BR 145 .H38 1878 ^^^^ Hase, Karl August von, 180( 1890. A history of the Christian church HISTORY V^.. SEP ^OV OF THB CHRISTIAN CHURCH. BY Dr. CHARLES HASE, PKOFE880R OF THEOLOGY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF JENA. 'gxmslM ixm i\t StWI] n)i mud] mxam (§mm (EVxim, CHARLES E. BLUMENTHAL, PROFESSOR OF HKBKEW AND OF MODERN LANGUAGES IN DICKINSON COLLEGIC, CONWAY P. WING, PASTOR OF THE FIRST PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH IN OARIJSLE, PENNSYLVANLA. NEW TORK: D. APPLETON AND COMPANY, 549 & 551 BROADWAY. 1878. Entered, according to Act of Congress, in tho year IStö, bf D. APPLETON A COMPANY. tn ttic Clerk's Offlce of the District Court for the Southern District of New Torfc TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE. This translation was undertaken because its authors knew of no work in English which precisely corresponded with it. The his- tories of ]\Iilner, Waddington, Milman, Stebbing, Hardwicke and Robertson, and the translations of Mosheim, Neander, Dol- Hnger, Thiersch and Schaff, have severally specific merits with reference to the objects of their composition ; but many of them are incomplete as general histories, most of them were written so as to give undue prominence to some single aspect of the characters and events of which they treat, and all of them are too large to be used either as manuals for the scholar, as text-books for the instructor, or as compendiums for the general reader. Some attempts to supply the deficiency by Palmer, Timpson, Foulkes, Hinds, Goodrich and Kuter, have met with no very general acceptance. A miniature representation of a vast mass o£ facts, in which each personage and event shall appear in their individual freshness and relative proportions, requires for its exe- cution peculiar talents and rare opportunities. The Germans appear to possess these in a greater degree than any other people. Their learned men highly appreciate the value of such manuals, and their literature abounds in them. One of these, by Dr. Gieseler, has been translated, and is almost invaluable. But its text is a mere epitome of results, and bears no proportion to the vast materials in the notes , and the narrative awakens no in- terest. It would be difficult to find a gi'aphic picture, or an ex- IV translator's treface. pression of feeling in the whole work. Even the posthumous volume which has been promised, will leave the history incomplete. The delay which has taken place in the appearance of this work has afforded many opportunities of learning how much this deficiency was appreciated by competent scholars in England and America. From the letters we have received, and from public journals, we might present many testimonies, not only that such a work was needed, but that nothing in the literature of the present day was so likely to supply the deficiency as a transla- tion of the work we had announced. The style of our author is especially ad&'pced to the Anglo-Saxon mind ; his astonishing power of condensed expression, — his assthetic, if not religious sym- pathies, with every variety of intellectual and moral greatness, — his skilful daguerreotypes of characters by means of the trans- mitted light of contemporary language, — the deUcate irony and genial humor which pervade his descriptions, — the picturesque liveliness with which a single character or incident brings out the manners and spirit of an age, — the precision with which his scientific arrangement is preserved, the critical judgment with which the minutest results of recent investigations are in- troduced,— and the graceful proportion and animation with which the whole stands out before us, render his history attractive to all kinds of readers. He throws away every name or event which has no historical utility or organic life ; he appreciates an heroic spirit wherever it appears, and each period is estimated as nearly as possible in its own light. His is not merely a history of the hierarchy, of the nobility, or of great men, but of the Church. His descriptions, therefore, embrace especially traits of common life, the progress of the arts, and indications of advancement in social freedom. If his theological opinions do not quite coincide with our own, he seldom, at least in this work, obtrudes them upon our attention. His object seems to have been to maintain historical accuracy, rather than to exhibit his own opinions ; and if sometimes our favorite characters, or views, do not appear in the light in which we have usually contemplated them, his uni- form impartiality and intelligence make us suspect our earlier judgments. None but those who observe the structure rather than the particular dogmatic expressions of this work, will be TRANSLATOR S PREFACE. V likely to detect the author's peculiar views, and such readers can afford to give them whatever consideration they deserve. A strik- ing comparison has been drawn between him and a living English historian and essayist, but the reference can be only to the live- liness and brilliancy of his historical scenes, and not to the mi- nute space in which the picture of more than eighteen centuries is presented. As soon as we had detei mined to translate the work, the author was informed of our intention, and we publish his reply to our communication. Unforeseen difiSculties, however, delayed the publication of our work, and when more than a hundred pages had been stereotyped, we received a copy of the seventh edition, with numerous corrections and additions. We have cer- tainly no reason to regret such an occurrence, although it im- posed on us the necessity of recalling and rewriting a large portion of our manuscript. We submitted, however, with cheer- fulness to the necessity, since we are now able to present an edition in which some errors have been corrected, the results of recent research, especially with respect to the second and third centuries, have been incorporated, and the eventful history of the last seven years has been added. In an Appendix, we present every thing of importance added by the author in the part which had been already struck off. But as we were obliged in this first part to retain the numbers of the sections used in the sixth edition, and subsequently to adopt those used in the seventh, some confusion has necessarily been created. Should a new edition be called for, we hope not only to remove this defect, but to adapt the work to an American position. The section on America (§ 462) has been already, with the author's concur- rence, rewritten and enlarged. Considerable pains have also been taken to adapt the references and authorities to the present state of English literature, and some references to German trans- lations of English and French works have been omitted, but every addition is indicated by brackets. We are well aware that our work has many faults after all our revisions and efforts to correct them, but, like the author, we see no end to the labor which might be bestowed on that which is, by its nature, neces- sarily imperfect. Dr. Hase has given a large part of his atten- VI tkaisslator's preface. tion to the original history for more than twenty years. He was born in the year 1800 at Steinbach. In 1823, he was a private instructor in Theology at Tubingen ; in 1829, he was elected a Professor of Philosophy in Leipsic ; and in 1830, he became a Professor of Theology in Jena, where he still continues. His other works are : The Old Pastor's Testament, Tub. 1824 ; The Murder of Justice, a Yow of the Church, Lps. 1826 ; A Manual of Evang. Dogmatik, Lps. 1826, 4th and much enlarged edit., Lps. 1850 ; Gnosis, Lps. 1827-29, 3 vols. ; Hutterus Kedivivus, or Dogmatik of the Evang. Luth. Church, Lps, 1829, 7 ed. in 1848 (a work whose purely historical account involved him in a controversy with Eohr, the great champion of Rationalism, and led to a series of polemical works on that subject) ; The Life of Christ, Lps. 1829, 4th imp. edit. 1854 ; Libri Symbolici Ecclesiae Evangelicae sive Concordia, of which the 3d ed. ap- peared in Lps. 1846 ; The Two Archbishops, (referring to the difficulties in the dioceses of Cologne and Posen,) Lps. 1839 ; The Good Old Law of the Church, two academical discourses, 2d ed. Lps. 1847 ; The Evang. Prot. Church of the German Empire, on Ecclesiastical Law, 2d ed. Lps. 1852 ; The Modern Prophets, three Lectures on the Maid of Orleans, Savonarola, and the Kingdom of the Anabaptists, Lps. 1851. He has also recently been engaged in the publication of Didot's new edition of Stephanus' Thesaurus Grecae Linguae, of which the seventh part has just appeared. AUTHOE'S LETTER TO THE TRANSLATORS. To Prof. G. E. Blumenthcd and Rev. C. P. Wing :— Dear Sirs :— Between him wlio incorporates in a book the results of his most serious and profound mental labors, and those who from a cordial preference endeavor to introduce and interpret it to a foreign nation, must naturally spring up such an intimate intellectual sympathy, that it would seem surprising for them, if contemporaries, to remain strangers to each other. I, therefore, hail with grateful feelings the kind letter you have sent me across the ocean, and in imagination grasp the hand of fraternal fellowship extended to me from the land of William Penn, You have doubtless already discovered that no ordinary obstacles were to be surmounted before a good translation of my Church History could be made, as my object was to compress the most perfect picture of the religious life developed in the Church into the smallest frame ; and hence I was compelled to be very parsimonious in the use of words, and to refer to the original authorities for many things plain to the learned, but obscure to the learner. A French translation, once at- tempted, split upon this rock. I hope, however, that in a sister lan- guage, so essentially Germanic as the English, these difficulties may be more easily overcome, and such a confidence is encouraged by the fact, that in a Danish translation they have been completely vanquished. If I remember correctly, an attempt to translate my work was once made in England, but was abandoned on account of its supposed incon- sistency with the views of the Established Church. You have doubtless considered how far this objection should prevail with reference to the Church of your country, if the numerous and varied communities which have pitched their tents under the banner of the stars and stripes may B viii author's letter to the translators. be truly spoken of as a single Church. I trust, however, that among those who study history from a higher position than that of a party, an assimilation of views will gradually prevail respecting the silent opin- ions and facts which lie behind us in the past. I have at least honestly aimed to recognize in its proper light every element in any way drawn around our common Lord. I have thus endeavored to approach as nearly as possible that exalted position from which the history of his Church will be regarded by Christ himself, not merely as the Judge of ^uick and dead, but as the faithful Shepherd seeking the lost lamb. May my poor book, therefore, be dressed once more in a language spoken on every ocean and coast, and so come back to me from a world to which, as to another holy laud, hosts of peaceful crusaders are an- nually pouring to plant anew their hopes, and to realize their long- cherished ideals in subsequent generations. The brief notice of the Church in the United States you propose to substitute for my section on that subject, will doubtless better adapt the work to your country. Whenever the universal interest of the Church was the topic, I have myself given more space to the Church of my fathers. I have no doubt that the alliance commenced between German and American the- ology will prove a blessing to both. Both nations have certainly a great mission assigned them in ecclesiastical history, which each must accomplish in its own peculiar manner. The sixth edition made its appearance just before the storm which has since broken over central Europe. Pius IX., having been driven from his beautiful Babylon by an insurrection which he could not allay by kindness, has been restored by republican France, to substitute a government of priests and Jesuits for a Roman Republic. The French clercry have also hastily concluded to send up the petition " Domine, salvam fac rempublicam," as long as a democratic republic can be main- tained in France. In Germany, our national Assembly at Frankfort not only proclaimed the gospel of liberty for the Church, and the fun- damental rights of the German nation, but going beyond the people whom they professed to regard as their model, they threatened to di- vest the state of all Christian or religious character. The more con- siderate of our nation sent forth their warnings against such a rupture with all historical traditions, and painful political events have since shown that the immediate object of the Protestant German Church should be much more cautious and consonant with the national spirit This object unquestionably is, to give to the Church the administration of its own affairs, in alliance with a state under which the right of citizenship shall depend upon no creed, and the gospel of Christ shall be proclaimed as the highest principle of right. author's letter to the translators. ix In the Catholic Church, the independence of the state secured tc the hierarchy by the revolution, was made subservient to such an enor- mous increase of its powers, that the freedom of the inferior clergy and of the congregations is seriously endangered. What was called Ger- man Catholicism, has shown, as the more sagacious perceived from the commencement, that it lacked the religious energy necessary to effect a reform in the Christian Church. Since it has ceased to be harassed by political obstructions it has dwindled into an insignificant sect. But in the contest between a merely prescriptive Christianity, and the pro- gressive spirit of modern improvement, many a severe conflict must doubtless yet take place, before Christ in this respect also will manifest himself as the Mediatoi*. Kael Hase. JauA, May 7th, 1850. f PHiirejaTOK PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. In composing the following work, my intention was to present a text- book to the public, and to accomplish this, I resolved to devote to it all the severe labor and concentration of effort which such an object requires. But T was aware that however the general outline might be condensed, the living freshness which we find in the original monuments and documents of each historical period, should be preserved unimpaired. Instead, therefore, of endeavoring, like most of those who have prepared such works, to present only that which is general and indefinite, I have con- tinually aimed to hold up that which in each age possessed most of in- dividual and distinct character ; and when it became indispensable that some general grand features should be rendered prominent, I have sought to make these so suggestive of the particular facts, that recollec- tions of the most minute circumstances should throng the mind of the instructor. In this way, the attention will be aroused while in the pro- cess of preparation, and the memory will be strengthened in its recollec- tions, since whatever is characteristic awakens sympathy, and fastens itself in the memory. In this respect, it may be said that what belongs to a good text-book, is also an essential part of every historical repre- sentation. In every century many noble spirits have found their prin- cipal delight, and expended all their energies, in investigating subjects connected with ecclesiastical history. And yet for a long time the com- position of ecclesiastical history seems by no means to have retained the eminent relative position which it held in former days. Without refer- ring to historians of an earlier period, wtlere have we any works upon Church History whose excellence as historical compositions can be com- pared with those of Machiavel, Hume, and John Müller ? Even among the most recent ecclesiastical histories, that of Spittler is the only work which can stand the test of a critical examination by the con- temporary literary world ; but its Christian character is so obviously one-sided, that every one perceives that in this respect it is far inferioi PEEFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. XI to that of Neander. In thus expressing my general design, my object is to show what has been ray aim, however far I have come short of at- taining it. In these remarks, however, I have had very little reference to the mere literaiy style ; for, with respect to this, we in Germany generally need, and actually receive, much allowance for the dry form of a compendium. I rather refer to such a careful study of original authorities that the objects and events assume the living freshness of reality, and to a complete intellectual apprehension of the facts. I have also bestowed some attention upon a peculiar department of history, which, though it has in former times been noticed by all genuine eccle- siastical historians, never became prominent until the appearance of the venerable Neander's History of the Christian Religion. I do not, how- ever, by any means expect that my present work will receive very de- cided favor from those who, in a- peculiar sense, belong to the school of Neander, since it was certainly not so much my special object to search out what was spiritual and devotional among the people, as it was al- ways to seize upon what was characteristic of the popular religion. In the greatness and completeness of such a representation, there must of course always be much adapted to inspire devotional feelings, and, ac- cordingly, I have constantly felt that I was writing the history of the actual kingdom of God on earth. But as men have often turned that which was really sublime into a caricature, many individual points must necessarily be far enough from edifying. There are some subjects not usually introduced into an ecclesiastical history, to which I have awarded a right to a position there, because they had their origin in the Church. Indeed, in most of the larger Church Histories, nearly all of them have had a certain kind of con- sideration already bestowed upon them. Such is, e. g., the treatment which S.chroeckh has given to the subject of Christian art, although the style in which he has written must be confessed to have been singularly awkward. In his Encyclopedia, Rosenkranz has also assigned a due degree of importance to the subject of ecclesiastical architecture. On the other hand, I have omitted many things ordinarily mentioned even in the smallest compendiums. I have, however, so little disposition to ofier an apology for this, that I am rather inclined to reproach myself that, especially on the subject of Patristics, I so far yielded to usage that I allowed many topics to retain their ordinary position, which certainly have no right to a place in history. On various occasions it has recently been asserted that ecclesiastical history ought, at least in a course of academical instruction, to throw out a portion of its ballast. And yet we can hardly think that a proper remedy for our difficulties would be found in the plan proposed by Tittmann, according to which XU PKEFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. our future histories must be confined to an account of the promulgation of Christianity, and of the internal constitution of the Church. For, it must readily be perceived, that no true representation of the actual 3ondition of the Church could ever be made by one who confined him- self to such arbitrary restrictions. If, indeed, an ecclesiastical history should attempt merely to present a connected account of all theological .iterature, it would go beyond its peculiar province, and become an en- cyclopedia of theological knowledge. No particular event connected with theological science ever needs to be noticed, except when it becomes important as a prominent circumstance belonging to the age, and may properly be regarded as characteristic of the times. We cannot, how- ever, entirely dispense with some account of the received doctrines of the Church. Although a separate history of these is of the highest im- portance to the interests of theological science, the ecclesiastical his- torian cannot on that account omit all reference to the subject ; for how could the ecclesiastical movements of the fourth, fifth and sixth centuries be adequately described without noticing the various forms and processes through which the doctrinal views of the Church, and its difi'erent sects, then passed, and by which the character of those great movements was determined? Indeed, how could a clear representation be given of any period of the Church, unless it included some account of the system of faith which animates and sustains the whole. There is, in reality, only a formal distinction between the history of doctrines as a special science, and as an element in the general history of the Church ; for, aside from the difierence in the outward extent with which the subject is necessarily treated, they only refer to the different poles of the same axis, — the former presenting the doctrine rather as an idea unfolding its own self, and the latter exhibiting it in its relation to surrounding events. But the principal method by which ecclesiastical history was to be simplified, was by discarding a mass of useless material. Nothing is a part of history which has not at some period possessed actual life, and con- sequently become immortal, by exhibiting in itself a true refraction of the Christian spirit ; for, as God is only the God of the living, so history is not a record of that which is lifeless and dead, but of that which has a perpetual life. We have, however, hitherto dragged along a vast multitude of these still-born trifles. Of what benefit can it be, at least for students, to have it in their power to repeat the names of all those persons who have been only remotely connected with the diflFerent events mentioned in history, — of Synods which decided upon nothing, of popes who never governed, and of authors who wrote nothing of importance. A veneration for the names of these silent personages, of whom nothing is recorded but the year of their death, has Induced many even of our PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. XUl greatest ecclesiastical historians to fill whole pages of their works with the useless catalogue. Should any one think that it is the business of the instructor to quicken these dry bones by giving an account of their works, he certainly has very little idea of the range of topics embraced in the academic lecture ; and I appeal to the experience of any one who has ever gone through with the text-book of Stäudlin or of Muenscher, and inquire whether he has found it possible to animate the masses found in them ; or if he has been successful in this, whether he has found any advantages worth the trouble? I have endeavored, as far as possible, to avoid such useless verbiage in the text, for, although a man- ual should be expected to require much explanation from the living teacher, it should also possess some character of its own. By adopting this plan, opportunity has been acquired for a more extensive notice of those matters which were really important, and it will sometimes be found that I have given to such topics as much space as they ordinarily receive in larger works. It is possible, indeed, that a degree of dispro- portion may be discovered between the attention bestowed upon different individual subjects ; but it was never intended that the most diffuse por- tions should take the place of the oral lecture, but rather excite the reader to examine more thoroughly into the minutest particulars. The principle on which this has been done may be found expressed in the third section of the work. The academic instruction will at least assist the student in gaining a complete view of an age, if it only presents that age most thoroughly in the lives of its individual men ; and it is pre- cisely by such a concrete representation of exalted particular agents that the most distinct impression is produced upon the memory. Shakspeare says, in one of his prologues, " I pray you, look upon the broil of a few players as if it were a real battle ! " In like manner, the historian may request his readers to regard the intellectual chiefs and representatives of a particular period as the age itself. Such a course is not one which I have myself originally discovered, but it is the necessary result of the multiplication of those admirable biographies of which Neander has given us such eminent specimens, and to the compo- sition of which his example has so much contributed. The reader will sometimes meet with very peculiar expressions, such as no one would reasonably have expected from my own pen. The ex- perienced reader of history will readily perceive that these are quotations which I have taken as a kind of catch-words from the original authori- ties. I might frequently have designated them as such by some mark, but they are generally so interwoven and imperceptibly blended with my own words, that if I had attempted to distinguish the words of other xiv PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. authors from my own, my history would hare had almost the aspect of mosaic work. Although I have never concealed my own opinions, I have generally preferred to let the facts of the narrative speak for themselves. I waa also far more anxious to show why any particular event came to pass, and how it was regarded when it took place, than to indulge in those pedantic reflections, in which men every where attempt to act as judges. And yet even with respect to secular matters, I have never shrunk from calling every thing by its right name. In the very darkest times, those who occupied positions purely ecclesiastical, were allowed freely to call that unchristian which was really so. But probably most persons will think that when judging of things inconsistent with true religion, I have used the full liberty which naturally belongs to my position and my character more frequently on the side of leniency than of severity. I have no doubt, however, that in both respects I have given ample grounds for offence to those who apply to other ages the standard of intelli- gence and improvement to which their own has attained, or who judge them by the contracted rules of piety which they have adopted ; in whose eyes Catharine of Siena was merely " a silly kind of woman," and Julius II. " il novum monstrum ; " and who say of Cardinal Hildebrand, that, " the scoundrel even pretended to work miracles ; " or who, on the other side, relate that the word of the cross was ecclesiastically abolished in Weimar in the year 1833. But judicious men will not fail to recog- nize the same disposition in all the apparent changes of opinion which have taken place. They can regard the same words as seasonable, and indicative of an exalted mind, when used by Grregory VII., which are nothing but the helpless lamentations of a feeble old age when they ap- "pear in a Bull of Gregory XVI. With regard to the bright side of the mediaeval hierarchy, and the dark side of the Reformation, I do not suppose I need, in a purely theological circle of readers, to guard against misconstructions with a solicitude like that which Van Raumer recently exhibited, when writing for the more general body of the people. I -might, indeed, allege that the Reformation was so pure, and so exalted in its nature, that it needs no concealment of its darker passages ; but even if this were untrue, I should nevertheless withhold nothing from the light. Something may be exacted from those for whom the present work ifi intended ; for, though they may be young, they should be trained to take independent and comprehensive views of history. I have, there- fore, in every instance expressed the whole truth so far as I have myself known it. The only sections in which I have allowed any restrictions were those which contain notices of doctrinal history. Among students with whom I am acquainted, it is always a rule to attend lectures upon PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. XV Ecclesiastical History before those upon Didactic Theology ; and it ap- pears to me right that this should always be the case. I have, there- fore, in some instances sacrificed something of the profundity of a scientific investigation, that I might address myself more intelligibly to the popular mind. I have also taken some liberty in the general arrangement. No one conversant with the subject would require that each historical period should be accommodated to the same immutable framework. Who would think of bringing the apostolic Church into the same frame which has been found so appropriate to the age of the Reformation ? And if some exceptions must be conceded by those who are most zealous in be- half of an invariable system, we shall not hesitate to abandon this phan- tom of uniform periods. Neither have I thought it necessary when no change had taken place in some particular state of affairs, in all instances to announce in a formal manner, that such was the fact, or to introduce the most unimportant details as I should have felt obliged to do, if I had had just so many spaces to fill in each period. If an event appears not to have possessed much influence until a period after that in which it had its commencement, it will be mentioned only in that in which it be- came fully developed. In all cases, I have recognized no other law than that which requires that each age should be so presented that the clear- est view of it may be obtained, and most firmly fixed in the memory. In some instances, especially in modern history, I was doubtful what arrangement would be best adapted to my purpose. In such cases, my final decision was determined by a very slight preponderance of reasons in its favor, and I shall not, therefore, be surprised if others should come to a different conclusion. If, howevei', they actually consider all the ad- vantages a.nd results of each method, they will at least appreciate the motives by which I was directed in my selection. A selected literature is the only thing, in itself of no importance, which is yet es.sential to a test-book. Where it has been possible, I have distinguished between original authorities and revised editions. I have referred to particular passages at the bottom of the page, not often as proof passages, but merely as significant and distinct expres- sions of the age in which they were written, and to be communicated verbally by the lecturer himself. The small number of them will cer- tainly not be imputed to my indolence by those who are aware how easily such citations are now to be obtained, and how trifling an evidence they are of genuine study. They will be found most abundant in the present work with reference to recent times (though without regard to the views of the contemporary writers), because it was then more diffi- cult to refer to general original authorities, or to revised editions of them. XVI PREFACE TO THE THIRD EDITION. It is, indeed, possible, that if I had waited ten years longer, I could have established some of my positions with more circumspection. But if I had done so, I might at that time have had neither the opportunity nor the inclination to write such a work as is needed for a textbook ; and as I shall be just as able then to make any improvements within my power upon the present work, I hope my friends will kindly accept what I now have to present them, although from the nature of such a work the writer is likely to console himself at its close with the hopo that he will at some future day be able to improve and perfect it. Jena, Ascension Bay^ 1834. PKEFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION. This Church History has been every where so kindly appreciated and noticed, that I have nothing but my thanks to oflFer, as I present to the public another edition. With regard to the division into periods, and some minor details, I have recently had occasion to explain my views' to a considerable extent in the second number of my polemic treatises. Jena, March 9iÄ, 1836. PBEFACE TO THE THIKD EDITION. I cEPcTAiNLY have reason to rejoice in the reception with which this book has been favored, as it has been circulated far beyond the sphere for which it was originally intended. Such a result is especially pleas- ing, as it indicates that the interest recently awakened in ecclesiastical and kindred subjects is not confined to matters pertaining exclusively to the present generation, but that men are anxious to become thoroughly acquainted with the condition of things in earlier times, and to become animated by the rich life of the Church during its whole past existence. But while this is true, literature itself certainly gains but little by this rapid succession of new editions, and it has really been a source of vex- ation to me that I was obliged to allow so fine an opportunity to pass without contributing more to the perfection of this work. The improve- ments introduced have generally been in matters of no great importance, and even where some considerable changes have been made, they have not been the result of any comprehensive investigations of my own, but PREFACE -HO THE THIRD EDITION. XVll rather of the labors of others. Thus, the section which relates to Savonarola has received some accession to its materials from the re- searches pursued for a while in Florence, by my former beloved col- league Meier, and the history of the Popes since the Reformation has gained something from the ingenious examinations and careful extracts from original documents lately made by Ran/ce. Although the brevity of a text-book has not allowed frequent references to the German Mythology of Grimm, this work has afforded me much valuable assist- ance when attempting to gain a complete view of the history of the Germanic Church. Prof. ^mÄöe,inthe Literary Advertiser (1837. N. 10-12.), besides giving a detail of individual facts, which is instructive to any one, and is especially worthy of my particular thanks, has passed a judgment upon the spirit of my book, by comparing it with Neander's Church History as a standard. In this respect, we Germans are a very strange people. If any one has succeeded in accomplishing any thing excellent in his own peculiar way, we always think that if another attempts any thing in the same department, he must set about it in precisely the same style. But the very fact that this particular kind of historical writing has had for its representative and cultivator one so eminently endowed as Neander confessedly is, renders it comparatively needless that others should enter the same field, and unlikely that any should equal him. We can only hope that he may have health sufficient, and life long enough, to complete his great work. If, however, it is thought that a °ext-book in his style is desirable. Dr. Guerike has certainly made the most diligent use of his pages, and should it be objected that