/./s^. 5^ 
 
 LIBRARY OF THE THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 
 
 PRINCETON, N. J. 
 
 I 
 
 3R 1705 .BS5 j ■ 
 
 Bright, William, 1824-1901 •' 
 
 Lessons from the lives of ' \"\ 
 
 three great fathers ' 
 
^■■^■^• 
 
 
 
 . > * ^ ' » ^» ' 
 
 
 
 
LESSONS 
 
 FROM THE LIVES OF 
 
 THREE GREAT FATHERS 
 
 I 
 
BY THE SAME AUTHOR. 
 
 FAITH AND LIFE : Readings for the greater 
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LESSONS ""^ "' ■ 
 
 FROM THE LIVES OF 
 
 Three Great Fathers 
 
 WITH APPENDICES 
 
 BY ' 
 
 WILLIAM "I^RIGHT, D.D. 
 
 CANON OF CHRIST CHURCH, OXFORD 
 
 REGIUS PROFESSOR OF ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY 
 
 EXAMINING CHAPLAIN TO THE BISHOP OF LINCOLN 
 
 LONDON 
 LONGMANS, GREEN, & CO. 
 
 AND NEW YORK: 15 EAST i6ti. STREET 
 iS()o 
 
t 
 
 TO THE DEAR AND HOLY MEMORY OF 
 
 HENRY PARRY LIDDON, 
 
 WHOSE HIGH SOUL ASSIMILATEIJ AS BY INSTINCT 
 WHATEVER WAS NOHI.EST IN ANCIENT CIIklSITANUV, 
 
 WHILE IT SAW DEEI- INTO THE SI'IKITUAL NEEDS 
 
 AND SrOKE FOR CHRIST TO THE MIND AND CONSCIENCE 
 
 or MODERN ENGLAND. 
 
 «3 
 
PREFACE 
 
 This book contains, in the first place, an 
 enlarged form of addresses on the lives of 
 St. Athanasius, St. Chrysostom, and St. 
 Augustine, which were delivered in the 
 Cathedral at Oxford, on some week-day- 
 evenings during an Advent. 
 
 It was not then to the purpose, nor has it 
 been now attempted, to produce anything 
 like complete biographies, but rather to 
 dwell on such leading features of life and 
 character as might be found peculiarly 
 interesting and suggestive. A fuller account 
 of the career of Athanasius will be found in 
 the " Introductions" to his "Orations against 
 the Arians," and his " Historical Writings," 
 as reprinted at the Clarendon Press in 1873 
 and 1881. 
 
Vlll PREFACE. 
 
 The Appendices are intended to illustrate, 
 — but only by way of help to further study, 
 • — some features of the " Lives," or important 
 points connected with them, which required 
 fuller treatment than could be given in the 
 text or in footnotes. 
 
 No further prefatory words would be 
 appropriate, were it not that, since the death 
 of the great man whose name is so frequently 
 referred to in these pages, and whose earthly 
 course, like that of him to whose memory 
 they are sorrowfully dedicated, was closed 
 while they were passing through the press, 
 attention has not unnaturally been called to 
 Cardinal Newman's own repeated statement, 
 that it was " the study of the Fathers " which 
 led him — just forty-five years since — to 
 abandon the Church of England for that of 
 Rome. English Churchmen, then, who retain 
 the traditional Anglican reverence for those 
 who, in no forbidden sense, are commonly 
 
PREFACE. IX 
 
 called the Fathers, may well be asked what 
 they have to say to such an assertion ; and 
 perhaps may answer somewhat as follows, 
 with truest reverence, not so much for the 
 wonderful genius as for the pure and lofty 
 goodness of one who so habitually desired, 
 as he expressed it in the pathetic farewell 
 at Littlemore, that in " all things he might 
 know God's will, and at all times might be 
 ready to fulfil it" ^ 
 
 His course, in the first place, was determined 
 by an intense individuality — by interior 
 tendencies and impulses which kept him 
 solitary among friends and fellow-workers, 
 — which made him seem, at various times of 
 his life, "mysterious and inexplicable." And 
 then we see, in particular, that his "study of 
 the Fathers," in the critical years beginning 
 with 1839, was insensibly affected by a Rome- 
 ward bias, which owed some of its strength 
 
 ' Sermons on Subjects of the Day, p. 464. 
 
X PREFACE. 
 
 to an unmistakable vein of mysticism. As- 
 suredly nothing else will account for what 
 has been called his " amazing discovery, 
 which led to so much, of our likeness" (or 
 " awful similitude," as he himself called it), 
 " to the Monophysites " ^ of the days of St. 
 Leo ; for the facility with which a mind of 
 extraordinary subtlety, which found special 
 delight in the elaboration of distinctions, was 
 arrested, and, as it were, carried out of itself, 
 by one of the most unsubstantial of false 
 analogies, — as if those Orientals who, while 
 not going the whole length with Eutychians 
 proper, objected to such language as Leo 
 (most wisely and successfully) pressed on 
 the Church about our Lord's existence " vi 
 two natures," were the actual prototypes of 
 English Churchmen who, while believing 
 with Leo, and with the whole of orthodox 
 
 * Christian Remembrancer, xlviii, i86 (on " Dr. Newman's 
 Apology "). 
 
PREFACE. XI 
 
 Christendom, Eastern and Western, from the 
 Council of Chalcedon onwards, on the great 
 question then at issue, rejected the distinc- 
 tively Roman system as built up in the 
 Middle Ages and consolidated at the Council 
 of Trent.^ A subsequent passage explains 
 that " the history of St. Leo showed that the 
 deliberate and eventual consent of the great 
 body of the Church ratified a doctrinal 
 decision," and also " that the rule of antiquity 
 was not infringed, though a doctrine had not 
 been publicly recognised, as a portion of 
 the dogmatic foundation of the Church, till 
 centuries after the time of the Apostles." 
 But the first point could not make for 
 Romanism, unless "the great body of the 
 
 * See the passage in the " Apologia," p. 209, ed. i : " I 
 saw my face in that mirror, and I was a Monophysite. The 
 Church of the Via Media was in the position of the Oriental 
 communion" (surely an inexact phrase for what was meant); 
 " Rome was what she now is " (all the difference between 
 the positions of Leo I. and of Pius IV. or Gregory XVI. 
 being absolutely ignored), "and the Protestants were the 
 Eutychians." 
 
 .y 
 
Xll PREFACE. 
 
 Church " could be identified with the Latin 
 " obedience ; " and, as to the second, the 
 recognition of " In two natures " was simply 
 analogous to that of the Homoousion ; it 
 was not a new doctrine imposed, but an old 
 doctrine elucidated. Similarly, soon after 
 this " discovery," the terse dictum of St. 
 Augustine as to the case of the African 
 Catholics, supported by the rest of Christen- 
 dom, against the Donatists, " Securus judicat 
 orbis terrarum," ^ seemed to " ring in " Mr. 
 Newman's " ears with a power " reminding 
 him of " the ' Tolle, lege,' which converted 
 St. Augustine himself," until it " pulverised," 
 for him, " the theory of the Via Media," by 
 suggesting for the " decision of ecclesiastical 
 questions a simpler rule than that of antiquity, 
 — that the deliberate judgment in which the 
 
 ' C. Epist. Parmen. iii. 24. The context further explains 
 what he meant by "orbis terrarum : " " in tanta multitudine 
 gentium quacunque Christi hsereditas patet : " cf. ib. i. i, 
 "ecclesiam toto orhe dififusam," etc. 
 
PREFACE. Xlll 
 
 whole Church at length rests and acquiesces 
 is an infallible prescription ^ and a final 
 sentence against such portions of it as protest 
 and secede." 
 
 " The whole Church " is here, without further 
 argument, assumed to be equivalent to the 
 Roman communion ; but that assumption, of 
 course, involves logically submission to Rome. 
 In the "Apologia" is described, apparently 
 without any suspicion of the inference to be 
 drawn from it, the "excitement" produced 
 by this "dreadful misgiving" as to the 
 tenableness of Anglicanism ; it was the sensa- 
 tion of having " seen a ghost, the shadow of 
 a hand upon the wall ; " it was " a sudden 
 visitation," the true bearing of which, how- 
 ever, had yet to be ascertained. " If it came 
 from above, it would come again ; " meantime, 
 " I determined to be guided, not by my 
 
 ' In Tertullian's sense, a pncscriptio, or plea in bar of a 
 litigant's right 
 
XIV PREFACE. 
 
 imagination, but by my reason. . . . How- 
 ever, my new historical fact had to a 
 certain point a logical force : down had come 
 the Via Media, as a definite theory, . . . 
 under the blows of St. Leo ; " such logical 
 force being, in fact, ascribed to it on the 
 assumption already mentioned, and in dis- 
 regard of true historical relevancy. Two 
 years later, while the "translation of St. 
 Athanasius " (a work of surpassing value, 
 although marked here and there by over- 
 subtlety ^) was in progress, " the ghost came 
 a second time ; " it was now the Semi-Arians 
 who were shadows cast before of Anglicanism 
 as distinct from Protestantism ; again the 
 same unconscious " petitio principii," as if 
 Athanasius, and those who with him insisted 
 on the maintenance of the Nicene Creed, 
 
 ' E.g. in some of the headings and notes to the context in 
 which Athanasius recognises a limitation of knowledge (not 
 fallibility) in our Lord as Man, while upon earth. 
 
PREFACE. XV 
 
 could furnish a precedent for the Roman 
 anathemas against all who withhold their 
 assent from Roman doctrine.^ Already (in 
 
 ' In a deeply interesting paper on Cardinal Newman, in 
 " Good Words " for October, 1890, Mr. R. H. liutton says that 
 " Newman was struck with the fact that even in the early 
 controversies on the nature and divinity of Christ there were 
 controversialists who took this middle line, and who were 
 supported by the State, by Constantine and his successors, 
 purely because they did take this middle line, and did not 
 run into extremes, — for example, the Semi-Arians and the 
 Monophysites," etc. The same remark is made in Mr. 
 Hutton's volume, " Cardinal Newman," the first of a series 
 on "English Leaders of Religion." Now, as to "State 
 support," the Semi-Arians had none of it after Constantius 
 abandoned them in 359 in favour of Homoean or Acacian 
 Arianism ; and under Valens their leaders were exiled for 
 holding a synod. The Monophysites of Egypt had State patron- 
 age for about a year, and afterwards stood out against orthodox 
 Emperors, and vituperated the orthodox as "King's men." 
 (Something, too, might be said of the " State support " 
 which Leo, in Western Church affairs, procured from his own 
 Emperor.) But, as to the main point, any soi-disant Via 
 Media must be judged on its own merits : has it a right to a 
 title which, if there are such things as religious "extremes," 
 is an honour? First, then, Semi-Arianism as a formulated 
 theory (apart from such objections to the Homoousion as 
 were founded on misconception), and Monophysitism in the 
 restricted and technical sense, were not Vis Mediae at all, 
 but merely inconsistent modifications of those Arian and 
 Eutychian "extremes "to which the opposites were Sabel- 
 lianism and Nestorianism. It was Athanasius and Leo that 
 
XVI PREFACE. 
 
 October, 1840) an ominous sentence had 
 appeared in a letter to a friend, which is 
 quoted at length in the " Apologia." " The 
 arguments which I have published against 
 Romanism seem to myself as cogent as ever, 
 but men go by their sympathies, not by 
 argument ; and if I feel the force of this 
 influence myself, who bow to the arguments, 
 why may not others still more," etc. 
 
 We seem, then, to be warranted in con- 
 cluding that it was not patristic study in itself, 
 but the impression produced by certain points 
 in that study — by certain figures in patristic 
 history, as seen in the magic "mirror" of an 
 imagination looking out for signs and stimu- 
 
 were really in a Via Media : and Leo repeatedly insists that 
 the doctrine of One Christ in two natures is the truth which 
 condemns alike Nestorius and Eutyches. And secondly, in 
 order to set aside, as illegitimate, a Via Media on the Roman 
 question, it has to be proved that Rome is not "extreme" 
 in the authoritative and dogmatic direction, i.e. that she is 
 right on that question, as Athanasius and Leo were on the 
 questions of the Trinity and the Incarnation ; which is just 
 v^•hat Anglicans deny on grounds theological and historical. 
 
PREFACE. XVll 
 
 lated by a growing " sympathy " ^ with Rome, 
 — that told with the author of " The Church 
 of the Fathers" against that native Church 
 which he, more than any one else, had roused 
 to a sense of its Catholic vitality, but which, 
 as he knew it, failed to satisfy some urgent 
 demands of his own nature. One would 
 infer that, apart from the active presence of 
 popular Protestantism among its members, 
 the English Church all along seemed to him 
 too small, tame, and prosaic, deficient in 
 mystery and in majesty, complacently ob- 
 sequious to the State, inclined to a comfort- 
 able worldliness, and very unlike his own ideal 
 of the kingdom of Christ as a truly "imperial 
 
 ' It may be objected that, according to Anglican apolo- 
 getics, " the Christian evidences presuppose a certain moral 
 sympathy in an inquirer " (Liddon, Univ. Serm. ii. 2l6), 
 that " certain religious instincts and affections form a ground 
 of belief antecedent to external evidence " (Mozley, Lectures, 
 p. 7). But Newman's craving for a Pope did not stand on 
 the level of such predispositions ; it was not, like them, 
 representative of a normal spiritual principle of human nature, 
 nor bound up with the moral bearings of religious belief. 
 
XVIU PREFACE. 
 
 power." ^ It belongs to an idealising mind 
 to manipulate facts while it thinks it is 
 observing them ; and although no one would 
 have shrunk with more sincere aversion from 
 the " dishonesty of distorting history for the 
 sake of theory," ^ yet Newman's own tempera- 
 ment, always characterised by a peculiar and 
 absorbing self-consciousness, might present 
 the facts of history to his judgment in a more 
 or less distorted form. 
 
 Once more, when at last he submitted to 
 Rome, he did so, as is well known, on a 
 theory of doctrinal development, "which," 
 as he tells us, he had " begun to consider 
 steadily in 1843," some two years before his 
 secession. It has been described by an acute 
 critic^ as wholly distinct from that view of 
 " explanatory " developments of Christian 
 
 ' See Sermons on Subjects of the Day, p. 245, etc. 
 ^ Newman, Historical Sketches, iii. 342. 
 ^ Professor Mozley, The Theory of Development, 
 p. 144 ff. Cp. Sir W. Palmer on Development, p. 148. 
 
PREFACE. XIX 
 
 doctrine which all Christians admit, and 
 which is illustrated by the Nicene Creed in 
 regard to the Divine Sonship, and by other 
 received formulas in regard to the Divine 
 Incarnation, A statement is made, but its 
 meaning has to be "developed," so as to 
 bar out misapprehension, and to bring out 
 into fuller light what it really and originally 
 contains ; ^ but nothing is thus added to its 
 substance, — whereas " there is a kind of 
 development which is a positive . increase 
 of the substance of the thing developed, — 
 a fresh formation not contained in, though 
 growing out of," the " original matter," as 
 when an acorn gradually produces an oak. 
 The " development " of which a " theory " 
 was elaborated was of the latter kind ; the 
 doctrinal " idea " being supposed gradually 
 to expand and " perfect " itself, to grow in 
 
 ^ " Improbatio hDereticorum facit eminere quid Ecclesia 
 tua sentiat, et quid habeat sana doctrina : " S. Aug. Conf. 
 vii. 25. Comp. Vincent. Lirin. Commonit. c. 22, 23. 
 
XX PREFACE. 
 
 its actual body or substance, to form around 
 itself new ideas, and thus fresh truths, under 
 the guidance of a continuous revelation 
 enshrined in the teaching power of the 
 Church. Undoubtedly one drawback to this 
 hypothesis was the necessity of applying it 
 to the orthodox Christology, and the advan- 
 tage which might thus be taken by arguers 
 who, from the " undogmatic " standpoint, 
 would represent Nicene doctrine as an ex- 
 aggeration, while denying any authority com- 
 missioned to exaggerate.-^ But the theory 
 was necessary for a patristic scholar who had 
 to adopt Romanism en bloc. The " lives " 
 before us, for instance, answer the question, 
 whether the fundamental Roman propositions 
 
 * "On the Roman side of the parallel, the implicit 
 doctrine has the relation to the developed of no more than 
 a seed or element. Then on the Nicene side it must be the 
 same. . . . If the Nicene growth sanction the later" (Roman) 
 " growth, it must be real growth ; now the Nicene doctrine 
 as to our Lord is no more than that He was very God" 
 (see below, p. 15) ; "the primitive doctrine, then, must have 
 been less." Mozley, p. 207, cp. ib. 163-167. 
 
w 
 
 PREFACE. XXI 
 
 about the Papacy were held and acted upon 
 by the Church of "three great Fathers." 
 If, when Arianism came in Hke a flood, the 
 Roman see had been acknowledged as in- 
 fallible, Sylvester I. must have been called 
 upon to abate a controversy so disastrous 
 to Christian interests by discharging a func- 
 tion which could never have been more 
 opportunely exercised. Chrysostom, in his 
 troubles, applied for assistance to Pope Inno- 
 cent, not as to the one final judge of 
 all cases between bishops, but as the most 
 eminent and influential of Western prelates : 
 he even wrote in duplicate forms to the 
 bishops of Milan and Aquileia.^ And 
 although Augustine spoke of the great 
 " apostolic see " of the West with reverential 
 observance, he took part in that African 
 resolution to " verify references " given by 
 a Roman legate which exposed the attempt 
 
 ' See Oxf. Transl. of Fleury, etl. Newman, ii. 95. 
 
XXll PREFACE. 
 
 — made probably in ignorance — to urge as 
 " Nicene " a canon investing Rome with a 
 certain appellate jurisdiction, by proving that 
 the canon had never existed in the Nicene 
 text.-^ Such facts would be a difficulty to 
 the old-fashioned Roman Catholic, who 
 believed that every part of his Church's 
 system had come down straight from primi- 
 tive times. But one who employed the new 
 theory could put them aside as merely illus- 
 trating his point — that the evolution of Papal 
 powers had been very gradual. He might, 
 howevei", be asked whether his theory had 
 been accepted by the authorities ; and on that 
 question he could not say much.^ What 
 
 ' Ibid., 344. Compare also the notes in iii. 93, 359, on 
 Pope Celestine's recognition of the apostolic office as shared 
 by all bishops, and on the reception of Leo's " Tome " at 
 Chalcedon (or previously), " not as a final, judicial decision," 
 but as tested by existing standards, and found to agree with 
 them. These notes had the editor's approval. 
 
 * See Palmer, p. 228 if. He considers that Mohler's 
 "development" does not go beyond "more distinct and 
 definite vievirs " of doctrine as brought out by controversy, 
 p. 332. Cp. Archb. Trench, Huls. Lect. p. 85. 
 
PREFACE. XXIU 
 
 could he say now ? So far from having been 
 adopted as official, it appears to outsiders 
 to have received a fatal rebuff. The Vatican 
 decree of 1870 affirms the Papal jurisdiction, 
 as plenary and sovereign, ordinary and 
 immediate, both over and within all churches, 
 to be " in accordance with the ancient and 
 constant faith of the Church Universal : " it 
 claims "the perpetual practice of the Church" 
 as attesting the Papal infallibility on ques- 
 tions of faith and morals ; and professes, in 
 so defining it as a " dogma," to " adhere 
 faithfully to the tradition received from the 
 very beginning of Christian faith." And this 
 decree, the " Pastor ^ternus," was promul- 
 gated by Pius IX. "with the approval of the 
 sacred Council." It would seem therefore to 
 be, on Roman principles, not only infallible 
 when it defines certain dogmas, but above 
 question when it asserts that they have been 
 held from the beginning. If so, one sees not 
 
XXIV PREFACE. 
 
 how it leaves room within the Roman area 
 for a theory which admits that they have not 
 been thus held ; and, at all events, its asser- 
 tion on that subject is one which could not 
 now be the result of anything like a " study 
 of the Fathers." 
 
 That study would be degraded if turned 
 into an occasion of controversialism ; it would 
 also be misused if it fostered an unpractical 
 forgetfulness of the differences between our 
 surroundings, our problems, or our tasks, 
 and those of the Fathers, — or a tendency to 
 idealise their times as a golden age of Church 
 perfection. To dwell on this, indeed, is 
 hardly in season. Men of our day are not 
 likely to exalt individual Fathers into oracles, 
 to profess entire satisfaction with their ex- 
 egesis, to ignore the teachings of later 
 experience as to some things which they 
 more or less encouraged, or to neglect the 
 li^ht received throusrh modern discussion and 
 
PREFACE. XXV 
 
 research. It may be more apposite to guard 
 against an ungracious and inequitable dis- 
 paragement of their services to the cause of 
 Christianity. Their lives, even more than 
 their writings, are rich in material for what 
 the Apostle, in a phrase which for many 
 readers has well-nigh lost its significance, 
 describes as " edification ; " they laboured to 
 build up the house of the Lord in human 
 characters. They were typical Christians, 
 men in whom the spiritual life was domi- 
 nant, whose rock-like faith could strengthen 
 their brethren, who set loyalty to Christ 
 above all earthly considerations, who made 
 His Kingdom, as manifest in the Church, at 
 once the home of their souls and the sphere 
 of their best energies. And if any of us 
 Englishmen, members of a Church whose 
 position as " national " involves temptations 
 as well as opportunities, and inheritors of a 
 civilisation which mi^ht seem to be more and 
 
XXVI PREFACE. 
 
 more moving away from religion,^ are at all 
 in danger of taking up with a relaxed and 
 secularised Christianity, of " fashioning our- 
 selves in accordance with this alu)v," the life 
 temporal and social, as if — religious formulas 
 notwithstanding — it were ^/le life, — we may 
 find in "the zeal and devotion and self-deny- 
 ing sanctity which were the notes of the early 
 faith " ^ as embodied in men like Augustine, 
 Chrysostom, or Athanasius, an enkindling 
 and invigorating image of one main charac- 
 teristic of the Christians of the New Testa- 
 ment, that by faith they overcame the world. 
 
 Christ Church, 
 October 9, 1890. 
 
 ' See Church, The Gifts of Civilisation, p. 117 ff. 
 * Prof. Shairp, Aspects of Poetry, p. 450. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 PAGE 
 
 St. Athanasius i 
 
 St. Chrysostom 48 
 
 St. Augustine 109 
 
 APPENDICES. 
 
 I. Athanasius on the Doctrine 0/ the Trinity . 185 
 
 II. Athanasius on the Doctrine of the Incartiation 194 
 
 III. Athanasius on the Use of the Psalter . . . 200 
 
 IV. Estimates of the Career of Athanasius . . 204 
 V. Extracts from Chfysostom's " De Sacerdotio" 
 
 on the Preacher's Office 207 
 
 VI. Anomccanisin 231 
 
 VII. Chrysostom on the Difficulties of the Episcopate 237 
 
 VIII. Chrysostom on the Fall, Free Will, and Grace 242 
 
 IX. Theophilus and the ^' Origenists" . . . . 246 
 
 X. Ritual Charges against Chrysostom . . . 252 
 
 XI. Augustine's ^'' Soliloquium" 253 
 
 XII. Augustine on Paganism 257 
 
 XIII. Augustine on 'Uhe City of God '^ .... 263 
 
XXVlll CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 XIV. Augustine a7id the '■^ Quicunqtte Vult" . . 268 
 
 XV. Augustine on the Question of Evil . , . 271 
 
 XVI. The Charge against Felix of Aptunga . . 275 
 
 XVII. Augustine on the " Interior Chtireh" , . . 280 
 
 XVIII. Augustine on Chrisfs Agency in the Sacrame7its 285 
 
 XIX. Pelagian Senses of '■'■ Grace''' 289 
 
 XX. Semi-Pelagianisni 292 
 
 XXI. Jansemsm 303 
 
ST. ATHANASIUS. 
 
 In the beginning of 1832, a sermon was 
 preached before the University of Oxford 
 on " Personal Influence as a Means of Propa- 
 gating the Truth." The preacher, a Fellow 
 of Oriel, was then preparing for the press an 
 elaborate work on " The Arians in the Fourth 
 Century." He had been dwelling on " the 
 advantages accruing to error in its struggle 
 with truth," and had turned to the compen- 
 satory view which was indicated in the title 
 of his sermon — the moral power of select 
 souls, " ordained by God's providence to con- 
 tinue the succession of His witnesses." "A 
 few highly endowed men," — endowed, that 
 is, with singular gifts, spiritual, moral, intel- 
 lectual, — "will rescue the world for centuries 
 
 h 
 
ST. ATHANASIUS. 
 
 to come. Before now, even one man has 
 impressed an image on the Church which, 
 through God's mercy, shall not be effaced 
 while time lasts." And a footnote explains 
 the allusion in one word — " Athanasius." ^ 
 
 In the Christmas week of that same year, 
 the preacher, then travelling among the 
 Greek islands, wrote three stanzas on " the 
 Greek Fathers," which afterwards appeared 
 in the " Lyra Apostolica." The last line 
 but one in this little tribute to illustrious 
 memories describes the greatest man in the 
 whole series of " Fathers " as " royal-hearted 
 Athanase," — a felicitous epithet, which brings 
 before us the native majesty of a spirit born 
 to rule and guide; "the magnificent moral 
 superiority," as an eloquent writer has said, 
 which is felt to belong to Athanasius as he 
 moves among his fellows, " the highest in 
 aim, the mightiest in act, with a dominance 
 
 ' Newman, Univ. Sermons, p. 97. 
 
ST. ATHANASIUS. 
 
 evident and irresistible ; " ^ as he bears up, 
 not less kinglike, when "beaten by wild 
 breath of calumny, of exile, and of wrong," '^ 
 through that persistent Arian hostility of 
 which Hooker says with pardonable ex- 
 aggeration, that during the forty-six years 
 of his episcopate he was " never suffered 
 to enjoy the comfort of a peaceable day." 
 There is no rhetorical colouring in Hooker's 
 comment on the result of these machinations : 
 " the issue always, on their part, shame, — on 
 his, triumph."^ 
 
 It is, indeed, a wonderful story ; and it 
 has some obvious attractions for many who 
 do not much care for doctrinal questions as 
 such, or who even regard them from a stand- 
 point purely external. The adventures, so 
 to speak, of the hero have all the fascination 
 of a romance ; they might be said to form 
 
 ' Church Quarterly Review, xiii. 225. 
 2 Williams, The Cathedral, p. 286. 
 ' Hooker, E. P. v. 42. 2. 
 
4 ST. ATHANASIUS. 
 
 an ecclesiastical Odyssey, with its full share 
 of light and shadow, its due proportion of 
 hairbreadth escapes. Without reckoning 
 the earlier years, during which he became 
 the secretary and confidential deacon of 
 Alexander, Archbishop of Alexandria, and 
 made himself felt as a power in the First 
 General Council,^ his episcopal career, begin- 
 » ning apparently in the summer of 326, falls 
 into seven periods, which conclude respec- 
 tively with his first exile in 335, his escape 
 to Rome in 340, his second restoration in 
 346, his second escape in 356, his exile 
 under Julian in 362, his last escape in 365,^ 
 and his death in 373. As the drama of these 
 times evolves itself, we see the small figure 
 with the gravely beautiful face,^ ubiquitous 
 
 ' Not, of course, as a constituent member, but as an 
 attendant theologian, invited to speak, as the presbyter 
 Malchion was at the Council of Antioch, in 269. 
 
 ^ A brief compulsory absence in the second year of 
 Valens's reign. 
 
 ^ Julian mentions one of these points, Gregory Nazianzen 
 indicates the other. 
 
ST. ATHANASIUS. 
 
 and pre-eminent in the swiftly changing 
 scene. He is sitting in Council with the 
 hundred suffragans of his see ; or he is going 
 on a round of visitations ; or he is taking 
 steps to confute one or other of those libels, 
 some grotesque and some atrocious, by 
 which the Arian opponents of the Nicene 
 faith sought to strike at it through the person 
 of its chief representative. The variety and 
 persistency of these inventions are a tribute 
 to his greatness.^ " He has extorted money 
 from the Alexandrians to procure linen vest- 
 ments for his clergy ; " 2 « he has sent a purse 
 of gold to a rebel ;"^ " he has threatened to 
 stop the transport of Egyptian corn to Con- 
 stantinople ; " 4 « he poisoned the mind of the 
 late Western Emperor Constans against you, 
 Constantius Augustus ; " ^ " he has corre- 
 
 • They are here arranged, not chronologically, but as 
 referring to (i) breach of duty as a subject, (2) sacrilege, 
 (3) murder and sorcery. 
 
 • Ath. Apol. c. Ari. 60. = lb. 60. * lb. 87. 
 ^ Apol. ad Const. 2, ff. 
 
ST. ATHANASIUS. 
 
 sponded with a usurper ;" ^ "he has prema- 
 turely used a church built on imperial pro- 
 perty ; " ^ " he ordered a priest to interrupt 
 another priest while celebrating, the result 
 being that the chalice was broken in the 
 scufifle, and the holy table thrown down ; " " 
 " he murdered a bishop, in order to dis- 
 member him for magical purposes ; — and here, 
 in this box, is one of the victim's hands ! " * 
 One of the most curious incidents in the 
 story is the introduction, by Athanasius, of 
 this " dead-alive " to the hostile council 
 assembled at Tyre, when, after removing the 
 
 ' Apol. ad Const. 6, ff. ^ lb. 14, ff. 
 
 ' Ischyras, the "priest," was not a priest, for he had 
 not been ordained by a bishop. On the day to which the 
 incident was referred he was ill in bed, and that day was 
 not one on which a celebration would have been usual : 
 Ath. Apol. c. Ari. 11, 12, 28, 46, 74-83. Incidentally this 
 case shows that non-episcopal ordination was not recognised. 
 
 * For Athanasius' prompt despatch of a deacon to find 
 out Arsenius in his place of hiding, see Apol. c. Ari. 65. The 
 abbot of the monastery where he had been concealed was 
 brought before the general in command at Alexandria, and 
 obliged to confess that he was alive. 
 
ST. ATHANASIUS. 
 
 cloak which concealed the face of Arsenius, 
 he slowly unmuffles first one hand and then 
 the other, and asks " where the third hand 
 grew which he cut off." ^ Or we find him 
 intercepting Constantine in his ride with a 
 resolute appeal for justice,'*^ or walking with 
 faithful fellow-exiles under the Roman walls 
 of Treves. At Rome or at Milan, at Aquileia 
 or at Sardica, at Csesarea or at Antioch, he 
 is always dignified, self-possessed, completely 
 master of the situation. He attracts at once 
 the admiration and the affection of the chief 
 bishop of the West, himself a man of ability 
 and energy. He comes home after six years, 
 — his people make "a splendid festivity"^ of 
 welcome ; he takes pains to turn their glad- 
 ness into the channel of practical piety, but 
 guards, somewhat austerely, against aesthetic 
 excess in Church music, by reducing the 
 
 ' Soc. i. 29. * Ath. Apol. c. Ari. S6. 
 
 ' A phrase of Pope Julius I.'s : Apol. c. Ari. 52. 
 
ST. ATHANASIUS. 
 
 psalm-chant almost to a monotone.^ He 
 gives audience, in synod, to a layman who 
 has used temporal power for the extension 
 of the faith in Ethiopia, and sends him back 
 as its missionary bishop.^ Or, to take the 
 most famous scene of all — 
 
 " In the dark night, 'mid the saints' trial sore," ^ 
 
 he and some of his people, assembled in a 
 church for a vigil service, are beset by an 
 armed force sent to arrest him ; he takes his 
 seat calmly on his throne, orders the deacon 
 beside him to read the 136th psalm, and the 
 congregation to repeat the triumphant refrain, 
 " For His mercy endureth for ever," and then 
 quietly to disperse ; and he himself only just 
 manages to escape the grasp of the soldiery.^ 
 
 ' Aug. Confess, x. 30. 
 
 * Soc. I, 19. Frumentius was afterwards commemorated 
 in Ethiopia as " Father of peace." 
 
 ^ Lyra Apostolica, p. 121. 
 
 * Ath. Apol. de Fuga, 24, compared with the protest of 
 the Alexandrian churchmen, inserted at the end of his Hist. 
 Arianorum. 
 
ST. ATHANASIUS. 
 
 Or he is tending his flock from amid monastic 
 hiding-places, as effectively as if he were still 
 visible in Alexandria ; ^ or he is baffling 
 pursuers by an equivocal phrase and an 
 instant change of his boat's course ; or he 
 is conferring with, and instructing, the 
 first simply Catholic Emperor ; ^ or he is 
 avoiding the last of all his dangers by a timely 
 concealment in a country house.^ One 
 marvels that he lived through it all, came to 
 nearly fourscore years, and died in his own 
 bed, while Arians, who no longer ventured to 
 moles^ him, were biding their time to drive 
 out his successor. 
 
 So unquestionable is the power of such a 
 life, that Gibbon himself, with just a word 
 
 ' "En possession des coeurs et des esprits, ce fugitif, ce 
 proscrit, du fond des solitudes ou il se cache est, malgre ses 
 ennemis conjures, I'invisible niaitre de I'^gypte : " Fialon, St. 
 Athanase, p. 177. 
 
 ^ Ep. to Jovian. 
 
 ' Chronicon Acephalum, 16. Socrates says, " in his 
 father's tomb : " iv. 13. 
 
lO ST. ATHANASIUS. 
 
 / 
 
 or two of characteristic caveat about the 
 "taint of fanaticism" in the mind of "the 
 primate of Egypt," does justice to his 
 position as high among the great men of 
 history ; describes him as " patient of labour, 
 * jealous of fame " — that is, of his fair fame, — 
 and " careless of safety ; " and pronounces 
 that " his superiority of character and abili- 
 ties would have qualified him, far better 
 than the degenerate sons of Constantine, 
 for the government of a great monarchy : " ^ 
 as if there were a certain irony in the fate 
 which placed the liberty and security of an 
 Athanasius at the disposal of a Constantius 
 II. And so, in the perfect language of 
 Dean Church, " Greeks saw their own nature 
 and their own gifts elevated, corrected, 
 transformed, glorified, in the heroic devotion 
 of Athanasius, who, to all their familiar 
 qualities of mind, brought a tenacity, a 
 
 ' Gibbon, iii. 70. 
 
ST. ATHANASIUS. I I 
 
 soberness, a height and vastness of aim, an 
 inflexibility of purpose, which they admired 
 the more because they were just the powers 
 in which the race failed." ^ 
 
 And yet, however much we may be fasci- 
 nated by the brilliant or stormy pictures 
 which succeed each other in this extraor- 
 dinary career, however strongly it may appeal 
 to our capacity of appreciating abilities so 
 varied and a personality so majestic, we shall 
 not really understand Athanasius unless we 
 take full and serious account of the motive 
 power of his activities and endurances, nor, 
 one may add, unless the sympathy of a com- 
 mon belief can make us feel that it was well 
 worth while for him so to do and so to suffer. 
 What, then, was the enemy against which he 
 waged a lifelong warfare ? 
 
 Of Arianism a great authority has said 
 that " never was a heresy stronger, more ver- 
 
 ' Gifts of Civilisation, etc., p. 249. 
 
/ 
 
 12 ST. ATHANASIUS. 
 
 satile, more endowed with all the apparatus 
 of controversy, more sure, as it might have 
 seemed, of the future of the world." It " was 
 a political force," and " a philosophical dispu- 
 tant." ^ If it had affinities to that Antiochene 
 school which retained some impressions from 
 " Samosatene " misbelief, it could also quote 
 language in which Alexandrian divines had 
 overstated the " Filial Subordination."^ It 
 appealed to those who were sensitively and 
 actively watchful against a Sabellian confu- 
 sion between the Son and the Father ; it 
 could even recommend itself to recent con- 
 verts, who brought into the Christian area 
 some notions derived from their abandoned 
 polytheism ; and its singular aptitude for 
 utilising secular agencies and adopting irreli- 
 gious methods is a fact not to be ignored in 
 
 * Liddon, Bamp. Lect. p. 446. 
 
 ^ Properly, Subordittatio — the position of the Son, as 
 eternally derived from the Father, who is "of none." Atha- 
 nasius, holding this, held also the Filial co-equality. 
 
ST. ATHANASIUS, I 3 
 
 any estimate of its character. And what was 
 its essential dogma ? That the Son of God 
 was not eternal, and not uncreated, but only '/ ^ 
 the first of all the beings that had come into 
 existence at the fiat of the One Most High ; ^ 
 the eldest of all, the most exalted of all, the 
 instrument by which the others were created, 
 but still, in the last analysis, one of them, " a 
 thing made," " a work." Against this theory 
 the Nicene Council, in its Creed as originally 
 worded, had professed belief in " One Lord 
 Jesus Christ, the Son of God, begotten of the 
 Father (as) only begotten, that is, from the 
 essence of the Father, God from God, Light 
 from Light, very God from very God, begotten, 
 not made, of one essence with the Father ; — 
 Through whom all things, both things in 
 heaven and things on earth, came into being ; 
 Who for us men, and for our salvation, came 
 
 ' Athanasius sets forth the Arian propositions in Orat. i. 
 5, ad Ep. /Eg. 12, etc. 
 
14 ST. ATHANASIUS. 
 
 down and was incarnate, became man, suf- 
 fered, and rose again the third day ; ascended 
 into the heavens, will come to judge the quick 
 and dead." 
 
 As every one knows, the specially cha- 
 racteristic term in this formulary was "Homo- 
 ousion," Co-essential, less correctly rendered 
 Consubstantial, or, as we say, "of one sub- 
 stance." It was open to various objections, 
 arisingoutof notions which had been attached 
 to the Greek word " ousia."^ But Athanasius 
 long afterwards took pains to explain that 
 
 * As ovo-ia had been also used both for an individual 
 and a species, and by Stoics for matter, some confusion 
 was inevitable. Paul of Samosata had damaged the term 
 " Homoousion " by pretending that it implied a pre-existent 
 essence, divided between the Father and the Son ; and long 
 after the Nicene Council it was associated in many minds 
 either with the notion of a quasi-materialistic partition of the 
 Divine Being, or of a Sabellian denial of the Son's distinct 
 personality (see Hilary, de Synod. 68, 84, Fragm. ii. 2 ; 
 Sozomen, ii. 18, iii. 18, vi. 7). Yet the great Alexandrians, 
 who, before the Nicene Council, had withstood Sabellianism, 
 whose language had given some occasion to Arianism, and to 
 whom unspiritual conceptions of God were abhorrent, had 
 adhered to the term : Newman, Arians, p. 198. 
 
ST. ATHANASIUS. I 5 
 
 the Church used it as a safeguard of the idea 
 of a proper Divine Sonship, such as implied 
 that the Only-begotten was of the same nature 
 with the Father, which would be impossible 
 for any creature, however ancient and how- 
 ever august. It is not always remembered 
 that the Homoousion did but compress into 
 a single Greek word what lay in the phrase 
 " very God of," or " from, very God ; " for this 
 phrase excluded the idea of an official, adop- 
 tive, or honorary sonship, and ascribed to the 
 Only-begotten the same " reality " of Deity 
 which was attributed to the Father from 
 whom He was eternally derived.^ And when 
 Arianism was thoroughly examined, it was 
 clear that at the root and core of it lay a 
 denial of this unique Sonship, however much 
 that fact might be obscured by expressions of 
 deep reverence for the "divinity" of our Lord.^' 
 
 ' See Appendix I. 
 
 * Even the Sirmian "Blasphemia" applies tlie term 
 "God " to the Son ; and see Ath. ad Afros, 5. 
 
I 6 ST. ATHANASIUS. 
 
 When all was said, He remained still a Son 
 by adoption and grace, not by nature.^ 
 What, then, were the issues raised by the 
 discussion ? How was religion interested in 
 the case ? Would the success of Arianism 
 have been for Christian souls, for Christian 
 life and thought, a matter of no significance ; 
 or would it have been a capital disaster ? 
 
 I. There were three issues involved. To 
 begin with what lay nearest to the surface : 
 Christians had immemorially rendered to 
 Christ the tribute of an absolute devotion. 
 They had not merely looked up to Him as 
 Master ; they had worshipped Him as God.^ 
 He had been invested, in their belief, with 
 an unqualified supremacy over the soul and 
 
 ' Ath. de Synod. 54; Orat. i. 9, 37. "Arius begins by 
 pressing the metaphor of Sonship, and works round to the 
 conclusion that it is no proper Sonship at all : " Gwatkin, 
 Studies of Arianism, p. 28. Cp. Newman's Arians, p. 213. 
 With all its pretensions to be logical, Arianism resulted in 
 incoherence. 
 
 ^ Liddon, Bamp. Lect. p. 367. 
 
ST. ATHANASIUS. I 7 
 
 the life ; had been loved, trusted, served, 
 to all lengths, — adored as personally and 
 literally Divine.-^ The question then was, 
 whether this should go on ; whether it was 
 defensible, or whether Christians were to 
 reconsider their position, and materially alter 
 their way of thinking, feeling, and acting 
 towards their Saviour. For if Arianism were 
 true, this would become a religious duty for 
 those who desired to keep the First Com- 
 mandment. And so the " keen-visioned seer," 
 as Newman in another short poem calls Atha- 
 nasius, threw himself ardently into the work 
 of maintaining the Nicene Creed as a theo- 
 logical rationale of the Church's devotion to 
 her Lord — as an expression, and now (in the 
 face of Arianism, which had shown at the 
 Nicene Council its capacity of explaining 
 
 ' "The real proof" of the Apostles' belief in Christ's 
 divinity "lies in the absolute sovereignty in which Christ is ' 
 enthroned over their moral and spiritual life : " Dale on the 
 Atonement, p . 25 . 
 
I 8 ST. ATHANASIUS. 
 
 away the simple terms of the New Testa- 
 ment) a specially opportune expression, of 
 the belief that Christ had an entire right to 
 » all the loyalty, all the service, all the worship 
 which His servants had rendered or could 
 render, — a right consisting in the fact that 
 He was " of and in " the supreme incommu- 
 nicable Essence ; ^ that He was the Son by 
 nature, God from God, and God with God ; 
 and, further, that only as being Himself un- 
 created could He discharge the functions of a 
 Redeemer, or be the principle of spiritual life, 
 restoration, and sanctification to fallen and 
 sinful humanity. Thus, as the writer from 
 whom I am largely borrowing has admirably 
 worded it, "The question with St. Athanasius 
 was the evangelical one, ' What think ye of 
 Christ .'' ' a question," he adds, " practical, 
 personal, moral, devotional, involving the very 
 
 ' See Newman, Arians, p. 260; Liddon, Bamp. Lect. 
 P- 447- 
 
ST. ATHANASIUS. I9 
 
 substance of Christian life and practice;"^ as 
 Carlyle himself came to see that " if the 
 Arians had won, Christianity would have 
 dwindled into a legend," 
 
 2. Next, we may observe that Arianism 
 imperilled the strict, pure, definite conception 
 of God, as immeasurably distinct from all 
 creaturely life. Paganism, with its hierarchy 
 of deities, had hopelessly corrupted the sim- 
 plicity of the Divine idea ; and Arianism 
 was a retrograde step towards Paganism, 
 inasmuch as, while denying the Son to be 
 uncreated and eternal — that is, while separa- 
 ting Him from the real Godhead — it ascribed 
 to Him a titular divinity, and formally 
 brought within the Christian sanctuary the 
 
 ' Wace, in Good Words for 1878, p. 683, ff. It was the 
 constant habit of Athanasius to take his stand on the existing 
 traditional Christianity : see e.^. Oral. i. 8. According to 
 him, if the Homoousion were a new term, it was but the 
 expression of an old belief, an old worship, an old habitual 
 devotion of soul. It was a case in which to be "conserva- 
 tive," in the sense of objecting to a new term, was to risk, 
 being " destructive." 
 
20 ST. ATHANASIUS. 
 
 • heathenish principle of a plurality of gods. 
 It said in effect, There is divinity — and 
 divinity ; there is primary worship and 
 secondary worship ; the Son of God, being 
 the highest of creatures, is in this inferior, 
 improper sense, "divine" and "adorable." 
 Athanasius, and the Catholic divines who 
 followed him, instantly saw their advantage, 
 and pushed the Arians hard with the charge 
 of worshipping Christ on an idolatrous prin- 
 ciple.^ " On your showing," they said, " you 
 have no right to worship Christ ; He is, in 
 your view, a creature ; if you want to wor- 
 ship Him, you must come up to our ground, 
 and confess Him to be uncreate. As it is, 
 you hold too much, if you do not hold too 
 little. As it is, you are doing a mischief 
 
 * He struck, as De Broglie says, " incessamment sur ce 
 point vulnerable de I'Arianisme. ... En effet, I'identite par- 
 faite de sa substance avec la substance divine etait la seule 
 chose qui distinguat le Christ de tous les demi-dieux . . . 
 dont I'antiquite avait charge ses autels : " L'Eglise et I'Em- 
 pire, iii. 339. 
 
ST. ATHANASIUS. 2 1 
 
 to religion by obscuring the chasm that 
 stretches between God and all beside, in 
 virtue of which the highest archangel and 
 the lowest thing that breathes are on a 
 level before Him who upholds in life what- 
 ever He has created, as He could, by His 
 mere will, sweep all creation back into 
 nothingness." Herein they were doing much 
 more than merely embarrassing their an- 
 tagonists by an effective retort or a rediictio 
 ad absiirdum. They were witnessing against 
 an idolatrous conception, a profane " dilu- 
 tion of the idea of Deity : " ^ they were 
 
 ' Mozley on the Theory of Development, p. 79. He had 
 said, " Idolatry could not attach to the Arians' idea in its 
 application ; for, so far as our Lord was the object of their 
 worship, they were not idolatrous. It attached to it in its sub- 
 stance ; the position was in itself an idolatrous one ; it sup- 
 posed a being who was not to be supposed, ... a being 
 virtually a god to human minds, and yet an idol the instant 
 he was a god. ... It was a principle with the Fathers to 
 dislike proximities to Deity. . . . Let creatures be creatures, 
 and let God be God, their theology said," etc. The Arian 
 worship of Christ " was on its own principles absolutely 
 heathen creature-worship : " Gwatkin, Studies of Arianism, 
 
22 ST. ATHANASIUS. 
 
 decisively barring out the ditheism which 
 was knocking for entrance, — were securing 
 for all Christian generations the aboriginal 
 truth that God is essentially One. 
 
 3. Thirdly, we may discern in this debate 
 a revival of the question which the Gnostics 
 of earlier days had raised. Was there not, 
 they had practically asked, a real inaccessi- 
 bleness in the Supreme, which would always 
 keep Him aloof, out of contact with the 
 world and with man ? Must there not be 
 interposed between Him and the world, be- 
 tween Him and man, the agency of powers 
 below Himself, the lowest of which would 
 not be degraded or defiled by entering into 
 
 p. 28. See Athan. ad. Ep. ^g. 4 ; Orat. i. 8, ii. 23, iii. 
 16 ; de Syn. 50 ; ad Adelph. 3. This is the point of Basil's 
 reply, when urged by Modestus to adopt Arianism : " I, 
 being a creature of God, cannot endure to worship any 
 creature : " Greg. Naz. Orat. 43. 48. So Augustine, in 
 Joan. Evan. Tract. 18. 4 : «' The Word was God ! ' Yes, 
 I hold this,' says the Arian, ' but the one is the greater God, 
 the other the lesser.' Well, but that savours of Paganism ; 
 I thought I was talking to a Christian ! " 
 
ST. ATHANASIUS. 
 
 -J 
 
 relations with matter and with humanity ? ^ 
 And now Arianism virtually suggested, in 
 its theory of a created Son of God, what 
 tended to bring the old Gnostic idea back 
 again. Arius distinctly said, in a poetical 
 and popular representation of his opinions, 
 that the Son did not thoroughly know the 
 Father.^ The revelation, then, which took 
 place through the Son, was not an adequate 
 revelation of the Father ; it was something 
 less than that, — as much as could be given 
 in the circumstances ; the ultimate essential 
 Deity had not shone forth, had not actually 
 spoken. But the Catholic Creed, by de- 
 claring the Son to be co-essential, excluded 
 this survival of a non-Christian philosophy. 
 It said that the Father had spoken through 
 the Son, that the Son had " interpreted " the 
 
 * See Bp. Lightfoot on Colossians, p. 78. 
 
 - The "Thalia," quoted in Ath. de Synod. 15. It was a 
 serious poem, although the metre adopted had associations 
 which were anything but serious. 
 
24 ST. ATHANASIUS. 
 
 Father ; that in Him, who, as Athanasius 
 often puts it, was the Father's " genuine off- 
 spring " and " exact image," the Divine 
 will and character were expressed, as only 
 One who was Divine could express them ; 
 that in this rich and saving sense, the Name 
 of the Father was " put upon " the believer 
 in the Son, who, "in worshipping the mani- 
 fested glory, was worshipping nothing less 
 than the one and only glory," ^ was behold- 
 ing it, and nothing short of it or less than it, 
 " in the face of" the Incarnate, who, remain- 
 ing what He was, the Word and the Son, 
 had assumed and " appropriated " our hu- 
 manity.^ And to speak thus of the Virgin- 
 born Redeemer, who had walked the earth 
 in human form, had embraced and blessed 
 little children, had wept over a grave, had 
 let a friend lean on His bosom, had agonised 
 
 ' Church Quart. Review, xiii. 226. 
 
 ^ Ath. Orat. iii. 33. Cp. Cyril adv. Orient. 12. 
 
ST. ATHANASIUS. 
 
 in the garden, had died upon the cross, — 
 this was to bring God, the High and Holy 
 One Himself, really near to man, to affirm 
 the possibility of actual communion between 
 Him and His moral creatures,^ — to give full 
 utterance to the assertion that He is Love. 
 
