, the Bishop ordered a chair to be brought for him. The guest looked at it and shuddered. " I can't sit on that. It's all covered with blood." On that chair, it was believed in Wells, the corpse of the Bishop was subsequently carried out of his bedroom after his death. 2 On the other hand, it may be noted, that he enjoyed a consider- able reputation as a Hebrew scholar ; that he defended Christianity against the Jews, and the Pentateuch against free -thinking critics ; that among the scholars of the Continent, Le Clerc and Limborch recognised him as one for whose good opinion they were anxious ; that, so far as I know, there is nothing to show that he ever thought of Ken with bitterness or treated him with disrespect. The tradition that he assigned him one-third of the income of the see is, I fear, as I have said elsewhere (p. 57 ».), unsupported. The epitaph on the tomb in Wells Cathedral erected to his memory, at a cost of £300, under the will of his unmarried daughter, who died in 1728, is, I think, singularly touching, as showing the reverence which she felt for the man who had been ousted by her father. The lines referring to him are, I think, worth printing : — ' ' Decessoris optimi hoxoribus exuti hlnc miseratio, ixde desiderium, hostes immerexti suscitaverunt, Mite diu exercituros ixgexium, publicisque damxa curis allaturos | moribus tandem queis nulli saxctiores (Rarissima eelicitate) CONCESSUM Ut sua Kexno ixcolumi fama, Sua Kiddero eirmaretur digxitas ; Ut PARTIUM RIX.E PEXITUS silerext, Kexxusque Kidderusque, Ille prixcipi, hic reipublic^e, Oper.e eideliter XAVATAE MUTUIS LAVDIBUS ORXAREXTUR." I should be glad to trace the author of the epitaph, but hitherto I have failed in doing so. 1 Defoe, Narrative of Storm. 2 Letter from the late Rev. \V. Dodd to E. H. P. CHAPTER XXI. KEN AND THE NON-JURORS TO THE DEATH OF MARY. " Keep Thou my feet ; I do not ask to see The distant scene, — one step enough for me." J. II. Newman. It was soon to be brought home to Ken's experience that the lot of those on the losing side in a revolution brings with it other and sharper sufferings than the loss of income and home and rank. The beginning of those troubles indeed leads us to go back upon our steps to those early months of 1690, in which we have seen Ken and other bishops coming up to Lon- don, to discuss the possibility of a modus Vivendi with a govern- ment to which they, and the clergy who thought with them, could not swear allegiance. Might they be permitted, e.g. f to exercise such pastoral functions as did not involve the utter- ance of prayers for William or Mary ? Might they be allowed to omit names in the State prayers ? Might they, if this were not feasible, have some portion of the incomes of which they were deprived assigned them for a maintenance ? We who read their letters know what they met to dis- cuss. 1 But to the politicians of the time, these consultations were the starting point of incessant rumours and praoternatural suspicions. What secret meetings of aristocrats were to the mob of Paris in the French Revolution, that these gatherings at Lambeth were to the mob of London. Were these Bishops hatching treasonable plots, planning schemes for James's re- storation, inviting the French king to invade England ? A state of mind like this, surcharged with electricity, is apt to be 1 Bancroft's, Turner's, Lloyd's, Ken's, are all extant, and we have also Clarendon's I>imy. AtD . 1689—94.] THE NON-JURORS 1 LITURGY. (?) 65 explosive, and soon there supervened on it that which led natu- rally to an explosion. The Government had ordered March 12th to be kept as a fast-day, with special forms of prayer for William's personal safety and for the success of his campaign in Ireland. Suddenly, scattered broadcast over England, there appeared another Form of Prayer, which might well seem to be a counter- demonstration, an intercession for William's failure, and for James's restoration. No one knew who drew it up or sent it out ; but it was circulated widely and simultaneously by thousands. 1 Whether it was sent to the Non-juring Bishops there is no evidence to show. It soon came to be generally believed that they were its authors. They held their peace, as far as public action was concerned, and trusted to time to let the popular agitation calm itself. On June 30th, however, the day before the battle of the Boyne, the English and Dutch fleets were defeated by the French under De Tourville, off Beachy Head. The enemy's ships were masters of the Channel. They might have done as the Dutch fleet had done in June, 1667, and sailed into the Thames and Medway to destroy the ships that were anchored there. The excitement throughout England, especially, of course, in London, was immense, and, as one result there came out a pamphlet, also of unknown authorship, bearing the title, A Modest Enquiry into the present Disasters, and who they are that brought the French fleet into the Channel 2 The pamphlet was sufficiently venomous, more personal, and therefore more dangerous, even than the Sherborne proclamation. The Non- juring Bishops were reviled as the " Lambeth Club," the " Holy Jacobite Club," the " High-flown Passive-Obedience Men," the " (Ecumenic Council of the whole party," and any number of like epithets. Even the clergy who had taken the oaths are abused as " cheating the world with ridiculous and foolish distinctions, playing fast and loose with Almighty God," " wretches, great contrivers and managers of cabals." Over and above the general abuse, some taunts are levelled specially at Ken. 1 See Note at end of Chapter for a discussion of the authorship of the Jacobite Liturgy and of the Modest Enquiry. 2 Other pamphlets were published on the same subject, notably one bearing the title of Reflections upon a Form of Prayer lately set forth, §c. M KEN TO THE DEATH OF MARY. [chap. xxi. " Amongst the collectors for the Hohj Club, there must be one Fellow that ate King William's bread," one of whose arts was " to persuade silly old women to tell down their dust for carrying on 60 pious a work," i.e. " to work a mine under- ground in order to a general assault." Over and above this onslaught there is the specific charge that they, " our high- priest and the rest of the gang, " had sent over an address to Louis XIV., the opening words of which were quoted as if the writer had it before him, " Great and resplendent Monarch ! The resplendent rays of your Majesty's virtues have rendered all the world your adorers." .... and so on, in a strain of fulsome adulation. It concluded with a suggestion, in the usual formula of inciting a mob to acts of outrage, that " it was a wonder that the English nation," under the affront of their defeat at sea, " had not in their fury Be- Wilted some of these men." "The crimes of the two unhappy brothers in Holland which gave rise to this word, were not fully so great as some of theirs." l Matters now began to look serious. " The Jacobites all over England kept out of the way and were afraid of being fallen upon by the rabble." 2 Bishop Lloyd's London house in Old Street was attacked by the mob, and he had to take sanctuary with his wife and child in the Temple for personal safety. 3 A like fate might have befallen Sancroft at Lambeth any day, or Turner at Ely House. The accused Bishops took council as to issuing a disclaimer. Turner drew up a draft form and submitted it to Sancroft, Lloyd, and Ken. The last suggested amendments as in the following letter — LETTER XXXIII. To Archbishop Sancroft. " All Glory be to God. "May it please your Grace, " I have drawne up another forme, which to me seemos more proper tiian the other, it being short, therefore lesse liable to cavills, 1 Bee i. 185. 2 Burnet, 0. 21, Book v., 1G90. 3 Letter from Bibhop Lloyd in Anderdon, p. 563. a.d. 1689-94.] THE BISHOPS' DECLARATION. 67 and more convenient for dispersing, and I thinke as fnll as the former; I submit it to your Grace's judgment, and I send it tlius early, that you may have the longer time to consider it. " Your Grace's most obedient Servant and Son, Thos. B. akd W. "July 17, 1690." The form of this Declaration, after much revising, was finally settled as follows : — " The Declaration of William, Lord Archbishop of Canterbury, and of sever all of his Suffragans, whose names are underwritten. " Whereas in a late pamphlet, entitled, *A Modest Enquiry into the Causes of the present Disasters, fyc? we, whose names are hereunto sub- scribed, are among others represented as the authors and abettors of England's miseries ; and nnder the abusive names of the Lambeth- Holy- Club, the Holy -Jacobite- Club, and the (Ecumenich Council of the whole Party, are charged with a Third Plot, and with the composing of a New Liturgy, and nsing it in our Cabals ; and whereas the Clergy, such of them as are styled malecontents, are said (together with others) to have presented a Memorial to the King of France, to per- suade him to invade England ; and are also affirmed to have kept a constant Correspondence with M. de Croissy in order therennto : ' ' We do here solemnly, as in the presence of God, protest and declare, " 1. That these accusations cast upon us are all of them malicious calumnies, and diabolical inventions ; that we are innocent of them all ; and we defy the libeller (whoever he be), to produce, if he can, any legal proof of our guiltiness therein. "2. That we know not who was the author of the New Liturgy, as the libel calls it ; that we had no hand in it, either in the Club, Cabal, or otherwise ; nor was it composed, or published by our order, consent, or privity ; nor hath it been used at any time by us, or any of us. " 3. That neither we, nor any of us, ever held any Correspondence, directly or indirectly, with M. de Croissy, or with any minister or agent of France : and if any such Memorial, as the libel mentions, was ever really presented to the French King, we never knew anything of it, nor anything relating thereto. And we do utterly renounce both that, and all other invitations suggested to be made by us, in order to any invasion of this kingdom by the French. " 4. That we utterly deny, and disavow all Plots charged upon us, or contrived or carried on, in our meetings at Lambeth ; the 68 KEN TO THE BE ATE OF MARY. [chap. xxi. intent thereof being to advise how, in our present difficulties, we might best keep consciences void of offence towards God and toward* man. "5. That we are so far from being the authors and abettors of England's miseries (whatever the spirit of lying and calumny may vent against us) that we do, and shall to our dying hour, heartily and incessantly pray for the peace, prosperity and glory of Eng- land ; and shall always, by God's grace, make it our daily practice to study to be quiet, to bear our Cross patiently, and to seek the good of our Native Country. " Who the author of this Libel is we know not : but whoever he is, we desire, as our Lord hath taught us, to return him good for evil : he barbarously endeavours to raise in the whole English nation such a fury, as may end in Be- Witting us (a bloody word, but too well understood!). But we recommend him to the Divine mercy, humbly beseeching God to forgive him. ' ' We have all of us, not long since, either actually, or in full preparation of mind, 1 hazarded all we had in the world in opposing Popery and arbitrary power in England : and we shall by God's grace, with greater zeal again sacrifice all we have, and our very lives too, if God shall be pleased to call us thereto, to prevent Popery, and the arbitrary power of France, from coming upon us, and prevailing over us ; the persecution of our Protestant brethren there being still fresh in our memories. "It is our great unhappiness that we have not opportunity to publish full and particular answers to those many libels, which are industriously spread against us. But we hope that our country will never be moved to hate us without a cause, but will be so just and charitable to us, as to believe this solemn protestation of our innocency. "Signed; W. Cant. W. Norwich. " Printed in the year 1690. Er. Ely. Tho. Bath and Wells. Tho. Petriburgh. " We are well assured of the concurrence of our absent Brother, the Bishop of Gloucester, as soon as the copy can be transmitted to him" 2 1 The latter clause is added to include Lloyd and Frampton, who were not actually of the number of the Seven. The allusion to the persecution of the French Protestants seems to me to indicate Ken's handiwork. 2 The Declaration is printed in the Life of Ketth well, p. 107, in D'Oyly's Life of Saner oft, p 269, and is found in two MS. copies in the Tanner MSS., xxvii., a.d. 1689-94.] SAXCROFTS RETIRE1IEXT. 69 Strange to say, neither before nor after the Declaration was signed, could the Bishops obtain a license for its publication. It can scarcely be said, I think, that there was anything in the document itself to justify such a refusal, and we are com- pelled to see in it part of a plan by which the Bishops were to be held up to public abhorrence, and not allowed to defend themselves. Sancroft complains bitterly that they were treated as when " country people get together to despatch a wolf or a dog." As it was, however, the Bishops printed their vindica- tion without a license. The sympathy of peers and members of Parliament was enlisted on the side of the accused. 1 Their assailants had overshot the mark, and there was a reaction in their favour. Sancroft retired from Lambeth just in time to avoid ejection, and withdrew, like an ecclesiastical Cincinnatus, to his paternal acres at Fresingfield, finding himself happier than he had ever been at Lambeth, except so far as the services in the chapel there were concerned, seeking to live peaceably with all men, and above all to keep out of plots. Even the Xon- juring pamphlets which were sent him from London, and which he read with interest, seemed to him two-edged weapons. "While he welcomed works of learning like DodwelFs, the " wash-balls'' and " razors " 2 (so, to evade the vigilance of the Post-office, he and Lloyd spoke of the pamphlets) were hazardous. Men might cut their fingers with the one, and might find the other, to their own cost — as a Pope, in one memorable instance, he says, had found a literal wash-ball — somewhat too caustic and excoriating. Following much the same line as Sancroft, with perhaps more of the feeling which led Falkland to ' ingeminate peace/ Ken returned to his palace at Wells, where yet some months were allowed him before that final departure which I have already recorded. He and Frampton, the Bishop who of all the six non- juring prelates 3 was most like-minded with him, seem indeed to fols. 242 and 245. Another appears in the Williams ITSS., in Lloyd's hand. They present slight variations in the text, as if there had heen much revision ; hut it does not seem worth while to note them in detail. 1 Kettlewell's Life, p. 108. 2 See the correspondence between Sancroft and Lloyd in the Williams JfSS. passim. 3 Cartwright, of course, made a seventh, but as he fled to St. Germain's only to avoid a worse fate, and was almost, if not altogether, the object of all men's scorn , VOL. II. F 70 KEN TO THE DEATH OF MARY. [chap. xxr. have been treated by the Government, under Mary's influence, with special leniency. She was reported to have said that, however much they might wish to be martyrs, she would take care to disappoint them. 1 And so Frampton, when the time came for leaving his palace at Gloucester, and resigning the formal charge of the parish of Standish, which he had held in com- mendam, was yet allowed to reside in his rectory, to catechise, and preach, and visit, and to take such part in the Prayer Book service as did not involve the mention of William's name. 2 The good old man, with the exception of the brief scare which will soon have to be recorded, remained there till his death. Ken in like manner was allowed, as we have seen in the previous chapter, probably under like conditions, to remain undisturbed at Wells during the autumn and early winter months that followed. Mary perhaps hoped, in his case and Frampton's, not understanding the men and their motives, that moderation would pass into compliance. He had for- feited his see on February 18th, 1690. The bishopric was not offered to Beveridge till May, 1691. The conge cVelire for Kidder was not received by the Chapter at Wells till July 8th. In the opening of 1691, however, the calm was broken by a sudden and unlooked-for storm. The growing discontent and disappointment of many who had first accepted William's government as legitimated by the vote of the Convention led them to combine with others who had from the first refused to acknowledge it. Towards the end of December, 1690, the conspirators met and determined to open communications with the Court of St. Germain's, of which Viscount Preston and John Ashton, who had been Clerk of the Closet to Mary of Modena, with a Jesuit named Elliot, were to be the bearers. They left London on December 31st, 1690. The detectives and agent* j/rorocateurs of William, however (Speke pro- he wus never counted worthy of belonging- to the Company of the Non-juring ( bnfessoife. He died in Ireland in April, 1689. 1 Msoaulay attributes the saying 1 to William ; the author of the Life of Frampton, to Mary. It may rery probably have been said by both, and of different persons. Onoe he chanced to find himself alone, and had to take the whole service. lie cnt the knot by reading the prayers for the King and Queen, emitting their a.d. 1G89— 9-1 ] SUSPICIONS OF CONSPIRACY 71 bably among them), had had their eyes on the plot. The envoys were seized off Tilbury, their papers captured and examined. One of them was from the deprived Bishop of Ely. It was addressed obviously to James and his Queen under the pseudonym of Mr. and Mrs. Ridding. It was full of ex- pressions of devotion to their service, and these not in his own name only, but " I say this on behalf of my elder brother, and the rest of my nearest relations, as well as for myself." These mysterious words were naturally interpreted as referring to San- croft and the other non-juring Bishops. The result was a police surveillance over them more rigorous than ever. A warrant was actually issued for Turner's apprehension, which he escaped by going abroad, " leaping the ditch," as it was called, in dis- guise. 1 The other Bishops lived for some months in apprehen- sion of a like fate. In the meantime they had to correspond with each other, either by private hand, or, if through the post, under fictitious names. 2 Sancroft's letters to Lloyd 3 show the anxious feelings with which he heard the floating rumours as to his friends. In an undated letter (probably in April or May, 1691) he notices the charge against " our brother of Ely." " Shall we declare our innocence ? But then nothing is proved against him, and men and angels will hardly be able to prove anything against us." On May 18th, 1691, of some- one (probably Turner) he says, " I am sorry that our good brother has got so high up the pinnacle. It was dangerous to fall from thence, could the informers have tript up his heels. 'Tis well we hear nothing of our brother of B. and W. ; in this case no news is good news." On the 30th, " 'Tis a wonder that the same severity goes not on to our poor brother of B. and "W., but I am afraid he cannot long escape it." On May 26th, 1691, " 'Tis a wonder nothing is yet done against our good brother of B. and W., but I am afraid that at last Tardita- tem supplied airocitates ejusdem compensabunt" On March 2nd, 1691-2, he prays that he himself may be preserved from the 1 For Turner's share in the plot see Note at the end of chapter. 2 Nearly all Ken's letters to the deprived Bishop of Norwich were addressed if to Mrs. Hannah Lloyd; letters for him were to be addressed to Mr. Jones. 3 Williams MSS. f2 72 KZN TO TJTF DEATH OF MART. [chap. xxi. tlireatened visit," and on March 30th rejoices that Lloyd " had avoided the snare set for him." ' On April 2nd, 1692, lie writes that he has " news about Fr. of Ely that makes me tremble." In July he complains that "all in affairs has been dark to him." His thoughts have been " taken up by a bloody attempt on my life and the lives of other innocent persons." It was sought to effect this by "wicked forgery and perjury ; " but " we have escaped out of the snare of the fowler." He thinks of Lloyd, then in London, as in " a post full of danger, dwelling on the hole of the asp." His letters are to be thrown into the fire as soon as read. He signs as " Tito " or " Sempronio." He does not know how to tell Frampton to direct to him, unless it be as " W. S., labourer." In view of the helplessness of those who are the victims of popular clamour he quotes the racy but forgotten proverb, " The chil- dren of Chepe ring Bow bells as they please." The rumours that are set floating against them he describes, with a some- what startling emphasis, as " all of them damned lies." 2 Of Frampton — to whom indeed the last passage specially refers — he writes that " our good brother of Gloucester is as cheerful under persecution as the birds that sing sweetest in winter," words singularly descriptive of his most loveable character. 3 Ken himself, partly in consequence of his own wisdom in keeping clear of plots, partly owing to Lord Weymouth's protec- tion, and the Queen's favourable disposition, passed through the fiery trial unscathed, without even the touch of fire upon his garments. Of all the elements of that trial I fancy that Turner's conduct and its consequences were the most painful to him. What I have stated in the Note at the end of this chap- ter is, I believe, a sufficient defence against the charge of per- jury, which Macaulay brings against Ken's friend, but it remains true that he fell into the trap that was set for him, and plunged into the life of a conspirator. He became, as such men tend in the nature of things to become, a wanderer and a fugitive — passing under many names and many disguises. There is no 1 The extracts of 1G92 refer to what is known as Young's plot. 2 1 incline to think, howev e r, that the adjective was not so merely a vulgar expletive U it is now, and that it still had something' of a tragic solemnity in it. The quotations are all from the Williams MSS. a.d. 1689-94,] TWO SECTIONS OF NON-JURORS. 73 trace of any intercourse between him and Ken during this period. He died November 2nd, 1700, and was buried by the side of his wife at Therfield, with nothing on his tomb but Expergiscar. Ken, when he writes of him in 1704, speaks of him as " our brother of Ely, now with God." This was, moreover, but an example of the opening of a rift, widening rapidly into a chasm, between the two sections of the Non-juring party. On the one side were the nobler souls, with hearts enlarged by charity, and minds capable of combining much practical wisdom with the theory — to us an untenable theory — for which they suffered. Among these the most prominent were Ken himself, Frampton, Kettlewell, and Fitzwilliam. They still clung to the principles of passive obedience, of the binding force of oaths once taken, of hereditary right, but they emphasised the passive. For them it was the " doctrine of the cross," 1 and they were content to suffer for it, but they would make no self-willed efforts to assert it. They would wait till this tyranny — so far as there was a tyranny — was overpast. They would not excom- municate or condemn those who took the oaths which they could not take. They could correspond, as Fitzwilliam did with Lady Rachel Russell, on terms of a deep spiritual affection, with those who, though like-minded with themselves, did not think as they did on these questions. They could watch the progress to place aud power of those whom they knew to be sound in faith and holy in life, as Ken watched Hooper's, with entire satisfaction. They cherished warm and friendly feelings even for Dissenters. And, on the other side, there were those who were restless and uneasy, who were drawn into plot after plot, were continually in communication with St. Germain's, and believed that they could trust its occupant to come back with, or even without, con- ditions. 2 For them any communion with laity or clergy of the 1 The title of Kettlewell's work — Christianity, a Doctrine of the Cross : or Passive Obedience under any pretended Invasion of Legal Mights and Liberties, shows sufficiently what estimate he took of the theory in question, and is probably referred to in the words of Ken's will, in which he states that he dies "in the Communion of the Church of England .... as it adheres to the Doctrine of the Cross." See p. 209. 2 These two sections of the Jacobite party were distinguished respectively as Compounders and Non-compounders. 71 KEN TO T1IK DEATH OF MARY. [chap. xxi. Established Church involved the guilt of schism, aud so placed the guilty one under a sentence of ipso facto excommunication from the true Church of the faithful remnant. To attend any service of the furmer in which prayers were offered for William and Mary was a sin (so even Sancroft wrote) that needed abso- lution at the end of that service as well as at the beginning. It were better for a man never to enter his parish church, or any church at all, than to be a sharer in that guilt. The men of this class were often, like Hickes and Wagstaffe and Collier and Leslie, men of much learning and considerable brain-power, but they were, for the most part, also men of the narrowing, sec- tarian temperament, who delighted in drawing hard and fast lines, which excluded others from any hope but that of uncovenanted mercies. As their after-history showed, they became every year more and more convinced that they were the only pure and Apostolic branch of the Universal Church. They split once more into two sections on ritual questions, and the minority, the Non- jurors of the separation, claimed to be the true people of God, when Ishmael rather than Israel might have served as their prototype. In proportion as they dwindled away in numbers and influence, they devised new liturgies, introduced new ritual, signed concordats, as representing the Church of England, with Eastern Bishops, and looked on themselves as confessors in whom, and in whom alone, was to be found any hope for the reunion of Christendom. Booth, the last irregular Non-juring Bishop, died in 1805. 1 If he inherited the convictions of his predecessors, we can picture him to ourselves, as he drew near the end of his pilgrimage, lamenting that with him there was broken the last link that connected the Church of England with the Church of the Apostles, the last hope of a restored union with Eastern and Latin Christianity. Others there were, whose line of action must have been yet more distasteful to Ken. There were Non-juring clergy who practically renounced their orders, and went about, often to escape arrest, in "blue coats" and other lay apparel, 2 who associated in their plots with men of ill repute, who brought 1 Lathbury, p. 412. 2 This was ofton the case with liOslie and Turner, and Ilearne records his meeting Ken's friend, Harbin, dressed as a layman. See p. 99. a.d. 1689—94.] NON-JURING LAYMEN. 75 scandal on the cause of which they professed themselves the adherents, who crept into the houses of the rich and gained influence over weak-minded women. Cibber's transformation of Moliere's Tartuffe into the "Dr. Wolf" of his once popular comedy, The Non-juror, though, doubtless, a libel and a car- ricature on the class, could scarcely have won the applause of crowded theatres, if it had not been felt that it bore, in some cases, only too close a resemblance to the original. And as the sections of the clergy were, so were those of the laity. Some there were, of whom Robert Nelson, of the Fasts and Festivals, and Mr. Cherry of Shottesbrook, may be taken as types, who sympathised with Ken and Frampton and their fellows. Others, disappointed plotters, like Ferguson and Young, were reckless and unscrupulous. Many of the Jacobite squires throughout the country simply inherited the passions and prepossessions of their cavalier fathers of the Restoration period against Whigs and Dissenters, hated " Dutch William " as a foreigner, while he lived, and toasted the mole which caused Sorrel's fall as the "little gentleman in velvet," when he died. 1 The Squire Western type, roystering and blustering, was, it may be feared, too common among them. One of these laymen, however, stands apart by himself, and calls for a separate notice. Henry Dodwell, Camden Professor of Ancient History at Oxford, a post which he forfeited by not taking the oaths, was the marvel and prodigy of his time. His reading in classical and patristic literature was immense and omnivorous. He came down on men like Sancroft, himself no mean scholar, with an erudition that overwhelmed them. His pen was looked on as that of the chief apologist of the Non- juring cause ; and in him we find an almost representative example of the class of laymen for whom St. Peter's word of al/otrio-episcopos (1 Pet. iv. 15), a "Bishop in another's diocese," a " busybody in other men's matters," might seem to have been coined. More sacerdotal than any sacerclos, he took on himself the functions of an Episcopus Episcoporum, rebuked Ken and 1 William, it will be remembered, died from a fall from his horse, which stumbled over a mole-hill. The name Sorrel describes the colour of the horse as a hay or reddish brown. The horse, curiously enough, had belonged to Sir John Fenwick, against whom an Act of Attainder was passed in 1696. KEN TO THE DEATH OE MARY. Frumpton when he thought them " fluctuating " and weak- kneed, pushed every dogma to its extremest logical conclusion, 1 and absolutely revelled in the thought of his own infallibility. For a time the " extreme right " section of the party looked on him as their leader. Frampton resented the assumption of the " great lay dictator." Ken, as we have seen, answered his expostulations, at first with some natural warmth, then with a characteristically meek apology. After a time Dodwell, too, came round to a better mind, and when Ken sought to terminate the schism, was found one of his heartiest supporters. For the present the influence of the more vehement spirits told on the somewhat enfeebled mind of Sancroft, and, short of what he calls the aspera consilia of plots, he was guided by their counsels. The result appeared in two measures, which boded ill for the Church's peace. On February 9th, 169 J, the Archbishop issued a commission to Lloyd, the deprived Bishop of Norwich, appointing him Vicar-General of the province of Canterbury. He commits to him " my pontificall power, whatever it is, in the Lord," and " approves and confirms " by anticipation what- ever his Vicar-General may do. As with a quasi-Vaulme heat, he substitutes for the formal signature, " Behold ! I, William, have writt it with mine own hand ; I'll stand to it and confirm it." Against this Ken protested, but, as we see by the correspondence between Lloyd and Sancroft, in vain. The former writes, on May 9th, 1691, that he has been able "to silence the phanci- full objections of my brother, and his half-witted Chancellor," and tells him that he will find in his enclosure (apparently a letter from Ken) " an account of the singular methods which my good Brother lately pursued at Wells." 2 Sancroft says in 1 Macaulay (chap, xiv.) lavishes his scorn on one of DodwelTs speculations, which led him to deny the natural immortality of the soul, and to confine the gift of eternal life to those who derive it from Christ through the ordinances He appointed. He apparently did not know that the same doctrine had Leon maintained by Locke King (ii. 145-7), and that under the name of " Conditional Immortality," or " Life in Christ," it has commanded the assent of many > mm. iit theologians. I do Dot hold that doctrine, but I cannot dismiss it, as he does, as a mere eccentricity. For Ken's view see p. 128. - This refers, probably, to the Commission which Ken issued to his Chancel- lor, I npowering him to administer the oaths which he could not take or administer himself, on the institution of presentees to livings in his diocese. (See Curr>s- pondenee with Burnet, p. 4G.) A.D. 1689— 94.] SUFFRAGAN BISHOPS CONSECRATED. 77 reply, " I am glad if our good Brother is satisfied concerning his former objection against my Commission ; but I do not find it in his letter. For his new and singular method it is brave enough, but whether the case makes it necessary, or the event will shew it to be prudent, I must think further before I pronounce." * A little later on, and Sancroft was prevailed on to sanction, though he did not live to take a personal part in it, a yet stronger measure. Taking, with all the Non-juring Bishops, except Ken and Frampton, the view that the whole of the Established Church was in a state of schism, through its acqui- escence in the intrusion of new Bishops into the sees of those who had been deprived, he determined on the consecration of two suffragan Bishops, nominally acting in the diocese of Norwich, who should continue the apostolical succession in what they held to be the only true, though suffering, branch of the Church Catholic in England. It seemed to them that they needed for this the sanction of the Prince on whom they still looked as the legitimate King of England, and so Hickes was sent over to St. Germain's with a list of the Non-juring clergy, from which James was to select two. He, after his manner, guided by Melfort, who had been his minister in Scotland, and was him- self a convert to Borne, consulted the French Bishops and the Pope, and they very naturally approved a measure which was certain to weaken the position of the Church of England. James left the choice to Sancroft and Lloyd. The former named Hickes for Thetford, the latter "Wagstaffe for Ipswich, as their respective sees. They were consecrated (Sancroft having died on November 24th, 1693) by Lloyd, Turner, and White on February 24th, 169f. The consecration was clandestine. They never claimed any authority or acted pastorally within their nominal dioceses. It was, indeed, specially provided that they should forbear to act till after Lloyd's death, which did not happen for fourteen years. They were obviously consecrated for the sole purpose of perpetuating the Non-juring succession. Ken and Frampton stood entirely aloof from this action. The former remonstrated earnestly at the time, as we shall see in letters belonging to a later period of his life. He objected 1 Lloyd and Sancroft correspondence in Williams MSS. 78 KEN TO THE DEATH OF JURY. [chap. xxi. to the clandestine character of the act. He objected yet more strongly to the act itself, as tending to aggravate evils which it was the duty of all men, as far as they had the power, to minimise, and to perpetuate the evil of a causeless schism — cause- less as soon as the first uncanonical intruders into the sees of the deprived Bishops had died out — to future generations. I have thought it desirable to trace Ken's relations to the party with which he was, regretfully and reluctantly, associated, in as continuous a narrative as possible, uninterrupted by letters which are not directly concerned with it. The consecration of the new Bishops seems a fit halting-point as the close of one stage of those relations and the opening of another. Of the letters which belong to the period included in this chapter I can find only the following : — LETTER XXXIV. For Mistress Lloyd at Hodsden. " All Glory be to God. " My good Lord, " Your Lordship did much cheer me, when you told me that our affaires went on well. I was in great hopes of seeing you this morning, but you had other avocations : let me know when you can come, and I will be sure to attend you, or when I shall come to you. If anything more occurs, an intimation is enough, and will not take up too much of your time. D. W. should, I think, be acquainted with our concernes, who is able to advise very well. My best respects to your good lady. God of his infinite mercy fitt us for all the trialls He designes us to undergoe. ' ' Your most affect, friend and B r , "T. B. & W. "Nop. 18th, 1691." 11 My B r has sent you a letter, which I keep till we meet." [The letter is clearly intended for the deprived Bishop of Norwich ; " Mrs. Lloyd ' ' being safer for the Post-office. Nearly all Ken's letters to the Bishop arc so addressed. It refers probably, in the phrase, " our affairs," to the gradual calming down of the scare created by the Jacobite Liturgy and the Modest Enquiry. I am unable to identify D.W. Dean of Worcester or Dr. WagstafEe suggest themselves, but Ken was not, likely, at this period, to attach much weight to their counsels. The P.S., I am inclined to think, refers to a letter from Frampton, with whom Ken was in frequent intercourse, which was sent through Ken, and was kept bj him lill he could deliver it personally to Lloyd. We may surmise that it contained a statement of views in general sympathy with Ken.] a.d. 1689—94.] TIIIOTSON AND TUNIS ON. 79 Before the date which I have chosen as the terminus of this chapter, there were two events, both of which must have affected Ken personally, one of which, we find, led on to what with him was rare, the public expression of strong and painful emotions. Archbishop Tillotson died on November 22nd, 1694. Eloquent as a preacher, kindly in character, eminently respectable, Ken could scarcely have admired his teaching or his policy. Under Charles II. he had preached the most naked Erastianism that was ever taught from the pulpits of the Church of England. Hobbes could scarcely have expressed more strongly the posi- tion " cujus est regio ejus quoque religio" than Tillotson did when he taught that it was a man's duty, unless he could be certain that he had a special revelation to the contrary, to accept what- ever religion was established by the civil magistrate. 1 Ken would scarcely sympathise with the easy indifference with which Tillotson wished that " we were well rid " of the Athanasian Creed. He must have remembered how he, who had worried the last hours of Lord Russell with his doctrine of passive obedience, had changed his voice according to the time, and transferred his allegiance without hesitation to William. Tillotson was succeeded by Tenison, with whom, as Rector of St. Martin's-in-the-Fields, where he had preached one of his most memorable sermons (i. 270), Ken had been more or less intimately acquainted. The choice was probably Mary's rather than William's, and almost the first work of the new Arch- bishop was to be summoned to the Queen's death-bed — she died of small pox on December 28th, 1694 — as her spiritual adviser. 2 He preached her funeral sermon, and, as 1 Birch's Life of Tillotson, pp. 62-70. The statement was corrected in a second edition, but without any distinct retractation. 2 I know few narratives more sad than the account of the way in which Mary passed the first night after she knew the nature of her illness. Shutting herself up in her room at Kensington Palace, she spent the long watches of the night till morning dawned, in burning papers which she did not wish to fall. into any one's hands. Then she wrote a letter to Tenison, not to be given him till after her death. It contained another letter to William, reproaching him for his unfaithfulness to her, and entreating him, with a freedom which she had never dared to use before, to amend his life. Tenison delivered the letter and spoke with a boldness which even Ken would have admired. William promised to separate himself from his mistress Elizabeth Villiers, whom he had enriched with the spoils of confiscated estates in Ireland, and kept his promise, alas! for a time only. (i. 143 n.) (Strickland, Queens, xi. 306—318.) BO KEN TO Till: DEATH OF MARY. [chap. xxr. might be expected, its tone was one of almost unmixed pane- gyric. I am not concerned, now to puss judgment on Mary's character. Her life bad been but short — -she was only thirty - two at her death — and it could scarcely be said to have been a happy one. Educated, for reasons of state, in a religion that was neither her father's nor her mother's ; married also, for reasons of state, to a husband who had no sympathy with her own form of religion, nor indeed with any, with the possible exception of the hard Calvinism in which he had been trained ; brought for short periods under teachers who sought to guide her rightly, and whom she personally esteemed ; placed in a position in which she had to choose between her father and her husband, her natural and religious affections, — it was not easy for her to walk- warily in those dangerous days. It was to her credit that her influence should always have been exercised in favour of purity and devotion and moderate counsels ; that she should have given freely to the poor and the distressed, and have exercised, as far as she could, a right judgment in ecclesiastical appointments. It was natural, however, that the Non-juring Bishops should look on some parts of her conduct as open to censure. They might pardon her acceptance of the throne, they could not hear without indignation of her childish exultation when she took possession of it. Duty might lead her to obey her hus- band rather than her father ; but why did she leave that father to be dependent on the alms of Louis XIV. ? Traces of this feeling cropped up during her life-time. Sancroft growls at the " virtuous ladie " into whose privy purse went the reve- nues of the forfeited bishoprics till they were filled. 