Guerike's orthodoxy is extreme, Neander himself has trained up a num- ber of clever pupils, of whom more than one is competent to write a text-book. I have received in my own way much advantage from Neander but my original constitution is so different from his, and my mind has passed through a process of development so very different, that I should have gained but little, whatever efforts I had made to imitate him. No one should expect to gather grapes of thorns, though possibly roses might be found upon them. The judgment of the Hegelian school has been expressed in a review by Prof. Basse, in the Annual Register of Scientific Criticism n836. N. 66-68.). The liberal spirit of true science, and the friendly disposition of the writer cannot be mistaken in the piece, in spite of the severe terms in which that judgment is expressed. He has, how ever, done me some injustice when he asserts that I attempted in my remarks respecting general and indefinite expressions in my first preface, to escape from the universal principles of philosophical thought. I XVlll PREFACE TO THE THIRD EDITION only intended there to speak against those indefinite phrases which are so common in our ordinary text-books, as, e. g., the very example which I then adduced, where whole pages are filled with names distinguished only by a cross anl a date, which give to them the appearance of a Moravian cemetery, rather than of an abundant and varied individual life. Against the objection that I indulged too much iu the description of minute details, which might be urged more correctly agaiust historical representations, I will not reply that it certainly requires more labor to collect such minor particulars from the original authorities than it does to make general reflections upon the events, for I am well aware that my worthy opponent would contend for the former as a part of his own plan, and that he really would require such an earnest investigation of facts, as cannot be performed without a severe exercise of thought. But this earnest inquiry into the origin and nature of things, I have in no instance avoided. With regard to the general principles contained in the facts of history, it will be found that the summaries prefixed to the pei'iods contain nothing else, and that the subsequent details of particular and distinct events may really be regarded as a more ex- tended illustration of them. But his account of my method of procedure in this matter is not altogether correct. He says; " The author, e. g., instead of giving us the true origin of monasticism, presents us with a description of St. Anthony ; and even of him, we have merely a series of peculiar traits of character expressed in the most pithy style." And yet just before the section alluded to, a complete general view of the origin and spirit of that whole theory of religious life out of which necessarily proceeded a style of living, of which that of the anchorets was an extreme form, had been presented (now ^ 64.), and in the next period, when that which properly may be called the monastic life came before us, a similar general representation of the true object and spirit of this style of life is given (now ^ 134.). The reviewer proceeds: " We are then presented in a similar style with a portraiture of Cyprian (now § 84.), as the representative of the whole ecclesiastical life of his age, and a characteristic incident in the life of Leo the Great is given as a specimen of the mode in which the Roman bishops drew into their own hands the administration of the government of the whole Church," But in the first instance here mentioned, the account of Cyprian was preceded by a history of the process by which the legal relations of the Church had been formed, and by some notice of the general character- istics of the ecclesiastical life ; and in the other case, all the antecedent principles had already been mentioned by means of which the Roman see had gained a consciousness of its future destiny. Cyprian and Leo are described to a greater extent than others, because they were re- PREFACE TO THE THIRD EDITION. XIX garded as the natural representatives of this peculiar phase of the eccle- siastical life. My object was in this way to bring the abstract principles which I had laid down into a concrete representation by means of these important individual characters, inasmuch as I had certainly supposed this to be the proper method in which history should be written. I suppose I must submit when our critic condescends to impute every thing which he approves in this history to what he calls " the happy tact of the writer, which enables him to discover things as it were by instinct or divination," because he did not find them proceeding from Hegelian principles, and they were not embellished with the well-known formulae of his own school. I am not, indeed, one of those who strive to affect ignorance of those results of the Hegelian philosophy which have had so general an influence upon the history of our world. But with respect to historical writing, Marheineke's History of the Reforma- tion has put the question beyond all doubt, that a man can be an emi- nent historian, and at the same time a friend of the Hegelian philosophy; and yet there are already some symptoms that a zealous Hegelian may pretty thoroughly ruin the history which he attempts to write. Indeed, thei'e can be no doubt that if a history of the Church were written, even by a writer as profound as Daub himself, on the principles and method lately recommended by him in the Journal for Speculative Theology, it would turn out to be utterly unreadable to most of our race. At any rate, we may console ourselves with the recollection, that since the time of Thucydides there have been some writers who, by a happy tact, or by divination, have been able to produce something like tolerable his- tories, although it does not appear that they were guided by Hegelian principles, or used Hegelian formulae. It has been pleasant to me to find that some learned men of the Catholic Church have recognized my honest intention to be uniformly just toward their Church, and to declare the whole truth in every case. It would hardly be candid in the different parties generally to expect from each other more than such acknowledgments of good will, since it must necessarily be a condition of their different ecclesiastical positions that the same events should have a different aspect in the view of each, and that one should always find something of which it disapproves in the accounts of the other. But it is no small gain when both are con- vinced of each other's good will. I refer particularly to a criticism by Prof Hefele, in the Quarterly Journal of Tubingen, (1836, N. 4.) He is entirely correct when he says, that what I have written in § 333, where it is said, " the idols were burned," was not intended to express my own view. Nor is it precisely meant as an expression of what Zwingle himself believed on the subject. It is rather the view and the XX PREFACE TO THE THIKD EDITION. language of the whole generation in that vicinity from which this de struction of the images proceeded ; aod although the expression is rather rude, it was selected as the briefest by which the motives of the actors could be made known. In the passage in which Amsdorf's installation as Bishop of Naumburg (now ^ 337), is mentioned, I am better agreed with the honored Reviewer than he seems to have suspected. For when it is there said, " The elector could not resist the temptation to provide an apostolic bishop for that see," it is not merely intended that such was the purpose of the elector and his counsellors, and such the reason by which they satisfied their own consciences in this proceeding, but a slight touch of irony is blended with the whole, and is indicated in the expression, that the elector could not resist such a temptation, since the apostolic character of this bishop, in the opinion of the court, consisted principally in the fact, that the new incumbent would draw but a small salary, and consequently the electoral treasury would be enriched by the ample revenues of the bishopric. I confess, too, that I can see very little of a more apostolic character in our Lutheran zealot Amsdorf than in the mild and learned Julius von Pflug. But whatever one may think with regard to these points, the whole proceeding was in violation of long established rights. Although a little surprised that he should have called the style of my work enigmatical, I was happy to find that this Reviewer fully appreciated the view which I had expressed with regard to the relation of a text-book to the oral lecture. It would seem, however, from the historical examples which he adduces, that he at least succeeded in coQipletely understanding my meaning when I re marked, that the subjects which are more generally treated, and barely hinted at, in the text-book, are founded upon distinct historical views, and are so presented as to invite the instructor, who is well informed on the minute details, to communicate and enlarge upon them. The style required for this I should not call enigmatic, merely because those who have not become familar with the original authorities of the history may find something not properly obscure, but to be passed over more superficially than other subjects, and without a complete exhaus- tion of its contents. A germ, or a bud, cannot, indeed, be fully seen until it has become expanded in the flower ; but whoever sees the bud, has before him not merely an enigma, but what is already an intelligible reality. This is very much like the comparison which the Reviewer made between the Florentine and the Roman schools of painting, to illustrate the distinction between Catholic history and my own, or the ordinary orthodox histories of the Church. Every well-educated person will readily perceive the import, and the striking nature of this com parison But any one familar with the peculiarities of the two schools PREFACE TO THE FIFTH EDITION, XXI and has a vivid conception of their productions, will appreciate the profound truth, and the extensive applicability of this ingenious com- parison. Jena, June Uh, 1837. PREFACE TO THE FOURTH EDITION. DuRiXG the years which have elapsed while the previous editions have been given to the public, I have had time and inclination enough not only more thoroughly to investigate many particulars (though I must not withhold my heartiest thanks from those who have assisted me), but also to revise the whole, without, however, changing the essential char- acter of the book. The object for which it was originally intended would allow of no augmentation of its size. The vastness of its subject rendered all attempts to render the contents themselves more perfect in their relations and in their distinctness an absolutely interminable task. But on this anniversary of the morning on which, seven years ago, the first preface of this work was written, I am painfully oppressed by the recollection, that a large part of the most vigorous and most tranquil portion of my life has been spent in eflforts to improve a work of such a limited extent ; and I canaot venture upon any further prom- ises with regard to future efibrts in this matter. Jena, Ascension Day, 1841. PREFACE TO THE FIFTH EDITION. The ten years to which I alluded at the close of the preface to the first edition have now passed, and it is certain that in an animated in- tercourse with the age in which I live, many of the positions I first as- sumed have either been more carefully verified, or have been changed. Either in the German, or in a foreign language, this work has found its way through the hands of the youth into the quiet residences of many pastors, and even into palaces. Thus, under the divine blessing, may it proceed onward in its course, producing in th« Church a sound consciousness of her historical development until it shall have fulfilled its mission. Jena, Jan. 1st, 1844. XXU PKEFACE TO THE SIXTH EDITION. PEEFACE TO THE SIXTH EDITION. Whatever is new in this edition will be found principally iil those portions relating to the most ancient and the most modern times. Most of what I have added to the former has been occasioned by the researches of the new school of Tubingen, These were not altogether unknown to me during the composition of the original work, but in con sequence of the works of Baur, Paulus and Schwegler, with reference to the period immediately after the apostles, they now appear in more per- fect relations. I was in no danger of maintaining an obstinate resistance to the fundamental principles of their historical scheme, to avoid the necessity of taking back my former assertions on the same subject, for, in the first edition, I had maintained that a primary form of ecclesi- astical orthodoxy was Ebionism, although afterwards, in consequence of the progress of other views, this was regarded as a heresy. The very earliest theological treatise which I published, as long ago as 1824, and which was quoted by Dr. Schwegler himself, was written to show that the Epistle to the Hebrews belonged to an Ebionite party. And yet I have never been convinced that the struggle between the Jewish and the Pauline parties continued as late as a century after the death of the apostles, and in countries beyond the limits of Palestine, and constituted the great moving principle of the history and literature of that century. It did not belong to a mere text-book to discuss the ingenious arguments which Dr. von Baur has brought forward, but my present revision has certainly gone quite far enough into this matter, and my history of this oldest period of Church history seems almost every where like a quiet conference with the Tubingen school, by adopting or controverting whose positions it has been much benefited. I was, of course, unable to make use at that time of the new edition (4 ed. 1847.) of Neauder's history of the apostolic Church. The abundant materials which the last four years have afforded, were easily added, like new annual rings and shoots, to the old trunk of the most modern history. I have, for this once, spared myself the disagreeable task of reading the proof sheets for the correction of typographical errors, but an un- pleasant mistake has caught my eye in note Ä, under § 8, where my diligent proof-reader, even in opposition to grammatical propriety, has allowed ab orbe condita to stand as in the preceding edition. In quoting from the Fathers, and from some other authors, I was sometimes obliged to give the page, and I therefore here mention the editions to which I referred : Athanasii 0pp. Par. 1627. Clementis Alex. 0pp. ed. Potter. Oxon. 1715. Cypriani 0pp. ed. Fell. Amst. PREFACE TO THE SEVENTH EDITION, XXIU 1713. Epiphanii 0pp. ed. Petav. Par. 1622. Hieronymi 0pp. ed. Martianay, when that of Vallarsi is not expressly mentioned. Justini 0pp. ed. Otto. Jen. 1842s. Leon M. 0pp. edd. Ballerini. Origenia 0pp. ed. Delarue. — Gerson. ed. Du Pin. Antu. 1706. Guicciardini. Ven. 1583-4. Mattheus Paris. Par. 1644. Melancth. Epp. in the Corpus Reformatorum ed. Bretschneider. Platina. 1664. Dutch edition. Trithemi Annales Hirsang. S. Galli. 1690. In the notes to the latest modern history, the abbreviations A. K. Z. mean the (Darmstadt) Allegemeine Kirchen-Zeitung ; Ev. K. Z. mean Evangelische Kirchen- Zeitung ; Brl. A. K. Z. mean Berliner Allgemeine Kirchen- Zeitung; A. Z. mean Augsburger Allgemeine Zeitung ; L. A. Z., or D. A. Z., mean Leipziger, afterwards Deutsche Allgemeine Zeitung. It may be that some public document« which had been published in the religious, are quoted from the political journals, because I had first met with them in the latter, but it is certainly very desirable for future historical purposes, that our religious periodicals should collect in a more perfect manner than they have done the original documents, especially of foreign Churches. This will become especially important, if the Acta historico-ecclesiastica, which poor Rheinwald com menced, should never be continued. Jbna, First Sunday in Advent^ 1847. PKEFACE TO THE SEVENTH EDITION. Although I had supposed that I had before neglected nothing, the re- vision of this work for a new impression has given occasion for so many improvements, or at least alterations, that the immensity of the affair has once more forced itself upon my attention. Hence the necessity, to my present annoyance, of a much enlarged edition. I might very properly excuse myself by saying, as Pascal did, in one of his Provin- cial Letters, that I have no time to make it briefer. An author ought, indeed, always to take time for a book, since generally he is under no necessity of publishing prematurely. But the publication of a new edition is sometimes beyond his control. When, last Spring, I re-com- menced my lectures upon Church History, a sufficient number of copies of this text-book were not to be obtained : I was therefore obliged to supply my pupils with the separate sheets as they came from the press- and to finish the preparation within a limited time. c XXIV PREFACE TO THE SEVENTH EDITION. I have been accustomed generally to correct the last proof-sheets with my own hands, but on the present occasion I spared myself the un- pleasant task of reading to find typographical errors ; and I committed to my students the work of diligently watching for these marks of human frailty. Their keen young eyes have discovered some mistakes of this kind ; and not to mention those which are unimportant, and are easily seen and corrected, I will only notice that instead of Eugenita VI., on p. 279, Eugenius IV., should be inserted; and instead of 1835, in the third line from the bottom of p. 405, 1853 should be printed. Where quotations are made from the Fathers, and some other writers, and frequently the precise number of the page must be men- tioned, I have referred to the following editions : Cypriani 0pp. cd. Fell. Amst. 1713. Epiphanii 0pp. ed. Petav. Par. 1622. Hieronymi 0pp. ed. Martianay, where Villarsi is not expressly mentioned. Justini 0pp. ed. Otto, Jen. 1847s. Leon. M. 0pp. ed. Ballerina. Origenis 0pp. ed. Delarue. — Grcrson, ed. Du Pin. Antu. 1706. Guicciardini ; Veu. 1583-4. Mattheus Paris; Par. 1644. Melancth. Epp. in the Corpus Reformatorum. Platina 1664. Dutch edit. Trethemii Annales Hirsaug. S. Galli. 1690. Sleidan. Argent. 1555. Sarpi 1699-4. Seckendorf. Francof. 1688. Ranke, deutsche Gesch. 3. ed. While the work was passing through the press, and after those sections to which they referred had been printed, many important works have appeared, which might have had an influence upon my statements. I will not mention them here, for after a few months such a list would be as imperfect as before. The author of a monograph must be ex- pected, of course, to understand his subject better than others ; but he who writes a general history, must learn from many, and be corrected by almost all. Jena, Feh. 27th, 18Ö4. CONTENTS. INTRODUCTION. CHAP. I.— PLAIf, ICT. 1. The Church and the World, 2. Idea of Church History, 3. Proper Province of Church History, 4. Kelation to the General History of Religion, 5. Mode of Treating Church History, 6. Value of Church History, 1. Sources, ..... 8. Auxiliary Sciences, 9. Division ..... CHAP. H.— GENERAL LITERATURR 10. Polemical Church History, .... 11. Fiench Ecclesiastical Historians, .... 12. Protestant Scientific Church History, 13. "Writers of the German Catholic Church, . 11 ANCIENT CHURCH HISTORY. PERIOD I. FROM CHRIST TO CONSTANTINE. 14. General View and Original Authorities, . 18 DIVISION I.— ESTABLISHMENT OF THE CHURCH. CHAP. I.— INTRODUCTORY HISTORY. I. Classic Heathenism. 15. Popular Life among the Greeks, . 16. Limits of Grecian Refinement, 17. The Religion of the Greeks, 18. Relation of Philosophy to the Popular Religion, 15 15 16 le XXVI CONTENTS. 19. Rome as a Republic, 20. Decline of Greece, 21. Elevation and Decline of Rome, 22. Decline of the Popular Religion, 17 IS 18 19 IL Judaism. 23. The Religious Life of the People, 24. The Dispersed Jews, . 25. Hellenism, . 26. The Three Sects, 21. The Samaritans, . 28. Proselytes, 20 21 21 22 23 23 CHAP. IL— THE APOSTOLIC CHURCa 29. The First Pentecost, 3t). Fortune of the Church of Jerusalem, 31. Jewish Christianity, 3'2. Samaritan Christians and Sects, 33. Paul, .... 34. Peler, ..... 35. Position of Parties in the time of Paul, 86. John, ..... 37. Parties in the Time of John, 38. Traditions Respecting the Apostles, . 39. Apostolical Fathers of the First Century, 40. Political Overthrow of Judaism, 41. The Roman Civil Power, . 42. Constitution of the Local Churches, . 43. Ecclesiastical Life, 44. Mode of Worship, 45. Doctrines of the Church, . 24 25 26 26 27 30 31 83 84 85 86 86 37 88 89 40 41 DIVISION XL— FORMATION OF THE CATHOLIC CHURCH. CHAP. L— STRUGGLE OF THE CHURCH FOR ITS OWN EXISTENCE. 46. The Jews, ......... 42 47. The Roman People and Empire, ..... 43 48. Conduct of the Individual Emperors of the Second and Third Centuries, 44 49. Internal History of Paganism, . . . . . .46 50. New-Platonism, . • . . . . . . 47 51. Literary Controversies of Christianity, . . . . .49 52. The Christian Apologists, ...... 60 53. Religion of Barbarous Nations, . . . . . .63 54. Spread of Christianity, ...... 53 55. The Last Persecution, ....... 64 56. The Martyrs, ........ 55 CHAP. IL— SOCIAL CONSTITUTION OF THE CHURCH. 57. Original Documents on Ecclesiastical Law, . . . .56 58. The Clergy and the Laity, ...... 57 59. Bishops, ......... 59 eo. Synods, ........ 60 61. Metropolitans, ........ 60 62. The Three Great Bishops, ...... 61 63. The Catholic Church and its Branches, . . . . .62 CONTENTS. XXVll CHAP. HL— ECCLESIASTICAL LIFE. 64 Christ «n Morals, ...... 65. St. Anthony, ...... 66. Ecclesiasticiil Discipline, . . . . . 67. The Montanists, .... 68. The Novatiaiis, ...... 69. Holy Seasons, and the Controversy about Easter, 70. Sacred Places, and their Decoration, 7L Sacred Services, ..... 63 64 65 66 67 67 69 69 CHAP. IV. — DOCTRINES OF THE CHURCH, AND OPINIONS OPPOSED TO THEM. 72. Sources from which the Church derived its System of Faith 73. Apostolic Fathers of the Second Century. Cont. from § 39, 74. Ecclesiastical Literature and Heresy, 75. Ebionisui. Cont. from § 35, . 76. I. Gnosticism, 77. II. Syrian Gnostics, 78. III. Hellenistic Gnostics, . 79. IV. Gnostics, in an especial sense Christian, So. V. Judaizing Gnostics, 81. VI. Influence of Gnosticism iipon the Church, 82. Maniehaeisra, 83. Ilistorico-Ecclesiastical Theology, 84. Thascius Caecilianus Cyprianus, 85. I. The School of Alexandria, . 86. II. Characteristics of the Alexandrian Theology, 87. HI. Influence of Origen, 88. Appendix to the Literary History, 89. Apocryphal Literature, 90. Subordinationists and Monarchians, 71 72 78 74 75 77 78 81 83 86 86 88 89 91 93 94 95 96 98 PERIOD II. FROM OONSTANTINE TO CHARLES THE GREAT. 91. General Vievs^, ...... 101 DIVISION L— THE IMPERIAL CHUKCH. C2. Original Authorities, ...... 101 CILÄ.P. I.— VICTORY AND DEFIL\T OF CHRISTIANITY. 93. Constantino and his Sons, . . .... 103 94. Julianus Apostata, ... ... 104 95. The Fall of Paganism, . . ... 105 96. Massalians and Ilypsistarians, ..... 107 97. Christianity under the Persians, ...... 107 98. Abyssinia and the Diaspora, .... 108 99. Mohammed, . ..... 108 100. Victories of Islam, . ..... 110 CHAP. IL— THEOLOGY AND SCIENCR 101. Conflicts and Sources of the Ecclesiastical Life, . 110 xxvm CONTENTS. I. The Aiuan Controvkest. 90, 102. The Synod of Nicaea. Cont. from 103. Athanasius and Arius, 104 Minor Controversies, .... 105. The Synod of Constantinople and the Holy Trinity, lOo Ecclesiastical Literature, 11. The Origenistio Controveesy, 10*7 Synesius, Epiphanius, and Hieronymus, 108 Chrysostom, .... III. The Pelagl\n Controvekst. 109. Pelagianisra and Augustiuism, 110. Augustinus, 111. Victory of Augustinism, . 112. Seniipelagianism, rV. Controversies respecting the two Natures of Chbist. 113. The Nestorian Controversy, ..... 114. The Eutychian Controversy, ..... 115. The Monophysites, ...... 116. Justinian, . . . . . ... 117. The Edict of Peace and the Monophysite Church, 118. The Monoth elite Controversy, .... 119. Ecclesiastical Literature, ...... CHAP. III.— SOCIAL CONSTITUTION OF THE CHURCH, 120. Legislation and Books of Law, 121. The Roman Empire, . 122. Power of the Emperor over the Church, . 123. Power of the Church over the State, 124. Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction, 125. Church Property, 126. The Congregation and the Clergy, 12*7. The Patriarchs, 128. The Roman Bishopric before Leo, 129. Leo the Great, 130. The Papacy after Leo. Gregory the Great, 131. General Councils and the Catholic Church, 112 113 114 115 116 119 120 122 122 124 124 126 127 128 129 180 181 132 134 136 137 137 138- 139 140 141 142 143 144 146 CHAP. IV.— ECCLESIASTICAL LIFK 132. Religious Spirit of the People and Ecclesiastical Piscipline, 133. Celibacy and Moral Condition of the Clergy, 131. Monastic Life in the East, ..... 135. Hermita. Simeon Stylites, . . . . . 136. Monasticism in the West. Benedictines, . 137. Veneration for Saints, . .... 138. Public Worship, ...... 139. Ecclesiastical Architecture and Works of Art, 140. Iconoclastic Controversy, ..... 147 148 149 150 151 151 153 155 156 CHAP, v.— OPPONENTS OF THE ORDINARY ECCLESLÄSTICAL SYSTEM. 141. General View, 142. The Donatists, . 143. Audians, Massalians, 144. Priscilianus, 145. Protesting Ecclesiastical Teachers, 146. History of the Paulicians, § 1, 157 •157 158 158 15n 15» CONTENTS. XXIX ""■ DIVISION IL— THE GERMANIC CHURCH. 147. Original Authorities, ... • • CHAP. I— ESTABLISmiEJfT OF CHEISTIAKITY. 148. Reliffion of the Germans, 149. Religion of the Northern German Nations, 150. Arianism, . . v • 151. Victory of Catholicism, 1 52. British and Anglo-Saxon Church, 153. Irruption of Islam in the West, . 154. Germany, Bonifacius, . 155. The Saxons, . . _ • 156. Overthrow of German Paganism, CHAR II.— SOCIAL CONSTITUTION OF THE CHURCH. 157. Original Records of the Canon Law, .... 158. Relation of the Church to the State, . . . • • 159. Property of the Church and the Clergy, . . • • 160. Ecclesiastical Power of the Pope, . . . . • 161. Secular Power of the Pope, ..... 162. Charles the Great, ...•••• CHAP. IH.— ECCLESL^TICAL LIFE. 163. Religious Spirit of the People, . . . • • 164. Ecclesiastical Discipline, ...... 165. Morals of the Clergy and Canonical Life, 166. Public Worship, ....•• CHAP. IV.— ECCLESIASTICAL SCIENCE. 167. Preservation of Literature, . . 168. Scientific Education under the Carolingians, . . . « 169. Adoptionists, ...•••• 160 16'i 16.^ 165 166 166 168 168 169 169 170 171 171 172 173 173 174 175 176 177 178 179 180 MEDIAEVAL CHURCH HISTORY. PERIOD III. FEOM CHARLES TO INNOCENT III. 170. General v lew and Authorities, . . . • • CHAP. I.— GENERAL DEVELOPMENT OF THE PAPACY. 171. General View, ..... 172. Donation of Constantine in the Ninth Century, 173. Pseudo-Isidore, ..... 174. The Female Pope Joanna, 175. Nicholas I., 858-867, and Hadrian II., 867-872, 176. Formosus, 891-896. Stephen VL, 897, 177. Pornocracy, . . . • • 178. The Popes under the Othrts, . 179. The Papacy until the Syaod of Sutri, 180. The Popes under Hildebrand, 1048-1073, 181 183 183 184 186 187 188 189 189 191 191 XXX CONTENTS. 181. Gregory VIL, April 22, 10T3-May 26, 1085, 182. Gregory's Successors, 1085-1099, 183. Tlie Crusades. Conquest of Jerusalem, . 18-1. Pasehalll., 1099-1118, 185. Calixtus IL, 1119-1124. Concordat of "Worms, 186. Arnold of Brescia, and Bei-nard of Clairvaux, 187. The Crusade of St. Bernard, 188. Frederic I. Barbarossa, 1152-1190, . 189 Thomas Becket, .... 190. The Crusade against Salaheddin, 191. Henry VI. . 132. Innocent III., Jan. 8, 1198-July 16, 1216, 194 19*7 198 199 200 201 202 203 205 206 206 207 CHAP. IL— SOCIAL CONSTITUTION OF THE CHURCH. 193. Gratian and his Predecessors, ...... 211 194. The Church and the State, ...... 212 195. Ecclesiastical Power of the Papacy, ..... 214 196. The Cardinals, ........ 216 197. The Bishops, and the Bishops' Chapters, ..... 216 198. Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction, ...... 217 199. Property of the Church, ....... 218 CHAP. IIL— ECCLESIASTICAL LIFR 200. The Religious Spirit of the People, 201. Manners of the Clergy, 20'2. Church Discipline, 203. Public AVorship, 204. Monastic Life, 205. The Congregation of Clugny, . 206. Minor Orders of the Eleventh Century, 207 The Cistercians and St. Bernard, 208. Praemonstrants and Carmelites, . 209 The Trinitarians, 210. The Humiliates, .... 211. Establishment of the Orders of Knighthood, 219 221 222 223 225 226 227 228 229 230 231 231 CHAP. IV.— STATE OF SCIENCE IN THE CHURCH. 212 Scientific Education of the Ninth Century, . 213 First Eucharistie Controversy, .... 214 Gottschalk. Cont. from § 12, . 215 Literary Interest during the Tenth Century, under the Othos, 216 Academical Studies in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries, 217 The Second Eucharistie Controversj', 218 Scholasticism. First Period, 219 Mysticism. First Period, ..... 220 Abelard, 1079-April 21, 1142, 221 The Sacred Scriptures, . ... 222. Commencement of a National Literature in the Twelfth Century, 232 234 236 235 236 237 238 240 241 243 243 CHAP, v.— EXTENSION OF THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH. 223. The Holy Ansgar, 801-865, 224. Germanic Nations of the North, 225. The Slavic Nations,, 226. The Hungarians, . . _ . 227. The Finns, Livonians, and Esthonians, 245 246 248 260 260 CONTENTS. XXXI CHAP. VI.— PARTIES PROTESTING AGAINST THE CHURCH. 228. The Catharists, ....... 229. Peter of Bruys and Henry. Tanchelm and Eon, 230. The Waldenses, ...... 231. The Albigensian War, ....... CHAP. VII.— THE ORIENTAL CHURCH. 232. Extension of the Church, ...... 233. The Roman Empire and the Church, . . . . . 234. Photius, ........ 235. Division of the Church, ....... 236. State of Science, ....... 237. Paulicians. 8 2. Cent from 8 146, . . . . . 251 253 254 255 256 257 258 259 260 261 PERIOD IV. FKOM INNOCENT III. TO LUTHEE. 238. General View and Historical Writers, 263 239. 240. 241. 242. 243. 244. 245. 246. 247. 248. 249. 250. 251. 252. 253. 254. 255. 256. 257. CHAP. I.— RELATION OF THE PAPACY TO GENERAL AFFAIRS. Frederic II., Overthrow of the House of Ilohenstaufen, St Louis, ...... Termination of the Crusades, . Rudolph of Hapsburg, 1273-1291. Sicilian Vespers, The Hermit in the Papal Chair, July 5-Dec. 13, 1294 Boniface VIII., Dec. 24, 1294-Oct. 11, 1303, Commencement of the Babylonian Exile, Louis of Bavaria, 1314-1347. Joanna I. of Naples, Close of the Babylonian Exile, The Schism, ..... Council of Pisa, March 25-Aug. 7, 1409, Council of Constance, Nov. 5, 1414-April 22, 1418, Martin V., Nov. 11, 1417-Feb. 20, 1431, Council of Basle, 1431-1443 (1449), The Popes until the Eud of the Fifteenth Century, Alexander VI., Aug. 2, 1492-Aug. 18, 1503, Julius II., Nov. 1, 1503-Feb. 21, 1513, Leo X., March 11, 1513-1517 (1521), CHAP. II.— SOCIAL CONSTITUTION OF THE 258. Corpus Juris Canonici, .... 259. The State and the Church, .... 260. Ecclesiastical Power of the Papacy, 261. Ecclesiastical Assemblies, .... 262. The National Churches, .... 263. The Bishops and their Jurisdiction, . 264. The Inquisition, ..... CHAP. HI.— ECCLESIASTICAL LIFE, 265. The Two Great Mendicant Orders, 266. Public Worship, ..... 267. Flourishing Period of the Imitative Arts in the Church, 268. Worship of the Saints, .... 269. Miracles and Magic, .... 270. Church Discipline and Indulgences, . 271. Flagellants and Dancers, .... CHURCH. 265 267 268 269 269 870 271 27 -i 273 274 275 276 277 278 279 281 282 283 285 286- 287 288 290 292 292 293 295 30C 302 307 809 311 312 xxxu CONTENTS, 272. Morals of the Clergy, . . . . . 314 273. Religious Character of the People, . . . . . 315 274. Survey of the Monastic Life, ...... 316 275. More Independent Associations, ...... 317 276. The Templars and the Knights of St. John, .... 318 CHAP. IV.— ECCLESIASTICAL LITERATURE. 277. Scholasticism. Second Period, ...... 320 278. Scholasticism. Third Period, . .... 321 279. Mysticism. Second Period, ...... 322 280. Excesses and Compromises, ...... 324 281. The so-called Revival of Literature, ..... 326 282. John Reuchlin, 1455-1622, ...... 329 283. Desiderius Erasmus, 1465-1536, . . ' . . . .330 284. The Holy Scriptures, ... ... 331 285. The Doctrine of the Church, . . ... 332 286. Ethics and Casuistry, . . . . . . . 333 CHAP, v.— EXTENSION OF THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH. 287. Apologetics. Islam. Judaism, ...... 835 288. Prussia. Lithuania. Lapland, ..... 336 289. Prester John and the Mongols, ...... 337 290. The New World, ....... 838 CHAP. VI.— OPPOSITION AND REFORM. 291. General View, ....... 338 I. Hostile Partus. 292. The Stedingers and the Heretical Ghibellines, ... 339 293. Fraternity of the Free Spirit, . . . . . .340 294. Order of the Apostles, ...... 341 295. Termination of the Earlier Sects, ...... 342 II. Reform. 296. Reformation in the Head and Members, .... 343 297. John Wycliffe, 1324-Dec. 31, 1381, . . . . .346 298. John Huss and the Hussites, ...... 347 299. The Bohemian and Moravian Brethren, ..... 350 300. Learned Precursors of the Reformation in Germany, . . 351 301. Jerome Savonarola, ....... 352 CHAP. VII.— THE GREEK CHURCR 302. Arsenius, ........ 854 303. The Light of God and Philosophy, . . . . .854 304. Attempts at Union. Cont. from § 235, .... 355 305. End of the Greek Empire, ...... 35€ MODERN CHURCH HISTORY. PERIOD V. FROM LUTHER TO THE PEACE OF WESTPHALIA, 806. General View, ...... CHAP. L— THE GERMAN REFORMA.TION. 807. Original Authorities and Literary History, . . . . 358 869 CONTENTS. XXXIU L Establishment of the Lutheran Church till 1532. 808. Luther's Youth, ...••• S09. The Ninety-Five Theses, .... 310. Interference of the Pope, ..... 311. Amicable Negotiations, .... 312. Deputation at Leipsic, June 27-July, 16, 1519, . 313. Melaticthon. General Affairs, 314. Appeal to the Christian Nobility of the German Nation, 315. Babylonian Captivity and Christian Freedom, 316. The Fire-Signal, ...... 317. Political Relations till 1521, . . . • 318. Diet at Worms, 1521, ..... 319. The AVartburg, and the Tumult at Wittenberg, 1521, 1522, 320. System of Doctrines and the Scriptures, . 321. Diet at Nuremberg, 1522, 1523, ... 322. Introduction of the Reformation, .... 323. Commencement of the Division in Germany, 1524-1526, 324. The King and the Theologian, 325. Peasants' War, 1524, 1525, .... 326. Erasmus and Luther. Cont. from § 285, . 327. Luther's Domestic Life, and his Colleagues, . 328. Religious Liberty and the Protestation, . 329. Synod of Homburg, 1526. Saxon Church Visitation, i527-1529 330. The Diet of Augsburg, 1530, ..... 331. League of Smälkald and Peace of Nuremberg, II. EsTABLISroiENT OF THE REFORMED ChURCH UNTIL 1531 332. Youth and Doctrine of Zwingle, . . . 333. Introduction of the Reformation, . 334. Division of the Swiss Confederacy, 335. The Sacramentarian Controversy, .... III. Establishment of the Lutheran Church until 1555. 336. Articles of Smalkald, . . . _ . 337. Progress and Political Power of the Reformation, 338. Negotiations for Peace and Preparations for War, 339. Luther's Death and Public Character, 340. The Smalkaldic War, 1546-7, ..... 