 A great cause will often " carry the 
 fortunes " of more than one momentous 
 principle ; but one of those principles will 
 be most habitually present to the conscious- 
 ness of its advocates. In the case before 
 us, the real Deity of the Saviour, with its 
 boundless claim on human love, gratitude, 
 and loyalty, was the idea which occupied 
 the foreground in the minds of those who 
 contended for the Homoousion ; and a 
 French historian of " the Church and the 
 Empire" has described their acknowledged 
 leader as "enkindled, from youth upward, 
 
 ' Cp. Bishop Boyd Carpenter's Bamp. Lect. p. i lo ; and 
 Gwatkin, Studies of Arianism, p. 28. 
 
26 ST. ATHANASIUS. 
 
 with the passion which makes saints, the 
 love of Jesus Christ," and as thus led to 
 " consecrate all his faculties, the resources 
 of his learning and his logic, under the 
 guidance of an inflexible will and of eminent 
 good sense, to the defence of the Incarnate 
 Word."^ It was for Him, rather than 
 merely for the authority of a synod or the 
 orthodoxy of a formula, that he so contended 
 as to justify that terse majestic sentence in 
 which Hooker condenses what might fill 
 pages of eulogy, "Only in Athanasius there 
 was nothing observed, throughout the course 
 of that long tragedy, other than such as 
 very well became a wise man to do, and 
 a righteous to suffer."^ No motive less 
 penetrating and commanding than that of 
 devotion to a personal Divine Christ would 
 
 • De Broglie, L'Eglise et I'Empire, i. 372. Cp. Basil, 
 Ep. 82, to Athanasius as having "from his very boyhood 
 been engaged in the contest on behalf of true religion." 
 
 2 Hooker, E. P. v. 42. 5. 
 
ST. ATHANASIUS. 2'] 
 
 have made this career so unique as an 
 example. 
 
 It may be interesting to glance briefly 
 at some of the chief characteristics of 
 Athanasius, as brought out in the work to 
 which he thus devoted his whole being. 
 
 (i) We see, then, in him, to begin with, 
 a man of warm sympathies, who draws the 
 hearts of his people towards him, who never 
 forfeits their affection and their confidence. 
 The powers of his see are great, but, in 
 Newman's words, he has " too much good 
 sense and magnanimity . . . too much gentle- 
 ness and large sympathy to abuse " them.^ 
 When he is in exile, his thoughts turn to 
 his flock in Alexandria, or, rather, through- 
 out Egypt ; he is anxious that they should 
 not lose hope, should not relax in fidelity to 
 the cause. He is signally loyal to his old 
 
 ' Historical Sketches, iii. 339. So Basil writes to him in 
 371, " Who has more sympathy (than you) with the afflictions 
 of the brethren ? " Ep. 66. 
 
28 ST. ATHANASIUS. 
 
 friends. One of these, in a one-sided zeal 
 against Arianism, takes up a theory of the 
 Sonship which appears to attach it to the 
 Lord's humanity alone, and to ascribe to 
 the Word, as such, an eternity which is not 
 personal.^ Athanasius, as long as he can, 
 puts a favourable construction on question- 
 able language in the treatise of Marcellus on 
 I Cor. XV. 28 ; and when a younger prelate, 
 with a keen scent for heterodoxy, tries to 
 sound him on this delicate point, he checks 
 the inquiry by silence — and a smile,^ al- 
 though, according to another writer,^ he at one 
 
 ' See Hefele, Councils, E. T. ii. 31. If Marcellus really 
 maintained this, his object probably was to deprive the 
 Arians of their favourite argument from the word Son. But 
 the Sardican Council, having examined the book (from which 
 we only possess extracts made by an adversary, Eusebius 
 the historian), acquitted Marcellus. Pope Julius had been 
 satisfied by a profession of faith which, at his request, 
 Marcellus drew up. See Apol. c. Ari. 32, 47. 
 
 ^ Epiphanius, Haer. 72. 4. 
 
 ^ Hilary, Fragm. ii. 21-23. Hilary supposes that this 
 was on account of some later utterances of Marcellus : which 
 might lead one to suppose that the Sardican Council had put 
 
ST. ATHANASIUS. 29 
 
 time suspended communion with Marcellus. 
 Another friend undeniably goes astray from 
 a similar cause, and says that the Word was 
 to Christ instead of a mind, while his 
 followers proceed to deny the human reality 
 of Christ's body. Athanasius feels bound' y 
 to write against this error ; but although he 
 denounces it as a virtual attack on the 
 human side of the Incarnation,^ he will not 
 mention Apollinaris by name. 
 
 (2) Again, we see in him a signal instance 
 of the consecration of practical ability. 
 Although, as a promising youth, he was 
 taken into his archbishop's household, and 
 trained under distinctly ecclesiastical influ- 
 ences, he grows up a man of his own time, 
 with eyes open to all around him, with a 
 memory full of images from everyday life,^ 
 
 too favourable a construction on his treatise. Yet Hilary 
 seems to agree with the Council. 
 
 * See Later Treatises of St. Ath. in the Library of the 
 Fathers, p. 79, ff. 
 
 * Thus, in the "Contra Gentes"and the " De Incarna- 
 
ST. ATHANASIUS. 
 
 and with business faculties of a very high 
 order. He exhibits what has been truly- 
 called " a singular and piercing knowledge 
 of human nature." It has been finely said 
 that " his life is a work carried through with 
 an object perfectly well defined, towards 
 which his efforts, his acts, and his writings, 
 which are themselves acts, tend without 
 pause and without deviation ; the stead- 
 fastness of this soul, independent and mistress 
 of itself, is a living proof of the free will and 
 the moral force of man." ^ He is never taken 
 
 tione Verbi,'' we have imagery drawn from chariot races, 
 from wrestlers, from musical instruments, from the "resto- 
 ration" of effaced portraits, from a well-ordered city, from 
 the blaze of full sunshine, from the multitudinous waves 
 which he must have watched from the port of Alexandria. 
 He shows also a strong sense of the interdependence of 
 diverse elements in the physical world. This lively facility 
 in illustration appears, e.g., in Orat. ii. 52, iii. 79. 
 
 ' Fialon, St. Athanase, p. 299. Cp. Basil, Ep. 66 : 
 "Who has a keener perception of what should be done? 
 who has more practical ability for carrying out what is 
 beneficial ? " In Ep. 69, he has recourse to Athanasius as 
 "both an adviser and a leader in action;" in Ep. 82, he 
 addresses him as a divinely appointed "physician of the 
 
ST. ATHANASIUS. 3 I 
 
 off his guard ; he has a resource for every 
 difficulty ; he is keen and prompt to utilise 
 every opportunity. He knows how to 
 manage men ; the right word, sometimes an 
 opportunely humorous word, comes naturally 
 to his lips ; he is at home in all the in- 
 tricacies of what may be called party organi- 
 sation, as well as in the ordinary details of 
 the administration of diocese or patriarchate ; 
 in short, he stands out among those compara- 
 tively few saints who have been conspicuous 
 as ecclesiastical statesmen. 
 
 (3) Cardinal Newman has dwelt with 
 justice on the combination and balance of 
 qualities, "the union of firmness with dis- 
 crimination," of unswerving adhesion to 
 principles with equitable consideration for 
 individuals, which indicated in Athanasius a 
 " completeness of character " that was lacking 
 
 diseases underwhich the Churches suffer," as the "competent 
 pilot " of the labouring vessel. 
 
ST. ATHANASIUS. 
 
 to some other " conspicuous champions " of 
 " orthodoxy ; " ^ or, as one might prefer to 
 say, — for the term "orthodoxy" may sound, 
 to some ears, hard and formal, and is, after 
 all, inadequate to represent the idea intended, 
 — of the faith in a really Divine Christ. No 
 side of his character is developed to the 
 prejudice of another ; he is mature, equable, 
 tranquilly strong. 
 
 It is not required by historical justice that 
 we should seriously qualify this estimate by 
 reference to the vituperative epithets ^ which 
 Athanasius, after the controversial fashion of 
 his age, applied to an heretical party which, 
 as he knew from bitter experience, never 
 scrupled to fight with the most carnal 
 
 * Newman, Arians, p. 367. We may illustrate this 
 "manliness" by his frank acknowledgment of having been 
 led to inquire into and ascertain the use of a term : de Synod. 
 46 ; Orat. i. 30. 
 ~ 2 See Newman, Ath. Treatises, ii. 341 (Lib. Path.). It 
 should be added that Athanasius accepted, without verifying, 
 the received ecclesiastical opinion about Meletius, which 
 appears to have been incorrect. Cp. Hefele, i. 346. 
 
ST. ATHANASIUS. 
 
 weapons of this world, or to the petty-minded 
 autocrat who had made himself its agent, and 
 from whom he had hoped against hope for 
 something like fair treatment, and something 
 like respect for a plighted word.'^ Phrases 
 of irrepressible scorn and indignation do not 
 modify the impression which we derive from 
 the generous tone and measured language in 
 which Athanasius alludes to Liberius, who 
 had been wearied or cajoled into disowning 
 him as having justly incurred deposition,^ or 
 
 ' "The Apologia ad Constantium," which has been called 
 hypocritical in its expressions of trustful respect, was written 
 in 356, for use in a possible contingency — if Constantius 
 should change his line, and admit Athanasius to an audience 
 instead of continuing to persecute him. Similarly the Letter 
 to Egyptian Bishops, written early in 356, uses conventional 
 terms of respect towards Constantius. See the writer's 
 Introduction to Athanasius' Historical Writings, p. Ixiii. The 
 " Apologia de Fuga," which calls Constantius a heretic, was 
 written when this change was past hoping for. The "His- 
 toria Arianorum " was written about the beginning of 358, 
 and, in part at least, by a secretary ; in it Constantius is 
 unsparingly denounced. 
 
 ^ Ath. Apol. 88 ; Hist. Ari. 41. He does not refer to 
 Liberius' acceptance of an uncatholic formulary ; we learn 
 this from other evidence, that of Hilary, Jerome, and Sozo- 
 
 D 
 
34 ST. ATHANASIUS. 
 
 to Hosius, who in extreme old age had been, 
 one might almost say, coerced by brutal ill- 
 treatment into the temporary acceptance of 
 a thoroughly Arian creed.^ He who himself 
 was ever the same, who, had he fallen into 
 the hands of Constantius, or of the instru- 
 ments of that Emperor's odious tyranny, 
 would have died rather than compromise his 
 faithfulness, can make every allowance for 
 the weakness, under this or that trial, of men 
 whose hearts he believes to be " right with " 
 his own. He can plead with others who 
 honestly imagine themselves to have found, in 
 the formula " Like in Essence," the exact via 
 media between " Co-essential " and simply 
 " Like," ^ not to speak of the ultra- Arian 
 
 men. What he says that Liberius "signed " was a document 
 renouncing communion with him. 
 
 ^ The " Blasphemia," commonly called the Second 
 Sirmian. It is in Ath. de Synod. 28, and Soc. ii. 30. 
 
 * "Like," the " Homoion " of the " Acacian " Arians, 
 represented a wish to get rid of human formulas, and at the 
 same time, being easily understood to mean a merely moral 
 likeness of the Son to the Father, such as might, in degree, 
 
ST. ATHANASIUS. 35 
 
 term " Unlike ; " but whom he entreats, as his 
 " brothers," to consider whether they have 
 not gravely misunderstood the term "Co- 
 essential," — whether, believing already, as he 
 trusts, in the proper reality of the Divine 
 Sonship, they will not be consistent in ac- 
 cepting a term which, rightly taken, means 
 neither less nor more.^ 
 
 Once again, look at him as he presides 
 in an Alexandrian Council, which might 
 well serve as a pattern for Church synods. 
 It is a breathing-time after a long perse- 
 cution. Two sections of Catholics have 
 mutually offended each other by the diverse 
 employment of an ambiguous term. Some 
 say, as the Nicene Council had implicitly 
 said,^ that there is one " hypostasis," or 
 
 be predicated of any holy creature, it served as an introduc- 
 tion to the ultra- Arian " Anomoion." 
 
 ' De Synod, c. 41. In c. 54 he pleads, "Let us not 
 fight with shadows." In Orat. i. 21, he implies that Homoz- 
 ousion may have a sound sense. 
 
 ^ In the anathema appended to the original Nicene 
 
36 ST. ATHANASIUS. 
 
 literally " subsistence," in the Godhead ; 
 others rejoin, " No, there are three." The 
 former are charged with " confounding the 
 Persons ; " the latter are accused of " di- 
 viding the Substance." Just when it is so 
 unspeakably important for Churchmen to 
 present an unbroken front to the common 
 enemy, a breach appears to be imminent; but 
 Athanasius steps between.^ He sees that 
 the first thing to be done is to ascertain 
 whether the difference is verbal or real. He 
 asks each of the dissentient parties what 
 sense they attach to the word. It turns out, 
 as he had expected, that those who speak of 
 " one hypostasis " mean " one nature, one 
 essence, one Godhead ; " they are resolute in 
 
 Creed, against those " who said that the Son of God was 
 . . . of a different hypostasis or essence." Yet Athanasius, 
 long before this Alexandrian Council, had admitted the 
 phrase, " three hypostases," provided they were not regarded 
 as " separate," as in the case of human personahties : In 
 illud, Omnia mihi, 6 ; Expos. Fid. 2. On his Trinitarian 
 theology, see Appendix I. 
 
 ' See S. Greg- Naz. Orat. 2i. 35. 
 
ST. ATHANASIUS. 3/ 
 
 barring out Arianism, but have no thought 
 of merging the personaHty of the Son and 
 the Holy Spirit in that of the Father. Those 
 who affirm " three hypostases " explain that 
 they intend thereby to say, " There is a real 
 Father, a real Son, a real Holy Spirit ; " they 
 are bent on excluding Sabellianism, but 
 repudiate utterly the notion of dissolving 
 what later theology has called the Coinherence, 
 of imagining a Trinity of separate beings, of 
 saying in effect, " There are three Gods or 
 three Lords." ^ Thus, to use the familiar 
 wording of the " Quicunque," what is " re- 
 quired by the Christian verity " is secured, 
 while what is "forbidden by the Catholic 
 
 ' " The word subsistence, viroa-racis, which expresses the 
 one Divine substance," or God's real being, " has been found 
 more appropriate to express that substance viewed personally." 
 Newman, Ath. Treat, ii. 424 (Lib. Fath.). Of course, to 
 speak of "Persons" in the Holy Trinity is only "an ap- 
 proximation to the truth " (MacColl, Christianity in Relation 
 to Science and Morals, p. 78), which requires the idea of 
 " circumincessio " or coinherence, as its safeguard against 
 Tritheism : see Newman, Arians, p. 178. 
 
o 
 
 8 ST. ATHANASIUS. 
 
 religion" is shut out : all agree in "worship- 
 ping one God," but that God as existing 
 " in a Trinity." The " Quicunque," as we 
 all know, is of Latin origin, and of later 
 date ; but its careful insistence on both 
 sides of Trinitarian doctrine could not be 
 more vividly illustrated than by the con- 
 duct, on this memorable occasion, of the 
 great teacher whose name it popularly bears, 
 and who, not for the only time, taught 
 theological students the invaluable lesson 
 of looking through words into ideas,^ and 
 refusing to recognise a difference of belief 
 on the mere evidence of a difference of 
 terminology. 
 
 (4) In connection with this point, we may 
 notice one eminently characteristic feature 
 in the theological writings of Athanasius. 
 It is his power of seeing both aspects of a 
 truth.^ Some of the great divines of anti- 
 
 ' See Stanley on the Eastern Church, p. 300. 
 
 - "Sans rien innover," says Fialon, "he gave precise 
 
ST. ATHANASIUS. 39 
 
 quity are open to the charge of a certain 
 onesidedness : they are called upon to 
 emphasise a particular doctrine, and they do 
 so ; but in doing so they sometimes appear 
 to put into the background another doctrine 
 which is needed as its complement. Not 
 thus did Athanasius proceed in his vindica- 
 tion of the " Homoousion," If his main 
 subject is the Divinity of the Son, he is 
 zealous against that offshoot of Arianism 
 which regarded the Holy Spirit as a creature, 
 and careful to assert that priority of order 
 which belongs to the Father as the " fountain 
 of Godhead."^ He is keenly alive, as we 
 have seen, to the necessity of recognising 
 both aspects of the Incarnation.^ It was his 
 
 expression to the Church's belief as between the Arian and 
 thp Sabellian extremes : " St. Athanase, p. 301. 
 
 ' The "Monarchia," which Cardinal Newman, in his 
 "Tracts Theological and Ecclesiastical," calls the " princi- 
 patus " of the Father, in allusion to the sense of "principium " 
 as = apx'/ — origin. 
 
 ^ A passage in the unfinished notes, or memoranda, called 
 his Fourth Discourse against the Arians, may appear 
 
40 ST. ATHANASIUS. 
 
 special mission to maintain that what had 
 dwelt in the tabernacle of the humanity 
 was — 
 
 " God's presence and His very Self, 
 And essence all Divine." 
 
 But, he adds in effect, the Eternal Son of the 
 Father took our own manhood upon Him ; 
 and we must not slur over the reality of that 
 immense condescension, as if His flesh or His 
 mind were not veritably human, though im- 
 maculate and sinless : He is Very God, who 
 became for our sakes Very Man ; or, in 
 language borrowed by the compiler of the 
 " Quicunque," He is " perfect God and perfect 
 man," the self-same God and man.^ Again, 
 some passages in the Third Oration, or Dis- 
 course, against the Arians,^ display an almost 
 
 defective in this point of view : Orat. iv. 6. But it is ' 
 exceptional. See Orat. i. 50. He is fond of the phrase, 
 " The Son's presence as incarnate." 
 
 ' C. Apollin. i. 16. Comp. Orat. iii. 41. 
 
 ^ Orat. iii. 29, ff. ; comp. ad Maxim. 3. In Orat. iii. 43, 58 ; 
 iv. 36, he implies that our Lord had a "human nature." 
 
ST. ATHANASIUS. 4I 
 
 prophetic discernment of the requirements of 
 later controversy. Athanasius is urging that 
 "the account of the Saviour given in Holy 
 Scripture is twofold ; " and what follows, 
 through a somewhat long context, reads like 
 an anticipation of the combined teaching 
 which might be drawn from Cyril of Alex- 
 andria and from Leo the Great, although, 
 naturally enough, the phrases employed are 
 less technical.^' In fact, few divines have 
 been less enslaved to technicalism than 
 Athanasius. , Words are his servants, not his 
 masters. He grasps a manifold doctrinal 
 idea in itself, discerns its drift and scope, 
 handles it with confident steadiness, does not 
 mind repeating what he has said about it,^ 
 is characteristically versatile in suggesting 
 this or that mode of enforcing or of illustrating 
 it,^ and, as Keble long ago remarked, is ■^i 
 
 ' See Appendix II. ' E.g. Oral. ii. 22, 80. 
 
 ^ E.g. Oi-at. ii. 13. 
 
42 ST. ATHANASIUS. 
 
 happiest and richest when tracing it through 
 the area of Scripture, with an "entire pre- 
 paration of heart to follow whithersoever 
 Scripture shall lead." ^ v 
 
 (5) Again, Athanasius must be thought of 
 as a practical religious teacher, who knew 
 how to warn his flock against moral temp- 
 tations. They must not, like many, profess 
 to keep Lent while "they do evil to their 
 brethren, or dare to defraud." " Humble- 
 ness of mind, Lowly endurance of humilia- 
 tions, acknowledgment of God, loving Him 
 with all our soul and strength, and our 
 neighbours as ourselves ; " " imitation of 
 the example of Christ ; " " correspondence 
 between the will and God's grace, lest, if the 
 will remains idle, the grace given us should 
 depart ; " " zeal, carefulness, fervour in the 
 Lord's service ; " " thankfulness after relief 
 
 ' Keble, Sermons Academical and Occasional, p. 406 ; 
 so Gwatkin, p. 44. And see the long discussion of Arian 
 interpretations of texts in the " Orations." 
 
ST. ATHANASIUS. 
 
 from trial ; " " combination of godly living 
 with sound belief ; " — these are attainments 
 insisted on in his " Festal Letters," which may 
 thus give some idea of his ordinary episcopal 
 preaching.^ 
 
 (6) But, to bring our survey to an end. 
 The gift, let us rather say the grace, of 
 religious patience appears as signally de- ' 
 veloped in one who was not only persecuted 
 by the enemies of the Catholic cause, but 
 also continuously tried by the postponement 
 of his hopes for its success. He saw the 
 clouds repeatedly returning after the rain ; 
 the bright visions which, as his noble book 
 " on the Incarnation " indicates, had made 
 him, in early manhood, anticipate a speedy 
 and complete victory for the Faith,^ must 
 
 ' See Appendix III. 
 
 * The " De Incarnatione Verbi " is remarkable for the 
 combination of this youthful glow of exultant confidence 
 with ripeness of theological thought on so high a theme as 
 the restoration of fallen humanity through union with the 
 Incarnate Word. See c. 46, 53, 55. 
 
44 ST, ATHANASIUS. 
 
 have been soon overclouded by fresh evidence 
 of the tenacious vitality of a misbelief which 
 might have seemed to be crushed by the 
 Nicene Council, and of the persistency of 
 prejudices against the characteristic term of 
 the Nicene Creed. To this discipline his 
 spirit would be subjected through the forty 
 years that then lay before him ; and there 
 were times when, in Hooker's words, ^ which 
 have been condensed into a proverb, he 
 seemed to stand alone "against the world." 
 But he never lost heart ; for] to lose heart, he 
 knew, was to lose faith, — and to lose faith 
 was to lose all. " If brothers leave us," he 
 once wrote, " and friends stand off, and none 
 ' are found to suffer with us and to cheer us, 
 still one thing suffices above all, recourse to 
 God."^ His feeling evidently was. Nothing 
 pays in the end like faithfulness. In his own 
 words, " Though affliction may come, it will 
 
 ' E. P. V. 42, 5. 2 Hist. Ari. 47. 
 
ST. ATHANASIUS, 45 
 
 have an end : what can be compared to the 
 Kingdom ? what is Hke to everlasting life ? " ^ 
 Apparent failures of the cause are no stumb- 
 ling blocks to him ; he rises above the temp- 
 tation under which many of God's servants 
 have for a time given way, like Elijah in the 
 wilderness ; his immovable faith makes even 
 despondency impossible ; he can say, when 
 Julian banishes him, "This little cloud will 
 quickly pass." What he wrote from Treves 
 to his flock in the tenth of his " Festal 
 Epistles," represents the habitual conviction 
 of a soul strong in proportion to its loyalty.^ 
 " O my beloved and dearest, we ought not 
 to be saddened by temporary adversities ; 
 we ought not to be frightened because the 
 world is at enmity with God. Rather let us 
 take pains to please God under these trials, ' 
 which should be regarded as a test of virtue. 
 . . . Our Lord and Saviour had worse to 
 
 ' Fest. Ep. 13. ^ Fest. Ep. 10. See Appendix IV. 
 
46 ST. ATHANASIUS. 
 
 bear. ... If any one of us will conform to this 
 example, beyond doubt we shall tread on 
 serpents and vipers, and on all the forces of 
 the enemy. . . . The enemy fights against 
 us by trials and distresses, doing all he can 
 to overwhelm us ; but the man who, by 
 Christ's aid, prepares himself to resist . . . 
 will in the end be victorious, and will say, 
 * I can do all things through Christ that 
 strengtheneth me.' This is the grace of the 
 Lord ; this is the Lord's teaching to men." 
 
 So wrote Athanasius in 338. And when 
 his last hour had come, on Wednesday, the 
 2nd of May, 373, those who watched beside 
 their dying " father and master " might well 
 look back across that long interval with a 
 fresh appreciation of the Apostolic assur- 
 ance, that faith in Jesus as the Son of God 
 " is the victory that overcometh the world." 
 And we who, in a distant and widely dif- 
 ferent age, endeavour to gather up the teach- 
 
ST. ATHANASIUS. 47 
 
 ing of such a life, may enter into the prayer 
 which, according to the " use " of Paris, was 
 formerly offered on the anniversary of his 
 departure, that "as he had maintained the 
 excellency of the Divine Word," so those 
 who held him in festal remembrance " might 
 be able worthily to understand the same, 
 and also truthfully to confess it." And 
 truthfully to confess it is to live, as he lived, 
 in its power. 
 
ST. CHRYSOSTOM. 
 
 The interest attaching to the life of St. 
 Chrysostom is very different from that 
 which is sustained throughout the stages of 
 the Athanasian story. It is a more personal 
 interest, .because we know more of the in- 
 ward man himself; and it is a much more 
 simply moral interest, although a particular 
 theological controversy bears some relation 
 to the catastrophe of the narrative. The 
 element of struggle and suffering is concen- 
 trated in the latter part of what may be 
 called a drama, deepening by regular grada- 
 tion towards a close which is, humanly 
 speaking, tragical, and which, when looked 
 at from the religious standpoint, is among 
 the events which draw on men's faith for 
 
ST. CHRYSOSTOM. 49 
 
 relief from the shock of seeing right pros- 
 trate under vvrong.^ In this unique career, 
 we find rich natural gifts, and a character 
 full of spiritual beauty, associated with the 
 glory of an unrivalled preacher and the 
 brighter crown of a sufferer for righteous- 
 ness. It is impossible to think of the John 
 whose name has been lost in the epithet 
 of "the Golden-mouthed," without recog- 
 nising in his character and in his trials a 
 signal specimen of the "greater works" of 
 Divine grace, and a signal fulfilment of the 
 Divine assurance that cross-bearing is a 
 condition of true victory. 
 
 Born at Antioch, about 345-347, the son 
 of a military officer of high rank, and of 
 a pious mother, who had the care of him 
 ever since, as an infant, he lost his father,^ 
 
 ' See Tillemont, Memoires, xi. 177 ; "un spectacle bieii 
 terrible a des yeux humains, mais bien grand et bien glorieux 
 a des yeux chretiens et spirituels." 
 
 * Chrys. de Sacerd. i. 5. Her name was Anthusa. 
 
50 ST. CHRYSOSTOM. 
 
 John was, for some reason, — perhaps in mere 
 conformity to a practice against which great 
 Fathers, and he himself as a bishop, pro- 
 tested with partial success, — allowed to grow 
 up unbaptised. He was not intended for 
 a clerical life ; the Antiochene bar was to 
 be his future, and, as a youth, he became 
 one of the most promising pupils of the 
 great Pagan professor of literature who had 
 been on intimate terms with Julian.^ Rhe- 
 torical power was early developed in Chry- 
 sostom, and Libanius formed a high opinion 
 of his probable success in that line.^ He 
 might have become a "leading barrister;" 
 but his soul, even at that age, aspired to 
 a higher sphere of activity in the kingdom 
 that was not of this world. He placed him- 
 self under the training of Meletius, bishop 
 
 ' Palladius, his biographer, expresses this by saying that 
 at eighteen ' ' he shook himself free from the professors of 
 ^ phrasemaking : " Dial. p. 40. 
 * Sozomen, viii. 2. 
 
ST. CHRYSOSTOM. 5 I 
 
 of Antioch, was baptised,^ and admitted into 
 the minor order of Readers ; and although, 
 in compliance with his mother's entreaty,^ he 
 gave up his own plan of living with his 
 like-minded friend Basil, in a sort of mon- 
 astic seclusion, he carried out his ascetic 
 ideal at home to an extent which implied 
 some degree of overstrained enthusiasm, as 
 if all life not thus exceptionally disciplined 
 belonged, in St. John's sense, to " the world." 
 The last Arian persecution began, and it 
 was probably just before the arrival of the 
 Emperor Valens at Antioch, in the spring 
 of 372, that the resolution was taken to fill 
 some vacant bishoprics ; and Chrysostom and 
 his friend Basil, notwithstanding their youth, 
 were spoken of as well qualified for such 
 a charge. Basil begged " that they might 
 
 ^ Palladius says that, after his baptism, no one ever heard 
 him swear or curse, speak against a person, tell a falsehood, 
 or tolerate unseemly jesting {evrpomtXaiv, cp. Eph. v. 4) : p. 
 183. 
 
 - De Sacerd. i. 5. 
 
52 ST. CHRYSOSTOM. 
 
 act in concert ; Chrysostom affected to con- 
 sent,"^ but when the moment came, he was 
 not to be found ; and Basil, being assured 
 that Chrysostom had accepted election to 
 one see, was induced to do the like in regard 
 to another, probably that of Raphanea, near 
 Antioch. But it was a ruse on Chrysos- 
 tom's part ; he honestly believed that it 
 would be good for the Church that Basil 
 should become a bishop, and at the same 
 time that he himself should not ;^ and as he 
 did not hesitate about using artifice to secure 
 this twofold object, and " laughed with de- 
 light"^ when it had been attained, so the 
 great drawback to our enjoyment of his 
 beautiful treatise " on the Priesthood," writ- 
 ten probably some twelve years later, and 
 cast into the form of a dialogue between 
 himself and Basil, consists in an elaborate 
 
 ' Stephens, Life of St. Chrysostom, p. 41, to which the 
 reader is referred for fuller information. 
 
 * De Sacerd. ii. 6. . ^ De Sacerd. i.:6. 
 
ST. CHRYSOSTOM. 
 
 Do 
 
 justification of the principle that "deceit" 
 for a religious or otherwise good end is a 
 justifiable piece of "management."^ One 
 has to learn lessons from the mistakes of 
 saints, as well as from their excellences ; 
 but it is sad to find a saint so " loveable " ^ 
 deliberately vindicating a theory, itself the 
 product of a non-Christian laxity, which was 
 to act so disastrously on the Christian sense 
 of truth. It is some relief to remember that 
 what were afterwards called " pious frauds " 
 incurred the indignant repudiation of St. 
 Augustine.* 
 
 Chrysostom's evasion of episcopal respon- 
 sibilities was, however, overruled for the 
 
 ' De Sacerd. i. 9. The euphemistic use of the word 
 o'lKovofxla might illustrate what South, in a powerful sermon, 
 describes as "the fatal imposture and force of words." 
 Chrysostom erroneously assumes that St. Paul in this sense 
 deceived the Judaisers when he circumcised Timothy. 
 
 * Stephens, Life of Chrysostom, p. 430. 
 
 ' Aug. Epist. 40. His words might seem prophetic : 
 "Non enim potest aut oportet litteris explicari, quanta et 
 quam inexplicabilia mala consequantur si /toe concesserimus," 
 i.e. that Scripture sanctions untruthfulness. 
 
54 ST. CHRYSOSTOM. 
 
 lasting benefit of the Church. We should 
 all have been losers if he had spent his life 
 in some obscure diocese of North Syria. 
 For about six years he actually lived in 
 monastic retirement, and carried his ascetic 
 enthusiasm to a point at which health 
 broke down. He was obliged to return to 
 Antioch, and was ordained deacon by Me- 
 letius in 381, and priest by his successor 
 Flavian in 386. This second ordination ^ 
 inaugurated his ministry as the " popular 
 preacher" of Antioch during nearly twelve 
 years. We know, from his treatise on the 
 Priesthood, how deeply he felt the responsi- 
 bilities of this task, and how much pains he 
 deemed necessary for its discharge.^ The 
 
 ' In the sermon which he then delivered, he describes 
 himself as "a mere youth of no account," but as conscious 
 that he had a reputation for eloquence ; and begs his dis- 
 tinguished audience to relieve his anxiety by prayers to Him 
 who "gives utterance to those who preach the Gospel." 
 The style is much too florid for our taste ; it exhibits the 
 result of Libanius' example. 
 
 ^ See Appendix V. 
 
ST. CHRYSOSTOM. 55 
 
 chief incident of his life during this period 
 was the affair of the Imperial statues, which 
 were insulted by the Antiochene populace in 
 a short but furious tumult. Then ensued an 
 agonising panic : what would the Emperor 
 do, or what would he not do, in requital of 
 such an outrage ? During the suspense, and 
 while instalments of judicial vengeance were 
 bringing misery into families,^ Chrysostom 
 " redeemed the occasion " by preaching to 
 the people against their besetting faults or 
 sins, especially against that of "binding 
 themselves by rash oaths." ^ In these ser- 
 mons he exhibits his intense reality as a 
 moral guide, as a preacher of vital and 
 practical Christianity ; ^ he takes all possible 
 
 ' Horn, ad Pop. Antioch. 3. i, 2. 
 
 * Stephens, p. 159. It was not simple profaneness ; they 
 swore to do this or that, however trifling, and then held 
 themselves bound to do it. Cp. Horn, ad Pop. Ant. 5. 7 ; 
 7. 5; 8. 4; 15.5. 
 
 * Church-going and fasting, he urges, are profitable if 
 they tell on conduct : ib. 3. 5 ; 5. 7 ; 20. i. 
 
ST. CIIRYSOSTOM. 
 
 pains to turn the anxiety and terror to re- 
 ligious advantage ; the melancholy silence 
 in the streets ^ is treated as a call to prayer, 
 and to a profitable use of the Lenten season ; 
 the crowded church, in contrast with the 
 deserted forum, is a hopeful sight to the 
 preacher who sees his way to making a real 
 impression on many souls. And when, at 
 last, Theodosius yields to Flavian's inter- 
 cession, and pardons the birthplace of the 
 Christian name, Chrysostom concludes his 
 course of sermons in a strain highly charac- 
 teristic : he urges the people to show their 
 joy by the " radiance of good works," and 
 by thanking God " not only that He had 
 freed them from the recent calamity, but that 
 He had permitted it to occur." ^ 
 
 His chief expository discourses belong to 
 this period of his life. As a commentator 
 on Scripture, he dwelt, for the most part, 
 
 ' Stephens, p. 155. ^ Horn, ad Pop. Ant. 2r. 4. 
 
ST. CHRYSOSTOM. 
 
 0/ 
 
 on the literal sense, as the matter to be 
 first ascertained.^ Spiritual interpretation 
 has undoubtedly a real sanction in Scrip- 
 ture, and a true relation to the vast and 
 manifold unities which belong to a Divine 
 economy as completed in the Fulfiller of 
 prophecy and type ; but, if handled without 
 good sense and self-restraint, it is only too 
 certain to run wild.^ Chrysostom, therefore, 
 as the best specimen of the Syrian school of 
 exegesis, did great service by subordinating"^ 
 allegorism to the primary necessity of 
 settling what words meant. Akin to this 
 merit is the clearness with which he re- 
 peatedly marks the line between errors on 
 both sides in regard to the Trinity and the 
 Incarnation. Another excellent feature of 
 
 • He refers to this trouble when preaching at Constanti- 
 nople, in Col. Horn. 7. 3, where it appears that the elder 
 city was jealous of the younger. 
 
 ^ See Liddon, Univ. Serm. ii. 168 ; Bigg, Bamp. Lect. 
 p. 146 ff. 
 
 ' See Stephens, p. 423. 
 
58 ST. CHRYSOSTOM. 
 
 his work is the delicate sympathetic insight 
 with which he traces the connection of 
 thoughts and arguments in such a writer 
 as his beloved St. Paul ; and a fourth, from 
 the standpoint of a preacher, is the per- 
 sistency with which he keeps before his 
 hearers the obligation of bringing the study 
 of Scripture to bear effectively on daily 
 conduct. 
 
 We must now pass on to the year 397. 
 The see of Constantinople is vacant by the 
 death of its bishop, Nectarius, and becomes 
 at once the object of many ambitious long- 
 ings, and of not a few scandalous intrigues. 
 To rank, in Eastern eyes,^ next after the 
 bishop of " Old Rome," — to be an Emperor's 
 own pastor, — to have opportunities of exer- 
 cising influence, though not, as yet, patri- 
 archal power, over numerous ecclesiastical 
 provinces, — to preside over a distinguished 
 ^ " Eastern " is here used not as inclusive of " Egyptian." 
 
ST. CHRYSOSTOM. 59 
 
 body of clergy, and to have at command the 
 pomp and splendour of an august official 
 position, — to inhabit a palace furnished like 
 a senator's, and to entertain the great men 
 of the great city with a hospitality, so called, 
 that could match their own, — this was a 
 prospect all too fascinating for clerics whose 
 tone of mind had been secularised and 
 debased.'- 
 
 And now observe a remarkable ordering 
 of events. These hopes were baffled by the 
 Emperor's all-powerful chamberlain, Eutro- 
 pius, himself a man of low character, but not 
 incapable of appreciating the high-souled 
 preacher whose acquaintance he had for- 
 merly made. At his prompting, Arcadius 
 appointed Chrysostom to the bishopric ; 
 under his menacing, imperious pressure, the 
 
 ' Palladius, p. 42. "Men who were no men, presbyters 
 in dignity, but unworthy of the priesthood, some besetting 
 the palace gate, others offering bribes, others crawling 
 before the people." 
 
6o ST. CHRYSOSTOM. 
 
 consecration was performed by Theophilus, 
 patriarch of Alexandria, who had hoped to 
 obtain the preferment for one of his own 
 clergy, and was ere long to be the chief 
 persecutor of the man on whom he thus 
 reluctantly laid hands. Through this strange 
 instrumentality the episcopate of Chrysostom 
 began on the 26th of February, 398. 
 
 His first sermon to his new flock was 
 directed against the ultra-Arians,^ and dwelt 
 on that "incomprehensibleness" of the Divine 
 nature which they explicitly denied. He 
 began the next by saying, " I have only 
 addressed you on one day, and from that 
 day I have loved you as much as if I had 
 been bred up among you,"^ an outburst of 
 
 * He had preached at Antioch on the same subject. 
 The " Anomceans," under the leadership of Eunomius. 
 went beyond the original Arianism by denying any mystery 
 in the Divine nature. In his first sermon against them he 
 liad urged that if God's judgments were "unsearchable" 
 and therefore " incomprehensible," much more was this true 
 of God Himself (see Appendix VI.). 
 
 * C. Anomoeos, Horn. xi. ii. In this sermon he urges 
 
ST. CHRYSOSTOM. 6 1 
 
 the pastoral tenderness which, says Tillemont, 
 " is found often, or rather everywhere, in his 
 homilies," 1 although, on this special occasion, 
 the welcome which he had received might 
 call forth an exuberant response. We must 
 indeed remember, in estimating his aptitude 
 for this work, that he would not have been 
 the preacher he was, had not his natural and 
 cultivated gift of eloquence been at once the 
 ally and the instrument of a very hopeful 
 temper, a very firm will, and a very warm 
 and "sensitive heart ;" ^ and if all these 
 
 husbands and wives to come to church together, and bring 
 their children with them. 
 
 ' Tillemont, xi. III. But he was not afraid to magnify 
 his office. " So long as we sit on this throne, so long as we 
 hold this prelacy, we have both the dignity and the power, 
 even though we are unworthy. . . . We are God's am- '^ 
 bassadors : if this offends you, it is not we, but the episco- 
 pate ; not So-and-so, but the bishop." In Col. Hom. 3. 4. 
 He sometimes spoke from the throne, but oftener, in order" 
 to be the better heard, from the reader's desk in the body of 
 the church. He usually preached once a week at least. 
 
 * Newman, Hist, Sketches, iii. 234. He had said just 
 before that the " distinctive praise " of Chrysostom's oratory 
 was that it was natural. " He spoke because his heart, his 
 head, were brimful of things to speak about." 
 
62 ST. CHRYSOSTOM. 
 
 endowments had not been transfigured and 
 intensified by a vivid consciousness of the 
 objects of faith, and by the living fire of a 
 supernatural charity. In other words, his 
 oratorical power (which, of course, must be 
 judged by a Greek rather than by an English 
 standard) was combined with the three great 
 gifts of a great preacher in all times and 
 countries — t he sympathy which can move 
 and lift the hearers, the insight into spiritual 
 facts which can present them as luminous 
 realities, and the enthusiasm for a sacred 
 cause which can fire the soul with a con- 
 genial devotion. Truly may it be said that 
 the persuasive energy which carried his 
 words home was the fruit and the token 
 of convictions which could see by the light 
 of the Christian creed the capacities and the 
 destiny of man as a believer. Of him 
 Sozomen might well say, as Bede says of 
 more than one saint in the first age of 
 
ST. CHRYSOSTOM. 
 
 English Christianity, that he recommended 
 his teaching by the consistency of his life, 
 so that " his words were embellished by his 
 deeds." ^ Whether as preacher or as Church 
 ruler, Chrysostom drew his strength from 
 the twofold, or rather, the single source of 
 devotion to Christ and solicitude for Chris- 
 tian men. 
 
 He had difficulties from the outset. He 
 was, indeed, to a considerable extent, pre- 
 pared for them : he knew that the pastoral 
 office, wherever exercised, was a searching 
 test of character ; that he must be ready to 
 treat different classes of his flock with a 
 patient discrimination, to meet unreasonable 
 complaints with equanimity, and to confute 
 slanders which he might be tempted to 
 despise.^ And he soon found that the 
 people entrusted to him had as much of 
 
 ' Sozomen, viii. 2. On the need of conduct consistent 
 with belief, see In Act. Horn. 47. 4. 
 * See Appendix VII. 
 
y 
 
 64 ST. CHRYSOSTOM. 
 
 the Greek levity as those who had hung on 
 his words in the " Golden Church " of 
 Antioch, Though impressible and enthu- 
 siastic, they were fitful and unstable, and 
 often sadly deficient in ordinary seriousness 
 and reverence. With all their real affection 
 and admiration for one whose splendid 
 powers, as they well knew, were expended 
 S I on their truest interests, and whose plain- 
 spoken censures they could take in a good 
 spirit, they grieved him repeatedly by their 
 incurable frivolity, their passion for public 
 amusements,^ their frequent inattention 
 during the services,^ their neglect of Holy 
 Communion,^ their indifference to the study 
 
 * See the sermon "Contra Ludos," preached on the 
 Easter Day of 399, after the people had spent Good Friday 
 in applauding charioteers, and Easter Eve in witnessing a 
 vicious dramatic performance. That the theatre was grossly 
 demoralising, see in I Thessal. Hom. 5. 4. 
 
 "^ In Heb. Hom. 8. 14 ; 15. 4. In Act. Hom. 24. 4, he 
 describes them as laughing aloud, or joking with each other, 
 during the prayers, or even talking while the priest is conse- 
 crating the elements. 
 
 * Many "partook of the Sacrifice" only once a year, others 
 twice. In Heb. Hom, 17. 4. 
 
ST. CHRYSOSTOM. 65 
 
 of Scripture,^ their childish forgetfulness of 
 rudimentary Christian teaching.^ Chrysos- 
 tom looked about him, and saw vulgar pride 
 of wealth, tasteless and senseless luxury,^ 
 large incomes ignobly squandered, heathenish 
 habits retained at marriages and funerals,* 
 a superstitious reliance on amulets, or spells, 
 
 * " Your boys," he says, " think that to know a psalm is 
 something to be ashamed of:" in Col. Horn. 9. 2, and a 
 little before, " Procure at least the New Testament. . . . 
 This is the cause of all evils, — the not knowing the Scrip- 
 tures." See the opening of his Homilies on the Acts : 
 "Many," he says, "did not know that there was such a 
 book in Scripture." 
 
 « In Col. 1. c. 
 
 ' He must have been disgusted at the display of gold on 
 every article of dress or of furniture in rich men's houses, 
 the massive bowls and tables, and (see Synesius de Regno) 
 the excessive amount of jewellery, the trains of Scythian 
 slaves acting as cup-bearers, table-deckers, litter-carriers, etc. 
 Cp. in Col. Horn. i. 4. 
 
 * He did not object to marriage feasts or nuptial dresses, 
 but to the introduction of dances from the stage : in Col. 
 Horn. 12. 4. He felt "shame" that wild lamentations 
 made by hired female mourners in funeral trains passing 
 along the forum should make the profession of Christian 
 hope contemptible in the eyes of unbelievers : in Heb. 
 Horn. 4. 5. There was a strong body of Pagans in Con- 
 stantinople, who formed a society of their own : in i 
 Thessal. Horn. 2. 4. 
 
 F 
 
66 ST. CIIRYSOSTOM. 
 
 or divinations/ and a pestilent abundance 
 of sins of the tongue.^ He met with some 
 who professed Christianity, but dallied with 
 Pagan objections on such points as the 
 spiritual condition of the heathen,^ or the 
 comparatively lateness of the Advent,^ or 
 the future resurrection,^ or "eternal judg- 
 ment;"^ and although, in one memorable 
 sentence,' he acknowledges the compatibility 
 of some doubts with belief, and would treat 
 Pagan "difificulties " with seriousness,^ he 
 
 ' In I Thess. Horn. 3. 5, in Col. Horn. 8. 5. 
 
 * On swearing, see in Act. Horn. 8. 3. Some carped 
 bitterly at a priest if he wore a cleaner cloak than usual, 
 or had enough of necessary food : in Phil. Horn. 9. 4. 
 
 ' In Col. Horn. 2. 6. * lb. 4. 3. 
 
 ' In I Thess. Horn. 7. 2. 
 
 ' lb. 8. 2. Scripture warnings about hell were treated by 
 some as " bruta fulmina; " others thought that hell would be 
 temporary. In 2 Thess. Horn. 3. i. 
 
 ' In Heb. Horn. 19. I : eo-rt yap koL iricmveiv dLffTd^ovra. 
 This commentary was expanded from notes, but such a clause 
 seems literally genuine. 
 
 * In Act. Hom. 33. 4, he describes a Pagan inquirer as 
 puzzled by Christian dissensions. We refer him (he says in 
 effect) to Scripture as a test. He rejoins, " All sects claim 
 Scripture : how am I to decide ? " If he had to learn medicine 
 
ST. CHRYSOSTOM. 67 
 
 strove earnestly to lead such Christian 
 hearers on to an entireness of faith, dis- 
 couraging the discussion of insoluble ques- 
 tions,^ and dwelling on such matters as the 
 responsibility for free will,^ the possibility of 
 real conversion, the immense forgivingness of 
 God,^ the blessedness of His service, the 
 terrors of Doomsday, the hopelessness of 
 perdition.* He was eminently a preacher 
 of holy love, but of love in union with holy 
 
 or make a purchase, he must examine and discriminate. So 
 it is here. By doing what he knows to be right, he will get 
 light, etc. 
 
 ' See in Col. Hom. 5. 3, on the questions that might be 
 raised about God's nature. Cp. De Sacerd. iv. 5 : " Others 
 demand of God an account of His judgments, and press 
 forward to sound that great deep : while only a few are 
 interested about faith and conduct, the majority are curious 
 about things which it is impossible to find out, and to 
 inquire into which is to provoke God. And if a man exerts 
 authority to silence those who are prying into these inscru- 
 table matters, he is considered haughty and ignorant," etc. 
 
 ^ See Appendix VIII. 
 
 ' In Phil. Hom. 1 1. 5, " When we have a Father so tender, 
 so eagerly desirous of our return." 
 
 * Once he was so much agitated by describing the " Dies f 
 ine " as to be obliged to break off. In Phil. Hom. 13. 4. 
 
68 ST. CHRYSOSTOM. 
 
 fear. And if his expository sermons de- 
 livered at Constantinople have been thought 
 " less finished " than those which he had 
 preached at Antioch^ (as may well have 
 been the case, considering the manifoldness 
 of his episcopal work), he adhered in them 
 to his old practice of insisting on such tests 
 of the vitality of belief as prayer, Scripture 
 reading, almsgiving, patience under trial, 
 habitual thankfulness, purity of heart and 
 I conduct, self-control in speech, repentance 
 for all known sin, activity in all good works, 
 ^ and what in modern phrase we term the 
 " religion of common life." That writer 
 cannot be called a formalist, who urges that 
 the real question is " whether a month of 
 daily attendance at church has made the 
 life better ; " ^ nor a mere clericalist, who 
 
 > Photius, Bibl. 174, and Diet. Chr. Biogr. i. 533. 
 Among the Constantinopolitan homilies were those on the 
 Acts, Philippians, Colossians, Thessalonians, and Hebrews. 
 
 * In Act. Horn. 29. 3. 
 
ST. CHRYSOSTOM. O9 
 
 affirms that " every believing man is holy in 
 that he is a believer, though he be stationed 
 in secular life;"^ nor a rigorist, who was 
 afterwards charged with too great readiness 
 to extend to penitents the assurance of 
 Divine pardon.^ It will not be supposed 
 that he would neglect any means of im- 
 pressing the mind or moving the will, who 
 could condescend to draw illustrations ^ from 
 such homely things as the thanks given by 
 beggars for alms, or the training required 
 by dancers on the tight rope, not to say by 
 athletes at Olympia. In this he did but 
 imitate the Apostle whom he specially 
 
 * In Heb. Horn. 10. 4. So in Eph. Horn. Ii. 5, he had 
 said at Antioch, "We are not lords over your faith, nor do 
 we give you these directions in a despotic tone. . . . We 
 hold the place of advisers," etc. 
 
 ^ Soc. vi. 21. 
 
 * Photius describes his style as "clear, brilliant, flowing, 
 exhibiting a rich variety of thoughts and an abundance of 
 appropriate illustrations." Bibl. 174. One of the most 
 elaborate is the contrast between a legitimate monarch who 
 can, and a usurper who cannot afford to lay aside for a time 
 his royal purple, — adduced in the comment on Phil. ii. 6. 
 
70 ST. CHRYSOSTOM. 
 
 reverenced,^ — let us rather say Paul's Master 
 and his own. 
 
 But what was Chrysostom like in the 
 administration of his diocese ? To begin 
 with, his aversion for the luxury which often 
 ministered to sin, and his distaste for the 
 display which Nectarius had retained from 
 secular antecedents, attracted a good deal 
 of unfriendly criticism. Like Gregory Na- 
 zianzen, he could never have been at home 
 in the high society of the capital. . The 
 stunted shrivelled figure, the bald head, 
 the homely dress, would have been like 
 a skeleton at the feast in those grand 
 chambers where, in his absence, he would 
 be the topic of the hour. " He has sold 
 the furniture of the episcopal palace ; he 
 spends his official income on hospitals, and 
 condescends to be maintained by Olympias," 
 
 ' See his Homilies De laudibus Pauli, and De Sacerd. 
 iv. 6-8. 
 