1 Frampton, when Lloyd of St. Asaph, then Bishop of Lichfield, came to visit him at Standish in 1093, told him that it was his duty as al- moner, and therefore virtually confessor, to the Queen, to stir her conscience on this point ; and when Lloyd assured him that Mary never spoke of her father without tears in her eyes, was rude enough to remark (he had travelled in Egypt) that there were animals whose tears flowed freely, but not from pity. 2 How 1 Possibly, however, Sancroft's sneer may refer to Elizabeth Yilliers. on whom William Lavished much money and many grants of land. 2 It might not be without interest to inquire when and how shst phrase of i'orooodlle'l tears" first became current in English conversation and literature. I L is found in .Shukspeare. A.D. 1639—94.] TEN/SONS FUNERAL SERMON. 81 far Ken shared these feelings, we either know more fully than we know the feelings of any other Bishop, or we know abso- lutely nothing. As before, so here, I will not assume in the body of my history the genuineness of a work which many have thought spurious, and thus "receive" my readers to " doubtful disputations," and so I make the letter to Archbishop Tenison on his funeral sermon the subject of a note. The evidence in its favour seems to me too strong, and its contents too interesting, for me to pass it over, as previous biographers have done, with contemptuous indifference. Xote. — I use the vacant space for a few additional facts. (1) Ken's forecast of the future, at this time, is sufficiently suggestive : " Not long after the Revo- lution, when some of the N on -jurors were very big with great expectations, Bishop Ken was much displeased that any should flatter themselves with vain hopes, and declared to me with great earnestness, as under a sort of divine im- pulse, that it was then hut the beginning of evils, with a pretty deal to that purpose. But notwithstanding that he could not himself comply with what, by the present settlement, was required of him, he had yet a very charitable opinion of many that did, and is known to have been against perpetuating a separation." (See Life of Kettleivell, 8vo. p. 427; in Anderdon, p. 645.) (2) A letter from Turner to his brother (July 22, 1690), shows that the chronic suffer- ings of Ken's later years began about this time. " I heartily wish I could give you as comfortable an account of my friend and brother of Bath and Wells as I can of myself. I sent yesterday to see him, but can hear of no amendment. The doctors bleed him often ; my Lord's Grace (Sancroft) apprehends they do it too frequently." (Strickland, Bishops, p. 213.) (3) Turner, in another letter (April 20, 1691), names Ken's friend, James Graham (p. 157), and William Penn, as being, like himself, under the suspicions of the government. Warrants were out against all three. (Strickland, Bishops, p. 215.) 82 NOTE TO CHAPTER XXI [chap. xxi. NOTE T. The Jacobite Liturgy axd Modest Enquiry. Who wrote the Jacobite Liturgy and the Modest Enquiry and Rcflec- J Here again, as in the case of the Sherborne proclamation, we tind ourselves face to face with one of the unsolved problems of the history of the Revolution period. As Ken and his brother Non- juring Bishops were directly affected by it, it seems to call for a fuller examination than was convenient in the text of my narrative. The starting-point of the inquir} r has been already stated. William III.'s government had ordered a Form of Prayer after the battle, March 12th, 1690, as a day of prayer and humiliation. Shortly before that day came, another Form of Prayer was suddenly circulated by thousands (Macaulay says 10,000) all over England. It- title-page might mislead purchasers. " A Form of Prayer and I \ uniiliation for God's blessing upon his Majesty and his dominions, and for the removing and averting of God's judgment from this ( !hurch and State." It contained forms for Morning and Evening Prayer, with proper psalms and lessons. The morning lessons are 1 Kings xvii., or 2 Chron. xiii. 1 — 21, and Matt. x. Those for the evening, Ezek. xxxiv. or Job i. ii., and 1 Pet. iv. The Epistle in the Communion Service begins with Acts xx. 18. The Gospel with Matt. vi. 24. A prayer is introduced into the Litany "for our enemies, slanderers, and oppressors, especially those that have caused the public distraction ; Lord restrain their malace (sic), and open their eyes and hearts." A long prayer, after that for the Church Militant, contains a petition for the nation that it may be delivered from the sin " of rebellion, blood, and perjury, ially that of the careless breach of oaths made to our sove- reign," and "for the Church. . . . torn by schism and stripped and spoiled by sacrilege." The strongest passages occur in the evening service — "0 Lord, withstand the cruelty of all those which be common enemies, as well to the truth of Thy eternal word as to their own natural prince and country, and manifestly to this crown and realm of England Let the wickedness of the wicked come to an end To this end take from them all their prejudices and all their passions; their confident mistakes, ♦heir carnal ends. Take away the brow of brass and the whore's forehead." Macaulay (iii. G58) quotes some passages, "Restore unto a.d. 1690.] THE JACOBITE LITURGY. 83 us again the publick worship of Thy name, the reverent adminis- tration of Thy sacraments. Kaise up the former government both in Church and State, that we may be no longer without king, without priest, and without God in the world Give the king the necks of his enemies." " Eaise him up friends abroad." • ' Do some great thing for him, which we in particular know not how to pray for." In these last three sentences he finds respec- tively suggestions of a Bloody Circuit, of a French Invasion, of an Assassination Plot. He asserts that "no more mendacious, more malignant, or more impious lampoon was ever penned." When he comes to the declaration of the Bishops that they had no hand in the new liturgy, that they knew not who had framed it, that they had never used it, that they were engaged in no plot against the existing government, that they would willingly shed their blood rather than see England subjugated by a foreign prince who had in his own kingdom cruelly persecuted their Protestant brethren," he adds that, "most of those who signed this paper did so doubtless with perfect sincerity ; but it soon appeared that one of them" (he can only mean Ken r s friend, Francis Turner, the deprived Bishop of Ely) " had added to the crime of betraying his country the crime of calling his God to witness a falsehood." In support of this last charge Macaulay refers to the intercepted letters of Turner's, already quoted in p. 71. The words, it is urged, can be referred only, and this I freely admit, to Sancroft, and some at least of the rest of the Non-juring Bishops. Some writers have con- tended [e.g. Strickland, Lives of Bishops, p. 202), that there is no evidence that the letters in question were written by Turner, but Macaulay refers, and, I think, with reason, to a letter from him to Sancroft, dated January 19th, 1691, 1 in which we find the passage, "Nothing troubles me so much as that my intercepted letters may prejudice my brethren. But you must take paines to cleare your- selves and protest your ignorance." As regards the specific charge of perjury brought against Turner, I have only to remark (1) that no history gives the date of the letters, and that the Preston conspiracy with which it was alleged to be connected had no existence till the close of 1690. 2 It was perfectly possible that Turner may have signed the declara- tion of the Bishops in July of that year in as entire good faith as his brethren. (2) It is perfectly possible also that it might seem to him that though he had changed his mode of procedure, the i shop Burnet at an earlier period." Ken, says Anderdon, never published anything against Burnet. (2.) In the Collection of State Tract* published during the Reign of William 111. (ii. 522), there is a defence of the Archbishop's sermon, &c, in which the writer never mentions Ken as the author of the letter, but only says that it is "modestor" than another a.d. 1694.] LETTER TO ARCHBISHOP TENISON. 87 pamphlet which, he answers, and adds that " though the voice be Jacob's, the hands are Esau's." (3.) Anderdon finds conclusive evidence in the language in which Tenison writes to Evelyn (April 20th, 1695) about the letter: " There is come forth an answer to it (the Funeral Sermon), said to be written by Bishop Ken ; but I am not sure he is the author : I think he has more wit and less malice." With his usual thoroughness and fairness, however, Anderdon quotes also from Tindal's Continuation of Rapin (i. 264), 1758, in which Ken is mentioned without any reserve as the writer of the Letter, and a passage from Hearne's Diary in which he records the fact that in 1705 " Bishop Ken's letter to Tenison, and Dodwell's to Tillotson, were printed together." In answer to these arguments it may, I think, be said, first generally, that as Ken's letter to Burnet (p. 48), and one to Bishop Lloyd (Letter LXIIL), show he could, when roused, write inci- sively enough. And in this case there was much to rouse him. He had hoped that Mary would have sent some message to her father, asking for his forgiveness, or, at least, for reconciliation ; perhaps, also, that she might remember the Chaplain, whom she had at one time loved to honour, and who had helped her in the early trials of her married life. The preacher of her funeral sermon, who had failed to suggest these to her, might well seem to him one who had been un- faithful in his ministry, who had spoken smooth things and prophe- sied deceits. He may have remembered, perhaps, how Tenison had preached a funeral sermon on Nell Grwyn, who left him £50 on that condition. Under these conditions we can scarcely wonder that he should write with some heat of spirit, even as Cardinal Newman was stirred to write in a like tone of Charles Kingsley and Achilli. This a priori ground of rejection seems to me utterly untenable. As regards Anderdon' s special heads of evidence I reply as follows : — (1.) Mr. Anderdon appears to forget Ken's letter to Burnet in 1690, which he himself prints (p. 364), and which was published by Hawkins in 1711. (2.) The language of the writer of the Defence, in the Collec- tion, is at the best simply negative. The sentence which Anderdon quotes tells on the other side. He implies, in language which would probably be understood at the time, that two writers had a hand in it. " Jacob" may have been Ken, and "Esau" Hickes. Anyhow he thinks the tone of the letter comparatively "modest." (3.) The doubtful tone in which Tenison writes to Evelyn is balanced by the fact that in the Tenison MSS. (935), now in the Lambeth Library, there is a MS. endorsed "Dr. Knighton's G 2 88 NOTE II TO CHAPTER XXI. [chap. xxi. Answer to Kenn " (sic), and underneath, in Tenison's hand, " I would not have it published. T. C." ■ The letter to Evelyn was written on April 20th, 1G95 ; the endorsement on the MS. is dated June 6th. The interval had probably brought a fuller knowledge. (4.) In the Catalogue of Ken's Library at Longleat, traditionally reported to have been compiled by his friend Harbin, the Letter to Tenison appears under Ken's name. (5.) It is treated as genuine in the Biographia Britannica, art. "Ken." The evidence of (3) and (4) seems to me absolutely decisive, and I have therefore no hesitation in accepting the Letter as genuine. But if so, then it is obviously a document of the highest order of interest, if not in its relations to the general history of the time, yet, at least, in its bearing upon Ken's mind and character, and I have therefore thought myself justified in printing it in extensor " Bishop Ken's Letter to Archbishop Texxisox. "Sir, " "When I heard of the sickness of the late illustrious Princess, whom I had never failed to recommend to God in my daily Prayers, and that yourself was her Confessor, I could not but hope that, at least on her Deathbed, you would have dealt faithfully with her. But when I had read the Sermon you preach' d at her Funerall, I was heartily griev'd to find myself disappointed, and God knows how bitterly I bewail' d in Secret the manner of her Death ; and reflecting again and again on your conduct of her Soul, methought a Spirit of Slumber eeem'd to have possess' d you ; otherwise it was impossible for one who so well understood the duty of a Spiritual Guide as yourself, who had such happy oppor- tunities, and such signal encouragements to practise it in her case, should so grosly fail in your performance, as either to overlook or wilfully to omit that, which all the world said besides yourself, and was expected from you, and was of great importance to her Salvation. You are a person of noted abilities, and had a full knowledge of your Duty, you had been many years a Parish Priest, and exercised your function with good repute ; none could be better versed in y e office for ye Visitation of y e Sick than yourself, and the sick person was no stranger to you, and you very well knew her whole Story. " As you had a full knowledge of ye Person and of your Duty, so you had happy opportunities to put that Duty in practice. You had free and frequent access to her, and on Monday, when the flattering disease occasioned some hopes, but especially on y e next day, the Festival of Christ's birth, when those hopes were rais'd to a kind of assurance (p. 25), and continued so till night, y e peculiar favour of Heaven seemed to have indulg'd you all that inestimable day, on pur- 1 T have read the answer, which is a sufficiently fair and temperate vindication of Tenison's sermon. 1 I must acknowledge my obligation to a letter by C. E. Doble, in the Academy for March 14th, 1886. lie comes to the same conclusion as I have done, on Bearne'l evidence only. a.d. 1694.] LETTER TO TENISON. 89 pose that you might carefully employ it, in clearing her conscience with God and man, and in perfecting her preparations for Eternity ; which, had she recover'd, were so necessary, to render her Life holy and happy as her Death. " Your Joy enduring but a Day, and that Day being clos'd with a dismal night, you gave her the warning of her approaching Death, which, you say, she re- ceiv'd with a courage agreeable to the strength of her faith (p. 26). You were set a watchman over her, and if you did not give her due warning of her sin also, when you had so proper a time for doing it, and saw her so capable of receiving it, God will require her blood at your hands. ''.You had this advantage also, which is often wanting to such persons, y* in the visits you made her, you did not find her delirious, & the orders she gave for Prayers (p. 29) ; her calling for Prayers a third time, when she feared she had slept the time before ; the many most Christian things she said (p. 26) ; her ap- pointing Psalms, a Chapter concerning trust in God, and a Sermon more than once, to be read to her (p. 29) are signs she was not, or, at least, that she was not so in the intervals wherein you officiated by her. "lis true she was often drowzy, but she was so sensible of her drowziness, that she call'd for prayers before the time, for fear that she should not be long composed (p. 28), & when- ever you applied yourself to her, she was wakefull enough. Y"ou said indeed, (p. 27), That at the receiving of the Holy Eucharist she found herself in a dying condition, and you add, that she presently stirred up her attention, & from thence- forth to the end of the office, had a perfect command of her Understanding, & was intent upon the great work she was going about ; and methinks, Sir, if you had been jealous over her soul with a godly jealousy when you gave her the Viaticum, & saw that she had then a perfect command of her Understanding, & that she was intent, you had another fit season offer' d you by Heaven to have minded her of any but probable defects in her repentance, & to have exhorted her to a short, supplemental Confession. Nay to her very last, she seem'd not wholly incapable of any pious Intimations you might have given her, for her Understanding con- tinued to a degree that nothing of Impertinence, scarce a number of disjointed words, were heard from her, insomuch that she said a devout Amen to that very prayer in which her pious soul was recommended to that God who gave it (p. 49). So that your own Sermon will testifie against you, that you had marly happy oppor- tunities of directing her conscience. I must add that you had as signal encourage- ments also. You had to deal with a Person whose knowledge and wisdom you justly commend (p. 8), and who might easily have been convinc'd of any one in- stance in which she had mistaken her Duty. You had to deal with one, whose pietie, Charity & humility, you in many places, deservedly magnifie (p. 10). I only wish you had added her Justice also, to have made her character compleat. How- ever, those three Virtues were powerful inducements to have used a conscientious freedom with her. You had, as appears by the Character you gave her, a pious, charitable, humble soul under your care ; a subject most happily dispos'd to work on — who had always been very Reverend and attentive at Sermons (p. 9), who had an averseness to flattery (p. 12), & who would thankfully have receiv'd any Pious or charitable humble admonition you had given her. I now beseech you, Sir, to spend a few thoughtful minutes in comparing your Performance, as your- self represent it in your own Sermon, with your knowledge, with the opportu- nities & encouragements you had, & with the Rubrick of the Church. You men- tion a very Religious saying that fell from her, that she had learnt from her youth, a true doctrine, that repentance was not to be put off to a deathbed (p. 26). But it was your duty, considering the deceitlulness of all hearts, and the usual 90 NOTE II TO CHAPTER XXI. [chap. xxi. Infirmities & Forgetfulness and Indisposedness of sick Persons, to have supplied all her oversights and omissions, and to have examin'd the truth of her repent " Whether she truly repented of her sins, and where you knew anything of mo- ment which had escap'd her observation, you ought to have been her Remem- brancer. I therefore challenge you to answer before God and the world. Did you know of no weighty matter which ought to have troubled the Princesses conscience, though at present she seem'd not to have felt it, and for which you ought to have mov'd her to a special confession, in order to absolution? Were you satisfied that she was in Charity with all the world? Did you know of no Enmity between her and her father, nor Variance between her and her Si>t< r ? Did you know of no Person who ever offended her whom she was to forgive P Did you know of no one Person whom she had offended, and of whom she was to ask forgiveness ? Did you know of no one injury or wrong she had done to any man, to whom she was to make amends to the uttermost of her power ? Was the whole Revolution manag'd with that purity of intention, that perfect inno- cence, that exact Justice, that tender Charity, and that irreproachable veracity, that there was nothing amiss in it ? No remarkable failings ; nothing that might deserve one penitent reflection ? " You cannot, you dare not say it ; and if you should, out of your own mouth I can condemn you, for you yourself, in your serious Interval, have pass'd as severe a Censure on the Revolution, as any of those they call Jacobites could do ; you have said more than once, that it was all an unrighteous Thing 5 1 why did you not then deal sincerely with this dying Princess, and tell her so, when you must needs be sensible that, steering her conscience wrong, you shipwrecked your own ? If then, Sir, you consider y e happy opportunities you have lost, y e signal encou- ragements y r ou have neglected, and y e tremendous Hazard to which you have expos'd the precious soul of the illustrious Princess by your unfaithfulness ; if you lay to heart how much you have acted against your own knowledge and con- victions, what ill example you have given to the Clergy, what scandal to all good men, what wounds to our most holy religion, and what occasions to the Enemy to blaspheme, what have you to do, but to testifie your repentance before God and the world, and to mourn in sackcloth and ashes all the Remainder of your days ? " What was it, Sir, that moved you to act thus notoriously against your own Conscience ? Was it the fear you had of losing the favour of the Court, which made you rather venture the indignation of Heaven ? Even that fear was vain, for it had been no offence against y e Government to have persuaded a dying daughter to have bestowed one compassionate prayer on her afflicted father, had In never been so unnatural, tho' the case was quite contrary, for he was one of the tenderest fathers in the world. 2 " Besides, her illustrious Consort, who manifested so very great and worthy a on for her, would, I dare say, have had nothing omitted, which might have been thought conducible to her Eternal Happiness; and a conscientious and faithful Confessor, especially on the death-bed, is one of a thousand, who will always be desir'd, and valued, and rever'd. Believe me, Sir, you have given >' world reason to conclude that your own conscience misgave you ; being sensible thai in reproving her you must have reproach'd yourself. " You say she was so judicious and devout a saint, the degenerate Church of ' I have not been able to trace the passages referred to. 2 Compare Pepys, Diary, September 12th, 1664. a.d. 1694.] LETTER TO TEXISOX. 91 Rome can by no means show us (p. 6). But surely it had been prudence in you to have wavi'd that comparison ; for should you chance hereafter to blame that Church for canonizing Thomas a Becket, for which she really is blameworthy, 'tis obvious for her to make this appropriate reply to you, that 'tis as justifiable in her to Saint such a subject as for you to Saint such a Daughter. "You tell us she was one ' who, I am well assur'd, had all the duty in the world for her other relations, which, after long and laborious consideration, she judged consistent with her obligations to God and to her country ' (p. 15). "The consideration then which she used to reconcile her judgment to the Revo- lution was, it seems, long and laborious, notwithstanding the assistance of her new Casuists, it being no easie matter to overcome the contrary remonstrances of nature and of her own conscience, and to unlearn those Evangelical maxims which were carefully taught her by the guides of her youth. Others might begin to instil opposite principles in her, but the finishing strokes were reserved for you. '• But what do you mean, Sir, by ' other relations ? ' "We may guess you mean her royal father, mother-in-law, and brother ; but you are at liberty to say, you mean any other relations, if you please. You give us ambiguous and general words only, when you should have given us most express and particular. "'All the duty in the world,' is a comprehensive term, but wherein, Sir, did any part of that duty appear ? "Why are you not so just to her and to yourself as to give us some of those compassionate and melting expressions of filial duty, which flow'd from her on that subject ? Why do you not produce some Instances of her mildness and mercifullness to her Enemies ? and whom you know she treated as such (p. 16), though their crime was their being her father's friends; these would have been much for her honour, would have given great satisfaction to all good people, would have convinc'd y e world that the manner of her death had been in all respects truly Christian (p. 28), would have been much for your own repu- tation and much for the credit of the Revolution, in which you are as great a zealot as a gainer. If you were so well assured of all that duty, what a dreadful negligence were you guilty of in not putting her in mind of it on her Deathbed ! "Methinks, Sir, you are not just to her when you give us Instances of her Charity to several sorts of indigent people and to strangers, which all the world knew, and give us no instances of even her natural affection to her own royal father, of which all the world doubted ; when, had you suggested that duty to her, as you ought to have done, she would have show'd herself a tender-hearted Daughter, and would have been extremely afflicted for having been instrumental to her Father's Calamity. It is far from my intention here, to dispute the Lawfullness of the Revolution ; yet I may say, that I have never yet met any so bigotted to it, who would undertake to justifie all the part, which she, as a daughter, had in it, and I am perswaded that it would mightily puzzle you, to tell us in particular, what those Obligations were, which she had to God and to her Country, which were inconsistent with her Filial Duty. You complain (p. 17), ' Great is our loss of a most pious Queen, in an Atheistical and profane age, in which the Seeds of impiety, which have been sowing for some years, have sprung up in greater plenty than ever ; ' but, Sir, did not your heart smite you, when you utter'd this complaint ? for I would fain know whether anything has more contributed to render the age Atheistical, and prophane, or more promoted that fatal plenty, than the prevarication of yourself and your time-serving Brethren ? "You take notice more than once, of the Shortening the Life of this illustrious 92 NOTE If. TO CHATTER XXI. [chap. xxi. Prim ess, tint She was taken away in the midst of her days (p .18), at thirty-three yean old (p. 32), in the flower of her age (p. 33), but you take no notice of that which most probably occasioned it, for the fifth Commandment is not to be Evaded, Honour thy Father and thy Mother (which is the first Commandment with promise), that it may be well with thee, and that thou mayest live long upon the Earth ; and if any, even Princes, for the Commandment makes no exception, do visibly Dishonour Father and Mother, and their lives are cut Short, the very Command of God assigns the Cause of it, and I hope the surviving Princess will consider and take warning and repent, lest God be provoked to cut her life as short as her sister's. " You say (p. 30), That having, like David, serv'd her own generation, by the Will of God she fell asleep, and if you had been a true Nathan to her, the Similitude had been very proper, but her virtue, having, like David's, suffer' d an eclipse, you took no care that it should break out again, in as conspicuous a repentance. You mention the strong hopes you have of her everlasting felicity, (p. 32), but as you manag'd her conscience, you should rather have call'd them strong presumptions ; I have hopes of her everlasting felicity as well as you, though not at all grounded upon your guidance, but on the infinite mercy of God who makes most gracious abatement for all our infirmities, and for all the degrees of excusability we can plead, and when I consider her conjugal love and awe, the horrid misrepresentations made to her of her royal father, the various and studied trains to delude her, the plausible pretences of religion, of Scripture, and of the Glory of God, which she heard daily inculcated, and the unfaith fullness of her guides, who had wholly possess' d her ear, together with her subdued will, her soft tendences and temper, her well mean'd, tho' misguided, zeal, the piety of her inclinations and her ardent desire that her soul might be without spot pre- sented unto God, which she manifested in ordering that Collect to be read twice a day (p. 24), I have hope that God accepted of her general repentance, and by a super-effluence of grace supply'd the defects of it. " What therefore I have said, is not in the least to derogate from any of her virtues, but to expostulate with you, for being the occasion that they did not shine out in their full lustre, and whether such shepherds may not be said to feed themselves rather than the flock. Whether your behaviour to the dying Princess does not reach those expressions of the prophet, of crying Peace, peace, where there is no peace, and of daubing with untempered mortar ; whether it is not treating a spiritual hurt most slightly, let all my reverend Brethren of the Clergy who are untainted with the Latitudinarian leaven, whether they are possess'd of their benefices, or depriv'd, be the judges. " Before I take my leave, I cannot but remark that Spiteful reflection you bestowed on the poor Sufferers, which you thus express, ' and domestick dis- content reigning in those whose resentments are stronger than their reason ' (p. 13). The persons whom you thus characterize will tell y<»u that 'tis much easier for you to revile their reason than to answer them, of which you are so very sensible, that no one labours more industriously than yourself to debarr them the Liberty of the Press. 11 As for their resentments, the greatest they have at present, are against yourself, not for your Promotion, wh, I know, none of them envy, but for your misguidance of that illustrious Princess whose everlasting happiness they pray'd for, and whose untimely death they deplore. In the meantime, Sir, none of that dirt, which you cast at the faithful remnant, will stick, but will reeoyl on yourself, and 1 have reason to believe that the Great Prince, whom such as you a.d. 1694.] LETTER TO TENISOX. 93 had rather flatter than imitate, does esteem them at least honest Men, and indeed, in their being tender of their former oaths, they have followed that illustrious example which he himself set them ; for there was a time, when he being Prince of Orange, had the Sovereignty of Seven provinces offer'd him, and offer' d him by a Power, which would have put him into possession, and he rejected that tempting offer, with a most Heroic and Christian answer, to this purpose, that he had lately taken an oath to be true to his Country, which he could by no means violate. It was wisdom, not that which is Earthly, but that is from Above, which taught y e Prince of Orange to prefer a good Conscience before a Kingdom, a Blissful and an Eternal Crown before one that was vexatious and transitory ; and may the Same divine wisdom in his present circumstances, vouchsafe to be his Counsellor ! If then he, when a Prince, was so conscientious in Observing his Oath to the States, can he have an ill opinion of Priests and Bishops who are alike conscientious in Observing their Oaths ? 'Tis improbable he should, unless he has such Confessors as yourself to exasperate him against them ; but from such Confessors I beseech God to deliver him. " God of his great mercy grant, that what I have written may awaken you out of your Slumber, and conduce to your repentance, the only Preservative against those woes which are denounc'd against Careless Shepherds ! " Your faithfull friend in our Common Saviour "THO: BATH & WELLS. " March ye 29, 1695." I have printed the letter from a MS. copy in the possession of the Rev. H. Tripp. It appears to have been made for the use of a Non-juring family at or about the date which it bears. The printed letter has no signature. The fact that Ken's name is attached to the MS., may fairly, I think, be taken as some additional contem- porary evidence as to its authorship. 1 No other name at that time seems to have been connected with it. The letter itself seems sufficiently in harmony with Ken's style when he wrote under the impulse of what he thought a righteous indignation. Two or three special coincidences may be noticed as confirming that conclusion. (1.) The word "super-effluence" is eminently characteristic of Ken's style, both in prose and verse. See i. 283 ; ii. 132, 250. The same holds good of " degrees of excusability " (pp. 43, 110). (2.) The allusion to William III.'s refusal of Louis XIY.'s offers in his early manhood (see i. 135), is precisely what might be ex- pected from one who had lived for nearly two years at the Hague, and who knew the secret history of his early manhood as Prince of Orange. It indicates a desire, eminently characteristic, to recog- nise, even in those from whom he was most divided in politics or in 1 So in the library of the London Institution there is a printed copy with "Tho. Kenn" added in writing. 94 XOTE II TO CHAPTER XXI [chap. xxi. religion, whatever elements of a nobler nature he was able to find there. (3.) The allusion to the part that had been taken by Tenison and others in "debarring" the Non-juring Bishops and Clergy from " the liberty of the press," refers manifestly to the refusal of the Government to license the publication of the Bishops' defence in answer to the charges of the Modest Enquiry, as narrated in this chapter, and perhaps also to other refusals of an imprimatur to Non-juring publications (p. 69). (1.) Note on Queen Maey. — The Memoirs published by Dr. Dobner, and, already referred to in p. 36, exhibit Mary's character, on the whole, in a favourable light. She is full of self-reproaches for many sins and infirmities, but those m If -reproaches turn mainly on what to a mind like Ken would seem almost ficta peccata, as compared with the alienation of her affections from her father and her sister. As regards the former it is explained by the fact that she had heard in the report of Grandval's trial that " he whom I dare no more name father was consenting- to the barbarous murder of my husband" (p. 54). Macaulay (ch. xix.) accepts Grandval's statement that James had encouraged him as con- clusive. Mary obviously thought so, but it may be questioned whether the word of an assassin is sufficient evidence. The Memoirs show further, as also do Mary's letters to William, the depth of her affection for her husband. She speaks of her disagreement with her sister as " a punishment upon us for the irregu- larity by us committed upon the Revolution " (p. 45), and incidentally mentions that she had concerned herself in filling up the vacant bishoprics in 1691 (p. 37). (2.) Note on Edmund Bohun. — An incident in Ken's life belonging to this period may rightly find a place here. Bohun, King's printer, published, in 1690, a treatise on the Doctrine of Xon-rcaistance, advocating submission to the de facto government. In it he stated that Ken had said that, though he could not satisfy his own scruples, yet he thought " the English nation would be fools if they ever suffered King James to return." Ken's friends said that this was a lie, and got the Bishop's certificate to that effect. After this, Bohun met Ken in a bookseller's shop, and fell down on his knees, and asked his blessing. Ken gave it, and as he did so, said, "I forgive the little scribler," or words to that effect. Bohun, lHary, pp. 86 — 90 (privately printed, but in the library of the British Museum). CHAPTER XXII. KEN AND THE NON-JURORS TO THE DEATH OF WILLIAM III., A.D. 1694—1702. " Brothers! spare reasoning ; men have settled long That ye are out of date, and they are wise." /. H. Newman. The differences in opinion and in action between Ken and the more vehement Non-jurors, which have been traced in the preceding chapter, led naturally to a suspension of intercourse between them. He took his course and they took theirs. They looked on him as weak-kneed, vacillating, halting between two opinions. He thought of them with sorrow, perhaps also with indignation, as rash, self-asserting, wrongly eager to perpetuate a schism, the duration of which it was the duty of every wise churchman to minimise. They carried on their correspondence with St. Germain's, or published scurrilous pamphlets against the powers that be. He sought to live at peace with all men, found a shelter at Longleat, visited at other houses where he was always welcome, acted as a spiritual director to such Non- juring families as chose to consult him, 1 and wrote hymns and poems. But for a time the breach was wide. When Lloyd, the deprived Bishop of Norwich, wrote to him after William's death in 1702, his opening words admit that Ken had, for some years past, withdrawn not only correspondence but the " brotherly affection which you have heretofore vouchsafed me." It is, I think, probable enough that during part of this time Ken corresponded with Frampton (d. 1708), Kettle well (d. 1695), Fitzwilliam (d. 1699), but, if so, there are unhappily no extant letters. 1 I reserve instances of this for ch. xxiv. 96 KEN TO THE DEATH OF WILLIAM LLL [chap. xxit. There was, however, one work in which the two sections of the Non-juring party could co-operate, and it is satisfactory to find that, though not initiated, it was warmly supported by Ken. Kettlewell, writing on December 20, 1694, to Lloyd, proposes that a fund should be raised for the relief of the dis- tressed clergy who were suffering for conscience' sake. 1 " When my L d B p of B. and W lls , in great kindness and charity was pleased last to call here, I was proposing to him the setting up of a Fund of Charity, for regular collection and distribution of the same among the poor suffering clergy " He assumes as probable that Ken would have conferred with Lloyd on this subject, and discusses the difficulties which had presented themselves to the former. 1 ' Were this a fund for the soldiery, though God knows many of them have need enough, it may be, some might fancy they could with better colour charge it as a listing of men. 2 But being only for the clergye's relief, and their needs being notorious, methinks, let them trouble whom they will, they cannot hurt them, and they may freely own and thanke God they have been employed therein ; and when the truth of all is laid open, all wise men of all partyes must own, that it is an excellent part and proof of pastoral care, and the adversaries can only envy it, not fasten on anything to accuse or punish in it." He suggests that the Non-juring Bishops might, without pre- judice or offence, attach their names and titles to a circular letter inviting contributions to such a fund, adding the epithet, Suffering, Displaced, Ejected, or Deprived, and says that he is 1 It is interesting to note that one of Kettlewell's most active helpers in this good work was Thomas Firmin, a native of Ipswich, who was active in all philanthropic works, notably in that of helping the French Protestants, and who was reputed to he a Socinian, or, at least, an Arian. He was on intimate terms with Kettlewell, in spite of his heretical opinions. On hearing of the action taken by the Government, he withdrew from active participation. The work was afterwards taken up vigorously by Robert Nelson [Kettle welTs Worka, i. pp. 163, 169). 2 The sentence seems to imply that some of the officers in what had been James's army, and was now William's, had thrown up their commissions, and were therefore in distress. To start a public fund for their relief might have seemed not unreasonably to be a " listing of men" to the service of their former i. Ken remembered them also iu his will (p. 209). a.d. 1694—1702.] CHARITABLE RECOMMENDATION. 