341. The Interim, . . . ■ . 342. Maurice, 1552, ....... 343. Religious Peace, Sept. 25, 1555, .... IV. Establishment of the Reformed Church ttntil 1564. 344. Tlie Concordium of Wittenberg. Cont. from § 338, 345. Italian Switzerland, ...... 346. John Calvin, July 10, 1509-May 27, 1564, CHAP. II.— ESTABLISHMENT OF A PROTESTANT ORTHODOXY. I. Lutheranism. 347. The Antinomian and Osiandrian Controversies, 348. Lutherans and Phi'Jppists. General Affairs, .... 349. The Synei-gistic Controversy, ...... 850 Crypto Calvinism. Cont. from § 344, . . . . • 351. Efforts at Concord. . . 352. Reaction of Saxon Calvinism, . . ". 853. Spirit and Result of the Doctrinal Controversy, 361 363 363 364 365 366 367 368 869 370 371 372 373 373 374 376 377 377 379 380 381 382 383 38^ 384 386 388 389 390 391 393 394 395 396 397 398 399 400 400 402 404 405 407 409 410 411 KXXIV CONTENTS. n. Calvinism. 554. German Reformed Church, 555. The Netherlands, .... 856. The Synod of Dort, Nov. 13, 1618-end of May, 1619, 412 414 415 CHAP. III.— PROGRESS OF THE REFORIVIATION THROUGH EUROPE. 357. The United Austrian States until 1609, . . . . 416 858. Sweden, . , , . . . . . .418 359. Denmark with Norway and Iceland, ..... 419 360. Poland, Livonia, and Koorland, . . . . , . 420 I. Great Britain and Ireland. 361. Establi.pain. Portugal. South America, ..... 629 472. Belgium and Holland, . . . . . . .638 473. Restoration of the German Church, ..... 635 474. The Ecclesiastical Controversy in Prussian Germany, . . . 636 475. The German Church since 1848, .... 640 476. Switzerland, ........ 645 477. Ireland and England, ...... 649 478. Forms of Catholicism. ... . . 653 CONTENTS, XXXVli 479. German Catholicism, ....... 656 480. Mystics and Wonder-Workers, ...... 661 481. Orders, •....,.. 662 482. Spread of Christianity. Cont. from §§ 394, 429, .... 663 CHAP. VIL— THE ORIENTAL CHURCH. 483. Catholic and Protestant Influences, ..... 665 484. Russia. Cont. from § 404, ...... 666 485. Gpreece and Turkey, ....... 669 CHAP. VIIL— COMMON DETAILS AND MUTUAL RELATIONS. 486. Catholicism and Protestantism, . . . . 671 487. The Fine Arts. Cont. from §§ 378, 390, .... 674 488. Emancipation and Conversion of the Jews, .... 675 489. Abolition of Slavery, ....... 677 490. St. Simonism and Socialism, . . . , . .679 491. The Holy Alliance^ ..... 681 Appendix, . . .... «88 INTRODUCTION. C. Sagittnrius, Introd. in Hist. Ecc. Jen. T. 1. 1694 Vol. II. ed. J. A. Schmid, ITIS. 4. F. Walch, Grundsätze d. zur KHist. nöthigen Vorbereitungslehren u. Bücherkenntn. Gütt. ed. 2. 1772. C. W. Flüyge, Einl. in d. Studium u. In d. Literatur d. Kel. u. KGesch. G5tt. 1801. (J. G. Doic- dng, Introd. to the Grit. Study of Ecc. Hist. Lond. 1838. 8. J. Jortin, Remarks on Ecc. Hist. Loud. 1846. 2 vols. 8. W. Bates, College Lectt. on Ecc. Hist. Lond. 1845. 8. G. Camphell, Lectt on Ecc. Hist Lond. 1834. 8.) CHAP. L— PLAN. F. F. Kosegarten, ü. Stud. Plan u. Darst. d. Allg. KGesch. Eeval. 1S24. Ullmami, ü. Stellung des KHist. in unsrer Zeit (Stud. u. Krit 1829. p. 667ss.) J. A. H. Tiltmnnn, ü. Behandl. d. KGesch. vorz. auf Univ. (Illgen's Zeitschr. 1833. vol. I. st 2.) Daub, d. Form. d. Dogmen n. KHist (Zeitschr. t Spekul. Th. 1836. vol. I. H. 1.) MdhUr, Ein!, in. d. KGesch. (Hist Pol. Bl. t A. Kath. DeutschL 1839. vol. IV. H. \-Z. u. Gesamm. Schrr. vol. II.) § 1. The Church and the World. The Church was originally founded by the Spirit which proceeded from Jesus, and was intended to embrace in its communion all the religious life derived from Him, or in connection with Him. All Churches and Sects com- prehended in this spiritual community, are only ditferent manifestations of the same Spirit. The Church stands in contrast with the World, when the latter is regarded as including all forms of life which are merely natural, and not of a religious character. Especially does it thus stand contrasted with the State, viewed as the political organization of the people. This contrast, how- ever, is only in particular relations, since the State is also a divine institution, and the world was created by God and is intended to be gradually pervaded by the Church. Indeed, the Church, in its character of the earthly kingdom of God, can never be fully set forth, except in intimate connection Avith the world. § 2. Idea of Church History. [P. Schaß A Vindication of the Idea of Hist Development, Philad. 1846. 12. Bee also Ills Hist »f Apost Church, New York, 1853.] The Church is always in a progressive state ; i. e., it is striving to be a per- petual manifestation of the life of Christ in humanity. In other words, it is always aiming to exhibit his life more and more perfectly, and on a more ex- 1 2 INTRODUCTION. CHAP. I. PLAN. tensive scale, sometimes in conflict, and sometimes in connection with the world. Church history is a representation of the Church in this progressive state, hy an exhibition of the facts which have occurred in its course. In its scientific form, it is the combination of all those individual elements which have had any influence upon its composition, since it is, 1) critically^ an im- partial, honest, and strict inquiry into facts, and into the extent of the confi- dence which can be reposed in their proofs, so that where certainty cannot be attained, a knowledge of this extent in its different degrees may determine the scientific character of the narrative ; 2) genetically^ a statement of the facts in connection with their causes, taking care, however, that no explana- tions are given inconsistent with the proper nature of the idea developed in the events, or with the peculiar character of the active agents in them ; 3) theologically^ an estimation of the facts in their precise relation to the reli- gious spirit, allowing no preconceived opinions to determine what has actu- ally occurred but only to assist in understanding them as we find them. The correct manner of narration, or the historical style^ is that which the student natux-ally adopts when he has acquired a true conception of the events, and then fully expresses this in living freshness and reality. § 3. Proper Province of Church History. Within the appropriate department of Church History lie all facts which either proceed directly from the common Christian spirit, or indirectly are dependent upon the opposition or co-operation of the world. Some of these belong necessarily to the history, and are essential points of development by which the Christian spirit must be represented ; but others are only carefully selected representatives of the age in which they occur, or peculiar manifes- tations of the Christian spirit in some important individuals. § 4. Eelation to the General History of Eeligion. Hist, generale des ceremonies, moeurs et coutümes re!, de tousles peuples, representees par figures dessinces de la main do B. Picard, avec des e.xplicat. liist (Amst. n'23s8. 7 vols.) Par. 1741ss. ■8 vols. J. Meiners, Allg. Krit. Gesch. d. Religionen. Hann. lS06s. 2 Th. E. V. WeUlet; Ideen z. ■Gesch. d. Entw. d. Rel. Gl. Munch, 180S-1815. 3 Th. Benj. Constant, de la Religion, consider^e dan.-) -sa source, ses formes et ses developpcmens, Par. 1824ss. 2 Th. Ubers. m. Anni. v. Petri. Brl. lS24s. 2, vols. The object of a general history of religion, of which Church history is only a single department, is the development of the religious spirit of man- kind in all the forms in which it has appeared. But the religious peculiari- ties of unevangelized nations are only to be introduced into Church history, when they are in some way involved in the atfaii-s of Christendom (general- ly, at first, in conflict with it), or when they occasion some new relations in it. For, as the Law was adapted to lead the Jew and Philosophy the Greek to Christ, the same result might be produced among other nations by their confidence in their own gods. Accordingly, as Christianity is a religion for the whole human race, and is therefore the ultimate point and perfection of all other religions. Church History should be the central i)oint of all histo- ries of religion, and should gradually incorporate within itt^elf their collected results. § 5. MODE. YALUE. SOURCES. 3 § 5. Mode of Treating Church nistory. The Christian spirit, In the development of its infinite nature, and while gradually appropriating all human things to its use, is destined and is com- petent to be the religious spii-it of man. This result, however, will be ac- complished by means accordant with its own peculiar law. As the organs by which it operates are necessarily free individuals and nations, free even for error and sin, the original principles of the historical movement must neces- sarily assume an endless diversity of form in tlie lives of individuals. Hence, the historical .judgment, as it is expressed in the representation of the events, must seize upon all these as points of development which find their own ar- rangement, and have each an appropriate influence. It is not, however, in- dispensable to the impartiality of the historian, that he should appear to love nothing and to hate nothing. It is only needful, first of all, that he should nev- er place the actual facts in false positions, on account of either preferences or aversions, and then, that he should recognize those conditions under which others have perhaps necessarily formed opinions and sentiments different from his own. Indeed, a Church History, in which the author exhibited no distinct ecclesiastical character, and did not imprint this with clearness upon his work, would be of very little value to the Church. § 6. Value of Church History. Grieshach, de H. Eccl. Uiilitate, Jon. 1776. F. A. Rathe, v. Einfl. des. Kirchenhist Stud, auf d. Bildung des Gemüths u. d. Leben. Lps. ISIO. 4. T. A. ClarMxe, Or. de Societatis Chr. Hist, ad in- form, sacrornm antistitetn accommodate tradenda. Gron. 1824 The absolute value of Church History springs from the fact, that it is an expression of the self-consciousness of the Church with respect to its com- plete development. From this is derived its practical necessity. "Whoever wishes independently to direct any portion of the Church, must participate in this self-consciousness, or he will neither understand its present position, nor be able to foresee and wisely affect its future course. In thie is involved its utility ior controversial and spiritual purposes, or for the assistance of oth- er sciences. It must, however, be remembered, that when the value and object of Church history are too exclusively kept in view, its scientific char- acter is much endangered. § 7. Sources. F. TTalch, Krit. Nachr. v. d. Quellen d. KHist (Lpz. 1770.) Gott. 1773. Our certainty with regard to focts must depend upon the sources: 1. Ac- cording to the degree of their proximity to the particular events mentioned : a) Original documents and monuments, which prove a fact, ina.smuch as they constitute an element in it. I) Accounts by eye-witnesses or contemporaries, c) Historical writers^ who draw directly from sources now lost. The more remote these authorities are from the events narrated, the more is their credi- bility liable to criticism. 2. According to the form in which they exist: a) Writings, public and private, without a uniform preference for the for 4 INTKODUCTION. CHAP. I. PLAN. mer. (a) It is often very difBcult to prove that a witness was either able or will ing to declare the whole truth, since his ability is often affected by his preju- dices, and his willingness by his party spirit. I) Monuments^ not only Avorks of art, but living communities, c) Traditions^ among which legends, being merely the work of the hierarchy, prove only what were the views of the age in which they originated, or were completed ; and popular stories serve to establish an historical probability ü proportion as they are widespread, and conformed to circumstances which have been otherwise historically authenti- cated, {h) A thorough investigation of sources is indispensable only to the historical writer, (c) § 8. Auxiliary Sciences. The auxihary sciences usually mentioned, such as Ecclesiastical Philolo- gy, (a) Chronology, (h) Diplomatics, (c) Geoj^raphy and Statistics, (d) are espe- cially necessary only to the ecclesiastical historian. But General History, a) (a) 8. Conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio, cur. J. Dom. Jfansi, Flor, et Ten. 17ö9s9. 81 vols, folio. Canones App. et Concill. Saec. 4-7. rec. I/. T. Bnim, Ber. lS39s. 2 Tli. (Bibl. Eccl. P. I.) ; [Landon's Manual of C!ouncl!s, comprising the substance of the most remarkable and important ca- nons, Lond. 1S46. 1 vol. 12mo.] (/8) Bullarium Roman. Lusemb. 1727. 19 Th. f ; BuUarum ampliss. Coll. op. C. Coequelines, Rom. 1739ss. 23 vols, f.; Bullarium magnum Rom. (175S-18.30) op. Andr Avocati Barbarini, Rom. lS35ss. 8 Th. f ; Rum. Bullarium, o. Auszüge d. Merkwürdigsten Bullen, ubers. m. Bemerk, v. Eisemchmidt, Neust. lS31f. 2 vols.; Sammlung aller Concordate, v. E Manch, Lpz. lS30f. 2 vols, (-y) Code.x liturgicus Eccl. Universae, ill. J. A. AiSfmanux, Rom. 1749ss. 13 Th. 4. (5) Codex regularum Monast. ed. Lucas Hohtenius, Rom. ICCl. 3 Th. 4. aus. 31 Bi'ockie, Aug. Vind. 1759. 6 Th. £ (e) Maxima Bibliotheca vett. Patrum, Lugd. 1677ss. 28 Th. f. Bibl. vett. Patrum, op. And. Gallandii, Ven. 1765ss. 14 Th. f. ; comp. Fabricii Bibl. graoca Ilamb. (1705SS. 14 Th.) ed. JIarless, 1790ss. 12 Th. 4; Schoenemann, Bibl. hist literaria Patrum Lat Lpz. 1792SS. 2 Th. (till 1475): J. G. Waloh, Bibl. patristica, Jen. 1770. ed. Danz, 1834; Bossier, Bibl. d Kirchenvater, Lpz. 1776ss. 10 vols.; Augusti, Chrestomathia patristica, Lps. 1812. 2 Th. ; J. G. V. Engelhnrdt, Lit. Leits, z. Tories, ii. d. Patristik. Erl. 1823; J. N. Locherer, Lohrb. d. Patrologie. Mainz, 1837; J. A. Mbhler, Patrol, o. Cl]ri?;t. Literargesch. edit by lieithmayr, Ratisb. 1840. 1 vol.; [Lib. (if the Fathers of the H. Oath. Church before the Division, Transl. by Engl. Clergj-nien, Oxf. 1830. 26 vols. 8.] (Q Ellie» du Pin, Bibliutheque des auteurs ecclesiastiques (Par. 16S6ss. 47 Th.) Arast lC90ss. 19 Th. 4. and Bibl. des auteurs separes de la communion de Teglise Rom. Par. 1718s. 3 Th. ; comp. Bichard Simon, Critique de la Bibl. de Mr. du Pin, Par. 1730. 4 Th. ; Cave, Scripte- rum Eccl. literaria (Lond. 1689) ed. 3 Oxon. 1740ss. 2 Th. f.; J. A. Fubricii, Bibl. Eccl. Hamb. 1718. C EJHsd. Bibl. Latins mediae et Infimae aetatis, Hamb. 1734«s. 6 Th. aux Mansi, Palav. 1754. 3 Th. 4; Hist Litt6r.is. 1 & 2 Hülfte, 1 Abth. Fortg. v. AVw- decker, 2 Abth. 1838; Augtistl, Lehrb. d. DGesch. Lpz. (1805. 1811. 1820.) 1S.35; Baum garten Ciit- tins, Lehrb. d. DGesch. Jen. 1832 ; 2 Abth. u. Comp. d. DGesch. Lpz. 1840-46. 2 Th. ; J. G. V. Engel/uirdt, DGesoh. Neust. 18.'59. 2 vols.; F. K. Meier, Lehrb. d. DGesch. Giess. 1840; K. R. Ilagenlach, Lehrb. d. DGesch. Lpz. 1840-41. 2 Th. ; F. Ch. Baur, Lehrb. d. DGesch. Stuttg. 1847; Th. Kliefuth, Einl. in d. DGesch. Parchim. 18-39 ; [A Transl.ation of the Doctrinal History of Muenscher, has been pnblishcd by Dr. Murdock. New Haven. 1830. 12 : A Translation of Ilagen' bach's Doct. Hist by C. W. Buck, was publi.sh?d In Clarke's Ed. For. Theol. Lib. 1846. 2 vol.s. 12.] d) Acta Sanctorum (§ 7 nt. b.) Staudlin, Gesch. der Sittenlehre Jesu. Gott 1799. 1823. (till 1299.) 4 vols. u. Gesch. d. Chr. Moral s. d. Wiederaufl. d. Wiss. Gfitt 1808; J. G. JlüUer, Iteliqnicn alter Zeiten. Lpz. 180.3s3. 4 vols. ; Neander, Denkwürdigkeiten aus der Gesch. des Christenfh. und Christi. Lebens. Brl. (lS23ss.) 1825ä. 3 vols. «) E. Marteiie, de antiquis Eccl. ritibus, ed. 8. Antv. 1736ss. 4 Th. f. ; A. A. Pelliccia, de Chr. Eccl. primaft, mediae et noviss. politia. (Neap. 1777. Ven. 1782. 3 Th.) edd. BUier et Braun. Col. 1829-38. 3 Th. revised by Binterim. Mainz. 182,5s.e. 7 Th. in 17 vols.; Locherer, Lehrb. d. Chr. Arcbäol. Frankf. 18;'2; J. Bingham, Origine.s s. antiquitates ecc. e.V. Angl. (Antiquities of the Church, [Lond. new ed. 1846. 2 vols.] and others,) lat red. Orvi- chovius. Hal. (1724ss.) 1752ss. 11 Th. 4; F. 11. Rheinicald, Kirchl. Arch. Brl. 18.30; Augutiti, Handb. d. Chr. Arch. Auszug, a. d. Denkwürdigkk. (1817ss. 12 vols.) Lpz. 1836s. 8 vols.; O. C. P. Siegel, Handb. d. Christi. Altherthümer, in Alphab. Ordn. Lpz. 1886ss. 4 vols.; W. Böhmer, Chr. Kirchl. Altberthumswiss. Brtr-l. 1S36-9. 2 vols. ; {J. E. Kiddle, Man. of Chr. Anth. Lond. 1880. 8; L. Culeman, Autt of the Chr Church, transl. and comp, from Augusti. And. 1841. 8.] § 10. FLACIÜS nOTTLSGEE. BAEONIU&. CHAP. IL— GENERAL LITERATURE. Stäumn, Gesch. „. Literatur d. KGcscb. edit, by Hemsen. JTann. 1S2T. [K R. ITaoenVacH, Encykl. u. Metl.odologie der Theo!. Wiss. 3 ed. p. 224 Lpz. 1851. 8.J § 10. Polemical Church Eistonj. A general Church History could not be reasonably expected, until the Church ^as sufficiently extended to embrace a large family of nations. It ^yas not, in fact, written nntü the Church had become divided and the newly organized party felt the necessity of connecting itself with antiquity, and of dis- turbin<. the historical basis of the Catholic Church. Such was the object ot Matthias Flacins Illyricns, when he edited the Magdeburg Centuries, («)m which was enlisted all the Protestant learning of the age. It was distm- guished for its familiarity with original authorities, for its frequent citations, for a criticism which paid no deference to earlier writers on the same subject, and for its passionate style of controversy. For more than a century after- wards, nothing was published but text-books formed from the inaterials sup- plied by the Centuries, and written in the same spirit. In the Reformed Churches, the elementary studies of literary men were turned principally to individual portions of the general subject to refute some particular assertions of the Catholic writers. /. E. Eottinger was anxious to compose for his Church a work(&) of a partisan character like that of the Centunes but his History, except in whatever relates to the Oriental and Helvetic Churches indicates a limited knowledge of original authorities, and is mingled with much irrelevant matter. Spanheimh Church History (c) presents a very rigid investigation of historical questions, but it was principally aimed against Baroniu. The Catholic Church soon perceived that very little advantage was to be gained by merely contending against the Centuries, and that it must supplant that work by another pf a superior character. Intrusted with such a task, C<2sar Baronius wrote his Annals (cT), in which were incorporated vast treasures of original documents, selected with a keen sagacity and zeal n r «? Cvorian t Ursprung u. Wachsthum d. Papsth. Golh. 1T19. and often. Frkf. 1783; Ä. ^j2. nSt S pöpe'sTo n58.'(cont by 8. H. Co.. 3 vols. 8vo. Philad. 1840) ; F Walck, Entw. e. ?X m d pLte Lpz. (1-56.) 1T5S ; L. T SpiUer, Gesch. d. Papstth. edit, by Gurhtt u. Pardus. XlX ^riT;i/Gesch.d. P.p^^^^ 2 .o^s.,C.J Weler Papstth. u. tT ; Q,,. t^ 1«4 2 Th \J Ranke, Hist of the Popes, trans), by Mrs. Austin. 3 vols. 8vo. Lond. Xn rTrliX: Phufd. 184^. 8; Ds Corrnenin, Hist, of the Pope. Philad. 1845. 1 vol. 8.] a^ RHospln iani de'Lnachis, 1. VI. (Tig 1588. 1608.) Gen. 1699. f. ; A. D Alteserrae Asc.t.con « oi^re Mona«t (Par 1674. 4.) rec. Gluck. Hal. 1T82; H. Helyot, Hist, des Ordres Monastques. P^flTU s 8 Th) S,, 10 Th. 4; Guinc. 1840. 6 Th. ; über. Lpz. 1753ss. 8 Th. revi^d by CrJIprliGeLKd' M5nchsord. Lpz. ^-^^^-^^^^^^ ^- :;■ ^^^^t^^'^^^ 10.Q. « ^r.u- F Manch Gesch. d. Mönchth. (a collection of materials) Stuttg. 1828. 2 ^ ols. , \_\ i^. r;-rnas«;fnsmXnMheirOri,Prog. Nat. and Tendency. Lond. 2 ed. 12mo. 1846 ; G. E.nU. '":;^::;::i^i"m;;or^:;^^ complectens, conges. ^rali^uotstudU. ,ose;Sv;*osinurbeMagdeburgic.Bas. 1.559-T4.13 cenu.r^^^^ Semler Numb 1757-65. broken off ^ith the 6th vol. l) H.stona Eccl. N. T T g. Itol 67. 9 vols. S endoM6th cent, the 9th vol. by J. J. HoUin.er, the son. ;], f ^^ «•^*;X\rL nd 8 » 1689-94.) Lpz 1698. 4. [His work is abridged and transl. w,th additions by G. Wright. Lond. Sv» iSfrf) Annale, ccclesiasticl a C. u.,ad a 1198. Koxn. 1588-1607. 12 Th. f. and often. 3 INTRODUCTION. CHAP. II. LITERATURE. in behalf of the Eoman supremacy, from the archives of the Vatican. The errors and partialities of the Cardinal were encountered by the critical labors of the Franciscan Pagi, in which were exhibited a learned love of truth and a Gallican attachment to liberty. () The decidedly 2)?ef/.s^/c tendency was for a long time repre- sented only by 3Iilner, whose object was entirely practical and devotional and did not lead him to study the sources, (q) until Neander gave it a scien- tific character, by referring to the original authorities, developing its doc- trines in an intelligent manner, and giving prominence to the long-neglected representations of the Christian life. Though affectionately attached to the Church, he was tolerant toward all who opposed it on merely doctrinal grounds, and clothed all his descriptions with an ample devotional drapery.(/') In these respects, as ^yell as in others, the Church History of Gucricl-c is only a dependent abstract of his work, characterized by the same Christian sin- cerity, but with a zeal so ardent for strict Lutheranism, that it finally became little more than a severe lecture upon the apostasies of more recent times, (a) In the Eeformed Church, Jacob Basnage still pursued the plan of repelling Bos- suet's reproaches, by fastening them upon his opponent's own Church ; but he has imitated too closely the models which he had chosen from the French Giess. 1801-20. 6 Th. 2 ed. 1-4 Th. 1825-27. (till Innocent III.) cont. by F. W. Rettherff, 7 Th. Giess. 1834. k) Ilandb. d. KGesch. Erl. lS33s. 4 vols. I) Lelirb. d. KGesch. .Jena. lSlS-26. 2 vols.; Kurzgef. Zusaiiiuienst d. KGesch. Jena. 1824. m) Lehrb. d. KGesch. Bonn. 1324-40. 2 vols, and 8 vols. ; 1 Abth. (till 1643.) 4 od. of 1st vol.; 1& 2 Abth. 1844«. 3 ed. of 2d vol. ; 1 & 2 Abtb. lS31s. ; [tran.sl. in 3 vols, by Ä DarkJson. Edinb. 1846-53.] n) Vater, Synchron. Tabellen d. KGesch. Hal. (1803.) cont. by J. 0. Thilo, 6 ed. Ual. 1833. f. ; Tetens IIuM, IlisL eccl. VI. priorum Baec. synoptice enarrata. Havn. 18-30; Medii aevi (604-853.) P. I. 1S32. i; J. T. L. Dunz, Kirchen- hlst Tab. Jena. 1338. f.; O. Wahl, KGesch. in Bildern, für Studirende u. Candidaten. Meissön. 1840. f ; (Amusements) L. Lange, Tab. d. K-. u. DGesch. Jena. 1841. 4; J. M. St-hroeckh, Hist, re- ligionis et eccl. Christ. Her. 1777. ed. 7. cnr. Marheinecke. 1S28; J. G. C. Schmidt, Lilirb. d. KGesch Giess. (1800. 1808.) 1826. o) Stäudlin, Universalgesch. der Chr. Kirche. Ilan. 1807. 5. verb. u. fortges. A. V. F. A. IMzhaiiHen. 1833; F. A. Naehe, Comp. Hist. Eccl. ac s.icrorum clirist. Lpz. 1332; All- gueti. Hist ecc. Epitome. Lpz. 1834; F. liehm, Grundr. d. Gesch. d. Kirche, mit bes. Kücks. auf. d, Verfa.ss.ders. Mark 13:35; Loheg. Lange, Lehrb. d. Chr. KGesch. zur Vertlieid. Befest u. Fort- bild, d. Prot Kirclie. Lpz. 1846. p) Universal-Kirchenhist d. Christentli. Erlang. 1306. 1 Th. q) [Hist of the Church of Christ Lond. 5 vols. 8vo. 1824. 4 vols. 8. 1834. with a continuation by J. Ä'o«. Lond. 1326. 4 vols. 12; Philad. 2 vols. 12. 184.5.] r) Allg. Gesch. d. Chr. Kcl. u. K. bis aul Bonifaz VIII. 10 vols. Hainb. 1840 ; [Gen. Hist of the Ohr. Eel. and Church, transl. by J. Torrey, 4 vols. 8vo. Boston. 1347-61.] «) Ilandb. d. KGesch. Hal. (1333-46. 3 vols.) 3 vols. ; Abriss d § 12. VENKMA. SCHLEIEnMACIIKU. § 13. STOLBEEG. 1 1 literature of his time, (t) Venema^s Cliurcli History is simply an excellent collection of original authorities. ((/) A feAV compendiums contain all the re- sults of the studies in ecclesiastical history, so far as these had been attained •when they were respectively written. That of Eoyaard especially was writ- ten with remarkable accuracy and care, (r) Schleier macher^ in his oral com- munications, endeavored to effect a union of the liberal and pietistic tenden- cies, and has executed in a rather fragmentary manner, a plan, in which, the ordinary materials being presupposed, is represented the intensive and exten- sive development of the new principle of divine life which emanated from Christ, (t) N'iedner has contributed, in addition to this, a work which is something between a text-book and a manual, presenting not merely a dry col- lection of thoughts, but an abundance of elementary views of individual subjects, (.r) Among the histories adapted to popular use, (y) may be men- tioned the work of Ofrarer, which was at fii'st designed to be a history for the German people ; but it finally became an ample representation of the subject, and generally depended for its materials upon the best authorities. The strongly marked peculiarity of this work, sometimes in a paradoxical manner, but frequently Avith much good sense, breaks through the devotional phrases even of his authorities, (s) § 13. Writers of the German Catholic Church. It was not until Joseph II. attempted to draw away the German Church from its connection with Rome, that an independent and liberal, but rather rash and contracted interest in the ecclesiastical affairs of previous times, began to be cultivated in Germany. In the commencement of this movement, Boylco^ in his rough style, neglected nothing which could injm'e the hier- archy, (rt) Dannenmayr^ with more caution, and more general views, pre- pared a text-book for the Austrian schools, (b) and R. TFo^/sent forth what de- serves to be called a satire rather than a history, {c) A movement of a higher order received its original impulse from the Protestant Church. Stolberg, with the zeal, the unction, and the unconditional faith of a proselyte, but «vith a benevolent and glowing spirit, has presented the more benign aspect of Catholicism, while writing and singing the History of the Jewish people, KGesch. Hal. 1842. 0 llistoire de I'^glise depnis Jesus Chr. Eotterd. 1699; [Par. 1725. 2 vols. 4.] «) Institutiones Hist. eccl. V. et N. Lugd. ITTTss. 7 Th. 4 till 160 >. •») J. A. Turretini, Hist. Eccl. comp, usque ad. a. 1700. Gen. 1734. ed. et continuavit tA Simoiiis. Hal. 1750; Uebers. u. fortges. v. Töllner. Künigsb. 1759 ; P. E. Jallonski, Institt Hist Christ Frcf. ad V. 1753ss. 2 Th. ed. S. emend. E. A. Schulze. ]7S3s. Th. III.; Historiam Saec. 18. add. Stosch. 1767; emend. Schickedam, 17S6 ; W. minscher, Lehrb. d. KGesch. Marb. 1804 ; 2d ed. by Wackier, 1815 ; Sd ed. by Beckham, 1826; P. JTofstede de G root, I nsüit. Hist ecc. Gronov. 1S85; II. J. Poyaards, Coinp. Hist ecc. chr Traj. ad. Eh. 1S40-5. 2 Faso, w) Gesch. d Chr. Kirche, edit by Bonnell. Brl. 1840; (Works, Abth. I. vol. II.) ») Gesch. d. Chr. Kirche, Lehrbuch. L[iz. 1846. y) Especially: C. J tula, Gcscb. d. Chr, Kirche. Brl. 1838; H. Thiele, Kurze Gesch. d. Chr. Kirche. Zur. 1840; Alh.Baur,ä. KGesch. in gedriingter Übersicht Weiin. 1846; Heribert Bau, Allg. Gesch. d. Chr. Kirche (deutschkath.). Für das deutsche Volk. Frkf. 1846. z) Allg. KGesch. Stuttg. lS41-t4. 8 vols, (till the commence, ment of the llth cent) a) Synopsis Hist. Eel. et Eccl. Chr. methorto systematica adumbrata. Prag. 1785. Ein!, in d. Chr. Eel. u. KGesch. Prag. 17SSs8. 2d (modified) ed. 1790. Cbr. Eel. u. KGesch. (but one Per.) Pr. 1789-9.5. 4 vols, b) Institt Hist Eccl. Vien. (1783.) 1806. 2 Th. Thread of the narrative after D.-.n- nenm. (Collegienbeftt 2 ed. Eottwcil. 1826-8. 4 Th. c) Gesch. d. Christi EeL u. Kirche. Zur. 1792. 12 INTRODUCTION. CHAP. II. LITEEATUEE. and of the ancient Church. A continuation of his history hy aaother hand was merely a labored effort to attain the same style, (d) With the same gen- eral views, but Avith more accuracy and science, Katerkamp wrote a history, in which he has exhibited a more profound acquaintance with the original au- thorities in his representations of the particular characters and circumstances of the Church, (e) The liberal school, which now sought to accommodate matters as much as possible with the hierarchy, was represented by Hitter, (f) and in the extensive and popular work of Locherer, (g) in many respects like that of Schroeckh. The narrative of RuttenstocTc is carefully limited to a mere statement of facts, (h) In other places the various parties were in di- rect hostility to each other. The hierarchical method of wi'iting history was defended with keen wit by Hortig, the continuation of whose work by Dol' linger, is written in a less animated, but in a more serious strain. In his re- vised edition the latter has promised a great work, in which those fables of the hierarchy which are altogether untenable, are to be given up as indiffer- ent, but every position capable of any defence is to be maintained with all the weapons which a learned ingenuity can sui)ply. His text-book contains merely the external facts of history, {i) On the other hand Eeiclilin-Meldegg has composed a prolix, declamatory, and flippant libel upon ecclesiastical an- tiquity, and of course fell out with his own Church, (k) Ahog again pre- sents a specimen of a rather clumsy but spirited attempt to transfer a Protes- tant form to a Catholic position, (I) and Annegarn has compiled just such an artless, rude, and tiresome History of the Church, as was common in Ger- many before the time of Joseph II., and as may even now be seen in many an obscure seminary. Qri) 2 Th. d) F. L. r. Stolherg, Gesch. d. Eel. J. C. Hamb. 1806^1818. 15 Th. (till 1430.) 2 ed. of 1. 2 Th. 1810. Inde.-c by Moritz, Vien. u. Hamb. 182.5. 2 Th. cont. by F. R. v. Ken. Mentz. 1825-1846. 16-42 Th. Index by Snuanen. Mentz. 18-34. e) KGesch. Münster. 1819-30. 4 Th. (till 1073.) /) Handb. d. KGesch. Elber?. Bonn. 1826-8.5. 3 vols. 1836. 2 ed. of 1 & 2 vols, c) Gesch. d. Chr. Eel. u. Kirche. Eavensb. 1824 83. 8 Th. (till 1073.) K) Institt Ilistoriae Eccl. N. T. Vien. 1832-84. 3 Th. (till 1517.) i) Handb. d. Chr. KGesch. v. Ifortig, beend v. Döllinger. Landsh. 1826. 2 Th. Newly revised by DoUinger (Gesch. d. Chr. K.) Landsh. 18:?3s. 1 vol. 1. 2 .\bth. (in part till loS'l) By the samo, Lohrb. d. KGesch. Eegensb. 183Gss. 2 vols. {J. J. Ig. Döllinger, Hist of the Church. Trans, by El. Cm. Lond. 4 vols. 8vo.] ki Gesch. des Christenth. Freib. 18.30s. 1 Th. in 2 Abth. (till 1324.) I) Univcrsiil-gosch. d. Chr. Kirche. Mainz. (1841. 1843.) 1844. m) Gesch. d. Chr. Kirche. Münst 1812s. 3 vols. Comp. Jen. L. Z. 1844. N. 144ss. [Eng. Gen. Eccl. Histt. arc. Win. Palmer, Coiniiend. Eccl. Hist. 5 ed. Oxford. 1S44. G. Waddington, H. of the Church to the Eef. Lond. 1833. 2 vols. & cont through the Eef. Lond. 1834 2 vols. 8. J. Priesüetj, Gen. H. of the Chr. Church, Lond. 180.3. 6 vols. 8. Jones" H. of the Chr. Church to the Utli cent-ry. Lond. 1336. 2 vols. 8. M. liutter, H. of the Chr Church. New York. 8. C. A. Goodnch, Church Hist Burlington. 1930. 8. H. Stehbing, H. of the Cbr Church (a Cont of MUner), 3 vols, .^ind. 1842.] , ANCIENT CHURCH HISTOEY. FIRST PERIOD. FROM CHRIST TO CONSTANTINE. § 14. General View and Original Authorities. L 1) AH ecclesiastical writers of this time. Fragments of those works which have been lost in: Orahe, Spicikgium Patrum et Haereticorum Saec. I. II. et III. Oxon. (1698.) ITi'O. 1T14. -3 vols. R»ut\ Reliquiae sacr.-ve, s. auctorum fere deperditonim I. et II. Saec. Fragmenta. [Edit, altera. Oxon. 1S47. 4 vols.] 2) Fragments of Hegesippi vTrofivrnxara rHv iKK\7)(Tia(TTiKü>v irpd^faiv in lionth, vol. I. p. ISTss. Eusebii iKKKr)(naaTiKri laropia. Ed. Vulesius. Par. 1659. f. K Zimmermann, Frcf. 1822. 2. P. 4 Heinichen. Lpz. lS2Ts. 3 Th. 4 Burton, Oxon. 1833. 3 vols. [A new transl. with Life of Eas. Lend. 1842. 8.] 3) Ruinart, Acta primoium martyrum, ed. 2. Amst. 1713. f. ren. Galura, Aug. V. 1802. 3 vols. 4) Passages from writers not Christian : Josephus, Suetonius, Tacitus, Pliaius, Dio Cassius, Scriptorcs Hist. Angu.stae, etc. explained in N'ath. Lardner ; Collection of tne Jewish and Heathen testimonies of the Christian religion. Lond. 17G4ss. 4 vols. 4 II. Tillemoat (§ 11. nt d.) derici Hist. ecc. duorum priorum Saec. Amst. 1716. 4. Mo.shemiide rebus Christiariorum ante Const Commentarii. Helmst 1753. 4. [transl. by Vidal, 2 vols. 8. Lond. 1S13.] Semleri Obss. quibus Ilist Christian, illustratur usque ad Const. Hal. 17S4. // W. JfiUman, Hist of Christianity from the Birth of Christ to the extinction of Paganism in the Roman Empire. Lond. 1S40. 3 vols, [with notes by Murdock. 8vo. Xew York. Kaye, Eccles. Hist of 2 and 3 Centt. Svo. 1826. 2 vols. S. IIind.% Hist of the Rise and early Prog, of Christianity. 2 vols. 8vo. Lond. W. B. Taylor, The Hist of Christian- ty, from its Promulg. to its legal estab. in the Rom. Empire. 12mo. LoncL 1844. E. Burtoii, Lectures apon the Hist of the Chr. Church from the Ascen. of J. Christ to the conversion of Const. 4 ed. 12mo. Lond. 1840. Robert 3/iUar, Hist of the Propag. of Christ Lond. 2 vols. 8vo. 1731. 3 ed. Wm. Cave, Lives of Fathers of the first four ages of the Church. Lond. 2 vols. fol. 1683-87. new ed. by H. Cary, 1S40. 3 vols. 8. If. Cave, Prim. Chr. or Rol. of the Anc. Christians, ed. by dry. Oxf 1S40. S. Philip Schaff. H. of the Apostolic Church, transl. by E. D. Yeomans. New York. 185-3. 8. vol. I. Samnel Elliot, Hist, of the Early Christians. Lond. 1853. J. C. Robertson, Hist of the Christian Churoh to the Pontif. of Greg, the Great Lond. 185.3. 8.] In the history of the world, Classic Heathenism appears as a single form of human life, on the development of which, its time Avas fulfilled ; and Ju- daism appears as a great prophetic system accomplished by Christianity. The Jewish veil, under which the latter made its appearance, was removed by Paul, and when the Gospel had been proclaimed in all parts of the Eoman 14 ANCIENT CHURCH HISTORY. PER. L empire, the forms of Greek and Roman civilization became incorporated in the Church. But in the mean time a prodigious struggle was commenced by the genei'al spirit of antiquity. The Church, not so much by intelleclual weapons,' as by its labors and sacrilices, was so completely victorious, that at the end of this period the Roman empire was under the necessity of either becoming Christian, or of being utterly subverted. During this struggle, with no aid from the State, and with no external interference, the Church devel- oped its appropriate Constitution. With the exception of individual in- stances of extravagance or timidity, its morals and its discipline were of the strictest kind, and the private life of its members was serious and heavenly. The religious feelings of the people, excited by Grecian philosophy, and strug- gling with subtle foreign elements, now sought to attain definite and fixed forms of thought. The Period may be naturally divided into two sections, the first containing the historical conditions under which Christianity was introduced, and the history of the Apostolic Church, until the death of the last of the Apostles, near the close of the first century, and the other embra- cing the formation of the Catholic Church. The Acts of the Apostles, by Luhe^ are the commencement of a Church History, limited by the personal knowledge, position, and object of the writer. It presents us with the actual establishment of the Church in its two principal departments — among the Jews by Peter, and among the Greeks by Paul, (a) The authentic epistles of these apostles are the most trustworthy monuments of the Apostolic Church. Hegesippus^ about the middle of the second century, committed to writing every thing he thought worthy of preservation in the Apostolic traditions. (5) The first proper history of the Church (till 324) was written by JSnschlus of Cacmrea, under the impression which the great revolutions of his age pro- duced upon his mind. Though he was atiected by the prejudices, he possessed also the advantages of his position, and while he probably omitted some things, we have no evidence that he has stated what is untrue, (c) «) Schnwkenherger ü. d. Zweck d. App. Gesch. Bern. 1841. 