ST. CIIRYSOSTOM. 7 1 
 
 — a pious widow of rank who became his 
 devoted adherent;^ — "he entertains nobody, 
 he will be nobody's guest ; he takes his 
 hermit-Hke meals alone. So eccentric, so 
 unsocial, so out of keeping with his position, 
 so unlike the genial tone of our late bishop ! " 
 The fact was that Chrysostom's health, prob- ^ 
 ably damaged by early austerities, made the 
 strictest abstemiousness simply necessary.^ 
 Others had reasons of a more personal kind 
 for contrasting him with his easy-going pre- 
 decessor. The tone of the clergy, as a body, 
 had been lowered, and slackness, as usual, 
 had in some cases become sin. Chrysostom 
 
 ' See Soz. viii. 9. Olympias, a high-born lady, had been 
 held in esteem by Nectarius, who made her a deaconess, 
 and had shown munificent kindness to several bishops. She 
 was about forty years old at Chrysostom's accession. Beside 
 suffering persecution for his cause, she had very bad health : 
 Ep. 3. Part of Ep. 2 is a somewhat fulsome panegyric on 
 lier asceticism. In fact, Epp. 1-4 are rather tracts than 
 letters. 
 
 - Palladius, p. 102 ; Soz. viii. 9. He had to be very 
 careful about his food at Cucusus, in 405 : Ep. 6. 
 
 / 
 
'J 2 ST. CHRYSOSTOM. 
 
 deposed two deacons for grave offences, and 
 rebuked other clerics for various faults — too 
 severely, in the opinion of a not very 
 favourable historian, who adds, however, 
 that his object was moral reform.^ But he 
 showed some want of judgment when he 
 gave his whole confidence to a hot-tempered 
 archdeacon,^ who bluntly advised him, in the 
 presence of his clergy, to " drive them all 
 with one stick." Like other single-hearted 
 reformers, he was disposed to make short 
 work of abuses and scandals, to allow but 
 little for old habits, to expect too much and 
 too soon in the way of improvement, to be 
 j over-sharp in punishing the results of long- 
 established laxity. The accounts of the 
 Church " steward " and of the episcopal 
 household were rigorously examined, and 
 
 ' Socrates, vi. 4. Tillemont thinks him unfair to Chry- 
 sostom : xi. 422. 
 
 ^ An anonymous writer, whose account is added to Soc. 
 vi. 23, gives a better account of Serapion. 
 
ST. CHRYSOSTOM. 
 
 expenditure which had been a matter of 
 course under Nectarius was found to be ^ 
 out of the question under Chrysostom.^ He 
 could find fault, and not always gently : ^ if 
 one of his "genuine" disciples seenned proud 
 of some piece of self-denial, a significant 
 rebuke in ironical form would describe him 
 as a " drinker," or as " covetous." ^ Fine 
 ladies, three especially, " devout and honour- 
 able " in their own esteem, had to hear 
 admonitions not wholly unlike those which 
 Knox addressed to the attendants of Mary- 
 Stuart : the widows on the Church's " list " 
 were reproved for self-indulgent living : 
 monks were censured for breaking that rule 
 of seclusion which, in his work on " the 
 Priesthood," * Chrysostom had referred to as 
 
 ' Palladins, p. 46. 
 
 ^ Sozomen says that he was "naturally disposed to re- 
 buke," viii. 3. 
 
 ' Palladius, p. 186. 
 " De Sacerd. vi. 7. 
 
74 ST. CHRYSOSTOM. 
 
 screening them from many temptations, and, 
 so far, detracting from their credit for piety : 
 great personages attached to the court were 
 astonished by the brusque emphasis of the 
 bishop's remarks on follies or vices : and it 
 was natural for those whose plumes he had 
 ruffled to relieve their feelings by calling 
 him "choleric."^ There was probably some 
 foundation for the charge : perhaps he would 
 have said, like Archbishop Laud, that " he 
 could not undertake that he should not 
 sometimes speak too hastily and sharply, 
 and in a tone which might be liable to 
 misinterpretation with them that were not 
 acquainted with him." Such things were sure 
 to tell ; and while some persons owed him 
 a grudge for wounds inflicted on their self- 
 complacency, others deemed him " haughty " 
 because, as his biographer admits, "he did not 
 
 * Soc. vi. 4 : and see the charges at the Council of the 
 Oak. 
 
ST. CHRYSOSTOM. ^ ^ 
 
 trouble himself to be agreeable to any chance 
 person," or, as a shoemaker tersely phrased 
 it, " when you met him anywhere outside the 
 church, you could seldom get him to stop 
 and have a word with you." ^ He would 
 certainly have done better to remember that 
 trivial courtesies do not always mean time 
 wasted, and that the colloquial kindliness 
 which shows something of a pastor's heart 
 may speak through hearts to consciences 
 and souls. But when the bishop met with 
 a case of real distress, his sympathy started 
 forth in practical form. He would interpose 
 between a poor man and a powerful op- 
 pressor, or interest himself in the details of 
 a lawsuit ; he might be seen ministering at 
 sick beds, or penetrating into prisons, or 
 providing foreigners with lodging, or bringing 
 comfort to the widow and the fatherless. 
 He made not a few converts from Paganism 
 
 ' Palladius, p. 182. 
 
76 ST. CHRYSOSTOM. 
 
 and from heresy : he organised a mission to 
 the Arian Goths : he procured an order for 
 the destruction of idols in Southern Pales- 
 tine ; but, as we shall see, he knew better 
 than to imagine that the arm of flesh could 
 do the work of the Spirit among those who 
 were still in " darkness and error." 
 
 That Chrysostom made mistakes is evi- 
 dent : they were the mistakes of a highly 
 sensitive nature, accustomed for years to 
 oratorical self-expression, and apt, in the 
 very consciousness of pure intentions, to look 
 only at one aspect of a case, and to fail 
 in that large considerateness which belongs 
 to the wisdom of public men. If his eager- 
 ness, impulsiveness, and vivid emotional glow 
 make him more humanly attractive than 
 Athanasiu.s, he lacks the equipoise of quali- 
 ties, the serene, mature, comprehensive judg- 
 ment, which mark out the " born king " 
 among his brethren. One observes this defect 
 
ST. CHRYSOSTOM. '] -] 
 
 in his organisation of a Catholic procession 
 to rival that of the Arians as they passed 
 through the streets to their meeting-place 
 outside the city, the result, of course, being 
 a serious collision ; in the well-meant nomi- 
 nation of one of his own deacons for the 
 great see of Ephesus, and of another Con- 
 stantinopolitan cleric for the see of Nicomedia, 
 from which, by a stretch of authority,^ al- 
 though with due synodical form, he had 
 ejected a very unfit occupant ; and, if the 
 received story is credible, in the hastiness 
 with which, on the ex parte representation of 
 his archdeacon, he took stringent measures 
 
 ' His interference in the Church affairs of Asia was not 
 warranted by any right then belonging to his see. But 
 he had been invited to correct disorders in the Church of 
 Ephesus ; and his predecessor had attempted, in vain, to 
 eject this same Gerontius from Nicomedia : Soz. viii. 6. 
 Undoubtedly Chrysostom's action contributed to that in- 
 formal acquisition of patriarchal power in Asia which was 
 formally secured to the see of Constantinople by the Council 
 of Chalcedon, when, as Neale expresses it, "custom was 
 made law :" Introd. to Hist, of East. Ch. i. 28. 
 
78 ST. CHRYSOSTOM. 
 
 against a bishop who had represented him in 
 his absence, and would not pardon him until 
 the Empress had humbled herself to ask it as 
 a favour. But, although the reconciliation 
 was publicly effected, Severian did not forget. 
 Two other prelates shared his dislike for 
 Chrysostom ; one of them, named Acacius, 
 had been disgusted, when he visited the 
 capital, by what he deemed the poorness of 
 the accommodation provided for him, and 
 said in the hearing of some of the clergy, that 
 " he would season a dish for their bishop." 
 Others, lay and clerical, had been nursing 
 their wrath and were biding their time : the 
 Empress Eudoxia herself had become ill- 
 affected to a pastor so loftily uncompro- 
 mising : and thus the clouds gathered which 
 ere long burst into a storm. Whatever 
 might have been his errors of judgment, and 
 failures in regard to tact or manner, one must 
 needs recognise the truth of Milner's caustic 
 
ST. CHRYSOSTOM. 79 
 
 comment, that if he would have been content 
 to go on in the path followed by several 
 bishops, "he would have given no offence, 
 and done no good." 
 
 The malcontents applied to a powerful 
 helper. Theophilus of Alexandria had never 
 forgiven Chrysostom for having been the 
 cause of his mortification and disappointment. 
 He himself had now taken a strong part 
 against some of the monks of Egypt, who 
 were charged with entertaining unsound views, 
 derived from the speculations of Origen.-^ 
 The charge was concocted by illiterate and 
 bigoted monks, whose dogged literalism in 
 regard to the anthropomorphic language of 
 the Old Testament^ was really offensive to 
 Theophilus himself, as inconsistent with a 
 
 ' See Appendix IX. 
 
 * For Chrysostom's teaching on these "accommodations," 
 see In Daniel, c. 7, and his last work, Ad eos qui scandali- 
 zati sunt, c. 3 ; see also Augustine, c. Ep. Manich. 25, 
 " carnales et parvulos nostros," etc. The Syrian sect of 
 Audians fell into this error ; Theodoret H. E. iv. 10. 
 
8o ST. CHRYSOSTOM. 
 
 belief in the Divine spirituality. But, for 
 policy's sake, he pretended to agree with 
 them ; and the minority, branded with the 
 reproach of " Origenism," were hunted out of 
 their monastic homes, and compelled to seek 
 refuge first at Palestine, then at Constanti- 
 nople. So it was that, towards the end of 
 401, fifty exiles, the chief of whom were 
 called the Tall Brothers, asked admission to 
 Chrysostom's presence, and threw themselves 
 as petitioners at his feet, begging him to 
 intercede for them with Theophilus, but in- 
 timating that if he would not, they would be 
 obliged to apply to the Emperor. Chrysostom 
 treated the case with cautious moderation,^ 
 and thereby offended both parties. Theo- 
 philus, like one eager to pick a quarrel, 
 
 ' For one thing, he allowed the strangers to attend the 
 Eucharistic celebration, but not to communicate while they 
 were under the ban of their own patriarch ; he advised them 
 not to complain of Theophilus to the Emperor, and he wrote 
 to Theophilus, requesting him to be reconciled to them. 
 
ST. CHRYSOSTOM. 8 1 
 
 replied angrily to Chrysostom's gentle letter, 
 and stirred up Epiphanius, the aged, learned, 
 and rigidly orthodox metropolitan of Cyprus, 
 to take steps against " Origenism," as a heresy 
 which was being patronised at Constanti- 
 nople. Epiphanius thereupon came to Con- 
 stantinople, and invaded Chrysostom's juris- 
 diction by performing an episcopal act with- 
 out his leave.^ He was, however, brought to 
 see the questionable position in which he had 
 placed himself, and somewhat hastily returned 
 home. Then Theophilus, summoned by the 
 Emperor to meet charges laid against him 
 by the exiles, arrived at Constantinople in 
 the character of accuser, and even of judge, 
 rather than as a party accused,^ made himself 
 the centre of all the malcontents, and with 
 
 ' See Socrates, vi. 12 ; Sozomen, viii. 14. 
 
 ^ Chrysostom vainly invited Theophilus to a personal 
 conference, and declined Arcadius' order to go and hear the 
 complaints which had been lodged against him : Ep. i. to 
 Innocent. 
 
82 ST. CHRYSOSTOM. 
 
 them held a synod at a place near Chalcedon, 
 called the Oak. 
 
 Two lists of charges against Chrysostom 
 were handed in.-^ The first contained impu- 
 tations on his official and personal conduct ; 
 the Origenistic question appeared only in the 
 second. It seems clear that the majority 
 of the clergy, but not of the laity, had 
 been "perverted," as Chrysostom's friend 
 and biographer tells us, by his enemies. 
 Chrysostom, however, was surrounded by 
 forty bishops, whom he endeavoured to cheer 
 by repeating such texts as " To me to live is 
 Christ, and to die is gain."^ One sees the 
 whole man in the question, "Are we better 
 
 * Photius, Bibl. 59. The chief accusers were a bishop 
 named Isaac, and John, one of the deacons, whom he had 
 deposed. Stephens calls the charges "monstrous and in- 
 credible:" Life of Chrys. p. 314. Words of Chrysostom's, 
 apparently, were torn from their context, and indignant 
 expressions which he had used were transformed into violent 
 acts. It is impossible to rely on such plainly concocted 
 evidence. See Appendix X. 
 
 * Palladius, p. 68. 
 
ST. CHRYSOSTOM. 83 
 
 than patriarchs, prophets, and apostles ? " — in 
 the remark, " Preaching did not begin with 
 me, and will not end with me ; " — in the 
 exhortation, " If they force you to communi- 
 cate with them, do so, in order to avoid a 
 schism, — but do not subscribe the decree 
 which they may pass against me." 
 
 That decree was a foregone conclusion for 
 a tribunal so disgracefully tainted by ani- 
 mosities ; but when it was made known at 
 Constantinople, the people set themselves to 
 defend their bishop by guarding the cathedral 
 for two full days. On the second day, 
 he preached to them, beginning, " Many are 
 the billows ; but we stand on the rock ! " 
 Anticipating a forcible severance, he reminded 
 his flock that he and they were united by 
 an affection which no power could break, and 
 that the trouble had arisen out of his desire 
 for their well-being ; and protested that he 
 submitted himself absolutely to the will of 
 
84 ST. CHRYSOSTOM. 
 
 God, whether it were for his expulsion or for 
 his stay. "Wherever He wills me to be, I 
 y give Him thanks ! " ^ 
 
 At last, the feeble resistance which the 
 Emperor had opposed to the faction of 
 Theophilus was overborne ; orders were 
 given that Chrysostom should be expelled 
 and banished ; and on the third day he was, 
 as he himself says,^ conducted through the 
 city by a government official, and transported 
 into Bithynia. But on the next day, the 
 appearance of Theophilus in the cathedral, 
 and the delivery of a sermon which de- 
 nounced Chrysostom on the score of pride, 
 provoked an outbreak of popular wrath ; 
 measures taken to suppress it increased the 
 agitation, and crowds thundered at the gate 
 
 ' Serm, antequam iret in exsilium, 2. 
 
 * Ep. I to Innocent, 2. Evidently Socrates (vi. 15) has 
 transferred to this occasion the account of the private 
 departure and self-surrender, which belongs to the final 
 expulsion in 404. See Palladius, p. 90. 
 
ST. CIIRYSOSTOM. 85 
 
 of the palace, " Give us back our bishop ! " ^ 
 In the evening a shock of earthquake struck 
 terror into the heart of Eudoxia ; she easily 
 persuaded her husband to recall Chrysostom, 
 who was escorted home by a joyous multi- 
 tude, — even mothers with their babes rushing^ 
 into the water to meet his vessel. In spite 
 of his own remonstrances, he was practically 
 constrained to resume his seat in the church 
 " of the Apostles," and to give a short 
 address, beginning, " What shall I say ? 
 Blessed be God ! This I said when I went 
 away, and this I reiterate now." ^ 
 
 There was, for the present, a breathing 
 time. But Chrysostom's demand for a new 
 
 ' Soz. viii. 18. 
 
 ^ Serm, i post reditum. A second sermon in strange 
 taste represents Theophilus as a Pharaoh, who had taken 
 away his Sarah (i.e. the church to which he was espoused) ; 
 and proceeds to eulogise Eudoxia for having professed in a 
 letter that she was guiltless of the wrong done to him. It is 
 possible that, in the gladness of the moment, his warm heart 
 may have believed her. 
 
86 ST. CHRYSOSTOM. 
 
 synod ^ was received with coldness ; and the 
 Empress was again alienated by his vehe- 
 ment indignation at certain unseemly exhi- 
 bitions which greeted the inauguration of a 
 silver statue representing her in imperial 
 y array, erected on a porphyry column within 
 a short distance of St. Sophia. He was said 
 to refer, in a sermon, to Herodias and to the 
 " demand for the head of John." ^ Eudoxia 
 was now ready to assist in any new designs 
 against Chrysostom : a technical ground was 
 taken, — " He was deposed by a synod, and 
 ought not to have resumed his see without 
 at least an equivalent authority."^ A 
 Council met at Constantinople, and con- 
 
 ' He afterwards tells Innocent that he is quite ready to 
 defend himself before an "uncorrupt tribunal." 
 
 ^ Soc. vi. i8. "It is true," says Tillemont significantly, 
 as if thinking of some French court-clergy, "that he knew 
 nothing of that ' prudence ' and ' discretion ' which belong to 
 people who make an idol, not of their princes, but of the gain 
 they expect from them : " xi. 216. 
 
 * They relied upon a canon of the Council of Antioch of 
 341, which had been framed against Athanasius. 
 
ST. CHRYSOSTOM. 87 
 
 strained Arcadius to order Chrysostom to 
 depart. The bishop declined the responsi- 
 bility of doing so, and was then removed 
 from the cathedral to his own home. On 
 the Easter-eve of 404, a sacrilegious attack 
 was made by a body of soldiers on a 
 congregation of his adherents : blows were 
 struck at defenceless persons : blood was 
 shed in the baptistery, the soldiers pene- 
 trated into the sanctuary, and the Eucharistic 
 chalice itself was profaned.^ This scene 
 was followed up by a series of tyrannous 
 measures against those who now began to 
 be called "Johnians;" and, at the end of 
 the Easter season, Arcadius, under dictation 
 from the hostile bishops, sent a message 
 ordering Chrysostom to depart. This time 
 he thought it best to obey : in the bap- 
 tistery of the cathedral he took leave of 
 Olympias and three other faithful women, 
 
 * Chiys. Ep. I. to Innocent, 3. Cp. Palladius, p. 85. 
 
ST. CHRYSOSTOM. 
 
 begging them, as his one last request, to 
 keep up their loyal interest in the Church, 
 to submit to any new bishop who had 
 unwillingly accepted the appointment, and 
 who had the assent of all, — " for the Church 
 cannot go on without a bishop," — and to 
 remember him in their prayers.^ Few 
 speeches of farewell from a pastor, since that 
 day of sad parting on the shore of Miletus, 
 can have touched hearts so deeply as these 
 simple words from the " mouth of gold." 
 The poor ladies fell weeping at his feet ; he 
 bade a priest lead them away, lest they 
 should excite the people, and then, with a 
 few words of natural resentment at the 
 unrighteous treatment which he had re- 
 ceived,^ he went out by a door opposite to 
 the great gate at which the people were 
 waiting for him, surrendered himself to one 
 
 * Palladius, p. 90. 
 
 " Soz. viii. 22 makes him say that he had been denied 
 that fair hearing which was granted by law to criminals. 
 
ST. CHRYSOSTOM. 89 
 
 of the imperial officers, was placed in a 
 boat, and landed, as before, on the coast of 
 Bithynia. It was Monday, June 20, 404. 
 
 The remainder, and, as Gibbon calls it, the 
 " most glorious " part of his life ^ — three years 
 and nearly three months — was passed in 
 exile. We can trace him as he travels 
 eastwards to a little town called Cucusus, at 
 the extremity of Lesser Armenia, where one 
 of his predecessors, repeatedly persecuted 
 by Arians, had died a tragical death. ^ After 
 
 ' See Gibbon, iv. 156. He was detained till July 4 at 
 Nicaea, where he enjoyed the good air of the place, and his 
 guards showed their respect and affection by doing all and 
 more than all that he wanted : Ep. 10. In another letter he 
 says that they did not let him feel the want of servants : Ep. 
 II. Just before proceeding on his journey he wrote to a 
 priest, urging him to provide for the interests of the churches 
 in Phoenicia, Arabia, and Syria, and to keep him regularly 
 informed as to the mission to the Pagans in Phoenicia: Ep. 
 221. He wrote also to bishops and clerics imprisoned as 
 "Johnians," and called their chains a "crown," Ep. 118, 
 3 ; cp. Ep. 174, beginning, " Blessed are ye for your imprison- 
 ment." Writing to Olympias, he reminds her of what he 
 had often said — that the narrow way and the broad way 
 are alike 7ija}'s, that respectively have an end : Ep. 8. 
 
 * Paul, four times expelled from his see, died at Cucusus, 
 
 y 
 
90 ST. CHRYSOSTOM. 
 
 an exhausting journey from Nicaea^ he 
 reaches the great city of Caesarea in Cappa- 
 docia ; and there he exhibits that " elasticity 
 and sunniness of mind" which Cardinal 
 Newman marks as one of his most attractive 
 characteristics, likening him to " a day in 
 spring-time, bright and rainy, and glittering 
 through its rain." ^ He makes the most of 
 the simple solaces which the Cappadocian 
 capital can offer ; it brings us, somehow, 
 nearer to the saint to find him complacently 
 dwelling, in his letters, — most charmingly 
 human and vivid letters, — on the comfort of 
 having pure water to drink, bread to eat that 
 was not mouldy, " a bath of some kind, 
 instead of broken jars," a real bed on which 
 to lie down,^ and the attention of excellent 
 
 — it was said, by strangulation, — in 350-1 ; see Athan. Hist. 
 Ari. 7. 
 
 ' Ep. 120. He begins, "I am spent, I am used up : " he 
 was fever-stricken. The populations had testified their sym- 
 pathy as he passed : Ep. 8, 9. 
 
 2 Historical Sketches, iii. 237. ' Ep. 120. 
 
ST. CHRYSOSTOM. 9 1 
 
 physicians, whose kindness did him as much 
 good as their professional skill,^ together 
 with the practical sympathy of a crowd of 
 reverential visitors,^ including men of high 
 civil rank, but not including Pharetrius the 
 bishop, a very unworthy successor of St. 
 Basil, whose jealous unfriendliness was evi- 
 dently the cause of the malignant hostility 
 shown to Chrysostom by a number of 
 ignorant fanatical monks. They plotted to 
 get rid of the visitor who, although under 
 the ban of power, was "stealing away 
 hearts;" and so we find him^ compelled 
 by false alarms, first to leave the city amid 
 the loudly expressed indignation of many 
 sympathisers,'* and then to lose the shelter 
 of a country house five miles off, because its 
 mistress, at heart his well-wisher, could not 
 
 * Ep. 12. * Ep. 125. 
 
 ^ He tells the story to Olympias in Ep. 14, which Mont- 
 faucon justly calls "egregia." 
 
 ■* They "uttered imprecations" against Pharetrius. 
 
92 ST. CHRYSOSTOM. 
 
 venture to defy the angry menaces of her 
 own bishop. Accordingly, Evethius, a priest 
 sent by Pharetrius, rouses the exile at dead 
 of night : " The barbarians are upon us ! " 
 There is no help for it, Chrysostom must 
 rise at once and depart ; lights are not 
 permitted, — " for they would attract the notice 
 of the Isaurians." In the moonless darkness, 
 the mule which draws the bishop's litter 
 stumbles on the steep rocky pathway, and 
 brings him to the ground ; Evethius dis- 
 mounts, helps him to walk, or rather pulls 
 him along, still enfeebled by illness, and 
 expecting every moment an onset of Isau- 
 rians, who in fact were far enough off. At 
 last, in the end of August, he arrived at 
 Cucusus, a bleak "lost corner" of the world, 
 without a market,^ but full of warmhearted 
 souls, from the bishop downwards, who 
 would even have resigned the see in his 
 
 ' Ep. 14. 
 
ST. CHRYSOSTOM. 
 
 favour, had not Chrysostom declined, alleging 
 a Church " rule." ^ We hear of one layman 
 of rank who gave up his own house for 
 Chrysostom's temporary lodging, set about 
 preparing him a permanent abode, and was 
 so assiduous as to make our saint uneasy 
 about causing such trouble.^ Others showed a 
 similarly generous spirit. His letters written 
 at this time are pictures of his situation and 
 of his feelings. The place, to be sure, is very 
 lonesome, but then its extreme quietness is 
 a " delight ; " ^ there is no one there to 
 "molest or harry him;" "his health is 
 somewhat restored ; " he has more contribu- 
 tions for his own wants than he knows what 
 to do with;^ he can engage in correspondence 
 
 ' Ep. 125. 2 Ep. 13. 
 
 ' Cp. Epp. 14, 80, 84, III, 114, 173, 236, etc. An aged 
 deaconess met him on his arrival, and said she was ready to 
 go with him if he were sent into Scythia : Ep. 13. 
 
 * Ep. 50, to Diogenes. He sends back some presents, 
 adding, in the true spirit of a gentleman, " If I should be 
 in want, I will ask for them again with the utmost confi- 
 dence, as if they belonged to me." 
 
94 ST. CHRYSOSTOM. 
 
 with Olympias and many other friends ; and 
 his letters admit us into his heart. He does 
 not mind saying that it is a pain to him not 
 to hear from those whom he loves. He 
 entreats them to relieve his anxiety about 
 their health ; he asks one friend to send him 
 " showers of letters ; " he complains that he 
 has written twice to another, and got no 
 reply ; ^ he reminds Olympias that " offences " 
 and trials of faith are conditions of Church 
 life;^ he thanks a lady, herself an invalid, 
 but a constant correspondent, for sending 
 him ointments and a plaster ; ^ he writes 
 to another, " If you bear present troubles 
 thankfully and bravely, the richer will be 
 your reward from our gracious God ; " * 
 
 * Ep. 41, to Valentinus, whom (in Ep. 217) he urges to 
 provide for the famishing widows and virgins at home : 
 on the pain of parting from friends, see Ep. 2. 12. 
 
 ^ Ep. I. He bids her call " ceaselessly on Jesus." 
 
 ^ Ep. 34, to Carteria. He adds, "You will greatly oblige 
 
 me if you can tell me soon that you are well again." Cp. 
 
 Ep. 18, " It pains me to hear of your being ill." 
 
 * Ep. 76, to Chalcidia. In a later letter to her he speaks 
 
ST. CHRYSOSTOM. 95 
 
 he tells another that Christians must not 
 be less bold than merchants or traders ; ^ 
 he reminds a deaconess that "pains pass 
 away with life, but the prizes won by en- 
 durance are imperishable ; " ^ he refers some 
 Gothic monks to St. Paul's " reckoning " as 
 to " sufferings " and " glory ; " ^ he advises 
 an exiled bishop to persevere in prayer 
 although relief might be delayed, and to 
 think of the calumnies and outrages endured 
 by the Saviour ; ^ he has sympathy also for 
 purely domestic afflictions, and consoles a 
 prefect whose brother has lately died.^ He 
 
 as Augustine might have spolcen about life, as a "journey" 
 to the "Country;" — "travellers speeding homewards care 
 neither for meadows nor for ravines : " Ep. 105. 
 
 ' Ep. 106, to Asyncritia and her companions. 
 
 ^ Ep. 96. He also quotes i Cor. ii. 9. 
 
 ' Ep. 207. 
 
 * Ep. 125, to Cyriacus. He dwells on the flight into 
 Egypt, on the epithets of "demoniac, winebibber," etc., 
 and on the details of the Passion. Cyriacus, persecuted 
 in the East, came to Rome early in 405, and afterwards, 
 falling into the hands of the adverse party, endured much 
 cruel treatment. Palladius, p. 198. 
 
 ' Ep. 197, to Studius. 
 
96 ST. CHRYSOSTOM. 
 
 does not forget that he is still by right a 
 chief pastor ; he takes thought for the 
 spiritual needs of his bereaved flock, com- 
 mends two of its priests who have lost school 
 teacherships through their fidelity,^ and re- 
 bukes two others who have neglected their 
 duty of preaching.^ A priest has converted 
 the Pagans of a neighbouring mountain dis- 
 trict ; Chrysostom gives him an introduction 
 to a friendly layman at Constantinople.^ 
 Olympias is not to vex herself because the 
 place of his exile is not changed ; he would 
 rather be nearer home, yet on the whole he 
 might be worse off.* But the winter, which, 
 even for that harsh climate, was severe, 
 brought back his old ailments of head- 
 
 ' Epp. 213, 218. 
 
 * One had preached only five times up to October, the 
 other not once ; they had avoided church services : this 
 pains him more than "the solitude here." Epp. 203, 210, 
 212. He says to one of them, " You know what became of 
 him who buried his one talent ! " 
 
 * Ep. 175. * Ep. 13. 
 
ST. CHRYSOSTOM. 97 
 
 ache, sickness, and sleeplessness ; for two j/ 
 months he never ventured out of his room, 
 kept up fires, endured smoke, and spent days 
 in bed, pierced with cold under a heap of 
 bedclothes ; ^ it was like " one long night " to 
 him ; and the dreariness was increased by 
 " the fear of freebooters," which " kept the 
 town in a state of siege, while the roads were 
 blocked up by the v/inter." ^ Few visitors 
 interrupted the solitude, and of those few 
 not all seemed to him quite friendly. As 
 the spring advances, he recovers somewhat ; 
 he welcomes the arrival of friends — among 
 them a bishop, who, on leaving him, is 
 recommended to a skilful physician at 
 Caesarea for the cure of a bad cough,^ — and 
 
 ' Ep. 6, to Olympias. 
 
 ^ Ep. 216, to Musonius. In Ep. 104, he says, "As we 
 hear, Isauria is up!" The freebooters made actual raids at 
 the end of the winter, captured some ladies, and slew some 
 men : Ep. 140. A present for Chrysostom miscarried, the 
 bearer having turned back in fear of the banditti. 
 
 ' Ep. 38, to Flymnetius. " Since you understand the 
 
 H 
 
98 ST. CHRYSOSTOM. 
 
 a priest from Antioch, who writes that he felt 
 like another man after conversing with him.^ 
 He spends money sent by Olympias in 
 ransoming some captives from the Isaurians ; 
 and while, as Newman expresses it, he 
 "colours everything with his own sweet, 
 cheerful, thankful temper," his kind words 
 draw out love from many who have no need 
 of pecuniary help.^ He interests himself in 
 a mission to the Pagans of Phoenicia ; 
 exhorts the monks and priests employed 
 there to persevere in their holy enterprise ; 
 and provides them with clothes and shoes 
 out of funds placed at his disposal.^ 
 
 nature of the complaint, pray endeavour to deliver hina from 
 its attack." Hymnetius had attended Chrysostom: Ep. 81. 
 
 ' Ep. 237, a letter from Constantius to his mother. 
 He says that he feels spiritually enriched after being with 
 "the holy bishop." He had learned one of Chrysostom's 
 sayings, "There is no real calamity but sin." Cp. Ep, 102. 
 
 * Soz. viii. 27. 
 
 ' Epp. 53, 123. In Ep. 21, he thanks Alphius for sending 
 a priest into Phoenicia. " I knew you supplied him with 
 money, though you did not tell me that ! . . . You are rich 
 with the riches which one ought to possess." 
 
ST. CHRYSOSTOM. 99 
 
 So passed the year 405 ; in the winter, it 
 appears, fresh descents of the Isaurians made 
 it prudent for him to change his abode. He 
 seems actually to have taken shelter in 
 glens and woods, until he found quarters in 
 a fortress which dominated the town of Ara- 
 bissus,^ sixty miles from Cucusus. There 
 he had to look forth on ruined homes, and 
 snowdrifts ominously checked with red, and 
 to hear of fugitives, including boys, who 
 fled in terror from their homes to die of 
 cold in the open country.^ " We sit here," 
 he writes, " like creatures caught in a snare. 
 One night, all of a sudden, a band of three 
 hundred Isaurians fell upon the town, and 
 all but got hold of us." He was fortunately 
 asleep, and knew nothing of the peril till 
 next day.^ After this he could not feel safe, 
 
 ' Ep. 69. He alludes to these removals in Ep. 127 : 
 " We lead the life of ' Hamaxobii ' and ' Nomads.' " 
 ^ Ep. 127, cp. Ep. 68. 
 ' Ep. 135. See Ep. 15: " Andronicus tells me he fell 
 
lOO ST. CHRYSOSTOM. 
 
 even within the prison-like castle ; ^ there 
 were also serious apprehensions of a scarcity. 
 No wonder that his old complaints returned ; 
 and although good physicians were acces- 
 sible, they had but few medical appliances.^ 
 Yet he found work to do among poor people 
 in the uplands, who were " pagans " in both 
 senses of the word ; ^ and the bishop, whom 
 he mentions as friendly,^ must have rejoiced 
 to secure for them the opportunity for hear- 
 ing about Christ from one who was not only 
 the great Christian preacher of his time, but 
 a pre-eminent exemplar of Christian patience 
 and sanctity. He was able to return to 
 Cucusus in the summer,^ a season " deiight- 
 
 into the hands of the robbers, and only escaped with the loss 
 of everything. Do not send any one hither." 
 
 ' Epp. 70, 131 : " For the Isaurians make attempts even 
 on such strongliolds." 
 
 2 Ep. 15. 
 
 ^ Palladius, p. 97. 
 
 * Ep. 126. His name was Otreius. 
 
 * To this year is referred a letter to Theodotus, a Reader, 
 who had left him after a short visit. He would gladly 
 
ST. CHRYSOSTOM. lOl 
 
 fill to him " in those highlands ; and in a 
 letter written soon afterwards he returns to 
 the subject of the Phoenician mission, which 
 has been endangered by a Pagan outbreak, 
 and urges a priest, remarkable for courage 
 and gentleness, to lose no time in going to 
 the rescue. " If I can but hear that you 
 have actually crossed the borders of Phoe- 
 nicia, then I shall be at ease, I shall feel 
 refreshed. ... I would send a thousand times 
 to Constantinople if so I could facilitate 
 your labours." ^ Could any utterance be 
 more characteristic ? He had built much 
 on the expected intervention of Western 
 prelates, which was warmly promoted by his 
 staunch friend, the Roman bishop Innocent ;^ 
 
 see him again, but is afraid that a journey in the hot weather 
 would be bad for his weak eyes. " I do beg you to be 
 very careful about your eyes, to consult physicians," etc.: 
 Ep. I02. Another Theodotus, a deacon, who visited him 
 in the winter, is warmly praised in Ep. 135. 
 
 ' Ep. 126. 
 
 * Pope Innocent acted nobly in the whole affair of Chry- 
 sostom's persecution. He wrote to the faithful clergy of 
 
I02 ST, CHRYSOSTOM. 
 
 but the delegates sent to the East were 
 contumeliously repulsed, and the persecution 
 of " Johnian " bishops went on unchecked, 
 and involved his friends in various forms of 
 cruel suffering. Innocent could but wait for 
 a better opportunity ; and Chrysostom writes 
 to him, " I expect that there will be some- 
 thing like a setting right of this wrong ; but 
 if not, still yon have the reward awaiting you 
 at the hand of your gracious God ; and I, 
 now in the third year of my exile, amid 
 famine and pestilence, and wars and be- 
 siegings, and indescribable loneliness, and 
 ' daily dying,' and Isaurian swords, derive no 
 
 Constantinople, " Christ's servants can console each other 
 by remembering what the saints have suffered before now. 
 If we are but steadfast in faith, there is nothing that we 
 ought to despair of obtaining from the Lord." He wrote to 
 Chrysostom : " You do not need to be reminded that the best 
 men are often being tested by affliction. A good man can 
 be trained in patience, but cannot be overcome ; for the 
 Scriptures which we read to the people keep guard over his 
 mind. Let your conscience console you, dearest brother," 
 etc., Soz. viii. 26. 
 
ST. CHRYSOSTOM. I03 
 
 small comfort from your boldness, your 
 good-will, your endearing and genuine love." ^ 
 Once more the winter came on, but he 
 had learned how to protect himself against 
 its rigour : ^ by keeping up good fires, and 
 staying indoors well wrapt up, he managed 
 to take no harm ; and a medicine which a 
 lady had sent him proved efficacious,^ so that 
 when he came abroad, the natives were sur- 
 prised to see him looking so well. He set 
 to work on two religious treatises,"^ in the 
 .latter of which he observed that "the Church 
 did not teach so persuasively when she 
 was not harassed, as now she teaches the 
 
 ^ Ep. 2, to Innocent. ^ Ep. 4. 
 
 ' He says that within a few days it allayed inflammation, 
 acted as a tonic, and gave a good appetite ; he desires to 
 obtain a fresh supply. 
 
 * "That no one can harm him who does not injure him- 
 self," and " To those who have been scandalised on account 
 of adversities, and also on the incomprehensiblenessof God," 
 his old tlieme, in treating of which he quotes Rom. ix. 20 
 as indicating — "not the absence of free will, far from it! 
 l)at the spirit of subinissiveness which should check, pre- 
 sumptuous speculation." 
 
I04 ST. CHRYSOSTOM. 
 
 world to endure suffering," and that while 
 the sufferers — his own adherents — "could 
 look any one freely and cheerfully in the 
 face, the oppressors go about shame-stricken 
 and fearful, carrying an evil conscience 
 within them."^ His sanguine spirit began to 
 hope that he might even yet be restored to 
 Constantinople. But this was not to be ; 
 the interest taken in his cause, the pil- 
 grimages, so to speak, made to Cucucus 
 from Antioch, were like " lashes," says Pal- 
 ladius, to the hostile bishops of Syria ;^ 
 they obtained an order for his removal to 
 Pityus, a desolate place on the eastern shore 
 of the Euxine. The sentence was carried 
 out in the summer of 407. The guards who 
 took him in charge were evidently instructed 
 
 ' "Ad eos qui scandalizati sunt," 23, 24. 
 
 - Pallad. p. 97. Tillemont renders this, " autant de 
 coups de poignard," xii. 344. Chrysostom had naturally 
 many friends at Antioch. He wrote to four priests there in 
 405, "It was your affection that found my long letter 
 short : " Ep. 22. 
 
ST. CIIRYSOS'IOM. IO5 
 
 to hurry him on without forbearance, amid 
 scorching heat and drenching rain, as if 
 the object was to kill him by exhaustion. 
 At last, after a terrible time, they reached 
 Comana, in Pontus, passed by it, and halted 
 for the night at a wayside chapel.-^ Next 
 morning, feeling very ill, he begged to stay 
 where he was "until the fifth hour;" his 
 conductors would not hear of it, and hurried 
 him off, still fasting. After going rather 
 more than three miles, he was evidently 
 unable to walk further. They returned to 
 the little church ; he put on clean white 
 garments, made his last Communion, offered 
 a final prayer, concluding with his habitual 
 doxology,^ " Glory to God for all things, 
 
 ' One of the guards showed him some humanity when not 
 observed by the other. His baldness made the heat more 
 painful. Pallad. p. 99. 
 
 * In a letter of 404 he declares that this is what he will 
 never cease to say, whatever befalls him : Ep. 12. Cp. £]■>. 
 193 ; " As soon as one utters it, the cloud of despondency 
 disperses." Cp. in Col. Horn. 8. 5 : "To give thanks in 
 
T06 ST. CHRYSOSTOM. 
 
 Amen," and then stretched out his feet, and 
 tranquilly expired. It was Saturday, the 14th 
 of September, the day of the martyrdom 
 of St. Cyprian, the day now called after the 
 Holy Cross, in the year 407. 
 
 " I have loved righteousness and hated 
 iniquity, and therefore I die in exile," the 
 well-known last words of Gregory VII., would 
 have been most appropriate in Chrysostom's 
 case, although he himself would scarcely 
 have so used them. The special impressive- 
 ness of the contest in which he became 
 involved, and which actually brought him to 
 his death, is of a kind to be appreciated by 
 those who profess to feel but little interest 
 in dogmatic controversies, to care only for 
 struggles involving an ethical principle. It 
 was not for his orthodoxy, but it was for his 
 
 prosperity is no great matter ; but when we do so in ex- 
 tremity of distress, that is wonderful. . . . There is nothing 
 holier than the tongue which gives thanks to God amid 
 afflictions." See in Eph. Hom. 19. 2. 
 
ST. CHRYSOSTOM. lOJ 
 
 intense devotion to high Christian morality,^ 
 for his resolute hostiHty to laxities, abuses, 
 and corruptions, his determination to make 
 the kingdom of Christ a felt power in the 
 face of the world, that "the glorious preacher 
 with soul of zeal and lips of flame " ^ was 
 relentlessly hunted down by a persecution 
 which signally illustrates the eighth Beati- 
 tude. And the story of his episcopate, while 
 it exhibits with unique and terrible clearness 
 the force which can be used in an unjust 
 cause by worldly ecclesiastics, against a 
 spiritual loftiness which has crossed their 
 path, rebuked their unfaithfulness, or galled 
 their pride, is also one of the most in- 
 spiriting testimonies to the moral power 
 of a purely unworldly life, and the im- 
 
 * "Unquestionable as the intellectual genius of Chrysos- 
 tom was, yet it is rather in the purity of his moral character, 
 his single-minded boldness of purpose, and the glowing piety 
 which burns through all his writings, that we find the secret 
 of his influence." .Stephens, Life of Chrysostom, p. 430. 
 
 '■^ See Lyra Apostolica, p. 118. 
 
Io8 ST. CHRYSOSTOM. 
 
 perishable fruitfulness of a really saintly 
 example. " St. John Chrysostom," says Car- 
 dinal Newman, in the exquisite sketch of his 
 confessorship which has been already more 
 than once quoted, " was one of that select 
 company whom men begin to understand 
 and honour when they are removed from 
 them ; " ^ but few indeed among the crowds 
 which attended his funeral, or which went 
 forth to meet his remains when brought back, 
 thirty years later, to Constantinople,^ could 
 have anticipated that a name which had been 
 so determinedly cast out as evil would so 
 indefeasibly inherit the earth. 
 
 The Parisian Breviary contains an appro- 
 propriate petition, asking on behalf of Christ's 
 ministers "the spirit of wisdom and fortitude 
 whereby the blessed John Chrysostom did not 
 cease to rebuke sinners, and endured manifold 
 afflictions for the love of the Lord's Name." 
 ' Hist. Sketches, iii. 302. ^ Soc. vii. 45. 
 
ST. AUGUSTINE. 
 
 No Christian teacher since the days of the 
 Apostles has influenced Christian thought so 
 powerfully as St. Augustine. This influence 
 has sometimes been, so to speak, imperial : 
 the " Doctor of Grace " has reigned in the 
 schools of theology ; his Benedictine editors 
 in the seventeenth century described him 
 as " the oracle of the Church ; " ^ and, as 
 Archbishop Trench has told us, a Spanish 
 sermon was proverbially said to lack its 
 best ingredient if it contained nothing out 
 of Augustine.^ The most systematic mind 
 among the Reformers adopted certain parts 
 of his theology as the basis for a structure 
 
 ' See the lirst words of their dedication to Louis XIV. 
 * See Trench on Proverbs, p. 58. 
 
1 lO ST. AUGUSTINE. 
 
 which has now become a rock of offence ; 
 and our own Anglican formularies bear the 
 impress of his teaching on the relations of 
 the soul to sin and to grace, and, though 
 in a modified form, on predestination. At 
 present, indeed, there is a fashion of "anti- 
 Augustinianism : " " a tendency," as it has 
 been said, "to put down to Augustine all 
 that the present age likes least in Christi- 
 anity, and to jump to the conclusion that 
 what is vaguely called Alexandrianism is 
 the natural antidote to Latin theology." 
 No doubt, as Dr. Newman said half a cen- 
 tury ago, " Augustine's teaching " has a cha- 
 racter of its own, and " is, in a certain sense, 
 a second edition of the Catholic traditions, 
 the transmission of the primitive stream 
 through one acute, rich, and original mind." ^ 
 He did accentuate some principles in Chris- 
 tian anthropology, on which earlier Fathers 
 ' British Critic, xxv. 412. 
 
ST. AUGUSTINE. 1 I I 
 
 had not laid such stress, and he did, to some 
 extent, exaggerate those principles ; but in 
 themselves, they inhered in the original 
 Christianity as taught continuously by the 
 Catholic Church. This cannot be said of 
 his predestinarianism ; but the aversion to 
 Augustinian conceptions of which we now 
 hear so much is probably determined less 
 by a disapproval of what we now call Cal- 
 vinism, than by a dislike for the sacramental 
 and ecclesiastical ideas to which Augustine 
 gave a specially definite expression, but which 
 are really found in Tertullian, Irenaeus, and 
 Ignatius, not to say Cyprian, and cannot be 
 set aside without a rejection of some leading 
 features of that religion which has ever been 
 embodied in ordinances and in a Church.^ 
 
 ' See Gore on the Ministry, pp. 13, 59. Undoubtedly 
 Augustine was not an "individualist " in the sense of sup- 
 posing the visible Church to be an association formed by 
 "the natural attraction of sympathies and aims" between 
 persons who had otherwise been brought into fellowship 
 with Christ. To him, the historical organised Church was 
 
112 ST. AUGUSTINE. 
 
 This may be said at the outset, by way of 
 meeting a prejudice, connected with views 
 of Christianity which would make it fluid 
 rather than soHd. 
 
 Let us turn to one aspect of Augustine's 
 life and character, which must never be for- 
 gotten in any attempt to estimate his influ- 
 ence. Perhaps one might express this best 
 by saying that the " Confessions " are at the 
 root of the matter. That marvellous book, 
 
 a Divinely formed body corporate, in and through which, by 
 Christ's sacramental operation, such fellowship was initiated 
 and maintained. But, if he was thus what some would call 
 an " ecclesiasticist," he was at any rate persuaded that a 
 good "paterfamilias" could, in his own sphere, "fulfil 
 an ecclesiastical and, as it were, episcopal function, and 
 minister to Christ " by making his household truly Christian : 
 In Joan. Ev. Tr, 51. 13. He plainly recognises the "royal 
 priesthood " of the baptised, while he would have absolutely 
 repudiated the notion that it either excluded, or was ex- 
 cluded by, a ministerial priesthood, de Civ. Dei, xx. 10. 
 Moreover, no Christian writer has ever been more thoroughly 
 penetrated and possessed by a sense of what is involved in 
 the words, "My God." It is quite easy to disparage his 
 Churchmanship and his sacramentalism by such terms as 
 "external" or "mechanical;" but these are "question- 
 begging " terms. 
 
ST. AUGUSTINE. II3 
 
 " The tenderest scroll ^^ 
 That love and recollection ever wrote, "^y 
 
 which has been translated again and again 
 into ahnost every European language, " and 
 in all loved," ^ which "has been a precious 
 possession to thousands of seekers after 
 God,"^ and "will be a classical work in the 
 Church of Christ to the end of time,"^ has 
 done more to make people understand and 
 love Augustine than all his elaborate theo- 
 logical works. If the latter part of it bears 
 traces of a somewhat morbid and over- 
 scrupulous self-introspection, allowance may 
 well be made for the unparalleled experience 
 which had helped him to assimilate the great 
 thought, " God and I," — the solitary position 
 of the soul in the presence of its Maker and 
 
 ' Bishop Alexander, St. Augustine's Holiday, p. 6. 
 
 * Pusey, Pref. to Confessions of St. Augustine, in Library 
 of the Fathers, p. xxii. 
 
 ' Cunningham, S. Austin and his Place in the History of 
 Christian Thought, p. 80. 
 
 * Liddon, Advent Sermons, ii. 63. 
 
114 ST. AUGUSTINE. 
 
 Master. Many who know of no other sen- 
 tence in his writings are familiar with the 
 saying which condenses his philosophy of 
 life, " Thou, Lord, hast made us for Thyself, 
 and therefore our hearts are restless until 
 they rest in Thee."^ Some may also have 
 heard the sweet sad cadence of that "con- 
 fession " in which the fervour of loving 
 worship is blended with regret for mis- 
 spent years ; " Too late have I loved Thee, 
 Thou Beauty so ancient and so new, — sero 
 te amavi ;" yet not really too late, for, as 
 he adds, it had "beamed forth and driven 
 away his blindness, had touched him and set 
 his soul on fire." ^ 
 
 We can but briefly survey the process 
 which terminated in 386 with his "conver- 
 sion " to the service of our Lord. One sees 
 the little boy,^ with his childish troubles and 
 
 » Confess, i. i. ' lb. x. 38. 
 
 ' He was born at Thagaste on Nov. 13 (de Beata 
 Vita, 6) in 354, the year before that Council of Milan which 
 
ST. AUGUSTINE. II5 
 
 childish naughtinesses, preferring a game at 
 ball to " reading, writing, and arithmetic ; " ^ 
 beaten at his day-school for shirking his 
 lessons; telling petty falsehoods to the servant 
 in charge of him, to his masters, and to his 
 parents ; pilfering sweet things from the home 
 table to give to his schoolfellows, but quarrel- 
 ling with them if caught playing unfairly : 
 then the lively growing lad, sent from his 
 own town to a grammar school elsewhere ; 
 liking his Virgil, but disliking his Homer; 
 returning home at fifteen because his father 
 can no longer pay for his schooling ; idling 
 about at nights with reckless youths, whose 
 talk he imitates in order to seem manly ; 
 joining them, from sheer lawlessness, in the 
 robbery of a neighbour's pear-tree ; ^ drifting 
 
 was so unfortunate for the Catholics of the West. Unlike 
 Chrysostom, he was the son of comparatively poor parents. 
 
 ' Confess, i. 20. 
 
 * As he says, the pears themselves did not tempt him, 
 he could get better at home ; he flung them away when 
 
Il6 ST. AUGUSTINE. 
 
 into wild and evil courses ; " wandering," as 
 he expresses it, " far from his God, and 
 becoming to himself a poverty-stricken 
 land ; " ^ going up, as we should say, to the 
 University of Carthage as a " poor youth " 
 of seventeen, through the bounty of a well- 
 to-do friend of his family ; ^ rising high in 
 the Rhetoric class, with a view to the 
 African .bar, but at the same time carried 
 away by theatrical excitement, and sinking 
 fast into moral debasement,^ when a book 
 
 gathered. The zest of the adventure lay in its being wrong : 
 Conf. ii. 9. He responded when his comrades said, " Let's 
 go, let's do it." He could not bear to be behindhand in 
 audacity : ii. 17. 
 
 ' Confess, ii. 18. Of course he is referring to "the 
 prodigal :" so in iii. 11. In after-life he could not refrain 
 from tears when that parable was read in church : viii. 6. 
 
 ^ Romanianus : c. Academ. ii. 3, on his constant kindness, 
 and ib. i. 2, 3, on his virtues, which had been exercised by 
 a reverse of fortune : cp. Conf. vi. 24. 
 