97 authorised by a friend (probably, I think, Firmin), to say that he will give £100 and collect as much more as he can. Kettlewell did not live to see the good work which, he thus initiated accomplished, but in the following July the Deprived Bishops issued the following circular : — " The Charitable Recommendation of the Deprived Bishops" " To all Christian people, to whom this Charitable Recommendation shall be presented, Grace be to you, and Peace from God the Father, and from our Lord Jesus Christ. " Whereas We, the present Deprived Bishops of this Church, have certain information, that many of our Deprived Brethren of the Clergy, their wives, children, and families, are reduced to extreme want, and unable to support themselves, and their several charges, without the charitable relief of pious and well disposed Christians ; and being earnestly mov'd by several of them to represent their distressed condition to the mercy and compassion of such tender- hearted persons, as are inclined to commiserate and relieve the Afflicted Servants of Grod, " Now We, in compliance with their Intreaty, and with all due regard to their Suffering circumstances, have thought it our Duty (as far as in law we may) heartily to recommend their necessitous condition to all pious, good people ; hoping and praying that they will take their case into their serious consideration, and putting on the bowels of Charity, extend their Alms to them, and their needy families. ' ' And we will not cease to pray for a Blessing upon such their Benefactors : and remain in all Christian Offices, " Your* 8 1 ' William, Bishop of Norwich \ Robert, Bishop of Gloucester Francis, Bishop of Ely s now deprived. Thomas, Bishop of Bath and Wells I Thomas, Bishop of Peterborough J u July 22nd, 1695." The limiting clause, " so far as in law we may," was possibly inserted at the instance of friendly lawyers who foresaw the risk of a prosecution. For some months no notice was taken of it by others than those for whom it was intended, but the 98 KEN TO TUF DEATH OF WILLIAM III. [chap. xxit. Assassination Plot, in which Sir John Friend, Sir "William Perkins, and others were implicated, and the part taken by Collier and two other Non-juring priests, in publicly absolving the two first-named at their execution on April 3rd, roused the Government to action, and on April 14th, 1696, warrants were issued by the Privy Council for the apprehension of the Bishops who had signed the document, Frampton only excepted, of whom it seems to have been taken for granted that he could not possibly have been implicated in any "treasonable practices," such as the warrants spoke of. Of Ken's appearance before the Council we have a record in his own hand, which it will be well to give in extenso. He had to attend — it must have been a strange contrast to his last appearance in the Council Chamber — three times in the outer waiting-room before he was called in and questioned. When the examination was over he was requested to draw up an account of what he had said, and this is the result : — 4 1 The Answer of Thomas Bath and Wells, deprived, to certain Interro- gatories proposed to him by the Lords of the Privy Council. " April 28*A, 1696. " All Glory be to God. " After the favourable hearing, which this day the Lords of the most Honourable Privy-Council gave me, Mr. Bridgman came out to me to tell me, that their Lordships expected a copy of my answers ; which, as far as I can recollect, I here humbly offer to your Lordships. "The printed paper subscrib'd by the depriv'd Bishops, to beg the alms of charitable people, being shew'd me, T was ask'd, 11 ' Did you subscribe this paper ? ' 11 A. My Lords, I thank God I did, and it had a very happy effect ; for the will of my blessed Redeemer was fulfill'd by it ; and what we were not able to do our selves, was done by others ; the hungry were fed, and the naked were cloath'd ; and to feed the hungry, to cloathe the naked, and to visit those who are sick or in prison, is that plea which all your Lordships, as well as I, as far as you have had opportunities, must make for yourselves at the great day. And that which you must all plead at God's tribunal for your eternal Absolution, shall not, I hope, be made my condemnation here. a.d. 1694—1702.] KEN BEFORE TEE PRIVY COUNCIL. 99 "It was then said to this purpose; 'No one here condemns charity, but the way you have taken to procure it : your paper is illegal.' "A. My Lords, I can plead to the evangelical part: I am no lawyer, but shall want lawyers to plead that ; and I have been very well assured that it is legal. My Lords, I will sincerely give your Lordships an account of the part I had in it. The first person who proposed it to me, was Mr. Kettlewell, that holy man who is now with God ; and after some time it was brought to this form, and I subscribed it, and then went into the countrey to my retirement in an obscure village, 1 where I live above the suspicion of giving any the least umbrage to the Government. " My Lords, I was not active in making collections in the countrey, where there are but few such objects of charity, but good people of their own accords sent me towards fourscore pounds, of which about one half is still in my hands. " I beg your Lordships to observe this clause in our paper, 'As far as in Law we may : ' and to receive such charity, is, I presume, ' which in Law I may ; ' and to distribute it, is a thing also, ' which in Law I may.' "It was objected to this purpose: 'this money has been abus'd and given to very ill and immoral men ; and particularly to one who goes in a gown one day, and in a blue silk waistcoat another.' 2 "A. My Lords, to give to an ill man may be a mistake, and no crime, unless what was given was given him to an ill purpose ; nay, to give to an ill man and knowingly, is our duty, if that ill man wants necessaries of life ; for as long as God's patience and forbear- ance indulges that ill man life to lead him to repentance, we ought to support that life God indulges him, hoping for the happy effect of it. " My Lords, in King James's time, there were about a thousand or more imprison' d in my Diocese, who were engag'd in the rebellion of the Duke of Monmouth ; and many of them were such which I had reason to believe to be ill men, and void of all religion ; and yet for all that, I thought it my duty to relieve them. 'Tis well known to the Diocese, that I visited them night and day, and I thank God I supply'd them with necessaries myself, as far as I could, and encouraged others to do the same ; and yet King James never found the least fault with me. And if I am now charged with 1 Probably Poulshot. 2 See p. 74, »., for instances of this lay-apparel. 100 KEX TO THE DEATH OF WILLIAM III. [chap. xxii. misapplying what was given, I beg of your Lordships, that St. Paul's Apostolical rule may be observ'd, ' Against an Elder receive not an accusation, but before two or three witnesses ; ' for I am sure none tan testify that against me. What I gave, I gave in the countrey ; and I gave to none but those who did both want and deserve it : the last that I gave was to two poor widows of depriv'd clergy- men, one whereof was left with six, the other with seven small children. "It was said to this purpose: 'You are not charg'd your self with giving to ill men, though it has been done by others : but the paper comes out with a pretence of authority, and it is illegal, and in the nature of a brief ; l and if such practices are permitted, private men may supersede all the briefs granted by the King.' " A. My Lords, I beg your pardon, if I cannot give a full answer to this ; I am no lawyer, and am not prepar'd to argue it in law. " It was further objected to this purpose : ' by sending forth this paper, you have usurp'd Ecclesiastical jurisdiction.' " A. My Lords, I never heard that begging was a part of Eccle- siastical jurisdiction ; and in this paper we are only beggars, which privilege I hope may be allow'd us. "I make no doubt, but your Lordships may have had strange misinformations concerning this paper : but having sincerely told you what part I had in it, I humbly submit myself to your Lord- ships' justice. " I presume your Lordships will come to no immediate resolution concerning me ; and having voluntarily surrendred my self, and the warrant having never been serv'd on me till I had twice attended here, this being the third time, and my health being infirm, I beg this favour of your Lordships, that I may return to my sister's house, where I have hitherto lodg'd, which is a place the messenger knows well ; and that I may be no otherwise confin'd, till I have receiv'd your Lordship's final resolution. " This favour your Lordships were pleas'd very readily to grant me ; for which I return my humble acknowledgments, beseeching God to be gracious to your Lordships. "Thomas Bath and Wells, "Depriv'd."* 1 The objection seems to imply that collections in churches had been made under the Bishops' paper, but I have been unablo to trace them. 2 Hawkins's Life of Km, pp. 48 to 50. I have given (i. 311) a list of the members of the Privy Council who were present when the Seven Bishops were ad. 1694—1702.] DEATH OF KETTLEWELL. 101 On the whole the Bishop seems to have been treated with sufficient fairness. The result of his examination and that of others implicated was that he, Lloyd, White of Peterborough, "Wagstaffe, and Spinckes were released from custody by an Order of Council, dated May 23rd, 1696. Turner probably did not surrender, having given other matter of accusation than the circular letter, and thinking it therefore more prudent to keep in hiding. After this temporary and enforced publicity, Ken retired once more into the obscurity which he loved. He was passing, however, into the period of life when men begin to see the companions of earlier days falling round them, and think with sorrow that they shall see the faces they have loved no more. About a year before the Privy Council examination, Kettle- well had passed away (April 12th, 1695). There were few, if any, among his contemporaries, for whom Ken had a more pro- found veneration. He looked to him more than to any other as his spiritual director in the confused questions of the time. It was on the strength of his authority that he recommended those in a private station who would otherwise be cut off from Christian communion, to attend the services of the Established Church. In his last will he declared, with manifest allusion to the title of Kettlewell's chief work on the great controversy, 1 committed to the Tower. It may not be without interest to give a like list of those before whom Ken appeared now. The Lord Archbishop of Canterbury (Tenison). Duke of Shrewsbury. Mr. Vice- Chamberlain. The Lord Chamberlain. Mr. Secretary Trumbull. Lord Godolphin. Mr. Chancellor of the Exchequer. Marquis of Winchester. Lord Chief Justice Holt. Earl of Bridgwater. Sir Henry Goodriche. Earl of Tankerville. Mr. Russell. L >rd Cornwallis. Mr. Boscawen. Lord Coningsby. * * * * It will be seen that Godolphin — the indispensable Godolphin — is the only name common to the two lists. He retired from the Treasury in November, 1696, having been accused by Fenwick of being in James's interest. The sister with whom Ken was staying was probably either Martha, who was married to John Beacham, of London, goldsmith ; or the widow of Ion Ken, of the death of whose son, in Cyprus, we shall read later on (p. 185). 1 The Doctrine of the Cross, a Treatise on the duty of Passive Obedience on the part of subjects to their rulers. (See p. 209.) VOL. II. H 102 KEN TO THE DEATH OF WILLIAM III [chap. xxii. that he adhered to Passive Obedience as the "true doctrine of the Cross.' ' It was the influence, so to speak, of the shadow of Kettlewell during the remainder of his life that led him to take the part he did in minimising, and, so far as in him lay, terminating, the schism which they both lamented. 1 Shortly after his friend's death, Robert Nelson, who knew them both, published a volume of Kettlewell's sermons, sent it to Ken, and received the following letter in return : — LETTER XXXV. To Robert Nelson. "Sir, " I received the Book which I imagined came from you ; and for which I return you many thanks ; and since that, your obliging Letter came to my Hands. You have done an Honour to the Memory of our Dead Friend, which we all ought to acknow- ledge ; and I am very glad that his Life is writing by another Hand, as you tell me. He was certainly as Saintlike a Man as ever I knew ; and his Books are Demonstrations of it, which are full of as Solid and Searching a Piety, as ever I read. God was pleased to take him from the Evil to come, to his own infinite Advan- tage, but to our great Loss. His Blessed Will be done. Since the Date of your Letter, a New Scene has been opened : And if the Act passes which is now on the Anvil, I presume the Prisons will be filled with the Malcontents ; and your Friend, though Innocent and Inoffensive, yet apprehends he may share in the Calamity ; and foreseeing it, it will be no surprize to him. In respect of that Sort of Men I have been always of the Mind of the Prophet, that their strength was to sit still. And so it will be found at the long Run. 1 It may be noted (1) that Bishop Lloyd, of Norwich, administered the Holy Communion to Kettlewell on March 23, 1695, Dr. Thomas Smith (who will meet us soon as a friend and correspondent of Ken's), Thomas Wagstaffe, Nathaniel Spinokes, Thomas Bradley, and Mrs. Kettlewell communicating with him; and (2) that Kettlewell was buried on April 15th, in the Church of All Hallows, Barking, in the same grave with Laud, within the altar-rails ; Ken, in his epis- copal habit, reading the Burial Office and the whole Evening Service, omitting, we must believe, or altering, the so-called "characteristic" prayers. It will be scon later on that this was not, as stated in Anderdon (p. 672), the " only instance of Ken's public administration of the services of the Church after his deprival." (See p. 163.) A . D . 1694—1702.] DEATH OF WHITE AND FITZWILLIAM. 103 And 'tis the Wisest and most dutiful Way, to follow, rather than to anticipate, Providence, etc. I commend you all to Grod's most gracious Protection. " Good Sir, " Your very Affectionate Servant, "THOS. BATH AND WELLS. " March 2nd (169f)." [The "other hand" who wrote the Life of Kettle well prefixed to the folio edition of his works, Dr. Francis Lee, was prohably assisted by Hickes, deprived Dean of Worcester, and Bishop Suffragan of Thetford. The "Act now on the anvil" seems to refer to a Bill talked of in 1696, but not introduced, for the purpose of making the declaration and oaths which were voluntarily taken by the so-called "Association" of loyal subjects, acknowledging William as a law- ful king, universal and compulsory. The prospect was a dark one. Ken was prepared to suffer with the others, but in the meantime he would not join the malcontents in any action. He was content to wait. The event showed that this was the " wisest" as well as the " most dutiful" course.] Another of Ken's friends and associates, Thomas White, the deprived Bishop of Peterborough, died in May, 1698. He had been one of the famous Seven. He had cast in his lot with the five who were faithful to their conscience. Like Ken and Frampton, he led a quiet and peaceful life, chiefly in London, and being unmarried, gave much in charity. His last public act was to attend Sir John Fenwick on the scaffold when he was executed for treason on January 27th, 169 f-. 1 In the same year Ken's early friend, Lord Maynard, passed to his rest, leaving £4,000 to charitable uses, the endowment of a poor living, and the like. The following year witnessed the death (May, 1699) of another old friend, Dr. John Fitzwilliam, whose history has been given in I. 51 n. He and Ken had been contemporaries, and probably friends, at Oxford. Fitz- william's warm affection had been shown in the way in which he commended Ken's "seraphic meditations''' to Lady Rachel Russell. 2 He made Ken his executor, and, as has been already stated, left him a life-interest in £500, which was to revert on his death to the Library of Magdalen College, Oxford. Lastly, we note that on November 2nd, 1700, Ken lost his early school friend, Francis Turner, of Ely. Of late years, 1 White was believed to have drawn up the paper in which Fenwick asserted his loyalty to King James, but repudiated all complicity with the plot for William's assassination in terms full of horror. — Burnet, 0. T., Book v., 1696. 2 Lady Russell's Letters, No. xxv. h2 104 KEN TO THE DEATH OF WILLIAM III. [chap. xxn. from 1691 onwards, there had been the "little rift" of differ- ence of opinion, which had widened into divergence of action. There had been probably little or no intercourse, either person- ally or by letter, for some years before Turner's death. He was often abroad, often hiding in London and elsewhere, in disguise, and would naturally shrink from the risk of involving his friends in his own troubles by corresponding with them. All the more, we may believe, would the memory of the early days of their Winchester and Oxford life, when they had walked in the house of God as friends, come back at such a time on Ken's mind. One can think of him as saying, in the words in which he had been wont to express at once his earthly affection and his eternal hope, Roquiescat in pace (i. p. 122). He speaks of him, as we shall see (p. 107), as our " deare friend, now with God." There was yet one other death before the end of the period embraced in this chapter, of which we may be quite sure that Ken could not hear without deep emotion. On September Gth, 1701, James II. closed his strangely chequered life at St. Ger- main's. I have shown in Chapter XVI., on what seem to me sufficient grounds, that Ken's feelings towards the exiled monarch were something more than those of dutiful obedience to one on whom he still looked as his rightful King ; that with the loyalty of a subject there mingled the affection of a friend, the keen watchful anxiety of a lover of souls, who would not give up the hope that even there, in that life so stained by license, so misguided in judgment, there was a capacity for better things. For him he continued to pray when he used the services of the Church ; for him he pleaded in the more silent sanctuary of the soul. Was there any further inter- course ? It is clear, beyond the shadow of a doubt, that Ken took no part in the communications which were opened by the more violent section of the Non-jurors with the Court of St. Germain's ; that he had no part or lot in the nomination of the non-juring Bishops, or in the plots which led so many to imprisonment and exile ; that he distrusted the counsels which emanated from Melfort and others, who were James's chief advisers. To answer the question fully, I must enter once more on the region of questions as to disputed authorship. If I am a.d. 1694—1702.] BEATS OF JAS. II AXD TFJI. III. 105 right in the conclusions to which I have been led as to the Royal Sufferer, the result is, as before, that we have an addition to the materials hitherto recognised as available for a Life of Ken, of almost priceless value. I write in the full consciousness of the bias which the prospect of that treasure-trove may have given to my judgment. I can but do as I have done in previous instances, relegate the discussion to a note, and leave the deci- sion to the reader. At any rate it is not too much to assume that Ken would hear of the penance and devotion in which James's later years were spent, of his frequent visits to De Ranee at La Trappe, where he shared all the austerities of the discipline of its members ; that he would hear some report of the manner of his death, 1 how " he asked pardon of all whom he might have anyways injured. At the same time he forgave all the world, the Emperor, 2 the Prince of Orange, his daughter (sc. the Princess Anne), and every one of his subjects who had de- signedly contrived, and contributed to, his harms and misfor- tunes." He would welcome, we may believe, that message as indicating the temper of one who may hope to be forgiven him- self, because he forgives others. Of him, too, Ken may have well said, Requtescat in pace. And then, lastly, there was the death which I have taken as the terminus of this section of my history. On March 8th, 170^-, William III. breathed his last. Ken, I imagine, would receive the tidings of his death with the solemn awe which restrains the devout thinker from passing judgment on the character of a fellow-mortal. He knew the vices of his earlier life, his harsh treatment of his wife, his unfaithfulness to one who never, in word or deed or thought, had been unfaithful to him. He saw in him one who had made his way to a crown under false pretences, whose religion had been the hardest and least Christian form of Calvinism, under whose government he and hundreds of his brethren had been driven from their homes into poverty or exile, whose last act had been, when he was too feeble to hold a pen, to affix his stamp to the Abjuration and Attainder 1 The report is given in Anderdon, p. 693, as from a letter addressed to Lloyd, but with that Bishop, as we have seen, Ken's intercourse was suspended for some years before the death of William III. 2 It is clear that James felt most keenly his desertion by all the Catholic Powers of Europe except Louis XIV. (Macaulay, ch. xxv.) 106 KEN TO THE DEATH OF WILLIAM III. [chap. dot. Acts, which filled Ken's soul with horror and alarm. And yet there, also, he had recognised at one time the capacity for better things. He respected the patriotism which in early life had stood proof against the bribes of power with which Louis XI V. had tempted him. 1 He saw in him — as when he took part in drawing up the Thanksgiving Service ordered on the first day of the Convention (p. 32) — one who had been " an instrument in the hands of the Providence of God to deliver the Church and nation from Popish tyranny and arbi- trary power." He heard that he had met his end 2 as one " who did not fear death ; " that he had received the ministrations of his spiritual advisers (Burnet and Tenison, both of whom had, during his life, faithfully rebuked him for his faults) reve- rently, and had received at their hands the pledges of the Saviour's love ; that his death-bed was attended by devoted friends (Bentinck and Albemarle and Auverquerque) who had shared his every danger on the battle-field, or when smitten by foul and contagious sickness, and who loved him steadfastly to the end. With these things in his thoughts, he would at least hold his peace. He would not join in the indecent exultation of the Jacobites, who made merry over the accident that caused William's death. He would not do as Burnet did, and hint at mysterious and secret vices, over and above the failings which were known to all men. Even of him, if I mistake not, he would be disposed to say to those who were loud in their con- demnation, " Who art thou that judgest another ? " Even for him he would breathe the prayer, Requiescat in pace. I conclude this chapter with some letters which obviously belong to this period. The contents of the letters will furnish the evidence on which I have come to that conclusion. LETTER XX Ml. To Viscount Weymouth. "All Glory be to God. " My very good Lord, "Your Lordshippe's letter came to me yesterday, to Bagshott where I have been these ten dayes. I am much troubled for poore 1 See l.rthr to Archbishop Tenison (p. 93). • Blacaulay, Ch. xxv. a.d. 1694—1702,] MR. EARBIX. 107 M r . King, whom God preserve and restore. I intend, God willing, to wait on you by the ende of next weeke, if my paines, w ch still hang about me, permitt me, and I hope, if I can heare of M r . King, to persuade him to a more consistant temper, and to take a proper medicinall course, though I believe, should he recover his right mind, he would never desire to return to Longleat, upon the account of the memory of his distemper. The Bp. of E. mentions to me one M r . Harbin, who was his owne Chaplaine heretofore, an excel- lent Scholar, and as far as I could observe, of a brisk and cheerfull temper. However, I was unwilling to engage your Lordshippe to take him without a previous trial, and I have told y e Bp, y l your Lordshippe should make experiment of him, for a quarter of a yeare, before he fix'd in your family, and upon that intention, I desir'd him to send him worde that he should meet me at Longleat, y e end of next weeke. I beseech your Lordshippe to present my most humble service to My Lady, and to give my blessing to y e young Gentlemen, and I hope y e country aire will restore your health, w ch God grant. " My Lord, ''Your Lordshippe' s most affectionate and Obliged Servant, "T. B & W." [Xo date given, but found among Lord Weymouth's Letters of 1699.] [The visit to Bagshot was probably to Col. James Grahme, who, as Keeper of Windsor Forest, had a house there (p. 160). Mr. King is probably the deprived Rector of Merstham Biggott, who has come before us in earlier letters (i. 254 — 6). His privations would seem to have led to some mental excitement that had shown itself under Lord Weymouth's roof, in unbecoming words or acts. Possibly he had adopted the scurrilous and abusive tone of the more violent Xon -jurors. The letter suggests the inference tbat he had acted, after his depri- vation as chaplain at Longleat. It has the interest of showing that Harbin, with whom Ken corresponded, was recommended by him to Lord Weymouth, with whom he subsequently lived as chaplain and librarian, and that he had previously been chaplain to Francis Turner, who was living when Ken wrote.] LETTER XXXVII. To Dr. Thomas Smith. " All Glory be to God. " Good Doctor, " This is onely to wish you a happy new year, having the oppor- tunity of saluting you by Mr. Harbin, who was chaplaine here- tofore to our deare friend, the Bishop of Ely, now with God, and is at present in the same station with my Lord Weymouth, who has a 108 KEN TO THE DEATH OF WILLIAM III. [chap. xxii. great esteeme of him, and that very deservedly ; and I entreat you to shew him all the favour you can in his studys. I know my good Lord AVe3 r mouth will be very glad to see you, and you will he received by him with great respect, but I would have you dine with him on a day when he shall have least company to interrupt your conversation, and Mr. Harbin can best informe you of that. I beseech God of his infinite goodnesse to make us wise for eternity. " Your most affect: friend and B r , "THO. BATH & WELLS. "Jm. 23" (170?). [The date is fixed by the reference to Turner's death (Nov. 2, 1700), as afW that event, probably in 170?. It is addressed to Thomas Smith, who seems to have been much in correspondence with Ken in the later years of his life. He had been a Fellow of Magdalen College, Oxford, and was one of the few who acquiesced in James's action in 1687. (For an account of Harbin see p. 54.) It may be inferred, I think, that .Lord Weymouth was in London, at his house in Leicester Fields, when Ken wrote, so that Smith might call on him without difficulty. Smith answers the letter on Feb. 25, 170.1. He is much pleased with Harbin, who seems to him to have a profound knowledge of- Church History, especially of the English Reformation, and hopes he will do something to correct Burnet's blunders and prejudices. He reports that Hooper has been elected Prolocutor to the Lower House of Convocation. " A little time will show whether a license will be given them to enter into a debate" about Church affairs. "Probably not.'" And if they should sit, they will probably " quarrell among themselves." Both High Churchmen and sticklers for the Crown's authority " have been wholly silent, not to say consenting, when they saw several righteous Bishops and Priests deprived by a Lay power." Ken, as we shall see, had more hopes, now that Hooper was taking the lead in Church affairs.] LETTER XXXVIII. To the Dean of Worcester (George Hickes). " All Glory be to God. " My good Friend, 1 ' I wrote to you not long ago, to recommend to your serious con- sideration, the schism which has so long continued in our Church ; and which I have often lamented to my Brother of Ely, now with God, and concerning which, I have many years had ill abodings. I need not tell you what pernicious consequences it may produce, and, I fear, has produced already ; what advantage it yields to our enemies, what irreligion the abandoning of the public assemblys may cause in some, and what vexation it creates to tender con- sciences in the country, where they live banished from the House of God. I know you concur with me in hearty desires for closing the rupture ; and methinks this is a happy juncture for it : the a.d. 1694—1702.] CAN THE BREA CH BE HEALED ? 109 Lower House of Convocation do now worthily aifect the rights of the Clergy, and I dare say will gladly embrace a reconciliation ; the question is, how it may be conscientiously effected ? for which purpose, I wish you would consult with my Brother of Norwich, Dr. Smith, Mr. Wagstafe, and other learned sufferers, who are within your reach. I name not my Brother of Gloucester, partly because of his remoteness, and partly because he never interrupted communion with the jurors, which has been the practice also of our friends at Cambridge ; but I cannot forbear to name the excellent Mr. Dodwell, who is near you, and will be ready to contribute his advice to further so charitable a design. If you think fit to dis- course this thing among yourselves, when it is done, I could wish, that by the intervention of some friend, a meeting might be con- trived, with the worthy prolocutor, 1 and two or three of his brethren. In the mean time, give me leave to suggest my present thoughts. If it is not judged advisable for my Brother of Norwich and myself, to resign up our canonical claims, which would be the shortest way, and which I am ready to ,do, for the repose of the flock, having long ago maintained it to justify our character ; if, I say, this is not thought advisable, then that a circular letter would be peiied, and dispersed, which should modestly, and yet resolutely, assert the cause for which we suffer, and declare that our opinion is still the same, in regard to passive obedience, and specify the reasons which induce us to communicate in the publick offices, the chiefest of which is to restore the peace of the Church, which is of that importance, that it ought to supersede all ecclesiastical canons, they being only of human, and not divine, authority. A letter to this purpose would make our presence at some of the prayers rightly understood to be no betraying of our cause ; would guard us against any advantage our adversarys may take from our Christian condescension ; would relieve fundamental charity, and give a general satisfaction to all well-minded persons. I offer this with submission, and out of a sincere zeal for the good of the Church, and I beseech the Divine goodness to guide both sides into the way of peace, that we may with one mind, and one mouth, glorify God. " Y r most affect, friend and brother, " T. B. & W. "7 March, 170 r ." [Here also the allusion to Turner's death helps to determine the date of the letter. The deprived Dean of Worcester is George Hickes (for an account of whom see i., p. 226). We note that Ken does not recognise his deprivation, but 1 Hooper, afterwards Ken's successor at Bath and Wells. 110 KEN TO THE DEATH OF WILLIAM III. [chap. txcL. writes to him u still Dean. The letter referred to in the opening sentence has not been braced. Apparently it had pressed the risks and evils of perpetuating the schism. He assumes (wrongly, as it turned out) that Hickee would agree with him. Hooper's election as Prolocutor makes him hope that the oppor- tunity has at last conic How can a moeku Vivendi be conscientiously effected ? Frampton has never interrupted communion with the Jurors, and has been followed by others at Cambridge (probably the Non-jurors of St. John's). Ken hopes that Lloyd, Smith (to whom the preceding letter was addressed), Wag- Btaffe (non-juring Bishop of Ipswich), above all, Dodwell, will be ready with conciliatory counsels. After consultation among themselves, they would do well to communicate with Hooper, and two or three leading members of the Lower House of Convocation. The thought of a "cession" on his own part and Lloyd's, already suggests itself to him as desirable. Anyhow there might be a circular sanctioning the attendance of Non-jurors at the services of the Esta- blished Church. Hickes, if he answered the letter, would probably throw cold water on the proposals, nor was it likely, as regards the cession, to find favour with Lloyd. Dodwell, as we shall see, came round to Ken's views as to the attendance. See Letters lxxi, lxxxii — lxxxiv.] LETTER XXXLX. To the Dean of Worcester (George Hickes). " All Glory be to God." "My good Friend, " I am still of the opinion that Mr. Cook's aim was extravagant, and was likely to give little assistance to his parents and brothers, and I said enough to convince him of it, when I told him that after his son had served his time, he could be only a journeyman, unless he took the oath, which was at present the case of one whom I knew, and that if he did take it, he could have no seat in the office, unless he could advance about £500 to purchase it. Your concern for the good lady is very kind and just, but if you visit her, and at the same time show an aversion to her husband, it will, I fear, rather afflict than comfort her. The complaisant expressions you censure I never used, and am confident the Coll : will not say I did, so that I look on the imputation as one of those causeless suspicions, under which some of my arbitrary friends are pleased to lay me. In the latter part of your letter you give your own character, on purpose, I perceive, that I should take the reverse of it to myself. And in some respects I am willing to do it, namely, in allowing all degrees of excusability to those who are of a different persuasion, and in tho business of clandestine consecrations, against which you know I always declared my judgment; I foresaw it would per- petuate llif schism which I daily deplore: and I thought it insidiously procured by Melford for that purpose, who could intend a.d. 1694—1702.] AGREEING TO DIFFER. Ill no good to our Church ; but I was forced at last to tollerate what I could not approve of. As to the main, I may probably continue as firm as they who keep more bustle ; though I told you long ago I could shew no zeal for it, and then gave you the reason which cooled me, and which I sent to our friends abroad. You have been more than once severe upon me. I leave you at your liberty to dissent from me, and if you will not indulge me the like liberty to dissent from you, I must take it, though without any breach of friendship on my part. God keep us in His most holy fear, " Your most affectionate friend and B r , "THO: B & W. " Octr. 1, 1701." [Round prints the letter without a superscription. Internal evidence shows that it, was written to Hi ekes. Mr. Cook was apparently a lay non-juror who had, as was then rommon, bought a place in a Government office. Hickes, it would seem, had spoken harshly of Cook's action, and was about to condole with his wife on her husband's defection, a procedure from which Ken gently dis- suades him. The "complaisant expressions" which Ken repudiates were pos- sibly connected with James II. 's action and proceedings at Magdalen. It is likely that he had been accused of advising a surrender, as his friend Smith had done. Hickes, in his answ r er, had apparently described himself as firm and ' thorough,' while Ken was, by implication, disposed to weaker and more vacil- lating counsels. That charge he accepts. He had never disguised his dislike of the "clandestine consecrations." Melford (Melfortj, a convert to Rome, and one of James's ministers in Scotland, who had joined him at St. Germain's, was not likely to have the interests ot the Church of England very much at heart. Ken, at all events, had stated his objections at the time, both at home and to his "friends abroad," i.e. the non-jurors at James's court, when the names of four priests had been sent over for the King to select two of them. A long reply from Hickes is found in the Rawlinson MSS. (Letter 68), in the Bodleian Library. He complains of Ken's conduct at "the Bath," had heard that he had " given leave to people of our Communion to go to Church there," that he had " chid one of them for not going," and expostulated with Mr. Stamp, whom he had not long before "received as a penitent," for "living in the Schism," and had said that he would " resign his Bishopric." Against all this Hickes argues at great length. He writes on November 10th, 1701.] LETTER XL. "To Mr. Harbin. 1 "Good Sir, 1 ' I staid at Sarum longer than I intended, by which means I received your letter, which gave me much satisfaction for the present ; but since that, I hear that the abjuration goes on, only they have changed voluntary into compulsory. I am troubled to see the nation likely to be involved in new universal oaths, but hope they 1 Lord Weymouth's chaplain. See pp. 54, 107, 108. 1 1 12 KEN TO THE DEATH OF WILLIAM III. [chap. xxii. will be imposed on none but those who were employed, or promoted, in church and state. I came to Winchester yesterday, where I stay one post more, and then goe either to Sr R. U. (W. ?) or L. Newton, where you shall hear from me. Little Matthew is very well, and the schoolmaster, at whose house I lodge, tells me he is very regular, and minds his book. My best respects where most due. I beseech God to multiply his blessings on yourselfe and on the family where you are. 1 ' Your truly affectionate friend and brother, "T. B. & W. " Winton, Jan. 22 (17(H)." [The contents fix the date as being in January, 170.V. The voluntary associa- tion, for the defence of the King and country, of those who abjured the Prince of Waits, which had been started in 1696 after the di>covery of the Assassination Plot, though it had been joined by the municipal corporations all over Englaud, by 37,000 in Westminster, 17,000 in the rural parts of Surrey, 50,000 in Lancashire, and so on in all parts of England, 1 was not thought sufficient, and in the Session of 170^ the Whigs passed a Bill, to which William gave the royal assent in the last hours of his life, making it compidsory. Ken expresses the hope that it would be limited in its operation to those who held office in Church and State. Appa- rently he had been staying with Canon Walton at Salisbury, and when he wrote, was on a visit to Winchester, with Dr. Cheyney, his former Chaplain, then Head Master of the College. I have been unable to identify " Sir R. TJ." and " L. Newton." A writer in Notes and Queries, 1st S., vii. 526, suggests Sir Richard Worsley, who married a daughter of Lord Weymouth, and thinks that u L. New- ton " may be a transcriber's error for Lower Norton or Naunton. AVho "little Matthew " was remains equally obscure. The only " Matthew" who appears in the College Register for some years before 1695, and some years after 1703, is a boy named Stent, of the parish of St. Andrew (Holborn ?), in the county of Middlesex. Mr. R. C. Browne informs me that a careful inspection of the original letter shows the true reading to be " little Master," but this does not help us much in identifying him. Probably he was some relation of Harbin's.] LETTER XI.I. To Mr. Harbin. "All Glory be to God. "My good Friend, 1 1 This morning yours came to my hands : y c Recipe I presume was given you by my good Lord, who had it from Lord Grodolphin, & it comes seasonably, for I have been in much paine since I came hither. Y e Bill of attainder against a Minor I doe not understand, as for y l of abjeuration, I am more concerned; you will doe me a great kindnosse, to sett mo at ease about it, & to lett me know with 1 Macaulay, Ch. xxv. l^sp xnr * r - ^s y~$ ~^iJ^i>, Y^h-^HM^ \ «- ^f- ->- '1°' r ' <=JB'.M> A . D . 1694—1702.] OATH OF ABJURATION. 