6) Euseb. H. ecc. II. 23. III. 16. 19. IV. 7s. 11. 22. Comp. Hieron. catal. c. 22. Scfiulthess, lieges, princeps auctor reiuin Chr. Tur. 1S32. c) With regard to his authorities and credibility: Moeller, Hafn. 1813. (Archiv, f. KGesch. vol. III. St 1.) Danz, Jen. 1815. P. I. Kestner Goett. 1817. 4. Reuterdahl, Loud. Goth. 1826. liUnstra, Tra). »d. Rh. 1833. Jdchmtwn, in lUgcns Zeitsclir. 1839. H. 2. F. C. Baur, comparatur Ens. Il'ätorlae eoa parens ciun parente Ilistoriarum Uerodoto, TuU 1834. 4, CHAP. I. HEATHENISM. § 15. GREEK LIFE. 15 DIVISION I. ESTABLISHMENT OF THE CHURCH. CHAP. I. INTRODUCTORY HISTORY. I. Classic IlEATHExieM. Oreuzer, Symbolik u. Mythologie d. alten Völker, bes. d. Grieclien, Lps. u. Darnist. (ISlOss.) 1S1938 Til.; Bitiir, Symb. ii. Myth. o. die Natiirrel. d. Alterth. Stiittg. 1S25; Loheck, Aglaopliamus s. de Tlieol. mypticae Graecorum causis. Eegioni. 1829. 2 Th. ; O. MulUr, Prolegomena zu e. wiss. MythoL Glitt. 1S25. [Introd. to a Scientific Syst. of Myth, transl. by J. Leitvh. Lond. 1844. 8]; P. van Lim- lui-ff Bromcer, Hist de la civilisation morale et rel. des Grecs. Groen. lS.33-4.3. 8 Th. ; ITegd, Phil, d. Rel. Brl. 18.3.3. vol. 2. p. 14Sss. Phil. d. Gesch. Bil. 1S37. p. 232sr. ; P. F. Stukr, die Rel. Systeme d. Hellenen in ihrer gesch. Entw. Brl. 1838; JL W. Hi'ffter, d. Rel. d. Griechen u. Römer, Brandeub. 1845. [ W. Smith, Diet, of Gr. & Eoni. Myth. Lond. 1844-49. 3 vols. 8. T. I) wight, Gr. & Rom. Myth. New York. 1849. 12] [—Benj. Constant, du Polytheisme romain. Par. 1838. 2 Th. ; irartung, d. Rel. d. Römer. Erl. 1836. 2 vols. ; Ch. Wah, de rel. Rom. antiquiss. Tub. 1845. 4. P. l.— Tholuck, U. d. Wesen u. sittl. Einfl. d. Heidenth. (Neandor's Denkwiirdigk, vol. L modified in the 2d ed.) [A. Tholuck. Nature & Moral Infl. of Heathenism, transl. by R. Emerson, in Biblical Rep. for 1832. and in Clarke's Bibl. Cab. vol. 28. Edinb. 1841] ; Im. Nittsch, ü. d. Religionsbegr. d. Alten. (Stud. u. Krit 1828. vol. L H. 8s.) ;—F. Jacohs, ü. d. Erziehung d. Hellenen z. Sitflichk. (Verm. Schrr. Lpz. 1S29. P. IIL) Heidenth. n. Christenth. (Lpz. 1S8T. Th. VI.) ; K. Gruneisen, iL d. Sittliche d. bild. Kunst b. d Griech. Lpz. 1838. (Illg. Zeitschr. vol. III. at. 2.) \J. St. John, Maimers, Custt. Arts, &c. of Anc. Gr. Lond. 1842. 3 vols. 8 ; IT. Hase, Publ. & Priv. Life of the An. Greeks, transl. from Germ. Lond. 1886. 8; W. A. Becker, Gallus, or Rom. Scenes of the time of Augustus, lUust. the manners and custt. of the Romans, transl. from the Germ, by F. Metcalfe. Lond. 1844. 8. On the State of Man before Chris- tianity. Lond. 1848. 12.] § 15. Popular Life among the OreeTcs. The original civilization which had prevailed in some portions of the East had finally hecome torpid within limits immutahly fixed hy the com- bined influence of caste and despotism. But under the delightful sky of beau- tiful Greece, the purely earthly life of man, in the midst of eftbrts to attain social freedom, and triumphant struggles against the monarch of the Eastern world (after 490, b. o.), became developed in its fairest natural perfection. Borne on by youthful energies and a noble spirit of refinement, directed by a clear understanding and a wise moderation, it received still higher lustre and distinctness from a state of art which gave utterance to what is beyond expression, and proclaimed the reconciliation of the spirit with outward na- ture. Even when it presented nature in its utmost nakedness, it preserved a chaste moderation, and when it portrayed the darker aspects of our eartlily existence, it always made liberty and beauty triumphant. Grecian manners and science were carried by travelling expeditions and colonies to the shores of Asia Minor, Sicily, and Southern Italy, and finally, by means of Alexan- der's conquests (after 334), Grecian civilization became established over all the Eastern shores of the Mediterranean. § 16. Limits of Grecian Refinement. Man was regarded only as a citizen, and aU virtues had relation to the glory of his native laud. The free action of the citizen was founded upon an order of slaves. A part of the women were confined within the narrow amits of domestic life, and another purchased a participation in manly plea lb ANCIENT CnUPXH HISTORY. PEE. I. DIV. I. TILL A. T). 100. ßures and more attractive refinements, with a proportionate loss of womanlj dignity and domestic happiness. Tlie political power of the several States was developed and consumed in factious contests and civil wars. Even in the brightest daj's of Greece, civilization had to contend with remnants of ancient barbarism and its bloody crimes. § 17. Tfie Religion of the Greels. The celestial world, in which the Greeks believed, was only an ideal transcript of their ordinary life, embellished by the hand and for the pur- poses of art. Even the fanciful relation of sex, which they ascribed to their deities, though borrowed from oriental allegories, was so modified by the poetic imaginations of the Greeks, as only to reflect and justify, as in a mir- ror, the playful spirit of the people. This, however, exerted no very cor- rupting influence upon a people whose matrimonial life was guarded by usages and laws, and whose vigorous energies were controlled by the gymnasium, and a predominant taste for the beautiful. But every thing great or beauti- ful in common life, was adorned and consecrated by some connection with the gods of their country. It was for this reason that, although tlie people were sincerely attached to their deities, and their religious services were joy- ous festivals embellished with all that art could contribute, they could enjoy the keen wit of the poet when he ridiculed the weaknesses of the gods, no less than when he laughed at those of the sovereign people of Athens. The religion of the Hellenes was necessarily a deification not so much of nature in its mysterious depths, as of the spirit in its various manifestations. The real Deity revealed to them was beauty. The piety best conformed to the national character was so far from rising above the earth, that it never went even beyond their native land. The mysteries could of course transmit no doctrine of religion inconsistent with this spirit of the popular faith. They were simply celebrations of the festivals of the ancient gods. They served not only to preserve the memory of the old and fallen deities of na- ture, but to create a presentiment of a supreme Deity, who, at some future period, would extend his sovereignty over the universe. The point at which the Hellenic theology found its termination and constructed an altar to the Unknown God, was where it submitted to an absolute necessity, ruling over gods and men. § 18. Eelation of FhilosopJiy to the Popular Religion. Socrates (409-399) brought back Philosophy from its attempts to ex- plain the universe by ingenious fancies, to its appropriate Grecian object, which was, to render the mind conscious of its nature, and thus to become the supreme rule of life for a freeborn man. In doing so, however, he was aware that as a citizen of a moral community he was liable to come into conflict with Atlienian usages. From the position which he had attained, riato (428-348) and Aristotle (384-322) sought to discover the ultimate prin- ciple of all knowledge and being. Both recognized a spiritual and indepen- dent author of the universe, and both appreciated the supreme importance of the intellectual and moral life. Aristotle, commencing with sensible pheno- CHAP. I. HEATHENISM. § IS. GRECIAN PHILOSOPHY. 17 meua, and proceeding by successive steps of reasoning to general laws, may be regarded as the most perfect specimen of a healthy intellectual educa- tion among the Greeks. If Plato, on the one hand, by the matter as well as the form of his speculations, shows that the highest point of Grecian life con- sisted in adorning the present existence by moral excellence and beauty, on the other, he far transcends this, and stands like a prophet, incomprehensible by his own age, on account of his earnest consciousness of sinfulness, and his absolute exaltation of the eternal above the temporal.* Those who un- dertook the further development of Philosophy, attached themselves once more to the purely" practical tendency of Socrates, and to the various parties already spi-inging up among his disciples. They, however, seized upon only disconnected elements of Grecian life. Epicurna (342-271) laid hold of pleasure alone, to which virtue was subservient as a necessary means, and Zeno^ his contemporary, selected power, with which virtue is herself satisfied. The former regarded the universe as the sport of chance, and the latter be- lieved it animated by a divine omnipresent soul. In opposition to the views of these teachers, and especially to those of Plato, there arose in the midst of the Academy itself, a party under Arcesilaus (316-241) and Carneades (214- 129), which advocated a system of overwrought logic, teaching that man was never designed to know the truth with certainty, and that consequently his only peace was to be found in dealing with probabilities, and in the conscious- ness of this universal uncertainty. Philosophy, in all its forms, had passed beyond the limits of Polytheism. The Socratic school, however, regarded tlie popular faith as a mode of conceiving truth indispensable to a people bound in the fetters of sensuality. Its disciples therefore, without hesitation, adopted the usages and modes of expression prevalent around them. The way in which Epicurus maintained the existence of the gods was in fact an adroit denial of it, but, satisfied with having freed his followers from all fear of the gods, he was wise enough to warn them of the danger of contending with public opinion. Stoical Pantheism allowed that the deities existed merely as names and allegories for the various manifestations of the universal life, but the deportment of the sages toward them was proud and independent. The later Academy maintained that the existence or non-existeuce of the gods was equally probable, and its adherents thought it safest to honor them with the ordinary forms of worship. While therefore Philosophy was not directly hostile to the idolatry which had prevailed from ancient times, the educated portion of the nation were elevated by it above the popular faith. § 19. Rome as a EepxMic. The Roman people had sprung up in the midst of violence, they had been kept together by a rigid discipline, and they had to attain maturity in the battle-field, contending first for their existence, and then for their greatness. At an early period, the opinion began to prevail, and soon became a predomi- ♦ C. Ackermann, das Christi, im Plato u. in d. plat Pbil. Hamb. 1935; F. O. Baur, d. Christi, d Platonism. o. Sokr. u. Christus. Tub. 1S37 ; [Plato contra Atheos, or Platonic Theoloiry, by T. Lewis New York. JS45. K Pond, Life, Works, Opinions, &c of Plato. Portland. 8.] 2 18 ANCIENT CHUECH HISTOEY. PEE. L DIV. I. TILL. A. D. 100. QHut popular sentiment, that they were destined to attain universal dominion. All the virtues which constitute the true basis of civil and domestic pros- perity were practised with simplicity and purity. But the keen enjoyment of life, natural to youth, became pas-sionate only in individual instances, for we find among them no general refinement, or cultivation of the elegant arts. Religion was wholly under the control of the State, and its sacred rites were for a long time only in the hands of the Patricians. Its serious cere- monies pervaded every relation, both of the family and the State. While, therefore, it was regarded as indispensable to society, it was in reality only a respectful reverence for a superior power, recognized in the highest degree by the boldest and mightiest minds. § 20. Decline of Greece. During the strifes of contending factions, political power had become despotic, in the hands sometimes of the nobles, and sometimes of the popu- lace. The consequence was that Greece was distracted by internal divisions, and became subject, first to the Macedonians, and then, with these masters, (14G) to the Romans. The virtues of the people, which had been founded upon their relation to their native country, could not, of course, survive the loss of their independence. The individuality of character, which had be- fore so nobly distinguished them, now degenerated into selfishness ; art be- came subservient to the grossest sensuality, and it now becamts evident, in the midst of public misfortunes, that a life consumed in the mere embellish- ment of an earthly existence must be totally unsatisfactory. Yet so abundant was the inheritance of art and science bequeathed to them by their ances- tors, that their private hfe was for a long time enriched by its stores, and Greece gave laws to its conquerors. § 21. Elevation and Decline of Rome. "When Augustus, in his testament, advised the Roman people never to surpass the limits which nature had assigned to them, as the permanent bul- warks of the Empire, all nations inhabiting the coasts of the Mediterranean had already submitted to the majesty of the Roman power, and all nationali- ties had been broken up by the stern unity of the Empire. As the Romans had conquered the civilized world, they now resolved to participate in its ad- vantages, by enjoying not only its coarse sensual pleasures, but its intellectual treasures. But Grecian civilization was so far in advance of them, that it could not be conquered without calhng forth creative powers in the con- querors. By the subjugation and government of so many provinces, such an inequality in power and possessions was introduced, that universal freedom was no longer tolerable, and the popular character became so degraded, that in spite of republican forms, no one thought of combining public freedom with the monarchy. The will of the prince was acknowledged to be the su- preme law, but the supreme power was actually in the army. Accordingly, the successors of Augustus, while they knew that they were masters of the world, knew quite as well that they could never call one day their own. They therefore either siupified themselves in the wildest enjoyment of the CHAP. L HEATHENISM. § 22. DECLINE. 19 present moment, or sought safety in a reign of terror. The wretchedness of the Eoman populace, and the exhausted condition of the provinces, "were in desperate and frightful contrast "with an aflQuence "svhich strove with shame- less ingenuity to wrest from nature more enjoyment than she was able to give or endure. And yet for centuries after the old Roman virtues had been lost, there remained a noble national spirit, the valor of the legious, and in private life, the supremacy of the law. § 22. Decline of the Popular Religion. The Greek religion was adapted only to such as were in the enjoyment of prosperity. To those who were struggling with misfortune, it offered neither consolation nor strength, and the gods themselves had apparently deserted the cities from which they were now in-vited by the conquerors. The deifi- cation of Eoman despots threw scandal on the gods, and revealed the secret of their origin. The explanation of the Greek myths undermined also the veneration which had before been felt for Roman ceremonies.* Philosophy no longer hesitated to mock a religious worship already abandoned by its deities. The Roman statesmen, it is true, thought it necessary to maintain a religion of whose nullity they were persuaded, because it seemed to be the very foundation of their State. "WTien, however, a people are governed by a falsehood, the fact cannot long be concealed from them. The human mind, ordinarily dissatisfied with infidelity, and especially impatient Avith it in seasons of peculiar diflSculty, now sought for the peace it had lost in all kinds of barbarous forms of worship. In the midst, too, of those frequent changes of fortune to which despotic governments are subject, it made an effort to obtain a knowledge and a control of the dark future, by means of magical arts. Unbelief and superstition were thus boldly and distinctly ar- rayed by the side of each other. When the peculiar spirit of each nation had been destroyed, a popular religion could no longer be generally upheld, and the gods were all united in the Roman Pantheon. Philosophy, however, had neither the inclination nor the power to found a new religion. II. JrDAISM. Flav. JoHfiphi Opp. ed. ITaverl-amp, Ainst. 1726. 2 Th. f. ; Small ed. by Oöer^Äör, "W^ürtzb. 17S2ss. 8 Th. and in the 1 Abth. of the Bibl. sacra. Lps. lS26ss. 5 Th. [Transl. into Eng. by W. IVhhton, &. ed. by JI. SM/bing. Svo. Lond. 1S41. and a new Transl. by R. Trail, with notes, Ess.iys, &c. and ed. by I. Taylor, Lond. & New York. 1S4T.] F. C. Mder, Judaic» s. veterum Serr. profanürum de reb. jud. frasnim. Jen. 1S;?2; Vitrinen, de Syn.ogoga vet (Franeq. 1696.> Leucop. 1726. 4 ; [Vitringa'3 Synag. & the Charch, transl. by Bernard, 8vo. Lond.] J. D. Michaelis, mos. Recht. Frkf. 1775ss. 6 Th. [Transl. into Kng. by A. Smith. 4 vols 8vo. Lond. H14]; J. J. Hess, Gesch. d. Israel, Zur. 766fS. 12 Th.; De Wette, Lehrb. d. hebr. Archäol. nebst Grundr. d. hebr. Gesch. Lps. (1S14.) 1S30; J. M. Jild, illg. Gesch. d. Isr. Brl. 1S32. 2 vols. ; [Jo«*"« Hist of the Jews, from the Maccabees to the present day, transl. from Germ, by J. H. EopkinK, 184S. New York ;] H. Leo, "Vorles. Ü. d. Gesch. d. Jnd. Staats. Brl. 1S23. retracted in his Lehrb. d. Universalgesch. ed. 2. vol. I. p. 563ss. conif). Stud. n. Krit 1:^30. vol. L p. 1378s.; Bertheau, zur Ge*ch. d. Isr. Gott. 1S42: IT. Eu-aM, Gesch. d. Volkes jsrael b. Christus. Gott IW^ss. 3 vols. ; J. Salvador. Hist, des Institutions de Molse et du peuple »6br. Par. 182?. 3 vols. [This work was answered by M. Dupin, the elder, in "Jesus devant Ca'iphe * L. Krahner Gmndlinicn z. Gesch. d. Verfalls d. rGm. StaatsreL Hal. 1887. 4. 20 ANCIENT CHUECn HISTORY. PER. 1. DIV. I. TILL A. D. 100. et Pilate," Par. 1828. 8] ; Gramlerg, krit Gesch. A. E. Ideen d. A. T. Brl. lS29s. 2 Th.; Vatkf, \ Eel. d. A. T. Brl. 1835. 1 Th. ; S. L. Steinheim, d. Offenb. n. d. Lehrbegr. d. Synag. Frkf 1835. 1 vol. A. F. Gfrorer, d. Jahrb. des Heiles. Stuttg. 1S3S. 2 iihth.—Knohel, d. Prophetismus d. Ilcbr. BrosL 18.3L 2 Tolg.; Kostet; die Proph. d. A. u. N. T. Lps. 1838; {U. IT. Milman, Hist, of Uie Jews, from the B. of Christ to tlio Abol. of Paganisin in the Eom. Emp. with notes by Miirdock. 3 vols. New York. 1S31 ; J. Basiuige, Hist of the Jews from Jesus Christ to the pr. time, being a cont. of Jose- phu-s transl. by T. Taylor, Lond. 1708. f. ; D. Stiauss, Melon's Pilgrimage to Jerusalem, A Picture of Judaism in the Cent, before Christ, transl. from the Germ. Lond. 1824. 2 vols. 8.] § 23. The Religious Life of the People. Jehovah "was worshipped as the only living and Most High God. His government, hy agents, in direct commnnication with himself, collectively called the Theocracy, was regarded as the only legitimate authority. By his law the spirit was wrested from its hold upon the natural world, and his people were separated from all other nations. "When the popular life had attained full maturity during the period between Samuel and the Exile [1156- 588, B. C), a flourishing kind of sacred poetry, with no great refinement of art, became developed, and the manners and morals of the people, though rude, were generally strict. The people, however, were always inclined to apostatize and adopt the sensual and idolatrous worsjiip of nature, prevalent among the neighboring nations. The state, distracted by the struggle of the hierarchy with the monarchy, became divided (after 975) into the king- doms of Judah and Israel, and at last fell a prey to foreign enemies. It was not untU after the Exile, that the spirit of the people corresponded with that of their law, and then the benefits of such a result, and the complete execu- tion of their political system, were limited by the dominion of the Persians, the Greeks, and the Romans, who, without intermission, succeeded one an- other. A similar religious improvement was founded upon the Sacred Scrip- tures, the type and mirror of the popular life. In the midst of the calamities of the Exile, a stronger faith in a future state of existence was awakened, in connection with the exjflanation of moral evil by demoniac agency. But a natural result of the importance which the hierarchy consequently gave to the outward ritual of the law, was soon experienced in the extreme valuation of these observances, without reference to their spiritual import. The origi- nal contradiction involved in the idea they generally entertained of a God, who was the sole Lord of the Universe, and yet revealed himself as the God of only a single nation, became increasingly prominent, as the world became more generally known. Their belief also in the exclusive partiality of God for themselves as a people, in connection with the continual oppression they experienced from their foreign masters, ])roduced a bitter feeling toward every thing foreign, and a hatred of the whole human race. It was during this decline, and as the precise result of it, that the predominant religious cha- racter of the nation was formed. Its fundamental element was an obstinate nationality, and a bold determination to sacrifice every thing for its jireserva- tion. This, in connection with their internal dissensions and moral debase- ment, could lead to nothing but a tragical result, when opposed to the over- whelming power of the Romans. But a series of prophets had at one time been produced by the Theocracy, in connection with a spiritual tendejicy among the people, which had taught them to solve all the contradictions of CHAP. L JUDAISM. § 24 DISPERSED JEWS. § ^5. PHILO. 21 the present time, by believing contemplations of the future. These Messianio prophecies therefore lived on in the hearts of the people, consoling, but at the same time ensnaring them with the strong expectation that Judaism was des- tined to become universal § 24. The dispersed Jews («V Biaa-nopS). Remond, Gesch. d. Ausbreit. d. Judenth. v. Cyrus bis a. d. TJnterg. d. jüd. Staats. Lpz. 17S9 ; GrooU de migration ibus Hebrr. extra patriam ante Ilieras. a Eorn. deletam. Gron. 1S17. 4; Levysaohn, de Judaeorum sub Caesaribus conditione et de legibus eos spectantibus. Lugd. 1828. 4 According to the laws of war tlien prevalent, Jewish colonies were trans- ferred to other lands, in the train of the various conquerors of Palestine. Individual Jews also wandered into the same countries, for the sake of gain. In the time of Christ, therefore, Jewish communities, sub ect to great vicissi- tudes of fortune, were to be found in every part of the Roman Empire. With their characteristic shrewdness, and their indefatigable industry, they had acquired wealth by commerce, and by wealth, independence and privi- leges. They lived according to the law of their fathers, and paid homage to the hierarchy at Jerusalem, as their highest human authority. In conse- quence of their temple tribute (HlBpaxfj-a), their offerings, and their pilgrim- ages, immense wealth flowed into Jerusalem from every part of the world, and became an instrument of great power in the hands of the priesthood, and a temptation to Roman rapacity and corruption. § 25. Hellenism. C. G. L. Grossmann, Quaestt. Philonea(\ I. De Theologiae Phil, fontibns et auctorit. II. De A.6yef! Phil. Lps. 1829; Gf rarer. Philo u. d. alex. Theosophie, o. v. Einfl. d. jüd. ägypt. Schule a. d. N. T. Stattg. 18.31. 2 Abth. (new title, 18.35) ; A. F. Dühne, gesch. Darst d. jüd. alex. Eel. Phil. Hal. 1837. 2 Abth. comp, Baur, in d. Jahrb. f. wiss. Krilik. 1835. p. 737-92 \ J. C. L. Georgii, u. d. neuesten Gegens. in Anffnss. d. Alex. Eel. Phil. (Illgens Zeitschr. 1839. H. 3. 4) ; [J. Bryant, Seutt. of Phil. Jud. on the Word of God. Camb. 1797. 8]. Although the Jews who resided in countries pervaded by Grecian culture seldom gave up their national attachments and spirit, they were unavoidably much aflTected by the intercourse and science of those around them. Such was the origin of the Hellenism, which, in Alexandria, then the great mart of trade even in science, gave birth to the first philosophy of revelation, i This has been transmitted to subseipient times, principally by the writings of ' Philo, (n) The contradictory elements of which it was composed were : an unconditional faith in the divine revelation contained in the Mosaic law, and an equal confidence in the truth of the Platonic philosophy. These conflict- ing principles were subjectively harmonized by the adoption of the opinions that the Greek philosophy was derived from the Scriptures, and that the di- vine mind in the Scriptures was to be discovered by the allegorical method of interpretation. Its fundamental principle was : such an extreme refinement of the idea of God, that every distinct attribute of his nature disappeared, a) Philonia 0pp. ed. Manyey. Lond. 1742. 2 Th. f. The greater part of this is used in an ed. cur. Pfeiffer. Erl. (1785ss.; 1820. 5 Th. ; Small ed. embracing the remainder, discovered by A. Jftt/o, & Aucher, in 2 Abth. of the Bibl. Patrum. Lps. 182Sss. 6 Th. ; Creuzer, z. Krit. d. Schrr. d. Philo. (Stud. u. Krit. 1831. H. 1) • Grossmann. de Phil, ooerum continua serie et ord. chion. Lp.s. 1841. < P. L 22 ANCIENT CHURCH HISTORY. PEE. L DIV. I. TILL A. D. lOa and all connection between him and the world ceased. It was therefore snp- posed that certain intermediate beings (\oyoy and.Xoyoi) proceeded from God — fanciful creatures, which can scarcely be called personal existences, nor yet mere extensions of the divine essence. These gave existence to Matter, which was not divine, but was formed according to the archetypes of their own ideal world, and was animated by the divine breath. Even man, so far as, his earthly nature is concerned, is fallen matter, with God concealed from his view. But that which was originally divine in him, must be liberated by struggles and self-denials, until be finds his true life during some favored mo- ments even in this world, in the blessed contemplation of the Deity. This divine philosophy was reduced to practice by the TJierapeutae, who lived in separate huts, chiefly in the Mareotis, near Alexandria, abstaining from all pleasures, cares, and toils of an earthly life, and entirely devoted to the con templation and praise of the divine nature, (b) § 26. The TJiree Sects. Trium scriptnnim illustrinm {Drusii, Sonligeri, Serarii) cle tribns Judaeorum sectis syntagm» ed. Triglandius. Delphis. 1703. 2 Th. 4; P. Beer, Gesch. Lehren u. Meinungen aller rel. Seelen d. Jud. Brunn. 182'2s. 2 vols. ; Schneckenburger, die Pharisäer, Eel. Philosophen o. Asketiker? (Beitr. t. Einl. in's N. T. Stiittg. 18.32. N. 7.) Orossmann, De Philos. Sadduoaeor. Lps. 1836. IL De frag- mentis Sadd. eseg. 1837. III. De statu Sadd. literario, morali et politico. 1838. 4. The most distinct forms of Judaism in Palestine, after the time of the Maccabees, were represented in three regularly organized sects. The Phari- sees, i. e. the Separated, were representatives of the rigid hierarchy, and of modern Judaism with all its faults and virtues. The most austere portion of this sect adhered to the authority of Eabbi Shammed, and a milder party to that of Eillel. In the latter party, a tendency toward Hellenism was practi- cable, and Gamaliel is said to have participated in it. The Sadducees, whose name signifies the Eighteous, and who constituted in fact the wealthy and aristocratic portions of society, maintained the older Hebraism, the intellectual liberty of which, in a corrupt and yet speculative period, was easily perverted so as to encourage licentiousness and unbelief. The disputes which these sects carried on with each other became sometimes so violent that the government was disturbed on account of them. The Essenes, i. e. Healing Ones, or Saints, were those who had become dissatisfied with the world, and in differ- ent degrees of their order, according to the rigidity of their asceticism, with- drew from all public life, to live in extreme solitude on the western coast of the Dead Sea. Their doctrine, so far as it has been made known, indicated Bome aflinity with the Alexandrian philosophy, as it converged evidently to- ward a theory of angel hierarchy. Their moral system and habits were simi- lar to those of the Therapeutae, although they adhered more decidedly to the Hebrew prophecies. Their mode of life was communistic, and their time was wholly occupied in prayer and labor. Although they condemned the private possession of wealth, individuals might possess some property as a fief, from h) The orig. evidence in variou.s forms in Philo, and many erroneous statements with respei'.t to them in Eusehius, II. Ecc. II. 17- Belief nann. gesch. Nachrichten a. d. Alterthume Ü. Essäöt a. Therapeuten. Brl. 1821 ; J. Sauer, de Essenis et Therapeutis, Vrat. 1829 • G/rörer, Abth. 9 p 280SS. ; Dähne, vol. I. p. 489ss. CnAP. I. JUDAISM. § 27. SAMAEITANS. § 28. PROSELYTES. 23 the common stock. They nearer visited the Temple, because bloody sacrifices vere offered in it, but they sent to it their sacred gifts. § 27. The SamoHtans. Besides the Jewish sources of a partisan character, consult The Samar. Pentateuch, even in th« Arabic translation, and John iv. 5^2; (Siefert) Psr. de temp, schismatis ecc. Judaeos inter, et Sa- marr. oborti. Kegiom. 1S2S. 4. comp. Hase's Leben Jesu. p. lOSs. [Neander's Life of Christ p. ISOss. ; nenfj-stenherff, On the Pentateuch, vol. L p. 70ss.; Jf. Stuart, Essay on Sam. Pent & Lit in BiK Kcpos. 1882. P. 4. p. 6S1. & Essays on the Old Test Andover, 1845. 8 ; Kitto's Journal of Sac. Lit July, 1853. p. 298.] From its first establishment, the kingdom of Israel was always character- ized by a great laxity of religious faith, a dislike to the Levitical priesthood, and a fondness for the idolatrous worship of the surrounding nations. Hav- ing been conquered by the Assyrians (722), the small remnant allowed to re- main in the country soon became nearly amalgamated with the heathen colo- nists introduced among them. And yet the inhabitants of Samaria, the fruitful hill country between Judaea and Galilee, offered to assist the returning Jews in rebuilding the Temple of Zion. This proposal being rejected, just before Alexander's triumphant march through their country, they received through ManasseJi^ the exiled brother of the Jewish high priest, and the fa- vor of the Persian monarch, not only a copy of the Pentateuch, but permis- sion to build a temple to Jehovah on Mount Gerizim. In spite of all their foreign mixtures, both of sentiments and of blood, the Samaritans were espe- cially attached to the ancient Hebraism, and carried out its moral and intel- lectual tendencies. They shared in the political fortunes of Judaea, and were animated by a similar hatred to the Pvomans, but the State possessed very little power, on account of the still greater mutual hatred of the Jews and Sa- maritans. § 28. Proselytes. The contempt which a people without refinement in art or science, enter- tained for every thing foreign, was of course met by the Greeks and Ko- mans with a similar contempt, (a) And yet the strength of religious faith among the Jews, the worship of one God, and the veneration for the myste- rious rites and shrines of the temple of Jehovah, were peculiarly imposing. Modern Judaism, too, Avas naturally inclined to conquest. Hence from the general inclination toward foreign religions, and from the dissatisfaction felt with respect to the social relations of the Empire, many, especially women, laborers, and slaves, felt attracted by the hopes held out to them by the Jews. Some became 2^^oseli/tes of righteousness to Judaism, and many re- nounced idolatry by obeying what were called the Noachian precepts, and thus, according to the decision of the milder teachers of the law, became proselytes of the Gate, i. e. friends of the Jewish nation, and sharers in many of its hopes, without being subject to the yoke of the law, without adopting the narrow prejudices of the Jews, and without expecting justification by their external services. Others pleased or silenced their consciences by the a) Tacit. Hist V. 5; Minucii Fd. Octavius c 10. )ii ANCIENT CnUECII HISTüKT. PEE. I. DIV. I. TILL A. D. 100. practice of Jewish ceremonies, and allowed themselves to be beguiled bv Jewish conjurers, (h) CHAP. II.— TEE APOSTOLIC CHURCH. Lud. Capelli mst np. ilhistrata, Genev. 1634 4 ed. Fabric! u.i:;^j>B. icm; J. F. Biuldei, T.cc »p. Jen. 1729; J. J. Ifefi.\ Gesch. u. Schrr. d. ApDstol. Zürch. 17S8. 4 ed. 18'20ss. 3 Th. ; F. Lücke, Com. de Ecc. Apost, Goett 1813. 4; J. G. Flunck, Gosch. d. Christenth. in d. Periode sr. Einlulir nno-. Gott ISIS; Th. II. A. Neanr/Ar [Hist, of the Planting and Training of tlie Christian Church by the Apostles, Transl. by J. E. Hi/IiuhI Phil, 1 vol. 1844]: F. Ch. B-iur,-V&\\\n% Stnttg. 1845; A Schweffler, das nachapost. Zeitalt. in d. Ilauptniomenten sr. Entwickl. Tub. 1846. 2 vols. ; comp. F. Zeller, ü. Chr. Urchr. u. Unchr. in Sclnveglers Jahrb. 1844. Juni; (IC. 0. DieÜein, d. Urchristenth. eine Beleucht. der. v. d. Schule d. Hrn. Dr. v. JBnur, ü. d. Apost Zeita. aufgestellten Vermuthungen. Hai. 1845;) [K. R. Hdgenbaeh, F. C Bnur, and ss. comp. Josephi Antiqq. XIX. T, 2. c) Gal 2, 9. comp. Acts 1.5, 1.3sa d) Liter. Revie\v, in Theile, Comm. in Ep. Jac p. 23s5.; F. IT. Kern, Cliar- »cter u. Ursprung d Br. -Jak. (from the Tub. Zeitsclir.) Tub. 1S35. 