 * His son Adeodatus was born when he was eighteen, in 
 372. He was a very promising boy, who died early : Conf 
 ix. 14. In a debate on the question, " What sort of man has 
 God's presence with him ?" Adeodatus answered. " He who 
 has not an impure spirit." "And who is that?" "He 
 who lives chastely." " And who is that ? " He who looks 
 
ST. AUGUSTINE. I I 7 
 
 arrests him, fills his mind with better 
 thoughts, and forms a landmark in his career. 
 It is not a religious book at all ; it is the 
 " Hortensius " of Cicero. The teaching of 
 his pious mother Monica^ has impressed him 
 with reverence for the name of Christ ; he 
 takes to reading Scripture, but its style is 
 too homely for his academic fastidiousness ;^ 
 in his nineteenth year, as he himself reckons, 
 we find him seeking for "truth" in that 
 strange Manichean superstition which was 
 
 to God, and keeps himself for Him alone : " De Beata Vita, 
 12, 18. In Augustine's treatise, "On the Master," Adeo- 
 datus' thoughts are given in the form of a conversation with 
 his father ; and he refers to the awful lines of Persius, Sat. 
 iii. 35-38, " Magna pater divum," etc. 
 
 ' He mentions her domestic virtues, her success as a 
 peacemaker, her influence in the conversion of her husband, 
 Conf. ix. 19-21 ; her fearlessness in regard to misfortune or 
 even death, De Ordine, i. 32 ; her intellectual ability, De 
 Ordine, ii. I. He also gives a saying of hers, "He who 
 wishes for evil things is wretched even if he has them," De 
 Beata Vita, 10. The Roman Church commemorates St. 
 Monica on May 4th. 
 
 ^ For his later view as to the "modus dicendi " of Scrip- 
 ture, see Epist. 137. 18. 
 
Il8 ST. AUGUSTINE. 
 
 not so much a form of Christianity per- 
 verted, as an elaborate fabric of heathenish 
 thought, artistically, though superficially, 
 Christianised, in which sacred terms " were 
 emptied of all their ethical worth, and then 
 used as a gorgeous symbolic garb for 
 clothing a system different to its very core." ^ 
 Caught by the promise of a solution of such 
 problems as the origin of evil,^ and boyishly 
 proud of having found his own way to a 
 " rational " religion, he takes a mischievous 
 pleasure in puzzling simple Church folk with 
 Manichean objections, and perverts three of 
 his friends to the same misbelief^ In 375, 
 
 * Trench, Huls. Lect. p. 25. So Pusey in Aug. Confess. 
 Lib. Fath. p. 344 : " Manicheism assumed that it was that 
 Christianity of whicli it had borrowed phrases." There can 
 be no doubt that Mani transmuted, so to speak, the Chris- 
 tian elements which he combined with " Zoroastrism " 
 (compare the so-called Paterines and the Albigensians. 
 "In the twelfth century," says Milman, "Manicheism is 
 rampant : " Latin Christ, v. 402. 
 
 ^ Conf. iii. 12; De Lib. Arbitr. i. 4; De Mor. Manich. 2. 
 
 ' Alypius, Conf. vi. 12 ; Romanianus, c. Acad. i. 3 ; 
 
ST. AUGUSTINE. II9 
 
 he returns to his native town, and gives in- 
 struction in grammar.^ His mother, horror- 
 stricken on discovering the state of his mind, 
 consults a learned bishop ; will he not take 
 her son in hand, and convince him of his 
 error ? No, the bishop knows better than 
 to force argument on him prematurely ; it 
 would but harden him in the pride of his 
 supposed discovery ; " let him alone awhile, 
 and pray for him ; his mind will probably 
 work itself right." Mother-like, Monica 
 still persists, and tearfully begs him to have 
 a talk with Augustine; he answers, "Leave 
 me, and God speed you ; the son of those 
 tears can never be lost ! " ^ With this, per- 
 force, she has to content herself ; she sets 
 herself to pray for his conversion, and does 
 not " faint " because she seems to get no 
 answer. Augustine loses a dear friend by 
 
 Honoratus, de Util. Cred. 3. On Alypius, see especially 
 Conf. vi. II ff. He became bishop of Thagaste. 
 ' Conf. iv. 7. ^ lb. iii. 21. 
 
 / 
 
I20 ST. AUGUSTINE. 
 
 death ; but the blow does not (as perhaps 
 his mother hoped) send him back to Chris- 
 tianity, though his theories reveal no sup- 
 porting God, but leave him to blank de- 
 spair.^ Thagaste becomes hateful ; he seizes 
 an opportunity of returning to Carthage 
 as a professor of rhetoric,^ apparently in 
 
 378- 
 
 The change revives his spirits ; he wins a 
 prize for declamation ; an eminent physician, 
 holding the office of proconsul, sets the garland 
 on his head, and afterwards endeavours to 
 disabuse him of his belief in astrology. 
 Augustine is too self-satisfied to be convinced f 
 he comes out, about this time, as an author 
 on " Beauty and Fitness ; " finds reason to 
 question the moral consistency of the higher 
 
 ' It is the recollection of this grief that makes him saj', 
 " He alone loses none dear to him, to whom all are dear in 
 Him who cannot be lost : " Conf. iv. 14. 
 
 - Conf. iv. 12 ; v. 13. 
 
 ^ Conf. iv. 6. He gave up astrology afterwards : Conl. 
 
ST. AUGUSTINE. 12 1 
 
 class of Manicheans,^ and cannot see how 
 to reconcile some parts of the system with 
 what he knows of physical facts. "But then, 
 Faustus," the celebrated Manichean, " is 
 coming, and he will doubtless make all clear." 
 Faustus comes, but with him comes disap- 
 pointment. Augustine finds him only super- 
 ficially learned, a ready speaker, but bad at 
 removing difficulties,^ and so gives up his 
 notion of " going further in that sect ; ^ then, 
 vexed with the unruliness of his pupils, he 
 accepts work offered him at Rome, again 
 associates provisionally with Manicheans, 
 inclines to the scepticism of the Academics,* 
 
 ' The " Elect." He was only a "Hearer." 
 ^ Faustus was not altogether a " quack ; " he was candid 
 enough to acknowledge ignorance on some points : Conf. 
 
 V. 12. 
 
 ^ Conf. V. 13. 
 
 ■* Elsewhere he tells us that when he went to Italy he 
 was hesitating as to what he should hold by, and what he 
 should give up. In Italy he regretted that he had ever 
 joined the Manicheans, but was often tempted to adopt an 
 Agnostic position ; then again, looking into the human 
 mind, "tarn vivacem, tarn sagacem, tarn perspicacem," he 
 
122 ST. AUGUSTINE. 
 
 finds Roman students, though in a meaner 
 way, as unsatisfactory as Carthaginian,^ and 
 removes yet again in 384 to a similar post 
 at Milan. 
 
 Here he resumes his old position as a 
 catechumen in the Church, although mis- 
 conceptions of the nature of its doctrine 
 cling for a while to his mind, and it is only 
 by degrees that he shakes them off,^ and 
 comes to see truth as well as beauty in the 
 sermons of Milan's great bishop, St. Ambrose. 
 
 thought that truth must be discoverable, and that the way 
 to it must be by revelation : but where was the true revela- 
 tion ? Thus he wandered in a " labyrinthine wood," and his 
 resource was to ciy to Divine Providence for aid, etc. : De 
 Util. Cred. 20. Further on, he says, in efifect, Begin by 
 acknowledging a God, and you will see that a revelation is 
 to be expected, ib. 34 (compare Newman, Univ. Serm. p. 
 239. Liddon, Adv. Serm. i. 194). 
 
 ' The " Upsetters " at Carthage were brutal to freshmen, 
 and insolent to teachers ; the Roman students shirked 
 paying their due fees. Conf. v. 22. 
 
 * Conf. vi. 4, 18. One was, that its notion of God was 
 anthropomorphic : cp. Conf. v. 20, de Mor. Eccl. Cath. 16, 
 17, de Beata Vita 4, Serm. 23. For his entire change of 
 view as to the Old Testament, see De Util. Cred. 13. 
 
ST. AUGUSTINE. I 23 
 
 His widowed mother, whose fond opposition 
 to his voyage was eluded by what he plainly 
 calls a falsehood, crosses the sea, joins him 
 at Milan, and finding him no longer a Mani- 
 chean, expresses her confidence that he will 
 one day become a Catholic Christian, But 
 the process, as he describes it, is gradual ; 
 her patience of hope is still severely tried. 
 Slowly, if surely, he recognises the reason- 
 ableness of belief, and the spirituality of 
 Catholic Theism ; slowly, if surely, his intel- 
 lectual difficulties give way, ultimately amid 
 the study of St. Paul's Epistles : but the 
 moral hindrances raised by sinful habits still 
 keep him undecided, still impel him to put 
 off committing himself definitely to Christ's 
 service; as he himself says, "When arguments 
 were confuted, a mute shrinking remained," ^ 
 
 ' Conf. viii. 18; cp. ib. 2, ii. For the impression pro- 
 duced on him by Pontitianus' description of monastic self- 
 devotion, and of the effect produced on two friends by the 
 " Life of Antony," as found in a cottage near Treves, see ib. 15. 
 
T24 ST. AUGUSTINE. 
 
 producing a severe internal conflict. At last, 
 in a quiet Milanese garden, "when he is 
 under a fig-tree," the series of intricate 
 providential leadings is consummated by the 
 grace of a victorious resolution ; he hears a 
 childish voice from the next house uttering, 
 in a sort of chant, the words, " Take up and 
 read ; " he takes up the " volume " of St. Paul 
 which he has brought with him, and opens 
 it at the sentence which concludes our 
 Epistle for Advent Sunday. " No further 
 would I read — there was no need for more." 
 He is " converted ; " the darkness " vanishes " 
 away.^ He retires to a country house, lent 
 him by a citizen of Milan, and passes the 
 winter in the society of his mother, — his son 
 Adeodatus, then sixteen,— his brother, two 
 cousins, two young pupils, and his friend 
 Alypius, who had shared in his conversion ; 
 and the books ^ which record their occu- 
 ' Conf. viii. 29. ^ See Appendix XI. 
 
ST. AUGUSTINE. I 25 
 
 pations exhibit not only his fondness for 
 speculative discussion, but the playful side 
 of his character, and his thoughtful kindness 
 in dealing with younger men.-^ 
 
 On the following Easter Eve, the 24th of 
 April, 387, in the thirty-third year of his life, 
 Augustine was baptised with Alypius and 
 Adeodatus. A few weeks later, when he was 
 about to return to Africa, and five days after 
 he and his mother, sitting at a window of a 
 house at Ostia, had conversed on the Beatific 
 Vision, she was attacked with a fever which 
 
 ' We see, as it were, the " villa " of Cassisiacum, with 
 its meadow where they walk and talk on fine days (mild, 
 so Augustine says, for an Italian winter), and its baths where 
 they sit in bad weather, and behind which a wooden water- 
 pipe emits a gurgling sound. We see Monica "pushing 
 them in " to breakfast, and sometimes taking her part well 
 in the conversations. We are introduced to Trygetius, "a 
 small man though a great eater," and to the lively Virgil- 
 loving Licentius, who lies awake at night, and slips away 
 from breakfast, in order to make verses, but who learns to 
 give a preference to philosophy. Once Augustine has to 
 blame them for some levity on a sacred subject, and con- 
 cludes with "Do be good fellows" {bani estate). They 
 jiromisc to be more careful : De Ordinc, i. 30. 
 
126 ST. AUGUSTINE. 
 
 proved fatal. She could say her Nunc 
 Dimittis ; she had learned that " more things 
 are wrought by prayer than this world 
 dreams of;" her intercessions, persistently 
 poured forth for eleven long years/ had at 
 last been abundantly answered ; and she 
 calmly expired, leaving a memory which 
 should be dear to all who know what Chris- 
 tian mothers can do and can be.^ 
 
 Her son's return to Africa was for some 
 reason postponed ; soon after it took place, 
 a seemingly incidental visit to the seaside 
 town of Hippo Regius, "the King's Port,"^ 
 
 ' Conf. V. 17; on the effect which Augustine ascribed 
 to her prayers, see de Ordine, ii. 52. 
 
 * With pathetic simplicity he tells how he restrained his 
 tears, for "hers was no unhappy death — it was indeed not 
 death at all,' — and some thought him strangely insensible ; 
 at the very funeral his grief found no expression ; he tried 
 the effect of bathing, but he confesses to "the Father of 
 orphans " that the weight of sorrow was not lifted until, 
 when in bed, he recalled an evening hymn of Ambrose, 
 thought over his mother's pious life, " and then I could 
 freely weep before Thee." Conf. ix. 33. 
 
 ' The town stood on a flat between two elevations to the 
 
ST. AUGUSTINE. I 27 
 
 turned out to be the opening of a signally 
 " effectual door." Bishop and Church people 
 insisted on detaining him : he was ordained 
 priest,^ and became active as a preacher and 
 a writer. Two years passed, and the bishop 
 constrained him, at forty-one, to receive 
 consecration as his coadjutor. Thus began 
 Augustine's episcopate, or as he himself 
 habitually regarded it, his bearing of the 
 " burden " of episcopal work, for a very short 
 time as coadjutor, and afterwards as sole 
 bishop. Many years of spiritual toil and 
 glory lay between his consecration at the 
 outset of the reign of Honorius, and his death 
 amid the shocks of the Vandal invasion. 
 
 south of the modern Bona. The port was at the mouth of a 
 river. 
 
 ' Aug. Serm. 355. 2. " I was taken hold of, and made 
 presbyter." After his ordination he writes to his bishop, 
 that there is nothing easier and more popular, " sed nihil 
 apud Deum miserius," than a perfunctory discharge of 
 ministerial duties, while, on the other hand, nothing is 
 more laborious, " sed apud Deum nihil beatius, si eo modo 
 militetur quo noster Imperator jubet : " Ep. 21. i. 
 
128 ST. AUGUSTINE. 
 
 Yet could he have foreseen, in 395, the fatal 
 
 siege of 430, he would doubtless have gone 
 
 to his work with as brave a spirit, with as 
 
 simple a loyalty to the "sweet will of God," 
 
 as when, content to be still led on by the 
 
 Hand that had brought him out of many 
 
 wanderings to the true home of his soul, 
 
 he bent his energies to the task of a chief 
 
 pastor, and laid out his plan of episcopal 
 
 life. 
 
 Can we see, through the long vista of 
 
 centuries, what manner of man he was who 
 
 made the bishopric of this African town so 
 
 illustrious by his occupancy? He lives, we 
 
 find, very simply, as head of a household of 
 
 young clerics, the original and proper 
 
 " Ausfustinians." ^ No individual in the 
 
 * When he was ordained priest, he formed a little monastic 
 society ; but the community established in his episcopal 
 house was distinct from it : see Serms. 355, 356. Persons 
 entering this latter society, which was, in fact, a seminary, 
 expressed their "purpose" of remaining in it, by a "pro- 
 fession," also called a "promise" or "vow." His bio- 
 
ST, AUGUSTINE. I 29 
 
 community calls anything his own. If we 
 like a bit of detail, silver spoons appear to 
 be the only valuable appurtenance of that 
 table on which are inscribed two monitory 
 verses — 
 
 "Who at absent brethren carps with tongue unkind, 
 Never at this table seat again shall find." ' 
 
 It is necessary to forbid swearing, and to 
 punish it by forfeiture of one of the permitted 
 draughts of wine. The bishop is intolerant of 
 false excuses, and insists that all quarrels shall 
 be made up before " any gift is brought to the 
 altar." ^ For himself, his occupations are so 
 incessant as to leave him but "a very few drops 
 of leisure." ^ Let us follow him through his 
 
 grapher says that ten of its members were "given" by 
 Augustine as bishops to different Churches. But in one case 
 Augustine himself put forward a young man, Antony, who all 
 too soon proved himself unworthy : Ep. 209. 
 
 ' Possidius, Vit. Aug. 22. When some bishops trans- 
 gressed this rule, he said, " If you go on thus, either that 
 inscription shall be effaced, or I will go instantly to my own 
 room." 
 
 ^ lb. 25. ' Epp. no. 5 ; 261. I. 
 
 K 
 
130 ST. AUGUSTINE. 
 
 routine : the ecclesiastical property requires 
 careful administration, and his delicate sense 
 of right refuses to accept as a bequest for 
 the Church what ought to go to a testator's 
 family.^ Or there are criminals who entreat 
 him to plead for mitigation of their sentences, 
 according to a privilege liable to abuse, but 
 often useful as a check on the harshness 
 which Roman magistrates called justice.^ 
 Augustine will not intercede in all cases ; 
 when he does so, it is with a modest dignity 
 which usually commands respect.^ Or there 
 come before him two who have a matter in 
 dispute, and who think they are complying 
 with St. Paul's precept in, i Cor. vi. i ff., by 
 asking their bishop to arbitrate between 
 them. Sometimes he will spend the whole 
 day in this work, endeavouring to enforce 
 Christian principles of action, yet in his own 
 
 ' Possidius, 24. * Ep. 153. Cf. Bingham, ii. 8. i. 
 
 ^ Possidius, 20. 
 
ST. AUGUSTINE. I3I 
 
 mind regretting the necessity of such 
 deductions from the time available for 
 higher interests.^ In two passages he com- 
 plains of the weariness of listening to angry 
 litigants, and intimates that some speak 
 insolently of decisions which are given 
 against them.^ Or there may be " a long 
 train " of really or apparently contrite 
 offenders who have to be " put to open 
 penance;"^ but he is very loth to excom- 
 municate, and he knows that unjust censures 
 are not ratified above.^ Or there are cate- 
 chumens to be instructed ; and in his beautiful 
 tract on "the Catechising of the Simple," he 
 lets us see somethino- of the interest and the 
 
 ' lb. 19. See Enarr. in Psal. 118, serm. 24. In a mag- 
 nificent passage of De Mor. Eccl. Cath. 63, he apostro- 
 phises the Church as adding new force to every natural tie, 
 binding slaves to masters by making their duty a pleasure, 
 rendering masters considerate towards their slaves, and 
 uniting citizens, nations, all men to each other, not only by 
 a social but even by a fraternal tie, etc. 
 
 "^ Ep. 48. In Ps. 118, s. 24. ' Serm. 232. 7. 
 
 < See Serm. 17. 3 ; 82. 7. 
 
I-; 2 ST. AUGUSTINE. 
 
 difficulty of that task ; the catechist is not 
 always in the humour, the catechumens are 
 sometimes inattentive ; ^ the method of 
 presenting Christian truth to their half- 
 opened minds demands real thought and 
 tact. Then there is literary work of his 
 own, controversial or other, not to be neg- 
 lected. Any one who visited him soon after 
 his consecration might find him writing on 
 "The Christian Contest,"^ a book which, 
 among other things, shows that he knew 
 how to meet Pagans in argument and care- 
 fully to discuss their objections;^ even as 
 in later life he spent thirteen years over his 
 great apologetic work in which the Kingdom 
 of Christ, the " City of God," was contrasted, 
 not with human society as such, but with the 
 
 ' De Cat. Rud. 14, 19. Cp. the sermons on the "de- 
 livery " of the Creed to catechumens, and on their " repeti- 
 tion " of it (212-215). 
 
 ^ It begins, " The crown of victory is promised only to 
 those who strive." 
 
 * See Appendix XII. 
 
ST. AUGUSTINE. 
 
 corrupt and tottering Pagan " world." ^ But 
 the work dearest of all to his heart was the 
 congenial task of preaching, which he dis- 
 charged not only at or near Hippo, but 
 wherever he was invited. The pains which 
 he took about it, the study which he gave 
 to it, appear in his treatise on " Christian 
 Doctrine," which contains truly sensible 
 advice for all young preachers. The aim 
 of a sermon, he says, should be to instruct, 
 to please, and above all to move the will to 
 action; the preacher must be determined, 
 to be understood, and for that purpose must 
 not be too fastidious to use, on occasion, the 
 " incorrect phrases " of the uneducated ; he 
 must pray just before he begins to preach, 
 and must remember that inconsistency be- 
 tween his preaching and his conduct will be 
 
 ' See De Pressense in Diet. Chr. Biogr. i. 221. It is 
 interesting to remember that Charles the Great had the 
 " De Civitate Dei" read to him at his meals. Cp. Kitchin, 
 Hist. Fr. i. 117. See Appendix XIII. 
 
134 ST. AUGUSTINE. 
 
 keenly observed, and turned into an excuse 
 for careless living.^ 
 
 How deeply Augustine felt the responsi- 
 bility of his pastorship, is indicated by 
 sermons on the anniversary of his consecra- 
 tion, in which he asks, " Let me be helped 
 by your prayers ; it is alarming to think 
 what I am to you as your bishop, but 
 consoling to think what I am with you as 
 a Christian : " ^ or again, " Brethren, bear my 
 burden with me ; I am but a servant, I am 
 not the head of the household."^ Elsewhere, 
 after repeating the passage in Ezekiel about 
 the warning to be given to the wicked* — 
 " If I keep silence, I am involved in great 
 — I do not say peril, but — destruction ; but 
 v/hen I have spoken and fulfilled my duty, 
 
 ' See De Doctr. Chr. iv. 24, 27, 32. 60. 
 
 - Serm. 340. So Enarr. in Ps. 50, s. 13: "Magnus tremor 
 est in docente. . . . Scit ipse qui mitescat nobi , . . cum 
 quanto sub illo tremore ad vos loquimur." 
 
 ' Serm. 339. * Ezek. xxxiii. 8. 
 
ST, AUGUSTINE. I 35 
 
 then do yon look to your own peril. But 
 what do I wish, crave, desire ? Why do I 
 speak, why do I live, save for this end, that 
 we may together live with Christ ? This is 
 my desire, my glory, my joy, my possession. 
 If you do not listen, I shall deliver my own 
 soul ; but I do not want to be saved without 
 you. . . . Do not sadden me by your evil 
 conduct, for I have no delight in this life 
 save that you should live well." ^ Again, by 
 way of showing a true sympathy with his 
 auditors, "We are called teachers, but in 
 many things we seek a teacher, nor do we 
 wish to be deemed masters."^ He notes 
 every symptom of flagging attention, and 
 makes allowance for weariness caused by 
 hot weather or bodily infirmity ; ^ he is 
 
 ' Serm. 17. So in Serm. 232: " Gaudium mcuni, solatium 
 meum, et respiramentum periculorum meorum in his tenta- 
 tionibus nullum est, nisi bona vita vestra." 
 
 ^ Serm. 23. I. 
 
 ' He could be gently sarcastic, as on an Ascension Day, 
 Serm. 264 : "I know that on these days the church is filled 
 
136 ST. AUGUSTINE, 
 
 distressed about the inadequacy of his words 
 to bring home all his meaning ; ^ he looks 
 out for the " gestures " by which his con- 
 gregations would "show that they followed 
 the preacher," and until these tokens come, 
 he can vary his language by words which 
 occur to him at the moment.^ He employs 
 illustrations which might sometimes provoke 
 a smile, which would at any rate catch the 
 ear and stick. We hear of boys slipping off 
 to a game that soils their hands, or crying 
 " Peccavi " when about to be punished, or 
 asking their father to lift them up on 
 horseback, — of the solicitude caused in a 
 small household by a great man's impending 
 
 with people who think us onerous if we talk to them some- 
 what long, but who never feel bored if the breakfast which 
 they are in such a hurry to get to is protracted till evening." 
 Once he says he had feared the cold weather would chill 
 people's desire to come to church : In Joan. Ev. Tr. 6. i. 
 
 ' Serm. 120. 
 
 ^ See De Doctr. Chr. iv. 25. Such variations, he says, 
 are impossible for those who can only repeat what they have 
 committed to memory. 
 
ST. AUGUSTINE. I 37 
 
 visit, — of toils endured in the chase of boars 
 or stags, — very often of the beneficial se- 
 verity of surgical operations. He takes 
 advantage of the psalm just sung, of the 
 lesson just read, of the " Sursum corda " at 
 the Eucharist, of the white robe of baptism, 
 of the Paschal Alleluia.-^ His sermons, 
 among which must be included his exposi- 
 tory discourses on St. John, and on the 
 Psalter, show the lively versatility of his 
 mind : one finds, as it were, almost every- 
 thing in them ; here a discussion of Old 
 Testament questions, or of sceptical diffi- 
 culties;^ here a confutation of this or that 
 current heterodoxy ; here a reference to the 
 remnants of Paganism still found in a 
 Christianised province.'^ Exact theological 
 distinctions, such as that the Son of God, 
 
 ' In one case, when the deacon, by his desire, has read a 
 passage, he himself takes the book and reads it out again : 
 Serm. 356. i. 
 
 ^ E.g. Serm. 51. ^ E.g. Serm. 62. 
 
ST. AUGUSTINE. 
 
 on coming into the world, did not cease to 
 " abide " with the Father, or that the 
 crucifixion and burial which are predicated 
 of the whole Christ were endured by Him 
 only in His manhood,^ are not more natural 
 to this " instructed scribe " than exact moral 
 distinctions between various degrees of sin, 
 from the first inclination of the will in an 
 evil direction to the fully confirmed evil 
 habit.^ He has observed rapid improve- 
 ments of character, and also speedy deteri- 
 orations ;^ he dwells on "little sins," so called, 
 as forming in time a huge heap ; he exposes 
 the evasiveness of the plea, " I am not 
 breaking a commandment in the letter."^ 
 His people must have felt that in him they 
 had a thoroughly real preacher, and that his 
 
 * Serm. 28, 186, 214. 
 
 ^ Serm. 98. 6. Very characteristically in Serm. 213, after 
 stating accurately the doctrine of the Trinity, he adds, " May 
 the Trinity deliver us from the multitude of sins !" 
 
 ^ Serm. 46. 27. ■• Serm. 9. 
 
ST. AUGUSTINE. I 39 
 
 object was truly represented by the prayer 
 which he used after sermons, " Let us turn 
 with a pure heart to the Lord our God, the 
 Father Almighty, and render him abundant 
 thanks, beseeching him to hear our prayers, 
 to drive away the enemy from our acts and 
 thoughts, to increase our faith, direct our 
 minds, grant us spiritual thoughts, and bring 
 us to His blessedness, through Jesus Christ 
 His Son our Lord, who liveth and reigneth 
 with Him in the unity of the Holy Spirit, 
 God throughout all ages of ages." ^ And 
 the depth and . richness of his capacity as 
 a teacher are indicated by condensed sayings, 
 — passion and thought, as Bishop Alexander 
 expresses it, "packed in epigram," sometimes 
 grasping the memory by a rhyme, sometimes 
 brightly antithetical, — sometimes tender, as, 
 " Love, and then do what thou wilt ; " ^ some- 
 times sublime, as, "Join thy heart to God's 
 
 eternity."^ 
 
 ' Senn. 34. 9. ^ In Ep. Jo. 7. S. ' In Ps. 91. 
 
140 ST. AUGUSTINE. 
 
 We may now briefly endeavour to see what 
 can be learned from Augustine's treatment of 
 the three controversies,-^ in which it was his 
 lot to be principally engaged. 
 
 I. And first, without plunging into the 
 mazes of what Augustine calls the " Persian 
 tale," ^ traceable to Mani, of which something 
 has been already said, we may observe that 
 it should interest us, not merely on account 
 of its revival among the sects of the twelfth 
 century, but because traces of its influence 
 may be found in those diverse lines of 
 thought which deny, in effect, that matter 
 has been sanctified by the " Holy Incarna- 
 tion." Augustine's polemic against the sys- 
 tem which had allured him in early manhood 
 
 ' Not reckoning the Arian question, on which he wrote in 
 418 and 427-8. His great work on the Trinity was in hand 
 for many years. See Appendix XIV. 
 
 * De Util. Cred. 36 ; c. Secundin. 2. " Most false," but also 
 "most deceptive." The illusory use of Christian language 
 he describes as "an ornamental door," a "snare," a 
 "bait," a "veil:" c. Epist. Man. 12; Conf. iii. 10; c. 
 Faust, xxii. 13, 16. 
 
ST. AUGUSTINE. I4I 
 
 was a contribution to the cause of Theism 
 against Pantheism, and of Monotheism against 
 Dualism. When persons had come to think 
 that their own souls were portions of the 
 Divine substance/ emanations from the 
 supremely " Good " Being ^ imprisoned in 
 bodies which, as material, were derived from 
 an eternally evil source,^ they were pro- 
 foundly alienated from the very root-prin- 
 ciples of religion, not to say of Christianity. 
 
 ' Conf. iv. 26, vii. 3. Act. cum Felice, ii. 20; c. 
 Faust. V. 7. 
 
 2 Mani calls Him "God the Father:" c. Epist. Man. 16. 
 Faustus calls Him " God the Father Almighty," and says 
 that He dwells in the highest light. His Son in the second 
 or visible light, the Ploly Spirit, as " the third majesty," in 
 the air : c. Faust, xx. 2. 
 
 ' This enthralment was traced to a conflict between the 
 kingdoms of light and of darkness or matter : c. Fortunat. I ; 
 c. Faust, vi. 8. On the process of releasing the imprisoned 
 particles of " light," see c. Faust, ii. 5 (where, however, for 
 "Christ" should be substituted "Jesus," the Holy Name 
 being given by Manicheans to these particles, the extraction 
 of which was called " suffering," ib. vi. 4, xx. 2). " The 
 one duty of a Manichean was to avoid confining the sub- 
 stance of God in matter, or to release it : " Pusey on the 
 Confessions, p. 328. Augustine sometimes indulges in grim 
 humour on this subject : c. Faust, vi. 4 ; De Mor. Man. 40. 
 
142 ST. AUGUSTINE. 
 
 It was necessary to remind them of the 
 sovereign oneness and the incommunicable 
 prerogatives of Deity, and to point out that 
 moral responsibility was inseparably attached 
 to the soul of man, which could never excuse 
 its own divergences from goodness by refer- 
 ring them to its contact with the evil of a 
 material body. It was easy enough to call sin 
 a mere result of this unnatural confinement 
 of the ethereal substance in the flesh. But 
 Augustine had to drive home the conviction 
 that sin was an act of the " I," the conscious 
 moral self:^ and this is worth remembering 
 when a " physical theory of sin " would make 
 vice or crime a mere result of antecedent 
 conditions. Again, whereas the Manichean 
 spoke of his God as if, after all, he were 
 material in nature,^ and adopted Christian 
 language about the " redemption " and resto- 
 
 ' See Conf. iv. 26, v. 18, vii. 5 ; c. Fortunat. 17. 
 * See De Util. Cred. 36 ; c. Epist. Man. 20. 
 
ST. AUGUSTINE, 1 43 
 
 ration of mankind as the mask of a radically 
 physical conception/ Augustine had to vin- 
 dicate the supreme importance of what was 
 moral and spiritual, and to reclaim for Chris- 
 tianity its own right to its own sacred terms ; 
 and this is not uninstructive for those who 
 see the physical order not seldom exalted 
 above the moral, and religious phrases calmly 
 misused in this or that non-religious sense. 
 When Manicheism attracted proselytes by 
 promising to give them knowledge of matters 
 on which Christianity was silent, or on which 
 it bade them walk by faith,^ Augustine, 
 drawing, as always, from the stores of his 
 own experience, insisted that the soul's 
 
 ' Pusey on the Confessions, pp. 327, 333. 
 
 2 Conf. V. 12 : De Actis cum Felice, i. 9 ; Paul, says 
 Felix, knew but in part ; Manichseus came, and taught us 
 about the structure of the world, etc., cp. c. Epist. Man. 14. 
 But the most attractive offer of Manicheans was, "We can 
 explain to you the origin of evil," Conf. iii. 12 ; De Duabus 
 Animabus, 10. On the pictures offered to fancy, see c. 
 Faust. XV. 6. It should be remembered that Mani himself 
 was a skiiful draughtsman. 
 
144 ST. AUGUSTINE. 
 
 supreme need was to know God, maintained 
 that " trust " was a reasonable principle/ and 
 retorted by enlarging on the fantastic absur- 
 dities^ of a system which, indeed, appears in 
 many respects so extravagant that we hardly 
 understand how its advocates could venture 
 to sneer at Christians as the credulous slaves 
 of dogma.^ And although a good deal in 
 the long treatise " Against Faustus " is occu- 
 pied with the refutation of what seems to 
 us wild nonsense, we find ourselves in very 
 modern air when we see how Faustus dis- 
 paraged Gospel narratives, and taunted those 
 whom • he was pleased to call " Judaic semi- 
 
 ' See the De Util, Cred. in which faith is represented 
 (i) as different from credulity, {2) as serving a moral end; 
 and De Fide Rerum quse non videntur, 4. 
 
 * Cp. Conf vi. 7, and c. Epist. Man. 19. 
 
 ^ "Tu qui temere omnia credis, qui naturae beneficium, 
 rationem, ex hominibus damnas : " Faustus in Aug. c. 
 Faust, xviii. 3. For Augustine's own protest against any 
 disparagement of reason, see ib. 7, Epist. 120. 3. In De Vera 
 Relig. 45, he says that what we first accept by faith we 
 come to appreciate by reason. 
 
ST. AUGUSTINE. 1 45 
 
 Christians " with " knowing Christ only after 
 the flesh," ^ with reducing Christian duty to 
 a mere belief in an alleged miraculous fact ; ^ 
 when he treated the Crucifixion as the symbol 
 of an idea,^ and set aside the accounts of the 
 Nativity and the Circumcision, the Baptism 
 and the Temptation, and the references to 
 the Old Testament, as post-Apostolic inter- 
 polations or mis-statements,^ insomuch that 
 Augustine could charge him with claiming 
 for any individual the right to accept or 
 reject any passage in the New Testament 
 on purely subjective grounds. We may re- 
 member how Dr. Mozley, with his peculiar 
 combination of humour and keenness, repre- 
 
 ' C. Faust, xi. I. He held that in 2 Cor. v. 16, St. Paul 
 was retracting an earlier and " carnal " opinion. 
 2 C. Faust. V. 3. 
 
 * C. Faust, xxxii. 7. Cp. Secundinus, Ep. to Aug. 4. 
 
 * C. Faust, xi. 2, xxxii. 2, 7, 19, etc. He was particularly 
 severe on the two genealogies : they were at variance with 
 each other, and with the second and fourth Gospels, etc. : ib. 
 iii. I, vii. I. On Manichean assumptions as to corruption 
 of the New Testament text, see De Mor. Eccl. Cath. 61 ; De 
 Mor. Man. 35. 
 
146 ST. AUGUSTINE. 
 
 sents the Manichean as trying to persuade 
 the Christian to give up the "discreditable" 
 Hebrew patriarchs, and as treating them with 
 the insolence of a vulgar free-thinker.^ And 
 Faustus' eclectic free handling of the New 
 Testannent was combined with an utter re- 
 jection of the Old ; ^ as for evidence from 
 the Prophets in favour of Christianity, he 
 held that it simply did not exist, and that, 
 had it existed, it would have been rather 
 damaging than helpful.^ 
 
 It was, then, work done for all time when 
 Augustine insisted on the reality of the In- 
 carnation as the very basis of Christian faith, 
 
 ' Mozley, Ruling Ideas in Early Ages, p. 267 ; see c. 
 Faust, xxii. 3-5, xxxiii. 1,3; Conf. iii. 13. 
 
 * " Respuimus Vetus Testamentum . . . Hebrseorum Dei 
 et nostri admodum diversa conditio est." Faustus in c. 
 Faust. XV. I. So Augustine had said that Manicheans mis- 
 led weak Christians by vituperating the Old Testament, 
 De Gen. c. Man. i. 2 ; and see De Util. Cred. 13. 
 
 * C. Faust, xii. i. He professes to have read the prophets 
 attentively, and to have found in them nothing about Christ. 
 Then he assails their character. 
 
ST. AUGUSTINE. 1 4/ 
 
 laid stress upon its sacramental energy, de- 
 fended the continuity of the two economies, 
 pointed out that the Gospel had its own stern 
 aspects,^ and anticipated the now familiar 
 argument that commands intended for an 
 imperfect stage of moral development would 
 involve a certain amount of moral accommo- 
 dation.^ In his warfare, then, against Mani- 
 cheism, Augustine did lasting service to true 
 religion, although here and there — as when he 
 asserts the actual " nullity " of evil — he may 
 take up a position which seems at first sight 
 satisfactory, but affords no permanent foot- 
 hold.^ One paragraph of his tract " Against 
 the Epistle of Manichaeus " is precious as an 
 admonition to all controversialists who might 
 be tempted to forget charity and equity. 
 " Let those be fierce against you," he exclaims, 
 
 ' C. AcUmant. 13 ; c. Adversarium Legis, i. 29. So in an 
 earlier work, Dc Vera Relig. 34. 
 
 * C. Faust, xxii. 77 ; cp. Conf. iii. 13. 
 ' See Appendix XV. 
 
148 ST. AUGUSTINE. 
 
 " who know not with what toil the truth is 
 discovered — with what difficulty the eye of 
 the inner man is made sound — what signs 
 and groans it costs even in ever so small 
 a degree to understand God ! " ^ 
 
 2. Donatism, against which, as the harassing 
 trouble of the Church in Africa, Augustine 
 had to contend during the earlier years of 
 his episcopate, is at once a repulsive and 
 an interesting phenomenon. It is repulsive 
 because of the extraordinary stubbornness, 
 unreasonableness, and violence of the Dona- 
 tist party as a whole, not to say the wild 
 tumultuous ferocity, in some cases the fiendish 
 cruelty displayed by its roughest adherents, 
 
 ' C. Epist. Man. 2. Further on, ib. 29, he breaks forth 
 into a pathetic exhortation and prayer: "Consider for a 
 little, without animosity and bitterness ; we are all men ; let 
 us hate, not one another, but errors and falsities. Pray 
 consider a little. God of mercies, help them while they con- 
 sider, and light up their minds while they seek the truth ! " 
 Cp. also the beautiful intercession, containing the words from 
 Ezek. xxxiii. 1 1 which occur in our Third Collect for Good 
 Friday, in De Natura Boni, 48. 
 
ST. AUGUSTINE. I49 
 
 the " Circumcellions," or " Hut-rangers," in 
 partisan phrase termed " Combatants," with 
 their bludgeons called " Israels," and their 
 dreaded shout of "Praises to God."'^ It is 
 interesting because, below all this coarse and 
 dogged fanaticism, there was in the better 
 Donatists a real zeal for Christian purity and 
 strictness, a passionate desire to keep the 
 Kingdom of God from being corrupted by 
 the spirit of the world ; and because a like 
 desire may be discerned in several modern 
 sects, which have put their own crude glosses 
 on the maxim, " Be ye separate." For our 
 present purpose we may put aside the 
 question of fact which recurs in every 
 
 ' Augustine repeatedly dwells on the ruffianism of these 
 fanatics, whom in one place he calls the "teeth and heels" 
 of their party (c. Crescon. iii. 69). The moderate Donatists 
 said, "We disapprove of these excesses, but we cannot 
 prevent them, we have to bear with them : " c. Litt. Petil. 
 i. 26. The Donatist bishop at Hippo boldly rebuked them 
 through an interpreter who could speak Punic : Epist. 108. 
 14. Their violence was originally connected with hostility 
 to social order : Epist. 185. 15. 
 
150 ST. AUGUSTINE, 
 
 document relating to this sect, and not con- 
 cern ourselves with the inquiries made 
 under Constantine as to whether Felix, the 
 consecrator of Csecilian, bishop of Carthage, 
 had compromised his fidelity by delivering 
 up the sacred books in the persecution, — ' 
 that is, whether the succession of the Cartha- 
 ginian episcopate was really traceable to a 
 "Traditor." In point of fact, the charge had 
 long before been proved to be based on a 
 gross forgery.^ But the question of principle, 
 and the motives of those who raised it, are 
 a very different matter. Let us take the 
 latter point first : What was the ideal which 
 Donatism proposed to itself ? The same 
 which several other sects in our own country 
 and elsewhere have pursued ; namely, to 
 realise in this world the description of the 
 Church as not having spot or blemish. What 
 men felt, we may suppose, was something 
 
 ' See Appendix XVI. 
 
ST. AUGUSTINE. I 5 I 
 
 to this effect : — " Christianity is becoming 
 popular. This may seem a strength, but 
 is really a weakness. A crowd of half- 
 converts will lower the tone of the Christian 
 body ; the stream will be contaminated while 
 it broadens. We must resist the temptation 
 to relax discipline for the sake of numbers, 
 to gain extension at the cost of becoming 
 secularised. Before all things, we must have 
 a pure Church — a Church which can be 
 literally ' holy,' and therefore morally and 
 intrinsically ' one.' " ^ Such a view would be 
 attractive to many pious minds, and would 
 claim sympathetic and respectful treatment. 
 It was flawed, however, by an impatient 
 idealism ; and Augustine had to dwell on the 
 inevitable conditions under which, in a world 
 so "subject to vanity," the Divine kingdom 
 had to work. Immaculate sanctity was not 
 to be the possession of its members during 
 
 ' See Gest. Collat. iii. 258, in Mansi, Coiicil. iv. 236. 
 
152 ST. AUGUSTINE. 
 
 a pilgrimage which involved such close 
 neighbourhood with evil ; the bad fish must 
 lie in the net beside the good, the tares must 
 grow in the field among the wheat,^ until the 
 great day of final discrimination. True, our 
 Lord had explained " the field " to mean " the 
 world ; " but in the context of this parable 
 of the Kingdom, it was clear that by "the 
 world " was meant humanity evangelised.^ 
 In urging this he taught those who would 
 listen to beware of simplifying Scriptural 
 statements in the interest of a seemingly 
 pious theory ; he reminded them of the 
 restrictions under which the power of good 
 had to operate, and of the mark of Catholicity 
 which must be combined with that of sanctity 
 in defining the character of the Church of 
 Christ. It was well enough to quote such 
 
 ' Aug. Psalm, c. Part. Don. 10, 177; Ep. 43. 21. He 
 urges on this ground that corruptions, abuses, scandals, give 
 no excuse for separation from the Church. 
 
 ^ Aug. ad Don. post Coll. 1 1 ; he quotes Cyprian (Ep. 54) 
 as so understanding it. Comp. Brevic. Coll. 15. 
 
ST. AUGUSTINE. 153 
 
 texts as " Touch not the unclean thing," to 
 urge the duty of separating the precious from 
 the vile, to ask whether all censure of vice or 
 sin was to be deemed needless or inappro- 
 l)riate : the answer was, " Undoubtedly dis- 
 cipline must be exercised,^ but you must not 
 expect too much of result from it ; and you 
 do expect more than it can achieve, when 
 you say that it must eject all manifest evil. 
 That is beyond the possibilities of the case ; 
 experience may show that wholesale excom- 
 munication would do more harm than good, 
 and you yourselves must needs admit that 
 you have men of bad character among you.^ 
 The faithful servant of Christ can do much 
 by his example, and can keep himself from 
 being a partaker in other men's sins ; but he 
 cannot be exempt from the trial involved in 
 
 ' C. Ep. Parmen. iii. 13 ; c. Litt. Pelil. iii. 5, 43. 
 
 - E.g. in Psal. c. Part. Don. : " Multos nunc habetis pravos 
 qui vobis displicent valde, Nee tamen hos separatis a veslra 
 communione ; " and c. Ep. Parm. ii. 6. 
 
154 ST. AUGUSTINE. 
 
 the presence of many who are not one with 
 the Church in spirit, not really 'of her, 
 though for the time within her pale." ^ 
 
 Again, a momentous principle was put by 
 Augustine into clearer form than it had ever 
 previously received. Admitting, for the sake 
 of argument, what he denied in fact, that this 
 or that bishop on the Catholic side had been 
 involved in the guilt of " betrayal," ^ or 
 granting that Catholic ministers had been 
 involved in this or that moral blame- 
 worthiness, he maintained that such faults 
 or sins on the part of the priest could not 
 vitiate the sacraments which he administered, 
 for the simple but deeply significant reason 
 that he was but the organ of the ever-present 
 and never-failing Bestower of grace, the true 
 though invisible Dispenser of ordinances, 
 " whose Divine power is always present with 
 
 * See Appendix XVII. 
 
 * See Ep. 185. 4 ; ad Don. post Coll. 4, etc. 
 
ST. AUGUSTINE. I 55 
 
 His sacrament," " who Himself consecrates 
 His sacrament," "who is Himself the Bap- 
 tiser,"^ and, we may add. Himself the Cele- 
 brant, Confirmer, Absolver, Ordainer. It 
 was surely worth a great deal to get this 
 idea luminously worked out : when once it is 
 really apprehended, one main objection to 
 what is called " sacerdotalism " is seen to be 
 based on a pure misconception, to be irrele- 
 vant to the principle that " the Church or 
 her ministers are not instead of, but the 
 instruments of, Christ." ^ 
 
 As Augustine thus maintained the pro- 
 position which was afterwards rejected by 
 Lollards and Anabaptists, and affirmed in 
 our Twenty-sixth " Article," so he freely 
 recognised the validity of Donatist baptism, 
 although he considered its virtue to be 
 suspended by continuance in schism.^ " We 
 
 ' See Appendix XVIII. 
 
 * Pusey, Serm. on Entire Absolution, p. 5. Cp. Bp. 
 Wilson, Sacra Privata, Wednesday. 
 
 ' See the passages in De Bapt. i. 18, iii. 18. 
 
156 ST. AUGUSTINE. 
 
 will not," he said, " insult God's sacrament 
 in your persons."-^ He recognised the suf- 
 ficiency of the " desire " of baptism where 
 the sacrament could not be had ; ^ he would 
 not call a man a " heretic " who erred under 
 misapprehension ; ^ and, although he unfor- 
 tunately admitted, to some extent, the prin- 
 ciple of penal legislation, and gave up his 
 original opinion that nothing but persuasion 
 should be used against sectarians,'* — although, 
 that is, he lent his name to a view of the 
 State's duty which was afterwards carried 
 out in systematic persecution, — we must 
 
 ' C. Litt. Petil. ii. 69. So Ep. 93. 46, "You are with us 
 in baptism, in the creed, in the other sacraments of the Lord.; 
 but not in the spirit of unity, not in the Catholic Church." 
 
 ^ De Bapt. iv. 29. He follows Ambrose. 
 
 ^ De Bapt. iv. 23. 
 
 * He was unhappily led to think that penal laws had been 
 a wholesome stimulant, promoting return to Church unity ; 
 and his defence of such laws involved a strange confusion 
 between providential and merely human penalties, and 
 between moral and physical "pressure." In Ep. 93. 5, he 
 misuses Luke xiv. 23 ; cp. Ep. 185. 24. Athanasius con- 
 demns persecution on principle. Hist. Ari. 33. 
 
ST. AUGUSTINE. 1 57 
 
 make allowance for the provocation given 
 
 by persistent outrages on the part of the 
 
 fiercer Donatists, and take account also of 
 
 his pleadings for fair play at the conference 
 
 held between the two parties, — of his 
 
 earnestness in deprecating extreme severities 
 
 in requital of such crimes as the murder of 
 
 one of his own priests, — of his willingness 
 
 to be blamed by some Churchmen as the 
 
 advocate of " excessive forbearance," — and 
 
 of his touching exhortation to converts 
 
 from Donatism to "abound in tenderness, 
 
 and to pray for those who were still out of 
 
 temper, that the long contracted infirmity 
 
 of the carnal mind in them might be 
 
 healed." ^ 
 
 3. But Augustine is best remembered, as a 
 
 controversialist, in connection with the great 
 
 Pelagian heresy, which denied grace in the 
 
 ' Cp. Ep. 133. 2 ; 139. 2 ; 142. 4 ; and Serm. 359. 7, on 
 the conversion of Donatists, ' Resistebaraus . . . et tamen 
 amabamus." 
 
158 ST. AUGUSTINE. 
 
 proper sense, because it denied original sin. 
 What was the innportance of the question 
 thus raised ? 
 
 In the first place, and speaking generally, 
 Pelagianism was a backward step towards 
 the non-Christian position. In this respect 
 it resembled Arianism. It retained the 
 ordinary Christian phrases on the subject 
 of sin and grace, but it associated them with 
 what was virtually Naturalism. Very in- 
 structive it is to observe that Theodore, 
 bishop of Mopsuestia, who had been a friend 
 of Chrysostom's, and who became, in fact, 
 the father of that Nestorian heresy which 
 substituted for the doctrine of the Incar- 
 nation a theory of mere association between 
 the Son of God and the Son of Man, was 
 himself the anticipator of Pelagius. An 
 inadequate conception of Christ's Person 
 might suggest an inadequate conception of 
 the nature of His work. Grant the Incar- 
 
ST. AUGUSTINE. I 59 
 
 nation, and the idea of redemption from an 
 immense ruin — of a vast human need to be 
 supplied by a vast spiritual force — follows 
 naturally ; deny it in effect, if not in terms, 
 and the Catholic view of the Fall and of 
 grace must needs seem exaggerated and 
 unreal. Other minds might take the reverse 
 order: "the Nestorian Christ" might be 
 deemed "the fitting Saviour of the Pelagian 
 man ; " ^ and a very bold disciple of Pelagius 
 was led to deny the entire freedom of Christ's 
 soul from sinful impulses.^ But even where 
 Pelagianism co - existed, as apparently in 
 Pelagius himself, with a very orthodox con- 
 ception of the Redeemer's Divine Person, 
 it necessarily narrowed the scope of His 
 merciful operations ; it minimised, so to 
 speak, the soul's obligation to Him. It 
 encourasfed men to seek for moral renova- 
 
 ' Ch. Quart. Review, xvi. 298. 
 
 ' See Aug. Op. imperf. c. Julian, iv. 40. 
 
l6o ST. AUGUSTINE. 
 
 tion "through the channel of their original 
 constitution," ^ instead of looking to a 
 communication of Divine life from Christ 
 as the re-creating Word. And to us the 
 study of Pelagianism should be the more 
 interesting on account of the existence of 
 a Pelagianism adapted to our own day, 
 which recognises Christ as a type of moral 
 excellence,, as a spiritual hero and pattern, 
 but fails to see in Him, as it has been 
 admirably expressed, " a higher Divine per- 
 sonality enclosing our own, an abiding 
 reality of holy Will, not merely attracting 
 our wills, but moving them from within, at 
 once a light above us and a strength 
 within us, transforming us, however faintly, 
 to its own lustre and purity."^ This 
 
 ' Wilberforce on Doctr. of Baptism, p. 165. 
 