113 what penalty it will be enforcd : it is an oath I shall never take ; I will rather leave y e Kingdome, as old, & as infirme as I am, & if it is likely to drive me to y* hardshippe, I would gladly have as much notice, & time to prepare for y e Storme, as possibly may be had. Pray write by Tuesdays post, & direct to W. Jones, at Canon Wal- ton's house in y e Close in Sarum. ' ' My humble service to y e good Lord, & Lady ; God Keepe us in his Holy feare. "Yours, good S r , very affectionately, "T. B& W. "Jan. lOt A " (1701). [The date of the letter has no year, hut the contents indicate the January of 170^, when the Bill of Attainder against the Pretender was pressed upon Parlia- ment. To give his royal assent to that Bill was, as with the Abjuration Act, one of William's last acts. Ken looked with indignation at the idea of such an Act against a hoy of thirteen. Had it accomplished what apparently it was meant to accomplish, Europe might have witnessed the execution of another Conradin, and the house of Stuart might have ended like the house of HohenstaufTen.] One more letter of this period stands apart by itself, and may be fitly inserted here, though, perhaps, of earlier date than some of the preceding, as preparing the way for our esti- mate of Ken's conduct after William's death. LETTER XZU* 1 ' For the worthy Mr. Dodwell, at Shottesbrook, xear Maidenhead. "All glory be to God. " Sir, " I return you many thanks for your very kind and Christian letter and for y e enclosed paper, with which I was very pleased, though I was sensible y* it will favour a misrepresentation made of me by one of or friends, whom I can easily guesse, and wh I perceive was suggested to you, that I am about to forsake y e com- munion of my Brethren, to whom I have adhered as constantly as Himself. It is a great affliction to me y* you lay the schisme so much to heart. It is a thing which has given me trouble for many years, and great vexation to many pious men scattered abroad in the country, and wh I once thought would prove fatale to our cause. The shortest way I could think on to extinguish it was y e very same wh I find you yourselfe propose, namely to give up 1 The letter is given in fac-simile hy the kind permission of the Rev. Canon Moor, of Truro, to whom I am indehted for my knowledge of it. IN KEN TO THE DEATH OF WILLIAM III. [chap. xxn. my canonical] claim, with a salvo to all y e divine rights of y* order. & by this means I should first restore peace to my own Dioc< * and I shall have this consolation on my death bed, y l if I did it not, it was more my Infelicity y" fault, in regard that my Intruder betrays so little of a true pastor, y l I can look for no canonicall Declaration from him, and I cannot in conscience give up my Flock to him. 1 often mentioned my Sentiment to my Brethren, but found not their approbation, and indeed, when I well considered y e case, I saw I could not well expect it, by reason of y e differem ■•• between us, for I had y e like desire with your selfe to put an end to y e schisme, & they were zealous to transmitt it to succession. I was for a long time vehemently solicited to lend my hand to it, but I always remonstrated against it, though I was at last faine to tolerate what I could not prevent, so y* y e controversy, wh you truly say, and I often inculcated, was to end with y e living, is to be perpetuated, & 'tis my dissent in this instance Wh has raised a prejudice against me. As for my coming to Towne I have told my friends y 1 'tis neither consistent with my Health, my Purse, or Inclination, and why is not y e same proposed to my Br of Gl., on whom y e passion of some friends, misemployed on me, would be more properly spent ? My best respects to your good wife and to Mr. Cherry. I beseech God to multiply His blessings on yourself and family. " Good Sir, "Your most affectionate Friend, "THO. B & W. "Nov. 10, 1701." [Dodwell, it would seem, had heard from some of his non-juring friends that Ken was ahout to leave them, and return to the Estahlished Church. The thoughts which were afterwards developed in the Case i>i View, which he published in 1705, and which will come hefore us in a later chapter, were already working in his mind, as Ken's mention of himin Letter xxxviii. implies, and he was suggest- ing th<: resignation of the survivors of the deprived Bishops as the readiest way of ending the schism, the continuance of which was to him, as well as to Ken the occasion of a constant sorrow. As long as Kidder lived. Ken had little hope that he would, in any way, he party to an arrangement which implied thai his predt cesser still stood in any pastoral relation to his Hock, such as Ken indi- cated in his "salvo to all the divine rights of the order." It would appear thai he had already suggested such a step to his hrethren, probably Lloyd and Frampton. ( taone thing, however, his inind was fixed. The schism was to 4< end with the living, and was not to he perpetuated." lie, for his part, could not go up to town, to say nothing of other reasons, to confer with others whose feelings were so different from his Own. Dodwell was living, it may he noted, at Shotteshrook, close to Cherry's house, and so it was natural to send a greeting to the family of the latter, whom Ken, from time to time, visited.] 115 NOTE TO CHAPTER XXII. Did Ken write "The Eoyal Sufferer," alias "The Crown of Glory"? In 1699 a book was published bearing the title of The Royal Sufferer : A Manual of Prayers and Devotions, written for the Use of a Royal though afflicted Family. By T. K., D.D. No publisher's name is given, nor place of publication. Another edition with the same title-page was published in 1701 . In 1725 it was republished with a new title, The Crown of Glory, the Reward of the Righteous : Meditations on the Vicissitudes and Uncertainty of all Sublunary Enjoy- ments. Composed for the Use of a Noble Family. By the Right Reverend Thomas Kenn, late Lord Bishop of Bath and Wells. Bettesworth, at the Red Lyon, Paternoster Row. It has, as a frontispiece, the same engraving (Vertue's) of the Bishop's portrait as we find in Haw- kins's edition of his Sermons and Poems. The question is, Was this book genuine or spurious ? I have not as yet succeeded in finding one jot or tittle of external evidence. (1) Looking to the probabilities of the case, there is (i.) the ques- tion whether it was likely that The Royal Sufferer, if spurious, should have been twice published in Ken's lifetime, with initials which must have suggested his name to everybody, without a disclaimer on his part ; and (ii.) whether it is likely that it should have been pub- lished under another title in 1725, while William Hawkins, the Bishop's great-nephew, who had repudiated the Expostulatoria in 1711, and had published the Bishop's Poems in 1721, was living, and might, any day, have repudiated this also. I find no trace of such action in either case. (2) We may ask whether the contents of the volume are such as Ken might have written. It will be seen, I think, that here, if the book be spurious, the imposture extends beyond the title-page. The writer, if he is not Ken, skilfully assumes his character, and writes of men and things as it might be supposed that he would have written. I give, with some compression, a few of the passages which have this stamp on them. There is first the dedication " To ***** " (James). The Author writes with ' ' no other design, but the supporting you under those calamities which you have borne with so much magnanimity and patience I cannot conceive (whatever some may think) that your being of another persuasion than myself can discharge me 116 NOTE TO CHAPTER XXII. [chat. xxii. from this duty And I hope you will not the less regard what 1 have written In cause I profess myself an unworthy Son of the Church of England .... I believe that the next (i.e. nearest) way to Heaven is not Controversy but Conscience." He protests against the anathemas which I he Church of Rome thundered against Protes- tants. " If I am regenerated by Baptism, believing the Scriptures, can it, with any colour of reason, be supposed that I shall suffer damnation for not believing traditions? .... As to images, invo- cation of Saints and Angels, communion in both kinds .... I believe the Protestant religion to be the most safe way." The dedication ends with the hope that, when the time is come, "God will translate you to a crown of immarcescible glory." It is signed T. K. in the edition of 1699, " Tho. Kenn " ] in the Crown of Glory of 1725. The work itself opens with reflections on the changes and chances of human life, illustrated by a curious gallery of examples of poor men who have risen, Peter Comestor, Gratian, Peter Lombard, Agathocles, Abdalonymus, Iphicrates, Marius, Cosmus de Medicis, John Hunniades, and Henry III., of Portugal ; and great ones who have fallen, Agag, Jezebel, Nebuchadnezzar, Bajazet, Vale- rian, Frederick III., Mauritius, Priam, Palseologus, Edward II., Richard II., and Charles I. This is followed by reflections which must have reminded James of his favourite Nieremberg, On the Difference between Things Temporal and Eternal (see i. 263). Later on, the writer gives his view of the events through which he has himself passed. He sees in the calamities of the time a judgment on national sins, such as the prevalence of "cursing and swearing and whoredom," especially among the Royalist party, and the " cruelty and bloodshed " of which the land had been full, "especially" (he obviously refers to the Bloody Assize) "in the West, which had been .... turned into a slaughter house." He condemns the " establishment of a new Court" (that of Ecclesias- tical Commission), and " the Declaration for liberty of conscience, though it might, indeed, shew the King's lenity to Dissenters, was certainly a false step in the advisers, and still more the requiring it td be read by order of the Bishops I am very persuaded of the King's sincerity, but not so of others. There were servants of 1 The spelling of the name might, at first, seem against the genuineness, hut, as I have said, the two tm'B are found in all the Bishop's Registers at Wells, and they can scarcely be relegated to the character of apocryphal documents. What seems prohahlo is that, as the Dame was first given alter Ken's death, instead of the previous initials, T. K., it reproduced not his own signature, hut one of the most common variants. a.d. 1699.] BIB KEN WRITE "ROYAL SUFFERER" ? 117 his who delighted in blood I was grieved to see that effusion of Christian blood, and would have prevented it, had I had the power, and, as I had the opportunity, I shewed mercy, and where I could not, I have not been slow to pray that the guilt of that blood might not fall on him, nor on his royal issue, for even then my foreboding soul had great apprehensions that it would call aloud for vengeance." In the violent proceedings against the President and Fellows of Magdalen College he sees a ' ' great piece of injustice." In speaking of the imprisonment of the Seven Bishops, he is careful to add, " not that the Bishops were against indulgence to the Dissenters when it should be proposed in Parlia- ment " (pp. 59 — 76). As for his own part in those transactions — " What I acted at that time was out of duty to God and the King," and it is not " to be charged with consequences," which no man could then foresee. "If I was at all mistaken, or acted beyond what I ought to have done, I humbly beg pardon both of God and the King." It will be admitted, I think, that in all this, if the book be spurious, the writer shows an insight into Ken's character and feelings, which can hardly be explained by anything short of thought-reading. I ask myself what motive could any forger have had to publish a work which harmonized so entirely with what Ken thought and felt, and which fell in so little with the passions and prejudices of parties on either side, and the solution of the problem which I offer as, at least, probable, is that Ken, while he found him- self precluded, by the line he had taken, from all political com- munications with the Court of St Germain's, was unwilling that James, for whom he felt both a personal affection and a spiritual interest, should think that he had forgotten him. He heard of the devout, we may add, if we will, the superstitious, asceticism of James's later years, and he sought to guide him into a truer way of penitence than that of the discipline of the scourge. He would not speak smooth things and prophesy deceits, as Tenison, in his judg- ment, had done to Mary, but when he had placed before him the errors of his past life, would supply him with the Confessions, the Professions of Faith, the Meditations and Prayers, which make up the rest of the small volume, and which were suitable for his spiritual wants. For this purpose he printed the book, mainly for private circulation, and, though he did not expect a large demand for it, allowed it to be sold, that others might see that, though he held aloof from their rash and perilous projects, he was not a less loyal and faithful subject to the exiled King than they were, The beauty of the devotional element of the book told, as might be VOL. II. I 118 NOTE TO CHAPTER XXII. [chap. xxn. expected, on the Non- jurors whose minds were attuned to Ken's higher mood, and so there was within two years a demand for an- other edition. After Ken's death, probably as a consequence of the publication of his poems, there was a yet further demand, and then, as James's death had made the former title of The Royal Sufferer obsolete, it was reproduced, with one of more general cha- racter, as The Grown of Glory. That is my hypothesis. I leave it to those who think the book apocryphal to suggest another equally fitting in with the pheno- mena of the case, and equally probable in itself. If I am right, then I think that Ken may claim some share, as well as De Ranee, whom James often visited at La Trappe 1 (I will add William Penu also, whose wife paid an annual visit to St. Germain's and doubtless brought letters of comfort and counsel), both in the general peni- tence and devout submission which led Mary Beatrice almost to ex- pect her husband's canonisation, and in the special counsels which the dying King gave to the Prince, whom he was leaving, at the age of thirteen, to the chances of an uncertain and clouded future : * ' I am now leaving this world, which has been to me a sea of storms and tempests, it being God Almighty's will to wean me from it by many great afflictions. Serve him with all your power, and never put the Crown of England in competition with your eternal salvation. There is no slavery like sin, nor liberty like His ser- vice. If His holy Providence shall think fit to seat you on the throne of your royal ancestors, govern your people with justice and clemency. Remember, kings are not made for themselves, but for the good of the people. Set before their eyes, in your own actions, a pattern of all manner of virtue. Consider them as your children. You are the child of vows and prayers, behave yourself accordingly. Honour your mother that your days may be long ; and be always a kind brother to your dear sister, that you may reap the blessings of concord and unity." — Somers* Tracts, xi. ? p. 342 ; in Strickland, ix., p. 345—398. 1 An interesting account of one of these visits is given in Marsollier's Life of the Abbot Ranee, quoted from Twining's Selections from Papers of the Twining Family, 1S87, pp. 48 — 55. The Abbe addressed the King, "Sire! Dieu nous visite aujouraV hui en la personne de votre Majesle." The King attended all the services, rising at 2 a.m., and practised all the austerities of the monastery. It was clearly the established belief that he was too saintly to be the wearer of an earthly crown. [C. J. P.] CHAPTER XXIII. , KEN AND THE NON-JURORS UNDER ANNE, A.D. 1702 1705. " This be my comfort, in these days of grief, Which is not Christ's, nor forms heroic tale, Apart from Him if not a sparrow fail, May not He pitying 1 view and send relief, When foes or friends perplex, and peevish thoughts prevail ? " /. H. Newman. It might have seemed as if the death of William and Anne's succession would have been followed, for Ken at least, by a time of tranquillity and peace. Her general sympathies with the High Church party were sufficiently conspicuous. His friend Hooper was rising into royal favour. In an undated letter (i. p. 271), 1 but written after Turner was Bishop of Ely, she had asked him to have places reserved for her and one attendant at the Chapel of Ely House, because she wished to hear " Ken expound. " She had heard his memorable sermons at Whitehall, that against the claims of Rome, on March 10, 1687, and again on April 1, 1688, the Babylon and Edom sermon. His friend and patron Lord Weymouth took office under her, and made a suggestion, which the Queen approved, that Kidder should be transferred to Carlisle, vacant by the death of Thomas Smith (1702), and that Ken should return to Bath and Wells, with a prospect of the primacy, should there be a vacancy. 2 He declined the offer, partly as objecting to the oath of abjuration, partly as feeling too old and infirm to resume his episcopal duties. The period on which we now enter proved, as a matter of 1 Printed in the Gentleman'' s Magazine for March, 1814, and communicated by Richard Fowke, of Elmesthorpe, as then in his possession. 2 Waylen, History of Devizes, p. 330. Lansdown MSS., v. 987, in Anderdon, p. 700. i 2 120 KEN AND NON-JURORS UNDER ANNE. [chap. xxiii. fact, quite the opposite of all this. It was, perhaps, the most troubled time of Ken's whole life, in which he felt more than ever that he had fallen on evil tongues and evil days. He had chosen the " golden mean " and, therefore, as in Spenser's Allegory, 1 the " two extremities " combined to banish him. He had taken a parte per se stesso, which cut him off from the rash enterprises and violent counsels of his old companions, and he had to pay the penalty of his self-chosen isolation. Ken, as we have seen, had separated himself from his brother Non-jurors, after what seemed to him the ill-advised step of the consecration of Hickes and Wagstaff as suffragans. He had held aloof from all plots, and even from all direct personal communications, unless the Royal Sufferer be an exception, with the Court of St. Germain's. He, Lloyd, and Framp- ton were now the only survivors of the original Non-juring Bishops. Frampton was looked on as too old, and too persis- tent in his resolve to lead a quiet and peaceable life, to be in- vited to any deliberations in the new crisis caused by William's death, but Lloyd 2 felt that he could not well act alone with- out consulting Ken, and accordingly opened communications with him in a letter dated March 16, 1702, within eight days of the King's decease. In it he expresses his regret that Ken has "withdrawn correspondence with me for some years passed, and also the brotherly affection which you vouchsafed me heretofore/' but in view of " the late emergency," i.e. the King's death, he begs him, in his own name and that " of such of our brethren as I have seen and conferred with," to " come up to our comfort and assistance." To this letter Ken returned the following answer : — LETTER XLIII. To Mrs. Hannah Lloyd. " Your's of Mar : 16th, came not to my hands till y e 26th, after the post was gone, so that I was forced to deferre my answer, till this next post day. I have discoursed with the person you mention, 1 Faerie Quecne, ii. c. 2. 2 Lloyd was believed to bo one of the thoroughgoing Jacobites who wero willing to have invited James to resume the throne without any conditions, and wen llu n fore known as Non-compounders. (Burnet, 0. T. } Book v., 1G96.) On this point Ken had never agreed with him. a.d. 1702—1705.] CORRESPOKDEXCE WITH LLOYD. 121 and he replied to this purpose. He said that he remembers not that he withdrew correspondence from you designedly, and that you as much withdrew your's from him ; or rather it was dropp'd between you both, because there was nothing to maintaine it worth the postage. As for brotherly affection, he denys that it was ever withdrawn on his part. He ownes that he in some things always dissented from his friend, but without breach of friendship. He says he cannot imagine that his counsel and assistance can be worth a London journey, which is consistent neither with his purse, nor convenience, nor health, nor inclination. As to the present emergency, it may, he believes, give a fair occasion to many to alter their conduct ; but it does not at all influence him. He has quite given over all thoughts of re-entering the world, and nothing shall tempt him to any oath, onely he heartily wishes that by those who know the towne, some expedient might be found out, to put a period to the schism which is so very vexatious to persons of tender consciences, who live scattered in the country. In any thing of that nature, he would gladly concur : he thinks it had been happy for the Church, had M r . Kettlewell's state of the case been embraced. In the mean time, he never uses any characterisetick in the prayers, himself, nor is present where any is read, and he has en- deavoured to act uniformely to the moderate sentiments which he cannot exceed. He sends his hearty respects to yourself, and family, and to all his, and your friends. " Your very affect te friend & brother, "T. B. & W. "March 29" (1702). [The " person you spoke of" is, of course, Ken himself, the periphrasis being, perhaps, adopted as a precaution against Post-office inspection, or as better suited for the slightly ironical tone of the letter. Lloyd's somewhat offended and condescending tone is naturally met by a slight resentment (I use the word in its older and stricter sense) of wounded feeling on Ken's. What had he done that he should be thus accused of unfrierjdliness ? Why should he spend his money and risk his health where he sees no hope of any good result ? He ' ' keeps his old course in a country new;" has said "good-bye" to the world, will not be tempted "to take any oath." He has, of course, the abjuration oath in his thoughts, but the generalising character of his language half suggests the thought that he was coming round to William Penn's view, and saw that all oaths of this nature were a snare to men's consciences. One thing only he desires, and that is to end the schism, as Kettlewell would have ended it, by a declaration allow- ing Non-jurors generally to communicate in the Established Church. He himself, in this following Frampton, never uses "any characteristicks " in the prayers, i.e. had never named either James or William, and being a " public person," as he says elsewhere (pp. 127, 194), had abstained from being present when such prayers were used.] l 22 KEN AND NON-JURORS UXDER ANNE. [chap. xxm. Lloyd's reply is lost, but it was obviously more friendly than the first letter. We are left to infer its contents from Ken's answer to it. LETTER XLIV. To Mrs. Hannah Lloyd. " I received your's, my good friend, and am glad it gave you any satisfaction, which I wrote to you. A friend of late has been much dissatisfied with me, because I will not give up myself to his keep- ing, which I have no reason to do, and he probably may raise jealousy of me. When I told you that a London journey was not agreeable to my purse, it was no pretence, but a real truth. I am not able to support the expense of it, which all that know my con- dition will easily believe. I thank God, I have enough to bring the yeare about while I remain in the country, and that is as much as I desire. I have been often offered money for myself, but always refused it, and never take any but for to distribute, and in the country I have nothing now for that good use put into my hands. As for the schism, I believe I can propose a way to end it, but it is not practicable till the Convocation meets, and then if the face of affairs alter not, I make no question but Erastianisme will be condemned, which by some of us has been proposed as a means of reunion. My respects to your fire-side. God keep us in His Holy feare. " Your's very affectionately. "T. B. & W. li Sarum,Ap: 7 (1702). " To-morrow I return, God willing, to Hampshire, for a short time." [The "dissatisfied friend " (probably Hickes, p. 1 1 1) bad apparently treated Ken's plea of poverty as an excuse ; but his £80 per annum was really not enough to allow of spending money in an expedition to London, and his rule was (probably even after Fitzwilliam's legacy) to treat all that came into his hands beyond that as held in trust for those poorer than himself. The hopes with which the Letter ends clearly point to Hooper as the Prolocutor and hading mind of the Lower House of Convocation. A declaration on the part of that body condemning Erastianism might, he thinks, open the way to re-union. The journey to Hamp- shire probably implies a visit to Canon Hawkins or Dr. Cheyney at Winchester. The hint that he sees his way to 4< end the schism " is noteworthy. See p. 109.] This letter would seem not to have been answered, and so Ken writes again simply to report his movements. a.d. 1702-1705.] CORRESPONDENCE WITH LLOYB. 123 LETTER XLV. 11 For Mrs. Hannah Lloyd. "All Glory be to God. 4 ' My very good Lord, ' ' This is only to let you know that I go towards Polshot, God willing, to-morrow, and thither, if there is any occasion for it, your Lordshippe may direct to me. I have been more free from my dis- temper, I thank God, during my stay in this clear air than I have been for many years, and I would gladly seat myself in the down country, but that I must abide not where I would, but where I can ; a moist, thick & muddy air does by no means agree with me, though to such a one I am now retiring. My best respects to Mrs. Lloyd, and to your family. God keep us in His holy fear. 11 My good Lord, " Your Lordship's very affect. fr d : and B r . "THOS. B. & W. "Apr. 26th " (1702). [The living of Polshot, in Wiltshire, was held hy Izaak Walton, jun., in conjunction with his canonry at Winchester. One notes the gradual increase of disease and suffering from which the bracing air of the Downs gave him a tem- porary relief, and the plaintiveness of the remark, not perhaps without its bearing on the report which had spread that his means would allow him to travel freely to London and elsewhere, that he must he content to abide, " not where £ would, but where I can." This seems a fitting place to give once for all a medical diagnosis as to the nature of Ken's sufferings, for which I am indebted to Dr. R. Purnell, of Wells, to whom I submitted all the passages in Ken's letters and poems that bear upon the question. " I consider it highly probable that Bishop Ken was the subject of what is commonly spoken of as lithiasis, a condition in which lithic acid is present in the system in excess, giving rise to a long train of morbid symptoms, including those you enumerate. The rheumatic pains would probably be first in order of occurrence, and doubtless were the cause of his being sent either to Bath or the Clifton Hot Wells for the water-cure ; whilst the colic, it is more than likely, was of the nephritic variety, resulting from the for- mation of a small calculus as the disease progressed. The presence of hematuria as a later symptom strengthens the diagnosis, as it is of frequent occurrence in these cases Opium would have been the only drug available to relieve his severe sufferings." And opium was the one drug which Ken, looking on it as an attempt to evade the discipline of appointed suffering, was unwilling to take. As he wrote — there seems to me something infinitely touching in the words — " Verse is the only laudanum for my pains." When the pains of anguish were scarcely endurable he would get up and write hymns. (See p. 199.) In these he found, as Hammond had done, who uses nearly / 124 KEN AND NON-JURORS UNDER ANNE. [chap, xxrir. the same words, his true u anodynes." (Fell's Life, pp. 228—231.) Hammond's illness seems to have been of the same typ , in both eases the effect of over-study, under-feeding, and many vigils.] The next letter seems to have been written spontaneously, the opportunity of conveyance by a private hand having pre- sented itself. This accounts for its being addressed, not like the others to Mrs. Hannah Lloyd, but to the Bishop as such. LETTER XLVI. For the Bishop of Norwich. " All Glory be to God. "My very good Lord, 1 ' Mr. Jones intending to wait on you, lest the correspondence should quite expire, I took this opportunity of giving you a line or two. I find that I am misinterpreted by some of the brethren, and am charged with giving advices concerning communion, contrary to our Mother, whereas the only advice I have given was to recommend the two last prayers {sic, in Bound) of good M r . Kettle well's book to people's reading. I was always of his opinion, and wished that our brethren had not stated the question on higher terms, and I approved of the book in manuscript. I easily guess from whom the prejudices conceived against me rise, and I had rather be loaded with treble the number, than put myself under his discipline. My best respects to your good wife and to your daughter. I shall spend this summer, God willing, most at Longleat, though I am now very uneasy there ; not but that my Lord is extremely kind to me, but because I cannot go to prayers there, by reason of the late altera- tions, which is no small affliction to me. God keepe us in his holy fear, and make us wise for eternity. "My good Lord, " Your Lordship's most affect: friend and B 1 , THOS. B. & W. "June 30" (1702). [Mr. Jones is probably the person of that name under cover to whom, as in Letter xli., Ken's correspondents were to address to him at Salisbury. The misinterpretation of which he complains was, I conceive, the report thai he had encouraged his brother Non-jurors to communicate with the established clergy, anywhere, and under any conditions. He wishes to defend his position by say- ing that he agrees with the last section of KettlcweH's book (we should, I believe, read "pages," or probably" chapters,"|as in Letter ri.viii.,not "prayers," M printed by Round), which permitted it as a preferable alternative to the entire a.d. 1702—1705.] CORRESPONDENCE JTLTIL LLOYD. 125 abandonment of Church ordinances. KettlewelTs book is his Treatise on Chris- tian Communion. Pt. III., chaps, vii. and viii. The author of the report in ques- tion was probably Hickes, between whom and Ken there seems to have been, at this time, a sense of mutual repulsion. He is inclined to say, Non tali auxilio, nee defensor ibus istis. I do not feel sure what he refers to as the " late alterations" at Longleat. Probably Lord Weymouth, who may have acquiesced before "William's death in the omission of the King's name in the services in his private chapel, may have directed Anne's name to be inserted, and so the prayers contained what were known as "characteristics." Ken felt that while others, who thought as he did as to the Eevolution, might rightly attend such prayers and indicate their non- participation by some outward act, he, as a "public person," could not (pp. 121, 194).] To this Lloyd clearly wrote an answer expressing general agreement, and Ken replied accordingly. LETTER XLVII. For Mrs. Haxxah Lloyd. 1 ' My good Lord axd B r , " I made no sooner a return to your last, because you gave me hopes of hearing from you again, and more at large. It is a great satisfaction to me, that without consulting one another, we were both of the same mind. I confess I never was for extremities. which I soon thought would prove of fatal consequences, but I find that others, who always were, and still are, for them, think but hardly of me, and probably they may think as hardly of your Lord- ship. As for Mr. Jones, I think him an honest man, but since I conversed with him, and observed him, he is not one whom I would chuse for a governor to a young gentleman. My best respects to your lady, and to your daughter. God keep us in his holy feare. " My good Lord, ' ' Your Lordship's most affect: friend & B r , "TOO. B. & TV. '• Aug. 21 " (1702). [The ''extremities" of which Ken speaks, are the denouncing the whole Established Church as involved in the guilt of schism, and refusing all com- munion with it. Mr. Jones seems to have been seeking a tutorship, for which Ken was not inclined to recommend him. I cannot trace him farther.] Another letter, in reply to one received from Lloyd, follows before long. 126 KEN AND N0N-JUR0R8 UNDER AXXE. [chap, xxtit. LETTER XI. I'll I. Fob Mrs. Hannah Lloyd. "All Glory be to God. '• My very good Lord, lt Your's came to my hands, and as to the copy of a letter which your friend received, I may well doubt of the truth of it, till I see it confirmed, for certainly had it been true, the powers above must have had some intimation of it, and as far as I can learn they have received none. As for the other, I never argued the case with lay- people, but recommended to them the two last chapters of M r . Kettle well's book, where it is truly and fully stated, to my appre- hension, and I am extremely satisfied that your sentiments concur with mine. Our brother of Ely, now with God, had the like thoughts, and gave the like advice to a worthy person now near me in the country, who related it to me, and I always thought and said, that stricter measures would be of fatal consequence to our church, for which some of our brethren would never relish me. I am going to Polsheault tomorrow for a few days, and I have an invitation to give a visit to our good brother of Gloucester, if the rheumatic and cholic pains which haunt me permit it. My best respects to your good Lady and daughter. God of his infinite goodness make us wise for eternity. " My good Lord, " Your Lordship's most affect: B r , "THO. B. & W. '• Sep. 4th" (1702). [We are left to conjecture what the opening sentences refer to : possibly there were rumours as to action contemplated by the Government against those who declined to take the oath of abjuration. The "powers above" may be a peri- phrasis for Lord Weymouth, who took office under Anne, and his friends. They, Ken knew, had heard nothing of such measures. The rest of the letter deals once more with the vexed question of attendance at the services in parish churches, and this time Ken strengthens his position by referring to the authority of Francis Turner (d. Nov. 2nd, 1700) as agreeing with himself and Kettlewell. Appa- rently this was a new, and perhaps, looking to the part Turner had taken, an un- expected fact to him, which he had learnt from the unknown "worthy person " to whom the advice had been given. (But see p. 198.) Frampton, whom he pro- poses to visit, was then living unmolested at Btandish, near Gloucester, preach- ing, catechising, and sometimes taking part, with necessary omissions of what w< re call) d " characteristics," in the services of the parish church (Evans, Lift of Frampton, p. 208.) The wish to confer with him is symptomatic as indicating general agreement as to what was feasible and desirable under the then existing circumstances. For this visit, <>r possibly another at a later date, see Letter l\vi. We note that Ken's sufferings are increasing in their painfulness.] ad. 1702-1705.] CORRESPONDENCE WITH LLOYD. 127 LETTER XLIX. For Mrs. Hannah Lloyd. " All Glory be to God. "My very good Lord, " Your Lordship's of the 26 th , found me at Longleat on the 28 th , which I left the next day, my Lord Weymouth removing to the Town, and am now at Polshealt. I am extremely glad that you and the Bishop elect of S*. Asaph conversed together. He is one of the best understandings I ever knew, and, if he will exert himself, will do excellent service to this sinking Church. I should think it one of the best excursions I could make to give you both a visit, but besides my aversion to the Town, I am afflicted with such pains, that I am by no means fit for travelling — they are rheumatic, and lie within my joints, and never come to the extreme parts, and at this present, my left arm is in a great measure disabled. I have a great desire to spend Christmas, God willing, with the Kemeyses, but fear I shall not be in a condition to do it. I am much concerned, that the Friend is not yet consecrated, and cannot imagine the reason of the delay. What you write of the Scotch I easily believe, and had thought that their quarrel about Episcopacy had been over. Since that, to my great surprise, passed the Con- firmation of Presbytery. It will be a great satisfaction to me, to hear now and then from you. God keep us, in his holy feare. " My good dear Lord, 1 ' Your Lords ps most affectionate B r , "T.B. & W. " Oct. ZOth (1703). " I shall be glad to see the work you mention." [A year had passed since the date of the last letter. The date of this is found by the reference to Hooper, who was appointed to St. Asaph in the autumn of 1703. It would seem as if Ken only stayed at Longleat when his host was there, and we find him now once more with Canon Izaak Walton at Poulshot. The Bishop-elect of St. Asaph is Ken's friend, George Hooper, for whom, as always, he expresses the warmest admiration (i. 50). He clearly hopes that Hooper's counsels will strengthen Lloyd against the schemes of the more violent of the N on -jurors. To meet both his friends might almost tempt him to a journey to London, but his ever-increasing sufferings placed it out of his power. The " Kemeyses " are the two devout ladies of Naish Court, Portishead, of whom an account will be given in the next chapter. The friend who is " not yet consecrated " is obviously Hooper. The allusion to Scotland refers to the incipient negotiations for settling the Union which William had urged in his last message to Parliament. English 128 KEN AND NON-JURORS UNDER ANNE. [chap. xxur. churchmen were, some of them at least, hoping for a restoration of Episcopacy there. The extreme Presbyterians objected to any toleration of it. Ken expresses a natural disappointment at the victory of the latter. The Act of Settlement securing that victory was passed in 1703 ; the final Act of Union received the royal assent in 1707.] LETTER L. For Mrs. Hannah Lloyd. "All Glory be to God. "My dear Brother, "Though I received both your Lordship's, yet having wrote the same post your last came, I forebore to give you a second trouble, having but little matter for a letter in this place where I am. You have a very true apprehension of your brother of S l . Asaph. He is of an excellent temper as well as understanding, & a man of sin- cerity, though he may be of a different judgment ; & I much desire that you may often meet, & consult how to moderate things, as much as may be, salvd veritate, for I fear that many of our friends run too high, and that the Church of Eome will reap advantages of excesses in that kind. Your letters are a great consolation to me in this solitude, & therefore I entreat the continuance of them. M r . Dodwell's book has been sent me, I presume, by himself. He seems to build high on feeble foundations. I presume he will not have many entire proselytes to all his hypothesies. My respects to the good company with you ; God keep us in his holy fear. " My good Lord, your Lordshipp's most affect, friend & Brother, "THO. B. &W. 11 Nov. 13 " (1703). [We note the growing affection which characterizes Ken's letters to Lloyd. He finds him, like himself, averse to the falsehood of extremes, and to any course of action which will favour the interests of the Church of Home. Dodwell's book is, probably, his treatise On the Immortality of the Soul (published 1703), in which he taught wh.it lias lately been maintained as the Doctrine of Conditional Im- mortality, i.e. that the soul is not, in its own nature, imperishable, but only in virtue of its sharing in the eternal life communicated by participation in tho life of Christ, and, as Dodwell held, in that life as imparted through the Sacra- ments. (Oomp. M.ir.iul.iv, ohap. xiv.) Ken did not share that view, and obviously looks on it as a hazardous speculation. A full account of the theory is given by Brokcsby in his Life of Dodurll, ii., 537 — 609. See p. 76.] a.d. 1702— 1705.] CORRESPOXDEXCE WITH LLOYL. 