26 ANCIENT CIIUECH HISTORY. PEE. I. DIV. I. TILL A. D. 100. prove himself more perfectly a Christian hero when he "was called actually to die. (e) The plain testimony of history declares, that the High Priest A na- nus, a Sadducee, availing himself of the interregnum which took place after the death of the procurator Felix, had James, and a few others, stoned tc death, as transgressors of the Mosaic law (63). (/) § 31. Jeioish Christianity. I>. van ITeyst, Ds. de Judaeo-Christianismo ejusque vi et efficacltate, quam exseruit in rem Chr. Saec. I. Lugd. B. 1S2S. comp. § 35. The dispersion of the congregation after the death of Stephen was the commencement of its propagation in other regions. The knowledge of Christ was probably carried by pilgrims from Jerusalem into all parts of the Ro- man empire, and yet but a small part of the Jewish population actually be- came Christian. The principal seat of Christian Judaism among the dis persed portion of the nation was at Antioch, where the name of Christian was first applied to the Church by those who were not its members. The Jewish law was observed with the iitmost strictness. Christianity was regarded as a perfected Judaism, whose hopes were already in part, or soon to be completely fulfilled. It was only with this understanding that it could have gained general acceptance in Palestine. The Pharisees were inclined to receive, and zealously to advocate It, so far as the doctrine of the resurrec- tion of Jesus was concerned ; and the Essenes were favorable to its religious spirituality. The assertion, that a Jewish Christianity of an Essene com- plexion sprung up at an early period, by an accession of a considerable num- ber of Essenes to the Church, is rendered probable by partial aftinities be- tween the two systems, and certain by witnesses after the middle of the se- cond century. But as the gospel was proclaimed principally in public assem- blies, and as conversions from a community so rigidly secluded must have been extremely difficult, we can hardly suppose that such an accession could have taken place in any large numbers, till after the dispersion of the Essene settlements, and the desolation of the Jewish country. Besides, it does not appear that Christianity, in its earliest form, possessed any prominent traits of an Essene character. As it was believed to be intended for all men, those who looked upon it through an old Hebrew medium, must have regarded the reception of the law as a necessary part of the process. According to Luke's account (Acts x. 11-18), Peter could be induced to baptize a proselyte of the gate, and could justify himself for the act before his brethren, in no other way than by the assurance of a divine revelation. But as the Church could not at that time conveniently separate its blessings, the more rigid Jewish Christians demanded that baptized proselytes should afterwaixls be circum- cised. § 32. Samaritan Christians and Sects. The first decisive instance in which Christianity broke over the pro- per hmits of the Jewish nation, was that in which the gospel was car- ried to Samaria. The seed which Jesus, regardless of the popular hatred, e) Euseb. H. ecc IL 1. 28. /) Josephi, Antiqq. XX. 9, 1. cniAP. IL APOSI. CHURCH. § 82. SIMON. §38. PAUL. 27 had so^mi in Sychem, -was harvested by the apostles. ('/) The Samaritans^ however, were at that time too much taken up with the claims of certain founders of new religions in their own midst, strange phantoms of the truth, to he much interested in a Messiah from Judea. Dositheus, professing to be the prophet promised in the likeness of Moses (Deut. 18, 18), had appeared among them with a severe exaggeration of the letter of the law, and had finally starved himself in a cave. (S) Simon Magus obtained many adherents in Samaria, and perhaps also some in Rome. According to his own assertion, or at least that of his followers, he was an incarnation of the Spirit which had created the world, to deliver the soul of the world, in bondage to the earthly powers, by whom it had been confined in a woman, and at that time in his own wife, Helena. "With the deliverance of this world-soul, all be- lievers were also to be released from their imprisonment. He was, however, anxious to purchase the Holy Ghost from the apostles, and trembled before their malediction, (c) In some accounts, he appears degraded to a mere pan- der to lewdness, {cl) and in popular traditions he became the representative of all magical arts and their fortunes during his day, in contrast with the triumph- ant simplicity of pious faith. (<) Menander also aspired to the honor of be- ing a Messiah, and a divine incarnation, with power to make his followers immortal. (/) The influence of each of these three impostors was continued through some minor sects until some time in the sixth century. They were often confounded, by those who were not well informed on the subject, with the followers of Christ ; and perhaps some of them, like Simon himself, at one time, from worldly policy, may have passed themselves off as such. It is possible, too, that they may sometimes have really claimed to be Chris- tians, in accordance with a doctrine by which all religions were mingled to- gether, and the same God was said to have revealed himself to the Samari- tans as the Father, to the Jews as the Son, and to the Gentiles as the Spirit. § 33. Paul. J. Pearson, Annales Paul. Hal. 1718. [Lond. 1638. 4. transl. into Eng. by Williams, Cambr. 1826. 12.] W. Paler/, Horae Paul, or the Truth of the Scriptural Hist, of Paul evincpd. [With a Buppl. by E. Biley. Lond. 1840. Illustrated by Tate. Lond. 1S3T. Publ. in New York. 184-3. In works. Cambr. (Mass.) 1830.] J. T. Hemnen, der Ap. P. Gr.tt. 1830 ; K. Schräder, der Ap. P. Lpz. IS-SOss. 5 vols. ; ThoUick, Lebensumstände, Character u. Sprache d. P. ; (Stud. u. Krit 1835. H. 2. and Verm. Schrr. vol. 11. p. 2 2ss.) [Life and Cliar. of Paul, transl. from the Germ, of ^. Tho- lack, and publ. in the Edinb. Bibl. Cabinet, vol. 28.] K A. Schott, Erörtr. einiger Chronol. Punkte in d. Lebensgesch. d. P. Jena. 1832; J. F. Wurm, ii. d. Zeitbest. im Leben d. P. ; (Tub. Zeitschr. f. Tbeol. 1S33. H. 1) ;— Z. Unteri, Entw. d. P. Lehrbegr. Zur. 1824. ed. 6. 1834. A. F. Bahne, Entw. d. P. Lehrbegr. Hal. 1835 ^—Baur, Paulus (p. 24.) The development of Christianity as a spiritual religion for the whole world, was accomplished principally by the agency of Saul, called after the Koman form Paul. The idea of its liberation from Judaism did not, indeed, originate with him, for certain Hellenists from Cyprus had before preached a) AeU 8, 5-lT; John 4, 35-38. 6) OHg. de princ. IV, 17. (vol. I. p. 178) in Jo. torn. 13. (vol. IV p. 237); Epiphun. Opp., vol. L p. 30. c) Acts 8, 9-24; Justin. Apol. L c. 26, 56; Tryph. c 120 (Simoni Deo Sancto. Semoni Sanco Deo Fidio ;) Iren. I. 20. Extracts from both Eiiseh. H. ecc H 18. Epiph. Haer. 21. d) Josephi, Antiqq. XX, 7. 2. «) Arnoh. II, 12; Clement, Honiil. II, 29ss. Kecognltt. I, 72. IT, 7ss. ; comp. Targum Jeru$halemi, ad Num. 31, S; Sueton. Vita Neron. c 12. /) Justini, Apol. 1. c. 26; Epiph. Haer. 22. 28 ANCIENT CHURCH HISTORY. PER. I. DIV. I. TILL A. D. 103. the gospel to tlio Greeks in Antioch, (a) and Stephen did not deny the charge, that Jesus liad come to destroy the temple, and to change the ceremonial law. (?/) But it was reserved for Paul successfully to justify and triumph- antly to carry out this idea. He belonged to the tribe of Benjamin, was a Roman citizen born a<- Tarsus the capital of CiHcia, had been educated for a learned Pharisee in the school of Gamaliel at Jerusalem, and was by occupa- tion a tentmaker. The traces of a Greek education, which his writings sometimes exhibit, may be ascribed either to the school in which he had been educated, or to his subsequent pursuits and associations. With a character not only great but exalted, able and energetic in worldly things, though full of longings after those which are heavenly, he placed himself, in defence of the law of his fathers, at the head of those who persecuted the followers of Christ. Stephen fell before his eyes, and Gamaliel warned the rulers that they should not contend against God. But while journeying to Damascus, to persecute those Christians whom he might find there (probably 80), he' and his companions} were suddenly struck to the earth by fire from heaven. Christ now revealed himself to his spirit as the Saviour of the world, and ha could no longer resist the mighty power of truth, (c) His rich ilatural en- dowments were now illuminated by the gracious influences of the Holy Spirit, his fonuer self was cast ofi', and Christ alone lived within him. After a residence of three years in Arabia and Damascus, he fled from the latter city to Jerusalem (39), that he might form an acquaintance with Peter. He was soon after invited by Barnabas from Tarsus, to assist in the work of the gospel at Antioch. When both had conveyed provisions from that congrega- tion to Jerusalem, for the relief of the brethren there (44), they were sent on a missionary tour to Cyprus, and some provinces of Asia Minor. They commenced their labors by preaching in the synagogues ; QT) but as they were generally treated with contempt, and often with much abuse by the Jews, while they were generally favored by proselytes, they soon began to form independent churches, composed ])rincipally of Greeks. These they re- garded, according to the custom at Antioch, as not bound to observe the cere- monial law, and it was even rumored that Paul had gone so far' as to prevent the Jews from circumcising their childi'en. He himself, however, conformed to the ritual of the law, at least as far as appeared expedient to prevent all unnecessary ofience to his brethren ; and accordingly, in Christia:i liberty, he was a Greek with Greeks and a Jew with Jews. But at Antioch, some from Jerusalem maintained that circumcision was indispensable to salvation. In consequence of the division created by this party, Paul and Barnabas under- took a journey to Jerusalem (about 50), where, after hearing what God had ah'eady accom])lished by their means in carrying the gospel to the heathen, the three apostles of Jewish Christianity extended to them tlie hand of fel- lowship. A charter of privileges was then agreed upon, which was imme- a) Acts 11, 20-22. 6) Aeis 6, 188. c) Oal. 1, lös. ; 1 Cor. 9, 1 ; 15. 8; Aots 9, 1 -22; 22, 3-16 ; 26,9-18; Amnion, (\e rej^ntlna Sanli conversione, Erl. 1708 (0pp. tlieol. p. Iss.); Greiling, Hist Psychol. Vi-rs. Ü. d. pi tzl. Ueberg. d. P. (Hc-nke's Mus. 180G. vol. III. p. 220.) Strans.i, Streltschrr. H. 1. p. 6Ks. ; comp. E. Bengel, Obss. de P. ad rem Chr. convers. 2 P. (Opp. Hamb. 1S34) ;— C. O. K Hehler, ie anao, qao P. ad sacra ehr. conversus est, Lps. 1S23. d) Comp, lioni. 1, 16; S, iaa. CHAP. II. APOST. CIIUECH. § 33. PAUL. 29 diately sent forth in a solemn edict to all Gentile Christians, forbidding any yoke to be imposed upon them, except a few observances like those which were required of proselytes. This proceeding could not be reconciled with the original covenant (Gal. 2, Iss.) without considerable ingenuity of rea- soning, and was not very consistent with the course which Paul sometimes pursued, but it was a well-intended scheme to harmonize those conflicting tendencies which were just springing up in the Church, and of which tradi- tion gives us an account (Acts 15). (e) It was not until Paul, fully believing himself called of God to be the apostle to the Gentiles, had extensively pro- pagated the Church among the Greeks, that it became practically indepen- dent of the prejudices which prevailed in Palestine. During his two long journeys, and his protracted residences in Ephesus and Corinth, he established numerous churches in the several cities of Asia Minor, Macedonia, and Achaia, encountering fiir greater difficulties (2 Cor. 11, 20ss.) than are men- tioned in the Acts of the Apostles. Hated equally by Jews and by Jewish Christians, with many presentiments of his approaching death, he went, about Pentecost in the year 58, to Jerusalem. There, abandoned if not be- trayed by Christians, he was delivered from the hands of the exasperated mob in the temple by the Eoman guards. For two years he was kept in bonds as a Roman citizen, by the procurator Felix in Cesarea ; and when Festus came into the same office, as the successor of Felix, in consequence of his appeal to the emperor he was sent late in the year 60 to Rome. After a stormy voyage, he was kept in slight confinement in that city, and during two years he labored in behalf of the great object of his life, not only with those around him, but by means of epistles and friends with those at a dis- tance. It is hardly possible that he could have survived the persecution under Nero, but he was probably beheaded at Rome (64). That he was liberated, and that he then for the first time visited the utmost limits of Western Europe ,(/) and finally ended his life during a second imprisonment in Rome, appears more like a learned conjecture than an ancient tradition. ((/) His epistles abound in rabbinical explanations, in arguments stated in the form of bold and complex syllogisms, in evidences of a highly wrought intelligence in connection with a profound spirit glowing with benevolence, and in waves of thought which appear to struggle with and break upon one another. His style was concise and often difiicult, but he always had the right word foi every variety of condition, sometimes powerfully convincing or threatening, and at other times carrying all along with him by his cordial expressions of affection. A nature like his may have ascribed some things to a divine reve- lation through visions, which were the result of intelligent reflection, and which may have been influenced by his peculiar physical temperament. (Ä) e) Schneckenbxirger, Apostelgesch. p. 71ss. ; Sclitcegler, nachapostol. Zeitalt. vol. I. p. llGss. ; comp. Neander, [Hist of Plant, and Train. &c. B. III. Ch. 4. p. 76ss. -3 ed. Pbilad. 1844. 8.] /) Clem. Rom. Ep. I. ad Corinth, c. 5. g) Easeh. H. ecc. II, 22 ; — J. P. Mi/iister, de ultiinis annis Muneris ap. a P. gesti. Havn. 1815 \ J. T. L. Danz, de loco Eusebii, qui do altera P. captivitate aglt, Jen. »816. i-—E. F. R. Wolf, de alt. P. captiv. dss. II. Lps. lS19s. ; Baur, die Sogen. Pastoralbr. d. Paul. Stuttg. 1835. p. 63ss ; comp. Tub. Zeitsclir. 1838. H. 3. § 48ss. ; Stud. u. Krit. 1841. H. 1 1) The visions related by Luke in the Acts of tlie Apostles, and the allu.ynns to similar things in gen- ral in the Clementines, are confirmed in 2 Cor. 12, 1-9 50 ANCIENT CHURCH HISTORY. PER. I. DIV. I. TILL A. 1). luB His doctrines are essentially the same with those of Jesus, so far as they pro- ceed from the acknowledgment that Jesus was the Messiah, and are the views of a profoundly religious mind, affected by similar rational prepossessions. They were, however, at the same time, independently founded upon his own peculiar life and conflicts. In the first, he had experienced the remarkable contrast between a period of enmity to Christ, and another in which Christ had become his only life. This private experience he regarded as a specimen of the life of mankind fallen from God by sin, and reconciled to God by Christ, and hence his evangelical instructions were specially directed to the awakening of the consciousness of sinfulness. His conflicts had been princi- pally directed to the liberation of the Christian spirit from the Jewish law. He therefore maintained, that if our whole salvation must come from Christ, the law is not necessary to salvation. The connection between these princi- ples was made out by showing, that as man has not fulfilled the law, the works of the law can only lead to condemnation, and salvation can be ob- tained only by a complete surrender of the heart to Christ ; i. e. by faith alone, not by a descent from Abraham, not by the merit of our own works, but wholly from the free grace of God. Paul acknowledged that the old covenant was divine, but he contended that it was completed by the new covenant of God with man by Christ, so that now it had become an abroga- ted institution. In his estimation, Christ was the substance of all rehgion, and the sole ruler of the world. The advent of Christ to our world was the lofty central point of all human history, from which he looked back upon the preliminary revelation which had been given to Jews and Gentiles, and per- verted by them both, and forward to the final triumph of the kingdom of God, Avhen aU opposition shall be overcome, and Christ himself shah with- draw, that God may be all in all. § 34. Peter. 3fa^/er7iqf, Em\. in d. Petrin. Schrr. Ilauib. 1335; comp. K. ITase, Leben Jesu. p. 1129. [A, Lee, Life t)f the Ap. Peter. Lond. 1862. 12.] The practical energy which Peter possessed, and on which our Lord him- Belf appears to have founded considerable expectations, made him the princi- pal representative at least of the external affairs of the Church, as long as he tarried at Jerusalem (until about 50). At a later period, when at Antioch, principally from regard to particular persons, he relapsed to the exclusively national view of Christianity, he Avas decidedly opposed by Paul (Gal. 2, lis.), who advocated a gospel free for all mankind. In an apostle so prone to extremes, such an act, which almost seems like a second denial of his Lord, is no more incredible on the ground that he had before not only toler- ated, but even been the first to defend Gentile Christianity, than it was in Barnabas. But his former relation to Paul appears never to have been fully restored, for the first epistle which bears his name contains no conclusive evidence of this, and in the memory of the next generation, Peter and Paul were at the head of opposite parties in the Church. According to testimony derived from times after the middle of the second century, mingled, indeed, with many error«, legends and party statements, but proving what must hav« CHAP. II. APOST. CHUECn. § 84. PETER. § 35. PARTIES. 3l oeen the opinion of the Eoman Church, Peter suffered crucifixion at Rome (about 67). ('() Jerome is the first who informs ua (catah c. 1), that he at one time resided at Antioch, and afterwards was for twenty-five years Bishof of Rome. Although satisfactory evidence from the history of Paul proves that he could not have resided for so long a time at Rome, and even older traditions show that he could have sustained no particular office in the church of that place, since they mention, in different orders of succession, Linus, Anacletus, and Clement, as the first bishops of Rome ; (h) it is nevertheless certain, that wherever Peter was, his personal influence would always give him the first position, unless Paul had been by his side. Ilis character is well reflected m the legend of his flight, from which he was recalled by some pungent reproof from the lips of Christ himself, and in that of his crucifixion with his head downwards, (c) § 35. Foaition of Parties in the Time of Paul. In its progress among the heathen, the gospel necessarily appealed entire- ly to the general rehgious spirit which the apostle to the Gentiles recognized even among them, (a) since, with the exception of a few myths which might serve as types of Christ, and some prophetic announcement, made by the Platonic philosophy with which the apostles were unacquainted, it found no promises handed down from the fathers, and only the most obscure expecta- tions. Even after Christianity had torn itself entirely away from the Mosaic law, in consequence of its own origin as well as of that of its principal teachers, the Jewish element was still prominent in the phrases, doctrines, di- vine worship, and poUty of the Church, and it was not remodelled until it gradually became affected by Grecian modes of thought. Jewish and Gen- tile Christianity existed side by side, either mutually recognizing or exclud- ing one another. The former was sustained by the influence of those who had been called the pillars among the apostles, and possessed an external sup- port in the necessities of the poor saints at Jerusalem. (?>) An internal basis was also supplied, by the concession, that it was a duty which national if not religious piety required, for a Jew to adhere flrmly to the law. Each of these forms of Christianity, however, must finally have felt, that its own rights de- pended upon the rejection of the other. It was therefore always urged to adopt the exclusive policy, which was at first precipitated by certain zealots among the Jewish Christians, perhaps through a refusal of social intercourse, or possibly by the uneasiness created in the minds of some Gentile Chris- a) Bioni/sius Corinlh. and Cajus Horn, in Eiigeh. H. ecc. II, 25; (The doubtful te.stimony of Pa- plas, ib. II, 15;) It-en. Ill, 1. 3; Tertul. c. Mara lY. 5 ;— .X van Til, de Petro Romae niartyre, non pontiflce, L. B. ITIO. A\ J. G. Ilerhst, in d. Tub. Quartalschr. 1S20. H. 4. p. 56Tss. ; on the other hand, Fr. Sponhemii. Ds. de ficta profectione Petri in urbem Romam. (0pp. Miseell. Lugd. B. 1703. Tl/. II. P. .3-Slsg.); Baur, in d. Tub. Zeitschr. 1831. H. 4; O. F. v. Aimnon, Fovtb. d Chr. z. Welt- rel. Lpz. 1S40. vol. IV. p. 319ss. b) Emeb. H. ecc. Ill, 2; ßii/ini, Praef. ad Recogn. Petri; even the CaUilogun Liherianun, about 854. On the other hand, the most recent Cath. assertion : Dol- einget', KGeseh. vol. I. Abth. 1. p. 65?s. ; Windischmimn, Vindiciae Petrinae, Ratisb. 1836* Stenglein, in d. Tub. Quartalschr. 1840. II. 2s.; comp. Baur, z. Literatur d. Petrus-Sage, in his Panlns, p. 671ss. c) Enseh. II. ecc. Ill, 1 ; Hieron. catal. c. 1. On the other hand : Tertul. de pracscr. c. 36. [Art. in Kitto's Journal of Bibl. Lit. vol. V.] «) Rom. 1, 19 ; Acts IT, 22-29. I) Gal. 4 10 • 1 Cor. 16. Iss. 32 ANCIENT CnURCn IHSTOET. TEE. I. DIV. I. TILL A. D. 100. tians with respect to the law. (c) If, therefore, Paul himself spoke somewhat equivocally of the exorbitant respect paid to the apostles of Jewish Chris- tianity (2 Cor. 12, 11. Gal. 2, 6), his apostleship, which was referred to by every opponent as destitute of all external proof of a divine call, would be barely tolerated by the more liberal portion of the Jewish Christians, and by the more intolerant portion would be positively rejected. Jewish Christian ity was certainly in the ascendant in Palestine, and there, until the violent measures used by Hadrian, no bishops at Jerusalem were chosen except from among the circumcision, with a decided preference for the acquaintance or kindred of Jesus according to the flesh. (/T) In like manner, in the circle of Paul's influence. Gentile Christianity alone could have been predominant ; and in proof of this, an undeniable document exists in the epistle to the Eo- mans, in which the principal idea is the overwhelming superiority of the number of Gentiles in the Church. It is not, however, probable, that after Paul had been removed, and the destruction of the holy city seemed like a divine judgment against Judaism, any churches composed of persons born and educated as Greeks or Romans would be persuaded to observe the Jew- ish law, although attempts were not wanting even long after the commence- ment of the second century to form associations, and exclude members on this ground. Accordingly, when we find that Hegesippus called the Church, which had existed prior to the death of the apostles, a pure virgin, and on his way to Rome found what he called the irue doctrine with the bishops, we conclude that he must have belonged to that class of Jewish Christians, which, after the example of the prophets, and of our Lord himself, was not op- posed to a Gentile Christianity, (e) The church at Corinth, soon after its or- ganization, presents a picture of the parties formed especially on these con- flicting views. One party, which assumed the name of Peter, may have re- garded at least some parts of the Mosaic law as still in force, while another, called after the name of P<«/?, looked upon the doctrines advocated by him as exclusively Christian. A third party could find true Christianity nowhere so well presented, as in the method of instruction adopted by the learned Alexandrian, Apollos. A fourth, if it was not a mere branch of the Petrins party, maintained that Pan! had never enjoyed the apostolic privilege of a direct intercourse with Christ, and appropriated to itself exclusively the name of Christ, because it rejected all apostolic traditions, and relied entirely upon its immediate union with Christ. (/) Paul did indeed defend his apostolical authority against these various parties, by whom the unity of the Corinthian Church was not destroyed, but he did so only on the ground that he had re- ceived it from Christ himself. He did not deny, that every church had a right to use, for its own edification, the various gifts of its religious teachers, but he warned them that every thing which was not built upon Christ was perishable. He insisted that the Christian was a »ew man, after the image c) C. Siw7>, do abrog. legis Mos. ex Potri, Jac. ct Jo. itemqxie Ecc. ab iisdem constitutariiin Bententia. Monte- Albano. 1842 ; C. E. Sehnrling, do Taulo ejusque adversariis, Ilaun. 133C. d) Euseb. H. ecc. IV, 5 ; Sulp. Sev. IT. sacr. II, 31. e) Euneh. II. ecc. Ill, 82. IV, 23. /) 1 Cor. 1, llsR. comp. 2 Cor. 10, 1 \—Biiur, ü. d. Chris- tuspartei in d. Cor. Gemeinde (Tub. Zeitsohr. 1S31. P. 4. comp. 1886. p. 4), u. Paulus, p. 2rt08S.; Daiu Schenkel, de Ecc Corintlila primaeva factionibus turbata, Bas. 183S; Dr. J. E. Goldhorn, d CHAP. IL APOST. CIIUPvCH. § 85. PARTIES. § 86. JOHN. 33 of God, and was no longer a Greek, or a Jew, or a Barbarian, but Christ was all in all. {g) A new tendency, having its origin among Jewish Christians, made its appearance at Colosse, which promised its votaries a mysterious kind of knowledge, and a power over the spiritual world, on condition that certain unnatural austerities were undergone. (//) On the otlier hand, Paul main- tained, that the highest wisdom was to be found in the simple gospel of Christ, and that a Christian had a rational freedom allowed him with respect to earthly things. § 3G. John. Lücl-e, Vers. e. Vollst Einl. In d. Offenb. Joh. u. in d. apokal. Lit. Bonn. 1S.32. u. Com. n. d Ev. Job. Bonn. ed. 8. 1S40. vol. I. Einleitung; Baumgarten.- Ciuiiiug,'V\\eo\. Ausl. d. Job. Scbr. Jen. 184-3. vol. I. Einleitung;— JT. Prommnnn, d. Jo. Lehrbegr. Lps. 1S39; K. R. Köstlin. Lcbrbegr. d. Ev. u. d. Briefe Jo. Brl. 1848;— G^. C. J. Lidzelherger, d. Kircbl. Tradition ü. d. Ap. Job. in ihrer Grnndlosigkcit. Lps. 1840; Baw\ \\. d. Composition u. d. Cbarakter d. Job. Ev. (Zf'^ter'« Jahrb. 1844. P. 1. Ss.); E. ZelUi\ d. äussern ZeignlBse ü. Dasein u. ürspr. d. 4 Ev. {Ihid. 1845. P. i)\—J. A. IT. Ehvaril, de Ev. Job. u. die neueste Hypothese ü. s. Entsteh. Zur. 1845; — TT'! Grimm, Job. in Ersch. u. Grnber's Encykl. sect. II. vol. XXII. ; comp. /Ti/sr, Leben Jesu. p. 5ss. 112s. [A. Eilgen feld, 4. Ev. u. d. Briefe Jo. nach ihr. Lebrbegr. dargest Halle. 1849.] As far back as the recollection of the churches in Anterior Asia extended, John appears as the central point of interest to all the congregations of Asia Minor, and moving in the same scene of action which had previously been under the care of Paul at Ephesus. He is represented as indignantly con- tending against erroneous teacher.«, whether of the Jewish or Gentile parties, or as reclaiming by love those that were lost, and binding all together in uni- ty. («) He is said, by the legends, to have been miraculously delivered from martyrdom at Eome. (?>) A residence in Patmos, which, according to his own narration (Rev. 1, 9), must have occurred in the time of Galba, was changed by popular rumor in the Church, into a banishment under Domitian, • All traditions, however, agree in declaring, that he attained an age in which the heart alone remains vigorous, (c) and that he finally fell asleep in the midst of his disciples, in the reign of Trajan. His life and death were vividly re- flected in many legendary accounts, the earliest of which were noticed by himself in his gospel (John 21, 22s.) (c7) Even in the middle of the centu- ry, he was the third among the leaders of the Jewish Christians, The book of Revelations, whose authenticity is pretty well confirmed, which is evi- dently conformed to Jewish types and imagery, and must have been com- posed prior to the destruction of Jerusalem, manifestly corresponds to such a position. In that book, the chosen first-fruits around the throne of the Lamb belonged exclusively to the twelve tribes, but beyond these were an innumerable company from among the Gentiles, with palms and white robes, praising also the Lamb that had been slain, (r) The natural progress of a thoughtful man, as it is evident the author of the fourth gospel was, and aa Christnspart. (Illgen's Zeitschr. 1S40. P. 2) ; Dähne, die Christuspart. Hal. 1841; T. F. Kniewel, Ecc. Cor. vctust. dissensiones. Gedan. 1842. 4. g) 1 Cor. 8; Cnl. .S, 10s. K) Col. 'i;—Schnfckenhur' ger, \\. d. Irrlfbrer zu Col. (anbang z. Sehr. ü. d. Proselytentaufe. Brl. 1828. u. Beitr. z. Einl. N. 14); Rheimvahl. de pseudodoctorib. Colo<:s. Veron. Rhen. 18.34. 4. «) Euwl). H. ecc. V, 24. Ill, 2.3. l>) Tertul. de praescr. c. 86. c) TTieron. In Ep. ad Gal. 6. d)Au- gmtine, dc Trin. VI, 39; Pmudo-Ilippolyt. de consummat. mundi (Hipp. 0pp. ed. Fabr. Append. i 14); com) . Fabricii, Cod. Apoc. Th. II. p. 538. e) Rev. 7, 4-10. comp. Jo. 4, 22. 3 34 ANCIENT CHURCH HISTORY. PER. I. DIV. I. TILL A,. D. 100. one so specially beloved of the Lord must have been, during a period exten sive as that of an ordinary generation, and spent among churches which had enjoyed Greek culture and the labors of Paul, will sufficiently account for any apparent discrepancies, or tokens of advancement, which one may notice in passing from the Reveiations to the Gospel and the first epistle of John. In these later productions, the same spiritual and comprehensive views of Christianity prevail, which are so manifest in the epistles of Paul, but they seem to indicate that the mental conflicts of the writer had passed away. I This gospel, moreover, seems to appeal not so much to a spirit conscious of sin, and specially feeling its need of salvation, as to something exalted in the existing nature of man, and its aspirations after perfection. Christianity, therefore, appears there to consist not so much in mere faith in the mercy of God through Christ, as more immediately in love, and in the union of the divine and human in the heart, which was complete in Christ, and is de- signed for our race. The incarnate Logos is a borrowed symbol of this uni- ty, partially indicated before in the epistles of Paul, (/) but presented in the gospel in a dogmatic form. It there appears as a celestial being not belong- ing to our race, but taking the place of beloved man, although, in conse- quence of personal recollections of Jesus, it is pervaded by historical facts of the most perfect human character. The love which John inculcated, is pow- erful enough to conquer death, and penetrate through all obstacles up to God. I The most flourishing form of Christianity, in past or future times, is here ] partially presented. It consists in a life, even on earth, of tranquil, unbro- ' ken, and everlasting rest in God, in wliich aU apparent schism between the present and the future, the human and the divine, has been overcome. § 37. Parties in the Time of John. The same si;bjects which were destined to agitate the Church in future ages, began already to be discussed among opposing parties. The various views and sects which had formerly prevailed among the Jews, were certain- ly carried forward in the very commencement, so as to produce similar vari- eties among Jewish Christians. Even the difl:erent conceptions which were then entertained of Jesus, had their origin in the national expectations of the Jews respecting their Messiah. But as every account we have of them belongs to a later age, it may be that the first power of Christian love, com- bined with the external influence of Gentile Christians, was then sufiicient to .hold together even opposing elements. The feelings of bitterness which, ac- cording to the prominent recollections of the Church in the next century, the epostle John entertained toward Cerinihvs^ were too peculiar to have been awakened by the existence of any thing in the latter of a merely Jewish f) The passsure in 1 Cor. 8, 6. 15, 47. cannot be explained away ; hence tlie more distinct and prominent references to a Son of God wlio existed before tlie world, and created it, wbicli are found in the Ejip. to Ibe Colossians, Ephosians and Philippians, form no ground for suspecting the genuineness of thoee writings. Although all views not merely accidental must liave their appropriate time of develop- uient, the Jewish notions of the Messiah and the Alexandrian doctrine of the Logos were so pre- adjusted to one another, that they might easily be supposed to have been all combined togetlie» in a single night CHAP. II. AI'OST. CUÜECII. § 37. CERINTHUS. § 38. TRADITIONS. 35 character, (a) On the supposition that this Cerinthus taught, as he is said, especially in Roman and Alexandrian accounts, to have done, that a millen- nial kingdom of the most sensuous nature was to be expected, that the ob- servance of the law was indispensable to salvation, and that the origin of Jesus was merely human, (/>) such views were at that time by no means un- common. If, as Irenaeus declares, he regarded the Creator of the world as an inferior being, so that the Most High God was not revealed until he ap- peared through Christ as a superior being, in connection with the man Jesus, from the time of the baptism till the crucifixion, (c) he must, like John himself, have meant that the law was only intended for the development of the kingdom, and that the sensuous glory of that kingdom was merely alle- gorical, (d) In conformity with his Alexandrian education, he regarded the Creator of the world as an intermediate divine being, in the service of the supreme celestial Deity, (e) Those who looked upon matter as essentially evil, in accordance with a doctrine springing from an overwrought Platon- ism, or from Hindoo speculations, and certainly prevalent in Alexandria, must have been offended at the idea of a revelation of Deity through sensible ob- jects. Accordingly, the various forms of Doeetism agreed in declaring, that every thing corporeal in Christ was only in appearance, and for the manifes- tation of the Spirit, and that his life was merely a continual Theophany. It was against the subtiliziug process which this view rendered necessary with respect to the evangelical history, that testimony was borne probably even in the epistles of John, and certainly in those which bear the name of Igna- tius. (/) The Nicolaitans^ whose name was doubtless symbolical, and founded upon traditional recollections, were merely the first representatives of a large class of thinkers in subsequent times, who abused the spiritual superiority of Christianity to all corporeal objects, to give countenance to the Greek frivol- ity with respect to the relations of the sexes, (g) § 38. Trc(ditio7is respecting the Apostles. The stories which have been related with regard to a division of the world by lot among the apostles, of the composition of a creed in Jerusalem at the time of their separation twelve years after the Ascension, of their celibacy or continence, and of their martyrdom, belong to the legends of tho fourth and fifth centuries. According to earlier traditions, which, however, present no individuality of character, Thomas went to Parthia, Amlrew to Scythia, (-() Bartlwlomew to India, (h) and Philip died at Hierapolis, in Phry- gia. In one of the most copious, a story is told, and highly embellished, of a mission of Thaddens to Abgarus, prince of Edessa, in consequence of an earlier correspondence between Jesus and that prince, (f) a) lien. Ill, S -Schmidt, Cerinth e. jndais. Christ. In s. Bibl. f. Kritik, u. Ex. vol. I. p. ISlss.; PauluK, Hist. Cer. (Introd. in N. T. cap. selectiora. Jen. 1T99); comp. B,iur, Chr. Gnosis. Tub. 1835. p. 117. 4n3ss. V) Ea-ieh. H. ecc. Ill, 2S ; Epiph. haer. 28. c) Iren. I, 26. d) Iren. V, HS. e) The- odoret. Hacret. fabb. II, 3; Iren I, 26. /) 1 Jo. 1, 1-3; 4, 28. ; 2 Jo. 7; Ignatius ail E[ibe?. c. 7. 