 ^ TuUoch, in Good Words for 1879, p. 142. He goes on 
 to dwell on the insufficiency of "moral idealism." which 
 would substitute for the living Christ " a self-creation of our 
 own aspirations," etc. 
 
ST. AUGUSTINE. l6l 
 
 temper of mind, which consistently puts 
 forward a conception of Christian morality 
 as but slightly indebted to grace, — which 
 therefore inevitably tends to reduce that 
 morality from the Gospel standard of 
 holiness to the social standard of virtue, 
 as if it meant little more than justice, 
 kindness, and temperance, — which is jealous 
 of anything that seems " mystical," and 
 aims at keeping the supernatural element 
 of Christian life within such narrow limits 
 as hardly leave it room to operate, — which 
 presents itself as a method for making 
 Christianity more palatable to outsiders, 
 and virtually appeals to the uninformed 
 self-confidence, the impatience of great 
 spiritual ideas, and the imperfect apprecia- 
 tion of Christ's work, or even of His 
 personality, which characterise our popular 
 individualism, — may represent to us, with 
 a fair amount of clearness, the practical 
 
 M 
 
1 62 ST. AUGUSTINE. 
 
 bearings of the old fifth-century contro- 
 versy.^ 
 
 But as to its particular features ; the origi- 
 nal proposition of Pelagianism was that man 
 did not need, and God did not give, grace 
 in any fuller sense than that of the natural 
 capacity of freewill, or of a reinforcement of 
 that capacity, or of illumination as to duty, 
 and instruction by Divine precept or by 
 Christ's example, or of the grant of remis- 
 sion of sins, or the like.^ Pelagians were 
 fluent enough in acknowledging "grace" in 
 any of these senses. But a special super- 
 natural movement of Divine power acting on 
 the will and invigorating it for good, — a real 
 energy of the Holy Spirit supplying the 
 deficiencies of nature, "warming the affec- 
 tions, bracing the will," ^ and uniting the 
 
 ' See also Newman's Sermons, v. 135. 
 * See Appendix XIX. 
 
 ' Liddon, Christmastide Serm. p. 217. Cp. DoUinger, 
 First Age of the Church, E.T., p. 191. It is always 
 
ST. AUGUSTINE. 1 6 
 
 v) 
 
 recipient to the life-giving manhood of Him 
 " in whom all fulness dwelleth," — this was 
 to the Pelagian an unreality, imagined with- 
 out evidence and without need, and likely- 
 enough to do harm to moral interests, by 
 encouraging an indolence which shrank from 
 efforts after goodness, and excused itself by 
 exaggerating the infirmity of human nature. 
 " You can serve God by your own natural 
 moral force, which is itself the gift of His 
 creative mercy ; to pray, ' Give me the power 
 to obey Thy commands,' when you have that 
 power already, is faithless sloth in a pious 
 disguise ; bestir yourself, set your will in 
 motion, and do not mock God by asking 
 Him to do your proper work." Such, at 
 any rate, was the feeling of Pelagius.^ We 
 
 necessary to remember that "the infusion of grace" is 
 merely a convenient theological expression for the personal 
 action of the Divine Paraclete. 
 
 ' Hence Pelagius was shocked when he heai'd a bishop 
 quote from the Confessions (x. 40), "Give what Thou ccm- 
 mandest, and then command what Thou wilt ! " See De 
 
164 ST. AUGUSTINE. 
 
 must give him credit for a genuine interest 
 in the promotion of virtue ; he believed that 
 the power of the will was being disparaged 
 with mischievous results ; he thought that 
 to say it needed a supernatural stimulus was 
 to confirm a passivity which might end in 
 a fatal torpor. But in his zeal against a 
 false humility, he was blind to his own want 
 of the true : and, moreover, his view of the 
 will was that of a theorist, narrow and super- 
 ficial ; he did not take account of a whole 
 class of facts which a deeper experience of 
 life and its temptations would have brought 
 home to correct his over-simple statement 
 
 Dono Persev. 53. Cp. also Pelagius' letter to Demetrias, 
 16 (in App. to Aug. Epp.), where he denounces false ex- 
 cuses for moral indolence, such as, " It is too hard, we are 
 but human, — -fragili came circumdamur." "As if," he ex- 
 claims, "God had laid on man commands which he could 
 not endure," etc. Hence the somewhat tedious discussions 
 with Pelagians as to the possibility or the actuality of entire 
 "freedom from sin," in which it became obvious that their 
 idea of such moral perfection was commonplace and un- 
 spiritual. 
 
ST. AUGUSTINE. 1 65 
 
 of the problem ; and so, as by a " nemesis," 
 a theory which started under a moral im- 
 petus resulted in a lowered standard of good- 
 ness and a weakened perception of sin.^ 
 This came of ignoring the fact that disease 
 was present alike in all parts of the inward 
 being ; that not only did the conscience re- 
 quire to be illuminated, but the affections 
 needed to be cleansed and elevated, and the 
 will was in want of a quickening and invigo- 
 rating touch, which must come from the 
 Holy Spirit, as shed abroad from Christ 
 within the soul. 
 
 And this brings us to the second head of 
 Pelagian doctrine, which, in fact, supplied 
 the rationale of the first. The denial of the 
 need of real grace was justified by the 
 denial of the existence of inherited corrup- 
 tion. Thus the two propositions were made 
 to cohere. Pelagianism directly traversed 
 
 ' Mozley, Aug. Doctr. of Predestination, pp. 64, 104-106. 
 
1 66 ST. AUGUSTINE. 
 
 the assertion of the requirement of special 
 Divine assistance, outside the resources of 
 the natural man, by saying that humanity 
 had not been enfeebled by a Fall. So the 
 ground was cleared ; so the two views 
 intelligibly confronted one another. " We 
 do not want what you call grace, because 
 our nature has not lost the righteousness in 
 which it was created." " We do want grace, 
 and that as the initiating principle of all 
 good in us, inspiring and 'exciting,' com- 
 municating the needful impulse ; we want 
 it because our nature lost that righteousness 
 in the fall of Adam, and thereby contracted 
 a taint, a warp, a bias towards evil, a trans- 
 missible element of weakness and perversity." 
 Here, again, it was the Pelagian who took 
 a limited view of the case, it was the Catholic 
 who looked at facts all round. " Who," it 
 has been asked, " can deny, as a matter 
 of fact, the existence of such a thing as 
 
ST. AUGUSTINE. 1 6/ 
 
 original or birth-sin," ^ however inexact the 
 phrase may be to describe the tendency, 
 " observable from the very moment of dawn- 
 ing reason," to the gratification of the prin- 
 ciple of self-will, a term which of itself bears 
 witness to the twist which the will has some- 
 how received, and which, on the principle of 
 " heredity," is reasonably explained by a 
 transmission of moral taint from the first 
 ancestor ? And so it has been said that the 
 doctrine of the Fall is " at once the most 
 obscure and the most illuminating of mys- 
 teries ; " ^ and we may remember how Brown- 
 ing puts foremost among the " reasons and 
 reasons" for thinking Christianity true, that — 
 
 " 'Tis the faith which launched point-blank its dart 
 At the head of a lie, — taught original sin, 
 The corruption of man's heart." 
 
 * Wace, Christianity and Morality, p. 82 ; cp. Mozley's 
 Lectures, p. 138. 
 
 * Paget, Faculties and Difficulties for Belief and Unbelief, 
 p. 192; cp. Liddon, Advent Sermons, i. 211, and an 
 eloquent passage on the "gains and the losses of heredity " 
 in Holland's Creed and Character, pp. 146-150. 
 
1 68 ST. AUGUSTINE. 
 
 It would be easy to enlarge upon this 
 point ; but let what has been said suffice to 
 show that if the two Pelagian propositions 
 had not been challenged, and driven out of 
 the domain of " Churchly " thought, Chris- 
 tianity would have " sunk to an inferior re- 
 ligion,"^ on all that side of it which dealt 
 with the relation of man to God ; it would 
 have lost its vitalising power. 
 
 A spiritual guide, exceptionally loved and 
 honoured,^ has observed that " lives which 
 have recovered from some serious ' dislo- 
 cation ' are often thenceforward filled with 
 a special energy and fire of the Spirit." Ex- 
 perience of the far country, perhaps of the 
 swine's food, gives peculiar urgency to plead- 
 ings against wilfulness ; it makes sin seem 
 more exceeding sinful, and deepens the sense 
 of dependence on the Hand that can purify 
 
 ' Mozley on Aug. Doctr. of Predestination, p. io6. 
 ^ The present Bishop of Lincoln, in an address delivered 
 at Oxford. 
 
ST. AUGUSTINE. 1 69 
 
 and restore. It was so, doubtless, with Augus- 
 tine. He who had been the lost and was 
 found, who had pined in spiritual famine, 
 been " wild with spiritual thirst," ^ and had 
 been satisfied, — who had been, as he expresses 
 ' it, " rent piecemeal," ^ and had regained 
 moral wholeness, could not fail to be stirred 
 with a passion of zeal against theories which 
 encouraged men to minimise their disease 
 and underrate the Divinely offered remedy.^ 
 But while he successfully maintained the 
 truths which Pelagjanism had put in peril, 
 he yet impaired the helpfulness of his teach- 
 ing by exaggerations which have had lament- 
 able results. It is not too much to say that 
 his early wanderings from the path were the 
 original source of what is unsatisfactory, 
 as well as of what is admirable in his 
 polemic. The conversion which closed them 
 
 ' Cf. Conf. iii. i ; Newman, Church of the Fathers, p. 
 
 155- 
 ^ Conf. ii. I. ' De Nat. et Grat. 76, etc. 
 
lyO ST. AUGUSTINE. 
 
 had burned into his mind an intense con- 
 viction of the Divine sovereignty, as ex- 
 hibited in the operations of grace. It was 
 God who had overruled his waywardness,^ 
 had ordered his transit from Thagaste to 
 Carthage, from Carthage to Rome, from 
 Rome to Milan, — had willed that he should 
 be wholesomely disappointed in Faustus, had 
 provided the opportunities involved in mo- 
 mentous conversations,^ had led him by 
 paths which he had not known,^ had never 
 intermitted the manifold guidance, the 
 "strong and patient" and resourceful dis- 
 cipline, which had brought him, at last, to 
 the feet of his Redeemer. " Surely," he 
 would say, " it is God who has done it all." 
 The Divine side of the work of salvation 
 
 ' The Confessions are all addressed to God. 
 
 ^ E.g. with Simplicianus about the open confession of 
 faith by Victorinus, Conf. viii. 3 ; and with Pontitianus, as 
 already referred to. 
 
 * See Conf. v. 11, 13-15, 23 ; vii. 12. 
 
ST. AUGUSTINE. I7I 
 
 became, to his gaze, altogether predominant ; 
 the study of that Epistle to the Romans 
 which had struck, for him, the right chord 
 at the right moment, gradually led him to 
 think of the Divine Will as in no respect 
 self-limited, as absolutely selecting from " the 
 mass " of souls condemned in Adam some 
 favoured objects of a saving predestination, 
 and mysteriously but justly abandoning the 
 rest,^ and as working so mightily in the elect 
 as not merely to stimulate, initiate, and sus- 
 tain right action, but to insure it by a grace 
 
 * This is fully brought out in the famous letter to Sixtus, 
 Ep. 194; cp. also Ep. 186. 19 ff. The word "massa" 
 was taken from a Latin version of Rom. ix. 21. Elsewhere, 
 as De Correptione et Grat. 12, he uses the other rendering 
 " conspersio." A frequent phrase with him is " massa per- 
 ditionis." For a very strong statement of predestinarianism 
 see De Dono Persev. 35, and c. Jul. v. 14. The " Enchiri- 
 dion also contains this stern doctrine, but it " began to be 
 specially developed," says Tillemont (xiii. 878) in the " De 
 Correptione et Gratia," which was written in 427, and 
 followed up by the " De Prsedestinatione Sanctorum " and 
 ' ' De Dono Perseverantiae." The condition of the non-elect 
 is repeatedly expressed by negatives ; " those whom God 
 does not draw, — does not teach, — who arc not set free, who 
 do not receive." 
 
172 ST. AUGUSTINE. 
 
 that should master and control ^ the recipient, 
 so that he could not but comply with its 
 inspirations. The vision of such a Will and 
 such a Power appeared to fill the whole 
 scene : " Was it," he would ask, " for man 
 to question the right of the sole Arbiter ? 
 As little as for the clay to resist the potter's 
 hand. What could be said but, ' So He wills 
 it, and what He wills must assuredly come 
 to pass ? ' Piety could but fall back on the 
 'depth' of Divine counsels, the 'unsearch- 
 ableness of Divine judgments.' " ^ It was thus 
 that Augustine's idea of religious dutifulness 
 became too exclusively connected with a 
 view of the " decrees " to which he gave 
 somewhat hesitating expression about twelve 
 years before the rise of Pelagianism ;^ but 
 
 ' See Christian Remembrancer, Jan. 1856, p. 158. 
 
 2 E.^. C. Duas Ep. Pelag. iv. 16 ; de Grat. at Lib. Arb. 44. 
 
 ^ De Div. QuEest. ad Simplician. i. 16 ; cp. Mozley, 
 Doctr. of Predest. p. 134. When, three years earlier, he 
 wrote his Exposition of some passages in the Epistle to the 
 Romans, he had made election depend on foresight of human 
 
ST. AUGUSTINE. I 73 
 
 it would be equally unfair to say that his 
 whole line of opposition for Pelagianism was 
 determined by and dependent on that view, 
 and to trace it, as Pelagians did, to remnants 
 of that Manichean idea of corruption which 
 was, in fact, physical rather than moral, and 
 which denied the creation, as such, to be 
 "good."^ Augustine's anti-Pelagian argu- 
 ments rested partly on distinct Scriptural 
 statements, partly on the general Christian 
 doctrine of redemption and mediation as 
 involving a re-creation, in the Second Adam,^ 
 of a nature depraved through the fall of the 
 first. They might almost be represented by 
 his frequent contention that Pelagianism 
 " made the Cross of none effect." ^ But in 
 
 character (c. 61). Writing in 428 or 429, he referred to this 
 as a mistaken notion which he had held before he became 
 a bishop : De Freed. Sanct. 7. 
 
 ' See Aug. c. Duas Ep. Pelag. ii. 2, iii. 25, iv. 4 ; Op, 
 imperf. iii. 37. 
 
 « E.g. De Pecc Orig. 28. 
 
 » De Nat. et Grat. 6, 26, 47, 58. 
 
174 ST, AUGUSTINE. 
 
 regard to original sin, Augustine went too 
 far for us to follow him when he used 
 language which would suggest an actual im- 
 putation of Adam's personal guilt to his 
 posterity ; ^ when, in forgetfulness of that 
 Divine equity which in other cases he could 
 recognise, he treated the ordinary baptismal 
 remedy for the inborn taint or disease as 
 absolutely indispensable ; or when, under 
 pressure of controversy, he denied what the 
 Alexandrians had been strong in asserting, 
 the existence of real goodness among the 
 heathen as a product of the influence of the 
 Word.^ And in regard to grace, while he 
 was thoroughly right in affirming as against 
 
 ' On this, see Dollinger, First Age of the Church, E.T., 
 p. 177. Augustine relied on an erroneous Latin rendering 
 of Rom. V. 12, " In quo omnes peccaverunt ; " and Julian 
 was able to correct him by saying that e(p' ^ meant "inas- 
 much as : " c. Jul. vi. 75. But that the idea of the passage 
 is, "all sinned through one man," — that Adam's fall com- 
 promised the race, — see Gifford hi loc, and Trench on St. 
 Augustine as an Interpreter of Scripture, p. 125. 
 
 * C.Jul. V. 17. 
 
ST. AUGUSTINE. I 75 
 
 the Semi-Pelagians,^ what at one time he 
 himself had not understood,^ that it must 
 come in at the very outset as " prevenient " 
 and originative, as " exciting " and thereby 
 empowering, he nevertheless went beyond 
 his warrant when he virtually treated it as 
 determining that due response which, ac- 
 cording to really Catholic doctrine, it only 
 renders possible ; on which supposition 
 the " freedom " produced by grace would 
 be, in fact, a " blessed necessity " of good- 
 ness, incompatible with a state of moral 
 
 ' See Appendix XX. 
 
 * Mozley argues that irresistible grace is substantially 
 asserted not only in Augustine's " De Correptione et Grat.," 
 (6, 17, 31, 34, 38), but in the " De Gratia Christi," and 
 even in a passage of the yet earlier " De Spiritu et Littera " 
 (c. 60); see Doctr. of Predest. pp. 159, 241. It has been 
 said that if grace is not irresistible, the will's consent is inde- 
 pendent, and comes, in fact, from " nature; " but grace, by 
 the supposition, is necessary to make consent possible ; the 
 consent is the using of the ability which grace imparts, and, 
 as such, is the requisite action of moral personality. Another 
 instance in which Augustine corrects a former opinion of his 
 own, is in De Civ. Dei, xx. 7, where he says that he once 
 held the spiritual form of Millenarianism. 
 
176 ST. AUGUSTINE. 
 
 probation. In several passages Augustine 
 thus represents the consent of the will to the 
 motions of grace as simply receptive of a 
 gift which cannot be refused ; " freewill " with 
 him means less than it should, and Divine 
 " assistance " more ; ^ — and the words " make" 
 and " work " are pressed with such impera- 
 tive literalism ^ as to suggest the later tech- 
 nical use of " efficacious grace " in the sense 
 of "irresistible," that very sense condemned 
 by the Council of Trent, and imputed to 
 Jansen in the second of the " Five Propo- 
 sitions."^ Thus far, it seems too plain that 
 Augustine's absolutism of language disturbed 
 the relation of the two elements in that 
 
 * While he strained such texts as Eph. ii. lo or Phil. ii. 
 13, he explained away I Tim. ii. 4; c. Jul. iv. 42, de Corr. et 
 Gr. 44. In an earlier work, De Lib. Arbit. iii. 7, 8, he had 
 insisted that real volition was absolutely involved in the will ; 
 that a will not free was not a will ; that it was as free that 
 the human will was the object of Divine prescience. 
 
 « E.g. Ep. 217. 
 
 ^ See Appendix XXI. 
 
ST. AUGUSTINE. 177 
 
 process which unites the soul morally to its 
 God. 
 
 On these subjects, then, our choice does not 
 lie between Augustinianism, fully developed, 
 and Pelagianism, whether modified or un- 
 modified. We go with this great teacher to 
 a certain point, and then, without any incon- 
 sistency, stop short, as we do in regard to 
 his predestinarianism, which obscured in too 
 many minds the precious truth affirmed, 
 about a century after his death, by the 
 illustrious Council of Orange, in harmony 
 with the essential principle of grace, — that 
 salvation is really offered, in Christ, to all the 
 baptised.^ In his own lifetime, his impatience 
 of qualifications, of balance, and of parallelism, 
 in his favourite department of theology, 
 
 • "This also we believe according to the Catholic faith, 
 that all the baptised, having received grace through baptism, 
 are, if willing to labour faithfully, both able and bound to 
 fulfil, by Christ's aid and co-operation, what pertains to 
 the salvation of the soul." See the writer's Anti-Pelagian 
 Treatises of St. Augustine, p. 391. 
 
 N 
 
I 78 ST. AUGUSTINE. 
 
 proved in several cases a stumbling-block. 
 More moderate language on his part might 
 have spared Julian of Eclanum those shocks 
 to the sense of Divine justice which made his 
 Pelagianism so passionate and intense/ and 
 might also have kept the leading Churchmen 
 of Southern Gaul from ascribing the first act 
 of faith to the will as unassisted, by way of 
 securing a sphere for human responsibility.^ 
 Augustine was, in a sense, answerable for 
 their Semi-Pelagianism. In after days the 
 authority of his predestinarianism gave occa- 
 sion, not only to Gottschalk in the ninth 
 century, but to Calvin in the sixteenth ; ^ 
 
 * E.g. Op. Imp. c. Jul. i. 28. 
 
 * What they should have said was, " Grace is prevenient, 
 but is not irresistible ; it gives the necessary first impulse, 
 but what is thus offered can be refused, and the will has a 
 real part in its acceptance." 
 
 * See Hardwick on the Articles, p. 161 : Christ. Remembr., 
 Jan. 1856, p. 175. Augustine did not say that the non-elect 
 were predestined to condemnation ; and he did hold what 
 Calvinism, properly speaking, denied, that there could be a 
 real work of grace for the time in persons who, as non-elect, 
 would not ultimately persevere : De Corr. et Grat. 18 ; de 
 
ST. AUGUSTINE. I 79 
 
 although in mere fairness it must be added 
 that Calvinism relentlessly accentuates the 
 sternest tones of his stern theory, while 
 refusing the corrective supplied by that 
 principle of sacramental efficacy as to which 
 Augustine and his Pelagian opponents were 
 at one/ although the latter did not fully 
 apprehend its scope. It has been well said 
 that " wherever there is a belief in the Church 
 as the outward sign of Christ's presence, and 
 in the Christian ordinances as the channels 
 of His grace, there we have facts in the 
 world of religion which are to be recognised, 
 
 Dono Persev. 33. When he spoke of such persons as not 
 having been truly made children of God, he meant, not 
 according to His secret election : see below, p. 284. 
 
 * See e.g. c. Duas Ep. ii. 11. It would have been 
 argumentatively convenient to Pelagians to deny that any 
 spiritual blessing was actually conveyed to infants through 
 baptism ; but, pressed by the weight of the general Christian 
 tradition, they always maintained the affirmative, only deny- 
 ing that it involved a cleansing from inherited taint. Julian 
 even represented Augustine's view as disparaging to baptism, 
 in that it supposed "concupiscence" to remain in the 
 baptised. Cp- c. Duas Ep. i. 26. 
 
l8o ST. AUGUSTINE. 
 
 whatever the effect may be upon our notions 
 of God's secret will." ^ On this subject 
 Augustine was never tempted to simplify his 
 theory by neglecting a co-ordinate side of 
 truth : he retained, he even emphasised, the 
 traditional Catholic view of the Holy Spirit's 
 working through the ordinances ; and it is 
 this which makes " predestinarianism so 
 different a thing in him from what it was in 
 the great innovator of Geneva," whose version 
 of Christianity has provoked such a recoil to 
 unbelief. 
 
 It is time to make an end, although the 
 theme is inexhaustibly suggestive. One 
 might dwell, at least, on the closing scene, so 
 solemn and pathetic, in which the old man 
 of seventy-six, who had been thirty-five years 
 
 * Church Quart. Rev. xxiv. 283. Calvin, finding sacra- 
 men talism logically incompatible with his view of "the 
 decrees," invented a new theory of sacraments, which 
 reduced them from channels or means of grace to seals of 
 a grace otherwise bestowed on the elect. 
 
ST. AUGUSTINE. 151 
 
 a bishop, lay dying of fever in that sad 
 August of 430, when city after city had 
 been taken by the Vandals, and only three 
 remained, including his own Hippo, — and 
 when he resolutely turned his thoughts from 
 the prospect of fast-coming devastation to a 
 transcript of penitential psalms, set up by his 
 desire on the wall opposite his bed. In the 
 humble spirit of penitence which, as he felt, 
 must be the safest temper for even " highly 
 esteemed Christians " at the end of their 
 course,^ Augustine, praying to the last with 
 friends around him, was " taken away from 
 the evil to come." And surely his place 
 is high among the saints ; his passionate 
 devotion to God and Christ, expressed in the 
 lifelong eloquence of a career so fruitful in 
 holy activities, is a fact beyond question 
 which needs no enforcement. And what- 
 
 • He had been accustomed " in familiar conversation " to 
 express this conviction j Possidius, c. 31. 
 
162 ST. AUGUSTINE. 
 
 ever deductions have to be made from his 
 theological authority, — and some deductions 
 of a grave kind are really inevitable, — we 
 may say with a writer of the American 
 Church, that " his work has abiding elements 
 which belong to humanity ; that he will 
 continue to be needed, both negatively 
 against . . . Pelagians and Semi-Pelagians, 
 and positively for the great teachings of 
 grace ; " ^ in other words, for what charac- 
 terises Christianity as the religion of man 
 restored by the work of a Redeemer. 
 
 Once more, in conclusion, we may find in 
 a Collect of the now disused Parisian rite 
 for the 28th of August, a condensation of 
 the lesson which a great life like this brings 
 home to Christian hearts and consciences : 
 
 "Almighty and merciful God, Who didst 
 raise up the blessed Augustine in Thy 
 
 * Spalding, The Teaching and Influence of St. Augustine, 
 p. 106. This small volume will be found very helpful to 
 students. 
 
ST. AUGUSTINE. 183 
 
 Church as a witness and a defender of the 
 Gospel of Thy grace, show forth in us, we 
 beseech Thee, the power of that grace ; that 
 we may be able both by Thy teaching to 
 know Thy will, and by Thy working to per- 
 form it with ready hearts ; through Jesus 
 Christ our Lord." 
 
APPENDICES. 
 
 APPENDIX I. 
 
 The view which Athanasius took of " the doctrine 
 of the Father and the Son" may be illustrated 
 from two of his smaller treatises, which are less 
 well known than his Discourses or Orations against 
 the Arians, — the " Exposition of Faith," and the 
 tract on the text, " All things have been delivered 
 unto Me of My Father," Matt. xi. 27. 
 
 In the former, he thus draws out the view of 
 the Nicene Confession as to the Person of the Son 
 of God. 
 
 "We believe ... in one only-begotten Word, 
 Wisdom, Son, begotten without a beginning, and 
 eternally, of the Father ; and this Word not (as) 
 pronounced, not (as) conceived in the mind, not 
 an efflux from the Perfect, not a section of the 
 impassible nature, not an issue (from it) ; but a 
 Son perfect in Himself, living and operative, the 
 real Image of the Father, equal (to Him) in honour 
 and equal in glory : " with a quotation of John v. 23. 
 
 In this passage Athanasius expressly denies that 
 
1 86 APPENDICES. 
 
 our Lord, as the " Logos," can be described as 
 TTpocfiopiKo? or ivSidOeros, a " Logos " in utterance 
 or a " Logos " merely in thought. A writer of the 
 second century, Theophilus of Antioch, had ex- 
 pressly so described Him (c. Autol. ii. lo, 22) in 
 connection with the idea, entertained by certain 
 Antenicene writers, of His having been from all 
 eternity immanent in the Father, and having been 
 begotten as Son when He was uttered as Word for 
 the purpose of creating the world. " That these 
 writers," says Cardinal Newman, "held both the 
 eternity and the hypostatic existence of the Word, 
 I think beyond a doubt ; . . . still, that they believed 
 in His eternity viewed as the Son, I cannot per- 
 suade myself." ^ But the eternity of the Sonship 
 was held and taught by others, as the Alexandrian 
 Fathers, with whose teaching Athanasius would be 
 familiar : thus Origen says, in often-quoted words, 
 " The Saviour is always being generated," and in 
 a passage cited by Athanasius in De Deer. Nic. 27, 
 "The only-begotten Word ever coexisting with 
 God" — ie. the gcn?iesis or Filiation is not an event, 
 but an eternal fact in the Divine life ; and the 
 requirements of the Arian controversy would 
 naturally discredit the notion of a non-eternal 
 gennests. And when Athanasius rejects one or 
 * Tracts Theological and Ecclesiastical, p. 182. 
 
APPENDICES. 187 
 
 both of the adjectives before us, as inapplicable to 
 the Logos (cp. Orat. ii. 35), he means to disclaim, 
 as adherents of the Nicene faith were so frequently- 
 called upon to disclaim, a Sabellianising denial 
 of the Word's subsistence or actuality, — as if to 
 say, He is not Word in any such sense as that of a 
 word which we first think of and then pronounce.^ 
 So Cyril of Jerusalem says in his fourth Catechetical 
 Lecture, that the Son is a Logos, "but not in the 
 sense of a word pronounced and then diffused into 
 the air, nor as resembling unsubsistent words." 
 Eusebius charges Marcellus with likening the 
 Divine Word to a man's word as thought and as 
 uttered, so as to deny His personaHty;^ and this 
 Marcello-Photinian notion is condemned by two 
 Semi-arian confessions, the Macrostich and the 
 long Sirmian, as given by Athanasius in his " De 
 Synodis." In like manner St. Ambrose says, " The 
 Word (Verbum) is xv€\\\\tx prolativum, nor what is 
 called ivSidOerov, but a Word which operates and 
 lives" (De Fide, iv. 72). 
 
 Another term set aside by Athanasius is awop- 
 poia, effluence, which might suggest a materialistic 
 
 ' See Athan. Treatises, Lib. Fath. i. 113 (in 2nd ed., ii. 
 341). 
 
 * De Eccl. Theol. ii. 15: "He imagines the Word that 
 is in God to be roiovT6v nva olov rhv Kad 'r^/uay." 
 
1 88 APPENDICES. 
 
 idea. He again disclaims it in Orat. i. 21, though 
 it has been used by Theognostus and Dionysius, 
 whom he quotes, with Wisdom vii. 29 in their 
 minds, as Athenagoras had applied it to the 
 Holy Spirit. He also excludes airopporj in De 
 Deer. Nic. 11. The hke may be said of his 
 rejection of t/a-^o-is, a section ; such a phrase was, 
 as he intimates, incompatible with the spirituality 
 of the Divine nature, Orat. i. 21 : compare Orat. 
 iv. 2. And Eusebius, when explaining to his own 
 diocese his acceptance of the Homoousion, observes 
 that it does not involve any " severance " of the 
 Son's essence from the Father's. So in Orat. i. 15, 
 Athanasius deals with the Arian argument, that to 
 call the Son (as he so often does) the " proper off- 
 spring of the Father's essence," carried with it the 
 idea of Statpecrts, — and in the next chapter he simi- 
 larly disowns the notion of /xepicr/Ao's. 
 
 Once more, Athanasius rejects the term TrpoySoA.'^, 
 projection, which the Valentinians (referred to by 
 Arius in his letter to Alexander) had applied to 
 the .^on " Jesus," imagined to be the result of 
 contributions from all the preceding ^ons — which 
 use of it TertuUian disclaims, while defending 
 the term in an orthodox sense, as implying no 
 separation of the Son from the Father (Adv. 
 Prax. 8) ; Origen afterwards rejected it as sug- 
 
APPENDICES. 1 89 
 
 gesting a materialistic notion (De Princip. iv. 28), 
 and Athanasius here follows him. He thus dis- 
 tinguishes the Catholic conception from that which 
 would reduce the Logos to an energy, and from 
 that which would impair the immateriality of 
 the Sonship : even as in his De Synodis, 45, 
 he rescues the Homoousion from the invidious 
 materialistic sense put upon it by Paul of Samo- 
 sata. He proceeds to call the Son auToreA,?;?, as 
 in the second Discourse against Arians he re- 
 peatedly calls Him avTocro<f>ia, by way of empha- 
 sising His complete " subsistence : " with the same 
 intention he describes him as " the veritable Image 
 of the Father," or, elsewhere, the ' exact " or fully 
 adequate " Image." He proceeds to guard the 
 co-equality of the Son, as consistent with that 
 derivative relation to the Father, implied in the 
 idea of Sonship, which is often, but, as Cardinal 
 Newman remarks, rather infelicitously, described as 
 " subordination." ^ This co-equality is again dis- 
 tinctly affirmed in De Synod. 49 ; in fact, it follows 
 inevitably on the recognition of the Son as " God," 
 unless Christian thought is to assimilate the Pagar 
 
 ' Tracts Theological and Ecclesiastical, p. 128. Water- 
 land, while "allowing a subordination of order, which is 
 natural, and also in office, which is economical, constantly 
 declares against inequahty : " Works, ii. 456. 
 
190 APPENDICES. 
 
 conception of gradations in deity, which, as has 
 been pointed out above, was logically involved in 
 Arianism. 
 
 After the words translated above, Athanasius 
 claims i John v. 20, as warranting the phrase, 
 " Very God," applied to the Son in the Nicene 
 Creed. He uses that text similarly in Orat. iii. 19. 
 In the second chapter of the " Exposition " he 
 repeats the disclaimer, as of all Sabellianising, so 
 of all unspiritual notions about the Divine Sonship. 
 The Son is not vtoTrarwp, Son-Father ; to call Him 
 so is to deny Him to be really a Son, whereas He 
 is " existent from the existent ; " but neither may 
 we think of the Trinity as of "three hypostases 
 divided from each other, as in the case of men 
 who are corporeally separate." ^ The term vloTzaTiap 
 was taken by Arius to represent that Sabellian- 
 ising conception which he habitually imputed to 
 his Catholic opponents. Athanasius employs (as 
 he does also in the Discourses) the illustration 
 from a fountain and a stream, which are distinct 
 yet inseparable, to indicate the relation between 
 the Eternal Father and the Eternal Son. It is 
 observable that in this tract he does not as yet 
 adopt that contorted interpretation of Col. i, 16 
 which is suggested in his Second Discourse, and 
 ' Cp. Dionysius of Rome, ap. Deer. Nic. 26. 
 
APPENDICES. 191 
 
 which, as Bishop Lightfoot points out, gave 
 unfortunate encouragement to the MarceUian mis- 
 use of the word Son, as having no reference to 
 our Lord's pre-existent state ; for he takes Trdarjs 
 KTtcrews, not of the new creation as constituted in 
 Christ, but in its ordinary and natural sense. He 
 does, however, very needlessly, interpret Prov. 
 viii. 22 as referring to the Incarnation; and he 
 twice employs the phrase, "The Man of the 
 Lord," for the visible humanity of Christ — a phrase 
 which St. Augustine, on full consideration, wished 
 he had never used, although he allowed that there 
 was something to be said for it, and that he found 
 it in " some Catholic expositors of Scripture " 
 (Retract, i. 19). Obviously, he thought that it 
 might encourage the notion which after his death 
 was condemned as Nestorianism : but Athanasius 
 used it in no such sense, and afterwards, in Orat. 
 iv. 35, practically withdrew it. 
 
 The tract on Omnia Mihi iradita sunt antici- 
 pates the briefer reply given in Orat. iii. 36 to the 
 Arian argument from that text. Athanasius here 
 says in effect, " It does not refer to the creation 
 of the world, as if the Son's lordship were a gift 
 bestowed on Him in consequence of that creation ; 
 for lordship was involved in His own creative 
 agency. Nor may we imagine that the Father then 
 
192 APPENDICES. 
 
 abdicated His own government. The 'delivery' 
 means the committal of mankind to Christ as 
 Mediator, and the passage must be combined with 
 another, ' All things that the Father hath are 
 Mine,' which affirms at once the distinctness and 
 the union of the Father and of the Son." The 
 figure of the solar orb and the sunlight is employed 
 in this tract, as in De Synod. 52, Orat. iii. 3; 
 and so is that of a seal, " The Son is o-^payis 
 lo-oTVTros, in Himself exhibiting the Father," — a 
 phrase equivalent to " image " of the Father, and 
 employed by St. Basil in De Spir. Sancto, 26. 
 In the sixth chapter, Athanasius condescends to 
 notice an absurd Arianising inference from the 
 Tersanctus of the Seraphim, and insists that " the 
 adorable Trinity is one and indivisible," and that 
 the Unity admits of distinction, though not of 
 separation, and excludes all confusion, " The 
 thrice-repeated ' Holy ' indicates the three perfect 
 hypostases, while the" single "word 'Lord' ex- 
 hibits the unity of essence." Here it is remarkable 
 that Athanasius does not think himself precluded by 
 that identification of " hypostasis " with " essence," 
 in the Nicene anathema, which he himself as 
 a general rule adopted,^ — nor by the fact that 
 " three [separate] hypostases " had been asserted 
 ' See, e.g. ad Afros, 4. 
 
APPENDICES. 19; 
 
 by Arius, — from employing the plural form, for the 
 inseparable and " co-inherent " personalities, or 
 subsistences, in the One Godhead. And the 
 freedom which he thus allows himself would fit 
 him for the task of mediating, at the Alexandrian 
 Council of 362, between the two parties of Catho- 
 lics who spoke of " one hypostasis," meaning, the 
 the indivisible essence, or real being, of God — 
 and of " three hypostases," as indicating the reality 
 of Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, respectively, in 
 opposition to Sabellianism. The latter use, as is 
 well known, prevailed, mainly through the influence 
 of such writers as Basil and Gregory Nazianzen : 
 and the Council of Chalcedon informed the 
 Emperor Marcian that the phrase "three hypo- 
 stases " was introduced in order to resist the Mar- 
 cellian view. It should be added that Cardinal 
 Newman considers the idea of personality to be 
 contained in the early Christian use of " hypo- 
 stasis " (as of " ousia ") in regard to God, as being, 
 for all true Theists, a "real" or "living" God, not 
 an abstract force or " anima mundi." On this 
 view, the transition from " one hypostasis " to 
 "three hypostases " would be less marked than has 
 usually been supposed.^ 
 
 In some of the later writings of Athanasius 
 ' See Tracts Theological and Ecclesiastical, p. 298. 
 
 O 
 
194 APPENDICES. 
 
 (as in the Letters to Serapion, and Jovian, the 
 " Tomus ad Antiochenos," and the " Ad Afros "), 
 the uncreatedness and essential divinity of the Holy 
 Spirit are emphasised as against the theory called 
 Macedonianism. He contends that while the 
 Nicene fathers were not required by the discus- 
 sions of their own time to enlarge upon the subject, 
 they had virtually secured the truth by treating 
 the Holy Spirit, equally with the Father and the 
 Son, as an object of " belief." The additions 
 made in the " Constantinopolitan " recension of 
 the Creed, describing the Spirit as " the Lord and 
 Lifegiver," etc., are substantially representative of 
 the matured thouafht of Athanasius. 
 
 APPENDIX IL 
 
 " This, then," says Athanasius, Orat. iii. 29, " is 
 the characteristic drift of Holy Scripture, that the 
 account of the Saviour which it contains is twofold, 
 to the efifect that He was always God, and is 
 Son, being the Father's Word and Effulgence and 
 Wisdom, and that afterwards, for our sakes. He 
 took flesh of Mary, the Mother of God ^ (t^s 0eo- 
 
 ' He uses this title for the Blessed Virgin three times in 
 the third Discourse, to indicate that He who was humanly 
 born of her was personally Divine. 
 
APPENDICES. 195 
 
 TOKov), and became Man . . . and did not come 
 into a man : and this it is necessary to understand, 
 lest the impious men should fall into this error 
 also, and deceive any persons into thinking that 
 as in the ancient times ' the Word came to ' each 
 of the saints, so now also he sojourned in a man, 
 hallowing him also, and manifested (in him) even 
 as in the others. For if it had been so, and He had 
 only appeared in a man, there would have been 
 nothing marvellous in it, nor would beholders- have 
 thought it strange, saying . . . 'Why dost Thou, 
 being a man, make Thyself God?' ... Of old, 
 then, He was wont to come to each of the saints, 
 and to hallow those who received Him sincerely ; 
 but it was never said, when they were born, that He 
 had become man, nor, when they suffered, that He 
 Himself suffered. But when once at the close of 
 the ages, He came among us from Mary, to put 
 away sin, . . . then it is said that by assuming 
 flesh He became man, and in flesh suffered for 
 us, . . . and the Godhead dwelt bodily, as the 
 Apostle says, in the flesh, — as much as to say, 
 ' Being (still) God, He (yet) had a body of" His 
 own, and, using it as an instrument, He be- 
 came Man for our sakes.' And on this account 
 the properties of the flesh are said to be His, 
 since they existed in Him, such as to hunger, to 
 
ig6 APPENDICES. 
 
 thirst, etc. . . . while He Himself did through His 
 own body the works proper to the Word Himself, 
 such as to raise the dead. . . . And the Word 
 carried the infirmities of the flesh as His own, for 
 the flesh was His own ; and the flesh ministered to 
 the works of the Godhead, because they took 
 place in it, for it was God's body. And well 
 did the prophet say, ' He carried,' and not, ' He 
 Himself healed, our infirmities ; ' lest, if He were 
 (considered as) external to the body, and as 
 merely having cured it, — as He has always done, 
 — He should leave men again under subjection to 
 death. But He carrieth our infirmities, and He 
 Himself beareth our sins, that it might be shown 
 that He became Man for our sakes, and that the 
 body which in Him bore our sins is His own 
 body ; and He Himself was no way harmed while 
 bearing up our sins in His body to the tree, 
 while we men were redeemed from our own 
 passions, and filled with the righteousness of the 
 Word. Wherefore, while the flesh suffered, the 
 Word was not external to it, for on this account 
 the Passion also is said to be His : and while He 
 was divinely doing the works of the Father, the 
 flesh was not external to Him ; but rather the fact 
 was that in the body itself did the Lord do these 
 works. ... In the case of Lazarus, He uttered a 
 
APPENDICES. 197 
 
 human voice, as man ; but divinely, as God, He 
 raised Lazarus from the dead. These things were 
 so done and displayed, because it was not in 
 semblance, but in truth, that he had a body ; and 
 it became the Lord, in putting on human flesh, to 
 put it on entire with its own susceptibilities, so 
 that, as we say that the body was His own, so too 
 we may say that the susceptibilities of the body 
 were simply proper to Him, although they did not 
 touch Him in His Godhead. If, then, the body 
 had belonged to another, to that other would the 
 susceptibilities have been attributed ; but if the 
 flesh is the Word's . . . then must the susceptibilities 
 of the flesh as necessarily be attributed to Him 
 whose also the flesh is, . . . so that the grace may 
 come from Him, and that we may not be worshippers 
 of another, but in truth worshippers of God, because 
 it is no created being, nor common man, but He 
 that is by nature and in truth the Son from God, 
 whom, though He has become man, we nevertheless 
 invoke as Himself Lord and God and Saviour." 
 
 " The whole passage," says Cardinal Newman, 
 "is as precise as if it had been written after the 
 Nestorian and Eutychian controversies, though 
 without the technical words then adopted." E.g. 
 Athanasius does not speak of the " Hypostatic 
 Union," nor of our Lord as existing " in two 
 
198 APPENDICES. 
 
 natures;" but he indicates what those phrases 
 represent when he repeats so emphatically that it 
 was avTo's, the Word Himself, or, as we should say, 
 in His Divine Person, who appropriated the con- 
 ditions of manhood without compromising the im- 
 passibility of Godhead, and adopted a human 
 sphere of existence while continuing to occupy the 
 Divine. He goes on in the next chapter (xxxiii.) to 
 show, in effect, that had either the Manhood or the 
 Godhead been absent, our Lord could not have 
 been what He is to us, at once an appropriate 
 and an adequate Redeemer. The context, with 
 its " distinct and luminous protest by anticipation 
 against Nestorianism," may prevent any miscon- 
 struction of Athanasius' use of " man " for our 
 Lord's manhood (Orat. iv. 7, 35), which, according 
 to the sense of his teaching, as well as of Cyril's 
 after him, had no personality of its own, simply 
 because it never existed except in union with, — as 
 belonging to, because assumed by, — the one eternal 
 Divine Self or Ego of Him who, being God, 
 became flesh, or man, for our redemption ; as 
 Hooker says, "The personal being which the Son 
 of God already had, suffered not the substance 
 to be personal which He took ; although, together 
 with the nature which He had, the nature also 
 which He took continueth ; whereupon it followeth 
 
APPENDICES. 199 
 
 against Nestorius, that no person was born of the 
 Virgin but the Son of God," etc., E. P. v. 52. 3. 
 And compare Pearson, On the Creed, Article IV., 
 " For it was no other Person," etc. This use of 
 a.v6p(3iTTo<i for our Lord's humanity as taken into 
 union with His single Divine Person, apart from 
 any Nestorian conception of Him as " a man," a 
 human individual associated with the Son of God, 
 is paralleled by a use of " homo " in St, Augustine, 
 De Vera Religione, 32, and even in the "Tome" 
 of St. Leo, and, centuries later, in St. Anselm, De 
 Fide Trinitatis, 6. St. Thomas, however, disallows 
 the statement that a Divine Person "assumpsit 
 hominem," because "homo" properly signifies 
 human nature in the concrete, as existing in a 
 ^^ supposition" or "hypostasis," and the only "hypo- 
 stasis " in Christ is Divine : Sum. iii. 4. 3. On 
 Athanasius' care to exclude a Photinian view of 
 Christ as a man in whom the Word, regarded as 
 impersonal, dwelt with exceptional fulness, see 
 Later Treatises of Athanasius, Lib. Fath. p. 10. 
 The passage which we have been considering 
 should be combined with his f.imous Letter to 
 Epictetus, in which the view just referred to, and 
 the Apollinarian denial of Christ's true humanity, 
 are alike set aside. 
 
200 APPENDICES. 
 
 APPENDIX III. 
 
 The letter of Athanasius to Marcellinus on the 
 interpretation of the Psahns exhibits him in the 
 Hght of a spiritual adviser. Marcellinus had written 
 to the archbishop, who asked the bearer of the 
 letter, " Now that he is recovering from his illness, 
 how does he spend his time ? " The answer was, 
 "In the study of Scripture, particularly of the 
 Psalms : he takes great pains to ascertain the mean- 
 ing of each." Athanasius, in his letter, tells Mar- 
 cellinus that he himself has a special affection for 
 that same book, as, indeed, he adds, for all the 
 Scriptures ; and he proceeds to draw on his recol- 
 lection of the remarks made to him " long ago by 
 an old man much given to sacred studies," who 
 had held the Psalter in his hands while he spoke. 
 The signal and characteristic charm of the Songs 
 of Sion is described, in terms which remind us of 
 the poem for St. Bartholomew's Day in the "Chris- 
 tian Year," as consisting in their power " of mirror- 
 ing the movements of the reader's own mind," so 
 that he learns more of himself, his own needs, 
 his own duties, his own personal relations to God. 
 While he is reading such parts of the Psalter as are 
 " not prophetic of the Saviour," the words " find " 
 
APPENDICES. 20I 
 
 him as if exactly meant for him, and spoken 
 straight to his own soul. He cannot help identi- 
 fying himself with the Psalmist, and assimilating 
 the contrition or the thankfulness to which the 
 Psalm before him gives expression. The book is 
 an exhaustive account, or " plan," of human life in 
 its entireness, in its complexity ; it gives full 
 instruction for times of persecution, or trial, or 
 deliverances, or spiritual progress, — for crises which 
 call to repentance or to thanksgiving. As if anti- 
 cipating the words of Hooker, " Let there be any 
 grief or disease incident to the soul of man, any 
 wound or sickness, named, for which there is not 
 in this treasure-house a present comfortable remedy 
 at all times to be found," Athanasius goes through 
 a number of conditions, trials, moods of mind, and 
 prescribes this or that Psalm as appropriate for this 
 or that case ; he mentions those which are most 
 suitable for joyful occasions, which interpret the 
 feelings of one whose prayer has been answered, 
 which are most impressive as admonitions of duty. 
 Following our English enumeration of the 
 Psalms, and passing by those suggestions which 
 are most obvious, we find this teacher, so fully 
 trained in the school of experience, recommend- 
 ing Pss. ri and loo as fitted to sustain faith in 
 Providence, Ps. 19 as descriptive of the character 
 
202 APPENDICES. 
 
 of a true citizen of the heavenly kingdom, Ps. 91 
 " as encouraging oneself and others in the true 
 worship of God, and teaching how hope in Him 
 does not bring to shame." He who had at times 
 stood up contra mu7idum tells us that Ps. 31 will 
 embolden those who are left alone while upholding 
 the cause of truth. Another Psalm is mentioned 
 in terms which seem to have a personal bearing : 
 " When you are persecuted, and have retired into 
 a desert place, do not be frightened, as if you 
 were alone there, for you have God with you, and 
 can resort to Him " in the words of Ps. 63. We 
 can well imagine how, after the "flight" in 356, 
 he would watch what Kingsley in " Hypatia" calls 
 " the breathless blaze of the approaching day," 
 amid the "utter stillness "of some remote monastic 
 settlement, and take up the lofty strain of faith as 
 it stands in the Septuagint, " O God, my God, to 
 Thee I awake early." His profound sympathy with 
 sufferers in a good cause, his earnest desire to help 
 and inspirit them, find fervid utterance as the letter 
 draws to a close. " If, with a sure trust in God, 
 you repeat Psalms when under trial and persecu- 
 tion, you will come out as one more fully approved, 
 and be conscious of the Lord's sheltering presence 
 ... If you have committed a sin, you will, by 
 the help of psalmody, take shame to yourself, and 
 
APPENDICES. 20' 
 
 leave off sinning. If you have not, you will be 
 glad that you are reaching forth to the things that 
 are before ; when you are in struggles, you will 
 thus gain strength, and will even convict those who 
 are trying to mislead you. ... If a man is anxious 
 about those who are in suffering, let him recite 
 Psalms, and he will then be all the more helpful to 
 the sufferer, and will exhibit the reality and firm- 
 ness of his own faith. ... ' Thy statutes,' said 
 the holy writer, ' were my songs in the place of 
 my sojourning.' " 
 
 But one of the most interesting passages in this 
 letter IS that in which the great champion of our 
 Lord's true Divinity insists on the comprehensive- 
 ness of His human example. " He not only 
 taught, but did what He taught, so that each may 
 hear Him speak, and, as if seeing Him in a por- 
 trait, may receive from Him the pattern for con- 
 duct while he hears, ' Learn of Me.' A more 
 complete scheme of instruction in regard to virtue 
 will nowhere be found than that which the Lord 
 modelled in Himself For whether it be forbear- 
 ance, or philanthropy, or kindness, or courage, or 
 compassion, or righteousness, — all these you will 
 find displayed in Him, so that no help towards 
 virtue will be lacking to one who contemplates this 
 Human Life. . . . Wherefore, even before He 
 
204 APPENDICES. 
 
 came to dwell among us, this (His character as an 
 example) He sounded forth even in the Psalmists." 
 In Bishop Alexander's words/ "' This anticipation 
 of the Christian character so long before Pente- 
 cost ... is a continuous prophecy ever fulfilling 
 itself in the Church. Every single Christian man 
 who thus, as Athanasius wrote to Marcellinus, 
 ' thoroughly perceives and learns the affections of 
 his own soul in the Psalter,' finds in himself a 
 separate witness of the Psalms to Christianity." 
 