129 LETTER LI. To Mrs. Haxxah Lloyd. " All Glory be to- God. "My good Loed axd dear Brother, 1 ' I return you my thanks for both yours. I have no news to return, but that last night there was here the most violent wind that ever I knew ; the house shaked all the night. We all rose and called the family to prayers, &, by the goodness of God, we were safe amidst the storm. It has done a great deal of hurt in the neighbourhood, & all about, which we cannot yet hear of ; but I fear it has been very terrible at sea, and that we shall hear of many wrecks there. Blessed be God who preserved us. I hope that your Lordship & your family have suffered no harm, & should be glad to hear you are well. I beseech God to keep us in His holy fear, "Your Lordship's most affect: friend and brother, "THO. B. &W. '■ Xov. 27 " (1703). [The storm of which Ken writes brought, as we shall see, a crisis in his own life, of which he had no anticipation when he wrote to tell his friends of his own provi- dential preservation. In Letter lv. he gives fuller details, hardly known, proba- bly, at the moment, as to the imminence of the danger and the strangeness of the escape. The storm was one of the most violent ever known in England, and Defoe published a narrative of its devastations {The Storm, 1704). Eight thou- sand lives were said to have been lost in it ; twelve ships were wrecked, the Eddystone lighthouse destroyed, four thousand trees blown down in the New Forest, and the amount of the damage estimated at four millions sterling. A public fast was appointed in connexion with it and was devoutly observed throughout the kingdom. Tenison drew up the Form of Prayer, which extorted praise from Whiston as a pattern of what such prayers should be (YVTiiston's Memoirs, p. 132). A memorial of the impression the storm made on men's minds still survives in the form of an annual Commemoration Sermon in the Congregational Chapel in Little Wild Street, Drury Lane, for which an endow- ment was left at the time.] LETTER LLL. To Mrs. Haxn t ah Lloyd. " All Glory be to God. ' ' My good Lord & Brother. ' • I think I told you in my last, that I intended, God willing, to spend the Christmas with the good virgins at Nash ; so that after Saturday next, your Lordship must direct nothing hither. The 130 KEN AND NON-JURORS UNDER ANNE [< hap. xxiii. Btorm on Friday night, which waa the most violent, I mentioned in my last, but I then did not know what happened at Wells, which waa much shattered, ami that part of the palace where Bishop Kidder ami his wife lay. was blown down in the night, ami they were both killed and buried in the ruins, and dug out towards morning. It happened on the very day of the Cloth fair, when all the country were spectators of the deplorable calamity, and soon spread the sad story. God of his infinite mercy deliver us from such dreadful surprises. I am assured that no one either in the palace, or in the whole town, beside them, had any hurt. God keep us in his holy fear, and our dwellings in safety, 11 My good Lord, your Lordship's most affect: friend & B r , "THO. B. & W. "Nov. 29" (1703). [The letter is obviously written from Foulshot. The tidings of the catastrophe at Wells had found its way thither shortly after the preceding letter was de- spatched. Ken probably heard of it with feelings which it is not easy to analyst-. There was the natural awe and pity ("Sunt lachrymce rem, a tt mentem mortalia tangunt") caused by the suddenness of the blow, felt, it may be, all the more keenly from the recollection of the somewhat harsh way in which he had often spoken of his successor. There was, it may be, mingling with this, the sense of relief, which it was scarcely possible for him not to feel, in the thought that an influence which had worked for evil was removed, that an opening was made for the work of a faithful pastor in his diocese, and for ending a schism over which he had always mourned. Now there would no longer be an obstacle to the resignation which he had contemplated for at least two years (p. 109). Ken would have been almost more than human if he had escaped all touch of that feeling. The mention of the Cloth fair at Wells attests the existence of what was then a flourishing branch of manufacture in that city, of which the only survival at the present time is the existence of a special Almshouse for decayed Cloth workers.] The letter which follows shows in what direction his thoughts were already drifting (see Letter xliv). LETTER LIU. To Mrs. Hannah Lloyd. "All Glory be to God. "My very good Lord and Brother, " Blessed be God who preserved us both in the late great storm ; it is a deliverance not to be forgotten. I hear of several persons who solicit for my Diocese, and whom I know not, and I am in- formed that it is offered to my old friend, the Bishop of St. Asaph, a.d. 1702—1705.] LETTER TO HOOPER. 131 and that it is declined by him. For my own part, if times should have changed, I never intended to return to my burden, but I much desire to see the nock in good hands, and I know none better to whom I may entrust it than his ; for which reason I write to him this post, to let him know my desire that he should succeed, with which I thought good to acquaint your Lordship. I leave this place, God willing, on Wednesday, hoping to reach Bath, which is but twelve miles, and to stay a night or two with Colonel Philips. My best respects to all the good family with you ; God keep us in his Holy feare. " Your Lordship's most affect. B r , "THO. B. &W. "Dec. 6 "(1703). [As usual in such cases, rumour was busy within a week of Kidder's death with the appointment of a successor. Who the unnamed applicants were we can only conjecture. A family tradition among the descendants of Dr. Thomas Coney, Prebendary of Wells, and at one time Rector of Bath, reports that the Bishopric was offered to him and refused, but I have been unable to find any other evidence of the fact. Hooper's daughter, the wife of John Prowse, Esq., of Axbridge, in her Memoirs of her father, says that the Queen sent for him at once and offered the Bishopric to him, but that he expressed his unwillingness to take Ken's place, and proposed that he should be restored to his see. " This the Queen highly approved of, and thanked the Bishop for putting her in mind of it, and ordered him to propose it to Bishop Ken." The offer mentioned in p. 119, shows what the Queen felt as to the latter. The letter was probably written from Poulshot. Bath would lie naturally on his way in the journey to Naish Court mentioned in Letter lii. Another letter had, as he tells Lloyd, to be written by the same post. He must not allow Hooper's refusal, generous as was its motive, to upset the plan on which he had resolved, as best for himself, his diocese, and the Church at large. I have not succeeded in obtaining any information as to Col. Philips.] LETTER LIT. For the Eight Eev. Father m God, George, Lord Bishop of St. Asaph. " All Glory be to God. "My very good Lord, " I am informed y* you have had an offer of Bath and Wells, and y t you refused it, w ch I take very kindly, because I know you did it on my account ; but since I am well assured y* y e diocese can- not be happy to y* degree in any other hands than in your owne, I desire yott to accept of it, and I know y 1 you have a prevailing interest to procure it. My nephew and o r little family, who pre- sent your Lordshippe their humble respects, will be overjoyed at 1 32 KEN AND XOX-JURORS UXDER AXXE. [chap, xxiii. your neighbourhood. I told you long agoe at Bath how willing I was to surrender my cannonicall claime to a worthy person, but to none more wittingly than to yourself e (p. 109). My distemper disables me from y e pastoral duty, and had I been restored, I declared allways y* I would shake off y e burthen, and retire. I am about to leave this place, but if need be, y e archdeacon can tell you how to direct to me. My best respects to your good family. God keepe us in his holy feare. " My good Lord, " Your Lordshippe's most affectionately, "T. B. & W. " Dec. 6th " (1703). [This letter, the first now extant of his correspondence with his old friend, shows how warmly he welcomed his appointment. He felt sure that the flock for which he cared would he safe in his friend's hands. His poems show, with more fulness and emotion, what thoughts were working in his mind, as he looked hack on the past and forward to the future. He dedicated his Hymnarium to his successor, and this is his retrospect : — "Among the herdmen I, a common swain, Liv'd, pleas'd with my low cottage on the plain, Till up, like Amos, on a sudden caught, I to the Past'ral Chair was trembling brought. Heaven deem'd that step for me, I fear, too bold, And let a stranger climb into my fold. I, who the stranger saw my flock invade Was forced to fly to unfrequented shade, Like captive Judah, by the stream to dwell, And with my dropping eye the waters swell. ' Ah, my dear Lambs ! ah, my dear Sheep ! ' I cry'd, 1 Dear Lambs,' • dear Sheep,' the neighbouring hills reply'd. ****** But that which most my watery eyelids drained, My Lambs, my Sheep, were by this wandering baned ; They broke from Catholick and hallowed Bounds, And for the wholesome, chose impoisoned, grounds, Contracting Latitudinarian taint, In Faith, in Morals, suffering no Restraint." He betakes himself to prayer, and in a strange unlooked-for way his prayer is answered : — " And while I mourn'd for the tremendous Stroke Which freed them from their uncanonic Yoke, II(.i\( n, my Lord, super-efiluently kind, In you sent a successor to my mind, You, in whose care I feel a full Repose, As old Valerius, 1 when he Austin chose." 1 Valerius, predecessor of Augustine, in the Bishopric of Hippo. a.d. 1702—1705.] CORRESPONDENCE WITH LLOYD. 133 Of his own willingness to lay down the load of office he writes, in the Dedication of vol. i. to Lord Weymouth : — " I, crush'd by State decrees and griev'd with pain, The past'ral Toil unable to sustain, More gladly off the hallowed Burthen shake Than I at first the weight could undertake." It is interesting to note that he reminds Hooper that this resolve of his was no new thing, that he had told him of it " long ago " at Bath, where probably both the friends were staying for the benefit of their health. The hypothetical clause, " had I been restored," refers obviously to the offer made through Lord Wey- mouth (p. 1 19) . Had it been possible for him to accept that offer, his first act would have been to resign the burden. The " nephew " whom he mentions is Canon Izaak Walton of Poulshot. The "archdeacon" is, probably, Sandys (Arch- deacon of Wells), with whom Ken often stayed.] Hooper's answer obviously conveyed his assent to Ken's proposal, and Ken, full of joy and satisfaction, writes to tell Lloyd that all is settled in accordance with his wishes. LETTER LV. Eor Mrs. Hannah Lloyd. "All Glory be to God. " My good L d and B r . "The same post w ch brought me your Lordshipp's, brought the news of y e occasionall bills being throwne out by y e lords. I think I omitted to tell you y e full of my deliverance in ye late storme ; for, the house being searched y e day following, y e workmen found y* y e beame w ch supported y e roof over my head was shaken out to y* degree, y l it had but halfe an inch hold, so y* it was a wonder it could hold to- gether : for w ch signall and particular preservation God's holy name be ever praised I I am sure I ought alwayes thankfully to remember it. I, hearing y* y e B p of St. Asaph was offered Bath and Wells, and y* on my account he refused it, wrott to him to accept of it. I did it in charity to y e diocese, y fc they might not have a Latitudinarian Traditour imposed on them, who would betray y e baptismal! faith, but one who had ability and zeal to assert it ; and the imminent danger in which religion now is, and which dayly increases, ought to supersede all y e antient canons. I am so disabled by rheumatick and colick pains, y* I cannot in con- science returne to a publick station, were I restored ; and I think none ought to censure me, if in such perillous times I desire a co- adjutor, for w h I have good precedents, as well as reasons. It is VOL. II. K 134 KEN AND XOX-JURORS VXDER ANNE. [chap, xxiii. not y e first time I dissented from some of my brethren ; and never saw cause to repent of it. The ladys here send you their duty. God keep us in his holy feare. " Your Lordshipp's most affec e friend and B r , "T. B. &W. "N reo Lved by Eickes as a penitent. a.d. 1695— 1710.] LEWIS SOUTHCOMBE, PENITENT. 167 oaths, and that the government did not know, or chose to ig- nore, his subsequent retractation, and his omission of the names of William and Mary in the Church Services afterwards. Fol- lowing in Ken's footsteps he sought only to live in peace and in works of charity, kept aloof from all conspiracies, or acts of disobedience to the powers that be, and was therefore left undisturbed, as Frampton was at Standish. The fact may be noted as an instance of the general leniency of "William's government. Looking to the warm affection of the language in which he addressed Ken, it is, I think, natural to infer that he was the Bishop to whom he says in his Retractation, that he had written a full account of the circumstances of the case, and by whose advice, as well as Kettlewell's, he had been guided. It will be admitted, I think, that the relations between the two men have sufficient interest to deserve being rescued from oblivion. 1 Lewis Southcombe takes his place side by side with Ambrose Bonwicke (p. 258), among the young men who looked to the deprived Bishop with a reverential love. IV. The Ladies of Naish Court. It will be remembered that Ken, in the correspondence after his deprivation, makes frequent mention of his visits to the " ladies of Naish," the two Misses Kemeys. In one letter of November 24th, 1707 (Letter lxxvi.), he describes them as " two good virgins beyond Bristol, where there is a kind of nunnery, and with whom I usually abide during my Lord's absence." 1 I am indebted for the information contained in this narrative to the Rev. H. Granger Southcombe, the present rector of Rose Ash., and a lineal descendant of the "Penitent." The living has belonged to the family ever since 1655, and the present incumbent is the seventh rector of the name. An interesting de- scription of the church, with fuller details of the ornamentation of the chancel than I have space for, may be found in the Western Antiquary for April, 1884. The decorations include scriptural texts (Ps. lxxii. 1, 2 ; Isa. xlix. 23 ; 1 Tim. ii. 1, 2) on the relation of Kings to the Church, and, in sixteen compartments, a brief history of the Twelve Apostles, and of St. Paul, St. Stephen, St. Mark, and St. Luke, which is unique in English church decoration. A triangular board surmounts the chancel screen with the royal arms, including the white horse of Hanover and Gr. R. on one side, and on the other a private coat-of-arms with Q. A. (Queen Anne ?). It would appear from this as if the Penitent, like Ken, had, after William's death, recognised the de facto sovereign. m2 168 ' EPISODES IX PRIVATE LIFE. [chap. xxiy. Dr. Thomas Smith, to whom this letter was addressed, writes in reply as follows : — " The Christmas festival now approaching, I presume that you have made your retreat from the noise and hurry of a palace, open to all comers of fashion & quality, to the private seat of the good 1 >< cubiculo " (i. 104). It is noticeable that in the directions for Midnight in the Me mud (Round, p. 376), ho gives four distinct ejaculations for his Philotheui to use, but makes no allusion to the Midnight Ilymn. THE QUESTIONS ANSWERED. 219 Morning Hymn also, prior to the publication of the Verbum Sempiternum in the same year. (3.) I am informed by a correspondent that the Catalogue of the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge for 1707, con- tains, in addition to Ken's Exposition of the Church Catechism and his Directions for Prayer, " Three Hymns, viz. for Morning, Evening, and Midnight. By the Author of the Manual of Prayers for Winchester College. (C. Brome). Price 2d., or 10s. per hundred." The date of the catalogue is, of course, too late to allow it to decide the question, but it seems to make it probable that the hymns had previously been printed in the same separate form. 1 On the whole, therefore, I incline to the conclusion that the hymns were written prior to the first edition of the Manual, and that they belong, therefore, to the earlier Winchester period of Ken's life (1666 — 1674), and about seven years after his election as a Fellow of the College. If I am right, even Wells must resign the honour of having heard the Hymns when they were sung for the first time, and Winchester may cherish the thought that they came from Ken's pen and lips there, and were accompanied by him on his lute, or on the organ which was the cherished treasure of his chamber in the College. II. Side by side with this question as to the date of composi- tion is another, of much less importance, as to the reading of the first and most familiar lines in that for the Evening. We have the two forms — " Glory to Thee, my God, this night," and " All praise to Thee, my God, this night." The latter has the merit of being metrically more accurate, and therefore better fitted for music. The former has the interest of presenting a closer parallelism to that " All glory be to God" which was the superscription of every letter that Ken 1 The growing popularity of the hymns is shown by their appearance in a devotional book with the title, A New Year's Gift. Prayers, &c, which, having reached a fourth edition in 1685, appeared in 1709 with " Morning and Evening Hymns," by Thomas, late Bishop of Bath and Wells. 220 KENS HYMNS. [chap, xxvtt. wrote. The question which of the two readings was the original, and whether the alteration was sanctioned by Ken himself, has been discussed with an almost exhaustive fulness by Lord Selborne, Mr. Anderdon, and others. I will endeavour to state the facts as briefly as I can. Some of them are stated for the first time. (1.) The first line of the Morning Hymn in the Verbum Sempiternum (1693) — " Glory to Thee, my God, who safe hast kept," is strongly in favour of that having been the original read- ing of the Hymns before they were incorporated with the Manual. (2.) The contemporary text of the Evening Hymn, set in a cantata solo, in Playford's Harmonia Sacra (Book II.), on the other hand, gives " All praise to Thee." As Book I. is dedicated to Ken, it is probable that he sanctioned the varia- tion. I am inclined to think, from the facts that follow, that Ken preferred the " Glory," but yielded to the wishes of a musical expert. (3.) The " Glory " appears in the 1695 edition of the Manual, when the Hymns were first published, and holds its ground through all the five editions between that and 1712. In that of 1705, Brome, the registered proprietor of the copyright of the Manual since 1680, in an " Advertisement," states that Ken " absolutely disowns " and repudiates every text of the Hymns (notably that published in a Conference bcticccn the Soul and the Body, with a commendatory preface by Dodwell) as " very false and incorrect " but that which he then published. The text in the Conference gives " All praise " and many other alterations, with two new stanzas at the end of the Evening Hymn. Another book, called New Year** Gfift, appeared in 1709, giving the hymns as printed in the Conference and was met by Brome in the same way. So far, the case for " Glory " is strengthened, up to the year of Ken's death. (4.) In 1712, however, the year after Ken's death, Brome published an edition of the Manual in which " All praise" takes the place of "Glory," and that text continued to be re- produced in later editions, and found its way into general use. VARIOUS READINGS. 221 Lord Selborne 1 assumes that this alteration must have had Ken's sanction in a revision of the text shortly before his death, and therefore adopted it in his Book of Praise. To me it seems more probable that Brome, or the editor he employed; adopted the " All praise, " partly on the strength of the text in Play ford's Harmonia, partly as being, what it obviously is, the more singable of the two ; possibly, I will admit, with the same measure of approval from Ken himself, and on the same grounds, in the last months of his life, as he had given to Playford's text. In yet two other points Playford's text differs from that which appeared in the Manual from 1695 to 1709. Where, in the Evening Hymn, the latter gives — " Dull sleep of sense me to deprive, I am but half my time alive ; Thy faithful Lovers, Lord, are grieved, To lie so long of Thee bereaved," the former has — " My dearest Love, how am I grieved To lie so long of Thee bereaved ; Dull sense of sleep me to deprive ; I am but half my time alive." Again, where the Manual of 1695 gives — 1 ' You, my best Guardians, whilst I sleep Close to my Bed your vigils keep, Divine Love into me instil, Stop all the avenues of ill. " Thought to thought with my soul converse, Celestial joys to me rehearse ; And in my stead, all the night long, Sing to my God a grateful song," Playford's text, on the other hand, gives one verse only, as follows : 1 In a letter published with the three Hymns, by Daniel Sedgwick, 1864. Lord Selborne even conjectures that the author of the Conference may have seen, in Dodwell's hands, or at "Winchester, copies with MS. correctioDS in the Bishop's hand, which he accordingly reproduced. 222 XE1PS IFYMXS. [chap, xxvii. " You, my best Guardians, whilst I sleep, Around my Led your vigils keep. And, in my stead, all the night long Sing to my God a grateful song." The transposition in the first case, and the expansion of one verse into two in the second, are changes which we may legitimately regard as the result of Ken's own revision subse- quent to 1693, the date of Playford's text. In the edition of 1712 we find the two verses again altered, and apparently for the same reason, as Lord Selborne points out, as that which Ken gives (see i. 101) for a corresponding change, substituting an optative form for a direct invocation, in the prose devotional exercises of the Manual — " [0 may my Guardian'], while I sleep, Close to my bed [his] vigils keep ; [His love angelical instil], Stop all the avenues of ill ! " [May he] celestial joy rehearse, And thought to thought with me converse ; Or in my stead all the night long, Sing to my God a grateful song ! " III. Ken has been supposed by some writers to have borrowed, in greater or less measure, from hymns by Sir Thomas Browne in his Religio Medici, and by Flatman, who published a volume of Poems and Hymns in 1674, and it seems, therefore, desirable to give the passages to which he is supposed to be indebted. Sir Thomas Browne. " The night is come, like to the Day ; Depart not thou, Great God, away. Let not my sins, black as the Night, Eclipse the Lustre of thy Light. ''Keep still in my Horizon, for to me The Sun makes not the Day, but thee. Thou, whoso Nature cannot sleep, On my Temples Sentry keep. FORERUXXERS. 223 " Guard me 'gainst those watchful Foes, Whose Eyes are open while mine close ; Let no Dreams my Head infest, But such as Jacob's temples blest. " While I do rest, my Soul advance, Make my Sleep a holy Trance, That I may, my Rest being wrought, Awake into some holy Thought, And with as active Vigour run My Course, as doth the nimble Sun. " Sleep is a Death ; Oh make me try By sleeping what it is to die, And as gently lay my Head On my grave, as now my Bed. " Howe'er I rest, great God, let me Awake again at last with thee ; And thus assur'd, behold I lie Securely, or to wake or die. " These are my drowsy Days, — in vain I do now wake to sleep again ; come that Hour when I shall never Sleep again, but wake for ever ! " Flatmax. " Awake my soul, awake mine eyes, Awake my drowsy faculties, Look up and see the unwearied sun Already has his race begun. Arise my soul, and thou, my voice, In songs of praise early rejoice. great Creator, heavenly King, Thy praises let me ever sing. Thy power has made, thy goodness kept, My fenceless body while I slept, Let one day more be given me, From all the powers of darkness free. keep my heart from sin secure, My life unblameable and pure, That when the last of all my days is come, Cheerful and fearless I may wait my doom." 224 KEHTS irrJLYs. [chap, xxvtt. I confess that I do not find in the passages quoted any evi- dence of indebtedness having the character of conscious repro- duction. Ken may have read them, and they may have been floating in his mind, but the parallelisms are not more than we might expect to find in devout poems written with a like spirit and for a like occasion. If I were to think of any sources from which Ken drew — but even here I am disposed to think that the derivation was unconscious — I should look rather to the Hymns for Matins and Lauds, for Vespers and Compline, in the Roman Breviary, notably to the Jam lucis orto side re and the Te lucis ante terminum, but I do not find, even in these, any instances of direct parallelism (see i. p. 34). TV. The icider use of Ken's Hymns. — It would be an interest- ing element of the religious history of the eighteenth century to ascertain when and how Ken's Morning and Evening Hymns found their way into general congregational use. I cannot pretend to have made an exhaustive study of the question, but it may be worth while to put together such facts as I have met with in the course of my inquiries. I shall welcome any addi- tions or corrections. 1 The Hymns do not appear together in the Supplement to Tate and Brady's version of the Psalms, published in 1699, nor in any subsequent editions, till we find the Morning Hymn in one published by J. Harrison for the Company of Stationers in 1789, and the Evening Hymn in an Oxford edition of 1801. The Morning Hymn appears with it shortly after- wards (I cannot say in what year), and both have kept their place in all editions of the Supplement since printed. In the meantime, however, both the Hymns had appeared in some of the earlier collections of Hymns for congregational use by English clergymen between 1750 — 60. It will be noted that this coincides roughly with the influence of the early Methodist revival, under the influence of the two Wesleys. Since the publication of the Supplement, subsequent to 1801, it would require a wider knowledge of Hymnology than that to which I can lay claim, to say in what English- speaking community they have not been used, the Society of Friends excepted, whose congregational worship excludes all hymns. Notably they have found their way into the hymn- 1 J ma mainlj indebted, for the facts that follow, to Mr. William S. lirodie. TRANSLATIONS. 225 books published within the last few years by the three great sections of Scotch Presbyterians, the Established Church, the Free Church, and the United Presbyterians. Here and there, as is the fate of all hymns, they have been subject to altera- tions at the caprice of compilers, 1 and no collection, as far as I know, has printed more than from four to ten verses, selected at discretion. They have probably been translated into many languages, in connexion with the work of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel and the Church Missionary Society, and in other fields of Mission labour ; but my direct knowledge does not go beyond a Telugu version, published by the C.M.S. for their Masulipatam Mission, a Maori version for New Zea- land, one in Dutch for South Africa, used both in Church of England and in Wesleyan Missions, and one in Kafirland. Among translations, not for congregational use, by scholars for scholars, I may note one into Greek verse by the Rev. R. Greswell (Oxford, 1851), and into Latin by Dr. Charles Words- worth, Bishop of St. Andrews. 2 If one were to pass from the public to the private use of these hymns, a long list might be made out of those who have found their lives strengthened, or their deathbeds cheered, by the words with which Ken cheered and strengthened his own soul. Foremost and nearest of these comes the name of Robert Nelson, of whom Samuel Wesley, the father of John and Charles — himself, like both his sons, a writer of hymns, among others of one of singular beauty, under the name of " Eupolis " 3 — records, from personal knowledge, that he was in the habit of singing Ken's hymns. 4 Of Colonel Gardiner, Doddridge reports that the Midnight Hymn was often on his lips. 1 Of fifty editions, says Anderdon (p. 114), not one follows Ken's own version. 2 The College of S. Mary Winton. Oxford, 1848. Printed also in Anni Christiani, &c. Edinburgh, 1880. 3 The name has led to the appearance of the hymn in some collections of British Poets as " From the Greek of Eupolis." The only known Greek author of that name did not write hymns. 4 Kelson appended the three hymns to his Practice of True Devotion, and adds (I take the quotation from the edition of 1708, p. 28), "The daily repeating of them will make you perfect in them, and the good fruit of them will abide with you all your days." — Abbey, on Rolert Nelson and his Friends, in English Church in the Eighteenth Century, Ch. ii. KEN'S IIYMXs. [chap, xxvit. The last book that was in the hands of John Keble, of all Anglican divines the likest to Ken "in look and tone/' was Lord Selborne's Book of Praise, which he sent for that it might help him to say all the verses of the Evening Hymn, 1 which he failed to remember, but which were read to him at his desire. Were my knowledge of the deathbeds of devout Christians wider than it is, I doubt not that the time would fail me to tell of the thousands of those whose spiritual life was linked with Ken's hymns, which they learnt in their childhood, which nourished and sustained them in the changes and chances of their lives, and which seemed to them, as they stood on the verge of the unseen, anticipations of the songs of Heaven. Yes, Ken's ideal of Hymnotheo was realised for him, but not as he expected. He dwelt, in the last years of his life, on the fairly copied MSS. which he left behind him, and, it may be, seemed to hear the praises of a distant age. The four octavo volumes appeared in 1721, were little noticed, if at all, at the time, and were soon forgotten. Epics, Anodynes, Pastorals, Hymns on the Festivals, anticipating the Christian Year — these have all vanished from men's knowledge. Few of my readers will have heard, till they read this volume, of Edmund or UijmnotheOy fewer still of Damoret and BorUIa. And yet his fame has been wider than he dreamt of, and those primitive of his earlier years (I have all but proved, I think, that the Hymns were written in 1674) have spread far and wide, to continents and islands of which he had never heard, have been sung wherever the English tongue is spoken, and have passed into the languages alike of ancient civilisation and bar- baric rudeness. If we may think of the souls of the departed as knowing aught of what passes on earth, we may rightly deem that it is one of the minstrel's joys in Paradise to feel that his words mingle, with ever-increasing frequency, and in many tongues, with the minstrelsy of the angelic choir, of which, even in this life, he felt himself a member. V. Music of Ken's Hymns, — My want of musical knowledge prevents my writing on this subject in the character of an (\pert, and I must content myself with reproducing what 1 Mif-s Fonge, Musings on tht Christian Tsar t p. 102. MUSICAL HISTORY. 227 I have learnt from others. Hawkins (p. 5) relates that Ken was used to " sing his Morning Hymn, to his lute, daily, before he put on his clothes," and Bowles infers, naturally enough, the three Hymns being all in the same metre, that the same tune served for all of them. 1 Anderdon (p. 122) reports a tradition in the Fenwick family, of Hallaton, in Leicester- shire, that there also he " used to sing his Hymns to the accompaniment of a spinet.' ' We know, also, that he had an organ in his chambers at Winchester. If I am right in my conclusions as to the date and history of the Hymns, this was probably the tune to which the Philothens of the Manual was directed to sing his Morning Hymn. What this tune was there is, I believe, no direct evidence, but Bowles (ii. 17) sup- plies a chain of tradition which makes it probable that it was an adaptation of an ancient melody by Tallis, " the Chaucer of the English Cathedral Quires," who was organist of the Chapel Royal under Henry VIII., Edward VI., Mary, and Elizabeth. This Bowles reproduces, set by the composer to a " Hymn begin- ning * Praise ye the Lord, ye Gentiles all/ to be sung before Morning Prayer," as from an " old collection of the sixteenth century." Bowles's maternal grandfather, Dr. Gray, author of Memoria Technica, was, he says, chaplain to Bishop Crewe of Durham, an Oxford contemporary of Ken's, whom Anthony a Wood names as a member of the same musical society there (i. 52). Gray's daughter, Bowles's mother, taught him to sing Ken's Hymns to the same tune as her father had taught her, and he had probably learnt that tune in his earliest days, while Ken was still living. Gray was born in 1693, and Crewe died in 1722. Anderdon (pp. 119 — 121), who was assisted in this part of his work by the Rev. T. H. Helmore, gives the score of Tallis's tune from Archbishop Parker's Psalter, as the " original form of the music of Ken's Evening Hymn," headed as " the Eighth Tone," as being "in the eighth of the Ecclesiastical, or 1 Another passage in Hawkins (p. 15) might almost suggest that Ken composed the tune as well as words of his hymns. "He had an excellent genius for, and skill in, musick, and whenever he had convenient opportunities for it, he performed some of his devotional part of praise with his own compositions, which were grave and solemn." 228 FWS HTJfXS. [chap. xrvn. Gregorian, Modes," but the hymn there connected with it begins with "God grant with grace, He, us embrace." Ap- parently, therefore, we have two tunes by Tallis, each adapted for the metre of Ken's Hymns. He reports further that " some have thought that the original melody may have been still earlier than Tallis, and might be found in the collection of Luther, or Clement Marot," but adds, on the authority of the Rev. W. H. Havergal, as a musical expert, that it is not found among Luther's hymn tunes, or in the early French collections of Guillaume Franc or Claude le Jeune. I am not aware that the tune by Jeremiah Clark, in Play ford's Harmonia Sacra, has ever found its way into general use. Ken may have learnt Tallis's tune, assuming it to be that to which he sang his hymns, from The Whole Booke of Psalms, w it It the Hymns Evangelical, by Thomas Ravenscroft, 1633, in which he gives it (p. 260) as " an Hymn by Tho. Tallis, for four voices in A." Bowles (though he speaks of a Collection of the six- teenth century) is believed to have transcribed it from Ravens- croft. 1 Anyhow, this tune of Tallis's has remained, with few exceptions, associated with Ken's Hymns. Anderdon speaks of it as commonly used for the Evening Hymn, " though distorted from its ancient simplicity," and of the tune " in present use " for the Morning Hymn, as being " a corrupt version of a tune by Barthelemon, a violinist of the last century." Hymns Ancient and Modern, under the musical editorship of Mr. W. H. Monk, gives Tallis's tune for the Evening, and one by " I. Bap- tista " for the Morning. 2 I am enabled to add one more fact to this history, by giving yet another tune, which may possibly represent a Ken tradition. In 1885, the late Rev. J. J. Moss sent me a tune published for Ken's Hymns, about 1750, to be sung to the lute-harp, an 1 Hav< irga] reports that Ilavenscroft's tunc is a version, altered for the worse, of the 'eighth tone ' in Archbishop Parker's Psalter, printed by John Daye, with- out date, :m(l referred to above. I . II. Barthelemon (1741 — 1801) nppears in Sir George drove's Dictionary of Mrnie and Munoiam as having composed the " well-known tunc " for the Morning Hymn, about 1780. His other nuiMcal works were ehieily operatic. Of Baptista] find nothing in the Dietimiary, but Baptiete Anct is named as a violinist and a pupil of Corelli, who died in 171 :). Possibly "Joannes Baptiota" may have been the name of the tune, not of the composer. MUSIC OF KEN'S HYMNS. 229 & BISHOP KEN'S EVENING HYMN. i I I i « PPPPP J=d s=s=* Sat ^# r "Fl^F" --#- ir I I I * 4a 3*£ m tFW^^H zz£ 7^± =t « -©- ^ l I I I '■ I I ■ II ' ' I | Praise Him a - bove, An - ge - lie Host, Praise Fa-ther, Son, and Ho - ly Ghost. * U^/tM w--=&- VOL. IT. 230 KEX'S HYMNS. [chap, xxyii. instrument which was then popular. 1 This I append. 2 I may add that it was used with Ken's Morning Ilymn on the occasion of the Memorial Festival held in Wells Cathedral on June 29th, 1885, the Bicentenary year of his Consecration, and the Anniversary of the Trial of the Seven Bishops. On that occasion the window to his memory, in the north aisle of the choir, was seen by the public for the first time. 1 The volume containing the tune is in the possession of Mrs. Yorke, of Erddig, Wrexham. Ken, it will be remembered, sang his hymns to the lute. 2 I am indebted to Mr. C. W. Lavington, organist and choirmaster of Wells Cathedral, for tho form in which the tune appears. Ki \'s COFFEE-POT (p. 208 . CHAPTER XXYIII. KEN AS A POET AND THEOLOGIAN. " Music's ethereal fire was given Not to dissolve our clay, But draw Promethean beams from Heaven, And purge the dross away." /. H. Newman. " Child-like though the voices be And untunable the parts, Thou wilt own the minstrelsy, If it flow from child-like hearts." John Keble. The life of Ken presents an almost, if not altogether, unique instance of a man who, while continually writing poetry, pro- bably from early manhood to the very close of life, reserved all that he had written, the three Hymns for Morning, Evening, and Midnight excepted, for posthumous publication. The fact seems to me singularly suggestive. If I understand his character rightly, he was one of those who find, in writing verse, what Keble in his Prcelediones calls the vis meclica of the poetic art. 1 He wrote to relieve his mind from emotions, which otherwise would have been too strong for him, from thoughts, for which other men might have found utterance in sermons or controversial treatises. It lay, in the nature of the case, that he, his gifts being what they were, should be wanting in the sublime self-confidence which led Dante to class himself with the Five, who were the greatest of whom he knew in the world of letters, or Milton to believe that he could write something which the world "would not willingly let die." He shrank, if I mistake not, from the ordeal of publicity, lest, as he may have counted, in his hours of introspection, the chances of an author's fate, he should be unduly elated by praise, or overmuch de- 1 Freeh, i. p. 12. q2 2S2 KEN AS A POET AND THEOLOGIAN, [chap, xxviii. pressed by censure, according as the wind of criticism blew from the west or east. And so he wrote on and on, and apparently told no one how he was employed. He could not reconcile himself, however, to the thought of consign- ing what he wrote altogether to oblivion. He would not bury his one talent in the earth because it was only one. His verses might soothe others, as they had soothed him. They might, at any rate, help a future generation to understand what he himself had been. They would be the best return he could make to the friend and protector to whom her had been indebted for a home. It would be idle, after this interval of time, to claim for Ken, on the strength of the poems thus posthumously published, any conspicuous niche in the Temple of Fame,, any place on the higher slopes of Parnassus. In the matter of poetical reputation it is true that, in the long run, Securus judieat orbis terrarum, and that we cannot hope to reverse its judgments. In his epics he was but a weak follower of Cowley ; l in his devo- tional lyrics he was but a weak follower of Herbert, and perhaps of Quarles and Crashaw. At the most we can only say that he has as good a right to be remembered as some of those whose lives Johnson wrote, as some of those also who have found a resting-place in the Poets' Corner of the Abbey of West- minster. But, for the reasons which I have stated above, his poems have a merit of which his biographers have not taken adequate account. They speak of his verse, it seems to me, in tones of undue disparagement. To Bowles, from whom, as himself taking his place among the minor poets of England, we might have expected a more intelligent sympathy, his Edmund seems full of " discordant imagery," full of " vulgarity of language," and " wretched execution," " far below Blackmore." Even his devotional poems only serve to " dissipate the illu- sion" that might have been formed from his Morning and 1 Here and there I find traces of Milton, whose Paradise Lost and Regained were in Ken's library, as in the description of Mammon's crown, " with oriental diamonds "bright, and various gems" (ii. 101), and of the spears which "were tall Norwegian masts" (ii. 27). One can scarcely read too the narrative of the Creation and the Fall (JTymfiofAtf, 15. xi.) or the debates <>f demons in Bthnmd, without feeling that Ken ia treading (lunymsimo intervallo, alas!) in the step* of the I'aradrxc Lost. AD VERSE JUDGMENTS. 