18. ad Smyrn. c. 1-8 ;— .1 H. Niemeper, de Docetis. Hal. 1S23. 4. g) Rev. 2, 6. 14ss. ; 2 Pet. 2, 10 : Jud. 11, viKuv rbv \anu, CV ^32 , comp. Iren. I, 26; Clem. StroD). II. p. 4908.; III. p. b22s.;—3Ivn- $cher, VeruiuUi. ü. "d. Xikolaiten (Gabler's Journ. f. Theol. Lit. 1803. vol. V. p. 17ss.); Ewald, in A-pocal. Jo. p. 110; Gf rarer, Gesch. d. Urchr. I, 2. p. 402'^. a) Eu%eh. II. ecc. Ill, 1. h) Ibid. V, 10. c) Hid. I, 13; K. Ilase, Leben Jesn p. lis. 56 ANCIENT CHURCH HISTOET. PER. I. DIV. I. TILL A. D. 100. §39. Apostolical Fathers of the First Ce7itunj. f^^tt Ct// J Patrntti qui tempoHbiis apostolorum flornenint, 0pp. ed. CotHeriux. Par. 1672. rep. Clericut Amst (1698.) 1724. 2 Th. f. ; Patrum app. 0pp. ed. limel, Lond. 1796. 2 Th. ; Patrum app. 0pp. ed. Fefrle. Tub. (1S39. 1843.) 1:847. {A. JBatlur, Lives of the Fatliers, Martyrs, &c. Lond. 1833. 2 vols. 8, F. BicK-e/fitfith., Tba Clir. Fathers of tlic First and Second Centuries. Lond. 1845. 12; Ahp. Wca-e, Ap. Fathers. Lond. 1S17. S.]—lTe!/n.i et van Gllne, Commentt. de Patrum app. doctrlna mo. rali. Lugd. 1833. 4. {[lilgerfeld, d. Erforschungen ü. d. S,!hrr. Ap. Väter. Berl 1854. 8.] When the contemporaries and disciples of the apostles left behind them any writings, they were distinguished by the ancient Church as apostolic fathers. The genuineness of their writings cannot be perfectly maintained, especially against the suspicion of having been revised in later times. They resemble the writings of the apostles not so much in their distinct and intel- lectual peculiarities, as in their general conception of Christianity, without doctrinal precision or references to Grecian learning. The epistle of Bariin- has treats of the relation of Christianity to Judaism, in the manner of the epistle to the Hebrews, with an allusion to the temple of Jerusalem as if it were already destroyed. In spite of the powerful historical proofs we pos- sess of the genuineness of the epistle, the insipid spirit and the stupid arbi- trariness of its allegorical explanations, continually suggest doubts whether it could be the production of a man once regarded as the equal of Paul, (n) The epistle of Clemens Eomumts (Phil. 4, 3) to the Corinthians, was intend- ed to effect a reconciliation between the parties which had been organized among them. It inculcates the doctrine of justification by faith, but, in the spirit of Paul, it exhorts all to adorn themselves also with good works. The se- cond epistle which bears the name of the same writer, is generally of a devo- tional character, but it is a mere fragment, and of a very doubtful authenticity. The Shepherd of Hermas is a strenuous exhortation to morality, enforced by the prospect of the second advent of Christ. It is in the form of direct rev- elations from God, and visions of angels. In the manner of Jewish Chris- tians, it displays great confidence in the holiness of good works, but contains evidence that baptism had already taken the place of circumcision. The in^ dividual whose composition it professes to be, is unknown, but the general use made of it in the churches of the second century, for devotional reading, indicates that he must have been an apostolical personage, (b) §40. Political Occrtlirow of Jmlaism. Josephi de bello Jud. I. TIL; Taciti, Hist. V, 1-18. The obstinacy of the Jewish nation may have required unusual severity on the part of the Romans, but the extreme violence of the procurator GeS' a) In favor of its genuineness: E. ITenke, de Epistolae quae Barn, trlbnitur, antlientia. Jen. 1827; Äörrfa/n, de auth. Ep. B. Ilafn. 1828; I/averk-oni vaii lii/senn/A; de B. Arnhem. 1835. On the other side: Ulhnann, in d. Stud. u. Krit, 1828. P. 2 ; Zug. in d. Zoitsclir. f. d. Erzbisth. Freyb. P. 2s.; mfele, d. Sendschr. d. Ap. B. untersuclit, übersetzt u. erklärt. Tub. 1840;—/). Schenkel (Stud, n. Krit. 1837. 11. 3.) contends for the interpolation of c. 7-12. 15. 16. by some Therapeutic Jewish Christians; Ileberle, in d. Stud. d. Geistl. Würtcmb. 1846. P. 1. Chap. 16 seems to refer to the Temple of Aelia Capltolina. l) Rom. 16, 14. 'O iroißvv. Pastor. Lat translation and Greek Frag- ments;— üntlz, Ditqq. in Pastorem Ilerniae. P. I. Bonn. 1820. 4; Jitchmann, d. Ilirte dos Ilerroas KüDigsb. 1835. CHAP. II. APOST. CnUECn. § 40. JERUSALEM. § 41. KMPEEOES. 37 $ius Florus (after 61), could find no palliation except in the insurrections to wliicli be bad driven tbe people. Tbey bad entered upon tbe war (CG), not so much in tbe hope of victory, as in despair of all earthly peace. Legions had fallen in tbe mountains of Judea, when Vesjmsian (after 67), and after his elevation to the imperial throne, tbe Ofesar Titus (70), arrayed tbe whole power of tbe empire against Jerusalem. Tbe Christian churches, remember- ing the prophecy which Jesus had left them, abandoned their native land, and betook themselves to Pella, on tbe other side of Jordan. Though famine and civil war raged in Jerusalem, every offer of mercy connected with the condition of renewed servitude was scornfully rejected, and the holy city was at last destroyed in a sublime death-struggle against the whole power of tbe Eoman world. § 41. The Soman Civil Poicer. [J! Arnold, Later Koman Commonwealth. New York. 1S46. 3 vols. 8.] It was the policy of the Koman government to permit all nations nnder its yoke to retain their own gods, but some very ancient laws, forbidding any Eoman citizen to worship divinities not recognized by the State, and any conquered nation to propagate their religion in other parts of tbe Empire, were still in existence. («) Hence, the more Christianity disconnected itself from Judaism, the more it lost the right of toleration conceded to every national religion, and by its eff"orts to make spiritual conquests it became ob- noxious to the laws. In the time of the Caesars, however, so strong were tbe inclinations of tbe people toward foreign religions, and so numerous the admissions of foreigners to tbe rights of citizenship, that these laws bad be- come nearly obsolete, and could be j-estored to their authority only by special acts of power, (J) There is no other authority for believing that Tiberim ever adopted Christ as one of bis household gods, but the legends of the second century, (c) Under Claudius^ Christians were expelled from Rome (53) merely as Jews, {d) Nero (64) transferred to tbe Christians the guilt of his own incendiary conduct, and caused all who could be found in the city to be put to death, for although they were generally regarded as innocent of the crime imputed to them, they were condemned as enemies of the human race, (e) Under Domitian (81-96) tbe charge of Christianity was used as a pretext, by which persons might be convicted of a kind of high treason, that so their property might be confiscated, and themselves banished or executed. Flavins Clemens^ a man of consular dignity, and belonging to the imperial family, was put to death, and his wife Domitilla was banished to an island, according to Roman accounts for contempt of the gods, and giving themselves up to Jew- ish practices, but according to Christian views as martyrs for tbe truth. (/) Some persons arraigned before the emperor, on account of their connection, by birth, with Jesus, were dismissed without molestation, as harmless peas- a) Cicero de legib. II, 8. h) Fr. WalcJi, de Eomanorum in tolerandis cliversis religionibus dis- eiplina imblica. (Nov. Commentt. Soc. Eeg. Goett 1733. voL III.) c) Terial. Apologet, c. 5. 21 In favor of it; B.iiun,(ie Tiberii Christum in deomm numerum referendi consilio, Boon. ISoi <0 Sueton. Claud, c. 'iS; Ammon, Pg. in Suet. Claud, c 25. Erl. 1S13. 4. e) Taciti Ann. XV, 44 Awetora. Nero, c. 16. /) Stieton. Dom. c. 15; Dio Cassitis (Epit Xiphilini), LXVII, 14; Euseb. 38 ANCIEKT CiniRCn HISTORY. PER. I. DIY. I. TILL i. D. 100. ants, {g) Nerva (96-98) forbade that any one should be accused for being a Christian. In the midst of these persecutions, Christians made no resistance further than individually to assert their innocence, and then silently resign themselves to their fate, {h) Near the close of the first century churches were to be found in all the principal cities of the Eastern empire, but in the "West there are no distinct traces of them, out of Italy. The first converts vrere principally slaves, laborers, and women, but so numei'ous were they, that even then it is said, the temples of Asia Minor were deserted, and fleso which had been otfered to idols could find no sale. § 42. Constitution of the Local Churches, C. M. Pfitff, ) The ordinary mode of life in each congregation pre- sented many points of comparison with that which existed among the Essenes. (c) Christians regarded themselves, in contrast with the world, as the consecrated people of Go'l. Every intellectual faculty, according to ita peculiar nature, was enlisted in the service of the kingdom of God, and when exalted by the common spirit of the Church, was looked upon as a gracious gift of the Holy Ghost. Hence, while there were many gifts, there was hut one Spirit. The most remarkable of these gifts was the power of miracu- lously healing the sick, at first more especially exercised by Peter, but after- wards supposed to be a permanent possession of the Church. The Holy Ghost was regarded as the common spirit of the whole Church, proceeding directly from Christ, awakening and appropriating to its use the sacred en- thusiasm of each individual. The external manifestations of this spirit were sometimes genuine exhibitions of divine power, but were sometimes con- founded with the fanatical irruptions of a high religious excitement, and in all cases were regarded as fulfilments of a prophetic metaphor of Messianic prophecy. {(I) The sincere piety which generally prevailed, however, did no* always prevent the pride which flatters itself on account of its external sei vices, nor did the extraordinary brotherly love which the great body ot Christians exhibited, entirely suppress some manifestations of envy and party spirit. When persecution was expected, it was not uncommon for some among the Jewish Christians to save themselves by apostacy, and among the Gentile portion of the Church sins were sometimes committed which were regarded as unpardonable, (e) Even when Christian morality had been in- fluenced by Jewish views of personal purity, it had much to contend with in the sensuality of the Greeks. Eastings and abstinences, which had been re- garded from a period of great antiquity, as conducive to a pious disposition, together with some festivals, were very soon introduced into the Christian Church. Paul, it is true, rejected them when any attempted to enforce them as a matter of legal obligation, or of personal merit, but he looked upon vir- ginity as a very desirable condition, and expressed an inferior regard for the married state. (/) No change was required in the social relations of hfe, but they were exalted by higher motives and principles, (g) All hope of an earthly theocracy was apparently destroyed by the death of Jesus, but Chris- tians generally believed that Christ was to return to the world a second time, and many indulged the hope that they would live to witness his advent. This fiiith gave birth to the boldest expectations, partaking generally of a sensuous character, and while it seemed a national necessity, and a religious consola- tion to the Jewish, it was a source of anxiety and perplexity to the Grecian congregations. (A) § 44. Mode of WorsJiip. The devotional exercises of the Christian assemblies, like those of the Jewish synagogues, consisted principally of prayers, singing of hymns, and »d n. ecc. Alton. 1743. Th. IL) h) Acts 5, 1-11. c) Comp. G/rörer, Gesch. d. Urchr. III. p. 8.558«. d) Act>t 2, 15-18, / Cor. 12, 4. 14, Iss. e) Ueb. 6, 4«s. 10, 25ss.— /. Jo. 5, 16. /) /. Cor. 7, Is. 82ss g) Ep. ad Philemon. W) After the Apocalypi) Num 24,17. After his failure he was called: i/(> Om«. LXVIII 82; LXIX, 12ss. ; Euseb. II. ecc. IV, 2. G; Jmtini, Ap. I. c. 31.— II. Dei/ling, Aeliae Cap. Ort- gines et Ilist. Lps. 17-13 ; Munter, der Jfid. Krieü unter Traj^in u. Iladr. Altona u. Lps, 1821 CHAP. L STRUGGLE OF CHEISTIANITY. § 46. TnDAI^V. § 47. ROMANS. 43 at Tiberias, in tlie school of Hillel, in which the Mosaic law, in its utmost extent, though partially accommodated to the times, was taught by a class of teachers permanently set apart to this work. The traditions of the scribea here reduced to writing (Jlishiia, about 220), with explanations (Gemara, in the 4th cent.), constituted, in subsequent times, the principal book for in- struction and religious law {Talmud). A still greater influence was after- wards acquired by the schools on the Euphrates, in which the Babylonian Talmud was composed of the same general materials (430 till 5^1). and be- came more generally esteemed, on the ground that it was a more distinct form of modern Judaism. The Jews, who were the sources of all the calum- nies heaped upon Christ and the Church, knew very well how to excite the Bame hatred against the Christians of which they were themselves the vic- tims, (d) The feelings of Christians with respect to the Jews still remained of a contradictory character. In a dialogue of Justin, in which the author replies to the objections of a candid Jew against the vocation of Jesus, and the transitory nature of the divine law, the position is assumpd that the Mo- saic precepts and institutions were only prefigurations and symbols either of what Christ did, or of what happened to him and his followers, (e) It was even then asserted, that Christianity had been rejected by the people amona: whom it originated, and that the few who had embraced it were by no means the most faithful and consistent Christians. (/) The proofs adduced bv Cyprian are a collection of pertinent and impertinent passages of Scripture to show that the Jews were to be cast oif, and that all the prophecies eithe had been or would be fulfilled by Christ, (g) § 47. Tlie Roman People and Empire. Kortholt, Paganus obtrectator, Kilon. 169S. ^\ J. J. JTulderici, Gentilis obtreetator, Tigur. 1744 Papst, de culpa Chrlstianor. in vexatt. motis a Rom. Eri. 17S9. S Pgg. 4; Munter, die Cliristin ia heidnischen Hause vor Constantin, Kopenh. 1S2S. From the time of Trajan, the Roman people had been accustomed in a tumultuous manner to demand that Christians should be put to death. This proceeded originally from persons who either derived their support from some connection with idolatry, or found their principal honor or pleasure in the cultivation of pagan literature. But internaEy decayed, as heathenism then was, it could never have awakened such a powerful opposition, and, in the course of the struggle, have won for itself once more a high degree of attach- ment, merely by appeals in behalf of the old idolatry. The whole common feeling of the ancient world, and the chief glory of the present life, was as- sailed by Christianity, and the people saw nothing proposed in return but a severe and cheerless system of virtue, in which the world was rendered a desert, that an uncertain heaven might be won. The hatred thus awakened endeavored to justify itself by suspicions. The spiritual worship of an in- visible God was denounced as atheism ; participation in the sacred body of d) Jiiettn. c. Trvph. c. I6s. ; Tertvl. ad nation. I, 14. e) iiiiXoyos irpb? Tpv1)wva 'lov^aiov. Kd. Jelb, Lond. 1719: 0pp. rec. J. C. T. Otto, Jen. lS42s. Th. U.;—Miinschfir, an Dial. c. Tryph. Justino rpcte adseribatnr? (Commentt theol. ed. Rosenmueller, Lps. 1S26. Th. I. P. 2, p. 184ss.) /) Justini, Apol. I. c. 5-3. g) Testimoniorum adv. Judaeos, I. III. a ANCIENT CHUKCH HISTORY. PEE. I. DIV. II. A. D. 100-312. Christ was represented as a Thyestean feast ; the privacy of the Christian as- semblies was looked upon as a cloak for conspiracy, and for secret crimes ; and the fraternal fellowship which generally j)revailed among Christians, was suspected as the result and the occasion of unnatural lasciviousness. The re- proaches heaped upon each other by the Church and the various Christiai sects, (a) and tne confessions wrung by torture from heathen slaves, with re- speci" to their Christian masters, (I/) appeared to confirm the suspicions of those who were anxious to find evidences of guilt. The public misfortunes in which that age abounded, were all regarded as divine judgments for the dishonor done to the offended gods. But to persons of distinction, and to those who had been educated in the spirit of the times, Christianity appeared to be a dark superstition of an infatuated rabble. The magistrates were, in- deed, frequently induced to persecute Cliristians, by the clamors of the mul- titude, and by their own pass^ions ; but the true reason for it was to be found in motives of state policy. Christians looked upon it as dangerous to take the oath of allegiance which the soldiers were obliged to receive, or to per- form the duties of any public or civil office, (c) although many overcame their religious scruples from a regard to personal advantages or feelings of duty. Although they generally submitted to every outrage inflicted upon them by the magistrates, whom they regarded as appointed by God, their vast number and mutual fellowship rendered them formidable to the civil authorities. Indeed, this consciousness of their own power, and their con- viction that the empire was destined to a speedy overthrow were so openly expressed, (J) that their assurances of fidelity and loyalty appeared quite sus- picious. At all events, the State was torn by dissensions, and as long as any hope remained of overcoming Christians by terror, sanguinary measures were looked upon as likely to result in good. The fate of Christians was, it is true, determined by the imperial edicts in every part of the empire, but it was rendered mild or severe according to the popular sentiment in each pro- vince and the personal feelings of the local magistrate. § 48. Conduct of the Individual Emperors during the Second and Third Ccti- turies. Franc. Bnlduini, Comnitr. ad edicta vett. prince. Eom. de Christianis, Hal. 1727. 4\ C D. A Martini, Perseciitiones Cbristianorum sub Impp. Eom. Eostocli. 1802s. 3 Coinin. 4; Schumann V. Maiisegg, die Veifo!gunsen d. ersten cliristl. Kirche. Vlcn. 1S21 ; G. S. Kopke, de statu et condlt. Chrlstlanorum sub Impp. Eom. alterius post Chr. Saec. Ber. 182S. 1. A noble race of emperors, in whom the Greek and Roman spirit was once more revived, were, in the old Roman style, either indilforent or severe in their treatment of Christianity. A rescript of Trajan (98-117), in reply to some inquiries of Plinius (about 110) respecting the conduct to be pursued towards Christians, directed that they should not be sought after by the civil authorities, but that all legally arraigned by accusers before the courts, wen a) Tertnl. de jejun. c. 17 ; 'Clem. Strom. III. p. 511 ; Eii-ieb. H. ecc. IV. 7. I) Exmeh. 11. ecc. VI, 1. c) Tertul. dc cor. c 11 ; Apologet c. 88; de Pallio, c. 5; Jiuinart, Acta Martyr, cd. 2. p. 2998 d) TertuJ. Apologet, c. 37. The Apocalypse of John, and many things in the bibvllino books, 1/a« Already aunouuced these. CHAP. I STRUGGLES OF CnPJSTIANITT. § 48. ROMAN EMPERORS. 45 either to be pardoned if they denied the charge or repented, or given over to death if they continued obstinate. He however allowed, that no uniform rule could be prescribed in this matter. So many of them in Bithynia and Pontus were induced to invoke the gods, to anathematize Christ, and to honor the statue of the emperor with offerings of wine and incense, that Pliny in- dulged the hope that, by a skilful combination of mildness and severity, he would soon be able to put an end to this superstition, (ft) The aged Syvieon., the son of Cleopas, and the successor of James at Jerusalem, being accused before Atticus, the governor of the city, of being a Christian, and of tbe family of David, was crucified (107), QJ) and Ignatiu», Bishop of Antioch, after a personal audience Avith the emperor, was torn to pieces by lions in the Coliseum, for the amusement of the Roman people (116). (e) About this time, the people began at their festivals, or in time of piibllc calamity, to demand the blood of Christians. Hadrian (117-138) and Antoninus Pius (138-161) therefore checked these tumultuous proceedings, by directing that the strict forms of law belonging to the usual trials should be observed. {cT) The stoical repugnance which Marcus Aurelius (161-180) felt toward the en- thusiasm of the Christians, induced him to allow the popular hatred in south- ern Gaul and Asia Minor to have its full career of blood, {e) Polycnrp^ Bishop of Smyrna, the last living relic of Apostolic days, died (169) at the stake, because he refused to curse the Lord whom he had faithfully served for 86 years. (/) The miracle of the Legio fulminatrix (174) was either not important enough, or not sufficiently authenticated, to turn the philosophic emperor from his course, (f/) 2. Until some time in the middle of the third century, the emperors were either indilFerent or favorable to Christianity ; but as the ancient laws still remained unrepealed, its adherents were depend- ent upon the caprice of the municipal governors. The wanton cruelty of Commodus (180-192) was softened to mildness with respect to Christians, by the influence of his paramour Marcia-, and yet Apollonius was put to death, principally, however, on account of his eloquent apology for Christian- ity before the Senate. His accuser was executed at an earlier period, per- haps as his slave. (/;) SepfAmius Severm (192-211) merely prohibited the further propagation of Christianity. (?) The enmity which Caracnlla (211-217) bore toward the whole human race, amounted only to indiflTprence with respect to the Church. {Ic) The effeminate pleasure which Heliogahalvs (218-222) took in oriental systems of religion, operated favorably in behalf of Christianity. (/) "With a nobler appreciation of its spiritual nature, AleX' ä)Plinii, Epp. X. p. 968. (al. 97s.); Tertul. Apologet, c. 2; Emeb. H. ecc. Ill, 1Z\— Haver- saat, Vertheidigang der Plin. Briefe ü. d. Christen, Gott. 17SS. V) Eweh. H. ecc. Ill, 32, comp. 11. «fter Ilege^ippns. e) Ea^eh. 11. eec. Ill, 26 : Acta martyrii Ignat. in Ruimirt, p. Sss. (T) Jmtini, Apol. I. c. 6S; Riißn, H. ecc. IV, 9; Enseh. H. ecc. IV, 26; comp. Spartinni, Hadr. c. 22. On the spnriousness of the Edictum ad Commnne Asiae in Euseb. IV, 13, and Just. 1. c. consult Utiffner de Edicto Antonini pro Christ Argent 1781. 4. e Morcu» Aur. Trphs eavrov XI, 3; Euseh. II ecc. V, 1-3. /) Ecclesiiie Smyrnensis de martyrlo Polycarpi Ep. Encycl. In Euseb. H. ecc. IV, 15. A fuller recension in Ruinart, p. 31s8. g) Tertul. Apologet c. 5; Emeb II. ecc. V, 5. For tli« views entertained by heathen, see Dio Cass. Epit, Xipliilini LXXI, 8; (Siiirff/«, verb. 'louAiovbs, Jul. Capitolin. Marc. Anr. c. 24. h) F.useb. H. ecc. V, 21 ; Uieron. catal. c. 42. i) Spnrtinni, So- Ter. c. 17. comp. Ttrtul. ad Scapul. c 4 k) Tertul. ad Scapul. c. 4. I) Lamprid. llellog. c. 3, 46 ANCIENT CHÜECH HISTOKY. PER. I. DIV. II. A. D. 100-312. ander Severvs (222-235) placed tlie statue of Christ among his householä gods, and practically recognized the Christian congregation at Rome as a civil cori)oration. His mother, Julia Mammaea, while at Antioch, took de- light in the learning of Origen. {iri) In the view of Maximinus the Tliracian (235-238), the murderer of Alexander, such favor was a sufficient reason for persecuting him who had received it. Among those who followed him in rapid succession in the imperial throne, Fhilip the Arabian (244-249) was so favorable to Christianity, that the report became almost universal, that he was himself a Christian, {n) 3. The Church finally became so powerful, that it became necessary either to acknowledge its legality, or to persecute it with all the power of the empire. Dccius (249-251) raised the first general persecution, by requiring the magistrates to institute inquisitorial proceed- ings. Those who sustained office in the Church directly met death, or if they fled, they purchased life with the loss of property and home, (o) To this distressing period, popular tradition has assigned the commencement of the slumber of the seven children of Ephesus, who did not awake until the time of Theodosius II. (447), and were then astonished to find the persecuted sign of the cross ruling over the imperial city and the world. (;>) Gallus (251-253) was prevented only by the political commotions of his reign from completing the sanguinary work of his predecessor. Valerianns (253—260), after a brief period of favor toward the Church, sought systematically to de- stroy it by exterminating its officers, {q) But Oalliemis (260-268; gave peace to the whole Church, by an edict in which he recognized it as a civil corpo- ration, (r) Aurelianus (270-275), who atone time had consented to act as an umpire between contending bishops, determined afterwards, from heathenish scruples, to persecute the Christians. His death was effected by a military conspiracy before the execution of his purpose, (*■) and during a long period of rest, the government appeared to have abandoned for ever the unequal con- test of mere force in opposition to spiritual principles. § 49. Internnl History of Paganism After the middle of the first century, in consequence of intercourse with the east, and of the pressure of internal elements, the intellectual world made considerable progress. On the one hand, with a high-wrought religious fer- vor, it overpassed the proper limits of heathenism, and connected itself some- times with a particular phase of Platonism, and sometimes with the pure and self-denying mode of life which tradition assigned to the Pythagorean system. On the other hand, when it was only partially aroused, it carried the spiritual element into the world of sense, that it might obtain a control over the latter by magical arts, and penetrate the mysteries of the world of spirits. We therefore find, in the very midst of great moral corruption, and the dissolution of all social and natural ties, initiations into wonderful m) Lamprid. Alex. Sever, c. 20. 49. comp. 28. 48. 4.'i; Eiiseh. H. ecc. VI, 21. 28. «) Enxfi?!. H. ecc. VI, 84; Hieron. Cliron. ad ann. 246. o) Enaeh. IL ecc. VI, 40-42; Cypiinn, de l.ipsis, and liia epis- tles written at this time; Liictant. de mortib. c. 4. p) Gregor. Tiiron, de gloria Mart, Par. 1640 p. 215s.; Riineiviuii do 7 dorinientib. Lps. 1702. Sanctor. 7 dorniientiiim Hist. Rom. 1742. 4 q) Euseh. II. ecc. VII, 10s. ; Ctjpriani Ep. 82. r) Emeb. II. ecc. VH, 13. «) Euseh. 11. eea VII, 80; Lactiint de mortib. c. 6. CHAP. I. STRUGGLES OF CHEISTIANITT. § 50. NEW PLATONISM. 47 mysteries, a capricious confidence in miracles, extreme self-denials, and san- guinary expiations, (a) In the attempted union of Polytheism and Mono« theism, the gods were regarded only as diiferent names of the one God, or as the organs through which he revealed himself to his creatures. Even the Stoa, hy the influence of E2nctetus (about 100), received a character which no longer sought virtue in perpetual struggles, but in patient endurance. The literature of that period, generally a forced after-growth of a mighty nature then extinct, gradually developed the characteristics of credulity and superstition. Even as early as the time of Plutarch (50-120), Avith all his enthusiasm for the exalted models of antiquity, his writings abound in much which is fantastic. Äellan (about 222) is full of pious legends about the manifestations of the Deity in nature and in common life. The spirit of the age is well reflected in the animated but extravagant Avritings of the African rhetorician Apuleius (about 170), in which are sensual thoughts side by side with pious fanaticism, and satires upon superstition mingled with supersti- tious dreamings. (Ö) This tendency, when it first came in contact with Christianity, appropriated to itself many Christian elements, merely that it might become a better match for its opponent. The real ApoUonius of Ty- ana (3796) travelled about in the character of a reformer of heathenism, striving to give to it the character of unlimited faith which we have de- scribed, and deceived many by the strange revelations which he probably ac- complished by some magnetic clairvoyance, so that he became honored as a prophet, and sometimes even as God. But in a rhetorical work, in which Philostratus (about 230) professed to give his life, and attempted to present him before the world as the Christ of heathenism, he became the ideal of a holy sage wonderfully honored by the gods, {c) On the other hand, there were some who attempted to represent the mighty world-spirit of the ancient Greek philosophy, but they uniformly found, that while aiming to personate such a character in one respect, they were inconsistent with it in another. § 50. Neic Platonism. I. Plotini, 0pp. omnia; Porphi/rii "Liher de vita Plottni, ed. Creuzer, Oxon. 1836. 3 vols, 4; Tlop(pvpiov (pi\oa6fis Ttphs XpKTTiavov^. Fragmentein the polemical writings of i^iweft. contra Hicrocl. liber. — Lactant da tuortib. c. 16. e) Codex Justin. 1. I. tit. 1. const 8. a) Euseh. H. ecc. IV, 3, comp. Ilieron. catal. c. 19s. I) Apologia I. ot II. ed. Thalemnnn. Lps, 1755; 0pp. rec OUo. Th \.— Arendt, Krlt ynters. ü. d. Schrr. Just. (Tub. Quartalschr. 1834 CHAP. I. STRUGGLES OF CIIEISTIANITY. § 52. APOLOGISTS. 51 Tinder a sense of unjust oppression, are valuable rather for the spirit, than for the talent or caution displayed in them. Even after he had become an evan- gelist, he still retained his philosopher's cloak, and having wandered through all tho existing schools of philosophy, he had found peace at last in the gos- pel of Christ. Although he disparages Greek learning by maintaining that it had been borrowed from Hebrew sources, he acknowledged that what was a perfect light in Christianity may have been essentially the same with the dim revelations of the divine Spirit in the Grecian systems. In this way he found a point of accommodation by which he could unite both systems to- gether. Occupying essentially the same ground with that which had been taken by the apostle Paul, he seems either totally unconscious of the fact, or to have regarded it with the prejudices of a Jewish Christian, (f) The only answer which the philosophical emperor, and perhaps also the cynical phi- losopher Crescens, who was attacked in the second Apology, condescended to give, was the execution of the Christian philosopher at Eome (161-8). (d) His disciple Tatlamts from Assyria, wrote intelligently, but with passionate errors respecting Greek customs and philosophy, (e) The author of the epis- tle to Diognetits shows that he had enjoyed a Greek education, and that he was animated by a Christianity which was entirely a new religion. (/) Athe- nagoras^ by mild and judicious appeals to Marcus Aurelius, attempted to prove that Christians were innocent of the crimes imputed to them and were worthy of the imperial favor, (f/) Melito^ Bishop of Sardis, especially skilled in the literature of the Old Testament, a eunuch for the kingdom of heav- en's sake, and esteemed by his people as a prophet full of the Holy Ghost, sought justice from the same prince in behalf of a philosophy which had in- deed originated among barbarians, but had risen under Augustus as a propi- tious star for the Roman empire, and had advanced simultaneously with it. (//) The three books of TheojjhUus oi Aviiiocih (170-180), addressed to Autolycus, contain a carefully written but narrowly conceived defence of the Christian party ; (?) and the mockeries heaped upon the pliilosophers of that period by Hermias^ present a superficial but witty caricature of the paradoxi- cal questions which engrossed their attention. (Ä) The Octavius, a colloquy written by the African rhetorician and Roman advocate, Minuciiis Felix, in the style of Cicero, is a clear and concise statement of the real questions gen- § 256ss.); C. Semixch, J. d. Märt Brsl. l&40s. 2 vols.; Otto, de Just. Mart, scriptis et doctrina. Jen. 1841 ; F. a BnU, ü. d. Verliältniss der beiden Apol. (lllgen's Zeitschr. 1843. P. 3). [Art. in Kitto's Journa] of Bibl. Lit. vol. V.] c) Comp, however, Otto, in lllgen's Zeitschr. 1841. P. 2. 1842. P. 3. 1848. P. 1. d) C. Semisch, ü. d. Todesj. Just. (Stud. u. Krit. 1S35. P. 4) ; A. Stieren, ü. d. Todey. Just (lllgen's Zeitschr. 1842. P. 1.) e) Aoyov Trpbs "EAATjca?. ed. Worth, Oxon. 1700.— Ä A. Daniel, Tatian der Apologet Hal. 1887. /) 'Eiri(rToA.r) irphs Atnyvnrov. tA.Bohl, in 0pp. Patrom eel. Ber. 1826. P. I. : Ottn, in 0pp. Just. Th. II.— (7. D. a Grosfheim, Comm. de Epist ad Diogn. Lps. 1S2S. 4; Otto, de Epist ad Diogn. Justini nomen prae se ferente. Jen. 1844. (;) npeaßtia ■wffjl XpKTTLavwv. ed. Lindner. Longosal. 1774. — Clarisse, de Athenagorae vita, scriptis, doetr. Lugd. 1819. 4. [Atlienagoras, transl. Into Eng. with notes by Humphreys. Lond. 1714. 8.] A) Ac- cording to the Fragments in Euseb. II. ecc. IT, 26, comp. V, 24 ; Ilieron. catal. c. 24 ; Piper, Me- Ito. (Stud. u. Krit 1838. P. 1.) i) Tltpl ttJ? twv XpidTiavHiu iriaTfus. ed. J. C. Wolf. HamU .724; Uebers. mit Anm. v. Thienemann. Lpz. 1834. *•) Aiacrvpfihs rüv e|co .] But Urban II. in Cime. Benevent, can. 1. (ßtansi. Th. XX. p. 73S.) can be appealed to on this subject only when the context is disregarded. J) Oijpr. Oraüo ad Cone. Carth. (p. 443.) Ep. 72. § 3. ad Stephan. Ep. 67. § 3. De unitate Ecc. c. 4, rf) Cypr. de aleator c. 1. Ep. 69. § 7. Ep. 6. § 5. Ep. 28. § 2. comp. Ounc. Cartliag. IV. a. 419. caa •4, 85. {Ma7isi, Th. III. p. 954.) 60 ANCIENT CHURCH HISTORY. FER. I. DIV. II. A. D. 100-312. be was himself ordained by tbe imposition of tbe bands of tbe presbyters but afterwards by tlie neighboring bishops. Every translation of a biskop appeared of doubtful propriety, although it was often necessarily conceded to tbe demands of ambition and of higher powers, as well as to the commoc welfare. Many of the bishops of the country congregations (;(a)p€7rta-/co7roi) continued from the very commencement of their existence dependent upon those bishoprics in the city from which they sprung, and others originally independent gradually submitted to the influence of the neighboring city bishop. In Africa alone no distinction between the names ever appears. The bishops of the larger cities in like manner became exalted in power and au- thority above the others. But all bishops possessed the right of perfect equality among themselves since their prerogatives depended not upon the transitory possessions of this world, but upon the common investiture which they had all received from Christ. § 60. Synods. Ziegler, pragm. Darst. des Ursprungs d. Synoden u. d. Ausbildung d. Synodalverf. (Henke's N Mag. vol. I. p. 125tis. Ever since the latter part of the second century a number of assemblies, composed of bishops residing near each other, had been held to obtain the highest possible authority for a decision of the controversies which had sprung up. («) But in the commencement of the third century the provin- cial synods, at first in Greece, (&) and soon afterwards m the whole Eastern world, became the formal basis of an ecclesiastical constitution, as the su- preme courts of legislation, administration and jurisdiction. Their meetings were held either annually or semi-annually, and every bishop in the province had a seat and a voice in them, and as exceptions to the rule, even presbyters and confessors. The bishops were heard not as representatives of their churches but in their own name, in consequence of a right received from the Holy Ghost, (c) The meetings however were public, and the people who were present made their influence felt. The possession of infallibility was never thought of, and their decisions had no authority beyond their respec- tive provinces, {d) The ecclesiastical provinces which in this way appear as communities, to which all individual bishops were amenable, generally co" responded with the provinces of the empire. , § 61. Metropolitans. The natural presidents of the ecclesiastical provinces were the bishops of the principal cities (/xrjrpoTroXfiy). The grounds on which their pre-emi- nence was founded were generally the apostohcal origin of their churches, the wealth of their congregations, and their frequent opportunities of a.'