 APPENDIX IV. 
 
 A REMARKABLE Summary of the trials and endur- 
 ances of Athanasius occurs in a letter of Pope 
 Celestine I., "to the clergy and people of Con- 
 stantinople," i.e. to those who were there opposing 
 Nestorius, in August, 430.^ 
 
 " All of you who have been expelled from the 
 Church " (by the action of Nestorius) " have an 
 almost contemporary example of conduct in Atha- 
 nasius of blessed memory, the most wise bishop 
 (tepews) of the Alexandrian Church, Who is there 
 that cannot take comfort from his endurance, that 
 
 * Bamp. Lect., p. 227. 
 
 - It is given in Mansi, Cone. iv. 1043. 
 
APPENDICES. 205 
 
 cannot find an example in his steadfastness, that 
 cannot derive hope from his longed-for return ? 
 He is expelled because Arius persecutes ; but he 
 must be recalled because the Lord is speeding 
 him home. He suffered imprisonment, he suf- 
 fered afflictions ; and no wonder if this apostolical 
 man experienced these sufferings by which the 
 Apostle glories in having been himself exercised. 
 In all these things he followed him who testifies 
 that he ' takes pleasure in his afflictions.' He was 
 driven away from Egypt, and he was refreshed in 
 our country. Here his position was re-established ; 
 he found refreshment from fellowship at this see, 
 from whence assistance always comes to Catholics. 
 And yet, amid his afflictions, he felt no weariness 
 when he had become a confessor in the perse- 
 cution ; wherefore no Christian ought to lament if 
 a temporary exile is inflicted upon him, because 
 no Christian is exiled from God." 
 
 One point in this description is rhetorical — 
 Athanasius, apparently, never was imprisoned. 
 
 The moral and spiritual grandeur of his career 
 has recently received a signally hearty tribute from 
 a Nonconformist divine, the president of Cheshunt 
 College. In a small volume on " Athanasius^ 
 his Life and Life-work," Dr. Reynolds repeatedly 
 applies such a phrase as " lifelong martyrdom " to 
 
206 APPENDICES. 
 
 his contention for " the unity of God, the real 
 humanity, and the eternal essential divinity " of the 
 Redeemer. "Athanasius was profoundly im- 
 pressed in his earliest days with the transcendent 
 significance of the Person of the Son of God in- 
 carnate. He saw every other truth in the light of 
 the knowledge of the glory of God in the face of 
 Christ, and all the history of man and revelation 
 appeared to revolve around this sublime centre." 
 His admiration for monasticism is connected with 
 his personal possession of " the secret of self- 
 restraint," and a " conspicuous self-oblation " is 
 noted as the main feature of his character. He 
 stands out as " the greatest man then living," with 
 a personality of "magnetic force," "inflexible in 
 purpose," yet " a prince of mediators." What is 
 more, the Festal Letters show how earnestly "he 
 was set upon the cultivation of the Divine life," 
 as the end towards which "orthodox doctrine was 
 but a means ; " and bring out " his piety toward 
 God, his adoring gratitude to the Saviour from sin, 
 the Victor of death, the Incarnate God," — in a 
 word, " a profound Christian consciousness, the 
 image and memory of which the Church of Christ 
 will not willingly let die." 
 
APPENDICES. 207 
 
 APPENDIX V. 
 
 FROM CHRYSOSTOM " DE SACERDOTIO," ON THE 
 IMPORTANCE OF THE PREACHER's OFFICE. 
 
 IV. 2. . . . The Church of Christ, according to 
 blessed Paul, is " Christ's Body ; " and he who has 
 been entrusted with it must train it into complete 
 healthiness and extraordinary excellence, looking 
 round on all sides lest there be anywhere spot, 
 or wrinkle, or any other blemish of that kind, 
 disfiguring that grace and beauty, — and, indeed, 
 what is his duty but, according to man's capacity, 
 to render it worthy of that immaculate and blessed 
 Head which is set over it? For if those whose 
 business it is to gain the healthy condition meet 
 for athletes have need of physicians and trainers, 
 and a diet rigidly prescribed, and continual exer- 
 cise, and careful watching in many other forms, — 
 for indeed a slight defect in them, if overlooked, 
 upsets and destroys all, — how shall they whose lot 
 it is to tend tJiis body, which has to wrestle not 
 with bodies but with the invisible powers, be able 
 to keep it unharmed and healthy, unless they rise 
 high above the standard of human virtue, and are 
 familiar with every sort of treatment that is profit- 
 able for the soul ? 
 
208 APPENDICES. 
 
 3. Again, know you not that this body is both 
 subject to more diseases and attacks than our 
 flesh, and is more quickly injured, and more slowly 
 regains health? And those who care for the 
 fleshly bodies have discovered a variety of medi- 
 cines, and a manifold apparatus of instruments, 
 and diet suitable to the sick. And many a time 
 a change into better air will of itself suffice to 
 restore health to the invalid ; and sometimes sleep 
 coming on at the right moment relieves the physician 
 of all trouble : whereas, in the case before us, all 
 these things are out of the question ; and, instead 
 of them, next to good works, just one method and 
 way of treatment has been given to us — teaching by 
 the Word. This is our instrument, this our diet, 
 this our excellent temperature of air ; this is instead 
 of medicine, instead of fire, instead of steel; if 
 cutting and cautery are required, it is this which 
 we must needs use ; ^ and if this shall have lost its 
 power, it is all over with the rest. With this we 
 raise up a soul from its prostrate condition, and 
 
 ' See De Laud. S. Pauli Apost. Horn. 5. " You see a 
 physician using now cautery, now lenitives, now the knife, 
 now medicine. ... If we approve of a physician for having 
 recourse to these opposite methods, much more ought we to 
 extol the soul of Paul when it thus applies itself to the cases 
 of the sick. . . . For the sick in soul require not less variety 
 of treatment than the sick in body." 
 
APPENDICES., 209 
 
 allay its inflammation, and cut away what is super- 
 fluous, and supply what is defective, and perform 
 every other operation that contributes to the soul's 
 health. For, with a view to ordering our life for 
 the best, another life may excite us to an earnest- 
 ness resembling its own ; but when the soul's sick- 
 ness is caused by spurious doctrines, then is there 
 great need of the Word, not only for the safety of 
 our own household, but with regard to the contests 
 from without. For, if one had the sword of the 
 Spirit, and shield of faith, so far as to be able to 
 work miracles, and by wonderful' works to stop the 
 mouths of the shameless, there might not then be 
 a need of help from the Word ; yet rather not 
 even then would its force be useless, but indeed 
 highly necessary. For blessed Paul handled it, 
 although he was everywhere admired for his 
 miracles. And another member of that company 
 exhorts us to give good heed to this power, saying, 
 " Be ready to give an answer to every one who 
 asketh you a reason about the hope that is in 
 you." ^ And when on another occasion they united 
 in committing to Stephen the task of providing for 
 the needs of the widows, their one object was 
 that they themselves might have leisure for " the 
 ministry of the Word." I grant, however, that we 
 
 ' I Pet. iii. 15. 
 
 p 
 
2IO APPENDICES. 
 
 should not be so intent on securing the Word, if 
 we had the strength that comes from miracles. 
 But since not a trace of that power is left remain- 
 ing,^ and on every side the foes are upon us, in 
 great force and without intermission, it is simply 
 indispensable to make use of this safeguard, that 
 instead of being smitten with the darts of the 
 enemy, we may, on the other hand, smite them. 
 
 4. Wherefore we must strive in good earnest, 
 that " the Word of Christ may dwell in us richly." ^ 
 For it is not against a single kind of warfare that 
 we have to prepare ourselves ; this war of ours is 
 complex, and results from a combination of diverse 
 enemies. For they do not all use the same arms, 
 nor are they practised in but one mode of attack. 
 And he who is to undertake the conflict with all, 
 must understand the arts of all ; and in his single 
 person must be archer and slinger, commander of 
 a squadron and of a company, soldier and general, 
 foot-soldier and horseman, fit for sea-fight and for 
 siege. For in the case of military wars each man 
 takes his part in repelling the enemy by doing the 
 duty which he has individually undertaken. But 
 
 * So in I Cor. Horn. 6. 2. And in Col. Horn. 8. 5 : 
 " When the faith had to be planted, there were many per- 
 sons " who could work miracles, etc. 
 
 * Col. iii. 16. 
 
APPENDICES. 2 I I 
 
 in the case before us, it is otherwise ; unless he 
 who means to conquer is acquainted with all the 
 forms of his art, the devil knows how to bring in 
 his own robbers, and so to scatter the sheep at 
 even one single point which may chance to be neg- 
 lected. But this he cannot do when he perceives 
 the shepherd to be familiar with all the required 
 knowledge, and well acquainted with his tactics. 
 Wherefore one must be well guarded at all points. 
 For as long as a city is walled round on all sides, 
 it is perfectly safe, and can mock at its besiegers.; 
 but if you can make a breach in the walls, only to 
 the extent of a single postern, from that moment 
 their whole circuit, however secure in every other 
 part, is useless to it. So, then, it is with the City 
 of God ; when it is walled round on all sides by 
 the pastor's sagacity and intelligence as by a wall, 
 all the devices of the enemy result in their shame, 
 and make them a laughingstock, and the dwellers 
 within abide unharmed. But when one is able to 
 demolish even a part of it, although he does not 
 destroy the whole, yet by means of that part the 
 whole, so to say, is ruined. For what is the good 
 of its contending successfully with Greeks, if it be 
 ravaged by Jews ? or of its overcoming both these 
 enemies, if it be preyed upon by Manicheans? 
 or if, after it has mastered these also, the sheep 
 
212 APPENDICES, 
 
 Stationed within are slaughtered by those who 
 introduce fatalism?^ And why must I recite the 
 whole list of the devil's heresies, all of which the 
 pastor must know well how to beat off, for other- 
 wise, even by one of them the wolf can devour 
 most of the sheep ? And in the case of soldiers, 
 it is from those who are in their ranks and are 
 fighting that the victory or the defeat, as it may 
 be, must always be expected ; but here it is quite 
 the contrary, for often the conflict with some 
 enables others, who at first had not even gone into 
 battle, nor exerted themselves at all, to win a 
 victory while seated at their ease ; and he whose 
 experience in these matters was imperfect, is pierced 
 with his own sword, and becomes a scorn to friends 
 and foes alike. For instance — for I will endeavour 
 to make my meaning clear to you by an example, — 
 those who have contracted the insanity of Valen- 
 tinus and Marcion, and all whose minds are simi- 
 larly diseased, erase from the catalogue of Divine 
 Scriptures the Law given by God to Moses, while 
 the Jews, on the other hand, value it to the 
 extent of contending for its observance in every 
 particular, even though the times prevent this, and 
 when God's will is otherwise : whereas the Church 
 
 ' See in i Cor. Horn. 22. 4 : " Where are those who set 
 lip a fatalistic necessity against freedom of choice? " etc. ' 
 
APPENDICES. 213 
 
 of God, avoiding the extremes on either side, walks 
 in the middle path, and neither consents to sub- 
 mit to its yoke, nor endures to hear it disparaged ; 
 but rather commends it, though it is now abolished, 
 because it was once profitable for a season.^ There- 
 fore he who would fight against both parties must 
 understand this due proportion. For if, in his 
 desire to convince Jews that their adherence to 
 the old legislation is unseasonable, he begins un- 
 sparingly to attack it, he gives a formidable handle 
 to those heretics who are minded to make it con- 
 temptible; and if, in his anxiety to silence the 
 latter, he exalts the Law beyond measure, and 
 magnifies it as if necessary at the present time, 
 he opens the mouths of the Jews. Again, those 
 who are possessed by the frenzy of Sabellius, and 
 those who run wild with Arius, have equally fallen 
 from the sound faith by rushing into extremes. 
 And although both parties bear the name of 
 Christian, yet if one examines their doctrines, he 
 will find that, saving differences about terms, the 
 
 ' See Contra Judseos, ii. I. " Time was when the Law 
 was beneficial and necessary ; now it has come to an end 
 and is inoperative." So C. Anomoeos, x. 5, that the Law 
 was well adapted to those who had to receive it, but when 
 it had fulfilled Lts function in the education of human nature, 
 it became oTeA-eVrepos. Cp. Aug. Ep. 82. 16. 
 
2 14 APPENDICES. 
 
 one party are in no better condition than Jews, — 
 that the other have a great affinity to the heresy 
 of Paul of Samosata/ — and that both stand apart 
 from the truth. Here then also the danger is 
 great, and the path is narrow and contracted, and 
 bounded by precipices on either side, and there is 
 great reason to fear that, when you aim a blow at 
 the one enemy, you may be stricken by the other. 
 For if you say, " There is one Godhead," Sabellius 
 forthwith wrests the assertion in the interest of his 
 own insensate theory; on the other hand, if you 
 make distinctions, and say, "The Father is one, 
 the Son is another, and the Holy Spirit is another," 
 down comes Arius, and perverts the difference 
 between the Persons into the sense of a diversity 
 of essence. We must therefore turn away from 
 and avoid alike the impious confusion asserted by 
 the former, and the insane division maintained by 
 the latter ; we must acknowledge the Godhead of 
 
 * Athanasius, in Deer. Nic. i, Orat. iii. 27, and Gregory 
 Nazianzen, in Apologet. 36, compare Arianism to Judaism : 
 on the other hand, Basil says, " Sabellianism is a kind of 
 Judaism," because it denies the Trinity, Epist. 210. 3. 
 Paul of Samosata was a Sabellian in regard to the Divine 
 Logos or Wisdom. He had also, as Athanasius repeatedly 
 says, a certain relation to Arianism ; but whereas Arianism 
 asserted the pre-existence of the Son, as the highest of 
 creatures, he said that Jesus obtained the title of Son through 
 His pre-eminent virtue. 
 
APPENDICES. 215 
 
 Father, and Son, and Holy Spirit, to be One, but 
 must also confess the Three " Hypostases," ^ for 
 thus shall we be able to fence off the attacks of 
 both classes of adversaries. And many other con- 
 flicts also I could mention to you ; amidst which, 
 unless you fight bravely and circumspectly, you will 
 retreat with innumerable wounds. . . . 
 
 But indeed, with regard to the observance of 
 precepts, a life can supply us with much aid,^ for 
 even in that respect I would not say that it alone 
 can secure everything. 9. But when a contest is 
 stirred up about doctrines, and all men are fighting 
 from the ground of the same Scriptures, what force 
 will the life be in this case able to exhibit ? What 
 profit is there in many toils, when, after all those 
 labours, a man falls into heresy in consequence of 
 his great inexperience, and is cut off from the body 
 of the Church, — which I know to have been the 
 case with many? What gain has he from his 
 stout-hearted n ess ? None; even as there is none 
 from sound faith if the conduct be depraved. So, 
 then, for these reasons it is necessary that one 
 whose lot is to teach others should be of all men 
 
 ' Compare De Incomprehens. Dei Natura, v. 2, where he 
 speaks of "the first and unbegotten hypostasis" of the 
 Father. Cp. in Joan. Horn, 49. 2. Seep. 191. 
 
 ' He had been speaking of St. Paul's " apostolic life" as 
 an example. 
 
2l6 APPENDICES. 
 
 rnost experienced in such contests as we have 
 referred to. For if he stands firm and secure him- 
 self, in no way injured by the gainsayers, yet the 
 multitude of plain people who are under his guid- 
 ance, when they see their leader defeated, and 
 'unable to say anything in reply to the opponents, 
 lay the blame of his defeat, not on his infirmity, 
 but on his doctrine as being unsound; and through 
 'the inexperience of one man the whole people are 
 iplunged into the depths of ruin/ For even if they 
 •do not altogether yield to the adversaries, yet still 
 they are obliged to doubt about things which they 
 were able to receive with confidence ; and they are 
 no longer able to lean with the same steadfastness 
 on dogmas which they used to approach with in- 
 flexible faith; but so great a storm takes possession 
 of their souls in consequence of the defeat of their 
 teacher, that the mischief will end in shipwreck. 
 How terrible is the perdition and the fire that are 
 accumulated on the miserable head of that man 
 for every one of these ruined souls, you will not 
 need to learn from me, for you know it thoroughly 
 for yourself. Is this, then, a mark of arrogance, is 
 this a mark of vainglory, that I have no mind to be 
 
 ' Cp. Isidore of Pelusium, Epist. ii. 235 ; "When they see 
 their pastor getting the worst of it in discussions, they . . . 
 ascribe his failure, not to his own inexperience, but to some 
 unsoundness in his doctrine." 
 
APPENDICES. 217 
 
 the cause of the destruction of so many, nor to 
 bring on myself a greater punishment than what is 
 now reserved in the other world ? Nay, who can 
 say so ? No one, save a person who is disposed to 
 censure causelessly, and to play the philosopher in 
 the case of calamities not his own. 
 
 V. I. I have now given sufficient proof of the 
 amount of experience which the teacher must have 
 in order to maintain contests for the truth. But I 
 have something else to mention as a cause of perils 
 innumerable ;— let me rather say that the cause is 
 not this something else, but the incapacity of some 
 persons for making a right use of it. For the thing 
 itself indeed becomes helpful in procuring for us 
 salvation and many blessings, when it finds those 
 who administer it to be earnest and good men. 
 What, then, is it ? It is the great labour bestowed 
 ox\. public discourses a.diAxQ'iSQ'X to the people.^ For 
 first, the great body of those who are under a 
 man's rule do not choose to regard the speakers as 
 in the position of teachers ; but, transgressing the 
 bounds of the rank of disciples, they claim that of 
 the spectators who sit at the public theatrical con- 
 tests. And as there the multitude is divided, and 
 some attach themselves to this man and some to 
 '■ What follows is summarised in Bingham, b. vi. c- 3. s. I. 
 
2 I 8 APPENDICES. 
 
 that, so too here they take different sides as parti- 
 sans of one man or of another, regarding what is 
 spoken with feeUngs of partiality or of dishke. Nor 
 is this the only grievance ; there is also another 
 not less serious. For if it happens that one of the 
 speakers has interwoven with his own discourse 
 something from other men's works, he incurs more 
 disgrace than those who steal money ; and often 
 when he has taken nothing from any one, but is 
 merely suspected of it, he is treated as if it were 
 proved against him.^ And why do I speak of other 
 men's works ? He is not allowed to make any con- 
 stant use even of what he has thought out for him- 
 self. For the majority have been accustomed to 
 listen, not for their profit, but for their pleasure, 
 even as those who sit to decide on tragedians or 
 harpers.^ And the power of eloquence thus becomes, 
 in this case, more eagerly desired than ever by the 
 sophists,'' when they are compelled to contend with 
 each other. One needs here also a soul of high tone 
 far surpassing one's own littleness, to correct the 
 disorderly and unprofitable self-indulgence of the 
 
 ' See St. Aug. de Doctr. Chr. iv. 62. 
 
 * Cp. in Act. Horn. 30. 3. So of old at Athens : <jo^i(ttSsv 
 6eaTais ioiKores KaBr^fiefOts fiaAAof 7) Trepl ir6\ews $ovKfvofj.f- 
 vois. Thuc. iii. 38. 
 
 * This term was now again used in an honourable sense, as 
 when it was applied to Libanius. 
 
APPENDICES. 2 1 9 
 
 multitude, and to be able to turn their attention to 
 what is more profitable, so that the people may 
 follow and yield to the teacher instead of being 
 swayed by their cravings. And this can in no 
 way be secured except by these two qualifications 
 — contempt of praise,^ and ability in speaking. 
 
 2. For if either be absent, that which remains 
 becomes useless by its separation from the other. 
 For if a man who despises praise does not supply 
 teaching which is " with grace, and seasoned with 
 salt," he is soon despised by the mass of men, and 
 gains nothing from his elevation of mind ; or, if he 
 succeeds excellently in this point, but proves that 
 the glory of applause is too much for him, then 
 again the same mischievous result follows both to him 
 and to the people, while he studies to say what 
 will please rather than what will profit his hearers, 
 on account of his eagerness for their praise.^ And 
 
 ' Cp. De Sacerd. iii. 9. 
 
 ^ Cp. his Homily, " Non esse ad gratiam concionandum," 
 Op. ii. 661. He quotes Acts xx. 27, and says that the 
 preacher who speaks irphs x°-P^^ ruins the soul. So Gregory 
 Nazianzen describes preachers of "smooth things" as "cor- 
 rupting the Word," Apol. 46 ; and cp. Aug. de Doctr. Chr. 
 iv. 8, "Semper vitanda esi perniciosa dulcedo." On the 
 custom of applauding preachers, see Bingham, xiv. 4. 27. So 
 Paul of Samosata was charged with hiring persons to applaud 
 him : Euseb. vii. 30. Chrysostom often checks the practice, 
 e.g. ad Pop. Ant. ii. 4, though he frankly owns that it gives 
 
2 20 APPENDICES. 
 
 as one who has no feeUng about popularity, but 
 knows not how to speak, does not indeed give way 
 to the people's pleasure, but, from his want of 
 power to speak, is unable to be of any considerable 
 use to them ; so, too, he who is carried along by 
 the passion for encomiums, although he has the 
 faculty for making the people better, supplies them, 
 instead, with what is rather calculated to please 
 them, while what he thus gains is but noisy 
 applause. 
 
 3. On both sides, then, a really good ruler must 
 be strong, lest one faculty be ruined by the other. 
 For when he stands up in public, and says things 
 which are likely to brace up careless persons to a 
 stricter standard, and then stumbles and breaks 
 down, and is constrained to blush by his want of 
 words, forthwith the value of his discourse comes 
 to nothing. For those whom he has rebuked, when 
 annoyed by his exhortations, and not knowing how 
 else to evade their force, have recourse to sarcastic 
 flings at his " ignorance," thinking that thereby 
 
 him a momentary pleasure, in Act. Horn. 30. 4. (see below). 
 See Augustine, Serm. 61 : "These laudatory cries of yours 
 make me tremble. They are leaves — I want fruit : " cp. 
 Serm. 126. 8. Such acclamations greeted the sermons of 
 Gregory Nazianzen, the discourse of Proclus on the Theo- 
 tocos, the Christmas-day preaching of Paul of Emesa at 
 Alexandria. 
 
APPENDICES. 22 1 
 
 they can conceal their own disgrace. Therefore 
 he ought, Uke some excellent charioteer, to attain 
 perfection in both these good qualities, that he 
 may be able to employ both in the fitting way. 
 For when he puts himself out of the reach of 
 everybody's censure, then he will be able with as 
 much authoritativeness as he pleases both to re- 
 buke and to spare all who are set under him ; but 
 until then this is no easy matter. And he ought 
 to exhibit his high-mindedness not only to the 
 extent of indifference to applauses, but to carry it 
 further, that the advantage may not prove imperfect. 
 4. To what else, then, must he also be indif- 
 ferent ? To slander and to envy. It is well 
 neither excessively to dread and tremble at, nor 
 absolutely to pass by,, unreasonable accusations 
 (for indeed a prelate is obliged to endure ground- 
 less censures) ; but if they be false, then, although 
 they be levelled at us by the vulgar, to endeavour 
 speedily to extinguish them. For nothing swells 
 the force of either a bad or good report like the dis- 
 orderly multitude ; for, being accustomed both to 
 listen to things and to blurt them out without 
 examining them, they heedlessly utter whatever 
 comes uppermost, without any regard for truth. 
 For this reason one must not despise the mass of 
 men, but must cut down evil surmises as soon as 
 
2 22 APPENDICES. 
 
 they arise, by persuading one's accusers [of their 
 error], though they be the most irrational of man- 
 kind, and omit nothing at ail that can do away with 
 an unfavourable opinion. But if, do what we can, 
 the censurers refuse-to be persuaded, then treat them 
 with contempt ; since, if a man is soon dejected 
 by these mishaps, he will never be able to produce 
 anything noble and admirable. For despondency 
 and continual anxieties are sadly apt to overthrow 
 the power of the soul, and reduce it to the ex- 
 tremest weakness. The priest, then, must be so 
 disposed towards his people, as a father would be 
 towards children that were mere infants ; and as, 
 when they are petulant, or strike us, or cry, we do 
 not take it to heart, neither do we ever make much 
 of it if they smile and seemed pleased with us ; so, 
 too, must he be neither elated by the approbation, 
 nor dejected by the censures of his flock, when 
 bestowed by them unseasonably. Now this is 
 hard, my dear friend ; perhaps, methinks, it is even 
 impossible. For to feel no joy when one is 
 praised is what I know not if any man ever attained 
 to ; and if one feels it, one naturally longs to enjoy 
 such pleasure ; and if one longs to enjoy it, one 
 must needs, in default of it, feel distressed and out 
 of spirits. For as men who exult in being rich 
 are discontented when they fall into poverty, and 
 
APPENDICES. 223 
 
 those who are accustomed to luxury cannot endure 
 a humble style of living ; so, too, those who have 
 a passion for being panegyrised feel a wasting 
 famine of soul, not only when they are causelessly 
 blamed, but even when they are not ceaselessly 
 praised ; and that most especially when they have 
 been nurtured on these things, or when they hear 
 praise bestowed on others. Now. if a man brings 
 this craving with him to the trial in which, as a 
 teacher, he must be involved, how much trouble, 
 how many griefs thitik you he must have ! The 
 sea can no more be ever free from billows than his 
 soul from anxieties and pain. 
 
 5. For if he has great abilities as a speaker (and 
 this you will find in only a few) not even in that 
 case is he set free from uninterrupted toils. For 
 since eloquence is not natural, but acquired by 
 study, a man will find that even if he attains it in 
 the highest perfection, it will then leave him desti- 
 tute, unless he cherishes this power with constant 
 painstaking and exercise ; so that the labour 
 required is greater for the wiser than for the more 
 ignorant. For the extent of the penalty, in case 
 of neglect, is not the same to both classes ; it is 
 increased in proportion to the difference between 
 their respective possessions. No one would blame 
 the one class if they produced nothing worth 
 
224 APPENDICES. 
 
 speaking of; but unless the other class are ever 
 putting forth something greater than the expecta- 
 tions which everybody forms about them, many an 
 accusation from everybody is the result. Besides, 
 the former will obtain great praise on the score of 
 small performances ; but those of the latter, unless 
 they are very admirable and astonishing, are not 
 only deprived of encomiums, but received by many 
 people with censure. For it is not so much the 
 things said as the reputation of the speakers on 
 which the audience sit in judgment : accordingly 
 it is when a man, as a speaker, beats every one 
 else, that for him, beyond all others, laborious 
 painstaking is necessary ; for occasional failure, 
 which is the common lot of human nature, is not 
 permitted to him, but if his address does not in all 
 respects square with the greatness of his reputation, 
 he goes away loaded with a thousand scoffs and cen- 
 sures from the multitude. And nobody takes into 
 consideration, with regard to him, the fact that 
 an attack of despondericy, and nervousness, and 
 anxiety, and often, too, anger, will overcloud the 
 clearness of the intellect, and not allow its produc- 
 tions to come forth in perfect purity ; and that, in 
 a word, being but a man, he cannot be the same 
 through everything and succeed in everything, but 
 it is to be expected that sometimes he will make 
 
APPENDICES. 225 
 
 mistakes, and appear to fall short of his native 
 capacity. Of these points, as I said, they never 
 choose to think, but accuse him as if they were 
 judging an angel. Again, it is in human nature to 
 overlook a neighbour's successful achievements, 
 many and great though they be ; whereas if a 
 shortcoming appears anywhere, though it be trivial, 
 and have happened long ago, it is quickly observed, 
 eagerly taken hold of, and perpetually remembered. 
 And many a time such a little insignificant thing 
 diminishes the reputation of many great men. 
 
 6. You see, my dear friend, that for one who has 
 ability as a speaker, there is a special need of more 
 elaborate painstaking, and, besides this, of so much 
 forbearance as was not requisite for all those whom 
 I formerly described to you at length. For many 
 are continually attacking him without any reason or 
 cause, and feel an animosity against him although 
 they have no complaint to make except that he 
 stands well with all. And he has to endure their 
 bitter malice with a brave spirit. For while they 
 cannot endure to conceal this execrable hatred 
 which they causelessly conceive, they revile him, 
 carp at him, slander him in private, and treat him 
 villainously in public. Now, the soul that begins 
 to feel pain and irritation under each of these 
 trials, will erelong be worn out with its distress. 
 
 Q 
 
2 26 APPENDICES. 
 
 For people do not simply assail him in their own 
 persons, but attempt to do it by means of others ; 
 and often they pick out somebody who is no 
 speaker at all, and praise him up to the skies, and 
 express for him extravagant admiration ; some do 
 this in ignorance, others partly ih ignorance, partly 
 in envy, not in order to exhibit as an object of 
 admiration one who does not deserve it, but simply 
 in order to destroy the other's reputation. Nor is 
 it with these only that our high-souled man has to 
 contend, but often with the inexperience of a whole 
 people. For since all the congregation cannot be 
 composed of men of culture, but the majority of 
 the church is in fact made up of the uneducated, 
 and the remainder, although indeed themselves 
 more intelligent than the majority, yet are much 
 more inferior to the real judges of eloquence 
 than all the others are to themselves, — and there 
 will be but one or two seated in the audience 
 who possess this excellent quality, — it necessarily 
 happens that the better speaker receives colder 
 applauses, and sometimes retires without any token 
 of approbation. And one has to prepare oneself 
 bravely to meet this kind of unfairness ; to make 
 allowance for those who entertain such feelings 
 because they know no better ; to be sorry for those 
 who are brought into this state of mind by an 
 
APPENDICES. 227 
 
 envious temper, as for unhappy and pitiable per- 
 sons ; and not to suppose that the opinion of either 
 class can really detract from one's own ability. 
 For if a first-rate painter, superior to all others in 
 his art, were to see a figure which he had drawn 
 with the utmost exactness sneered at by people 
 who were unacquainted with that art, he ought not 
 to be cast down, and think the picture a bad one 
 because incompetent persons had so judged it ; 
 even as he ought not to think a really bad picture 
 admirable and charming, because unskilled persons 
 looked open-mouthed at it. 
 
 7. For it is the accomplished workman himself 
 that must be the judge of his own artistic works, 
 and mark his productions as good or bad by no 
 other criterion than the judgment of the mind 
 which devised them ; but as for the opinion of 
 the vulgar, which is all astray and uninformed 
 about art, he should never once trouble his head 
 about it. And so, too, let not him who has 
 undertaken the trying duties of a teacher pay 
 attention to the applauses of outsiders, nor be 
 depressed in spirit for the want of them. But while 
 his sermons are laboured at in such a way as to 
 please God (for it is He, and not applauses nor 
 praises, that should be the only standard and rule 
 for judging the excellence of such work), if he is 
 
2 28 APPENDICES. 
 
 also approved by men, let him not reject their 
 encomiums; but if the audience do not bestow 
 them, let him not seek for them, nor distress him- 
 self. For it is a sufficient consolation to him for 
 his labours, — yes, the greatest consolation of all, — 
 when his conscience can tell him that he has so 
 arranged and harmonised his teaching as to please 
 God. 
 
 8. For, if he is soon overcome by the appetite 
 for irrational praises, he gains nothing by his many 
 exertions, nor by his ability as a speaker. For if 
 his soul cannot bear the foolish censures of the 
 vulgar, he will give way utterly, and cease to take 
 pains with his discourses. Wherefore this above 
 all things is what we should be trained to — indif- 
 ference to praise. For to preserve the power of 
 speaking, it is not enough to know how to speak 
 unless one has this quality besides. But if you 
 were minded carefully to examine a man who is 
 deficient in that excellence, you would find that 
 he, too, not less than the other, needs to be able 
 to despise praise. For he will be constrained to 
 make many failures if he gives way to depend- 
 ence on pubHc opinion ; for while he is too feeble 
 to match himself with those who are approved for 
 excellence in speaking, he will not refrain from 
 plotting against them, envying them, blaming them 
 
APPENDICES. 229 
 
 without cause, and in many such ways behaving 
 himself unseemly ; on the contrary, he will dare 
 anything, even to the perdition of his soul, for the 
 sake of bringing down their reputation to the low 
 level of his own insignificance. And, besides this, 
 he will keep aloof from the exertions involved in 
 work, because a kind of numbness will be diffused 
 over his soul. For to toil hard, and win slight 
 encomiums, is enough to bring down and plunge 
 into a deep sleep one who cannot despise enco- 
 miums ; even as a husbandman, when he toils in a 
 field where the soil is poor, and is forced to till 
 rocky ground, soon gives up working unless he has 
 a hearty good will about the matter, or unless the 
 fear of hunger presses upon him. For if those 
 who can speak with great freedom need so much 
 exercise in order to preserve this faculty, sup- 
 pose a man has collected no materials whatever, 
 but is compelled to think over his subject at the 
 very time of trial, then how much difficulty, how 
 much disturbance, how much agitation will he 
 have to go through in order that he may put 
 a few words together ! But if of those who rank 
 after him, and who are in a lower place than his 
 own, any one should be able to outshine him in this 
 point, he will then need a soul of superhuman tone 
 in order not to be mastered by envy, nor prostrated 
 
230 APPENDICES. 
 
 by despondency. For to be stationed in high 
 dignity, and to be surpassed in success by one's 
 inferiors, and to bear it generously, is the sign of 
 no ordinary soul, nor of mine, but of a soul of 
 adamant. If the person who surpasses one be 
 considerate, and very modest, the annoyance 
 becomes a thing which the man endures as best he 
 may ; but if he be audacious, and a braggart, and 
 vainglorious, the other must every day long for 
 death, so bitter will he. make life to him by open 
 insults, by secret mockeries, by wresting many 
 things from the sphere of his authority, by wishing 
 to be everything himself. And in doing all this 
 he is perfectly safe by possessing confidence as a 
 speaker, and the attachment of the multitude to 
 himself, and the affections of all the people. Do 
 you not know how great a passion for oratory 
 has broken in upon the souls of Christians at 
 this time ? and that those who practise oratory are 
 above all men had in honour, not only with the 
 world, but also with the household of faith ? How, 
 then, can any one endure such a disgrace as that 
 when he is speaking all should be silent, and 
 think themselves bored, and wait for the end of his 
 discourse as if it were a refreshment from labours ; 
 but that when another makes a long discourse 
 they should listen with patience, and be vexed 
 
APPENDICES. 231 
 
 when he is going to leave off, and provoked when 
 he chooses to conclude ? For if these things seem 
 to you now to be slight matters and despicable, 
 because of your inexperience, yet are they sufficient 
 to extinguish zeal, and to paralyse the soul's vigour, 
 unless one elevates himself above all human feel- 
 ings, and studies to gain the temper of the incorpo- 
 real Powers, who are not beset by envy nor the 
 love of glory, nor any other such disease. If, tlien, 
 there be any such man as can trample under foot 
 that wild beast, so hard to be caught, so invincible, 
 so savage — popular opiniofi^ — and cut off its many 
 heads, or rather never suffer them at all to grow, 
 he will be able easily to beat off these many attacks, 
 and to enjoy a kind of tranquil harbour. But if he is 
 not rid of it, he involves his own soul in a manifold 
 warfare, and a perpetual agitation and despon- 
 dency, and the throng of all other emotions. What 
 need is there for me to recite the list of difficulties, 
 which nobody will be able either to describe or to 
 understand, unless he has been concerned in the 
 business itself? 
 
 APPENDIX VI. 
 
 Chrvsostom calls AnonKeanism "a wild tree, which 
 Paul did not plant, nor did Apollos water, nor did 
 
 \ 
 
2^2 APPENDICES. 
 
 God give it increase " (De Incompr. Dei Natura, 
 Horn. 3. i). The Anomoeans^ or ultra- Arians, 
 whose theological watchword was the " Unlike- 
 ness " of the Son to the Father, and who desired 
 thereby to avow their dissent— one might say, 
 their scornful dissent — from all abatements of 
 the Arian theory, and their resolution to carry it 
 out to all lengths and in disregard of all conse- 
 quences, had for their friends the singularly versa- 
 tile and " irrepressible " Aetius, who, after passing 
 through the occupations of an under-vinedresser, 
 a goldsmith, a practitioner in medicine, and a 
 "sophist," or hired exponent of medical theories, 
 turned his attention to Arian theology in connection 
 with Aristotelian logic, was ultimately ordained by 
 an Arianising bishop of Antioch, and soon became 
 the scandal of "moderate " Arians, and the leader 
 of such as were " nothing if not thoroughgoing." 
 His disciple Eunomius, " with more learning, was 
 enabled," as Cardinal Newman words it, " to com- 
 plete and fortify the Anomoean system, inheriting 
 from his master the two peculiarities of character 
 which belong to the school : the first, a faculty 
 of subtle disputation and hard mathematical reason- 
 ing ; the second, a fierce and, in one sense, an 
 honest disdain of compromise," etc/ On one point, 
 
 ^ For Aetius and Eunomius, see Newman, Arians, p. 347 
 
APPENDICES. 
 
 -OO 
 
 he differed from Arius himself, who had held that 
 the Father's nature was shrouded in mystery even 
 from the Son. Eunomius, on the contrary, as 
 quoted by Socrates (iv, 7), had the audacity to 
 write, " God knows no more about His own 
 essence than we do ; it is not more known to Him, 
 and less to us, but whatever we may know of it, 
 He also thoroughly knows, and, on the other hand, 
 what He knows, that you will find to be exactly 
 known among us." The language of Chrysostom, 
 when opposing this absolute rejection of all mys- 
 tery, is not that of mere vehement denunciation. 
 He did indeed urge his hearers at Antioch to use 
 "gentle and considerate" terms towards persons 
 whose theory Avas a species of insanity (De In- 
 compr. Hom. 2. 7), even as, alluding to Eunomius, 
 he says, "A man has dared to say, 'I know God 
 as God Himself knows Himself;' does this need 
 confutation?" (De Incompr. 2. 3 : comp. in Joan. 
 Ev. Hom. 63. 3). But he argued elaborately 
 from Scriptural assertions as to the incompre- 
 hensibleness of the Divine essence, yet always 
 so as not to ignore the moral knowableness 
 of the Divine character. St. Basil, some years 
 
 ff. Hefele says that the Anomoeans regarded God as in fact 
 the "uc, not the lov, . . . His absolute simplicity" being 
 "equivalent to unbegottenness:" Councils, s. 77 (E. T. ii. 221). 
 
234 APPENDICES. 
 
 earlier, had met the Anomoean question, " Do you 
 worship a known or an unknown God ? " by dis- 
 tinguishing the senses of the word " know." " We 
 know," he said, "God's majesty, power, wisdom, 
 goodness, providence, and righteousness, — but not 
 His essence itself." Knowledge, he proceeded, is 
 real yet partial, even as to human, beings ; we 
 know them only up to a point, " I know any given 
 individual, not as to his essence, but Kara tov x«- 
 paKTTjpa Koi TO, XoLTra ISiwfjiaTa, for in the same sense 
 I both know and do not know myself" So in regard 
 to God, " if any one says that knowledge precedes 
 faith, we do not dispute it ; but the knowledge is 
 such as is congruous to human capacity " (P^p. 
 234, 235). And St. Gregory Nazianzen, preaching 
 at Constantinople, had laid it down that the nature 
 of God was above the " comprehension " of even 
 " lofty and devout minds," so that in this world 
 we could but perceive, so to speak, "a little ray 
 from a vast light," but that His existence, eternity, 
 and spiritudity could be inferred from nature; 
 adding that men could not fully understand their 
 own composite being (Orat. 28), And so Chrysostom 
 notices the same question, " Do you know what you 
 worship?" (in allusion to John iv. 22), and replies 
 by the distinction, " We do not ki^ow what God is in 
 His essence" (De Incompr. Dei Natura, 5. 5). A'ter 
 
APPENDICES. 235 
 
 quoting, " When I was a child," and " Now we 
 see through a glass darkly," he says, " A child sees, 
 hears, says many things, but nothing plainly ; and 
 thinks, but not at all distinctly. So, too, I know 
 many things, but I do not understand the manner 
 of them. I know that God is everywhere, and I 
 know that He is wholly everywhere, but how, 
 I know not : I know that He is without begin- 
 ning, ingenerate, eternal, but how, I know not : for 
 reason is incapable of knowing how it is possible 
 for an essence to exist, yet to have its existence 
 neither from itself nor from another. I know that 
 He begat a Son, but hozv, I know not. I know 
 that the Spirit is from Him, but hoiv from Him, I 
 understand not" (De Incompr. i. 3). In another 
 passage, after saying that God is inscrutable to 
 the angels, and is known only by the Son and 
 Holy Spirit, he shows in what sense He is using 
 " known," by insisting on the incapacity of human 
 reasonings to define or embrace Him (De In- 
 compr. 3. i). The knowledge which he excludes 
 is that which he calls "exact" (De Incompr. 
 4. 4), such a complete intellectual scietitia as 
 would render faith superfluous. Again, he observes 
 that to "know" is not the same as to "compre- 
 hend " (De Incompr. 2. 6) ; and after remarking 
 on the mysteriousness of the human soul's nature, 
 
236 APPENDICES. 
 
 and deprecating " curious inquiries " about God's 
 essence, goes on to speak of that effectual " access 
 to God" which prayer opens, and which only a 
 slothful diffidence declines to use (De Incompr. 5. 4, 
 5, 6). So it is that this great preacher of Divine 
 mercy and human responsibility can point out the 
 limitations of human thought, in regard to the 
 interior being of the Highest, without giving occa- 
 sion to agnosticism by ever appearing to forget 
 that we can and do "know" our God as we know 
 ourselves and our fellowmen. And if it were 
 objected that Chrysostom, or other Fathers who 
 taught like him, were thereby destroying the basis 
 of theological "definitions," the answer would 
 be that as much of the language of Scripture 
 itself, in its doctrinal revelations, is, in his phrase, 
 a " condescension " to our capacity, so the most 
 appropriate formulas which the Church or her 
 theologians have devised as " words to take 
 with us " in the study of our credeiida have never 
 been, and never can be, proposed or accepted as 
 adequate. Alike on the Trinity and the Incarna- 
 tion, not to say on the Atonement, " we may 
 speak much, yet fall short ; " the Homoousion, the 
 Coinherence, the Hypostatic Union, are but helpful 
 adumbrations of truths which transcend all speech. 
 Some thoughts we must have of what God has 
 
APPENDICES. 237 
 
 told us about Himself, and some words we must 
 use in order to embody our thoughts : but while 
 using them as true in their way and as good for 
 their purjDOse, we must not forget that, as Augus- 
 tine says in regard to the terms " person " and 
 " substance," " God is thought of more truly than 
 He is spoken of, and He exists more truly than 
 He is thought of" (De Trin. vii. 7). 
 
 St. Basil, in a passage which partly reminds us 
 of our Trinity Sunday Proper Preface, insists that 
 the character of incomprehensibleness, belonging 
 to the Father, must be held also to belong to the 
 Son and to the Holy Spirit (Ep. 38. 3). 
 
 APPENDIX VII. 
 
 The preceding extracts from the " De Sacerdotio " 
 will have exhibited some of the practical diffi- 
 culties of a bishop in Chrysostom's time. In the 
 third book, he dwells at length on the subject. 
 After explaining i Tim. iii. i by laying stress on the 
 " desire of a good work," as distinct from the 
 desire of a position of authority for its own sake ^ — 
 
 ' Cp. in Eph. Horn. 11, 5, that bishops are "set in their 
 office in order to teach, not to exercise arbitrary authority ; " 
 and in 2 Cor. Horn. iS. 3, " Great is the power of the 
 
238 APPENDICES. 
 
 a form of ambition of which, he frankly admits, he 
 has "a large share," — he expatiates on the trials 
 which a bishop must be prepared to encounter, 
 such as abusive language, sarcastic gibes, unreason- 
 able censures.' He becomes a mark for captious 
 criticism ; he has reason to apprehend hostility on 
 the part of neighbouring prelates ; he cannot be 
 sure of the loyalty of his own clergy. Many of his 
 people will even look out for a vulnerable point in 
 his character ; others will, at any rate, expect too 
 much from one who, like themselves, is compassed 
 with infirmity. The most varied pretexts will serve 
 for a movement against him : " He has come into 
 
 assembled Church. . . . Let us not throw everything upon 
 the priests, but let us take a personal interest in the affairs 
 of the whole Church as of a common body ; " adding that 
 the authority of Church rulers is apx^ irvev/jLaTiKri — its main 
 superiority consisting in their special burden of labour and 
 anxiety for their people, etc. 
 
 ' So, speaking at Constantinople from experience, he says, 
 "If you did but know that a bishop is bound to belong to 
 all, to bear the burdens of all : that others are pardoned for 
 being angry, but he never ! . . , He is exposed to the tongues 
 of all, to the criticism of all, both of wise and unwise ; he is 
 harassed with anxieties every day, ay, every night. . . . Poor 
 men, mere beggars, abuse him in the agora. . . . No one is 
 afraid to accuse and slander him. . . . Why should I mention 
 the anxiety about the word and doctrine, or t/ie difficulties 
 attaching to ordinations? " etc. In Act. Horn. 3. 4. Such 
 language may correct idealistic notions about a "golden 
 age " of ecclesiastical life and work. 
 
APPENDICES. 239 
 
 collision with A, or B has been annoyed by his 
 appointment ; he is young, or he is uncourtly, or 
 he is too mild, or he is too rigorous." He must, 
 in fact, unite modesty with dignity ; he must be 
 gentle, yet must inspire due reverence ; he must be 
 sociable, yet prove himself fit to rule. The details 
 of administration will be a continuous test of his 
 capacity. The Church's widows and the Church's 
 virgins alike need careful oversight ; " poverty is 
 a querulous thing, and a thankless." A bishop 
 who has to deal with the poor must have an inex- 
 haustible stock of steady patience, must never be 
 grudging of his attention and his sympathy. Kind 
 words must be freely expended on those whom 
 suffering has made irritable. The revenues of the 
 Church require its chief pastor to be a man of 
 business ; the duty of hospitality to strangers, the 
 duty of providing for the sick, make constant 
 demands on " exactness and intelligence ; " tact 
 is wanted to open the purses of the rich in the 
 cause of charity; sick people are " creatures hard to 
 please." And " if a bishop does not daily go about 
 the houses more regularly than the frequenters of 
 the agora, this neglect gives offence indescribable ; 
 for those who are in health, as well as the sick, 
 expect to be visited," in most cases because 
 they think it due to their position. In the daily 
 
240 APPENDICES. 
 
 intercourse of life a bishop must be prepared for 
 "touchiness;" his tones, his looks, his very smiles 
 are scrutinized by jealous self-importance ; he must 
 be careful to give no handle to accusations. 
 His office as an arbiter in disputes takes up a 
 great deal of his time, involves a mass of vexa- 
 tious and intricate business, and exposes him to 
 the inconsiderate anger of those whom his awards 
 may disappoint. When he acts as a spiritual judge, 
 he must remember that discipline is a delicate 
 instrument to handle ; if he is too stringent in 
 censures he may do more harm than good to the 
 soul of the offender, and so incur the Divine displea- 
 sure, and increase his own reckoning in the awful 
 day of account (Heb. xiii. 17). 
 
 Again, in the sixth book, Chrysostom recurs to 
 this thought of the pastor's responsibility for souls : 
 " If I have quoted that text before, I cannot now 
 be silent about it ; for the terror of its menace 
 is continually shaking my very soul." Presently 
 he goes on to speak of the thorns which choke the 
 good seed in the hearts of Christian people, such 
 as wealth, power, luxury, idleness, worldly anxiety, 
 or, again, affliction, the pressure of poverty, the 
 hardening effect of ill-treatment. " Not the smallest 
 fraction of the multitude of sins can be known " to 
 the bishops, who, in fact, do not know the majority 
 
APPIiNDICES. 241 
 
 of the sinners even by sight. Further on, he says 
 that the " priest " — meaning here the bishop — 
 must not only be holy as an habitual celebrant of 
 the Holy Eucharist, " but also intelligent and of 
 wide experience — as familiarly acquainted with all 
 secular business as those who move in general 
 society, and at the same time more free from 
 ordinary ties than the monks. For, since he has to 
 associate with men who are married, and bring up 
 children, and keep servants, and live in the midst 
 of great wealth, and are employed in public affairs, 
 and occupy official posts, he must be versatile — 
 I say versatile, not insincere,^ not a flatterer and a 
 hypocrite, but one who, while able to speak with 
 perfect freedom and boldness, knows how to adapt 
 himself with good effect when the occasion requires 
 it, and must be at once kindly and austere. For he 
 cannot deal with all his people in the same way, 
 even as a physician would not apply the same 
 treatment to all his patients, nor a pilot use but 
 one method of contending with the winds. For 
 the ship of the Church also is beset by continual 
 storms, which not only assail it from without, but 
 
 ' Cp. De Laudibus S. Pauli Horn. 5 : " For he was a 
 man versatile and many-sided, — not hypocritical, far from 
 it ! but one who ' became all things ' which were involved 
 in the requirements of his preaching and of the salvation of 
 men." Yet Chrysostom misunderstood Gal. ii. 11. 
 
 R 
 
242 APPENDICES. 
 
 are produced from within ; and there is great 
 need to be at once accommodating and strict. 
 But all these different things tend to one end — 
 God's glory and the Church's edification." 
 
 APPENDIX VIII. 
 