233 Evening Hymns, and are " not clear of that worst and most nauseous style" which " uses the language of human passions in speaking of divine and spiritual objects." He gives a fairer judgment, perhaps, when he says that these faults were mainly owing to his following " a false and artificial model," and that, had he looked to Milton, and not to Cowley, as his master, he would possibly have " preserved ten stanzas out of every thousand," that would have been worth preserving (Bowles, ii. 290 — 300). Anderdon, in like manner, though he quotes with admiration many passages from the Dedications and Anodynes, and other devout poems, gives it as his judgment that " it would have been well for his poetic fame, if his epic Edmund had been consigned to a like fate with its hero, and drowned in the depths of the sea "* (p. 204). Miss Strickland thinks, (presumably having read the epic in such haste as not to notice the repeated allusions in it to Wells, which indicate a later date) that it "bears the unmistakeable marks of a young, in- experienced writer," that it is a " mere collection of boyish exercises," that it has " nothing local or historical," that there is but one good passage in it, i.e. that beginning with " Give me the priest these graces shall possess." Of the poems on the Festivals she cites two, as having an " inno- cent pretty quaintness," and she thinks it probable, and in this I agree with her, that both Charles and John Wesley may have been largely indebted to Ken's four volumes. 2 My own experience in this matter has been very different from that of my predecessors. When I first read the poems, and it was not till 1884 that I chanced to come across them, after I had already begun collecting materials for a fresh biography, I felt that, while I could not recognise him as, in any sense, a master poet, I had lighted on what was a perfect treasure-trove, a mine hitherto scarcely worked, of materials which were, partly consciously, partly unconsciously, of an autobiographical character. I found here and there many 1 Anderdon seems to forget that Edmund, though thrown by fiends into the sea, was after all not drowned, but caught up in Phily dor's " chariot of celestial mould."— [C. J. P.] 2 Lives of Seven Bishops, pp. 238, 240, 318. 234 KEN AS A POKTAXT) THEOLOGIAN, [chap, xxviii. passages sufficiently pointed and epigrammatic to have come from the pen of Cowley or of Dry den. I found also the utter- ance, in not a few instances, of Ken's convictions on the leading theological and political questions of his time, so that one could hest arrive at a knowledge of those convictions, as I now pro- pose to do, by examining the poems, rather than by treating of them in a separate chapter. Some of the first class I have already quoted from Ken's Hymnotheo in Chapters II. and Y. I purpose now to select some passages of the other types and begin with Edmund. The hero of the poem is Edmund, the East Anglian prince — "The Christ-like Hero, Martyr, Saint, and King." His story is told from Edmund's early youth at Nuremberg, to his death at the hands of the Danes. Councils of demons plot his destruction, and he is defended by angelic hosts. He aims at making his kingdom of Anglia a model polity in Church and State, and therefore calls his counsellors together, some of whom try to lead him astray from the right path, while he is supported by the true and wise of heart. Alfred, hearing of his wise government, goes to learn from him how to rule. Edmund visits Wells, and falls in love with the saintly Hilda, whom he ultimately marries. I content myself with this briefest outline of the plot of the epic, and do not attempt to follow the story through its somewhat intricate windings. As shewing the period in Ken's life which the poem repre- sents, I begin with a passage which shows, beyond the shadow of a doubt, that it was not written, as previous biographers have thought, either in his earlier years, or during the voyage to Tangier, but certainly, after his appointment to his Bishopric, probably, after his deprivation. Edmund has had a vision of his future bride, and seeks to know where she is to be found, and this is the answer — " 'Tis Tkeodorodunum, near whose Wells Edmund's best friend and God's dear Fav'rite dwells ; The city by proud Mendippe Hills surveyed, Its treasure, shelter, pasture, and its shade ; In ancient time Axviragus there reign'd, Against the Roman force his Crown maintained; HISTORY OF WELLS. 235 That Town Arimathean Joseph bless' d, Before he was of Avalon possess'd. There first the Sun of Eighteousness arose, For saving Truth the Island to dispose ; The City, for refreshing Springs renown'd, Which fertilise the neighbouring Country round ; Heaven in that Type would to all Albion shew, That living Waters thence should overflow : King Ina there a goodly Temple rear'd, To the bless'd Andrew's name, which he rever'd." ! (II., p. 215.) It will be admitted, I think, that this was not likely to have been written while Ken was at Oxford or Winchester, or before his affections were bound up with the fair City of Foun- tains, of which he was the spiritual pastor. It is not probable that either the troubles or the activities of his short six years' episcopate, before his deprivation, would have allowed leisure for the composition of an epic in thirteen books, and con- taining, roughly, some eleven thousand lines. I take the poem therefore, so far as it reflects Ken's thoughts on matters eccle- siastical or political, as representing those of his matured age. Here, then, is his view of Democracy : — " The People, giddy and repining, rave, What they would have, they know not, and yet crave. Precipitous usurping Force to crown, Precipitous next day to pull it down. Lies are by them infallibly believ'd, They are contented only when deceiv'd. Their leaders they revile, they all distrust ; Servile, ungrateful, envious, and unjust." (II., p. 8.) Here is the picture of an ideal Court, as contrasted with what Ken had seen under Charles and James : — " All with the Priest to Temple daily went, Morning and Evening Off 'ring to present : 1 Theodorodunum was one of the old names of "Wells, and appears in Leland. It implied the existence of a mythical British prince, Theodoros. Avalon is, of course, Glastonbury. The Cathedral Church of "Wells was founded by Ina, and dedicated to St. Andrew. An earlier name, Tethiscine, or Tydeston, also appears in old chronicles. — Cassan, Lives of Bishops, i. p. 20. 236 KEN AS A POET AND THEOLOGIAN, [chap, xxtiii. No Oath, no Word blasphemous or impure, No Lust, no Drunkard Edmund could endure ; No Vice, no Lye, Chastisement could evade, Virtue with liberal Reward was paid : No Gaming he permitted in his Court, But yet indulg'd them all innocuous Sport." ' (II., p. 47.) And here are his views on free education and the mainte- nance of the poor ; not without interest, as anticipating some modern ideals of the application of Christian principles to the organization of labour and the relief of poverty, and including, we may note in passing, Greenwich and Chelsea Hospitals, the foundation of which he lived to witness, the former in 1694, the latter in 1690. It will be remembered that he had tried, when he was at Wells, to turn one of those ideals into a reality, and had failed (i., p. 251):— " In all Great Towns he Granaries ordained, That in bad Years the Poor might be maintained : Built Schools, and able Masters there endow'd, That to learn Gratis Poor might be allow'd : 2 Built some where Mathematick Skill was taught, And Youth was up to Naval Knowlege brought ; On great Resorts he Libraries bestowed, Himself he Learning's liberal Patron shewed, ***** He Hospitals was careful to erect, And for their Regulations Laws project, For Infants, Ideots, Lunaticks and Blind, Sick, Aged, Lame was Competence assign'd. Soldiers and Seamen who had spent their Heats, Had, by his Care, agreeable Retreats ; l What these were we learn from the passage quoted in page 239. - I ii laying stress on this point Ken was hut following the continuous teaching of the Church. The inscription of the monastery at Salzburg, u Diteert ticupiat^ grmtu ({icxi <(t ns Kabebu" is typical of the mediaeval Church (D. C. A., art. 11 Schools "). That at Sherhorne, on the portrait of Edward VI., represents the feeling of the Reformers, " G ymn a sium hie pmeru stafuit, gratumque Minervej ; Ut oratU di&oant." The foundation of the numerous Charity Schools in the earlier of the eighteenth century indicates that of Ken's contemporaries and f. How- workers. SOLDIERS AND SAILORS. 237 No sturdy Beggars in the Land could lurk, But were in proper Houses forced to work." (II., pp. 49, 50.) What he had seen of military life at the Hague and in Tangier among Kirke's " Lambs," and of naval life on his voyage in Lord Dartmouth's ship, had led him to an ideal in that region also : — " A Priest was to each Eegiment assign'd, All were to hear the daily Prayers enjoyn'd, All taught that Soldiers best grim Death defy, Who go to Field the best prepar'd to die : No Soldier durst his Captain disobey, No Captain robb'd his Soldiers of their Pay : Well pay'd themselves, their Quarters they defray'd, And Towns a gain of quart'ring Soldiers made." (II., p. 251.) In the picture of the life of sailors we may, perhaps, find some reminiscences of James's naval administration both as Duke of York and King, as well as of Ken's own work under Lord Dartmouth (pp. 163 — 165). Of all the departments of the State that of the Admiralty was conspicuous at that time as almost a solitary instance of efficiency and incorruption : — "He, to enlarge his Navy, made new Docks, New Men of War were always on the Stocks : To Mariners he lib'ral Wages gave, Who for their King inhabited the Wave. * * * * * His Royal Fleet secured the Anglian shores, His Arsenals were full of Naval Stores ; Planks, Anchors, Cables, Timber, Tar and Masts, And spreading Sails to gather kindly Blasts. Strict Pules he made Impiety to scare, No Seaman unchastis'd an Oath could swear ; A Priest read daily Prayers to every Crew, Taught them their "Vow baptismal to renew ; That they who run the Dangers of the Deep, Their Souls at peace with God should always keep." (II., pp. 53, 54.) Even foreign policy and diplomacy — and he had seen more 238 KEN A 8 A POET AXD THEOLOGIAN. [ciiaj\ xxvm. of both than most bishops of his time — presented to Ken, aided, perhaps, by his recollections of Walton's Life of Sir Henry Wottou, an ideal aspect : — " Th' Ambassadors in his due Praise conspir'd, Edmund by all their Monarchs grew admir'd : All, in their Treaties, on his Word rely'd, Who never in each other could confide. For Mutual Safety, Peace, Defence, and Aid, He with his Neighbours firm Alliance made. When an Ally sunk under lawless Might, By his kind Succour he retriev'd his Eight : He of all Monarchs gained the sole Renown, To be sty I'd Patron of the injured Crown." (II., p. 54.) And here, at somewhat greater length, is the picture of the ideal king himself: — " He sits without a Partner on his Throne, Will always Counsel take, yet reigns alone ; What others singly know, his Soul combines ; Science in him in Constellation shines. For War, Peace, Leagues, Law, Counsel, Sea and Land, He always is the Oracle at hand ; To his Word he is unalterably true, Though he his own Sincerity should rue : Kings sacred Honour more than Int'rest eye, Had rather lose a Town than tell a Lie. His Counsel open is, his Heart is clos'd, 1 His Thoughts, when needful only, are expos' d : Great as he is, he sweet Reproof can bear, But Flatterers bis Detestation are. His Carriage is obliging, gentle, mild, He treats each loyal subject as a Child ; Their Interest he never will forsake, Or 'gainst the Country, a Court Party make : Of Vertue he has firm Foundations laid ; To Avenues of Vice fix'd Barrocade (.?/>) ; Studious of Peace, he yet for War provides ; 2 i We recognise, at once, the Viso tciolto t pmsisri sfrctti, of Wotton's maxim in hi* letter prefixed to Milton's Comtu, ed. 1645. - Obviously a paraphrase ol 8i wa b$Uum. IDEAL OF A PATRIOT KING. 239 Princes treat best with, sabres by their sides ; Ambitious still he is that all his Time People should feel no War, commit no Crime ; War, which for Remedy prescribes a Woe, And from Necessity, not Choice, should flow. No Hours the King in Idleness e'er lost, The Publick and his Pray'rs his Time exhaust ; In Intervals his Mind he will unbend, And these in Royal Recreation spend ; His Hawks he oft at Game Aerial flew ; His Hounds would oft the generous Stag pursue, Sometimes a flying Hern or running Buck, He with his right-aimed Shaft or Javelin struck : Divertisements most manly he most priz'd, And all that were effeminate despis'd. God's Book lies always next to Edmund's heart ; That teaches him of Empire the true Art ; That makes the King and Saint in him unite, That gives him both Humility and Hight, In his heroick Soul that reconcil'd The Just and Merciful, severe and mild ; Frugal and Lib'ral, Affable and Great, Glorious and Modest, th' Awful and the Sweet, The Patient and the Brave, the Friend and King, Of Love and Fear the never-failing Spring, He in Attempts is bold, in Council wise, Assiduous to compleat an Enterprise ; Not rash, yet expeditious in Affairs ; Concentring in himself the publick Cares ; Anglia by him o'er Albion rears its Head, And has a Resurrection from the Dead." (II., pp. 65—67.) It will be admitted that few portraits of a patriot king — cer- tainly not Bolingbroke's — present a nobler ideal of monarchy. It would be natural to pass at once from the picture of a perfect State to that of a perfect Church, but I pause, as I read the poem, to give an extract of an almost pathetic autobiographical interest, in whicb we find traces of Ken's poetical aspirations, perhaps also of his dreams of poetical fame in a near or distant future. 240 KEN AS A POET AND THEOLOGIAN [chap, xxviii. Alfred, as I have said above, hearing of Edmund's great- ness, determines to visit him and learn by personal observation. Before he starts on his journey he visits Godwyn, a hermit- saint, who has his cell near Winchester, who thus utters his prophecy of William of Wykeham : — " Of Centuries when a full Lustre's past, When Learning ready is to breathe its last, God will in Winton a great Prelate raise, Who shall recover it from its Decays. As at the Cedar-bearing Liban's feet, The Jor and Dan in Christal Jordan meet ; Whence the full Stream, which both the Fountains drains, Sheds kindly Moisture o'er Judaean plains ; Thus from the two Wicchamick Springs shall rise, Diffusive Streams the Church to fertilize ; Kenneo in them both Retreats shall find, Best suited to his unaspiring Mind ; He, rais'd on high, will rather down be thrown, Than conscientious Loyalty disown, His Solitude with Songs he'll intersperse, He'll you and Edmund celebrate in verse." (II., p. 69.) This, again, it will be noticed, is decisive as to the date of the poem as being completed subsequent to Ken's deprivation. I pass on now to the ecclesiastical side of Ken's thoughts. He represents Edmund as resolving on a reform of the Church, which he finds in a corrupt and fallen state. He is helped in his efforts by Bishop Humbert — " They both agree, A Synod the Restorative must be." (II., p. 201.) And a Synod is accordingly called at Bury. Humbert presides, with Lucio and Justo, the representatives of sound doctrine, as his coadjutors. 1 Edmund states his wishes as to reform, and the debate opens. Romano, as his name indicates, represents the Romish controversialist; Proteo, the school of an Erastian In- differentism. Edmund begins by pointing, as Ken did in his l We may, perhaps, conjecture that Humbert stands for Juxon, Justo for Sheldon, and Lttcio for Morley, or that the three represent respectively, San- croft, Hooper, and Ken's idealised self. — [C. J. P.] THE IDEAL CHURCH. 241 will, to the primitive Church, the Church of the undivided East and West, as the pattern to be followed : — "Mind not what Rome, what Greece has added new, But eye th' Original, which Jesus drew. * * * * Good Shepherds to their Flocks true patterns give, How Sheep should pray, believe, repent and live." (II, p. 208.) Humbert pleads his age and infirmities, and says but little. Then Lucio rises. He finds in the Twelve and the Seventy of the Gospel story the pattern of Church government : — "And the Distinction Jesus first ordain'd, The Church in Priest and Bishop still maintain' d." And then gives a brief outline of the history of the Church of the Apostles. He is followed by Justo, who expounds the pattern of the " Ideal Church : ?> " 'Tis to that Church God's Promises are made, No Counterfeit those Blessings can invade ; That Church is One, and will no Schisms endure ; Is holy, from notorious scandals pure, Is Catholick, for Doctrine, Time and Place, Receives all faithful Souls in her embrace ; The Apostolick Truth has still retained, With all succeeding Heresies unstained ; She'll militant and visible appear, Though God alone can number the Sincere ; She'll last till all her ghostly War shall cease, And she Triumphant gains eternal Peace. She'll no one spurious Fundamental own, She'll make no bold Encroachments on the Throne." (II, p. 213.) Romano rises and reproduces the stock arguments of the Papal controversialists of the time : — " Is holy Church to Anglia now confined ? Does Anglia see when all the World is blind ? Shall we new Dictates on this Church obtrude, And the great Western Patriarch thus exclude ? 242 KEN AS A POET AND THEOLOGIAN, [chap, xxviii. We Saxons have derived our power from Rome ; ] Can we her Power thus to oblivion doom ? " (IL, p. 216.) Lucio replies, as Ken himself would have done, had he taken part in the controversy : — "It is no Schism from Errors to abstain, No Schism to be what Jesus' laws ordain ; It is no Innovation to restore, And make God's Spouse as beauteous as before ; The older Error is, it is the worse ; Continuation may provoke a Curse : If the dark Age obscur'd our Fathers' Sight, Must their Sons shut their Eyes against the Light ? " (IL, p. 217.) He dwells on the earlier missionary work of the English Church : — " Our Willibrod first Faith to Frisia brought, Our Boniface the Truth to Germans taught ; We have converted Realms as well as Rome, Yet no Dominion o'er those Realms assume. # # * * Fraternal Love to Rome we gladly show, But no Subjection to that Crozier owe: We, who of Rome a grateful Sense retain, Her Usurpations justly may disdain." (IL,p.218.) Next in order, Proteo appears as the advocate of Latitudi- narianism : — "The Head of them Who, Skepticks, all religious Truth contemn." (IL, p. 219.) It will be allowed, I think, that Ken allows Proteo to state his case very fairly, in the very accents, almost, of Dryden's Religio Laid : — " If Right and Wrong we in Opinions own, Sure God for their Opinions will damn none ; 1 The reader will note that Ken adopts the Shakespearian pronunciation, as in "there's room enough in Rome." Comp. the rhymes "great" and "sweet" in p. 239. TEE BROAD AXB NARROW WAY. 243 Soft Charity in Jesus is most priz'd, 'Tis that, not Faith, which Christians canoniz'd." * % •%• ^ " If we should Tests on fickle Minds impose, We the Breach widen we pretend to close." * * * * " God in Variety takes most Delight." " God's Spouse knows what ^ill please her Lover best, And in a various-coloured Robe is drest." " One narrow Path a wand'ring Soul may miss ; God's Goodness opens numerous Ways to Bliss." * * * * (II., p. 220.) His comprehensiveness, however — and this was probably the lesson Ken had learnt from the Latitudinarians of his time — runs sooner or later into pure and simple Erastianism in doc- trine as well as polity, and Proteo 1 is but a " state cameleon:" — " We by Experience learn that all Eestraints Make numerous Hypocrites but rarely Saints ; Yet God's Anointed Proteo 's Faith shall sway ; 'Tis mortal error Kings to disobey." (II., p. 221.) Proteo is answered by Lucio : — u Errors into unnumbered Mazes run, Truth, like the Godhead, always is but One. Variety in Error God abhors, Against high Heaven it makes perpetual Wars ; From the broad Way God every soul deters ; And shews the Narrow, where none ever errs." He states the limits of Church fellowship : — " We with all Churches in Communion join, As far as they to Fontal Truth incline ; Nothing can us of Charity bereave, We pray for those whose Pray'rs we justly leave." (II., pp. 222—3.) 1 Is Proteo meant for Tillotson ? (See p. 79.) 244 KEN AS A POET AND THEOLOGIAN, [chap, xxviii. Finally, the Synod decides on accepting the Nicene Creed and the first Six General Councils as the standard of doctrine, in words which remind us of Ken's will : — " In them they own'd true Catholick Consent, Ere East from West deplorably was rent." (II., p. 224.) They adopt canons for the special government of the Anglican Church. The Bible, interpreted by Catholic tradition, 1 is the basis of the Church's teaching. The claims of Rome are rejected : — "If any Church must the chief Honour share, It is not Peter's, but bless'd Jesus' chair ; " (II., p. 225.) i.e. the Mother Church of Jerusalem. They assert the communion of the laity, as well as clergy, in both kinds, and reject tran substantiation, "purgatory tales," and undue veneration to images. They will not dogmatise on pre- destination — "but agree That both God's Grace and human Will were free." They assert that " Jesus dyed for all." They — "Censur'd no Church for disagreeing Rite, Lov'd Lamps of any Fashion with true Light." (II., p. 227.) Prayers are to be said in a " tongue understanded of the people." "Stations and paschal fasts" are to be restored as helps to discipline. Festivals are — "For Annual Catechisms to weaker Brains." (II., p. 228.) The penitential discipline of the Church is to be revived and enforced. 2 Convents should be retained, but bishops should have power to apply their surplus wealth to " pious uses." No 1 He is careful, however, to qualify the statement : " Tradition, when derived from God alone," for " God only souls infallibly can guide," thus taking up a position like that of Hales and Chillingworth. — [C. J. P.] 2 The reader will recollect one example of this during Ken's episcopate (i. 250). THE IDEAL PRIEST. 245 priests are to be, as such, " exempted from the civil Rod." The marriage of the clergy is to be permitted. Solitary masses, " reliques canonis'd," and indulgences are forbidden, as also the use of " lustration water " and other — " Customs from Pagans borrowed, or from Jew." Finally, when all this is settled, Humbert reminds them that above all the clergy must be examples to the flock, for — " Our best Arguments are holy Lives," (EL, p. 234.) and draws a picture of what a priest should be, in which we may recognise, in part, the ideal at which Ken consciously aimed all his life long, in part also, an unconscious portrait of his own character and life : — x " Give me the Priest these Graces shall possess ; Of an Ambassador the just Address, A Father's Tenderness, a Shepherd's Care, A Leader's Courage, which the Cross can bear, A Ruler's Arm, a Watchman's wakeful Eye, A Pilot's Skill the Helm in Storms to ply, A Fisher's Patience and a Lab'rer's Toil, A Guide's Dexterity to disembroil, A Prophet's Inspiration from Above, A Teacher's Knowledge, and a Saviour's Love. Give me the Priest, a Light upon a Hill, Whose Rays his whole Circumference can fill ; In God's own Word, and sacred Learning vers'd, Deep in the Study of the Heart immers'd, Who in such Souls can the Disease descry, And wisely fit Restoratives apply. * * * * The ideal of a bishop's character is naturally that of a priest on a higher level, and, as it were, transfigured : — "Bishops are Priests sublim'd, are Angels stiled, And they should live, like Angels, undefil'd ; In an enlighten'd Love should spend their Days, In pure Intention, Joy, Obedience, Praise ; 1 A like self-portrait ure, also, of course, in the form of an ideal character, is found in Hymnotheo (iii. pp. 56, 57), which I have not space to quote. VOL. II. R 246 KEN AS POET AND THEOLOGIAN, [chap. xxvm. Should here on Earth be Ghiardians to the Fold, And God, by Contemplation still behold. High Priests had, on the Plate fix'd on their Breast, For a Memorial, the Tribes' Names imprest; Thus every Bishop on his Breast should grave The Names of those whom he is charg'd to Bave, That he may lead and warn them Day and Night, And in his Prayers their ghostly Wants recite ; That he may ever lodge them near his Heart, And in their Sorrows bear Paternal Part. We, the more Spirits we from Dross refine, In higher Thrones and brighter Pays shall shine." * * * * (II., p. 231—3.) I would fain go on quoting, but the narrowing limits of space warn me that I must refrain. One passage, however, in the Hymnarium, p. 131 (in the same volume with Edmund, but with a separate pagination), calls for notice, as showing how fully Ken shared in the wider hope for the heathen, which in the seventeenth century began to be asserted, as by Chillingworth, Barrow, and other Anglican divines, so also by the Jesuit theologians on the one side, by Milton, Barclay, and Penn on the other : ! — " Thought," I.e. man's faculty of spiritual apprehension, is personified as led by Lazarus through the unseen world : — " Thought, then by Lazarus o'er Hades led, The Eegion of the happy Dead, Saw Infants numberless, who, pure From wilful Sin, seem'd to die immature ; Yet ripe for Heaven, lodg'd safe above From 111, which might deflour their Love : Thought in the outward Court of Hades bless'd, Saw numerous Soids, cloth'd in a dusky Vest. 'These are,' said Lazarus, 'of the G a utile Pace, Trophies of Universal Grace.' "- And then Lazarus leads the pilgrim to Socrates, as the great 1 See the preeenl writer's 8p n, ch. vi., " On the Salvation of tin- Heathen." - Compart Kymttothto, p. 160, "God'a Lov< to human Race is nnconfined." THE WIDER HOPE. 247 representative instance of heathen wisdom and righteousness, and hears his story : — " 'Know,' Socrates reply' d, 1 1 for the one true God a Martyr dy'd ; I knew great God by native Light, And Conscience told me what was right ; % % % * My soul with 'Miserere left my Clay, And, as I rov'd to find the happy Way, An Angel brought me to the Judgment Seat ; And, prostrate at God's Feet, Taught me the Virtue of the promis'd Seed, With humble Confidence, to plead ; No Gentiles to this Eegion ever came But Pardon gained by that and by no other Name.' " {Uymnarium, pp. 131, 132.) "Thought" finds in this the explanation of the promise to the penitent robber, who — "As he breath' d his last, Or, as to Paradise he pass'd, By some good Angel catechis'd, E'er he reached Bliss, all saving Truth compris'd." And then Socrates continues : — ' ' God, when Himself to Israel he reveal'd, Our Reprobation never seal'd ; We hymn God's Goodness, who decreed A lighter yoke for us than Abram's Seed ; * " * * * The more enlighten' d Souls more happy are ; We have of Bliss a just, though lesser, Share, And the Philanthropy Divine More in our Bliss than their' s we judge to shine ; Since we the Grace that we obtain, By Super- effluence uncovenanted gain." (Hymnarium, p. 133.) And so " Thought " passes on from height to height, and Gabriel takes the place of Lazarus, and leads him where the Church Militant stands with the Angel at the Gate. Romano and Sectario find it hard to enter in, and have to wait a while, but r2 248 KEN As POET AND THEOLOGIAN, [chap, xxvin. the true sons of the Church Catholick in Britain find a prompt admission, and the pilgrim and his guide mount, like Dante and Beatrice, " in one minute " ten million miles to the solar beam, and the "forty thousand leagues of a star's diurnal way'' are traversed by them "in one Pulse, as Sages say." But as yet, they see not all : — 11 The Glories of this upper World, Till the Great Day, will never be unfurl'd, But Saints, who beatifick Vision gain, Will see all Wonders plain, From the first Sphere, which all the Globe contains, Down to the least of all the sandy Grains." Hymn., ii., p. 139.- I ask myself as I read this, whether Ken, who was, it will be remembered, an Italian scholar, was not in all this consciously following in the steps of the pilgrims of the Commedia, thinking, it may be, that Lazarus, the Lazarus of the Parable, was a better guide than Virgil, and rejoicing that a clearer vision had been given to him of the state of unbaptized children, and of the heathen who knew not God as revealed in Christ, than had been given to the Florentine. 1 Here we have some better thing than the " sighs of a sorrow without pain/' or the longings of those who " without hope live ever in desire." The poem from which I quote is the last and fullest in the Hymnarium. It seems to me the completest utterance of Ken's faith, his TheodikcBd, by which he sought to " vindicate the ways of God to man." I must quote yet a few more passages which seem to me to bear on Ken's life and character. This, which follows, is also in the Hymnarium, and its subject is Eternity. As he meditates on that attribute he finds it more and more incomprehensible. It is something more than " infinite duration," for it excludes " succession," and "Eternity admits no Past." It is "one fix'd Eternal Standing Now." As he contemplates it, he remembers the old legend of the Monk and the Bird : — "I thought on the Recluse, perplex' d, As he at Matines sang the Text, 1 In Ken's "There is no hope in ll< 11 " we have a distinct echo of Inf. iii. 9, THE MONK AND THE BIRD. 249 That one short Day in Godhead's Eyes, A thousand Years would equalize ; Till a wing'd Envoy from the Airy Sphere Was sent by Heaven, the Mystery to clear. "The Bird by his harmonious Note, Allur'd him to a Wood remote ; Three Centuries her song he heard, Which not three Hours to him appear'd, While Grod to his dim- sighted doubtful Thought, Duration boundless, unsuccessive, taught." 1 Hymn., ii., p. 10. I cannot pass from this survey of some, at least, of Ken's poems, without noticing the more strictly biographical element in the Dedications. He seems to have wished to transmit to posterity, through that channel, his estimate of the character of the two men to whom he felt most indebted, and whom he most delighted to honour. He dedicates his first volume to his friend and protector, Lord Weymouth. He compares his own retirement to that of Gregory of Nazianzum, and he writes at least fourteen years after he had entered on the life of con- 1 Of the many books in which the story is found, I incline to look to the work of Nieremberg, On the Difference between Things Temporal and Eternal, which has met us as a favourite with James II. (i. 263), as that to which Ken was indebted. That work is found among his books at Longleat, and another by the same author, Be Adoratione, among those at Wells. The story appears in Caxton's compilation from the Legenda Aurea of Jacobus de Voragine, the Gesta Soma- nor am, &c, based upon De Vigny's French translation of the former work, but is not, I am informed, in the original. Cornelius a Lapide reproduces it in his note on 2 Pet. iii. 8, and adds that the story had been investigated, and that its scene was a monastery between Alost and Brussels. Matthias Faber (Sermon II. p. 755, ed., 1859) quotes it from the Speculum Morale of Vincentius Bellov, a Dominican friar of the thirteenth century. T. Crofton Croker, in the Amulet for 1827, gives it as taken down from the lips of an old peasant woman in Ireland, and as quoted in an Italian devotional book, Prato Fiorito, from the Speculum Exemplorum of Henricus, a writer of the fifteenth century. It has been repro- duced by Tholuck in his Stunden der Andacht, p. 462, 5th ed. ; in Kenelm Digby's Broad Stone of Honour : Tancredus, p. 177 ; by Longfellow in his Golden Legend, and by Trench in his Justin Martyr and other Poems. I am indebted to C. J. P. and other correspondents for the statements that I have thus brought together, but I have not had the opportunity of verifying all the references. The underlying thought is identical with that of the Seven Sleepers of Ephesus, which fascinated Gibbon (Ch. xxxiii. ad Jin.), which Mahomet introduced in the Koran (Sura, xviii.), and to which Gregory of Tours {de Gloria Martyrum, I. c. 95) gave currency in Europe. 250 KEN AS POET AND THEOLOGIAN, [chap. xxvm. stunt Buffering of which his letters bear 60 many traces. In one respect, he says, his lot is happier than that of Gregory : — "When I, my Lord, crush'd by prevailing Might, No Cottage had where to direct my Flight ; Kind Heav'n me with a Friend Illustrious blest, Who gives me Shelter, Affluence, and Rest ; In this alone I Gregory outdo, That I much happier Refuge have in you; Where to my Closet I to Hymn retire, On this side Heav'n have nothing to desire. # # # * I the small dol'rous Remnant of my Days, Devote to hymn my groat Redeemer's Praise ; I, nearer as I draw towards Heavenly Rest, The more I love th' Employment of the blest. In that Employment while my Hours I spend, This Prayer I offer for my Noble Friend, Whose shades benign to sacred Songs invite, AVho to those Songs may claim Paternal Right : Rich as He is in all good Works below, May He in Heav'nly Treasure overflow ! " (I. Dedication, ad Jin.) So in like manner he dedicates his Hijmnarium to the friend whom he had virtually chosen as his successor. He, in his age and retirement, stands to Hooper in the same relation that Valerius, Bishop of Hippo, did to Augustine. He had grieved as he saw his flock wandering on the dark mountain of error ; and then, in a line which was musical to his ear with one of the compound words in which he most delighted, " Heaven, my Lord, super- effluently kind, 1 In you, sent a Successor to my Mind ; In you all Austine's virtues are supply'd, Too bright for your Humility to hide. I on a load presum'd I could not bear, Happy presumption which enforc'd my I'ray'r! Since Heav'n thence took occasion you to rear, You, who irradiate all the sacred Sphere; Sou, in whose ('an' I feci as full Repose, As old Valerius when ho Austino chose. i I. iis;; ; ii 92, L32, 217. nisirop hooper. 251 Accept, my Lord, the Products of that Ease You gave, when you accepted of my Keys ; may the Flock a grateful Sense retain, Of Blessings, which they in your Conduct gain ; 1 in my Requiem Hymn God's Love will sing, For shelt'ring them in your paternal Wing." {Dedication, p. v.) And at the close of the volume there is what Ken calls a Ritornello — one notes in passing the familiarity which this in- dicates with the forms of Italian poetry, as confirming the con- jecture I have ventured on above (p. 248) — in which, with an almost childlike simplicity, he pours forth his admiration of a learning which he venerated as far wider than his own : " Song, silent at the Closet Door attend, Of my sweet-temper'd, venerable Friend ; You'll him the sacred Volume reading find, Submissively to search his Maker's Mind ; The Glosses of bold Criticks to expose, And the full Force of the bless'd Tongue disclose ; Or by his Pray'rs hard Places to unfold, Or to extract from Mud rabbinick Gold ; Or he the rich Chaldsean Treasure drains, Or Wealth of Zabian, and the Syrian Plains ; Or he digs deep in the Arabian Mine, For Ore, which he expends on Writ Divine ; Or he from Latian and the Grecian shores, Himself with sacred Erudition stores ; Or he is on his Past'ral Care intent, To guide his Sheep, and Strayings to prevent ; Or he, consulted, gives Responses clear, Which move the Church his Wisdom to revere ; Or, if his Mind he for awhile unbends, He Minutes in his youthful Study spends, Some philosophick Treatise to peruse, Or on Depths Mathematical to muse ; Or, to range o'er the Modern Tongues, to view What they improve, or steal, or boast of new. 1 1 The subjects of Hooper's chief works are sufficiently suggestive of the range of his attainments : (1) A Discourse concerning Lent, giving an elaborate history of its origin and observance ; (2) The Church of England free from the Imputation of Popery; (3) A Latin treatise, Be Valentinianorum Hceresi ; (4) An Enquiry into 252 KEN AS POET AXD THEOLOGIAN. [chai». xxviii. Stay, Song, till leisure Moments yon descry, Then bow to his judicious candid Eye." One cannot help feeling, as one reads this tribute at the close of Ken's life to the higher wisdom of his friends, how "earthly happier" his own lot might have been, had he, on that memo- rable night at Lambeth (p. 43), been not "almost, but alto- gether," persuaded to follow his friend's example, and to take the oaths which, the next morning, he resolved not to take. Did some feeling of regret come over him, as the shadows lengthened, that he had taken a course which had brought so much suffering on himself and others, and had all but involved the Church which he loved so dearly, in the misery of a per- petuated schism ? Or did he satisfy himself, as such a man might well do, with the thought that he had then acted as his conscience prompted him ; that if he had been in any way biassed, it was by the attraction of what seemed to him the "doctrine of the cross;" that, as it was, privation, suffering, pain had entered into the discipline of his life, and had brought him to the haven where he would be ? We ask these questions, and feel that we cannot answer them. It is enough for us to know, as these latest utterances tell us, that he could, at last, pour forth his swan- song as a Nunc dimittis. Now, at last, he could say, after the storms and troubles of his life, that all was well; that it was given to him to depart in peace, with brighter hopes for the flock, for which he would gladly have laid down his life, and for the Church, which he had served not less faithfully, if less wisely, than his friend. I proceed to give a few of the short epigrammatic lines of which I have spoken as found, not rarely, in Ken's poems. (1.) Dipsychus, 1 the double-minded man : — " He acts the Hermaphrodite of Good and 111, But God detests his double Heart and Will ; He lives two men, and yet but one he dies." (II., p. 116.) Ancient Weight* and Measures; (5) A treatise on Jacob's Blessing (iivn. xlix.), in the Hebrew and Arabic texts; beside many Bermons. He had read with fococke, thi great Orientalist. — Cassan, Lives of Bishops of Bath ul Jfu/ix, u. p. L68. ' (See Jami b I., S* GUESSES AT TRUTH. 253 (2.) The Palace of Error :— " There half learn'd Clubs fallacious volumes vend, And Critics spoil the Authors they amend. # ■%■ * * False Prophets here false pleasing Things presage, And wrest th' Apocalypse to fool the age." 1 ' The rising Side in Church, in State, they take, Which, when it sinks, the Yermin all forsake." (II., pp. 118, 119.) (3.) Vertumno, the Trimmer and Erastian : — ' ' He t' all Religions opens the wide Gate, Damns none but those who enter at the Strait." (II, p. 119.) (4.) Counsels : — " To keep all Men your Friends yet trust but few." (II, p. 153.) (5.) The World:— " You short-liv'd, little, despicable Thing, You that have nothing certain but your Sting." (II, p. 140.) (6.) Late Repentance : — " His youthful Heat and Strength for Sin engage ; God has the Caput Mortuum of his age." (II, p. 138.) (7.) Apparent Failure : — " Short of my Aim I infinitely fall ; I love Thee, Lord, I love, and that is all." (II, p. 166.) (8.) Youthful Piety:— " Few years will wash away unwilful Taints ; Religious Children soon grow aged Saints." (Ill, p. 128.) (9.) Callousness in Vice : — "As petrifying Fountain, by degrees Into a solid Stone soft Willows freeze, In sensual Pleasures thus my Soul immers'd Turn'd Marble." (Ill, p. 120.) 