^sist- ing those who resided in the provinces. The Metropolitans therefore, as the first among their equals, soon obtained the right of convening and conduct- a) Emeb. II. ecc. V. 16. 23. V) Tertul. dejejim. c. 18. c) Cypr. Ep. 54. § 5. Comp. Cone. Arelat. a. 814. y^Miuisi, Th II. p. 469.) d) Cypr. Ep. 14. § "2. Ep. 54. § 5. Ep. 72. § 3. CHAP. IL CONSTITUTION. § 61. METEOPOLITANS. 62. GKKAT BISHOPS. 61 ing the proceedings of the Synods, and of confirming aBdm-daimng the pro- vincial bishops. But it ^vas only in the East that this Metropohtan syste^n wa. completely carried out. The Bishop of Carthage sometimes claimed the right of a Metropolitan over the churches in Mauritania and Numuha where there was no great city naturally possessing the right of precedence, but the presidency in their synods was always given to the oldest bishop (Senex). § 62. The Three Great Bisho2:)s. The same causes which produced the elevation of the metropolitans, op- erated in a still higher degree to give the largest metropolitan diocese to the bishops of the three principal cities of the empire, Borne, Alexandria, and Antioch. Rome obtained Middle and Lower Italy with uncertain limits, and by means of a colony of bishops sent into Southern Gaul (about 250) au indefinite influence was secured in the affairs of that region, (a) Alexandria obtained possession of Egypt, and Antioch of Syria The successor of St. Peter received an honorable rank above all other bishops, on account of the majesty of the eternal city, and the vast and skilfully used wealth at his dis- po4l even when Laurentius could present to the avaricious magistrate the poor of the city as the treasure of the Roman Church. {I) Roman bishops of that period have since been canonized, who were great only m their deaths. No extraordinary individuals were concerned m laying the founda- tions of her subsequent empire. The first presage of its future position was afforded in two attempts which it made to impose its usages vipon other churches. These were sternly repelled by the Asiatic and African bishops, (c) The thought of a Bishop of bishops was first advanced in favor of James, about the middle of the second century, by a Jewish party in Rome, and was regarded in Africa as equivalent to an ecclesiastical tyranny. 00 The first voluntary recognition of Roman authority in matters of faith, was occa- sioned by the report that the apostolical traditions had been preserved with especial purity in the West, (e) Cyprian saw in the pre-eminence of Peter a symbol of the unity of the Church. {/) Even when ArarcelUnns offered in- cen^e to the gods (302), the very infirmity of a Roman bishop has been made «> Ovpr. Ep. 67. con.p. Gregor-. Turon. H. Francor. I, 28. I) The proofs are collected by rdlemont. Th. IV. p. 41. c) § 69. 84. J) Ep. llen,.nm «1 Jac. in Clem. Ho.nil. (P. app. e,l. Coteler. Th. I. p. 605). Cypr. m Cone. Car- tba" (RoiUh, Eeliq. sac. III. p. 91) conf. Tertul. de pndic. c. 1. , . . ,.. , ..... eMren HI 3 2: " A.l banc Ecclesiam propter pot.orem (potentiorei>.) pnncipahtatem necesse en Lnem convenire Ecclesiam, boc est eos qni sunt nndiqne fideles, in qua sen.per ab his qm sunt nndiqne, con.servata est ea quae est ab Apostolis traditio. (Uphs Ta.Wr,. iKKk^r^ctu 5.a tt,^ iKau<.r4pa, äpxV ävdjKV ^u^v ^tcrrobs, 4u ^ a.\ virh tS>u ^a.rax6S>,, av.r.rvpvra. V ^^h rHu 'k^n^riXo^v napaSoa^,.] Comp. T.rM. de prae.scr. c. 36. m.-Grie.hach, de potentiore Eocl. Eom. pnncipalitate. Jen. 17.8, (Opp ed. G.Mer, Tb. IE. p. 136ss.). FarUusin tbe Sophronizon. 18,9. P. 3. On tbe other s,de iT«- terLmp, Ü. d. Pri.nat. Munst. 1820. p. 80ss. lioxl-o^an,/, de pr.matu E. Pontif. Aug. V S34. p. LJhiersrk. in d. Stud. u. Krit 1S42> P. 2. comp, m.n^fer, [Cburcb Hist. vol. I- PP- ^n^-^Oo.] n De unit. Ecc. c. 8. Here, even in tbe genuine test, and often in the epistles (52. 55), be ac- knowledges Eome as tbe ecrl..!a principalis, .■Ml.ouU however, conceding to » --^ ;."'~<=^ ';; .onsii'ent with the parity rf all bishops (Ep. 71). Antirom. interpretat.on of Matt lb, IS. in Orig In Mt. torn. 12. § 10s. 14. 62 ANCIENT CHURCH HISTORY. PER. I. DIV. IL A. D. 100-81«. to wear sucli an aspect in popular reports, as to promote the glory of the Ro man see. (g) § 63, T/is Catholic Church and its Various Branches. The internal and essential unity of the Church as the kingdom of God on earth, suggested the idea of an external unity also. The effort to attain this "was much favored by the political unity of the whole civilized world. The religious consciousness which prevailed in the Christian Church with more or less distinctness, when assailed by theological or moral elements inconsistent "with itself, was accustomed to appeal to the apostolical traditions which re- mained in the churches founded by the apostles. From this sprung up the Great or Catholic Churchy (a) in distinction from the heretics who defended these foreign elements, and who were disunited among themselves. By the former term was meant the great body in which all the congregations found» ed by the apostles, and such as were connected with them, had hitherto felt conscious of a imity through faith and love, and which was the only source of true Christianity, of grace, and of salvation. The first hint of this repre- sentation was given by Ignatius, but it was further developed by Irenaeus, and was completed by Cyprian, {b) This unity was realized in many transac- tions in which the bishops and churches held intercourse with each other. But without detracting from it, a Church of the East and a Church of the West began to be distinguished from each other with respect to lan- guage, customs, and theological tendencies. Peculiar usages, in fact, some- times became permanent even in different parts of the same metropohtan diocese, especially in those ecclesiastical provinces whose boundaries corre- spond with old national limits. Accordingly, in addition to the dioceses of the three great bishops, the first outlines of national churches were formed in correspondence with local attachments and interests. Thus the African Church^i connected with Eome by feelings of free mutual sympathy, and ex- hibiting its peculiar spirit in the writings of Tertullian, sprung up, and com- pleted an appropriate code of laws after the middle of the third century, in the provincial synods of Carthage, {c) Thus, also, the Armenian Church was originated, on which Gregory the Unlightener, who by his family connec- tions had been deeply involved in the political disorders of his country, and when Christianity triumphed had been brought out of a long night of im- prisonment to be made a metropolitan (302), so deeply imprinted his own spirit, that for a long time the superior bishop or Catholicus was selected from his family. () The private life of Christians was regulated by principles directly opposed not only to the sen- suous, but to the intellectual pleasures of heathenism, (c) In their estimation, the earth was a vale of tears, and the predominant feeling of the noblest minds was an ardent longing for their home in another world. Joy in death and love toward his brethren continued still to be the distinguishing badge of a follower of Christ, {d) This spirit became peculiarly powerful in times of persecution, but in the longer periods of tranquillity, envy and strife, cov- etousness and love of pleasure gained the ascendency. The more earnest of the public teachers, therefore, regarded the persecutions in the reigns of De- cius and Diocletian as divine judgments to arouse a slumbering Cliurch. (ii Aleatandrini (about 262), Gregotii Thnuxioturgi, Petri Alexandrini (3ii6), Canones Cone. lUiheritani. II. Toh. P/anner, de catechumenis antiquae Ecc. Francof. 1688. — To. M>rini, Commentr. hist de' disciplina in administr. sacraiii poenitentiae XIII. primis Saec. Par. 1651. Antv. 16S1. Yen. 1702. t Flügge, Beitr. z. Ge«ch. d. Theol. u. Eel. 1798. vol. IL Candidates for admission to the Church {^KaTr]j(ov\i.evoC) were first careful- ly instructed, and rigidly examined in all the studies cf the several stages of their education. They were then admitted by baptisir and confirmation to all the rights and privileges of a Christian citizen. Such a process was re- garded as important, because real goodness of heart and a good character were then of far greater value than numbers. A high degree of public morality was upheld by a rigid discipline. Only public scandals, or offences voluntari- ly confessed, were subjected to its penalties. All who appeared unworthy of Christian fellowship on account of adultery, murder, or apostasy from Chris- tianity, were immediately excommunicated. These could be restored to their former position in the Church only after a series of penances adjusted to the nature of the ofience by the various codes of discipline, and sometimes pro- tracted to the end of life. The power of a disturbed conscience, and the terrors of an exclusion from the Church, in which alone salvation was thought to be attainable, induced many to undergo the most fearful penances. At that time, few could perceive a distinction between an abandonment by God and an exclusion from his Church. The power to relax the severity of the penitendal laws in particular instances, was indispensable in times of per- secution, on account of the multitude of those who fell away and subsequent- ly returned with sorrow. It was usually exercised by the churches and the bishops with scrupulous restrictions, but h^ the confessors and martyrs with 80 much indiscretion, that the discipline of the Church was in danger of be- coming ineflectual. In general the principle was conceded, that every actu- al penitent, at least in the hour of death, should be admitted to reconciliation for ad his offences. As a mere outward form in connection with excommu- nication, particular bishops or synods withdrew ecclesiastical fellowship from whole churches or parties, on account of what was regarded as un- christian sentiments. ♦ Hieron. Yita Panii Eremitae. Instances more like that of the shoemaker at Alexandria, la yUa« Patr. P. II. § 121. comp. Apologia Conf. Aug. p. 2S5. 66 ANCIENT CHURCH HISTOEY. PEE. I. DIY. II. A. D. 100-812. § 67. The Montanists. l: Euseb. H. ecc. V 8. 14-19. Epiplian. Iiaer. 48s. Kindred matters, and a treatment of tht subject which goes much beyond ordinary views of it in all tlie writings of TertulUan. II. G. Wernsdorf, de Montanistis. Gedani. 1751. 4. F. Munter, Effata et orac. Montanistar. Havn. 1829. 0. M. Kirchner, de Montanist Ds. I. Jen. 1832. F. C. A. Schicegler, d. Montanismus, u. d. Kirche des 2 Jalirh. Tub. 1841. See also his Nachapost, Zeitalt. vol. II. p. 259ss. In an excitement whicb originated in Phrygia, and extended over all the churches of Asia Minor, not only the rigor of ecclesiastical morals and disci- pline, but tlie extraordinary zeal which prevailed in the apostolic Church, was revived and even exceeded. It was there maintained, that the life of a true Christian was a continual self-denial, that he should find pleasure in nothing but God and a martyr's death, and that all earthly delights, even those which science affords, are sinful. Murder, lewdness, and apostasy sub- jected those who were guilty of them to a hopeless exclusion from the Church. No church was regarded as genuine which would not carry out this rigid system of morals, or which allowed of second marriages, and re- admitted those who had once been excluded as offenders. Such churches they denominated carnal (the ^vxiKoi\ superior to which stood the Church of the Spirit (the nvevfxaTiKoi), since the Spirit was to be looked for in the Church, and not exclusively in the assembly of the bishops. An ecstasy which proceeded from within themselves, or a divine frenzy, they looked upon as the most exalted condition in which a Christian could be found. A prophet in this state was far superior to a bishop. The peculiar form of apostolic Christianity exhibited in the Apocalypse, while struggling with Gnosticism, and pressing forward after a still higher development of religion, might possibly have become gradually perverted into this jlfontanism, but its assertion respecting higher revelations of truth to be expected in the Church, indicates a consciousness of innovation. Montanus of Mysia is designated by some contemporary writers at a distance from him, as the author of this movement. He had probably been a priest of Cybele, and was at this time attended by two prophetic women. With the imaginative, enthusiastic spirit which characterized his fellow-countrymen, he announced himself as the in- .dividual in whom the promised Paraclete had completely revealed himself, that the Church might be carried forward to its perfection just before the introduction of the millennial kingdom. The heavenly Jerusalem, the me- tropolis of that kingdom, was to descend to earth at Pepuza. The Montanists (o'l Kura ^pvyfif, Pepuziaui) were expelled from the Church by the Asiatic bishops (about 170), not, however, without great hesitation, since their new prophecies were not absolutely inconsistent with the doctrines of the Church of that period, and it was therefore difficult to determine whether they were of divine or demoniac origin. In Asia, they continued to exist under an ec- clesiastical constitution of their own, until some time in the sixth century. In the West, their moral principles obtained an influence which seemed almost a complete victory.^ What Montanus had announced in a fanatical spirit, Tertullian, with his polished and liberal views, presented to the appre- hensions of men with a k.nd of twilight distinctness. All that either of these man did was boldly lo complete what nearly the whole Church of that CHAP. III. ECCLES. LIFE. § 68. NOVATIANS. § 69. HOLY SEASONS. 67 age was striving for, and merely to demand of every one wLat was admired in individual saints, but which, if it had generally prevailed, would either have destroyed the Church or the nature of man. § 68. The Nmatians. Cypr. Epp. 41-52. Euiieh. H. ecc. YI, 4S-45. VIII, 8. Cone. Nie. can. 6. Cod. Theod. XVI tit ö! lex. 2. Soonit. U. ecc. I, 10. IV, 28. V, 21. In opposition to Cornelius, the newly elected bishop, Nmatian, his pres- byter, violently opposed the readmission of those who had once fallen.^ This man was a philosopher who had embraced Christianity in the midst of sickness and severe spiritual conflicts, and after his conversion had become an ascetic, and a prudent advocate of the faith generally embraced in the Church.* By his own party, strengthened by some persons from the African Church, he was elected a rival bishop (251). The Novatians excluded from the Church all those who had been guilty of deadly sins, and taught, that while such should be exhorted to repentance and hope of the divine mercy, no prospect should be held out to them that they would ever be readmitted to a Church which should consist only of saints and purified persons [Ka'^apoi). They withdrew all fellowship from the Catholic Church, and "re-baptized all who came from it to them. Their party was sometimes treated with re- spect, generally with forbearance, and by the emperor himself, at Nicaea, with good-humored raillery, but it was overwhelmed by the authority of the Catholic Church. Its adherents continued without a visible organization for some centuries, though in Phrygia they were sometimes confounded with the Montanists. In other countries also a similar uncertainty with respect to the true idea of the Church, and strict discipline, produced similar divisions, but all these necessarily ceased when heathenism was overthrown, and mild- er views gained the ascendency, § 69. Holy Seasons, and the Controversy about Easter. noapinianus, Festa Christ (Tig.ir. 1593.) Geuev. 1674 Avgtisti, die Feste der alten Christen. Lps. lSlT-20. 3 vols. Ultmnnn, Zusammenst des ehr. Festcyclus mit vorchristl. Festen. Appendix to Creueer-'s Symbolik, vol. IV. separately printed from the third ed. Darmst 1843. Stand enmaier, ) The fifty days which immediately fallowed Easter (Pentecost), formed a sea- son of festivity for the commemoration of the glorification of Christ, and the last day of that period was kept as the proper Pentecost^ in honor of the effu- sion of the Holy Spirit. According to the oldest authorities, heretics were baptized on the Feast of the EjAfhany ^ which was celebrated in conformity with the views of the heretics, in commemoration of the Manifestation {InK^iivfid) of the Messiah. In this festival the Church had reference to the revelation of Christ in the flesh, and hence in the oriental churches, after the close of the third century, the sixth of January appears to have been ob- served in the double sense of a baptismal and a birth-day festival, (c) Some churches annually celebrated the days on which the martyrdom of some of their number took place, as if they were birth-days (uatalia), when assem- blies were lield around their graves ; and about the close of the third centu- ry some amusements were allowed on such occasions, instead of the heathen festivities formerly enjoyed. {J) As these martyrs were looked upon as the best representatives of Jesus Christ on earth, the relation of the Church to them was that of an affectionate fellowship. Even then we find some indications of a confidence in their power to aid men either in the present life or at the final judgment. In accordance with the ancient doctrine of the saving elfi- cacy of an expiatory death, a degree of influence was ascribed to their death as well as to that of Jesus, {e) a) F. Lichrtnif, d. Tag il. Herrn. Brrl. 1^37. F. W. Rücker, v. Tage d. Herrn. ErI. 1S39. 6) Eu^ieh. H. ecc. V. 23-25. Vita Constant. Ill, IS. Siicrat. H. ecc. V, 21. Chronicon pasch. ed. Duf renne. Par. 1C8S. Add. N. H.—Keander, ü. Veranlass, u. Bescbaffenh. d. alt. Pa-ssahstreitigkeiten. (KHist. Archiv. 1S23. St. 2.) Rettberg, d. Paschastreit (lUgen's Zeitschr. 1882. B. II. St. 2.) Gieeeler In d. Stud. u. Krit. 1S83. P. 4. c) Clement. Strom. I. p. 407s. comp. Camoni Collat. X, 2. — Jahlonsky, de orig. festi natlv. Christi, Ds. I. § 7. (0pp. Th. III. p. 328ss.) Gieseler in d. Hall. Lit. Z. 1823. p. 836. d) Greg. T/uimnaturgi 0pp. ed. Voas. Mog. 1604. p. 312. comp. August. Ep. 29. g 9. art AJypIum. e) Ep. Ecd. Stmjm. {Eiiseh. H. ecc IV, 15.) Ci/pr. de laps. c. 17. fal. : 4s.) Orig. exhort ad mart c. 50. CHAP. III. ECCLES. LIFE. § 70. FESTIVALS. § Tl. LORD'S SUPPER. 6S § 70. Sacred Places and their Decoration. Ciampini, vett. nionumenta. Rome. 1743. 3 vols. f. Jaeutii chr. antiquitatam specimina. Rome. 752. 4 Ji'üntt^; Sinnbilder n. Kunstvorst d. alten Ciiristen. Alton. 1S25. 2 p.irts. 4 Giüneüen, v. d. Ursachen n. Gränzen d. Kunsthasses in d. ersten 3 Jahrh. (Kunstblatt. 1S.31. If. 2Sss.) [3frs. Jarne- t07i. Sacred and Legendary Art. Lond. 1848. 2 vols. 8. Lord Lindsay, Sketches of the Hist of Chris- tian Art Lond. 1S47. 3 vols. 8.] The halls in ■which the Christians were accustomed to assemble, were fur^ nished for public speaking with an elevated platform, and for the administra- tion of the Lord's Supper with a table which, near the end of the second century, was called an altar. Churches began to be constructed after the close of the third century, and during the reign of Diocletian some were built of considerable size. "When the people very generally adopted the sen- timent, that God was present in some peculiar sense in the house of worship, their more intelligent public teachers reminded them that the world was his temple, (r/) Christians were fond of holding their religious assemblies over the graves of the dead, and sometimes they even descended into the vaults of the catacombs to find a place for prayer. Such places, however, at least in Eome, were never fitted to accommodate their larger assemblies. (V) The imitative arts had flourished principally in the service of the ancient gods, and hence the same hatred which had prevailed against them among the Jews, was continued in the Christian Church, l^one but heathen who re- vered Jesus, as either a sage or a Son of God, or heretics, who mingled to- gether pagan and Christian principles, ever possessed images of him. In place of these, however, and with the direct object of excluding heathen images, were introduced various Christian emblems, such as the cross, the good shepherd, the ram and the lambs, the fisherman and the fishes (lxeY2), the ship, the dove, the palm, the lyre, the phoenix, and the cock and anchor. At first, these were used only in private dweUings, but gradually they were introduced as ornaments of tombs, and as works of art in fresco or mosaic, to decorate their churches. But even as late as the fourth century, they were censured as innovations, (c) § 71. Sacred Services. The worship of the Temple described in the Old Testament, was the model to which was conformed as much as possible the public services of the Christian assemblies. In compliance with the spirit of the times, though it was originally a matter of necessity, the Lord's Supper was administered near the close of the second century as a Christian mystery, with the view of in- vesting it with an increased sanctity by its seclusion and secresy. By this meaas, a mysterious character was imparted to a number of the usages and o36(n'o), was originally connected with and immediately followed by the rite of baptism. But when, in the West, the imparting of the gift of the Spirit was looked upon as the pre- rogative of the bishops, the ceremony of confirmation was performed as a dis- tinct rite. The intention of those who were about to enter the marriage rela- tion, was previously made known to the assembled congregation. The betrothed parties, after partaking of the Lord's Supper, received the benediction of the priest. There was much contention between the respective advocates of the a) These were Tiot called disciplina arcnni until after the Reformation, and in the Catholic Church they were then referred as apostolic to religious doctrines. Controversial writings of Si-hflstraie and Tentzel. lG78ss. C. Fronniuniii, do disc. arc. Jen. 1S33. Ji. Ruthe, de disc. arc. Ileidulb. 1341. comp. GroHtimann, de Judaeor. disc. arc. Ljis. lS3.3s. 2 P. 4. h) Eunehius Romanus (Mabillon), do cultu sanctorum ignotor. Par. 1688. (ed. 2. 1705.) 4. Beschr d. Stadt Uoin. vol. I. p. 400ss. BeUermann, p. 60s. c) Orig. in Rom. V, 9. (vol. IV. p. 565.) On the othe»- hand : Tertul. de bapt. c. IS. d) Te-rtul. de bapt. c. 15. dtpr. Kpp. 69-75. Cone. Carth. III. {Oijpr. 0pp. p. 15Sss.)— (Mar chetü) Esercitazioni Cprianlche ciroa il batteslmo dcgll ereticl. Roma. 1787. CHAP. III. ECCLES. LIFE. § Tl. CULTUS. CHAP. lY. §72. CANON. 71 Jewish and the Eoman law, regardiog what ought to be considered legal iin- pcdinients to marriage. The diflerent moral principles of the parties, and tha precepts of the Old Testament, were looked upon as valid objections to all intermarriages with the heathen, (e) Divorces were seldom recognized by the Church for any other cause than adultery. All who had died in the Lord were committed to the grave with ecclesiastical solemnities. The mode of burial was generally conformed to the usages of the ancient Jews, or to oth- er customs not inconsistent with the habits :"^ the ancient Romans. On an- niversaries of the decease of beloved friends, alms were distributed in their name among the poor, or gifts were presented in their behalf at the altar, by which means their names continued to be remembered and mentioned in the prayers of the Church. CHAP. IV.— DOCTRINES OF THE CHURCH, AND OPINIONS OP- POSED TO THEM. § 72. Sources from which the Church derived its System of Faith. The books of the Old Testament were at first the only books which the Church regarded as sacred. Although Paul's views respecting them avoided aU extremes, public opinion generally agreed with him, and the clergy did not hesitate to appeal to them as authority for what they wished to prove. Melito visited Palestine for the express purpose of ascertaining what books belonged to the canon of the Old Testament, and finally settled upon those recognized by the Jews of that region. To these, Origen subsequent- ly added the book of the Maccabees, {a) and as the Alexandrian version (LXX.) was in general use in the Greek congregations, all the books em- braced in it (since the time of Jerome, so far as not contained in the original Hebrew, called the Apocrypha of the Old Testament) were esteemed as of nearly equal authority. Bnt the necessity of the case, and a consciousness that Christianity had much peculiar to itself, produced during the second cen- tury, from the writings of its founders, a body of Sacred Scriptures exclu- sively its own. Justin made use of an indefinite multitude of apostolic me- moirs, among which we find mentioned a gospel of the Hebrews. (V) The unity of the Church, however, rendered it indispensable that there should be an agreement in all its parts respecting the canon of its Holy Scriptures. Marcion was probably not merely the first witness, but in accordance with his peculiar views of the nature of Christianity, the first author of such a canon. He testifies to one gospel and the ten epistles of Paul, but those who, in a short time, were opposed to him, mention four gospels, the Acts of the Apostles, thirteen epistles of Paul, one epistle of Peter, and one of John, Respecting the remaining portions of the New Testament, the views of the e) Tertul. de monog. c. 7. 11. Cypr. de lapsis. c. 6. a) Eimeb. H. ecc. IV, 26. Orig. in Ps. 1. (vol. II. p. 529.) V) TTireer, Just Evv. can. usum fuisse ostenditur. Lps. 1S19. 4. On the other hand: Oredne-, Beitr. z. Einl. in d. Bibl. Schrr. vol. I. p. 211s8. Comp. Bindemann in d. Stud. u. Krit 1842. P 2. Franck in d. Stud. d. Geistlichk. Wurteinb. 1S46. P. 1. 72 ANCIENT CHUKCn HISTOnT. PEE. I. DIV. II. A. D. 100-812. Church were not then quite settled, (c) In deciding whether any book wai canonical, they were determined on the one hand by the apostolic character of the author, and on the other by the Christian popular character of the book itself. In conformity with the views of the Jews respecting the Old Testament, the writings of the liew Testament were regarded as inspired by the Iloly Ghost, but this inspiration was looked upon only as the highest state of religious fervor. The Holy Scriptures, in the ordinary language of the people, were made the basis of all public devotional exercises, and all were frequently urged to peruse them in private ; but copies of them were very expensive, and only a few among the people were capable of reading them, (d) In opposition to worldly wisdom, and the esoteric doctrines of the heretics, the Cliurch appealed to the literal meaning of the sacred writ- ings, (e) But the only way in which it seemed possible satisfactorily to con- fute heretics, was by appealing to Tradition, (/) by which was meant the doctrines of the Church orally communicated by the apostles to the first bishops, and propagated by them in an unadulterated form among their suc- cessors. It was, in fact, an abstract of every thing which the Christian con sciousness of each age had uttered through public opinion, against views inconsistent with it. As a summary of these traditionary doctrines, the Apos- ttes' Creed (g) was gradually formed out of the confessions of faith used in baptism. As these were intended to be opposed to the heretical opinions of the day, this creed possessed a tolerably uniform character, though some of its particular expressions were still undetermined. The -Rule of Faith to which some ecclesiastical fathers alluded, was only a free amplification of this creed, adapted to the wants of the period in which it was composed, (h) In this way a scale was in practice formed, according to which tradition was placed in a station superior to that of the Scriptures as a rule of interpreta- tion and a necessary complement to the system of faith ; and the Creed was looked upon as superior to tradition, on the ground of its being an author- ized abstract of it ; but in principle all three were regarded as equally safe and necessarily harmonious sources of Christian truth, § 73. Apostolic Fathers of the Second Century. Cont.from § 39. A few Asiatic bishops who had beheld the face of the apostle John, were numbered among the apostolic Fathers. Their writings belong to a period anterior to the cultivation of Greek literature and the principal contest with heathenism, and they had access only to particular books of the New Testa- ment. The Seven Epistles of Ignatius, written while their author was on his journey to his place of martyrdom, have been altered, certainly in their c) J. Kb-Miofer, Quellonsamml. z. Gesch. z. nentesL Can. bis Hieron. Zur. 1844. d) F. Wiilch, V. Gebrauch d. 11. Sehr. In d. ersten 4 Jalirh. Lps. 1799. (On the other hand : Leaning, Säinnitl. Schrr. Berl. 1S40. vol. XI. p. .561ss.) L. v. Exx, Auszüge ü. d. nothw. u. nützl. Bibel- les. a. d. KV. Lps. (1803.) 1816. See als» bis Clirysost. o. Stimmen der KV. f. Bibelk-s. Darmst 1824 e) Iren. I, 8. 1. III, 2. Tertul. de resurrect, earn. c. 8. /) Ifen. III, 8s. Tertul. de prescript, c. 13-27. de corona c. 3. g) Rußni E.xpositio in Symb. App.— ÄV Peter King, Ilist. Symb. of the Ap. Creed. Eond. 1702. & ?i) Iren. 1, 10. Tertul. d. vir?g. vel. c. 1. De praescr. c. 13. Adv. Prax. c. 2. Orig. do prino. Prooem. § 4ss.— ^. Ilahii, Bibl. d. Symb. u. GRegeln d. Ap. Kath. Kirche. Bresl. 1842. CHAP. IV. DOCTRINES. § 73. IGNATIUS, POLIUAKP, PA PIAS. 73 more extended, and probably in tbeir most abridged form. But even tht atter more authentic portions, though regarded as a fabrication of the mid- dle of the second century, give us an authentic representation of the high- wrought feelings of a martyr, and of a general desire to secure the Christian unity of the congregations to which they were addressed, by bringing them together under the jurisdiction of the bishop. Its general characteristics are, a spirit formed under the combined influence of Paul and John, a prac- tical opposition to the system of the Docetae, and a conception of Christian- ity as something wholly internal, and independent of historical evidence, (jt) The recently discovered Syriac version of his epistles, and especially of his epistle to the Ephesians, presents us with a much more concise, but a no less hierarchical text, (b) The epistle of Folycarp to the church of Philippi, written soon after the martyrdom of Ignatius, with reference to that event and to various circumstances connected with that church, is a modest and spiritual work, which refers to Paul, and in some passages reminds us of the first epistle of John, (c) Fajjias (d. about 163), bishop of Eierapolis, in his account of the facts in the life of our Saviour, has recorded those things which he had learned from the lips of such as had had Intercourse with the apostles. Having been in early youth a pupil of John, he took a peculiar plea- sure in the living word ; and it was only when he was judged by an age whose spirit had become essentially diflerent, that he was accused of pos- sessing a very contracted mind, (il) § 74. Ecclesiastical Literature and Heresy. J. G. liOseiimueUer, de ehr. Theol. orig. Lps. 17S6. Marheinevke, Ursprnno: u. Entwickl. ^rlters of this period, especially Clement and Origen In particular passages. — PloUnus, irphs rob; yi' cccttikovs. (Ennead. II. lib. 9.) ed. G. IL Ileigl. Eatisb. 1S32. Comp. Stud. u. Krit. 1S34. P. 2. II. JInssuet, Dss. previae to his edit, of Irenaeus. dIotihemU de reb. Christ. ant<> Const, p. 333ss. [translated into English by R. S. Vidal. Lond. 1S13. 2 vols. 8. and by Dr. Murdoxik. New York. 1850.] {Jliinfer,) Vers. Ü. d. kirclil. Alterthiimer d. Gnostiker. Ansb. 1790. K A. i^jwald, de doctr. gnostica. Heidelb. 1818. Neander, genet. Entw. d. gnost. Systeme. Brl. 1318. Se«-' ilso his Hist, of «) Schioegler, naehapost. Zeita. vol. I. p. 490ss. /) I, 36. (The difficulty of the passage is to be removed not by correction, bu by punctuation) • Consentiunt quidem mundum a Deo factum, ea autem, quae sunt erga Dominuru, non similiter: ut Cerinthus et Carpocrates opinantur. g) Orig. c. Cels. V, 61. 65. Easeb. H. ecc. Ill, 27. //) In Jesai. VIII, 9. 13. XXIX, 20. XXXI. 6ss. com'p. Ep. ad Aug. 112. (al. S9.) Epiph. haer. 29, 7s8. On the other hand: Augvat. c. Fanst. XIX, 18. with reference to the Nazarenes says: In ea perversitate manserunt, ut et gentes cogerent judaizare. /6 ANCIENT CHURCH IIISTOET. PEE. 1 DIV. II. A. I>. WO-S\t. the Cbr. Eel. [Torrey's Transl. vol. L pp. 866-478.] Lücke, ü. d. Gnost. Systeme u. was neucrllA dafür gethan ist (Tlieol. Zeifechr. Brl. 1819. vol. I. sect. 2.) Gieaelei; Church Hist [Davidson a Transl. Edinb. 1846. vol. I. § 44.] and in Halle Lit Zeit 1828. N. 104ps. . A. DGesch. vol. L p. 31ss. Hitter, Ge?ch. d. chr. Phil. Hnnib. 1841. vol. L p. 109ss. [A'. Biiiton, Inq. Into the Heresies of the Apost Age. Bampt Loctt 0.\f. 1S29. An Epitome of the Hist of PhiL transl. from the French by C. S. Henry. New York. 1841. 2 vols. 12. Per. IIL § 1. Tennemanii's Manual of the H. of PhiL transl. by A. Johnson. Oxf. 18-32. 