 Augustine, in his first book against Julian of Ecla- 
 num, contends earnestly that the Pelagian has no 
 right to claim " St. John of Constantinople " as on 
 his side in regard to the Fall and its contaminating 
 effects ; that he fully acknowledged the doctrine of 
 the Two Adams, and that therefore he could be no 
 patron of the theory which reduced man's spiritual 
 relation to the first or the Second, for evil or for 
 good, to one of " imitation " merely. He quotes 
 him as affirming that Adam by " that grievous sin 
 condemned the whole human race " (Ep. 3. 3) ; 
 and again, " It was not the sin which consisted in 
 transgression of the law, but that of Adam's trans- 
 gression, which contaminated everything " (in Rom. 
 Hom. 10. i) ; and again, in a sermon to neophytes, 
 " It was Adam who brought in the beginning of 
 the debt." He observes that in that sermon infants 
 were said to " have no sins" meaning, no actual 
 sin ; and argues that Chrysostom's assertion, that 
 
APPENDICES. 243 
 
 " in baptism persons die to sin," must be under- 
 stood to include infants, and therefore involves the 
 doctrine of "original sin." Accordingly he apos- 
 trophises the departed saint, " Enter, holy John, 
 and take thy seat with thy brethren, from whom 
 no reason and no trial has parted thee ! " 
 
 But the passages quoted can hardly be said to 
 come up to his own standard ; they " do not 
 amount to more than the doctrine of a universally 
 inherited tendency to sin, and therefore liability 
 to . . . death ; " ^ and it would have been still 
 more difficult to make out a substantial agreement 
 between himself and Chrysostom on the kindred 
 question of grace. 
 
 In the interest of moral action and responsi- 
 bility, Chrysostom was habitually vigilant against 
 language which seemed to minimise free will. 
 Thus, in a sermon on Jer. x. 23 ("In illud, Domine, 
 non est in homine "), he says that this text is 
 bandied about everywhere, in houses, in market- 
 places, in country, in towns, by land and sea, and 
 on islands ; go where you will, you will hear it 
 quoted, and with it such a text as " It is not of 
 him that willeth, nor of him that runneth," etc. 
 Why are they thus cited ? As an excuse for men's 
 own negligence. If such passages prove " that 
 ' Stej^hens, Life of Chrysostom, p. 397. 
 
244 APPENDICES. 
 
 nothing is in our own power," it is all over with 
 the promise of " a kingdom, and with the menace 
 of hell — with laws, punishments, chastisements, 
 counsels." He then gives his own interpretation 
 of the words of Jeremiah, to the effect that "it is 
 of our oAvn resolution to choose what is best, to 
 will it, to be earnest about it, to labour hard for it ; 
 but to bring our endeavours to good effect ... is 
 the work of the grace from above." Similarly in 
 his first homily " In Verb. Ap. Habentes eumdem 
 Spiritum," he says that " to believe at the begin- 
 ning, to obey when we are called, is of our own 
 right-mindedness; but after the foundations of faith 
 have been laid, then we need the aid of the Spirit, 
 that our faith may remain perpetually unshaken. 
 For neither God nor the grace of the Spirit antici- 
 pates (TrpocjiddveL = prceveuit) our choice ; He calls 
 us, indeed, but He waits for us to come to Him 
 voluntarily, and then, when we have come to Him, 
 He affords us all the support that is His to give." 
 Again, in the eighteenth homily on St. John, c. 3 : 
 " God does not anticipate our volitions by His 
 gifts ; but when we have begun, then He Himself 
 gives us, in abundance, the means of salvation." 
 And in two homilies (twenty-fifth and fifty-eighth) 
 on Genesis : " He waits for us to make the start, 
 that He may display His liberality in full measure; 
 
APPENDICES. 245 
 
 let us not, then, through indolence deprive our- 
 selves of His gifts, but hasten to make a good 
 beginning, in order that we may enjoy the 
 assistance that comes from above, and may be 
 able to attain the end ; " and, " Although Jacob 
 enjoyed the heavenly assistance, yet still he first 
 exhibited what he could do on his own part. 
 So let us be assured, that although we may make 
 a thousand efforts, we shall never be able to 
 achieve anything unless we receive the impulse 
 from above. As we are unable to achieve what is 
 right unless we receive that assistance, so, unless 
 we contribute our own efforts, we shall never be 
 able to receive the impulse from above." So in 
 Phil. Hom. I. 3, he speaks of Christians as " at- 
 tracting grace to co-operate with them." True, in 
 Expos, in Ps. 1 15, c. 2, he explains the previous self- 
 preparation as receptiveness or " docility of soul ; " 
 but the language quoted above is, in itself, an 
 anticipation of Semi-Pelagianism ; and Montfau- 
 con's attempt to find room for initiatory grace 
 under the word "never" will hardly be thought 
 successful. Tillemont, with a touching simplicity, 
 suggests that " if St. Chrysostom could have had 
 one or two conferences with St. Augustine, there 
 is every reason to believe that he would have 
 become un d^fenseur aussi parfait qu'intrepide 
 
246 APPENDICES. 
 
 de la veritable grace de Jesus-Christ" (xi. 357). 
 However this may be, it is obvious that, in Tille- 
 mont's words, Chrysostom had " considered man " 
 rather in his original than in his fallen estate : " he 
 had not had to contend with the Pelagian enemies 
 of grace, but with Manichean and other heretics 
 who were enemies of nature and of free will." 
 Montfaucon similarly, and fairly, refers to the fact 
 that he preached before the Pelagian controversy 
 had rendered exactness of language on this point 
 indispensable ; and it would therefore be inequi- 
 table to class him with the Semi-Pelagians who 
 formulated their denial of prevenient grace nearly 
 twenty years after that controversy had begun. 
 Still, when all is said, this is the weak point in 
 Chrysostom's teaching. 
 
 APPENDIX IX. 
 
 Without entering fully on the Origenistic con- 
 troversy of Chrysostom's time, it may be well to 
 observe that certain extant letters of Theophilus 
 (with which should be compared such passages of 
 Jerome's writings as c. Ruf i. 6, ii. 12, iii. 5, 
 Epist. 124) indicate plainly enough the chief errors 
 then imputed to Origen, and constructively to 
 
APPENDICES. 247 
 
 those who were called Origenists. The letters in 
 question were the " Paschal letters " for the years 
 401 and 402, and a synodical letter assigned by 
 Vallarsi to the early autumn of 401, — these being, 
 in Vallarsi's numeration, the 96th, 98th, and 92nd 
 of the Hieronymian series. 
 
 Theophilus (amid much fluency of invective) 
 refers to some minor points, but lays chief stress on 
 the following charges of heterodoxy, i. Origen, 
 he affirms, maintained that the Son was " reality " 
 in comparison with us, but " unreality " in com- 
 parison with the Father ; that as Paul and Peter 
 were inferior to Him, so was He to the Father ; 
 that prayer ought not to be made to Him, nor to 
 the Father with Him ; that it was His soul which 
 pre-existed in the form of God, and to which the 
 " self-emptying" was attributed ; that the Word and 
 the Holy Spirit had no office towards the irrational 
 creation. 2. That He would again become incar- 
 nate, and suffer, for the benefit of the evil spirits ; 
 that after many revolutions of ages. His (Divine) 
 kingdom would come to an end, and the devil, 
 restored to holiness and glory, would be associated 
 with him in " subjection " to the Father. 3. That 
 (iod could not have created more spiritual beings 
 or " souls " than were in existence, for He created 
 just as many as He could govern; that He was 
 
248 APPENDICES. 
 
 constrained to form bodies for the imprisonment 
 of " souls " that had lapsed from holiness, so that 
 the whole organisation of the visible universe 
 was a result of their antecedent sin ; that the 
 angels had been raised to their rank as heavenly 
 powers, in order to fill up the places thus forfeited ; 
 then there would be a continual alternation of up- 
 ward and downward movements of souls ; and (4) 
 that even after the resurrection the bodies of the 
 saints would be perishable, and ultimately be 
 "resolved into thin air." 
 
 No one would expect controversial fairness from 
 the persecutor of Chrysostom, who, when an 
 immediate purpose had been served, could calmly 
 declare that he knew how to gather the flowers, as 
 well as to avoid the thorns, in Origen's books. It 
 was certainly gross unfairness on his part to ignore 
 the distinct assertion, in De Princip. i. 2, of our 
 Lord's co-eternal Divinity, and indeed of His 
 co-equality, although, on this latter point, Origen's 
 language elsewhere is at least unsatisfactory — as 
 are his admissions of the lawfulness of prayer, 
 in a certain sense, to the Son; and Dr. Bigg's 
 representation of his view, that "in the supreme 
 moment of adoration, when the soul strains up- 
 wards to lay itself as a sacrifice before the highest 
 object of thought, we must not stop short of Him 
 
APPENDICES. 249 
 
 who is above all," i.e. the Father (Bamp. Lect. 
 p. 186), would still leave him at variance with 
 himself, if he held that " the Son is verily and 
 substantially God, and therefore of necessity co- 
 eternal and co-equal with the Father" (ib. p. 167). 
 The able and scholarly work just quoted may be 
 consulted with advantage on the complicated 
 question of Origenism ; but it will probably leave, 
 or confirm, the impression that after all due abate- 
 ments on the score of his tentative language, his 
 inconsistencies of statement, the unsystematic cha- 
 racter of his mind, and his genuine desire to 
 think with the Church, there was in Origen's specu- 
 lations a gravely unsound element, which carried 
 idealism to a perilous excess, and on which no 
 ''ecclesia docens " could set its seal. 
 
 Palladius, the biographer and loyal adherent of 
 Chrysostom, has told the story of the Nitrian 
 monks and of the tyranny of Theophilus.^ He 
 shows us the all-powerful archbishop ordering them 
 to be expelled from their home without any cause 
 assigned ; when they came to remonstrate, he 
 glares at them furiously, writhes his lips into a 
 bitter smile, throws his scarf round the neck of 
 
 ' See Palladius, pp. 54-57. He adds that there was no 
 pretext for the fact that they had interceded with Theophilus 
 on behalf of Isidore. 
 
250 APPENDICES. 
 
 one of the Tall Brothers, strikes him on the face, 
 and exclaims, "You heretic, anathematise Origen ! " 
 We see him invading their settlement by night, 
 causing Ethiopian attendants to treat one of them, 
 whom he had made a bishop, with rude violence, 
 and setting fire to the cells and all that they con- 
 tained, including copies of Scripture, the reserved 
 Sacrament, and, "as eye-witnesses asserted, a 
 young child also." On the other hand, Theo- 
 philus himself, in his synodical letter and in his 
 Paschal letter for 402, gives his own. version of 
 the story. There we read of a synodical censure 
 of Origen's " De Principiis," a formal condem- 
 nation of Origenists, a regular visitation of Nitria 
 resisted by Origenist monks with the aid of "hired 
 slaves and freedmen," and with " clubs concealed 
 under palm-branches," and of a subsequent tumult 
 in Alexandria, calculated to excite the Pagans 
 against the patriarch who had destroyed the "Sera- 
 peum." He complains of those who " once boasted 
 of being lovers of solitude," but were now " carp- 
 ing at ecclesiastical discipline; " and poses as their 
 "father who has done them no hurt, and is only 
 anxious to receive them again into his indulgent 
 bosom." While we cannot trust Theophilus in his 
 own vindication, we need not take every detail 
 in the sensational narrative of one who detested 
 
APPENDICES. 251 
 
 him as if it were pure historical fact. This, at 
 least, appears indisputable — that Theophilus 
 thought fit, from motives of policy, to rehabilitate 
 himself with the majority of Egyptian monks, 
 whose superstitious literalism he despised, by 
 heading an anti-Origenistic movement ; that the 
 Nitrian monks were really obnoxious to him, as 
 friends of his quondam friend Isidore, against whom 
 he had, for personal and discreditable reasons, con- 
 ceived a strong animosity ; that he chose to brand 
 them as Origenists, caused them to be excom- 
 municated by a synod, aad ejected them from 
 their settlement, replacing them (as he told Jerome) 
 with monks amenable to discipline and free from 
 all inclinations to heresy. This happened, appa- 
 rently, in the summer of 401. 
 
 " Who can speak with patience," asks Cardinal 
 Newman, " of that Theophilus ? " (Apologia, p. 
 399, ed. i). That there were some good points in 
 his administration must be acknowledged ; but, on 
 the whole, he stands out as a conspicuous instance 
 of the demoralising effect, on zealous and energetic 
 ecclesiastics, of power too great for any but saintly 
 hands. Compare Newman's Historical Sketches, 
 iii- 339- 
 
252 APPENDICES. 
 
 APPENDIX X. 
 
 Two of the charges brought against Chrysostom 
 had reference to his administration of Sacraments. 
 " He has performed baptism after eating, and given 
 Commmiion to persons after they had eaten." He 
 repels both charges with starthng vehemence. "' If 
 I did so, anathema to me ! let me not be reckoned 
 among bishops," etc. " If I did so, let my name 
 be blotted out of the register of bishops ! . . , yea, 
 Christ shall cast me out of His kingdom." Here, 
 in the passionate Oriental style, he denies, with 
 imprecations, the truth of the facts alleged. But 
 he at once proceeds to argue that, supposing they 
 had been true, they would have involved no sin 
 beyond the breach of a Church rule which he 
 held to be binding on his conscience. " If my 
 accusers press the point," he says, "let them pass 
 sentence on Paul, because after he had supped he 
 gave baptism to the gaoler ; nay, on Christ Him- 
 self, because it was after supper that He gave 
 Communion to the disciples " (Serm. antequam 
 iret in exsilium, 4: Ep. 125). Three points are 
 worthy of attention; (i) the obligation of being in 
 a fastmg condition when communicating is com- 
 bined with a similar obligation in reference to 
 
APPENDICES. 253 
 
 baptism, and the grounds of both are taken to be 
 ecclesiastical ; (2) the " baptising " here in question 
 is clearly the solemn administration of the initia- 
 tory sacrament on the great fast of Easter Eve ; 
 (3) the ordinary hour for the Sunday Eucharist was 
 about 9 a.m. Formerly, in i Cor. Horn. 27. 5, 
 Chrysostom had spoken less absolutely, showing 
 that self-control as to food was still more appro- 
 priate after communicating than before, but add- 
 ing, " You will ask, ' Ought we to fast after re- 
 ceiving ? ' I do not say that, — it would be an 
 excellent thing to do so, but I do not enforce it ; 
 I only exhort you not to feast to excess." Augus- 
 tine goes further than Chrysostom in Ep. 54, 
 where he traces the rule of fasting communion to 
 St. Paul, and so ultimately to the Holy Spirit. 
 
 APPENDIX XI. 
 
 " Soli^oi/mum" says Archbishop Trench, " seems to 
 us so natural, indeed so necessary a word, — this 
 ' soliloquy,' or talking of a man with himself, some- 
 thing which would so inevitably seek out its -suit- 
 able expression, — that it is hard to persuade one- 
 self that no one spoke of a 'soliloquy' before 
 Augustine, that the word should have been invented, 
 
254 APPENDICES. 
 
 as he distinctly informs us, by himself" (Study of 
 Words, p. 127). Augustine calls the word "new, 
 and perhaps harsh, but sufficiently well adapted for 
 representing the thing meant " (Solil. ii. 14). 
 The work, which in his " Retractationes " he 
 describes as unfinished, was written in the year of 
 his baptism. Its first chapter contains a series of 
 earnest prayers for help to the knowledge of what 
 was good and what was evil. A few specimens 
 may be interesting. 
 
 " O God, the Framer of the universe, grant, in 
 the first place, that I may ask of Thee aright ; 
 then that I may bear myself so as to be worthy of 
 being heard by Thee ; lastly, that Thou wouldst 
 deliver me. . . . O God, Father of truth. Father of 
 wisdom, Father of the true and highest life. Father 
 of blessedness. Father of what is good and beauti- 
 ful. Father of intellectual light. Father of our 
 awakening and illumination. Father of the pledge 
 whereby we are admonished to return to Thee ; 
 Thee I invoke, O God of truth, in whom and from 
 whom all things are true that are true, ... in 
 whom and from whom and through whom all 
 things live that do really and in the highest sense 
 live. . . . O God, from whom to turn away is to 
 fall, to whom to be converted is to rise again, in 
 whom to abide is to stand ; O God, from whom 
 
APPENDICES. 255 
 
 to go away is to die, to whom to return is to revive, 
 in whom to dwell is to Uve ; O God, whom no 
 one loses unless he be deceived, whom no one 
 seeks unless admonished, whom no one finds 
 unless cleansed. . . . O God, to whom faith stirs 
 us up, hope uplifts us, charity joins us. ... O God, 
 who recallest us into the way ; O God, who 
 bringest us up to the door; O God, who causest 
 it to be opened to those that knock. . . . O God, 
 who cleansest us, and prepares! us for Divine 
 rewards, do Thou come propitiously to me ! . . . 
 Thou, One God, do Thou come to my aid ; one 
 eternal true substance, wherein is no diversity, 
 no confusion, no passing away, no deficiency, no 
 death ; wherein is perfect concord, perfect clear- 
 ness, perfect steadfastness, perfect fulness, perfect 
 life, . . . hear, hear, hear me, my God, my Lord, 
 my King, my Father, my Cause, my Hope, my 
 Possession, my Honour, my Home, my Country, 
 my Salvation, my Light, my Life ; hear, hear, hear 
 me, in that way of Thine, best known to a few. 
 Thee alone do I now love. Thee alone do I follow, 
 Thee alone do I seek, Thee alone am I prepared 
 to serve, because Thou alone hast rightful sove- 
 reignty ; I desire to be under Thy sway. Bid, I 
 pray Thee, and command whatever Thou wilt, but 
 heal and open mine ears, to hear Thy voice, . . . 
 
2S6 APPENDICES. 
 
 mine eyes, to see Thy nod. . . . Receive, I pray 
 Thee, Thy runaway, O Lord, most merciful Father; 
 let me now at last have long enough endured 
 penalties, long enough been the slave of Thy 
 foes whom Thou hast under Thy feet, long enough 
 been the sport of deceits. ... I feel that I ought 
 to return to Thee ; let Thy door be open to me 
 that knock ; teach me how I may reach Thee. 
 Nothing else but my will have I ; nothing else do 
 I know than that things unstable and transient 
 must be despised, and things certain and eternal 
 must be sought for. This I do, O Father, because 
 this alone I know : but how to reach Thee, I know 
 not. Do Thou instruct me, do Thou show me the 
 way, do Thou supply me with provision for the 
 journey. If it is by faith that they who flee to 
 Thee find Thee, give me faith ; if by virtue, virtue ; 
 if by knowledge, knowledge. Increase in me faith, 
 increase hope, increase charity. How marvellous, 
 how matchless is Thy goodness ! . . . Thou art 
 the supreme Good, which no one has rightly sought 
 for and utterly failed to find, and every one has 
 sought rightly, whom Thou madest to seek rightly. 
 Make me to seek Thee, O Father; reclaim me 
 from my wandering ; while I am seeking Thee, let 
 nothing else come in my way instead of Thee. If 
 I desire nothing else but Thee, let me now find 
 
APPENDICES. 25; 
 
 Thee, I pray, O Father. But if there is in me 
 a craving for anything superfluous, do Thou Thy- 
 self cleanse me, and make me fit to see Thee. But 
 as to the health of this mortal body of mine, so 
 long as I know not what, on its part, is profitable 
 for myself or for those whom I love, that matter 
 I entrust to Thee, O Father all-wise and all-good, 
 and in regard to that will make such requests 
 as Thou shalt for the time suggest to me. Only 
 I pray of Thine infinite mercy that Thou wilt 
 thoroughly convert me to Thyself, wilt cause 
 nothing to oppose me while I am on my way to 
 Thee, and wilt command that, while I bear about 
 this body of mine, I may be pure, highminded, 
 just, prudent, may perfectly love and perceive Thy 
 wisdom, may be worthy to inhabit, and may come 
 to inhabit. Thy most blessed kingdom. Amen, 
 Amen." 
 
 APPENDIX XII. 
 
 Augustine frequently refers to Paganism as still 
 a living force in African social life. In Epistle 47, 
 he replies to certain questions proposed to him by 
 Publicola on such points of conscience as the 
 following : Is a Christian compromised by accept- 
 ing an oath sworn by barbarians under the invoca- 
 
 s 
 
258 APPENDICES. 
 
 tion of their gods ? May a Christian knowingly 
 cut wood from a grove which has been used for 
 Pagan worship ? May he drink from a well into 
 which part of a Pagan sacrifice has been poured ? 
 May he use as food or drink what comes from a 
 threshingfloor, or a winepress, from which an offer- 
 ing to idols has been taken ? May he, in extremity 
 of hunger, and in default of all other food, taste 
 what he finds in an idol-precinct, no idolater being 
 present ? Augustine refers the querist to St. Paul's 
 instructions, and deprecates a minute scrupulosity 
 which would involve the renunciation of all benefit 
 from light and air, because they had been idola- 
 trously deified. Again, we find Volusianus, a man 
 of high position and a serious " inquirer," pro- 
 pounding, partly in his own name and partly 
 through the tribune Marcellinus, certain "difii- 
 culties " as to Christianity : Was not the doctrine 
 of the Incarnation, and of the earthly life of the 
 Incarnate, humiUating to the Divine dignity? 
 Could the old Judaic observances have ever been 
 right, if Christians were right in treating them as 
 abrogated ? How could the Christian precept 
 of non-resistance to evil be reconciled with the 
 good order of civil society ? Augustine, in reply, 
 points out that the Incarnation did not involve 
 any suspension of that providential government 
 
APPENDICES. 259 
 
 which God, being Spirit, universally exercises; and 
 asks what works the objector would think worthy 
 of God, on the supposition of His becoming incar- 
 nate? He then draws out, with magnificent ful- 
 ness, the " evidences " from the early history of the 
 chosen people, — from Old Testament symbolism 
 and prophecy, — from the results of Christ's ministry 
 in the wonderful power of the apostles' preaching 
 and the patience and steadfastness of the Church, — 
 from the involuntary testimony of the Jews, — from 
 the predicted decay of idolatry and upgrowth of 
 heresies, — from the supreme excellence of Christian 
 moral teachings, — from the adaptation of Scripture 
 to the most various capacities and needs. In 
 regard to the abrogation of Jewish rites, he urges 
 that it implied no mutability in the Divine purpose, 
 because the same principle of action may, at dif- 
 ferent times, require different applications, and the 
 same remedy will not suit all conditions of the 
 same disease. If it is objected that the Gospel 
 ethics are too exalted to be practicable, it is to be 
 observed that forgivingness tends directly to social 
 concord ; that the precepts of the Sermon on the 
 Mount are to be fulfilled in a deeper sense than 
 the merely literal ; that Christianity does not con- 
 demn war as such ; in fact, that Christian morality, 
 largely and fairly interpreted, is not prejudicial, but 
 
26o APPENDICES. 
 
 beneficial to the commonwealth, which, as he signi- 
 ficantly remarks, is fiot really in a happy condition 
 when money is squandered and " works of mercy are 
 derided, when actors are pampered and poor men 
 can scarcely get bread, when theatres ring with the 
 cry, ' Give us back the gods'" whose worship was the 
 source of man's degradation. If Christian emperors 
 have ever been unfortunate as rulers, that was not 
 the fault of their creed, but of themselves or of their 
 ministers ; and what could be worse than the moral 
 horrors of Roman society before Christ's Advent ? 
 What would have become of it, but for the practical 
 effects of the Cross, as invested with " so high and 
 steadfast an authority?" (Epp. 137, 138, written 
 A.D. 412.) In Sermon 47 he notices another 
 Pagan objection, taken up when nothing else 
 remained to be urged, — the too familiar and effec- 
 tive taunt, " Let Christians first agree among 
 themselves." 
 
 In the seventh "tract" on St. John's Gospel, 
 s. 6, Augustine refers to the habit of " mixing up 
 Christ's name with magical spells," and with the 
 cultus of a deity represented as wearing the felt 
 cap of enfranchised slaves. This sort of "unequal" 
 combination was akin to those which in after ages 
 severely exercised the patience of missionaries 
 to the northern races of Europe. Augustine had 
 
APPENDICES. 261 
 
 to say plainly, " Do not let us, when we have a 
 headache, run to enchanters. . . . Every day I 
 find this going on ; what am I to do ? Have I 
 still to persuade Christians to make Christ their 
 ground of hope ? How many have died after 
 employing those charms? how many have lived 
 without employing them?" In Sermon 62 he re- 
 peats, as a text literally apposite to existing circum- 
 stances, the words, " If any one sees thee who hast 
 knowledge sitting at meat in an idol's temple." 
 The Christian who allows himself in such free- 
 doms is supposed to say, " ' God knows my heart.' 
 Yes, but your brother does not." Or, " I am afraid 
 of offending my superior " by noncompliance. Who 
 is your superior ? In the highest sense, " God. 
 We desire to gather in the remaining Pagans : 
 you are stones in the path ; they are willing to 
 come, but stumble, and turn back, for they say in 
 their hearts, ' Why should we abandon the gods 
 whom Christians themselves worship along with 
 us ? ' Or a person says in excuse, ' It is not a 
 god that is worshipped; it is the genius of Car- 
 thage.' As if, supposing it were Mars or Mercury, 
 it would be a god ! What you have to consider is, 
 not what it is, but what they take it for : " that they 
 do take that image for a deity, " the altar testifies,'' 
 etc. In De Civ. Dei, i. 35, he says that there are 
 
262 APPENDICES. 
 
 professing Christians who join Pagans in filling 
 the theatres on one day, and on the next day "join 
 us in filling the churches." In Sermons 196, 198, 
 he complains of some Christians who joined in 
 Pagan observances on January ist and June 24th. 
 Another interesting passage is De Genesi ad 
 Litteram, i. 39. It warns Christians against com- 
 promising Christianity by an exposure of their own 
 ignorance in conversation with unbelievers. " It 
 is too disgraceful and pernicious . . . that any 
 unbeliever should hear a Christian talk mere 
 nonsense as if on Scriptural authority " on sub- 
 jects of physical science, " and, perceiving him 
 to be, as the saying is, toto cxlo wrong, should 
 scarce be able to restrain his laughter. The mis- 
 chief is not so much that a man is laughed at when 
 he is in error, as that persons outside our pale 
 should believe our authorities to have held such 
 notions, and on that ground should set them aside 
 as ignorant. . . . For if they find any Christian 
 making mistakes on matters with which they them- 
 selves are thoroughly familiar, and adducing Scrip- 
 ture in support of his groundless opinion, how 
 can we expect them to trust Scripture on the 
 subject of the resurrection of the dead, and the 
 hope of eternal life, and the kingdom of heaven, 
 when they have come to think it erroneous on 
 
APPENDICES. 263 
 
 subjects which they have been in a position to 
 study, and on which they have formed conclusions 
 admitting of no doubt? There are no words to 
 express the annoyance and vexation caused to 
 thoughtful brethren by rash presumption of this 
 sort." 
 
 APPENDIX XIII. 
 
 The idea of the great apologetic work " On the 
 City of God " seems to be adumbrated in one of 
 Augustine's letters, already mentioned, on the 
 difificulties proposed by Volusianus. He there 
 speaks (Ep. 138, 17) of a "heavenly and divine 
 commonwealth, into which we are admitted as 
 citizens by means of faith, hope, and charity ; 
 whose king is truth, whose law is charity, whose 
 mode of existence is eternity." But the " Retrac- 
 tationes " tell us what led him to begin the treatise. 
 The Pagans attributed the great disaster of the 
 taking of Rome, in 410, to Christianity, and 
 became " more bitter and vehement than ever in 
 their blasphemies against the true God." " The 
 evils which " Rome " had endured they imputed to 
 Christ " (Civ. Dei, i. i). It was another form of 
 the once popular Pagan saying, "Lack of rain. 
 Christians the cause " (Civ. Dei, ii. 3), — a survival 
 of that old preconception which ascribed famine or 
 
264 APPENDICES. 
 
 pestilence, or a flood of the Tiber, or a failure of 
 the Nile's inundation, to the wrath of the gods 
 at the toleration of a sect which disowned them 
 (TertuU. Apol. 40). It was then that, " in zeal for 
 God's house," Augustine "undertook to combat 
 their blasphemies, or errors, by writing on the 
 City of God." He published the first three books 
 before the death of Marcellinus ; and Macedonius, 
 "Vicar" of Africa, expressed in lively terms the 
 pleasure with which he had read them. " They 
 were not so dull and uninteresting as to let me 
 think about anything else. They laid hands on 
 me, carried me away from other subjects of thought, 
 and bound me in their chains ; so that I am in 
 doubt what most to admire in them, the perfect 
 expression of a true priest's mind, the knowledge 
 of philosophical theories and of history, or the 
 delightful eloquence which can so charm even 
 uninformed readers that they cannot leave off until 
 they have finished the books, and, when they have 
 finished, must turn to them again " (Ep. 154). 
 He adds that Augustine has proved, against per- 
 sons " shamelessly pertinacious " in their hostility 
 to Christianity, that even in the ages which they 
 call happy, worse events happened from causes 
 which nature keeps secret, — while " our Christian 
 precepts, and the mysteries of the true and only 
 
APPENDICES. 265 
 
 God, not only promise eternal life to the purest 
 virtues, but even alleviate the temporal mis- 
 fortunes which as men we are born to endure." 
 The first five books, Augustine himself explains, 
 "were written against those who thought that the 
 gods were to be worshipped for the sake of the 
 good things of this life ; the next five against 
 those who held that the worship of the gods should 
 be maintained for the sake of a life to come after 
 death." The remaining twelve books were in- 
 tended to meet the criticism, that the argument 
 had been destructive, not constructive ; Augustine 
 set himself in them to describe the origin, the 
 development, and the appointed ends, of the two 
 " cities " or " societies of men " opposed to each 
 other — the one " based on love of self issuing in 
 contempt of God, the other on love of God issuing 
 in contempt of self" (xiv. 28). He afterwards 
 explains that the earthly "city" is not purely and 
 merely evil : it can secure some kinds of good, 
 " sine dubio Dei dona," but they are not the 
 highest; it began with unbrotherly self-assertion, 
 consummated in fratricide ; its spirit had found 
 complete expression in that Roman republic which 
 had been ruined by its own corruptions before 
 Christ came to make all things new. 
 
 There had been preparations for the idea of a 
 
266 APPENDICES. 
 
 City of God. The Empire had welded the nations 
 into a comprehensive secular unity; the great 
 Stoics had had visions of a universal human 
 brotherhood. The Catholic Church had now been 
 for many eventful years " in evidence ; " it had pre- 
 sented to men's view not a mere idea of sanctified 
 human order, but a " visible polity, an institution, 
 with a definite organisation, with a constitution and 
 a code of laws," and ranks of " officers " and con- 
 ditions of citizenship.^ And so, in the words of 
 Dean Merivale, " The hour had come, and the 
 man was not wanting. . . . The manifestation of 
 the City of God by Augustine, the explanation of 
 God's divine appointments from the creation to 
 the redemption of man, was a full and final appeal 
 to the conscience of the inquiring heathens, the 
 stricken and despairing votaries of the discredited 
 city of the Romans." '^ The visible kingdom of 
 Christ was to lead to, and to be absorbed into, the 
 Holy Jerusalem of the Apocalypse ; and Augustine, 
 when, within four years of his own departure, he 
 wrote the concluding or twenty-second book, burst 
 forth into a rapture of expectation which might 
 seem to anticipate the mediaeval hymn familiar to 
 us as beginning, "O what the joy and the glory 
 
 ' See Cunningham on " S. Austin," p. ii6. 
 " Conversion of the Roman Empire, p. 146. 
 
APPENDICES. 267 
 
 must be ! " He looks forward to a " felicity which 
 will be certain, calm, everlasting, where no evil 
 will exist, where no good will be out of view, and 
 we shall be occupied in the praise of God, who 
 will be all things in all ! . . . Where the spirit wills, 
 there the body will be : nor will the spirit will any- 
 thing which can be unbecoming to spirit or body. 
 There will be true glory, where no one will be 
 praised by mistake or by flattery ; true honour, 
 which will not be denied to any one worthy, nor 
 bestowed on any one unworthy . . . true peace, 
 where no one will suffer any adversity, either from 
 himself or from any one else. The reward of virtue 
 will be He Himself who has given virtue, and 
 promised to it Himself, than whom there can be 
 nothing greater or better.^ What else is that which 
 He spake by the prophet, ' I will be their God,' . . . 
 that is, I will be that whence they may be satisfied, 
 I will be all things that men can honourably desire, 
 life, health, food, abundance, glory, honour, peace, 
 all good things ? For this is the true sense of the 
 words, 'that God may be all things in all.' He 
 Himself will be the end of our desires, who will 
 be seen without end, loved without satiety, praised 
 
 ' In De Trin. viii. 4 and De Civ. Dei, xi. 28 he speaks of 
 God as the Good, essentially All-good. So far is he from 
 regarding God as mere irresistible " Omnipotence." 
 
268 APPENDICES. 
 
 without weariness. ... In that city there will be 
 a free will in all its inmates, — -one in all, and 
 inseparable in each, — a will freed from all evil and 
 filled with all good, enjoying unfailingly the delight 
 of joys eternal, forgetful of faults, forgetful of 
 punishments, but yet not so forgetful of its deliver- 
 ances as not to be thankful to its Deliverer ! " 
 
 The " strain " that could rise to this " soul- 
 enthralling " loftiness dies down, at the close, in 
 tones of tender simpHcity : " I think that by the 
 Lord's help I have fulfilled my obligation in regard 
 to this lengthy work. Let those who think I have 
 said too little, or too much, excuse me; let those 
 who are satisfied give thanks, not to me, but with 
 me, as congratulating me, to my God. Amen." 
 
 APPENDIX XIV. 
 
 That the "Quicunque Vult," commonly called 
 the Athanasian Creed, is more Augustinian than 
 Athanasian, and reproduces what Augustine fre- 
 quently asserted when writing on the Trinity or the 
 Incarnation, is well known ; but a few illustrations 
 may be in place. 
 
 Take the treatise De Trinitate : " The Father 
 is God, and the Son is God, the Holy Spirit is God, 
 . . . yet we do not call that supreme Trinity itself 
 three Gods, but one God." After similar language, in 
 
APPENDICES. 269 
 
 which the terms used are " great " and " good," we 
 read, ''Accordingly the Father is Almighty, the 
 Son Almighty, the Holy Spirit Almighty ; yet they 
 are not three Almighties, but one Almighty " (v. 9.) 
 
 " The Father only is Father, and not Father of 
 two Sons, but of an only Son. Nor are there three 
 Sons, since the Father is not Son, nor is the Holy 
 Spirit; nor three Holy Spirits, because the Holy 
 Spirit, properly so called, ... is neither Father nor 
 Son :" vii. 7. Cp. c. Sermon. Arian. c. 15. 
 
 "So entire is the equality in this Trinity, that 
 not only is the Father not greater than the Son as 
 touching His Godhead, but neither are the Father 
 and the Son together something greater than the 
 Holy Spirit : " viii. proem. So in iv. 29 the Holy 
 Spirit is said to proceed both " a Patre " and " a 
 Filio," the same preposition being used in the 
 Quicunque. The formula, " Not three Gods, nor 
 three Almighties, but one God Almighty," recurs 
 in De Civ. Dei, xi. 24. 
 
 So c. Sermonem Arianorum, c. 15, " There are 
 three, and each one of them is God, yet they are 
 not three Gods, etc." 
 
 Again, c, Maximinum Arian. Ep. ii. c. 22 : " The 
 Catholic faith, which neither confounds nor separates 
 the Trinity, which neither denies the three Persons 
 nor believes the substances to be diverse." lb. c. 
 
270 APPENDICES. 
 
 23 : "In that Trinity, which is God, there is one 
 Father, not two or three ; one Son, not two or 
 three ; one Spirit of both, not two or three." lb. 
 ii. 10: "The Father is God, the Son is God, and 
 the Holy Spirit is God, and at the same time these 
 three are one God." 
 
 So in De Fide et Symbolo, s. 1 7 : " We call the 
 Father God, the Son God, the Holy Spirit God ; but 
 yet not three Gods in this Trinity, but one God 
 and one substance." 
 
 Again, the inferiority of the Son to the Father 
 is repeatedly explained with reference to the Man- 
 hood (as afterwards in the "Tome of St. Leo"). So 
 in the Enchiridion, 35 : " He became inferior while 
 He remained equal. One being both ... on account 
 of the Word, equal to the Father, — on account of 
 the Manhood {Jiominem), inferior." So, c. Serm. 
 Arian. 9, he urges that the words, " My Father is 
 greater than I," refer to the Manhood. So c. 
 Maximin. i. 19, " On account of the form of a 
 servant the Son said. The Father is greater than I," 
 and ii. 23, " The Son was subjected to the Father 
 when He took the form of a servant." 
 
 The clause in the Quicunque, " Not by conver- 
 sion of the Godhead into flesh," according to an 
 Apollinarian fantasy,^ is very like a passage in 
 
 ' Many Apollinarians imagined that the body of Christ was 
 
APPENDICES. 271 
 
 Enchiridion, 34 : " The Word was made flesh, not 
 that God was changed into flesh, but that flesh was 
 assumed by Godhead." 
 
 Lastly, the illustration from " the reasonable 
 soul and the flesh " is found in Enchiridion, 36 : 
 " As any man whatever, that is, the reasonable soul 
 and the flesh, is one person, so Christ is one Person, 
 God and Man; " and Epist. 137. 11 : "As soul is 
 united to body in oneness of person, so as to be 
 man, so God is united to man in oneness of Person, 
 so as to be Christ." Cp. c. Serm. Ar. c. 8. 
 
 APPENDIX XV. 
 
 " Every reader of St. Augustine," says Dr. 
 Mozley, in his " Augustinian Doctrine of Predes- 
 tination," " is familiar with a certain view of the 
 nature of evil to which he constantly recurs, and 
 which he seems to cherish in his mind as a great 
 moral discovery, a fundamental set-off and answer 
 to the great difficulty of the existence of evil, and 
 the true and perfect mode of extricating the Divine 
 attribute of power from the responsibility of permit- 
 ting it — the position, viz. that evil is nothing, 
 
 formed out of a heavenly or Divine substance. See Later 
 Treatises of Athanasius, Lib. Fath., p. 80. 
 
272 APPENDICES. 
 
 nihil. God was the source, and, as being the 
 source of, included and comprised all existence ; 
 evil was a departure from God ; evil, therefore, was 
 a departure from existence ; external to God, it 
 was outside of all being and substance, i.e. was 
 no-being or nothing" (p. 271). 
 
 To take one or two passages : in the Confessions, 
 iii. 12, Augustine says, referring to his Manichean 
 days, " I was moved, as it were, through sharpness 
 of wit, to agree with foolish deceivers when they 
 asked me. Whence is evil? ... As yet I knew 
 not that evil was nothing but a privation of good, 
 extending at last to a cessation of existence." lb. 
 vii. 18, after laying it down that only that which 
 remains immutably can be said really to exist, he 
 goes on, ^,' If things shall be deprived of all good, 
 they will not exist at all ; therefore, while they 
 exist, they are good ; therefore, whatsoever exists 
 is good. As for that evil, the origin of which I 
 used to seek for, it is not a substantive thing, for, 
 if it were, it would be good." 
 
 So in his De Moribus Manichaeorum, 11, he 
 tells how, when a certain person had maintained 
 that evil was not a substantive thing, he himself, 
 somewhat impressed, had quoted it to a leading 
 Manichean, whom he " used frequently to hear in 
 familiar intercourse," and who replied, " I should 
 
APPENDICES. 273 
 
 like to put a scorpion into that man's hand, and 
 see whether he would not draw his hand away ; 
 if he did, he would be convinced, not by words 
 but by reality, that evil was a substantive thing, 
 since that animal was undeniably substantive," 
 i.e. really existent. Afterwards Augustine reflected 
 that the venomous character of the scorpion was 
 necessary to iis existence, however injurious to 
 men. Evil, therefore, was simply an "incon- 
 venientia inimica substantiae," — a condition harmful 
 to the existence of this or that being. So again, 
 De Civ. Dei, xi. 9 : " There is no nature of evil, 
 but the loss of good has acquired the name of evil." 
 lb. 22: "Evil is no nature at all, and the name 
 (of evil) belongs only to privation of good." 
 
 " Such an explanation as this," Mozley proceeds, 
 " is no real explanation of the difficulty. It is 
 undoubtedly the first truth of religion that true 
 being and good are identical. . . . But how comes 
 there to be being which is not true being ? On 
 the religious ground, and as believers in a God, we 
 say that evil cannot be an existing thing, because 
 God is the Author of everything, and yet not 
 the author of evil. But plain common sense tells 
 us clearly that evil exists, and exists just as really 
 as good." One would rather say, " on the religious 
 ground," that no being is evil by creation, but that 
 
 X 
 
2 74 APPENDICES. 
 
 moral evil has come in as a perversion of the 
 Creator's gift of moral choice. Mozley attributes 
 Augustine's " vain solution " of what a forgotten 
 but powerful English poet ^ has called 
 
 " That dire dilemma on the cause of ill " 
 to forgetfulness of the mystery which hangs around 
 the idea of Divine omnipotence, in relation to the 
 moral creation. We do not, he says, know all 
 that Omnipotence thus implies ; we have an idea 
 of it, " true as far as it goes, but imperfect ; " the 
 perplexity as to the co-existence of evil with God's 
 omnipotence refers to the point where our idea 
 has "stopped short." This, indeed, is to give no 
 answer but that we cannot expect one to be 
 given. Professor Flint gives the usual answer, from 
 the necessities of moral probation : " The deter- 
 mination to create moral beings was a determina- 
 tion to create beings who should be the causes 
 of their own actions, and who might set aside His 
 own law. It was a determination to limit His 
 own will to that extent, and in that manner." 
 Moral evil, then, " resulted from the exercise of 
 an original good gift which He had bestowed on 
 certain of His creatures, who could abuse that 
 gift, but were not necessitated to abuse it : " On 
 Theism, p. 255, ff.^ He adds, "It is merely in so 
 
 ' Moile, " State Trials." 
 
 ^ Cp. Liddon, Adv. Serm. ii. 112. 
 
APPENDICES. 275 
 
 far as physical evil is dissociated from moral evil 
 that its existence is a problem and a perplexity ; " 
 and even so it can be largely accounted for, as a 
 means to a good end in a creation subjected to 
 vanity. In the words of the poet above quoted — 
 
 " What says your prophet? Why was evil sent? 
 God will redress ? Why did not God prevent ? . . . 
 Faith answers, Sin and pain obtained their place, 
 To serve man's freedom and display God's grace," etc. 
 
 APPENDIX XVI. 
 
 It is an instance of the irony of history that the 
 main question of fact, as distinct from the question 
 of principle, between the African Catholics and 
 the Donatists arose out of a forged paragraph 
 added by a Christian, from motives of personal 
 spite, to a letter addressed by an honest Pagan 
 gentleman, under false representations, to a bishop. 
 The story opens at the beginning of the Great 
 Persecution in 303. We find Alfius Csecilianus 
 (whom, to avoid confusion with Caecilian of 
 Carthage, we may conveniently designate by his 
 first name) acting as duumvir or chief magistrate 
 in the city of Aptunga, in the province of Pro- 
 consular Africa. After some communication with 
 his Christian fellow-townsmen, he anticipates the 
 
2/6 APPENDICES. 
 
 expected imperial edict by causing the episcopal 
 chair, and some " letters of salutation" from neigh- 
 bouring prelates to Felix, the bishop, then absent, 
 to be taken out of the Christian church, the doors 
 of which are afterwards burned. Years pass away, 
 and peace has been restored to the Church, when 
 Alfius, then at breakfast with his workmen, sees a 
 visitor in the doorway : it is a Christian named 
 Ingentius, holding the respectable position of a 
 " decurio," or town councillor, at Zigga, in the same 
 province. " I have come," he said, " to ask 
 whether any copy of the Scriptures was burned in 
 the year of your duumvirate." Alfius, who had 
 begun by an offer of hospitality, resented a question 
 which might put him to inconvenience. "You are 
 a trouble to me, you have been suborned ; take your- 
 self off {laxa hinc te a me).'''' Ingentius departs, but 
 returns with Augentius, who had served with Alfius 
 as aedile, and under whom Ingentius had then 
 acted as secretary. They explain their errand 
 by producing a supposed letter from Felix to 
 Ingentius ; would he ask the ex-duumvir to certify 
 in writing that eleven valuable copies of Scripture 
 had been burned in his year of office, and so 
 to relieve Felix from the necessity of restoring 
 them to the owner, who was now reclaiming what 
 he had long ago lent ? The description of this 
 
APPENDICES. 277 
 
 owner as " perditus nescio qui " appears to be part 
 of an oral comment by Ingentius on the pretended 
 message. Alfius, as an upright man, is shocked. 
 " Is this," he asks, " what Christians call honesty ? " 
 He is, however, persuaded to dictate a note for 
 Felix. In it he confines himself to the fact, that 
 at the time in question a Christian removed some 
 " letters " from the " basilica ; " and, after saying 
 this, he concludes, " I hope, dear and venerable sir 
 {parens), that you may keep your health for many 
 years." He then entrusts the note to Ingentius, 
 little suspecting that this man had a vindictive pur- 
 pose of his own. Felix had publicly denounced, 
 as a simoniac. Bishop Maurus of Utica, who had 
 shown kindness to Ingentius when he fled from 
 his own town in the persecution. Ingentius 
 retorted, " And you are a traditor ! " i.e. " you 
 betrayed your trust by giving up the sacred 
 books to be destroyed." This charge required to 
 be substantiated : Ingentius determined to make 
 evidence ; and he did so by first concocting a 
 letter d&frojn Felix, and then by adding to Alfius's 
 letter to Felix a passage of which the main point 
 was a reminder : " You know you sent me word 
 to take the key of the church, and to remove any 
 books or manuscripts which I might find there." 
 The double fraud succeeded ; great pains were 
 
278 APPENDICES. 
 
 taken to circulate the calumny ; it became a stock 
 argument on the part of the Donatists — " Who 
 consecrated Caecihan, the ' CathoUc ' bishop of 
 Carthage ? — who but Felix — Felix ' the traditor ' ? " 
 " Wearied," as Augustine expresses it, by such 
 representations, Constantine ordered the question 
 of fact, " Had Felix surrendered the Scriptures ? " 
 to be formally tried by the proconsul ^lianus at 
 Carthage. Before his tribunal the ex-duumvir, 
 then an elderly man, appeared as a witness, and 
 repeatedly aflfirmed that he had dictated up to the 
 farewell greeting in the letter, and that the post- 
 script, so to call it, was a forgery by Ingentius, who, 
 when actually fastened on the rack, and momen- 
 tarily expecting to be tortured, admitted that he 
 " had done wrong, had added the words in ques- 
 tion to the letter, out of anger on account of his 
 host Maurus." ^lianus, while interrogating him, 
 bore significant testimony to the reputation of 
 Christians for truthfulness; " Do not tell lies — that 
 seems foreign to Christians ! " The end of it was 
 that the proconsul pronounced Felix to be wholly 
 innocent of the charge of traditorship. " Felix was 
 not in Aptunga at the time ; he had no knowledge 
 of, he never ordered, anything of the kind." The 
 sentence is quoted by Augustine in his third book 
 against Cresconius the Donatist. In another work 
 
APPENDICES. 279 
 
 he says, " The minutes of the proconsular trial are 
 extant ; any one can take and read them : " De 
 Unico Baptismo, 28. Some twelve years earlier, 
 he had referred to that " most careful inquiry " as 
 having established the innocence of Felix : Ep, 43. 
 5. The Donatists handed down in their sect a 
 version of the story which came out at the Con- 
 ference of Carthage in 411. "The judge, of 
 course, was partial — the evidence had been cooked." 
 They also ventured on the statement that when, 
 after the proconsular trial, Constantine sent for 
 Ingentius (whom ^■Elianus had ordered to be 
 detained as a prisoner), his representations actually 
 changed the Emperor's view of the case : Ep. 141. 
 II. It seems as if they were recklessly ready to 
 say anything in defiance of evidence ; as Augustine 
 drily remarks, they urged " whatever men are wont 
 to throw out, in the way of highly suspicious objec- 
 tion, against records which overthrow their case : " 
 Brevic. Collat. 42. 
 
 Those records, the " Gesta Purgationis Felicis," 
 contained in the appendix to the ninth volume of 
 St. Augustine, are reprinted with conjectural emen- 
 dations in the fourth volume of Routh's "Reliquiae 
 Sacrae." Canon Mason has rendered nearly the 
 whole document into racy English, in his vivid 
 narrative of the " Diocletian Persecution." 
 
28o APPENDICES. 
 
 APPENDIX XVII. 
 