254 KEN AS POET AND THEOLOGIAN, [chap, xxviii. (10.) The Pure in Heart :— "Whom no 0710 fashionable Vice can taint, Who in a Sodom can continue Saint." (III., p. 57.) (11.) Prayer and Praise : — " Pray'r often errs ; Praise is that Grace alone Which true Infallibility may own." (III., p. 145.) (12.) The Misery of Sin :— " To grieve Thy Love is ante-dated Hell." (III., p. 369.) (13.) Confession : — " Confessions private at their Chairs are made, Which they to Souls command not, but persuade." (III., p. 75.) I have reserved to the last a passage which seems to me in- finitely pathetic in its autobiographic interest. Ken paints in Edmund his ideal of manhood. In Edmund's bride, Hilda (not the saint of Whitby), he paints his ideal of womanhood. The picture is a somewhat full one, and I must content myself with a few of the more striking features of it : — "No vain Expense she on herself bestow'd, A Spirit frugal, and 3 r et gen'rous, show'd. The Poor had an allotted lib'ral share, In all that she with Decency could spare ; Her Speech was uncensorious and restrain'd, All that she spoke a pleas'd Attention gain'd. Her usual Dress was comely, never gay, No new vain Fashion could her Judgment sway. ■■;■ * * * She could no Praise, no Flatt'ry ever bear ; She seem'd to have ne'er known thai she was fair. Meek in Command, of Conversation sweet, Free from harsh Words. Disdain. Pride, peevish Heat; In well-chose Friendships constant and sincere, And pitiful, when fore'd to be severe. IDEAL OF W0MA1SFI00B. 255 Women and Virgins she to serve her chose, Whom best she could to Discipline dispose ; These by Example, more than Force she train'd, And proper Works for every one ordain' d ; At work she charm'd them with her sweet Converse, Which she with pleasant things would intersperse. a- a- a- •& And when she any naked Wretches spy'd, Out of her Ward-robe she their Wants supply 'd. Schools she built for her Sex, and Laws ordain'd, That they to Work and Virtue might be train'd ; Large Hospitals she built, and there would spend Choice Hours, the Sick with Sweetness to attend ; With tender Heart she Jesus' Brethren fed, Could bear the Stench of a Poor Man's sick Bed ; * # * ' * She Visits in Disguise to Prisons made, And by a Hand unknown their Debts were paid ; Early she rose ; her dressing was in haste, Would at her Toylet but few Minutes waste. * * * # God was her constant Sovereign, dearest Care, Her Closet fum'd with th' Incense of her Prayer ; Three Times a Day she would for Prayer retire, Daily frequented twice the public Choir ; Her Library was with her Bible fill'd, And with good Books which Piety instill'd ; * # * * And oft spent piously diverting Hours, As Jesus midst the Lillies, midst her Flowers : The Fasts and Feasts of Holy Church she kept, And oft in secret for the Kingdom wept ; She each Lord's Day on the immortal Bread With sacred Hunger at the Altar fed ; She liv'd Grod's Constant Lover, hating ill, Conform both to his Image and his Will." (II., pp. 273—275.) I agree with Anderdon (p. 183) in thinking it impossible to compare this description with that given of Lady Margaret May- nard in Ken's Funeral Sermon, without feeling that the one is the idealised expansion of the other. And on this supposition we 256 KEN AS POET AND THEOLOGIAN, [chap, xxviii. have to think of the old man in the later years of his life — I have proved that Edmund belongs to that period — as going back in memory to those early years that now lay nearly half a century behind him, and still dwelling on the vision of the beauty of holi- ness, which had then been granted to him. Different as the two men were in power and character, there was this in common to both Ken and Dante, that each cherished, all his life long, the recollection of an idealising devotion, suggested by the presence of one in whom all that he most reverenced and loved was free from every touch of baseness. He found his Beatrice in the Lady Margaret, the Monica or Proba, as he calls her, of Little Easton. He had, for not a few years, guided her spiritual life, and in doing so, had found that she was in reality guiding him in the paths of purity and peace. In the hours of weariness and pain, in the epic in which he hoped that he should live to a future generation, he enshrined her memory with a loving and loyal tenderness, which, to those who enter into the heart as well as brain of a poet, more than redeems his work from its occasional prosaic heaviness. I feel, as I read the words in which he tries to set forth her true likeness, that I understand Ken better than I have done before, and find him, in the end as in the beginning of his life, more loveable and human. If there was in his experience the bitterness which the heart knew for itself, there was also the joy with which a stranger doth not intermeddle. 1 1 Of the Anodynes I have spoken sufficiently in Chapter xxvi. The other poems, the series of Psyche or Magdalum, Sum or Philothea, Urania or The Spouse' t Garden, call for a passing notice as being possibly, I think, an idealised picture of the life of the Sisterhood at Naish, especially in the loving care for the souls of penitents. On this supposition we may trace a half-conscious portraitu] Ken himself in the character of Gratian as the spiritual director of the sisterhood (see p. 169). The poems on Church Festivals may, perhaps, have BUggtsted Koble's Christian Voir. Could Ken have known that they had done so, be would, 1 believe, have rejoiced that his own work had been superseded hy a poet with greater gilts, and have been content, in his lowliness, to say, " He must increase, but 1 must decrease." CHAPTER XXIX. ESTIMATES, CONTEMPORARY AND LATER. " I have been honour'd and obey'd, I have met scorn and slight, And my heart loves earth's sober shade More than her laughing light." /. H. Newman. During the greater part of Ken's career it might almost seem as if he were exposed to the " woe " of those of whom all men speak well. There must have been something singularly win- ning and loveable in one who gained the affection of so many men and women of all sorts and conditions. His school and college friendships with Turner, and Thynne, and Hooper, and Fitzwilliam, last through life. Morley and Walton look on him with almost paternal fondness. In his first parish he becomes the confidential friend and adviser of a lady of rank and cultivated excellence. Lady Margaret Maynard's friend, Lady Warwick, records from time to time in glowing terms the impression made on her by his sermons. A Winchester poet writes to him on his appointment to his bishopric in terms of devout admiration. 1 He attracts the respect of Charles and James, even of William and of Bentinck. Mary does all she can to postpone, to the last moment, the deprivation which could not be averted. Anne takes the first opportunity to show her reverence for him by offering to re-instate him, and when he refuses, gives him a pension for the remainder of his life. 1 Thomas Fletcher, of New College, an under-master of Winchester School. He may be identical with a Prebendary of Wells of that Dame, appointed in 1696. I quote from Bowles (ii. 282) a few words in which Ken is described as " gliding through these peaceful glades," " like some calm ghost." The phrase seems to me singularly suggestive. ESTIMATES. [chap. xxix. His praises are sung and his friendship courted by the most eminent laymen of the time, by John Evelyn and Robert Nelson and Henry Dodwell, by Lord Dartmouth and Lord Weymouth. In the last-named instance the attachment stood the crucial test of a twenty years' trial of the relation between guest and host, and remained unbroken to the end. Men and women look to him for spiritual comfort in their hours of sorrow, as in the instances of the Student Penitent, and the tragedy of Statfold, and the two " Ladies of Naish." Everywhere he is spoken of as the " good Bishop." In the more public portion of his life, crowds of all classes flock to his sermons at Whitehall and St. Martin's. He is a welcome guest, as at Longleat, so also at Leweston, and Shottesbrook, and Poulshot, and Salisbury, and Winchester. As in the case of Lewis Southcombe, he inspires in men much younger than himself the most fervent devotion. He becomes, through his Manual and his Hymns, as in the case of Ambrose Bonwicke, who read the former and sang the latter daily, the spiritual guide of young devout souls, who, even though they did not know him personally, 1 thought of him as the " seraphic pre- late." lie is taken, in the crisis of the history of the Church and Nation, into the counsels of Sancroft and his brother Bishops, of Lord Clarendon and others, like-minded with him- self. Even Roman Catholics, as in the instance of the critic who attacked his Bath sermon, acknowledge that he had " the parts of an Orator, and would have been an Evangelical one too, had he but been trained in the bosom of the true Church." A higher tribute from the same quarter comes, during his life- time, from the pen of John Dryden in his paraphrase of Chaucer's portrait of the " poore Persone of a Towne." 2 Most 1 Mayor, Life of Ambrose Bonwicke, pp. 10, 69, 07. The young man records with reverent interest what he has heard of Ken's burial. 2 I follow Andeidon, Miss Strickland, and the writer in the Quarterly Review (lxxxix. 306), in accepting the lines as intended for Ken. Dryden represents his ideal priest as sixty years old, as a Non-juror, as a writer of hymns, and those three elements meet in Ken, and do not meet in any of his noticeable contem- poraries. The only point on the other side is that in which the poet speaks of his priest as not " deprived," but that admits <'f the very natural explanation that deprivation by Ad <>< Parliament was. from Dryden's standpoint, a nullity, and that therefore Ken's Leaving Wells, and not formally asserting his claims DRYDEX'S PARISH PRIEST. 259 readers will, if I mistake not, thank me for quoting the poem somewhat fully. " A parish priest was of the pilgrim train, An awful, reverend, and religious man ; His eyes diffused a venerable grace, And charity itself was in his face ; Rich was his soul, though his attire was poor, \ (As God had clothed his own Ambassador, V For such, on earth, his blest Redeemer bore). J Of sixty years he seem'd, and well might last To sixty more, but that he liv'd too fast ; Refined himself to soul, to curb the sense, And made almost a sin of abstinence. Yet had his aspect nothing of severe ; But such a face as promis'd him sincere. Nothing reserv'd, or sullen was to see, \ But sweet regards and pleasing sanctity ; > Mild was his accent, and his accents free, j With eloquence innate his tongue was arm'd ; Tho' harsh the precept, yet the preacher charm' d ; For, letting down the golden chain on high, He drew his audience upward to the sky ; And oft, with holy Hymns, he charm'd their ears (A music more melodious than the spheres) ; For David left him, when he went to rest, His lyre ; and after him, he sang the best. He bore his great Commission in his look ; But sweetly temper' d awe, and soften' d all he spoke. He preach' d the joys of Heaven and pains of Hell, j And warn'd the sinner with becoming zeal ; But on eternal Mercy lov'd to dwell. ) He taught the Gospel rather than the Law, And forc'd himself to drive, but lov'd to draw. * # * # Wide was his parish, not contracted close In streets, but here and there a straggling house ; against his successor, was practically a voluntary act. The likeness was at all events soon recognised. Dryden's poem was published in 1700, and in 1711 it was quoted as describing Ken, in the Preface to the Expostulatoria, published with his name. A Mend (C. J. P.) suggests that Dryden's lines are, as a whole, more applicable to Kettlewell than to Ken, but Kettlewell did not write hymns. 260 ESTIMATES. i map. xxix. Yet still he was al hand, without request. To serve the rich, to succour the distrees'd, Tempting on foot, alone, without affright. The dangers of a dark, tempestuous night. 1 The proud he tamed, the penitent he cheer'd, Nor to rebuke the rich offender fear'd. 9 His preaching much, but more his practice wrought, A living sermon of the truths he taught. * * * * The prelate for his holy life he priz'd, The worldly pomp of prelacy despis'd. His Saviour came not with a gaudy show, Nor was His kingdom of the world below ; Patience in want, and poverty of mind. These marks of Church and Churchmen he designed, And living, taught, and dying, left behind. * # # * Such was the Saint who shone with every grace, Reflecting, Moses-like, his Maker's face. God saw His image lively was express'd, And his own work, as in Creation, bless' d. The Tempter saw him with invidious eye, And, as on Job, demanded leave to try. He took the time when Richard was deposed, And high and low with happy Harr}' closed ; This prince, though great in arms, the priest withstood, Near though he was, }^et not the next in blood. Had Richard unconstrain'd resign'd his throne, \ A King can give no more than is his own, v The title stood entail'd, had Richard had a son. j Conquest, an odious word, was laid aside, "Where all submitted, none the battle tried. * * He join'd not in their choice, because he knew Worse might, and often did, from change ensue; Much to himself he thought, but little spoke ; 1 Dxyden, paraphrasing Chaucer, had, of course, to describe the life of a pariah priest and not of a deprived Bishop; hut it is, I think, probable that he reported B tradition of what Ken's work had hcen at Little Easton, Brightstone, Wbod- h;iv, or St. John in the Soke. We remember Charles II. 's " I must go and hear little Ken tell me of my fault BISPARA GEMENT. 261 And, undeprived, his benefice forsook. Now, through the land his cure of souls he stretch'd, And, like a primitive Apostle, preach' d ; Still cheerful, ever constant to his call, By many followed, lov'd by most, admired by all. * * * % With what he begged his brethren he reliev'd, 1. And gave the charities himself receiv'd, Gave while he taught, and edified the more Because he shew'd by proof 'twas easy to be poor. * * * * It was not, of course, to be expected that a man of Ken's character and in his position should altogether escape the cen- sures of unsympathising critics. Pepys, from the height of his superior knowledge, thought of him as " nothing of a natural philosopher," and his sermons, though fine, were "all of forced meat " and wanting in substance. Others spoke of him as inclined to Rome, and looked on his celibacy and asceticism with suspicion. The tongue of slander, as we have seen, attacked him with " immodest insinuations " in his own cathe- dral city. The via media, the lonely way, the parte per se stesso which he took, exposed him to the attacks of extremists on either side. Even Dodwell for a time thought him " fluctuat- ing." The Jacobites of Bristol spoke of him with scorn as the " poor gentleman " whose strange fancies were doing irremedi- able mischief to their cause, and Hickes talked of his " wheed- ling " ways. . And, on the other side, the violent Whigs attacked him, as in the Modest Enquiry, as skilled chiefly in " persuading silly old women to tell down their dust." The most systematic depreciation came, however, as we have seen, from the pen of Burnet, between whom and Ken there seems to have been a feeling of mutual repulsion, and with the single exception of his acknowledging that he spoke by the death- bed of Charles II. " as a man inspired," he seems never to lose an opportunity of a fling at him. 2 In striking contrast with these disparaging estimates we have that of Ken's friend, Dr. Fitzwilliam, in a letter to Lady 1 See Ken's action on behalf of the Non-juring clergy (p. 96). 2 See i. pp. 179, 180, 185 n. : ii. pp. 66, 136. VOL. II. S 262 ESTIMATES. [chap, xxix. Rachel Russell (1689). 1 ''The Bishop of Bath," he says, "though his conscience may be tauter, hath this tenderness without weakness ; his head, if I know anything by him, 2 or can judge anything of him, being as full of clear light as his heart is of devout heat." In the year of Ken's death (1711), his memory received a tribute of another kind. The Rev. Joseph Perkins, who filled the post of Latin Poet Laureate to the Queen, published an elegy in both Latin and English. I quote from the English version a few passages which connect themselves with some of the facts of Ken's life. ' ' Turner and Kenn London affords no room ; These noble guests both to my lodgings come." a Of Monmouth's rebellion he writes — ■ ' An hundred criminals in prison lye, By iEacus 4 condemned all to die, But Ken, renowned Ken, their pardon sought And life and safety to the captive brought." Of the Princess Anne at Bath — " When to the Baths her Royal Highness came, 5 Kenn made the Abbey Church resound his fame " Of the Trial of the Seven Bishops — "When, from the Tower freed, brave Kenn returns, In every street a blazing bonfire burns." 1 The letter is not printed in Lady Rachel's correspondence, but is found among tho Fitzwilliam MSS. in the Bodleian Library. 2 The reader will note the; uso of the preposition in its old sense as in the A.Y. of 1 Cor. iv. 4. 3 Perkins lived at Woodmansterne, in Surrey ; but, perhaps, the word •• Lodgings" implii B London. I am unable to fix the date when the two friends visited Perkins, but the fact is interesting as showing that the poet wrote of Ken from personal knowledge. 4 Jeffreys. 5 Andcrdon (p. 379) states that the fact that Ken's voice was heard through* out the Abbey was oommunicated to him as a tradition in the family of his informant, the possessor of the original note from the Princess Anne to Turner. Bishi p ■! Ely. See i. 271. THE ANGLICAN DREXELIUS. 263 Of his lowliness — " Whilst other Prelates ride in brave carosse, On foot this humble-minded Prelate goes." 1 The fact above referred to, that Dryden's poem was published in the edition of the Expostulatoria in 1711, as describing Ken, may be again noticed as an expression of the feeling of reve- rence, which was, as it were, waiting for his death to utter itself, as also were the republication of the Royal Sufferer (whether the book be genuine or spurious), under the title of the Crown of Glory in 1625, the twelve editions of the Winchester Manual between 1711 and 1799, the New Year's Gift, with the three hymns, published in 1712, the republication, from time to time, of the Practice of Divine Love, and the Prayers for those at the Bath. Hawkins's edition of three of his sermons and his Life prefixed to it in 1711, probably did something, imper- fect as the latter was, to make his name familiar to a later gene- ration, but I have not found any mention, in the literature of the eighteenth century, of the four volumes of Poems which he published in 1721. Hawkins himself speaks of them as u con- taining the full beams of Ken's God-enamoured soul," and this may fairly be looked on as expressing a generally received opinion of the character of the poet. A like estimate is implied in the epithets which meet us incidentally here and there, and which speak of him as the Spiritualis Drexelius et Seraphicus 2 of the English Church, or as a Doctor Seraphicus, Angelicas. The eighteenth century, however, was not favour- able to the study of the representative divines of the Anglo- Catholic School of theology, and though Ken is mentioned respectfully in the Biographical Dictionaries (Kippis's and others) there is no trace of any effort to learn more about him than was to be found in Hawkins's meagre narrative, or Sal- mon's Lives of the Bishops (1733). His fame was waning, and seemed on the way to pass into the dim region of shadowy 1 The lines probably refer to the reign of James II. and to Ken's visits to London, perhaps to the time of the trial of the Seven Bishops. 2 Ballard MSS., Bodl., vol. 41, ad pi. in Anderdon, p, 117. Drexelius, author of the Heliotropium, was a Jesuit preacher of Augsburg, famous in his day (d. 1638) as a writer of devotional books. The Heliotropium has been recently republished. s2 264 ESTIMATES. [chap. xxix. forms, of whose names we speak with honour, but of whom also we often know little beyond the names. Even the use of the Morning and Evening Hymns, which became common in the latter part of the period, did not do much to make his name more widely known, seeing that they were often printed in Tate and Brady's Supplement and other hymn-books without it. Towards the close of the eighteenth century, however, an anonymous pamphlet, An Address to the ArcJiltishop of Can- terbury, $*< um and the Athanasian creed, and many Psalms and hymns. The lessons are chiefly taken from the warfare of David against the Philistines, spiritualized as an alle- gory of the Christian's conflict with the world, and from the call of the first four Apostles. The reader is left to guess what the service commemorates. The year 1801 was that of Cardinal Newman's birth, but his birthday was February 21st. "Was the service a self-reminder of the life to which that year called him, *hen it witnessed his baptism into the Church of Christ P The Breviary, which, at this time, seems to have determined the current of his thoughts, was Froude's dying gift. (Apol., p. 154). CARDINAL NEWMAN. 269 in doing so at the time, as of course he could not now justify himself, on the ground that general testimony, as when it is said of the people in our Lord's time, " omnes habebant Joannem sicut prophet am," was a sufficient ground for recognising the saintliness of his character. The service is one of singular beauty, and though too long to be reproduced in its entirety, deserves a fairly full analysis. (1.) After the usual ver sides, " Lord, open Thou my lips/' &c, we have as an " Invitatory " prefixed to Psalm xcv., the words — " come, let us worship the Lord, the King of Confessors." This is followed by two hymns for alternative use, one from the poem for St. Matthias, the other from that for St. John the Evangelist in the Christian Tear. Nocturn I. After Antiphons from Psalm i., ii., iii., we have a Verse and Response — " The Lord loved him and adorned him, And clothed him with a robe of glory P Lesson I. is from 1 Timothy iii. 1 — 6, and is followed by — Verse and Response I. — " Well done, thou good and faithful Servant, thou hast been faithful over a few things, I will make thee ruler over many "Lord, thou deliveredst unto me five talents, behold, I have gained beside them five talents more." Lesson II. is from Titus i. 7 — 11 — Verse and Response II. — u Let thy Thummim and thy Urim be with Tliy holy one, whom thou didst prove at Massah, and with whom Thou, didst strive at the waters of Meribah ; they shall put incense before Thee, and whole burnt sacrifice upon Thine altar. 1 ' Bless, Lord, his substance, and accept the work of his hands ; smite through the loins of them that rise against him, and of them that hate him, that they rise not again." Lesson III. is from Titus ii. 1 — 8, followed by — Verse and Response III. — " Let the Saints be joyful with glory, let them rejoice in their bed, let the praises of God be in their mouths and a two-edged 270 ESTIMATES. [chap. xxix. sword in their hands: to bind their kings in chains, and their /toll* with links nf iron. "That they may be avenged of them, as it is written, Such honour have all His saints." NOCTURN II. Antiphons from Psalms iv., v., viii. — l' Dedication, quoted in p. 260. Six KoU % p. 205.— [E. H. P.] BISHOP ALEXANDER. 287 sympathetic emotion, a passion and a capacity (as the first of living orators has said), for " giving hack to his hearers in rain what he has received from them in mist." Ken could never have forgotten the anxiety and enthusiasm of England on June 29th, 193 years ago. On this day thousands were praying that the miracle in the portion of Scripture for the epistle for St. Peter's day might he repeated ; that " the iron gate might open to them of its own accord." The shout of ten thousand voices, which seemed " to crack " the very "beams of Westminster Hall, when the foreman came in with his memorable " Not Guilty," must often have sounded in his ears. He well knew what followed. He had heard the storm of cheers, the sobs of joy ; he had seen the vast crowds upon their knees, imploring his blessing and that of the Primate. Letters and eye-witnesses had told him of the rapidity with which the news had spread through England; of the cathedral peals and village bells set ringing by the hurricane of joy ; and of the seven Bishops to whom men attributed the preserva- tion of the Protestant Religion and of the Church of England. His own name stood foremost. Modern Bishops can scarcely be a picturesque body of men. The life that seems so quiet, the load of little accumulated cares, does not much appeal to general sympathy. The days may darken round the lonely man ; but the world does not suspect the pathos of it. The heart-strings may snap ; but they make no noise in breaking. Ken, with Wesley's impatience, out upon a theological campaign, might have rent the Church of England in sunder. With himself and his friends he would have carried away from the National Establishment the acorn in which lay folded the Church Revival. By his voluntary and canonical cession of his See to the pious and orthodox Bishop Hooper, and by his expressed determination to receive the Holy Communion from the hand of his successor, the fear of a formidable division was averted, and the long line of Bishops has gone on without solution of continuity to its present beloved Chief Pastor. This great success was not achieved by Ken without self-restraint and self-crucifixion. By the extreme men on both sides he was distrusted and even maligned. By one party it was whispered that he might have Roman predilections or be concerned in mysterious political conspiracies. By his own side he was sometimes accused of the deadliest of deadly sins in theo- logical coteries, reasonable moderation. An episcopal correspondent wrote to him, not without cruelty, that the line which he adopted in presenting to livings in his Diocese " gave great advantage to those who were so severe as to say that there was something else than conscience at the bottom." Ken replied with pathetic dignity, " I perceive that, after we have been sufficiently ridiculed, the last mortal stab designed to be given to us is to expose us to the world, for men of no conscience — and if God is pleased to permit it, His most holy will be done ; though what that particular portion of corrupt nature is that lies at the bottom, and which we gratify in losing all we have, will be hard to determine." y His recommendations after some years to lay friends to attend the services of the National Church were sneered at by some of the extreme non-jurors as time- serving encouragements to " occasional conformity and amphibious devotions." Ridicule, as Ken himself indicates, was not wanting. " Giving up rank and fortune for a Utopia." Utopia! To him Heaven was the one thing that had solidity. "The city that hath the foundations." Ah! still, as in the Russian poet's song of initiation, there are two voices as the neophyte pledges his troth. 1 See p. 47 288 ESTIMATES. [chap. xxix. 11 Fool ! " hisses from below, while " Saint ! " is heard overhead, and dies away in the starlit distance. Let us for a few moments consider Ken as a Christian poet. The agonies of disease apparently incapacitated him for some years from severe studies. Much of his sacred verse was composed (to use his own words) as an " anodyne and alleviative of pain." Of the four volumes of his poetical works not a little could doubtless be spared. We would gladly exchange much of the " cumbrous narrative ; " of the " languid lyric ; " of the clumsy machinery of the epic of Edmtmd — for one or two of the golden and glorious sermons to add to those which alone have been preserved. Yet any one who will read the volumes with tender reverence will be rewarded with lovely surprises. The heroic couplets occasionally remind us that we are between the richness of Dry den and the compression of Pope. The shorter measures not seldom assume a sweet and simple stateliness, and are rounded into a self-contained completeness. u Love gains of boundless love the care, By the sweet violence of prayer." 1 " The wings of the all-gracious Dove Shed soft sweet penitential love." 2 "O realm of undisturb'd repose, Thrones unassaultable by woes ; robes unspottable and bright, Day void of night." s Wo are reminded for a moment of the cadence of Keble, and of Keble at his best. Bishop Ken, indeed, may well have offered such a prayer as that which is expressed with beautiful simplicity by a living poet. " primal Love ! who grantest wings And voices to the woodland birds, Grant me the power of saying things Too simple and too sweet for words." Outside the psalter, no lines have ever been so familiar to English Christians as Ken's Morning and Evening Hymn. Other hymns have been more mystical, more impassioned, more imaginative — have perhaps contained pro founder thoughts in their depth, have certainly exhibited richer colouring upon their surface. But none are so suitable to the homely pathos and majesty of the English Liturgy ; none are so adapted to the character which the English Church has aimed at forming, the sweet reserve, the quiet thoroughness, the penitence which is continuous without being unhopeful. They are lines which the child may repeat without the painful senso that they arc beyond him, and the man without the contemptuous sense that they are below him. They appeal to the man in the child, and the child in the man. They are at once a form of devotion, a rule of life, a breath of prayer, a sigh of aspiration. They are the utterances of a heart which has no contempt for earth, but which is | Wbrka, it. 77 2 Works, iii. 139. Wwh» x i. 616. BISHOP ALEXANDER. 289 at home among the angels. When we listen to them or repeat them with congenial spirit, in whatever climate we may he, the roses of the English dawn, and the gold of the English sunset are in our sky. No church may he near us, no copse or lawn within a thousand miles — hut there are two sounds which they always suggest — the roll of the organ and the music of the thrush. Such stands "the work" of Ken "before us on this day. Such is it as suggested to us hy the memorial window. How feehly it is now described, and with what imperfect knowledge, the preacher keenly feels. His deficiencies will he supplied hy one who will bring to the task full knowledge, and the congenial inspiration of a poet. " Such his work is ;" may its spirit more and more pass into our Bishop and clergy. A bishop and pastor unsurpassed ; a preacher of Christ unrivalled in that touch of the magic of grace, that witchery of Heaven, that " light and sweetness " of God which is called unction ; a theologian of the true English type, who brings us the purest silver of antiquity stamped with the honest hall- mark of the English Reformation ; a churchman, to whom the National Church was so dear that he subordinated all private feelings and preferences to the " peace of Jerusalem ; " a poet, who if he has written much upon the sand has at least engraven some lines upon the rock, from which they have passed to the hearts and lips of millions in each successive generation. And if we venture to speak of reward — though his own meek soul, if he had ever ventured to pray, " Remember me, my God," would have added, " and spare me according to the greatness of Thy mercy." He had his reward even here. Once again, the meek man, pushed forth from his home, " possesses the earth " with the spirit at once of a child and of a king. " He is both dead and buried, and his sepulchre is with us to this day." The iron grating, strangely ribbed, with mitre and pastoral staff, abides over his dust at Frome. " He is not ascended into the heavens." His spirit is in the land where (according to his own strange, but lovely fancy), one disem- bodied soul may be moulding itself for a habitation of the ruby, and another for a tabernacle of the pearl. 1 It longs (according to the inscription, written by himself for his own tomb) for " a perfect consummation of bliss both in body and soul at the great Day ; " a longing which he has described with something of the spiritual beauty of that favourite of Gordon — " The Dream of Gerontius." In that land he is. His is the sweet life, the life of purity, for which he trained himself, "bearing himself full maidenly," from Winchester, until the day came to seal his body, with its self-invested shroud, in the coffin ; (" they are virgins ; these are they which follow the Lamb, whithersoever he goeth,") — the life of Music, where that "inarticulate poetry" of earth which he loved so well, be- comes yet more rapturous and more soothing, the life of song, where no sweet bird is dumb in all the depths of the forest glades of the paradise of God ; above all the life in that Presence without which for such as Ken, Heaven would be unheavened ; the life with Jesus. Still, as in successive readings of Scripture with the Church we draw near to the end of the vision of which the Apostle says in his simple, stately way, "I, John, saw these things, and heard them ; ' ' still, as the colours of the Apocalypse melt in enchanted distance, and the storm of music dies into something faint and low, as the breathing of our hearts, — still, as we feel that the sights of heaven are displaced for the seer by the lights and shadows of the Grecian hills, and the 1 Edmund, B. vi. 290 ESTIMATES. [chap. xxix. songs like many waters, by the break of the wave upon the rocks ; still we hear a voice. It is like the voice — it it the voice — to which we listen in the Gospels- Still as gravely and severely sweet, — still with the same imperious oracular tenderness, — still claiming all from us, and promising all to us. It speaks with such awe as never master to workmen ; with such trembling pathetic tender- ness as never mother to children, whom she lias trusted lor half an hour without her, to diffuse her loving influence over every moment of her absence. " Behold, I come quickly, and my reward is with Me." Yes ! for He Himself is the reward of His saints — u to each according as his work ?'&." APPENDIX I. KEN POETEAITS. I can scarcely hope that the facts which I have brought together under this head are at all exhaustive. It is probable, I think, that here and there throughout the country there may be portraits of Ken in private houses of which I know nothing. I shall be grate- ful for any further information which may tell me of the existence of such pictures or of the history connected with them. I. I am able to enumerate at least ten portraits in oils : (1) in the Palace at Wells ; (2) at Longleat; (3) in the Refectory at Win- chester ; (4) in the Warden's Lodge at Winchester ; (5) in the Hall of New College, Oxford ; (6) in the Warden's Lodge at New College ; (7) at Oriel College ; (8) in the National Portrait Gallery; (9) one mentioned by Anderdon (p. 333) as in his possession; (10) one in the possession of the Eev. J. W. Wickham, of Horsington Rectory, Somerset. I am not aware that any one of these has been identified as the work of any well-known painter. All that I can learn of (1) is that it is believed to have been left by Bishop Ken, of Bath and Wells, to some one at Salisbury. I conjecture that it may represent a Waltonian tradition, possibly may have belonged to Ken's nephew, Izaak Walton, jun., Canon of Salisbury. Such of the portraits as I have seen agree in representing something of the feebleness of age ; the eyes are lustrous, but the cheeks are flabby and the lips pendulous, and seem to have been painted, like the portrait engraved by Yertue as a frontispiece to Ken's poems, in the later years of his life. Many have, more or less, the same style of workmanship, as though they had been copied from the same original. (10) gives the face with a younger and more cheer- ful look ; (8) and (9) agree in representing Ken as in one of six medallions (portraits of the Bishops of the Petition) round a central portrait of Sancroft. II. The engraved portraits of Ken may be divided into two groups : — 292 APPENDIX I. A. Those published to commemorate the trial of the Seven Bishops. Of these I print a list from the catalogue of the Suther- land Collection (London, 1837, i. pp. 70, 71) in the Bodleian Library, given by Anderdon (p. 438) : — "The Seven Bishops. " Sheets. "Seven ovals, with ornaments. Engraven by R. White, and sold by R. White. " A similar print. Engraven by J. Drepentier. " Another ; with vignettes below. Dutch and French inscription. A. Hael- wig, scul. "Another; with Moses and David. Allegories. M. vander Guest, scul. Sold by T. Bowles. "Another. The Portraits in Mez. ; the ornaments etched. R. Robins fecit et ex. " The Seven Candlesticks. Small ovals of the Bishops and their Counsel. The Royal arms, emblematical devices, &c. With letterpress, ' Primitive Christianity restored in England.' S. Gribelin. " Folio. " Seven ovals, with ornaments. Engraven and sold by J. Sturt. 11 Seven ovals. ' Immobile Saxttm. 