8. J. P. Piter, in Kitto's Cycl. of Bibl. Lit art Gnosticism. J. D. Maurice, Hist, of Philosophy, during the first six centuries. Lond. 1854.] No sooner Lad Oriental become mingled "with Hellenistic, and especially witli Platonic speculations, than the old problem of speculative philosophy respecting the derivation of the finite from the infinite, became, in conse- quence of the profound consciousness which the age then possessed of its in- ternal distractions and longings, the object of an extensively ramified system. The name Gnosis was applied to an extraordinary insight into divine things, beyond the system of faith which the people commonly received on author- ity. The commencement of Gnosticism may be discovered even in the time of the apostles, («) but its influence never became sufficiently developed to appear dangerous, until since the reign of Trajan, (i'^) Its usual fundamental principles were; a God with no connection whatever with our world, and a matter entirely underived from and independent of the Deity ; a revelation of the unknown deity by means of an intermediate divine being, whose contact with matter gave existence to our world, and all its series of events ; a re- demption of whatever is divine but confined in the material world, in conse- quence of the personal interference of a divine being in the afl:airs of the world. "Wherever the pecuhar principles of Gnosticism gained the ascend- ency, the intermediate divine being became individualized in a descending series of celestial natures {alävfs\ (c) from the lowest class of which proceeded the Creator of the world (S/j/iu.upyos), and from the highest the Redeemer. Gnosticism, like New-Platonism, was obliged to enter deeply into the popu- lar religion of that period, and to become a philosophy of the three great forms of religions then in conflict. It even went still further, and aimed to become a particular form of religion itself. Its oriental element was derived from Persia, and was a dreamy blending of sense and allegory. Simon and Ceriuthus had already shown how it could be brought into alliance with Ju- daism, but where no feelings of piety prevented, its advocates very naturally recognized their Demiurge in the representations of Jehovah in tlie Old Tes- tament. On becoming involved in the powerful movements of Christianity, Its principles were in some measure accommodated to those of the gospel, and never, indeed, found full development until it became connected with a) § 82. 87. yet comp. C. C. Tittmantu, de vestigiis Gnosticor. in N. T. frnstra qnaesitis. Lps. 177.3 jtransl. and publ. in Contdbb. to For. Theol. Lit New York. 1827. 8.] J. Horn, Bibl. Gnosis. Hiinn. i^05.—PhuIhh, die drey Lehrbriefe v. Jo. Heidelb. 1S29. Biiur, die sogen. Pustoralbrr. d. Ap. Pau- lus. Stultg. 18-35. On the other hand: M. Baiungarten, die Aectheit d. Pastoralbrr. ver/heidigt Berl. 1S37. I) Hegesipp. in Euneb. H. ecc III, 82. IV, 22. Clem. Strom. VII, IT. (p. 898.) c) In accordanc« with the system cif Aristotle, de coelo I, 9. CÜAP. IV. DOCTPJKES. § T6. GNOSTICISM. § TT. 8ATUENINUS. 77 that faith. In the God of tlie Christian system, its votaries recognized theii own perfect God, in Christ their redeeming Aeon, in the Christianity which he rcalhj preached their secret traditions, and in the faith proclaimed hy the Church, the natural mode of representation in which these became adapted to the popular mind. Its ethical system, in which the greatest contempt for the world was expressed, harmonized with the most rigid requirements of the Church, and only a few of its parties were so demoralized as to justify licen- tiousness, on the ground of an exaltation above the terrestrial law of the Demiurge. The founders of the different Gnostic parties have been made known to us in history, but we are nowhere informed of him who originated the great system common to them all. The predominance of the Oriental, the Hellenistic, the Christian, or the Jewish element, presents us with a con- venient principle in accordance with which these Gnostic systems may natu- rally be classified. § 77. II. Syrian Gnostics. 1) Safurninns, who lived at Antioch in the time of Trajan, taught that there was opposed to the good Deity (n-arijp nyi'coo-ros) a wild, tempestuous kingdom of evil, under the dominion of Satan. From the former emanated the spiritual world of Aeons. At its lower confines were placed the seven planetary spirits (ayyeXoi Koa-noKparopei). Far away from their divine source, but battling with the kingdom of darkness, these formed the world of sense, and made man according to their obscure recollections of the image of God. But the work which they had thus formed, helplessly collapsed, and could not stand erect until the unknown Father, pitying them, sent into it a spark of divine life. In opposition to this new race, Satan formed another after his own image. To redeem the more exalted race from the power of Satan and of the planetary spirits, one of the highest Aeons (i/oGy), as Christ, assumed the semblance of a body. That men may be redeemed, they must, on their part, abstain from everything which brings them under the power of matter. The followers of Saturninus, for this reason, abstained from marriage, and many of them even from flesh, (n) After a brief period, nothing is known respecting them. 2) The Disciples of Juhn^ in the second century, looked upon John the Baptist as the true Messiah, though others regarded him as an angel in human form. Among the Simonians, he was supposed to have been the teacher of Simon. Though nothing was known of the Nazoraeans (Men daeans, Zabians) until they were discovered by missionaries in Persia in the seventeenth century, their peculiar Johannic system of Gnosticism could only have originated when a particular party professed adherence to John, and when Gnosticism was in its forming state. They believed in a kingdom of darkness as Wtll tis of light, in a formation of the world and a struggle with the powers of darkness by an ambiguous intermediate being (Fetahil) ; that Judaism was the work of gloomy planetary spirits ; that the redeeming Aeon appeared to John, and that Jesus was a false prophet, anointed by the planetary spirits. Baptism they regarded as an act of consecration to be an- aually repeated, and daily ablutions were practised as a religious duty, (h) a) Iren. 1, 24. Epiph. haer. 23. b) I. Act« IS, 26. 19, 2-T. Clement. Recogn. I, 54. 60. and Honiil. II, 23ss. Jlieron. in Aggeum 78 ANCIENT CnUKCH HISTORY. PEE. I. DIV. II. A. D. 100-312. § 78. III. Hellenistic Gnostics. 1) Basilides, who lived at Alexandria in the time of Hadrian, believed that from the ineffable God (peos dpßrjTos) proceeded certain images of him» self according to the numeral relations of astronomy. The first of these were seven celestial powers (Swiifxtis). who, with the being from whom they sprung, constituted the first spiritual kingdom (ovpavos). From this, in a gradually descending series, proceeded three hundred and sixty-four other spiritual kingdoms. The mystical watchword Abraxas, represents the God revealed in these three hundred and sixty-five spiritual kingdoms, in distinc- tion from him who is the Ineffable, (<■/) The seven angels belonging to the lowest of these spiritual kingdoms, the first among whom is the God of the Jews {"ipxcüv), created this world out of matter, and bestowed upon the hu- man race inhabiting it all earthly endowments, together with all the spirit- ual powers which they themselves possessed. To effect the deliverance of this spiritual power from its bondage to matter, the first-begotten celestial power (vovs) united himself with Jesus at his baptism. Though this Jesus was a perfect man, he needed an expiation for his own sake, and it was he alone who suffered and died. The Archon was from the first only an uncon- scious agent of divine providence, and he no sooner discovers, from the words of Jesus, the actual design of God, than he submitted himself to it with de- vout reverence. An entrance into the kingdom of the Redeemer, is eflected by a spiritual surrender of the soul to him (TnVrty), and is by no means in- compatible with a denial of him who was crucified. The Basilideuns, who existed late in the fourth century, appear only to have embraced this doc- trine of spiritual freedom in a stiU more decided form, and to have claimed an elevation above all positive religious rites, (l) 2) Valentine, who went from Alexandria to Rome about 140, and died in Cyprus about 160, has given us a most ingenious representation of Platonic ideas, in his fanciful scheme of the universe. In the depths of the Great First Cause {fiv'^öi, npoTTÜTop), existed Self-consciousness (evuoia) and Silence {a-iyi]). This con- cealed God reveals himself in three series of Aeons, in the names of the In- effable, in certain images of God, and in the original types of all spiritual life, which emanate from him in pairs (o-i'^i^yoi), and, in contrast with empty chaos (Kevo}fjLa), collcctively represent the fulness of the revealed divine life (7rX»;pcü/ia). Every thing in the Pleroma has its individual projjerties assigned to it by Measure and Limitation (üpoi). But Sophia, the Aeon most remote from the great Original, languished on account of its passionate longings to c. 1. Part 6. — Ignntü a Jesu narratio originis, ritnutn et errorum Christianoniin 9. Joannis. Eoui. 1652. Codex Nazaraeus. liber Adami appellatus, syriace trans^criptus, lat. redditus a Mat Norherg. Luad. 1S15S. 3 vols. 4.— II. TycJieen, In the Deutscli. Mus, 17S4. vol. II. p. 414. Ge^eniuD, Art Za- bier, in the proofslieets of the Encyclop. 1817. L. E. Burckhardt, les Nazorcens ou Mandai-Jahia. Btrasb. 1S40. o) Bellermann. die Gemmen der Alten mit d, Abraxas-Bilde. Berl. ISl'ss. P. 3. Gieseler, in d. etiul. u. Krit. 1830. P. 2. p. 4(i3ss. b) The orifrinal is scittered throughout Cleinenfs Stronim. and in the 5i5o(TKaAia avaTn\iKr} ascribed to him. The figurative and farciful side ana its degenerate state in /re«. I, 24, 3ss. II, 16. 1. Epiph. haer. 24. CHAP. IV. DOCTRINES. § 78. VALENTINIANS. 79 be reunited with its Source, This "Wisdom, the Achamoth, (c) agitated hy the intensity of its desires and wandering away from the Pleroma, communica- ted life to matter and gave birth to the Demiurge. The hitter formed the world out of chaos in such a way that the divine idea, though correctly, is inadequately and feebly represented in its actaal scenes and events. To re- store harmony to the Pleroma, a new emanation of a pair of Aeons (Xpia-ros and Tlvfvixa aywv) takes place, and from all the Aepns proceeded the Aeon Jesus (2ü)Tr]^), by whom the universe was to be properly formed and re- deemed. It was by this Jesus that the Demiurge was unconsciously inspired, so as gradually to form the world according to the type of the divine Plero- ma. Hence the Demiurge was often astonished at his own work, and his creatures shrunk from and adored those very things which the higher spirit created in them. For although heathenism was the kingdom of matter and Judaism of the Demiurge, individuals were raised up by the Soter in both, who, under the excitement of divine powers, and but half understood by themselves or their age, pointed forward to the future. Conscious of the un- satisfactory nature of his present system, the Demiurge, under the impression that he was himself the supreme Deity, and under the influence of an obscure presentiment, promised his beloved people that he would send them a Messiah. This Messiah he furnished, according to his ability, with psychical powers. At the baptism of this Messiah, the Soter became united with him. Miracles and prophecies were needful to induce psychical men to confide in the psychi- cal Messiah, but the simple power of truth was sufficient to collect all men of a pneumatic nature around the true Saviour. The end of the world is to be a still higher restoration (ÖTroKaraa-raa-tj), for then the Soter will introduce the Achamoth as his bride, together with all pneumatic Christians, into the Pleroma, the Demiurge, in peace and joy as the friend of the bridegroom, Avill rule in the midst of all psj'chical Christians on the confines of the Ple- roma, and all matter will return to its original nothingness. The Valentinian was the most influential of all the Gnostic parties, and with various modifica- tions, continued in existence, especially in Rome, until some time in the fourth century. QI) It is said that the school of Ptolemaeus, (e) a flourishing branch of the same party, represented the Aeons, which Valentine had in fact only described as the forms by which the Deity was developed, more definitely as real persons. (/) In his epistle to Flora, (g) (of whose unity and Gnostic genuineness we need not yet despair), (A) he attempts to vindicate the creation, and the Testament of the Demiurge, who is regarded as a be- ing of mere justice, from either of the extremes by which they had been as- cribed to the supreme God or to the Devil. "With an evident attempt to bring his views into nearer correspondence with the Catholic system, he ac- cordingly finds in this fact a reason for a partial abolition and a partial pre- d) They are the principal subject of Irenaeus. Some particulars may be found in Clement, Ter- tul. adv. Valentinianos. Ejiiph. liaer. 81. Munter, Odae gnosticae, Ihebaice et lat. Hafn. 1S12. e) Iren, praef. ad lib. I. § 2. /) Tertul. adv. Val. c. 4. g) Communicated by Epifh. hat-r. 88. h) A. Stieren, de Ptolemaei ad Floram ep. P. I. Jon. 1843. On the other hand, in apology : II. Rössel, In the Append, to the 2d vol. of the 2d edit, of Neander's Hist of the Chr. Eel. 80 ANCIEXT CnUECn niSTORT. PEE. I. DIY. II. A. D. 100-312. Bervation of the Mosaic law in consequence of its fulfilment l>j Christ. 3) The Ophites, whose origin may perhaps be discovered in a Jewish sect living in Egj'pt before the time of Christ, professed to believe that the Son of man was an emanation from the Original Source of all existence, and that from both of these proceeded the Mother of life (nvevna ayiov). This being having espoused the former original type of mankind, gave birth to Sophia and Christ, i. e. the principle of Creation and of Redemption. When Sophia,, the imperfect, adventitious offspring of this connection, aspired to be like God, she Avas hurled into the great abyss, and there gave birth to Jaldabaoth, i. e. the Son of Chaos, (i) the Creator of the world and the God of the Jews. "With the assfstance of his planetary spirits, the latter now made, after his own image, man, whom he indued with life and invested with authority to rule over divine things in his spirit. But by this very act he had divested himself of his most important power, and soon saw with dismay that his creature had become superior to himself. To prevent man at least from at- taining the consciousness of divinity, he commanded the latter not to eat of the tree of knowledge, and then, filled with wrath, threw himself into the abyss, where he produced another image, the Serpent-Spirit (ocpioftopcpoi). But Sophia, now delivered from her fahen state in consequence of the birth of the Creator, sought once more to attract to herself and to purify the spirit- ual power in the world. She availed herself of the enmity of the Serpent- Spirit against its parent, to induce man to transgress the commandment which had been given him. According to this, what is related in the Jewish books as a Fall, was in fact a transition to a higher mental state. In great wrath the Creator now threw men down to the lowest material world, and harassed them with all the temptations and pains incident to matter. Indi- vidual persons endowed with high intellectual powers, are raised up by So- phia, but she struggles in vain to break the bonds which confine men, until the Aeon Christ unites himself with the psychical Messiah, and in conse- quence of the Creator's enmity, was crucified. Finally, SopWa, with all her spiritual followers among men, will be received back into the Pleroma, and the God of the Jews, gradually deprived of all his spiritual powers, wiU be swallowed up in the e^npty abyss of matter. The Serpent, who had been the means of man's first exaltation and therefore had been cursed by the Creator, was, in accordance with his two natures, both honored and feared. One Ophitic party went so far in their hostility to the Jews, that they paid honor to the most abandoned characters mentioned in sacred history as their highest examples, and were therefore called Cainitcs. Others, on account of their disapprobation of such extravagance, Avere called Sethites. The pe- nal code of Justinian shows that the Ophites were not extinct even in the sixth century. (/) 4) Carpocriites and his son Epijyhancs, Platonists of Alexandria and con- temporaries with Valentine, described the Primal Being as the great Unity (Moi/(is) toward which all finite things are striving to return. But the i) piina x^ls^ k) Iren. I, 80. Orig. c Ceis. VI, 248S. Epiph. haer. Zl.—3r«iiOu.sti?ms : Contra Ep. Manichaei. C. Fortu- natum, C. Adimantum, C. Faustum 1. 33. De actis c. Felice Man. 1. 2. De natura boni. (Th. VIII.) De gen. c. Man. De morib. Ecc. cath. et morib. Man. (Th. I.) II. Beausobre, Hist de Manichee et du Manicheisme. Amst. 1734ss. 2 vols. 4. A. A. Gforgii Al- phabetum Thibetanum. Rom. 1762. 4. EeiehUn-MeMegg. Tlieol. d. Manes. Frkf. 1825. A. V. de Weg- nern, Manichaeor. indulgentiao c. brevi Manichacismi .adumbrat. Lps. 1827. Gieaeler, ü. Reichlin- Meldegg, Wegnern & Neander. (Stud. u. Krit, 1S28. P. 8.) Bnur, d. man. RSyst. Tub. 1831. (Comp. Bchneckenburger in d. Stud. u. Krit 1833. P. 3. and Zingerle in d. Tub. Quartalschr. 1841. p. 5748.^) F. C. Trechsel, ü. Kanon, Kritik u. Eseg. d. Manich. Bern. 1832. The religious conflicts which took place on the confines of the Eastern world finally gave birth to Manichaeism. The history of its origin is founded upon traditions and uncertain documents. On the re-establishment of the Persian empire (after 227) under the Sassanides, the Magusaean sect, which had defended the doctrine of absolute Dualism, and various foreign systems were driven from the kingdom. Mani, a Magian of this sect, having dis- covered many points of agreement between the doctrines of Mithraism, of Bud- dai.sm. of Gnostic Christianity, and the principles of his own paternal faith, believed himself called to combine these popular religions, especially Parsism and Christianity, into one universal religion. He presented himself before CHAP. IV. DOCTKINES. § 82. MANICHAEISM. 87 rhe Christians as the Paraclete and an apostle of Christ. Rejected by them and persecuted by the Magians, he is said to have been flayed alive under Baharam (272-5). — Manichaeism, as it existed in the fourth and fifth centu- ries, accounted for all events which have taken place in the world on dualistic principles. God in his kingdom of light, and the Demon with his kingdom of darkness, were directly opposed to each other — good and evil being in their nature identical with light and darkness. After long internal conflicts among themselves, the different powers of the demoniac kingdom became united in their opposition to the kingdom of light. The primitive man, who was the first-born of God, and who, in connection with the four pure elements contended for the kingdom of light, was overthrown, and was afterwards de- livered, but a portion of his light was wrested from him and borne down to the abodes of darkness. God then brought into existence through the agency of the Mother of life (^äv nvevfia), the present universe, that it might be a new receptacle of this lost light. The vital power of this universe is the light retained in the bonds of darkness. Two new heavenly powers, Christ and the Holy Ghost, then proceeded from God, that they might redeem it from its imprisonment. The first is the Sun and Moon, and the other is the Air, which attract toward themselves all the powers of light in the earth. To retain these in his possession, the Demon formed man after the image of the primitive man, combining in him as in a microcosm the clearest light with his own darkness. Fi-om him descended the race of man, into whose souls the light penetrated. But although they were endowed with an inhe- rent liberty to continue as they were, in spite of the necessity of evil in na- ture, they soon fell under the temptations of matter and the illusions of the Demon (Judaism and Heathenism). Christ himself then appeared on earth, and merely endured the semblance of suffering, and is regarded in this system as the type of all imprisoned light (Jesus passibilis). By his doctrine and his attractive power he commenced the process of liberating the light from its bondage, but even the apostles misinterpreted his instructions by giving them a Jewish sense. The Scriptures possessed by the Church have been partially corrupted by the Demon, and partially composed by unknown writers. Mani came to reveal the secret relations of the universe, and to secure the means of human freedom. Complete truth can therefore be found nowhere except in his writings. In the end there wiU be a complete separation be- tween the light and the darkness, when the powers of darkness will have be- come conscious of their inability to contend with the light, and will resume their strife with each otlier. The Manichaeans assumed the name of a Church, which possessed a hierarchical form of government, and consisted of two great classes. The first was composed of the perfect (electi, perfecti), who alone possessed a knowledge of the mysteries ; and the second was made up of the Catechumens (auditores), who were instructed principally in mythical allegories relating to the philosophy of religion and of nature, and were al- lowed to hope for pardon for their participation in the business and pleasures of life, in consequence of the intercessions of the perfect, for none but the perfect undertook the duties of self-mortification (signaculum sinus, oris et manus), and were sustained by the others principally on olives. Their peca 68 ANCIENT OHURCn HISTORY. PEE. I. DIV. II. A. D. 100-312. liar views of nature demanded that baptism should be performed in oil, and in some congregations they gave occasion to an abominable mingling of the elements in the Lord's Supper. The forms of worship practised by the Auditors were simple. Sunday was observed as a day of fasting, and the anniversary of Mani's death was celebrated as the great festival under the name of the Feast of the pulpit (jSJj/xa). The Manichaeans were still in- creasing in number in the fourth century, and were then scattered in every part of the Oriental world, and in Africa, Sicily, and Italy. Many persons of noble minds were attracted by the promise which their system held out, that it could solve all mysteries, and exalt man above the various parties which then distracted the world. Even then, however, they were persecuted with fire and sword by the heathen emperors, on the ground of their being a Persian sect. For this reason, as well as on account of their debasement in a corrupt indifference, by a pretended exaltation above all outward things, they sunk in the sixth century beneath the equal hatred of the Magians and the bishops. Still we find some vestiges of a secret and solitary Manichaeism even in the Middle Ages. § 83. JSistorico-Ecdesinstical Theology. The ecclesiastical literature of the second century was partly of a devo- tional character, and partly consisted of controversial writings against pagans and Gnostics. Especially in the conflicts with the latter, a Christian theolo- gy was formed, in which an attempt was made to hold fast the historical ba- sis of Christianity as the common property of all, and to apprehend its prac- tical relations in a scientific manner. Hence all philosophy was studiously declined, and true Christianity was thought to consist wholly in its historical traditions and documents, and those obvious truths which could be easily comprehended by the people. The representatives of this tendency were Irenaeus and Tertullian, who also indulged in the expectation of a millennial kingdom nigh at hand, (a) Irenaeus was a disciple, and perhaps also a com- panion of Polycarp, during the journey of that martyr to Rome, and was a bishop of Lyons (177-202). He was a perspicuous, judicious, and philosoph- ically educated instructor, with youthful recollections reaching back to apos- tolic times, and now came forward as the opponent of the Gnostic sjjecula tions. As his writings were regarded almost in the light of foreign produc- tions in the country where he resided, they soon became little known, and were at an early period lost. (J) The only literature which the Latin Church possessed, consisted entirely of translations, until the appearance of Quintus Septimius Florens Tertullianvs. He was at first a heathen rhetorician, and an advocate in Rome (about 190), but afterwards a presbyter in Carthage, his native city (d. 220). His character was severe, gloomy and fiery, but by great exertions he achieved for Christianity, in the Punic-Latin dialect, a literature in which an animated rhetoric, a sound and vivid conception of the a) Iren. V, 83. Tertul. adv. Marc. Ill, 23. 6) With the exception of a few epistles and fragments, nothing remains but his 5 books against the Gnostics, (Kfyyoi: Kot avaTponr) ttjs \ptv^ovv/jiov yvüurtus, in an old Latin translation, tb« 1st Book and a fiw frairuienls in the original. 0pp. ed. Grabe. Oxon. 1702. Maasuet, Par. 1710. Ven CHAP. rv. DOCTRINES. § 83. TERTULLIANUS. § 84. CTPEIANUB. 89 .deal, profouud feelings, and legal intelligence contended for the supremacy. He placed a high estimate upon that consciousness of God which he contend- ed might he found in the depths of every soul, but he was fond of contrasting with proud irony the foolishness of the gospel with the worldly wisdom of his contemporaries, and the incredibility of the divine miracles with the or- dinary understanding of the world, (c) Ilis writings are partly controver- sial, and in these he exhibits the utmost confidence in the catholic views, in opposition to those of Pagans, Jews, and Heretics, and partly devotional. They are, however, so written, that the devotional element constantly ap- pears in the former, and the polemic in the latter, in behalf of a strict moral- ity and discipline, (d) The Montanistic views are perceptible in them all, but they become prominent and hostile to the Komish Church in proportion to the degree in wliich the latter withdrew its countenance from Montanisra, for the Eonian Church, rather than Tertullian, experienced a change of sen- timent on that subject, (e) And yet the western portion of the Church con- tinued so tolerant toward Montanism, that some female martyrs adhering to that system in the African Church have always continued to be acknowledged as saints, (/) and Tertullian finally became so prominent, that he is regarded as the actual type of the Latin theology. That theology was then disinclined to any philosophical theories respecting divine things, and was entirely occu- pied with questions relating to the condition of the Church, and matters in- dispensable to salvation. § 84. Thascius Caecilianus Cyprianus. I. Opp. Cypriani ed BignUiu«. Par. 1648. f. Fell. Osf. 16S2. f. ed. 3. additae snnt Dss. Cypr. DodicelH. (Oxf. 16S4.) Amst. 1700. f. Baluz. Par. IT'26. f. Goldhorn. Lps. lS38s. 2 P. Vita Cypr. per Pontium, ejus Diaconum (Cypr. Opp.) Among the actis tnartyrii the two older beginning, Curu Cypr. and Imper. Valeriano. — II. Pearson, Annales Cyprianici before Fell's edit If. F. Schmieder, Ü. Cypr. Sehr. v. d. Einh. d. Kirche. Lps. 1822. F. W. Rtttherg, Cypr. n^ch s. Leben u. Wirken. Gott. 1831. The Church of his times is well represented in the life of Cyprian. Hav ing enjoyed as a rhetorician, and perhaps also as an advocate in Cartilage, all the pleasures of heathenism, he became impressed with a consciousness of the vanity of his life, and sought deliverance in the Chui'ch (2-1:6). Although, in the excitement of a new birth by baptism, he had sold his possessions, and distributed them among the poor, a suflBcient amount of real estate and reve- 1734. 2 P. f. L. III. c. 1-4. in graecnm serm. restitnta per K G. J. Thiersch. (Stud. u. Krit. 1842. P. 2.) Iren, fragmm. anecdota ed. O. M. Pfuff, Hag. Com. 1715. (Synt. dss. Stuttg. 1720.) Comp. Euseh. 11. ecc. V, 4s. 20. 26.— Ä DoJicell, Dss. in Ir. Ox. 1689. Massuei, Dss. praeviae in Ir. libfos. A. Stieren, de Ir. adv. haereses operis fontibus, indole, doctr. et dignitate. Gott 1836. 4. Idem, Iren In Ersch. u. Gruber's Encycl p. II. vol. XXUL J. M. Prat, Hist de S. Irenee. Lyon et Par. 1843. c) Apologet c. 17. De poenitent. c. 1. De virgg. vel. c. 1. De resurr. c. 3. C. Marc. 1, 10s. — Do came Ch. c. 5. De praescript c. 7. Adv. Ilermog. c. 8. d) Opp. ed. Rigaltim. Par. (16.35. 1641.) 1664. f. Semler et Schütz. Hal. 1770ss. 6 Th. Leopold Lps. 1S39js. 4 v.— A. NeandfT, Antignosticus, Geist des Tert u. Einl. in dess. Schrr. Berl. 1825 Hall. L. Z. 1825. N. 271ss.) [Antignosticus, &c. transl. by J. E. Rijland. Lond. 1851. vol. II, 8.] e) Tertul. adv. Praxean. c. 1. De virgg. vel. c. Is. De pudic. c. 1. Comp. Ilierun. catal. c. 53. — J G. Hoffmann, Tertul. omnia in montanismo scripta videri. Vit 1738. 4 J. A. Nöanelt, de vera aetat« scriptiir. Tert. Hal. (1757.) 1768. (Opp. Fasc. III. Ilal. 1817 ) /) Valesiiis, Acta SS. Perpetu'ie et Felicit Par. 1664. 90 ANCIENT CUUECn ÜISTOET. PEE. I. DIV. II. A. D. 100-312. nues remained in his possession to enable him to perform splendid acts of be- neficence in the accomplishment of his plans. Be enjoyed the instructions, but his heart never became imbued with the profound sentiment« of Tertul- lian, and his zeal was wholly expended in the administration of the aflairg of the Church. All his writings were drawn forth by passing events, and by their simple and ardent eloquence they exerted a considerable influence on those events. The leading thought in all his writings is, that the Church, being one in Christ, should be governed as a single kingdom by the bishops appointed by Christ. He refused the bishopric of Carthage to which he had been elected, until, in spite of an opposing party of jn-esbyters, he recognized in the tumultuous expressions of the popular will tlie mandate of God (248). His plans for the enforcement of ecclesiastical discipline were suddenly inter- rupted by the persecution under Decius. He fled (250), but from his place of refuge be continued arbitrarily to govern his church by means of rescripts and vicars, and apologized for the little attention he paid to the counsel of his co-presbyters and the will of the people, by referring to the necessities of the times. A great multitude of those who had fallen in time of persecu- tion afterwards begged that they might be readmitted to the Church. Cyprian at flrst refused to do this with extreme Montanistic severity. But the power of pardon in such cases was generally conceded to the confessors, who in the present instance exercised it without regard to his views. A power thus abused he refused to acknowledge. The hostile presbyters, led on by Fdiciissimiis, whom they had ordained a deacon, now stirred up the otfended confessors and those who had formerly relapsed, until an insurrec- tion against his authority was effected. They represented that it ill became one who had himself fled like a hireling, to exalt himself above those who, in times of persecution, had exhibited some signs of human infirmity, and least of all those who had then heroically maintained their constancy. They de- posed Cyprian, and chose Fortunatus, one of their own number, in his place. Cyprian apologized for his flight, by pleading that he was led to it by a divine revelation, and declared that every one Avho resisted his authority was a rebel against Christ. After Easter, in the year 251, he returned to his charge, and at a synod of the African bishops represented his own cause as the common cause of the episcopacy. "With this view, the synod put down the opposition of the presbyters. "With respect to those who had relapsed, he obtained a moderate decision,« which enjoined that they should not be given over to despair, nor admitted to pardon, except in immediate danger of death, or after a long and thorough repentance. Accordingly, when a pestilence was prevalent, and during the incursions of the barbarians, he freely administered to them consolation and assistance. The intimate con nection which he had ordinarily maintained with the Roman Church, and Avhich had been strengthened by a common interest in opposition to the No vatians, was interrupted (after 253) by the controversy respecting the bap tism of heretics. In opposition to the Roman bishop, Cyprian contended, that truth was to be ascertained, not by an appeal to usage, but to reason ; that each bishop was equal in authority to every other ; that the laws of nc province were a uniform model for those of another, and that a diversity of CHAP. IV. DOCTRINES. § 84. CTPEIAND3. § 85. CLEMENS ALEX. 91 asages was not inconsistent with the general unity of the Church. Stephen refused to receive the African messengers whom he sent to Rome. Oypnan appealed to the Asiatic bishops, in whose name Firmilian, bishop of Caesa- rea wrote an epistle full of bitter derision of the arrogant pretensions of the' Roman bishop. In a synod convened at Carthage, the African bishops nnanimouslv protested against Rome (§ 71). While these things were tran- spiring, Valerian published his edict against the Christians. Cyprian had now become too conspicuous to find safety in another flight. Having ac- knowledged himself a Christian and a bishop, he was banished by the pro- consul to Carbi, but he was afterwards permitted to return to his garden at Carthao'e After a year's respite, sentence of death was pronounced against him as!an enemy to the Roman gods, ana the chief of a criminal association. He was accordingly beheaded on the fourteenth of Sept. 258. No obstruc- tion however, was offered to his admiring friends, as they performed the last offices of affection to him in his death, and as they did honor to his life- less remains. § 85. I. The School of Alexandria. H. E. F. Guerike, de schola quae Alexandrine floruit, catechetica. Hal. 1824s. 2 P. C. F. G. ITasselbacK de schola, quae Ales, floruit, cat Stettin. 1826. P. I. comp, dfatter, de recoIe^d'Alesan. drie Par (1820.) 1840. 2 Th. Bitter, Gesch. de christl. Phil. vol. I. p. 421ss. [Epitome of the Ilist ol P1Ü1 iransl from the French by C. S. Henry, vol. I. pp. 207-220. Neander, Hist, of the Chr. Rel. transl. by J. Torrey. vol. I. pp. 526-55T.] About the middle of the second century arose in Alexandria an ecclesias- tical school, under the superintendence of the bishop, after the model of the schools of philosophy. Sooner or later, it was unavoidable that the science and literature of Greece should become enlisted in the service of the cause of Christ. («) This had already been unintentionally commenced by the Apologists, but it was now consummated from a direct purpose and prefer- ence in the Alexandrian school. Among those who presided over this school, was Pantaenus (about 180), previously a Stoic, and since immortalized by nis pupils, (h) Titus Flavins Clemens, probably from Athens, did not embrace Christianity until mature years, and after exhausting all the advantages of Greek and Christian culture, he professed to have found in Pantaenus a cor- rect interpreter of the Scriptures. He first became the assistant and then the successor of his chosen teacher in the management of the school (about 191-202), until just before the persecution under Severus, when he betook himself to the house of one of his pupils. The last trace we have of him was at Jerusalem, in the year 211. In a work which he divided into three parts, according to the successive steps of Conversion, Discipline, and Free Insight, he has collected in a motley form, principally from the trea- sures of Grecian wisdom, whatever is favorable to Christianity, contended against every thing hostile to the gospel in Gnosticism, determined with a) (Sowverain) Le Platonisme devoile. Colog. (Anisterd.) ITOO. Moxhem. de turbata per rec. Pia- ■on Ecc Helmst 1T25. On the other hand: B