1 "The same. (Proof before ' Immobile Saxum.') " Seven ovals, with ornaments. A mitre above. "A similar print. R. White, scul. Printed for Bassett and Fox. Small. "The Seven Candlesticks. Small ovals, with ornaments and emblematical d- vices. S. Gribelin, in. et scul. 1688. Sold by T. Jeffries. " The same. (Proof before Gribelin's name.) " Mez. Seven ovals ; and a vignette of the Tower, &c. Dutch verses. P. Schenck, fecit et ex. " Quarto. " Seven ovals ; with a View of their going to the Tower. Dutch. " Two ovals ; with a Viow of the same. In a border. German. " Going to the Tower. Dutch and French inscription. A. Schoone- breeck ex." To these I have to add an engraving of the Seven Bishops, by Loggan, from which Anderdon says (p. 806) that the portrait pre- fixed to his "Life of Ken " has been taken. This and such others of the engravings as I have seen, agree, as might be expected, in giving Ken's face as it was at the time of the trial, when he was fifty-one. B. Separate engravings. Here also I am indebted to Anderdon (p. 806) for the list which he gives from the catalogue of the Sutherland Collection (i. pp. 571, 572): — "Octagon, in a pen-flourish. By J. Dundas, Epsom, Surrey. Octavo. •• .Ya. :.;. With arms, G. Vertue. Octavo. APPENDIX. I. 293 " A similar print, the portrait rather smaller. By the same. Octavo. " Oval. The same on a tablet below. Octavo. The same, proof, without letters. " Oval, in a frame. Proof, without letters. Octavo. "From a shop bill. From J. Dunbar, a vender of gowns and cassocks. Octavo. " A book plate. G. Adcock, scul. Published by Seeley. Octavo. "With arms. J. Basire, scul. Sold by Hazard. Duodecimo. " Oval. G. Vertue, scul. Duodecimo. "Oval. Proof, before letters. Duodecimo. " Oval, — facing the reverse way." Most of the above were published as frontispieces to one or other of Ken's works. That which I have chosen as a frontispiece to Vol. I. has been reproduced from the engraving by Vertue in the Print Room of the British Museum. It seemed to me that the choice of that portrait by the editor of Ken's poems, who was Ken's great-nephew, might be fairly taken as evidence that it was looked on by the family as more satisfactory than the others. The por- trait in Bowles' Life is given as from a drawing in the possession of Sir E. C. Hoare, Bart. It purports to be taken from the Longleat portrait, but it represents, as it seems to me, the face of a much younger man. III. A list of the medals which give Ken's head, with those of his companion Bishops, will be found in page 9 of this volume ; they are too small to be of much service in the identification of his features. VOL. II. APPENDIX II. KEN'S BOOKS. I have, from time to time, in the course of these volumes (i. pp. 94, 95, 192, 259), called attention to some of the books which were in Ken's possession, and have drawn inferences from them, more or less suggestive, — I am bound to add also, more or less precarious — as to the nature of his studies. I enter now on a further examination of the catalogues of those books, as they are found at Longleat, in our cathedral library at Wells, and in that at Bath. I wish I could impart to my readers something of the interest which I have felt in taking down volumes of the second group, connecting them, as I did so, with some special crisis in Ken's life, with his travels, with the part he took in the religion and politics of his time, with personal friendships, 1 and the like. I ask myself, " Where, and when, and why, did he buy this book ? What influence did it have upon his mind ? How far can we trace that influence in his writings or his works ? " 2 Even for those who feel no special interest in Ken, something will, I imagine, be gained for a fuller estimate of the divines of the Eestoration period, by giving what no one has ever, to my knowledge, before attempted to give — materials for judging of the range of studies of one of them, who possessed a wider culture and a higher standard of saintliness than most others. Of Walton's Library I have spoken in i. 18. The omissions of the list are, to begin with, more or less sugges- tive. Shakespeare is not there, nor any other of the Elizabethan or Stuart dramatists, nor Spenser, nor Bunyan, nor Dryden, nor 1 I note Goodman's Penitent Pardoned, a red morocco volume, with "Mary Kemeys, her book," as a singularly touching instance of what I mean. I take it to have been a gift or legacy (ii., p. 169). - My limits of space compel me to omit some books of minor importance, and the dates and places of publication. APPEXDIX II. 295 Cowley. The German Reformers, Luther, Melancthon and their fellows ; the English Eeformers, Tyndale, Cranmer, Ridley, Latimer, Parker, and the others, with whom the Parker Society has made this generation familiar ; these are, as I have said (i. 94), simply conspicuous by their absence. So also are the Puritan Divines, Baxter, Manton, Howe, Calamy, and Owen, and even most of those of the Anglo-Catholic school, Bramhall, and Bancroft, and Bull, and Andrewes' Sermons and Pearson. The great interpreters of Scripture, Roman Catholic and Protestant — Maldonatus, and Estius, and Cornelius a Lapide, Hammond, and Grotius and the other writers collected in the Critici £ffm— found no place on his shelves, though the latter are represented by Poole's Synopsis Criticorum. It may, I think, be inferred from this that Ken, acting perhaps on grounds of personal edification, deliberately excluded from his studies the whole region of lighter literature, and that he had a positive dis- taste for controversial reading. In the absence of any indication of a taste for the exegetical study of Scripture, after the methods which we employ in the study of other books, such as we find in the Commentators I have named, I note a marked parallelism with the line of study traceable in some of the leading minds of the Oxford School, notably in Newman and Keble, Dr. Pusey presenting, of course, in his Minor Prophets and Daniel, a marked exception. I pass on to special groups of books. I. Greek Classics. — Here again we miss what we should cer- tainly have expected to find. Neither Homer, nor Herodotus, nor Demosthenes, nor iEsehylus is found there. With these exceptions, the range is tolerably wide. I find Aristophanes, and Sophocles, and Euripides, and Thucydides, Isocrates, and Theophrastus, and Epictetus, and Sappho, and Lucian, and Longinus, and Aratus, and Dioscorides, and Dionysius of Halicarnassus. As a matter of con- venience, I close the list with Hellenistic writers who are not com- monly counted as classics — Josephus, Philo, and the Pseudo- Aristeas. II. Latin Classics. — Here, reflecting the dominant taste of the time in school and college training, the list, and in some cases the number of editions of the same author, indicate that these, rather than those of Greece, were Ken's favourite authors. Thus we have thirteen different copies of Horace (see i. 16, 198), ten of Livy and of Ovid, and six of Tacitus, Virgil, Valerius Maximus, and Sallust ; while the authors represented by single copies are Juvenal, Claudian, Cicero, Catullus, Petronius, Justin, Lucan, Statius, Martial, Terence, Plautus, and Pliny's Epistolce. III. Hebrew and Arabic. — It was somewhat of a surprise to me u2 296 APPENDIX II to meet with so many volumes indicating a range of studies of which I had found no traces in Ken's writings, and which are not mentioned by any of his contemporaries. The list, it will be seen, if it does not give proof of a standard of scholarship in these matters equal to that of his friend Hooper (see i. 90 ; ii. 251), shows that he was, at least, able to appreciate him. It includes the Ilischna in Hebrew, Bythner'e L;/ra Prophetica, some of Buxtorf's works, the Lexicons of Cocceius and Pagninus, a grammar by Levi, Kircher's and another Concordance. In Arabic, I find Pocock's edition of Abulpharagius, Eutychius, Golius's Lexicon, Erpenius's Grammar, and Ilistoria Saracenorum. An edition of Ephraem indicates some knowledge of Syriac. A general interest in Oriental matters is shown by books like Ockley's Introductio Linguarum Orientalium, Maundrell's From Aleppo to Jerusalem, Prideaux's Life of Mahomet, Buxtorf's Church History of Ethiopia} IV. Greek Fathers. — These, as might be expected with one whose ideal was that of the undivided Church of the East and West, are well represented. Athanasius, Athenagoras, Barnabas, Clement of Alexandria, Cyril of Jerusalem, the Ilistoria, Pmparatio, and Demonstrate of Eusebius; Epiphanius, Justin Martyr, Theo- doret, Theophilus of Antioch, Gregory of Nazianzum, Gregory of Nyssa, Origen, Dionysius the Areopagite, form a sufficiently copious list, though one misses Chrysostom. A small Porphyrius, Be Abstinentid, seems to indicate a wish to include the ascetic mystic side of Neo-Platonism within the range of study. A Rituale Gmcorum may well close the list. V. Latin Fathers. — I content myself with familiar names : Ambrose, Augustine, Bernard, Jerome, Gregory, Be Curd Pastoral i. Hilary of Tours, Lactantius, Tertullian, Isidore of Seville, Vincent of Lerins, Optatus, Minucius Felix. A Corpus Juris Canon ici and Bo\ fliius may, perhaps, be named under this head. VI. The Schoolmen. — These are represented by the Scut rutin of Lombard and the Summa of Aquinas. VII. Eoman Catholic Theology. — The prominence of the works that come under this section in all the three divisions of Ken's library is, perhaps, its most striking feature. If I held a brief, as the A dvo- catus Biaboli, against his canonisation as an Anglican Saint, it would not be difficult to make out a primd-facie case for the theory thai he was a ' Jesuit in disguise.' I need not say to those who have read these volumes that I do not hold that theory, but the fact that he i I surmise that Ken's mind may have been turned in this direction by his sympathy with Frampton, who had been chaplain at Aleppo for many years, as well as with Sooner. (See ]>. 27.) APPENDIX II 297 loved to gather and read such books as those of which I give the titles, accounts, in some measure, for the suspicions which led men to look on him, till the crisis of 1686 — 88 forced him to take up a definite position, as more or less "Popishly inclined." (See i., 276.) It will be noticed, however, that very few of the volumes in the somewhat long list that follows are of the directly controversial type. Of that class I find only De Cressy's Exomologesis (see i., 25), and Maimbourg's (see i., 127), Method for Uniting Protestants, and an anonymous Moyens surs pour la Conversion de tous les Heretiques. Authoritative statements of the doctrine of the Eoman Church are represented by the Catechismus of the Council of Trent andBossuet's Doctrina Christiana Expositio ; the Moral Theology of that Church by Cabassutius, by a Manuale Confessariorum, and by the books which he presented to the library of Winchester Cathedral when he was made Bishop (see i., 192). What seems to have attracted him much more, as it afterwards attracted John Henry Newman, was the stately ritual of that Church, so rich in the profusion of its materials, and often in the poetry of its symbolism ; and so we have Bona's work on Liturgies, the Eoman Missal and Breviary, and Hora Diurna, Mabillon's Liturgia Gallica, and the Rituale Romanum. Far outnumbering even these are the devotional books of the ascetic and mystic types, which include (I give the names without any definite order, and I reserve the Spanish and other books in the Bath Library for a separate paragraph), Flores from the works of Luis de Granada, the Passio of S. Felicitas, S. Brigitta's Prayers, Francis de Sales on the Devout Life and on the Love of God, the Life of Ignatius Loyola, the complete Opera of Thomas a Kempis, Bishop Fisher's Precationes, the Mrumma Christi and Praxis Viva Fidei of Thomas a Jesu, the De Deo Inserviendo of Alphonso of Madrid, the Tears of Mary Magdalen, the Eoman Martyrologium, the Maria Virginis Officium, Nierem- berg's Difference between Things Temporal and Eternal (see i., 263), his Vita Divina and de Adoratione, Rossignol's Disciplina Christiana Perfectionis, the Life of St. Teresa, the Life and Glory of the Blessed Virgin, Bellarmine's De Gemitu Columba, Horstius' Paradisus Anima, 1 Joan's De Sequendo ductu Divina Providentia, the Manual of the Arch- Confraternity of the Passion of St. Francis, and the Circulus Aureus, a manual of devotions for the Christian seasons, and the Arte della Perfezione Christiana, and Molinos' Spiritual Guide (see i., 117). The remarkable collection of Spanish books left to Bath Abbey I Cardinal Manning classes this book with Dante's Paradiso, as the nearest approximation in human language to the beatific vision, (See my Translation of Dante, ii., 455). APPENDIX II deserves a separate treatment. Of these some have been already mentioned, but I repeat the titles for the sake of completeness. 1. Luis Je Granada (sec i., 269). Thctrina Christiaua. 2. Primera Park de la Introduction l<>". APPEXDIX II 301 astica, Sheringham's De Anglorum Gentis Origine, and Buchanan's Rerum Scoticarum Historia. In the latter I note Dupin's Biblio- theque des Auteurs Ecclesiastiques, Fleury's Histoire Ecclesiastique (only vol. ii.), the Histoire des Empereurs, and lit moires Ecclesias- tiques by "D. T." (I conjecture De Tillemont, d. 1698), Davila's Guerres Chiles de France, and Moni's Histoire des J\ r atio?is die Levant This closes my examination of the books which entered so largely into Ken's life, which, of all his possessions, were the only treasure from which he could not bear to separate himself, and which he left on his death to the friend and to the institutions which were dearest to his heart. The task which I have undertaken in examining the contents of three catalogues, only one of which was alphabetically arranged, has involved a considerable amount of labour. I think it will be admitted that the results are not altogether uninteresting or unprofitable. Note. — The Sherborne Proclamation (p. 25). — I seize on a spare corner to state a fact that bears upon this question, and which comes to my knowledge too late for insertion in its proper place. I find in a collection of State Tracts published in 1692 by R. Baldwin, M In Defence of the auspicious and happy Revolution," the proclamation known by this title, in company with documents, everyone of which is authentic. Up to that date, four years after its publication, it had not been repudiated. Is there any evidence that it was treated by any one as spurious till Speke claimed the credit of its authorship ? INDEX. Abjuration, Q. Elizabeth's Statute on, i., 153, 154 Abjuration Oaths, ii., 126 (n), 150 (n) Abjuration and Attainder Acts of Wil- liam III., ii., 105, 150-1 Addison, Lancelot, i., 47 (n), 162 Admiralty, efficiency of, under James II., i., 127; ii., 287 Albuquerque, ii., 106 Alexandrian Codex, the, i., 66 Allibone, John, squib by, i., 46 (n) Amasia, Archbishop of, Papal Nuncio, i., 267, 277 "Amphibious Devotions," ii., 137, 287 Anne, the Princess, L, 136, 205, 230 (n), 271, 289; ii., 26, 119, 257, 262 " Anodynes" Ken's poems so styled, ii., 199, 200, 226, 233 Antony, S. of Padua, i., 114 Arthurian Legends, i., 200 Ashmole, Elias, i., 15 Asparagus, i., 256, 286 (n) Attainder Acts of James II., i., 213, 217 (n) of William III., ii., 105, 150-1 Attendance at parish churches ques- tioned by Non-jurors, ii., 126 (n) Augustine, S., and Valerius, ii., 132, 134, 250 Bacon, Lord, i., 105 Baltimore, Lord, i., 241, 295 Bampton, i., 123, 124 Barillon, i., 186 Barlow, Bishop of Lincoln, i., 46 (n), 310 Barrow, Dr. J. S., Bishop of St. Asaph, i., 43, 124 Bath, Ken's sermon at, i., 275 ; ii., 284 Bathurst, Ralph, i., 48 (n), 52, 54 (n), 180, 200, 201, 215, 227 (n) his will, i., 201 (n) Beacham, John, Ken's nephew, L, 171 ; ii., 206 Beaconsfield, Lord, his novel, Lolhair, i., 186 Bedsteads at Wincb ester, i., 36 (n) Bentinck,i., 136, 137, 141, 145, 147 (n), 148, 152 ; ii., 23 (n), 29, 34, 106,257 Berkhampstead, i., 3, and n. Beveridge, Bishop, ii., 51, and n. Bishop, Ken's ideal, ii., 245 Blagge, Margaret (Mrs. Godolphin), i., 76, 130, 142 and n., 304 ; ii., 150 Bohun, Edm., ii., 94 Borromeo, S. Carlo, i., 113, 117 Boscobel, i., 187 Bossuet, i., 108 ; ii., 152 (n) Bourdaloue, i., 108 Bowles, W. L., ii., 227, 232-3, 265, 267 (n) Boyle, Robert, i., 50, 52, 107 Bradley, Thomas, ii., 102 (n) Bramston, Sir John, i., 73 Breda, declaration of, by Charles II., ii., 57, 126 the Peace of, i., 134 Brent, Sir Nathaniel, i., 40 Brokesby (Non-juror), ii., 192, 195 (n) Browne, Sir Thomas, ii., 222 Bruno, S., i., 110 Bubwith, Bishop, i., 193 Bull, Bishop, ii., 152, and n. Burgess, Cornelius, i., 198 Burnet, Bishop, i., 107, 108, 109, 111, 112, 116, 127 (n), 131, 137, 140, 152 (n), 179, 183, 184 (n), 185 (n), 189 (n), 223, 261 (n), 263 ; ii., 2. 20, 22, 34, 35, 38 (n), 41, 44, 46, 48, 49 (n), 53 (n), 261, 284 Busby, Dr. Richard, i., 50, 202 ; ii., 38 (n) Cante, Matthew, singular account of, i., 91 (n) Cartwright, Bishop of Chester, i., 26 7 and n., 281 (n), 285, 297 (n), 300, 301, 310 (n) ; ii., 3 304 INDEX. Catharine of Braganza, i., 67, 107 (n), 161, '200, 210 Chalkhill, Ion, father of Ken's mother, i., 2, 3 John, Fellow of Winchester Col- lege, i., 12 (n),20,33(n), 138 (n) Chaplains, naval, their status in 1684, L, 164 ( lharity schools in London, i., 251 (n) Charlea I., L, 9, 29, 74 (n), 162 Charles II., i., 74 (n) court life under, i., 21, 63, 76, 98, 182-3. undergraduate life at Oxford on his restoration, i., 47 his secret treaty with Louis XIV., i., 12S history of that treaty, i., 128 (n) his proposed palace at Winches- ter, i., 158 conduct about Tangier, i., 162 his sayings about Ken, i., 159, 171, 178, 183 ; ii., 260 (n), 284 Johnson's estimate of, i., 178 (n) last days and death, i., 183 seq. rumour of his having been poi- soned, i., 198, 213 his burial, i., 191 Chartreuse, the Grande, i., 110 Cheney, Thomas, i., 203 and n. Cherry, Mr., ii., 57, 59, 194 Chevnell, Thomas, i., 40, 41 (n) Chillingworth, W., i., 15, 40, 41, 65, 67, 84, 152 (n); ii., 31 " Circum," to go, i., 36, 99 Clarendon, Lord, i., 125-7, 300; ii., 2, 18, 39 (n), 51 Clarke, Edward, Fellow of New Col- lege, Oxford, i., 45 Clement of Alexandria, his story of St. John, i., 60, 63 Cloberry, Sir John, i., 194 (n) Clutterbuck, Alderman, i., 124 Dr., ib. Coffee, i., 253; ii., 208 Coles, Gilbert, i., 122, 124 Collier (Non -juror), ii., 192 Compton, Bishop of London, i., 128, 140, 145, 146, 149, 152, 153, 180, 183, 268, 285, 301, 312 (n) ; ii., 8, 19 " Conditional Immortality," ii., 76 (n), 128 (n) Coney, Prebendary, ii., 131 (n) ( 'onset -ration feasts, expenses at, i., 130 (n), 191 ( bpeland, W. J., ii., 267 (n) Cotton, i., 15, 107 Conrt life of Charles II., i., 21, 63, 76 Cowley, Abm., i., 15, 33; ii., 232, 233, 234 his Davideia, i., 18,64, 96 Cranmer, Arrhbiah »p, i., 15 (n) George, i., 23 Crashaw, Richard, ii., 232 Cressy, Mr. and Mrs., ii., 197, 198 (n) Crewe, Bishop of Durham, i., 52, ISO, 183, 207, 267 (n), 268, 310 : ii.. 227 Creyghton, Robert, Bishop of Bath and Wells, i., 130 (n), 131. 199 Robert, Precentor of Wells, i., 20 2 and n. ; ii., 138 (n) Mrs. Frideswide, i., 214, 215 Croft, Herbert, Bishop of Hereford, i., 310 Cromwell, Thomas, Deanery of Wellfl assigned to, i., 199 Cross, doctrine of the, ii., 102, 252 Cutler, Sir Thomas, i., 225, 265 Cyprian, St., i., 245 ; ii., 42 (n) Cyprus, i., 90 (n); ii., 184, 185, 207 (n) D'Adda, Count Ferdinand. See " Ania- sia " Daniel, Ken's Lent sermon on, i.,205, 206, 209, 265 Dartmouth, Lord, i., 162, 163, 168, 170 (n) ; ii., 15, 258 Davenport. Christopher alias " Francis aSancta Clara," i., 25 (n), 67, 68, 105, 266 De Crcssv, Hugh, i., 25 (n), 105 (n), 108, 275 (n) ; ii., 198 (n) De Ranee, ii., 105, 118 De Sales, S. Francis, i., Ill (n), 117, 265 (n) De Witt, the brothers, murder of, i., 134; ii., 1, 66 Dodwell, Henry, ii., 41, 42, 53 (n), 58, 69, 76 (n), i09, 110 (n), 113, 12S, 142 (n), 191, 192, 193, 194, 198 (n), 258, 261 Donne, Dr.. i., 15, 18, 19, 20, 33, 171 Drayton, author of the rolyolbion, i., 75 Drexclius, ii., 263 (n) Dryden, John, i., 202 ; ii., 234, 259 his Absalom ami Aehithophel, i., 211; ii., 128 (n) his Retigio Laici, ii.. 212, 285 Duppa, Bishop, i., 72, 74 and n., 171 Duras, Louis, i., 187 (n) Earle, Bishop of Worcester, i., 130 (n), 191 Edmund, Ken's poem, i., 18, 22, 60, 62 (n), 69 (n), 80 (n), 95, 98 (n), 112, 117, 119, 169, 200 ; ii., 282, 233 and n., 231, 264, 255, 265, 267, 2S7, 289 Elizabeth's (QO Statute "n Abjuration, i., 153, 151 INDEX. 305 Evelyn, John, i., 15, 37 (n), 46 (n), 51, 52, 54 (n), 72 (n), 107 (n), 129, 130, 155, 194 (n), 201, 269, 288, 301 (n), 395 (n) ; ii., 2, 26, 30, 31, 33, 51, 157, 258 his description of Charles II. 's last hours, i., 182-3 of Charles's hurial, i., 191 Exclusion Bill, The, i., 137, 156, 195, 204, 208, 210, 240, 295; ii., 33 " Expostulatoria," question as to Ken's authorship of, i., 55 seq., 119, 249, 284 (n) ; ii., 115, 259, 263, 267 and n. " Exsurgat" money, i., 39 (n) Fairfax, Thomas, Lord, i., 40 Fell, Dr. John, Bishop of Oxford, i., 49, 50, 84, 191 Fenwick, Sir John, ii., 101 (n), 103 and n. Ferdinand, Count d'Adda. See " Ama- sia" Ferguson, the Plotter, i., 212 and n., 216 (n) ; ii., 25 and n. Ferrar, Nicholas, i., 19, 31 and n., 73 Feversham, Lord, i., 187 and n., 216, 225, 265, 266 ; ii., 7 Finch, Heneage, i., 312 ; ii., 8 (n) Fitz-Patrick, Colonel, his " conver- sion," i., 148 and n., 149 (n) Fitzwilliam, Dr. John, i., 51 and n., 73, 78, 88, 128, 159, 160, 174, 282 ; ii., 40, 45, 103, 257, 261 Fletcher of Saltoun, i., 212 Thomas, ii., 257 Florence, i., 114 Fowler, Edward, Bishop of Gloucester, ii., 51 Frampton, Dr. Robert, Bishop of Gloucester, i., 16 (n), 57, 24S (n), 253 (n), 262, 301 ; ii., 27 (n), 46 (n), 50, 53 (n), 69, 80, 103, 120, 121 (n), 126 (n), 142 (n), 152 and n., 191 Francis a Sancta Clara. &" Daven- port" Gates, Sir John, i,, 198, 215 (n) Geneva, state of, i., Ill Gibbons, Dr. Orlando, i., 52 Gidding, Little, L, 19, 31 (n), 73 The brotherhood at, i., 110 ; ii.. 27 Godfrey, Sir Edmundbury, i., 213, 305 Godolphin, Lord, i., 75 ; ii., 101 (n) Mrs. Margaret, i., 76, 130, 142 and n. Grahme, Colonel James, i., 128, 142, 173 (n) ; ii., 157 Gregory Nazianzen, S., i., 245 Grev of Warke, Lord, i., 212, 214, 217 Grigge, Mrs , i., 50 (n) ; ii., 52, 53 Rev. Thomas, ii., 53 (n) Grove, Rector of St. Andrew's Under - shaft, i., 301 Gunning, Peter, Bishop, i., 6 (n), 31 (n), 43, 72, 73, 304 Gwynn, Nell, i., 158, 177, 178, 189; ii., 270 Hales, Sir Edward, i., 15, 26S, 297; ii., 26 Hall, Bishop, i., 18, 33, 37 (n), 54 (n), 171 Hammond, Dr. Henry, i., 15, 42, 50, 84 Harbin, Mr., ii., 54, 107 and n., 108, 111, 181, 183, 184, 202 Harmar, John, i., 66 Harris, Dr. John, Warden of Win- chester College, i., 30, 32, 34 (n) Hart Hall, Oxford, i., 19, 42 and n., 51 (n) Harvey, Dr. William, i., 40 Hawkins, Dr. William, i., 121 William, Ken's great-nephew and biographer, i., 10, 12,56, 57, 58, 93, 144 (n), 224, 250, 251, 293 ; ii., 201, 202, 227, 263 Heathen husband's inscription to his wife, at Lyons, i., 109 Henry, Matthew, i., 47 Philip, i., 47, 202 Herbert, George, i., 16, 18, 21, 22, 33, 45, 73, 98, 99 Influence of his works on Bishop Ken, i., 21, 22, 81, 253 (n) ; ii., 232 Hickes, Dr. George, i., 226, 227, 229 (n) ; ii., 87, 108, 109 (n), 120, 135, 142, 192, 261 John, i., 226, 229 (n), 254 (n) Hobbes of Malmesbury, i., 200 Holt, Chancellor of Wells, i., 202, 215 Homer, i., 62 Hooker, Richard, i., 22, 23, C3, 198, 292 Hooper, Bishop, i., 50, 90 and n., 129, 140, 141 and n., 142, 147 (n), 150 (n), 178, 179, 202, 218, 231 (n), 301, 305, 310; ii., 43, 109, 110, 127, 131, 132, 133, 139, 140, 149 seq., 191, 202, 250, 257, 287 Huddleston, John, S.J., i., 128, 187, 279 his account of Charles II.'s last moments, i., 188; ii., 12 (n) Huguenots, The, i., 109 and n., 239 seq., 247 and n. ; ii., 270, 277 Huse (or House), i., 194 andn. Hutchinson, Colonel, i.. 98 Lucy. i.. 76 30G TNLEX. Hyde, Anno, i., 125, 175, 207 (n), Hymnotheo, i., 5, 17, 85, 60, 61, 62, 64, BO, 91, 93 (n), 95, 98, 116 (n), 202 (n), 253; ii., 157, 169, 174, 200, 226, 232, 234, 245, 246 Tchabod, L, 56, 57, 58, 258, 284 (n) Icon Basilike, i., 7 J (n), 264 [gnatiuB, S., i., 231 (n) Imitatio Christi, The, i.. 131, 259 L> ilrsitnt, John. -See " Shorthouse." " Ion," as a Christian name, i., 2 (n), 13 (n) Inland, James II.'s policy towards, i., 268 Irena3us, S., i., 109 Italian and Spanish books, Bishop Ken's, L, 94, 251, 263 (n) Jacobite formulary, ii., 59 " Jam lucis orto sidere," i., 34 (n) ; ii., 218, 224 James II. man its Mary Beatrice of Modena, i., 132, 135 resists his brother's pressure to adopt a mock conformity, i., 128 first address to his Council on succeeding to the throne, i., 204 his coronation, i., 207, 208 and n. his first Declaration of Indulgence, i , 57, 65, 241, 271 ditto for Scotland, i.. 268 his second Declaration, i., 293 touches for the Evil, i., 277, 281 (n) goes to hear Penn after attending Mass, L, 281 (n) his Order in Council for the public reading of his Declaration in churches, &C, i , 297 his rumoured transfer of Ireland to Lonii XIV.. ii., 40, 49 (n) respect lor Ken, ii., 257 his death, ii., 104 Jeffreys, Judge, i., 225 and n., 226, 227', 212, 266, 268, 310, 312, 314, .'51 5; ii., 2, 14 (n), 27 his last days ; ii., 27 (n) John, St., traditions respecting, i., 17, 60, 62 Jones, Mr., ii., 52 (n), 71 (n), 124 (n), L25 (n) Juan de Avila, i., 259 Juan de la Cruz, i., 259 Keblc, Rev. John, i., 236 fit) Kemevs. The Misses, of Naish Court, i., 5 (n), 256 (n), 259 (n) ; ii., (n), 127 and n., 136, 137 (n), 138 (n), 139 (n\ 142, 111, 167 >-/.. 172. 175 (n), 186, 187 (n), 191, 215, 256 (n), 258 Kemeys, Sir Charles, ii., 172 Kkn. Bishop, his descent, i., 1 founder of the house, i., l (n) place and date of his birth, i., 3, 9 inllueneeof his sister, i., 5. 7. 8 his home in Izaak Walton's house, i., 8 " Kenna," in The Complete Angler t i., 7 and n. genealogies of his family, i., 9, 10, li, 12 his love of nature, i., 16, 17 habits of observation, i., 17 influenced by George Herbert, i., 21. 22 by Hooker, i., 22 rule of life adopted by Ken and his fellows, i., 26, 27 admitted a scholar at Winch- College, i., 29 elected to New College, Oxford, i., 33 admitted to New College, Oxford, friendship with Francis Turner, i., 31 life at Winchester, i., 33, 38, 97 life at Oxford, i., 39 his habit of distributing alms dur- ing his Oxford life, i.. 52 member of a Musical Society at Oxford, i., 53 whether he was the author of Expostirfatoria, i., 55 his Hymnolheo, i., 5, 16, 35, 60, 61, 91, 95, 98, &C. appointed to Little Easton, i., 69 to Winchester, i., 82 resigns Easton, i., 82 Chaplain to Bishop Morley, i.. s ! undertakes the charge of St. John's in the Soke, i., 86 Rector of Brightstone, i-, ^7 Prebendary of Winchester, i., Si) Elector of Woodhay, i., 90 writes the Manual of Prayer* for Winchester scholars, i., 91, 95, 96, 97, &C. alleged miraculoua cure, i., 91 (n) ascetic life at Winchester, i.. 92 love and practice of music, i., 92, 122. 20*2 (n) literary tastes and studies, i., 93, 9 1 INDEX. 307 Ken, Bishop, his Exposition of the Church Catechism, i., 81,231, 276 his love of children, i., 97 and n. attached importance to personal intercourse as an element of spiritual lite, i., 100 Meditations on the Holy Eucharist, i., 101 republished hy Bishop Moberly, i., 104 makes alterations in the Manual, i., 101 goes abroad, i., 105 seq. visits Milan, Venice, Rome, i., 107, 113, 114, 115 becomes acquainted with the French, Italian, and Spanish languages and literature, i., 121 his use of the prayer " R.I. P.," i., 123, 124 becomes popular as a preacher, i., 125 Chaplain to the Princess Mary, L, 125 at the Hague, i., 125, 138 life at the Hague, i., 139 seq. takes a text from Jeremiah as the " watchword of his life," i., 139 resigns his Chaplaincy to Queen Mary in consequence of the Zulestein affair, i., 144 interests himself in : 1 . The Union of Protestants. 2. The Con- version of Colonel Fitz-Putrick, i., 145 seq. his letter to Bishop Compton, i. 146 his letter to Archbishop Sancroft, L, 148 his letter to Lord Maynard on the death of Lady Maynard, i., 157 his bold faithfulness, i., 158 Nell Gwynn, i., 158, 159 sails with Lord Dartmouth as Chaplain of the Fleet, i., 164 at Tangier, i, 167, 177 life at sea, i., 168 Burnet's description of him, i., 179 consecrated Bishop of Bath and Wells, i., 180 declines to give the usual conse- cration dinner, i., 191 a letter to Lord Dartmouth, i., 193 his episcopal seal and motto, i., 193, 209 life at Wells, i., 195 seq. his Lent Sermon at Whitehall, 1685, i., 205, 265 Ken, Bishop, his Lent Snrmon at Whitehall, 1687, i., 269 ministers to prisoners at Wells, Taunton, and Bridge water, i., 226 his address to the Privy Council, i., 226 letters to Viscount Weymouth, i., 22% 254 ; ii., 13 writes The Practice of Divine Love, i., 230, 237 ; ii., 263 makes alterations therein, i., 236, _277 his Hymnarium, i., 178, 231 (n) ; ii., 132 (n), 246, 247 his teaching on " The Holv Catho- lic Church," i., 232 on " The Communion of Saints," L, 233 devotions on the 2nd Command- ment, i., 234 thoughts on the Lord's Day, i., 234 thoughts on the 4th Command- ment, i., 235 thoughts on Holy Baptism, i., 235 makes alterations in his phraseo- logy respecting the Eucharist, i., 236 Directions for Prayer for the Dio- cese of Bath and Wells, i., 237 exhortation to prayers for the king, i., 237 issues prayers for the visitors to Bath, i., 238 encyclical letter to the Clergy "in behalf of the French Protes- tants," i , 239 Whitehall Sermon for the Refu- gees, i., 242 his munificence, i., 243 ; ii., 57 pastoral for Lent, i., 244, 245 "Articles of Visitation and In- quiry," i., 248 his sympathy with the poor, i., 251, 252 and with others, i., 256 and n. ; ii., 96, 276 purposes to set up a workhouse at Wells, i., 251 probably a total abstainer, i., 93, 253 his adherence to the cause of James II., i., 261 his personal attachment to the king, i., 261, 264 his Sermon at St. Martin' s-in-the- Fields, i., 270 his success as an Expounder and Catechist, i., 271 and n. TNLEX. Kkn, Bishop, attractive character of his Whitehall and other Ser- mons, i., 54, 242, 265, 288 ; ii., his Sermon at Bath, i., 275 ; ii., 258 animadversions thereon hy " P. J. K.," i., 275 aeq. literary history of his three hymns, ii., 210 teq. his fondness for coffee, i., 253 ; ii., 208 suspended from the exercise of his office, ii., 46 deprived, ii., 51 his deliverance from the storm of 1703, ii., 133 his opinion of latitudinarianism, ii., 139 purposes to resume Communion in the Cathedral at AVells, ii., 195 his view of democracy, ii. 235 his estimate of Lord Weymouth, ii., 249 compares his retirement with that of S. Gregory Nazianzen, ii., 249, 250 his ideal Priest, ii., 248 ,, Bishop, ii., 248 his picture of an ideal court, ii., 235 of an ideal king, ii., 238 his Theodikcea, ii., 247 increasing illness and suffering, ii., 199 his poems entitled Anodynes, ii., 199, 200, 226,233 writes an epitaph for himself, ii., 208 not inscrihed on his tomb, i., 124 ; ii., 203 puts on his own shroud, ii. 202 his end at Longleat, ii., 202 his burial, ii., 204 his will, ii., 206 service for commemorating him ' in "Tracts for the Times," ii., 268 effects of his influence contrasted with that of Marlborough, ii., 273 and n. poetical tributes to him by R. M. Milnes (Lord Houghton), and W. L. Bowles, i. 275 portraits of, ii., 291 notices of ln> books, ii., 294 KettlewelL, John, i . 128, L29, L59 . ii., 15. 58, 101, 102, 121 and n.. 124, 126, L68, L69, L98 Kettlewell, Mrs , ii., 102 (n) Kidder, Bishop, i., 203, 253; ii., 51.52, 53, 57 (n), 60, 61, 130, 131 (n), 134 (n), 136, 137 (n), 138 (n), 191, 203 his epitaph in AVells Cathedral, ii., 63 Kinaston's hoax, i., 66 King. Bishop, i., 15 Mr., i., 229 (n), 254 and n., 255 and n. ; ii., 107 Kirke, Colonel Percy, i., 167, 168, 169, 225; ii., 20, 237 his "Lambs," i.. 225 ; ii., 237 Knox, Alexander, ii., 265 Laehryma Ecclesianm, i., 56 Lake, Bishop, i., 140, 145, 303, 307 Lamplugh, Bishop of Exeter, i., 54 (n) : ii., 8, 17 (n) Landor, W. S., i., 107 Langley, Sir Roger, ii., 6, 7 (n) " Latitudinarian Traditour, A," ii., 133, 134 (n), 135 Latitudinarianism, i., 65 Ken's description of, ii., 139, 243 LaTrappe, ii., 105, 118 Laud, Archbishop, i., 9, 41, 4S, 65, 67, 106 Lauderdale, i., 261 (n) Lazarus, i., 253 ; ii., 246, 248 Lcgge, Colonel, i., 162 Leighton, Archbishop, i., 130 and n., 131 (nl, 147 (n) Sir Elisha, i., 130 Lent, Ken's description of its proper observance, i., 205 Lenten Pastoral, Ken's, i., 244-6 L'Estrange, Sir Roger, i., 194 and n. Levinz, Baptist, i., 202, 203 Leweston, i., 254 ; ii., 57, 172, 258 Lisle, Alice, i., 226, 229 (n) Lloyd, Bishop of St. Asaph, i., 66. 1 10, 145, 180, 274, 301, 303, 312; ii., 2, 103, 120, 140, 142 (n), 144 (n), 149, 191 Nicholas, Fellow of Wadham Col- lege, Oxford, i., 66 Locke, John, i., 60 and n., 107, 108 (n) ; ii., 53 (n) Longleat, I., 60, 211,228, 229 (n), 254, 263 (n),286; ii., 14, 16 (n), 64 (n), 68, 59 view of, ii., 56 Longueville, Viscountess, i., 97 (n) 1, .u a XIV. at Prance, L, 108 (n), lis. L28, L33, L36, 162, 240, 295 ; ii., I l, 19, 10, 93, 106 Lui aria, Cyril, i.. 66 Luis de I tranada, i.. '-'5:' INDEX. 300 Macaulay, Lord, i., 260 (n) ; ii., 82, 83, 86 " Maids of Taunton, the," i., 213 Malarhe, Mr., ii., 138 (n) Manual for Winchester Scholars,!. ,22, 36, 91 95, 96, 97, 122, 125, 261 ; ii., 215, 218, 219, 263 Marshall, George, made Warden of New College, Oxford, i., 45, 53 Mary of Modena, i., 132, 135 Marv, the Piincess, i., 9, 136, 150 (n), 177, 264 ; ii., 34, 35, 257 her remarks on Bishops Ken and Frampton, ii., 55 (n) Mary, Queen of Sco's, ii., 182, 183 Register of the commission by which she was tried, ii., 183, seq. Maynard, Lord and Lady, i., 70, 71, 74, 76, 87, 128. 155, 156, 268, 285, 286 (n) ; ii., 255, 256 their household, i., 110 portrait of Lady Maynard, i., 77 Medals commemorating the acquittal of the seven bishops, ii., 9 Meggot, Dean, i., 158, 177, 266 Melfort, ii., 104, 110, 111 (n) Memorial rings. See " Rings " Mews, Bishop Peter, i., 177, 178, 199, 210 (n), 216 and n., 217 (n), 225, 253, 255 (n), 301 ; ii., 18, 27 (n) Milan, Sunday-School in the cathedral, i., 113 Milton, i., 21, 63, 64, 96, 166 and n. ; ii., 232, 233 Molinos, Michael, i., 117 andn., 118 Monk and the bird, legend of the, i., 263 (n) ; ii., 248 Monmouth, the Duke of, 159, 183, 209 seq., 229 (n) his letter to the university of Cam- bridge, i., 48 (n), 210 his declaration, ii., 25 (n) his cowardice, i., 217 dealings of divines with him before his execution, i., 218 seq. his execution, i., 228 popular disbelief of his death, i., 224, 225 (n) More, Mrs. Hannah, i., 230 (n) Morley, Bishop, i., 8 (n),l5, 42, 51 (n), 82, 83, 84, 85, 88, 89, 121, 126, 127, 128, 129, 130, 131, 137, 140, 155, 156, 164, 171, 174, 191, 253, 262, 282 (n), 298 ; ii., 257 his austere habits, i., 175 his munificence, i , 175 his death, i., 174, 175 his will, i., 176 Morley, Francis, nephew of the Bishop, i., 192, 194 and n. VOL. II. Morning and Evening Hymns, earliest recorded use of, i.. 99 (n) Mossom, Dr., i., 7 (n). 72, 73, 74 Motto chosen by Bishop Ken, i., 209 Musioal society at Oxford, i., 52, 165, 229 (n) Nag's Head Tavern, i., 130 (n) Naish Court. See " Kemeys " Nantes, the edict of, i., 2^9 Revocation of, i., 240, 295 Naseby, battle of, i., 40 Naval chaplains, their status in 1684, i., 164 life, ii., 237 Nelson, Robert, i., 15, 251 (n) ; ii., 45, 58,61, 152 (n), 192, 193, 194, 195, 198 (n), 225, 258 New College not among the contri- butors to the royal treasury , i., 39 (n) Newman, J. H., xii. (n) ; i., 120 ; ii., 268, 295, 297 Nicaea, Council of, i., 246 Nicholas, Dr. John, i., 31, 43, 122, 124 Nieremberg, i., 117, 263 and n. ; ii., 116, 249 (n) " Xon-compounders," ii., 120 (n) Non-jurors, L, 226 ; ii., 32, 38 (n), 45, 47, 52 (n), 54 (u), 56, 95, 142, 261 (n) Non-resistance, the doctrine of, 159, 224, 298; ii., 40, 49 (n). See also " Passive Obedience" Nowell, Dean, i.. 18, 33 Oath, episcopal, i., 193 "Occasional conformity," i., 207 (n) ; ii., 134, 137,287 Oley, B irnabas. i., 73, 81 Overall's convocation h>ok, ii., 44 Owen, John, Puritan Vice- Chancellor of Oxford, i., 48, 49 (n), 66 Oxford University under Puritan rule, i., 39 seq., 67 at the restoration, i., 53, 59 Palace, the episcopal, at Wells, i., 196 Parental influence, i., 1, 3, 4 Parker, Samuel, Bishop of Oxford, 177, 297 (n), 310 Pasquinade, 118 (n) "Passive Obedience," i., 39, 159, 224 ; ii., 39, 40, 48, 49 (n), 102 "Patriarch Jeremias," the, i., 65 White, i., 44 Patrick, Bishop, i., 54 (n) 300, 301 ; ii. 51 ;no INDEX. Pavilion, Nicholas, i., 110 (n), ISO (n), 268, 259 (n), 288 Pechell, Dr., i.. 1G3 ; ii., 16 (u) Penderell family, L, L87 11 Pennvless Pouh," i., 193 Pepys, Samuel, L, 129, 1G1, 1G3, 164 $eg.; ii., 261 Perkins, Joseph, Latin Pool Laureate, i., 217 (n), 225 and n., 275 (n), 301 (n); ii., 2G2 Peterborough, Lord, i., 1G1 Peters, Hugh, i., 46 Petre, Father, i., 263, 277, 290, 311 (n) ; ii., 19 (n), 27 Petty, William, i., 61, 52 " Philistinism," i., 26, 27 (n), 32 Phillips. Colonel, ii., 57 " Philotheus," i., 31, 34 (n), 36, 98, 99 ; ii., 218 and n. Pierce (or Piers), Bishop, i., 199 Pink, Dr. Robert, Warden of New College, Oxford, i., 43, 44, 72 Pollexfen, ii., 8 (n) Poulett, Lord, married one of the Kens, i., 2, 10, 12 "Pretender, The," ii., 59, 161 (n) Priest, the Model, Ken's picture of, ii., 245 Prowsc, Mrs. (daughter of Bishop Hooper), ii., 131 Prynne, William, author of Histrio- mastix, i , 40 Pullen, Josiah, i., 51 (n) Puritan Visitation of Oxford Univer- sity, i., 40 Quarles, ii., 232 "Rabbi" Smith, ii., 179 Beading sermons, i., 48 (n), 201, 210 Refugees, French. See " Huguenots." " Eequiescat in Paee," i., 122, 124; ii., 104, 105, 106 Restoration, social and religious ''down-grade" of the, i., 53, 59, 97, 98 Reynolds, Puritan Vico-Chanccllor of ( Kl'oid, i., 41 and n. " Ridding, Mr. and Mrs.," ii., 71 Rings, Memorial, i., 20, 171, 176 Robber, The Penitent, ii., 217 Borne, i., 116 social and moral condition of, ib. nepotism and venality of, ib. Rosmini, i., 58 Rous, Francis, chief "Trier of Preach- ers," i., 1 1 Routh, Dr. M. J., ii., L5J Rowe, Elizabeth, i., 52 (n) ; ii., 172, 284 "Royal Sufferer, The," i., 226 (n), 264, 316 (n) ; ii., 31, 115 sea., 120, 263 Rupert, Prince, i., 39, 46, 161 Russell, Lady Rachel, i.,61 (n), 76, 78, 128, 159, 1*60, 174 ; ii., 40 William, Lord, i., 159, 211; ii., 49 (n) Ruvignv, i., 241 and n. Rye House Plot, The, i., 159, 165, 211 St. Cyran, i., 259 Bancroft, Archbishop, i., 175, 180, 183, 204, 207 (n). 242, 243, 248 (n), 2t>8, 285, 288, 292, 298, 29*>, 300, 302, 308, 311, 312, 313; ii., 12, 16, 19, 22 and n., 27 (n), 36, 39, 50, 180, 258, 285 (n) Sanderson, Bishop, i., 15, 24, 41, 42, 84 Sandys, Edwin, Archdeacon of Wells, i.,23 (n), 203 (n); ii., 57 Savile, Sir 1L my, i., 32 Sawyer, Sir Robert, i., 90 (n), 312 and n., 313 ; ii., 8 (n) S-hool-life at Winchester, i.. 36, 36(n) Seal, Ken's Episcopal, i., 103 Sedgmoor, i., 215, 217, 225 " Seekrtrs, The," i., 47 (n) Seven Bishops, petition of the, i., 2S7 ; ii., 270 trial of ditto, ii.. 1 seq. acquittal of, ii., 7 Shakespeare, i., 105 Sharp, Dean of Norwich (afterwards Archbishop of York), i., 268 ; ii., 195 Sheldon, Archbishop, i., 15, 16, 40, 41, 42, 298 (n) his costly banquets, i , 130 (n) Sherborne Proclamation, The, ii., 24, 25 (n), 301 Sherlock, Richard, Chaplain of New College, Oxford, i., 43 William, Dean of St. Paul's, i., 300, 301, 309; ii.. 4 1 Shorthouse, Mr., author of John Tngle- aant, i., 6, 26 and n., 26 and u., 63 (n), 67, 73, 117 (n) Sidney, lion. Algernon, i , 142, 159, 211 Eon. Henry, i., 142, 147 (ri), 152, 153, 154, 156, 208 and n., 309 ; ii . 8 references to his diary, i., 143, 144, 145, 148, 164 Sir Philip, i., 142, 147 (n) Skinner, Bishop of Oxford, i., 37 (n), 6 i and n. Smith, Dr. Thomas, i., 282; ii., 102, L88, 170 80q. t 191 INDEX. 311 Socrates, ii., 246, 247 Soke, St. John in the, i., 86 (n), 91 (n), 176, 179, 229 (n) Somers, John, afterwards Lord, i., 312!; ii., 5, 8 (n) Somersetshire peasantry, heathen ig- norance of, i., 230 and n. Southcombe, Lewis, ii., 258 Southey, Robert, ii., 264 Speke, Hugh, ii., 25 (n), 27 (n) Spenser, Edmund, i., 2, 61, 64 Spinckes, JSathanitd, ii., 101 Spirits, Discussion on, between Pepys and Ken, i., 165 scq. S|rat, Thos., Bishop of Rochester, i., 52, 180, 268, 297 (n), 310; ii., 3, 14 Stamp, Mr., ii., 137 (n), 147 (n), 148 Stillingneet, Edward, Bishop of Wor- cester, i., 16 (n), 288, 300, 301 Storm of Nov. 26th, 1703, ii., 129, 130 Stringer, Dr., Warden of New College, Oxford, i., 33, 44, 45 "Student Penitent, The," ii., 155, 258 " Super-effluence," i., 283 ; ii., 92, 247 u Super-effluently," ii., 132, 250 Sylvius, Sir Gabriel, i., 137 (n), 142, 143; ii, 157 Talleyrand, i., 28 Tangier, the garrison at, i., 162 social condition of, i., 167 Taylor, John, the " Water Poet," ii., 217 "Telucisanteterminum, ii., 218,224" Tenison, Archbishop, i., 143, 219, 223, 251 (n), 264, 270, 300, 301, 305 ; ii., 79, 86, 101 (n), lu6 (n), 117, 129 (n) Kens letter to, i., 135 (n), 264; ii., 86, 267 Test Acts, i., 133 '1 exts written on the flyleaves of Ken's Grutius and Greek Testament, i., 139 and n. Thcrndike, Herbert, i., 57, 73 Thurcross (or Thruscross), Dr. Timo- thy, i , 6 (n), 72 and n., 73 Thynne, Sir Frederick, i., 229 (n) Mr. Henry, i., 254 (n) ; ii., 172 Mrs. Henry, i., 254 ; ii., 57, 172, 258 Thos., i., 227 Mr. Thos., afterwards Viscount Weymouth, i., 50, 229 (n) ; ii., 257 Tillotson, Archbishop, i., 147 (n), 300 ; ii., 39, 44, 49 (n), 51, 53. 61, 79, 243 (n) "Traditour," ii., 138 Trelawney, Sir Jonathan (Bishop of Bristol, Exeter, and Winchester), i., 36 (n), 142, 274, 306 ; ii., 150 Turner, Francis, Bishop of Ely, i., 31, 37 (n), 43 (n), 50 (n), 51, 72, 106, 128, 155, 179, 180, 183, 207, 208, 218, 224 (n), 265, 270, 300, 304, 308, 316 ; ii., 18, 40, 53 (n), 55 (n), 56, 71, 83, 103, 107, 126 (n), 148, 198 (n), 257 Universalism, i., Ill Ussher, Archbishop, i., 15 Venice, i., 113, 114 " Yinuo-i," the Society at Oxford, i., 52, 200 " Viso sciolto," &c, i., 21 ; ii., 238 Wagstaffe, Thos., non-juror suffragan Bishop, ii., 101, 102 (n), 120, 192 Wallis, Dr., i., 51 Walters, Lucy, i., 209, 210 (n) Walton, Izaak, i., 2, 5, 7, 8, 11, 12, 13, 14, 17, 18, 19, 20, 23, 24, 33, 37 (n), 46, 52, 61, 73, 83, 98, 107, 121, 164, 203 (n), 292; ii., 257 his death, i., 170 epitaph, L, 170 Dr. Izaak, junior, i., 92, 107, 116, (n), 121, 171 (n) ; ii., 23 (n), 38 (n), 52, 53, 206, 207, 208 "Warming-pan Story, The," ii., 2 Warwick, Ladv, i., 77, 78 (n), 88, 156; ii., 61, 257 Watson, Thos., Bishop of St. David's, i., 310 ; ii., 19, 2u (n) Well, St. Andrew's, at Wells, i., 197 Wells, Episcopal Palace at, view of, i., 196 Wentworth, Lady H, i., 211, 218, 223 Wesleys, the, i., 310; ii., 225, 233 Weymouth, Viscount, i., 228, 229 (n), 251 (n) ; ii., 38 (n), 55, 58, 151, 249, 258 White, Bishop of Peterborough, i., 297, 300, 304; ii., 101, 103 White, "The Patriarch," i., 44 Whiteare, Benjn., i., 180 (n) Whitehall Sermons, i., 209, 242, 265, 269, 288 Whiting, last abbot of Glastonbury, i., 199 Wilkins, Bishop of Chester, i., 51, 52 William of Orange, i., 133, 208 (n), 212 (n) ; ii., 21, 257 marries the Princess Mary, i., 136 his " Petruchio " policy, i., 140; ii., 36 his death, it., 105 312 INDEX. "William of Wykeham, i., 35 Williams, Janus, Sacrist of Wells Cathedral, i., 216 Woodward, Dr., Warden of New Col- lege, ( ).\ford, i., 53 Workhouse, Ken's proposal to set one up at Wells, i., 251 Wotton, Sir Henry, i., 15, 1G, 20, 21, 25, 98, 105, 171 Wren, Sir Christopher, i., 51, 52 Wroth, Sir Henry, i., 142 Jane, i., 142," 144 York, the Duchess of, i., 175 her death, i , 127 (n) Young, Aithur, i., 109 Young, Edward, Dean of Salisbury, i., 31 Edward, junior, author of "Night Thoughts," i., 95, 180 Zulestein, Count, i., 55, 145 ; ii., 21, 23 (n), 270 Madams, 147 (n) 136, 144, THE END. n:iMMi hv i. -. vikii i am. CO., LIMITED, Mil aOAD, LONDON, 2Sy tin same gtutljor. Two Vols., medium 8vo, price 21s. each. THE COMMEDIA AND CANZONIERE OF DANTE ALIGHIERI. A NEW TRANSLATION. With Biographical Introduction, and Notes Critical and Historical. Volume I. — Life. Hell, Purgatory. Volume II. — Paradise, Minor Poems. Studies : The Genesis and Growth of the Commedia. Estimates of Dante. 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