 Augustine's idea of an " interior " Church is not 
 to be confounded with that of an "invisible" 
 Church as held by many Protestants, and empha- 
 sised by the Pietists of Germany, according to 
 which the sacredness and glory pertaining to the 
 Church in the New Testament are wholly detached 
 from the Church visible, and restricted to a minority 
 of pious souls " regarded as belonging indifferently 
 to any or no ecclesiastical unity : " see Gore, The 
 Ministry of the Church, p. 19. Those who hold 
 this view are accustomed to regard visible or 
 organised Christian societies as naturally formed 
 by a drawing together of individuals who have 
 independently been brought into union with Christ. 
 Perhaps they suspect a " Romanising tendency," 
 or at least they imagine a defect of spirituality, in 
 language which connects the corporate life of 
 Christians with the purposes of Christ as the 
 Founder of a Divine kingdom, or with the security 
 of His covenanted gifts. Not such was Augustine's 
 line of thought when he said that persons " could 
 not be regarded as in Christ's body, which is the 
 Church, merely because they were physically par- 
 takers of the sacrament" (c. Litt. Petil. ii. 247); or 
 that " those who hear His words and do them not 
 
APPENDICES. 2b I 
 
 are upon the sand, and therefore are external to the 
 Rock, and therefore to the Church" (de Bapt. vi. 
 44) ; or when he referred to " the holy Church in 
 the predestinate " as " Christ's body " (in Jo. Ev. Tr. 
 26. 15). He was thinking of those members of the 
 visible body who realised their privileges and their 
 obligations, who were Christians inwardly as well 
 as outwardly, and of them, moreover, as the objects 
 of a Divine predestinating" election. His " true 
 Church," so called, is a subdivision of the visible 
 Church, and consists of its worthy members. Any 
 Christian writer might say that bad Christians were 
 " not true Christians ; " he might apply to them the 
 words of the ancient Song, " They are not His 
 children, this is their blemish " (Deut. xxxii. 5) ; 
 he might adopt the significant laconism of the 
 Apostle, and pronounce that those who were ex- 
 ternally in the Christian society, but morally alien 
 to its spirit and ideas, were "not of" it. But 
 Augustine added to this view the more esoteric 
 view of an " interior " Church as containing those 
 only who were predestined to adhere permanently 
 or " perseveringly " to their Lord ; in presence of 
 that mysterious decree, temporary adhesion, even at 
 its best, would seem to fall short of vital and effectual 
 membership ; he looked to the end, and read the 
 present in the light of the future. This explains 
 
252 APPENDICES. 
 
 his often misapprehended use of " res sacramenti," 
 not for the "inward part" of the Eucharist, the 
 sacred "thing" of which the visible elements are 
 symbols, but for the permanent " fellowship " of the 
 predestinate with Christ (in Jo. Ev. Tr. 26. 15). 
 But, for all this, he never lost sight of the visible 
 Church as a Divine institution; on the contrary, he 
 has been often accused of making too much of it, 
 of exaggerating the dignity of a "merely external" 
 organisation. He recognises it, not only as Christ's 
 Church, but as Christ's body ; for instance, he says, 
 " that whosoever depart from the Holy Scriptures 
 as to the Head of the body Himself, though they 
 may be found in all places where the Church is 
 present to view, are not in the Church ; and again, 
 whosoever agree with the Scriptures as to the Head 
 Himself, and do not partake in the unity of the 
 Church, are not in the Church:" De Unit. Eccl. 4. 
 He is speaking, as the context shows, of no ideal 
 or indiscernible unity, but of the Catholic Church, 
 as a city set on a hill. So in the minutes of the 
 Conference with the Donatists, we find his own 
 words reported thus : " We hold to that Church 
 which we have found in those Scriptures wherein 
 also we have recognised Christ. . . . They present 
 to us Christ and the Church as united in holy 
 marriage, Christ as Bridegroom, the Church as bride. 
 
APPENDICES. 283 
 
 Accordingly, if we were now considering to what 
 community of Christians in Africa we should attach 
 ourselves, we should undoubtedly be bound to 
 adhere to that which we found in the Scriptures. 
 This is what the African Christians have done, and 
 they are called, and with good reason, Catholics : " 
 Mansi, Concil. iii. 202. And in his own summary 
 of this Conference he says, that whereas the 
 Donatists taxed the Catholics with believing in 
 two Churches, the Catholics explained themselves 
 to mean that the very self-same one and holy Church 
 was now in one condition," as " having bad mingled 
 with good, and hereafter would be in another, . . . 
 even as it does not follow that there are two 
 Christs, because at first He died, and afterwards 
 was to die no more : " Brevic. Collat. 3. 20. 
 
 This shows quite clearly that his " interior 
 Church " was simply the kernel of the Church 
 visible, — it was the Church visible minus those 
 who hereafter would be eliminated as having no 
 part in her true life. A passage which might at 
 first sight imply the entire independence, so to 
 speak, of the interior Church, is in De Bapt. v. 38 : 
 " In the ineffable foreknowledge of God, many 
 who are apparently without are within, and many 
 who are apparently within are without." But by 
 those who are apparently without he means, as the 
 
284 APPENDICES. 
 
 preceding words show, some who are at present 
 in heresy or in heathenism, but who, in God's good 
 time, will be admitted to the interior fellowship of 
 Christ's true servants, because " the Lord knoweth 
 them that are His." Would their admission to the 
 " sealed fountain and enclosed garden " take place 
 otherwise than through the visible Church ? Augus- 
 tine would have unhesitatingly answered in the 
 negative. As he says in Civ. Dei, i. 35, " The 
 redeemed family of Christ the Lord, the pilgrim 
 city of Christ the King, will remember that even 
 among her enemies are concealed those who will 
 be her citizens, and so she will not think it profit- 
 less to bear with their hostility until she can meet 
 them as confessors of her faith." Another similar 
 passage is in Enarr. in Ps. 106. s. 14; he quotes 
 the same text, and says, " Those who are not ours, 
 and (yet) are, as it were, within our body, go out 
 when they have found occasions ; and those who 
 are ours, and are, as it were, without, return when 
 they have found occasions." 
 
 It may be added that Augustine's predestina- 
 rianism did not prevent him from holding that 
 grace, which in default of predestination could be 
 but temporary, was yet, while it lasted, real : that 
 many non-elect had been actually regenerated in 
 baptism, and endued with love, and enabled to live 
 
APPENDICES. 28 ^ 
 
 piously, — only, since they were not predestined to 
 abide in the moral reality of sonship and disciple- 
 ship, they were not sons and disciples from the 
 standpoint of God's foreknowledge [apud eum). 
 See the De Correptione et Gratia, 18, 22. 
 
 APPENDIX XVIII. 
 
 Augustine repeatedly insists on the truth that 
 Christ Himself is the true Agent in the administra- 
 tion of His own ordinances, although He uses the 
 instrumentality of man. Thus, De Baptismo, iii. 15 : 
 " Christ's Baptism, being consecrated by the words 
 of the Gospel, is holy, even although it be adminis- 
 tered by adulterers and to adulterers, . . . because 
 His holiness cannot be polluted, and the Divine 
 power is present with His own sacrament, either 
 for the salvation of those who use it well, or for 
 the ruin of those who use it ill." lb. vi. 47 : "He 
 Himself sanctifies His own sacrament," So c. Litt. 
 Petil. iii. 59: "When we say that Christ baptises, 
 we do not mean that He does so by visibly 
 administering it — as Petilianus thinks, or wishes 
 it to be thought, that we say, — but by secret grace, 
 by secret power in the Holy Spirit, as it was said 
 of Him by John the Baptist, ' This is He who 
 baptiseth in the Holy Spirit.' Nor has He, as 
 
286 APPENDICES. 
 
 Petilianus says, now ceased to baptise. He still 
 performs that work, not by corporeally ministering, 
 but by an invisible operation of [His] majesty. 
 When we say. He Himself baptises, we do not 
 mean that He Himself holds, and washes in the 
 water, the bodies of believers ; but that He Him- 
 self invisibly cleanses, — and cleanses, moreover, 
 the universal Church" (quoting Eph. v. 26). " See, 
 it is Christ that sanctifies ; see, it is Christ also 
 that Himself washes by that very laver of water 
 in the word, where ministers are seen corporeally 
 to act." He goes on to speak of ministers as 
 " stewards," who have to distribute the Lord's 
 provision of food to fellow-servants. 
 
 So, in Joan. Evan. Tract. 15. 3, on the text, 
 John i. 33 ; " Jesus, therefore, is still baptising ; 
 and, as long as we have to be baptised, Jesus 
 baptises us. Let a man approach with confidence 
 to the minister who is below, for he has a Master 
 who is above." 
 
 This language is precisely in accord with that of 
 St. Ambrose — " It was not Damasus that cleansed, 
 it was not Peter, it was not Ambrose, it was not 
 Gregory ; for the ministrations are ours, but the 
 sacraments are Thine ; for neither is it within 
 human power to confer what is Divine, but the 
 gift is Thine, Lord, and the Father's " (De Spir. 
 
APPENDICES. 287 
 
 Sanct. i. prol. 18); and with St. Chrysostom's — 
 " Believe that even now the Supper is that at 
 which He Himself sat down. There is no differ- 
 ence between the two. It is not that a man acts 
 in the one, and He in the other, but rather He 
 in both. When, then, you see the priest adminis- 
 tering to you, do not think that is the priest who 
 is doing this, but that it is Christ's hand which 
 is being extended. For as, when you are being 
 baptised, it is not the priest who is baptising you, 
 but it is God who is holding your head with invisible 
 power, ... so also in this case ; for whereas God 
 alone regenerates, to Him alone belongs the gift " 
 (in Matt. Hom. 50. 3). 
 
 The same caveat against a perversion of 
 " sacerdotalism " is found in St. Thomas Aquinas. 
 God alone, he says, is the " Agens principalis " in 
 the sacraments ; in this sense He alone " operatur 
 interiorem effectum sacramenti : " man can act 
 only as an instrument. Thus the priests do not infuse 
 grace, but only impart the sacraments of grace : 
 Sum. iii. 64. i. He adds that Christ operates in 
 sacraments " per auctoritatem " as God, but as 
 Mail has " potestatem ministerii principalis, sive 
 potestatem excellentiae," in that (i) the "merit 
 and virtue of His Passion operate instrumentally," 
 under His Godhead, "in the sacraments; (2) in 
 
APPENDICES. 
 
 His Name the sacraments are hallowed ; (3) He 
 Himself, who gave virtue to sacraments, could 
 institute sacraments ; and (4) He can bestow the 
 effect of sacraments, without an outward sacra- 
 ment ; " and this pre-eminent power He forbore to 
 communicate to His ministers, not because He 
 could not have done so, but " lest the faithful 
 should put their trust in man, — lest there should 
 be diverse sacraments, whereby division might 
 arise in the Church (i Cor. i. 12-17), ^i^d lest the 
 ministers should be heads of the Church in a 
 secondary sense : " ib. 64. 3 and 4. The principle 
 maintained in our Twenty-sixth Article is stated 
 in the next " article " of Aquinas : " The ministers 
 of the Church neither cleanse from sins the persons 
 who approach the sacraments, nor confer grace 
 by their own power ; sed hoc facit Christus sua 
 potestaie per eos, siciit per qiKzdam instrumental^ 
 
 ' Compare Imit. Chr. iv. (properly iii.) 5. " Sacerdos 
 quidem minister Dei est, utens verbo Dei per jussionem et 
 institutionem ejus : Deus autem ibi principalis est auctor et 
 invisibilis operator." In Enarr. in Ps. 145 (= 146) Augus- 
 tine turns the tables on the Donatists, who, in maintaining 
 the opposite principle, puzzled simple Church-folk by such 
 questions as, "Can a famishing man feed others? \i.e. Can 
 a sinner give what is holy ?] . . . Can one who is bound 
 unloose?" "Quid est quod te, hseretice, jactas, quia tu 
 solvis, tu erigis, tit illuminas ? ... It is the Lord who 
 looseth the fettered," etc. 
 
APPENDICES. 289 
 
 APPENDIX XIX. 
 
 The Pelagians admitted the word " grace " in 
 several senses, all of them inadequate. When 
 Augustine first read a certain passage in the 
 treatise which Timasius and James had desired 
 him to consider, and which he describes in his 
 work " On Nature and Grace " without naming 
 Pelagius as its alleged author, he was delighted, 
 he tells us, to find a recognition of Divine " grace ; " 
 but, on further reading, and especially in view of 
 the illustrations employed, he became convinced 
 that " grace " was only used as a name for the 
 natural endowment of free will, received by man 
 at his creation. So he says of the same treatise, 
 in a letter to the Bishop of Jerusalem, " What 
 in that book he calls grace is only the nature in 
 which we have been formed with free will " (Ep. 
 179. 3). When the bishops in the "Council of 
 Palestine " accepted the recognition of " grace " 
 on the part of Pelagius, they did so on the 
 mistaken assumption that he meant, "not that 
 grace whereby we were created as human beings, 
 but that whereby we have been adopted into a 
 new creation" (De Gest. Pel. 22). He even 
 anathematised, for their satisfaction, all who held 
 
 U 
 
290 APPENDICES. 
 
 that " God's grace and help was not given with 
 a view to men's several actions, but consisted in 
 tree will, or in the (moral) law and teaching : " and 
 this involved the admission of a grace which con • 
 sisted in help as "supplied by the Holy Spirit 
 for such actions, — wherefore we always pray for 
 auxilium oppoi'tunum'''' (ib. 31). 
 
 Here, then, was a second inadequate sense of 
 grace — instruction in matters of duty ; it was in- 
 adequate because, although any light thrown on 
 the question, " What must I do ? " was unquestion- 
 ably a Divine gift, yet it did not come sufficiently 
 home to the inward being ; it did not directly 
 touch the will and the heart. The point is again 
 referred to in De Grat. Chr. 3, 8, 11, where Augus- 
 tine observes that the idea of grace, properly so 
 called, is not satisfied by " a revelation of moral 
 wisdom, or by admonitions to follow what is good." 
 Such admonitions, as he urges in the " De Spiritu 
 et Littera," might only " work death " by irritating 
 the rebellious instinct of selfwill, so that " the 
 stream of man's corruptions would fret and rage 
 more furiously for the obstacle placed in its way, as 
 some mountain torrent foams" with "fiercer activity 
 round a rock that has fallen in its bed " (Trench 
 on St. Augustine as an Interpreter of Scripture, 
 p. 127 ; compare Rom. vii. 8 fif.). 
 
APPENDICES. 291 
 
 A third sense of grace, more distinctively Chris- 
 tian, but still falling short of the required mark, 
 would be the " gift " of a perfect moral exemplar 
 in Christ. Augustine says that this sense is sug- 
 gested by several passages in the treatises of Pelagius 
 (De Grat. Chr. 38). He himself loved to dwell 
 on the pattern of humility exhibited in the Lord 
 Incarnate (see De Agone Christiano, 12): in his 
 long letter (Ep. 140) on "the Grace of the New 
 Testament," he points repeatedly to the teaching 
 of that supreme Example which in his book on 
 "True Religion " he had called "disciplina morum." 
 He was little likely to underestimate the power of 
 its appeals to the conscience of every one who 
 called Christ Master. But still, it was but illu- 
 minative and persuasive ; it did not, of itself, im- 
 part the requisite impulse ; nor did the forgiveness 
 of sins, which in the " De Gratia Christi " is 
 referred to as also called " grace " in the Pelagian 
 theology. All these were gifts of God ; but some- 
 thing more than all these was wanted for the moral 
 recovery of man's enfeebled and tainted nature ; 
 and that " something more " was not really recog- 
 nised by Pelagius. 
 
 It has, indeed, been said by a great writer on 
 this controversy that the Pelagians did include in 
 the idea of grace " those internal Divine impulses 
 
!92 APPENDICES. 
 
 and spiritual assistances commonly denoted by the 
 words," and this on the ground of Pelagius's words 
 quoted in De Grat. Chr, 8, and of stronger language 
 quoted from Julian in Op. Imp. c. Jul. iii. io6 
 (Mozley, Aug. Doctr. Predest. p. 54). But the first 
 of these passages speaks of " grace " only as illu- 
 minative ; and the second says that God "makes 
 known His benignity by commanding, by blessing, 
 by sanctifying, by constraining, by exciting, by 
 illuminating," — where the context dwells on that 
 revelation of things hidden from the wise which 
 was unattainable by mere free will, and thus limits 
 the scope of the words cited to such assistance as 
 might instruct men on the requirements of the 
 " cultus Dei." This is not the Catholic conception 
 of grace as a Divine power operating, not only 
 on the intellect, but also on the affections and 
 the will. 
 
 APPENDIX XX. 
 
 Augustine was informed, probably about the 
 year 427, that Vitalis, a Carthaginian Christian, 
 acknowledged the necessity of real grace — i.e. of 
 a movement or energy of the Holy Spirit on the 
 will and affections — for all good acts subsequent 
 
APPENDICES. 293 
 
 to the initial act of faith, which he referred to 
 the unassisted will ; explaining Phil. ii. 13 to mean 
 that God, through Scripture, made external appeals 
 to the conscience, but did not inwardly enable 
 the conscience to respond to them. As against 
 this view, Augustine argued, in an elaborate letter 
 (Ep. 217), from the Church prayers offered up for 
 the conversion of unbelievers, that faith was believed 
 to be actually a gift. He sums up thus : " If, as 
 I am disposed to believe about you, you agree with 
 us that we ought, and are wont, to pray to God 
 for those who are not willing to believe, that they 
 may be willing to believe, and for those who 
 oppose and contradict His law and doctrine, that 
 they may believe it and follow it, . . . that we 
 also ought, and are wont, to give thanks to 
 God for such persons when they are converted 
 to the faith and doctrine, and become willing 
 instead of not-willing, — then you ought undoubt- 
 edly to acknowledge that the wills of men are 
 anticipated {J>rtxvenin) by God's grace, and that 
 God makes them will the good as to which they 
 were unwilling," etc. 
 
 From other language in this letter it is evident 
 that this " prevenient " action of grace was re- 
 garded by Augustine as dominant and deter- 
 minative. The Divine " preparation of the will " 
 
294 APPENDICES. 
 
 is, with him, a process in which the will is purely 
 passive ; the conversion of the unbeliever is efifected 
 " omnipotentissima facilitate ; " and Augustine does 
 not shrink from representing " the priest of God 
 at His altar as exhorting the people to pray, or 
 himself praying with a loud voice, that He would 
 compel the unbelieving nations to come to the 
 faith in Him." There is no admission of any 
 capacity in the will to resist the grace which thus 
 takes hold of it ; on the contrary, such capacity 
 is advisedly put out of the question.^ This letter, 
 therefore, which also exhibits Augustine's unnatural 
 interpretation of i Tim. ii. 4 as meaning " None 
 are saved except by the action of God's own will," 
 — and which virtually holds an infant responsible for 
 the parents' neglect to bring it to baptism and to 
 the Eucharist, — may fittingly introduce us to the 
 difficulties felt and expressed by the learned 
 Churchmen of Southern Gaul at a slightly later 
 period, and especially to the error into which 
 they were betrayed with reference to the initial 
 act of faith, or the first good motion of the will. 
 Of these the chief were John Cassian, who had 
 
 ' Dr. Stoughton, in his "Religion in England," iv. 269, 
 says that Truman, an opponent of Bishop Bull, " anticipated 
 the opinions of modern Calvinists " by " representing grace 
 as a Divine influence securmg the obedience of the will to 
 the gospel of Christ." 
 
APPENDICES. 295 
 
 been ordained deacon by Chrysostom, had foundetl 
 two monastic houses at Marseilles, and had written, 
 about A.D. 420, twelve books on the monastic life 
 as led by the ascetics, or " renouncers," of Egypt, 
 — and Hilary, who, after having been " a model 
 monk in the very best and highest sense" ^ in the 
 isle of Lerins, was constrained to succeed his friend 
 Honoratus, the founder of that illustrious monas- 
 tery, in the metropolitan see of Aries. In this 
 same year, 429, two letters ^ were addressed to 
 Augustine by Prosper, of Aquitaine, and by 
 another Hilary, a layman, to inform him of objec- 
 tions in which they themselves were far from 
 concurring, but which were taken by the new 
 archbishop of x\rles, and by the general body of 
 the ecclesiastics in the neighbourhood of Mar- 
 seilles — some of them bishops, and all of them 
 men of high character — to the views expressed in 
 the treatise " On Correction and Grace," which 
 Augustine had written by way of explaining his 
 own predestiuarianism to certain monks of Adru- 
 
 ' See the account of this Hilary in Diet. Chr. Biogr. iii. 
 67, fF. " If ... we are compelled to class Hilary of Aries 
 with the Semi-Pelagians, it must be recognised that he is a 
 supporter of their views in the very mildest form." He was 
 on intimate terms with the anti-Pelagian St. German. 
 
 - Aug. Epp. 225, 226. Hooker, by a strange oversight, 
 iilentifies this Hilary with the bishop. 
 
296 APPENDICES. 
 
 metum, and in which the irresistibleness of grace 
 had been laid down in the plainest terms. The 
 treatise had been circulated in Southern Gaul ; 
 and the theologians referred to had read it with 
 grave dissatisfaction. They were acquainted with 
 Augustine's letter to Paulinus (Ep. 186), but not 
 with the letter to Sixtus (Ep. 194; cf. De Dono 
 Perse verantise, 55). They held that predestination 
 must not be represented as absolute, but as condi- 
 tioned by the Divine foresight of man's readiness 
 to believe and obey. The Augustinian theory on 
 this subject appeared to them not only opposed 
 to Christian traditions, but distinctly unfavourable 
 to Christian practice. In their opinion, it cut at 
 the root of moral effort ;^ it led straight to fatalism, 
 Qr to M anicheism ; it threw open the door to 
 speculations at once superfluous and unedifying. 
 They rejected the notion of a fixed number of the 
 elect, and insisted that the Scriptural assurances 
 as to the universality of God's benignant will should 
 be taken simply, and not explained away. " That 
 propitiation," they said, " which consists in the 
 mystery of the blood of Christ, is offered to all 
 men without exception, so that whosoever are 
 willing to come to the faith and to baptism may 
 
 ' " Removeri . . . omnem industriam "... " excludi 
 putant omnem pisedicandi vigorem." 
 
APPENDICES. 297 
 
 be saved. ... So far as pertains to God, eternal 
 life has been prepared for all." They admitted the 
 Fall, and the transmission of a corruption of nature ; 
 they also acknowledged the necessity and the reality 
 of grace, but of grace as subsequent to man's 
 unaided choice of good, not as prevenient or 
 originative, although some of them apphed the 
 name of grace to that natural power of the will, 
 the right use of which, as they held, would bring 
 a man on to the reception of Christian grace, in 
 the proper sense of the term. 
 
 Here, then, lay the exact point of difference 
 between Pelagianism and Semi-Pelagianism : the 
 former does not recognise grace in the full or 
 proper sense of the term ; the latter does recognise 
 it, but only as a necessary aid to those moral 
 efforts which follow upon the first movement of 
 the soul towards God — that movement itself being 
 regarded as independent of grace. Why did the 
 Gallic divines take up with such a theory ? Be- 
 cause Augustine's notion of grace as bestowed on 
 the elect only, as absolutely necessitating its own 
 reception on their part, and as wholly unattainable 
 by those who were not of their number, might 
 encourage at once negligence and despair ; be- 
 cause exhortations proceeding on the supposition 
 of a capacity to hearken and to profit would be 
 
298 APPENDICES. 
 
 useless for the larger class, and superfluous for the 
 smaller ; because, therefore, it seemed necessary to 
 provide a sphere for free will, and therein for moral 
 responsibility. Now, if Augustine had admitted that 
 grace was in fact resistible and not determinative, 
 such a sphere would have been gained at once, and 
 no controversy on that point would have arisen. 
 But as he persistently maintained the opposite 
 view, the Gallic critics — among whom Hilary, at 
 any rate, is said to have agreed with him on all 
 other points of doctrine— were tempted to find the 
 requisite scope for freedom by treating the will, 
 in its unassisted state, as capable of a " suppliant 
 desire " for moral " healing." They said in effect, 
 " The initial movement towards God must be 
 man's own act purely and simply ; after it, grace 
 will come in, but as auxiliary, and in this sense 
 co-operative." Herein, unquestionably, they were 
 wrong. As Hooker expresses it, " The whole 
 question of grace being grown into this sense, 
 whether man may" {i.e. can) "without God seek 
 God, and without grace either desire or accept grace 
 first offered, the conclusion of the Catholic part 
 was — No" (E. P. V. App. No. i). Grace must 
 have a function in regard to the very beginnings 
 of piety : and this, it seems, would have been 
 easily perceived if Augustine had described its 
 
APPENDICES. 299 
 
 function in terms less absolute ; if he had admitted 
 that, while grace awakened what otherwise would 
 have been dormant, and invigorated what other- 
 wise would have been powerless, it still left the 
 will free either to resist the stimulus thus given, or 
 to use the power thus placed within its reach. 
 
 Prosper and the layman Hilary requested Augus- 
 tine to write something which might meet the 
 Gallic objections. He complied by writing two 
 treatises, " On the Predestination of the Saints," 
 and " On the Gift of Perseverance." But instead 
 of removing difficulties, he rather increased them. 
 He begins, indeed, by fairly recognising the differ- 
 ences between Pelagianism proper and the opinion 
 which held real grace to be necessary for all but 
 the first step. He confesses that he himself, many 
 years before, had regarded faith as not a result of 
 grace (cf. Exp. Propos. ex Ep. ad Rom. 60) ; but 
 he explains, " I had not at that time discovered 
 the true character of the election of grace." He 
 presses home his favourite argument, that as God 
 was not bound to deliver or to teach any of those 
 who were under a common condemnation on 
 account of the Fall, the reason why some are not 
 taught or delivered is simply that He does not 
 choose to give them grace ; ^ he insists on the 
 
 ' Cp. De Prred. Sanct. 14, 16 ; De Dono Persev. 16. 
 
;00 APPENDICES. 
 
 word " make," ^ in reference to the action of grace 
 on the soul, as if it impHed an overmastering 
 energy ; thus he says, " Ipse facit ut ilH faciant 
 quae prsecepit " (De Praed. Sanct. 19), Nothing 
 short of this, he contends, would meet the need. 
 He owns that reserve should be used in the ex- 
 position of other truths, but contends that it is out 
 of place in regard to election, although in public 
 discourses it ought not to be supposed that any 
 non-elect persons were present. They should be 
 spoken of, not spoken to ; the hearers should be 
 urged to pray for perseverance, and to trust that 
 they are among the predestined to salvation.^ He 
 endeavours to make out an inconsistency in the 
 Galileans' view of good works subsequent to the 
 first movement of faith, in that they owned such 
 works to be " gifts." But they did not regard them 
 as gifts which could not be refused ; and this was 
 just the point on which he insisted, as h-e did also 
 on the pure absoluteness of the Divine decree, 
 electing some to salvation, and " abandoning " ^ the 
 
 ' In such liturgical prayers as ^^ Alake us to love that 
 which Thou dost command," there is always pre-supposed 
 an intention of responding to the grace thus asked for — such 
 intention being itself a response to prior grace. 
 
 ^ See De Dono Persev. 40, 58, ff. 
 
 * " In massa perditionis justo divino judicio relinquun- 
 tur " (De Dono Persev. 35). 
 
APPENDICES. 301 
 
 rest. Thus it has been truly observed, that, " inas- 
 much as he still teaches an arbitrary election, a 
 grace which is strictly controlling, and a will which 
 is only a will, and not a free will, he does not 
 satisfy the natural doubts of the Church of Mar- 
 seilles ; and therefore the real objections raised 
 by them to his teaching, based, as they were, 
 on truth and reason, still remain."^ Although, 
 then, the " Massilians " who read these treatises 
 would appreciate the humility of that concluding 
 passage in which the venerable writer said, " When 
 I become not only better instructed, but practically 
 improved by means of those who read my books, 
 I acknowledge God's goodness to me, and this 
 I expect mainly by means of teachers of the 
 Church," they were not reclaimed from the erro- 
 neous position which they had assumed ; and a 
 precious opportunity was lost through the theo- 
 logical absolutism which secures intensity at the 
 heavy cost of onesidedness, which raises up stum- 
 blmg-blocks and is unable to take them away. 
 
 It should be added that Prosper himself, an 
 ardent and thoroughgoing " Augustinian," was 
 successful in showing that Cassian was inconsistent 
 in that he admitted the prevenient action of grace 
 in certain cases, though not in all, — that, in fact, 
 * See Chr. Remembr., Jan. 1856, p. 162. 
 
302 APPENDICES. 
 
 he took up " inforrae nescio quid tertium, et utrique 
 parti inconveiiiens " (Contra CoUatorem, 8). For 
 himself, Prosper rigidly adheres to the theory of 
 an absolute predestination and a determinative 
 grace, and keeps it before him in his verbal admis- 
 sions of free will.^ 
 
 This Semi-Pelagian controversy was closed, in 
 effect, by the pronouncements of the Second 
 Council of Orange in 529.^ The propositions 
 adopted by this small but remarkable assembly 
 do indeed imply the Augustinian language about 
 grace as " making " men pray for grace, but do not 
 of themselves involve the irresistibleness of its 
 operation. They affirm, for instance, that " it is 
 through the infusion and inspiration of the Holy 
 Spirit that we believe, will, or are able to act 
 aright ; " but this is consistent with holding that 
 the infusion and inspiration can be frustrated 
 through man's unresponsiveness. Another state- 
 ment, that " the free will which was weakened in 
 the first man can only be restored through the 
 grace of baptism," might indeed seem to imply 
 that the convert was purely passive in regard to 
 
 * See e.g. C. Collat. 54. He glosses such texts as " Come 
 unto Me," etc., and is sometimes evasive, sometimes incon- 
 sistent. 
 
 ^ See Woods, Introduction to Canons of Second Council 
 of Orange; and Wilberforce, Doctr. of Baptism, p. 171. 
 
APPENDICES. 303 
 
 the impulse to ask for baptism ; but it could be 
 accepted in the sense that the entire heaHng of 
 the disordered will must be attained through incor- 
 poration into the body mystical of its Divine 
 Restorer. And since, as Prosper saw and said, 
 the doctrines of determinative grace and of abso- 
 lute predestination,^ or not less absolute " dere- 
 liction," hang logically together, a Council which 
 disowned the second could not consistently admit 
 the first. If, as the bishops at Orange asserted, 
 in accordance with the view ascribed to Hilary 
 of Aries, " all the baptised," as such, had the 
 means of salvation within their power, so that none 
 of them were excluded by a secret and irreversible 
 decree,^ there could be no ground left for main- 
 taining that grace, admittedly real and internal, 
 was unconditional in its operation on recipients. 
 
 APPENDIX XXI. 
 
 We are apt sometimes to forget how firm a 
 foothold " Augustinianism " had obtained in the 
 
 ' Ep. ad Rufinum, 12. 
 
 ^ They anathematise any, " if any there be, who hold 
 that some are predestinate to evil." But Prosper himself 
 had restricted "predestination" to the case of the good: 
 Resp. ad Obj. Vine. 12. 
 
504 APPENDICES. 
 
 mediaeval schools of theology. The " Angelic 
 Doctor" was not only a strong predestinarian, 
 but virtually a maintainer of " irresistible " grace. 
 His statements in the iiith "question" of the 
 " Prima Secundse " do not appear to leave room 
 for any freedom of the will in regard to what 
 he calls the " operatio qua Deus movet nos ad 
 bonum : " the soul is conceived of as simply 
 wrought upon ; and even co-operation on its part, 
 after the first or prevenient inspirations of grace, 
 appears to consist simply in the *' exterior " 
 activity proceeding from a will which has been 
 ''wholly moved to action by grace:" see Mozley, 
 p. 288. The Franciscans, in this and some 
 other matters, took a different line from that of 
 the Dominicans ; and the Jesuits were still more 
 energetic in their hostility to Augustinianism. 
 Such opponents could take advantage of the fact 
 that its rigorism had been accentuated in the 
 system of that reformer whose name was specially 
 odious to zealous members of the Roman Church. 
 Accordingly, in the Council of Trent, grace was 
 declared to be at once really originative and not 
 determinative, although the language used was 
 such as might give the least possible umbrage to 
 the Dominicans, and save as far as possible the 
 
APPENDICES. 305 
 
 theological authority of the " Doctor of grace." ^ 
 This was in 1547 ; twenty years later, Pius V. 
 condemned the errors of Baius, who has been 
 called "a. pertinacious upholder of the action of 
 liberty as opposed, not to moral necessity, but 
 only to external constraint" (Jervis, Hist. Ch. of 
 France, i. 382). The same writer adds that " the 
 growing power of the Jesuits contributed to estab- 
 lish a style of teaching more in accordance with 
 the grand principle of man's moral freedom and 
 responsibility." While Baro, as Margaret Professor 
 at Cambridge, was heading an anti-Calvinistic 
 reaction, — while even Whitgift and the divines 
 who assisted him in revising the first draft of the 
 Lambeth Articles were modifying the broad state- 
 ment that " gratia sufficiens ad salutem " was 
 not given to all men, by altering " sufficiens " 
 into " salutaris," i.e. grace such as ultimately 
 ensures salvation, and laying stress on the idea 
 
 * After asserting that " the beginning of justification in 
 adults" must be traced to " God's prevenient grace" or "call," 
 the Council combines the ideas of the " exciting" action of 
 grace and the "free assent" of the will, " ita ut, tangente 
 Deo cor hominis per Spiritus Sancti illuminationem neque 
 homo ipse nihil omnino agat, inspirationem illam recipiens, 
 quippe qui i//am et abjicere potest, neque tamen sine gratia 
 ]3ei movere se ad justitiam coram illo libera sua voluntate 
 possit : " Sess. 6 de Justif. c. 5. 
 
306 APPENDICES. 
 
 of a " power in the will, subordinate to grace, 
 yet capable of consenting to grace," — the Jesuits 
 abroad were going much further. Luis Molina 
 not only maintained the contingent as opposed 
 to the absolute character of predestination, and 
 the offer of " sufficient grace " to all men, but 
 appeared, at any rate, to go very near to Semi- 
 Pelagianism on the subject of grace.^ This gave 
 occasion to the disheartened Thomists ; they 
 stirred up Clement VIII. to appoint a com- 
 mission — the " Congregatio de Auxiliis " — for 
 fuller inquiry into the matter ; and a significant 
 fact in the history of Papal utterances is the 
 announcement by Paul V., in 1607, that the 
 commission was at an end, and that he would 
 announce his decision when he thought fit. He 
 never did think fit ; he deemed it unsafe to give 
 a triumph to either party. 
 
 But the posthumous publication of the treatise 
 called " Augustinus," which embodied the lifelong 
 studies of Jansen, bishop of Ypres, put an end 
 to the reticence of Rome. Urban VIII.'s bull, 
 in 1642, condemned the book, but encountered 
 considerable opposition ; and not until seven years 
 
 ' For a "charitable" explanation of Molina's views, see 
 Christian Remembrancer, Jan. 1852, p. 107 ; Ranke regards 
 them as virtually Semi-Pelagian. 
 
APPENDICES. 307 
 
 later was the strife concentrated around the Five 
 Propositions which were presented for the judg- 
 ment of the Sorbonne as containing the essence 
 of Jansen's teaching, and two of which were to 
 the effect that grace was irresistible, while a third 
 declared that the freedom " required in order to 
 merit " was only freedom from exterior constraint. 
 Innocent X. condemned the propositions in 1653, 
 and so did Alexander VII. in 1656. Both Popes 
 implicitly or explicitly committed their see to the 
 assertion that the obnoxious statements were in 
 fact Jansen's ; while both were careful to distin- 
 guish between what Augustine had meant and what 
 Jansen had supposed him to mean. 
 
 Nine months before the promulgation of 
 Alexander's "Constitution," Pascal had begun his 
 immortal " Provincial Letters." He denied that 
 the propositions could be found in the " Augus- 
 tinus," or that they truly represented the mind 
 of its author ; and he turned the keenest edge of 
 his exquisite raillery against the Dominicans, or 
 New Thomists, of his time, whom he describes as 
 shufflers, because they spoke both of a " sufficient " 
 and of an " efficacious " grace. They wanted to 
 retain their own doctrine, and yet to stand well 
 with the Jesuits. The phrase " sufficient grace " 
 would suggest to ordinary hearers the idea of a 
 
308 APPENDICES. 
 
 real offer to all men of such help as would suffice, 
 on God's part, for the attainment of life eternal. 
 But to speak of an " efficacious" grace beside and 
 beyond this — of such grace as necessary in order 
 to salvation, — and of such grace as given only 
 to the elect, so that "tous ont assez de grace, et 
 tous n'en ont pas assez, — cette grace suffit, quoiqu'- 
 elle ne suffit pas, — en bonne foi, mon pfere, cette 
 doctrine est bien subtile ! " But a Pascal on the 
 opposite side, if such a phenomenon had been 
 possible, might have found material for similar 
 sarcasms in the elaborate eighteenth " Provincial 
 Letter," published in March, 1657. One sees that 
 Pascal, too, has his own difficulties. He is bound 
 by the decree of Trent, not to say by mere Papal 
 utterances, to deny that grace is irresistible ; and 
 it is of the last importance for him to draw a 
 broad line between the position of the " Jansenists" 
 and that Calvinism of which they are accused. He 
 therefore repeats, over and over again, that the 
 will " has always the power to resist grace," 
 even efficacious and " victorious " grace, and that 
 "man's natural freedom," in this respect, "is in 
 no way destroyed by the unfailing character of 
 God's operation." When man yields, under grace, 
 to the Divine attraction, he does so " by a move- 
 ment altogether free and voluntary ; it is not that 
 
APPENDICES. 309 
 
 he cannot at any time withdraw himself, and that 
 he would not in fact withdraw himself, if he 
 desired to do so ; " it is that he cannot desire to do 
 so, for his will " must always tend to what pleases 
 it best, and nothing pleases it, in that case, so 
 much as that unique good which includes all other 
 forms of good," — so that " le libre arbitre qui peut 
 toujours resisterk la grace, ne le veut pas toujours." 
 This sounds well, but it appears on consideration 
 that this impossibility of desiring to withdraw from 
 the touch of grace is involved in that touch itself. 
 So that here we have a will which is "free" not 
 to consent, yet is " made " to consent by the very 
 voice which addresses it ; and a grace which can 
 always be resisted, yet which by its very nature 
 puts resistance out of the question. What Pascal 
 gives with one hand, he takes away with the 
 other; but so, in effect, did his and Jansen's 
 patristic oracle ; and he himself had, in his very 
 first " Letter," practically ruled the question of 
 " resistance " by speaking of efficacious grace as 
 " determinative." 
 
 Our sympathy is so strongly drawn towards the 
 Jansenists by the example of that " ascetic purity, 
 that delicate and noble simplicity of life," which, 
 as Dean Kitchin pathetically expresses it, was to 
 " the general course of French opinion like the 
 
3IO APPENDICES. 
 
 passing fragrance of violets," ^ — and also, still more, 
 by the cdious persecution inflicted on men whose 
 moral independence was an offence to ignorant 
 autocracy, itself the tool of the mighty "company" 
 whose casuists had been pilloried by supreme 
 genius in union with intense spiritual earnestness, — 
 that it is necessary to remember what can be urged 
 on the opposite side in the serious interest of moral 
 responsibility. English Churchmen will generally 
 adopt Mohler's exposition of the " CathoHc prin- 
 ciple," that grace must indeed " precede, awakening, 
 exciting, vivifying, yet that man must let himself 
 be excited,"— that is, must use the stimulus given 
 to him, although he could do nothing without that 
 stimulus ; and that " God's omnipotence suffers 
 human freedom to set to it a bound, which it 
 cannot break through, because an unconditional 
 interference with that freedom would bring about 
 the annihilation of the moral order of the world, 
 which the Divine wisdom has founded on liberty. 
 With reason, therefore," proceeds Mohler, " and 
 quite in conformity with her inmost essence, has 
 the Church rejected the Jansenistic proposition . . . 
 that human freedom must yield to the omnipotence 
 of God," '^ 
 
 The late Principal Tulloch, after mistakenly 
 
 1 Hist. Fr., iii. 127. ^ Symbolism, E.T., i. 122. 
 
APPENDICES. 311 
 
 describing the " doctrine of a sufificient grace which 
 is not yet sufificient" as belonging to the Jesuits, 
 — whereas it was the Thomist combination, in 
 " humano capiti " fashion, of the Jesuits' formula 
 with their own, — proceeds, in his book on " Pascal," 
 to say that there is "no rational position intermediate 
 between the Pelagian doctrine of free-will and 
 moral habit, and the Augustinian doctrine of Divine 
 grace and spiritual inspiration."^ If by the latter 
 he means the doctrine of irresistible grace, his 
 statement is far from being true. It is true enough 
 if "Divine grace and spiritual inspiration" be 
 understood as imparting a needful impulse, but 
 not as necessitating its acceptance, — as breathing 
 a vital force into the soul, which yet may be stifled 
 by unresponsive apathy. 
 
 One other remark is suggested by our subject. 
 When we think of the complications, the scandals, 
 the distresses, which attended the Jansenist con- 
 troversy in its course, — of the imposition of the 
 "Formulary," of the question of the "droit" and 
 
 ' "The source of character," he says (p. 140), " is either 
 from within the character itself, which has power to choose 
 good and to be good if it will, or it is from a higher source, 
 the grace of God and the power of a Divine ordination." 
 Why not from the action of this grace on the " character," 
 responded to and utilised by a stimulated, but freely con- 
 sentient will ? 
 
312 APPENDICES. 
 
 the " fait," of the slow and painful extinction of 
 Port Royal, of the unreal " pacification " of 
 Clement IX., of the revival of agitation about 
 Quesnel's "Reflexions," — of the "Constitution," so 
 called, " Unigenitus," extorted by Jesuit pressure 
 from Clement XL, — of the prolonged strife in which 
 recalcitrant Jansenism was instinctively supported 
 by the parliament, — of Archbishop de Beaumont 
 "spending his life," as Carlyle says, in debarring 
 from the sacraments those who, as " anti-Constitu- 
 tionists," could not produce •' tickets of confes- 
 sion," — of the revenge which an Erastianised rem- 
 nant of Jansenism was at last able to take upon 
 the hierarchy through a very different " constitution," 
 devised in the main by Armand Camus, ^ — we gain 
 a yet more vivid conception of the momentousness 
 of the life and work of the great bishop of Hippo. 
 It is not too much to say that a question as to the 
 purport of his teaching between two parties who 
 agreed in accepting him, though not to the same 
 extent, as an authority, is proved by its direct 
 unquestionable results to have been a real contri- 
 bution to the accumulation of those explosive 
 forces which produced the Revolution of revo- 
 lutions in 1789 
 
 * See Jervis, The Gallican Church and the Revolution, 
 pp. 22, 57. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Absolutism of tone in theology. 176 
 
 Abuses, impatience to remove, 72 
 
 Acacian Arians, 34 
 
 Acacius, bishop, 78 
 
 " Academic " scepticism, 121 
 
 Adams, the two, 173, 242 
 
 Adeodatus, 116, 124 
 
 Adrumetum, monks of, 295 
 
 /Elianus, proconsul, 278 
 
 Aetius, 232 
 
 Alexander of Alexandria, 4 
 
 Alexander VII., 307 
 
 Alexandria, council of, 193 ; powers 
 of see of, 27 
 
 Alexandrian Fathers, 14, 186 
 
 " Alexandi'ianism," no 
 
 Alfius Csecilianus, 275 
 
 AUegorism, 57 
 
 Alphius, 98 
 
 Alypius, 118, 124 
 
 Ambrose, 122, 124, 187, 286 
 
 Anomceans, 35, 60, 231 
 
 Anselm, 199 
 
 Ante-Nicene writers, 186 
 
 "Anthropomorphisms" in Old Testa- 
 ment, 79 
 
 Antioch, people of, 55 ; synod of, 86 
 
 Apollinarianism, 29, 270 
 
 Aquinas, Thomas, 199, 287, 304 
 
 Arabissus, 99 
 
 Arbitration by bishops, 130 
 
 .•\rcadius, 55, 87 
 
 Arianism, 11 ; issues raised by it, 16 
 
 Arsenius, 6 
 
 Ascension Day, 135 
 
 Athanasius, exiles of, 4 ; chief cha- 
 racteristics of, 27 ; summary of 
 career of, 204 ; death of, 46 
 
 Audians, 79 
 
 Augentius, 276 
 
 Augustine, early years of, 115 ; con- 
 version of, 124, 170 ; death of, 181 
 
 B 
 
 Baius, 305 
 
 Baptism, belief in efficacy of, 174, 
 177, 179; delay of, 50 
 
 Baptistery, scenes in a, 87 
 
 Baro, 305 
 
 Basil, friend of Chrysostom, si 
 
 Basil of Caesarea, 22, 26, 30, 237 
 
 Belief, a reasonable principle, 123, 
 144 
 
 Bishops, a mark for captious cen- 
 sure, 221, 238 
 
 Browning, on original sin, 167 
 
 Ca;cilian, bishop, 278 
 
 Ca;sarea in Cappadocia, 90 
 
 Calvinism, 109, 179 
 
 Carteria, 94 
 
 Carthage, schools of learning at, 116 
 
 Cassian, 294 
 
 Cassisiacum, 12 
 
14 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Catechising, 131 
 
 Celestine I., 204 
 
 Chalcedon, council of, 77, 1Q3 
 
 Christ, absolute devotion to, 16, 26 
 
 Chrysostom, early life of, 49 ; death 
 of, 105 ; moral of career of, 107 
 
 Church, Augustine on the, iii, 280 
 
 Circumcellions, 149 
 
 " City of God," idea of the, 132, 263 
 
 Clement VIII., 306 
 
 Clergy, secularised tone of, 59, 71 
 
 Coadjutor bishop, a, 127 
 
 Coequality, the, of the Son, 189 
 
 Coinherence, the Divine, 37, 193 
 
 Comana, 105 
 
 Community of clerics, a, 128 
 
 Compromises with Paganism, 261 
 
 " Confessions " of Augustine, 112 
 
 Conscience, questions of, 257 
 
 Consistency of teaching and con- 
 duct, 63, 133 
 
 Constans, 5 
 
 Constantine, 7 
 
 Constantinople, character of people 
 of, 84 ; dignity of see of, 58, 77 
 
 Constantius, emperor, 10, 33 
 
 Constantius, priest, 98 
 
 Controversy, need of equity in, 147 
 
 Corn-ships, 5 
 
 Courtiers, 74 
 
 Criminals, intercession for, 130 
 
 Cyriacus, 95 
 
 Cyril of Alexandria, 198 
 
 Cyril of Jerusalem, 187 
 
 D 
 
 Deaconesses, 71, 95 
 De Broglie on Athanasius, 25 
 Deceit for a good end, 53 
 Diocesan jurisdiction, 81 
 Dionysius of Alexandria, 188 
 Disappointments as to the cause of 
 
 faith, 43 
 Discipline, ecclesiastical, 151 
 
 Dispensations, the two, 147 
 Dissensions of Christians, 66, 260 
 "Divine," vague use of term, 15 
 Dominicans on grace, 304, 307 
 Donatism, 148, 275 
 Dualism, 141 
 
 Easter-eve, 64, 87, 253 
 
 " Efficacious grace," 176, 307 
 
 " Effluence," the Son not an, 187 
 
 Ephesus, church of, 77 
 
 Epictetus, letter to, 299 
 
 Epiphanius, 28, 81 
 
 Eternal Sonship, the, 15, 186 
 
 Ethiopia, 8 
 
 Eucharist, hour of, 253 ; profanation 
 
 of, 87 
 Eudoxia, 78, 85, 86 
 Eunomius, 60, 232 
 Eutropius, 59 
 Eutychianism, 197 
 Evethius, 92 
 
 Evidences of Christianity, 259 
 Evil, question of, 118, 271 ; presence 
 
 of, in the Church, 152 
 Example of Christ, the, 203, 291 
 Exhortations amid affliction, 94 
 
 Fall, doctrine of the, 159, 166, 174, 
 
 242 
 Fasting before Communion, 252 
 Fatalism, 212, 296 
 Faustus, 121, 141, 146 
 Felix, bishop, 150, 276 
 Felix, Manichean, 143 
 " Festal Letters," the, 43 
 " Five Propositions," the, 176, 306 
 Fount and stream, image of, 190 
 Flavian, bishop of Antioch, 54 
 Free-will, 67, 164, 176, 243 
 P'riendship, 94 
 Frumentius, 8 
 
INDEX. 
 
 315 
 
 G 
 
 Games, the public, 94 
 
 Gerontius, 77 
 
 Gibbon on Athanasius, 10 
 
 Gnosticism, 22, 212 
 
 God, idea of, impaired by Arianism, 
 
 ig ; completely manifest in the 
 
 Son, 23 
 Good Friday, 64 
 Goths, Arian, 76 
 Gottschalk, 178 
 Grace, full sense of, 162 ; inadequate 
 
 senses of, 289 ; not irresistible, 175, 
 
 305 
 Grammar, teaching of, 115, 119 
 Greek nature, gifts and defects of, 
 
 10, 64 
 Gregory Nazianzen, 70, 214, 234 
 
 H 
 
 Heathen, goodness among, 174 
 
 Heaven, bliss of, 267 
 
 Hilary, layman, 295 
 
 Hilary of Aries, 295 
 
 Hilary of Poitiers, 28, 295 
 
 Hippo, 126 
 
 Holy Spirit, personal action of the, 
 
 . '^^ 
 "Homoion," the, 34 
 
 " Homoiousion," the, 34 
 
 " Homoousion," the, 14, 188 
 
 Honoratus of Aries, 295 
 
 Hooker on Athanasius, 3, 26, 44 ; on 
 
 the Personal Union, 198 ; on Semi- 
 
 Pelagianism, 298 
 " Hortensius," the, of Cicero, 117 
 Hosius, 34 
 
 Human nature, knowledge of, 30 
 Hymnetius, 17 
 Hymnody, 126 
 
 " Hypostasis," sense of, 36, 192, 215 
 " Hypostatic Union," the, 197 
 
 I 
 
 Ideal, the Donatist, 150 
 Idealism as to New Testament, 145 
 Idolatry, Arians charged with, 20 
 Idols, destruction of, 76 
 Illustrations, us.e of familiar, 30, 6g, 
 
 136 
 " Image of the Father," the, 24, 192 
 Incarnation, doctrine of the, 24, 39, 
 
 43. 194. 258 
 Individualist theory, in 
 Ingentius, 276 
 Innocent I., 86, loi 
 Innocent X., 307 
 Instrumental character of ministers, 
 
 15s 
 " Invisible Church," modern theory 
 
 of, 280 
 Isaurians, 92, 97, 99 
 Ischyras, 6 
 Isidore of Pelusium, 216 
 
 Jansenism, 176, 306 
 
 Jesuits, opposed to Augustinianism, 
 
 304 
 "Jesus," Manichean use of the 
 
 name, 141 
 " Johnians," 87, 102 
 Jovian, 9 
 
 Judaic rites, 213, 258 
 Julian, emperor, 4, 45 
 Julian of Eclanum, 171, 178, 292 
 Julius I., 7, 28 
 
 K 
 
 Keble on Athanasius, 42 
 Kingdom of Christ, the, 266 
 " Knowing God," in what sense, 234 
 Knowledy;e, Manichean promise of, 
 143 
 
3i6 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Lambeth Articles, the, 305 
 
 Laud, archbishop, 74 
 
 Lent, 42, 56 
 
 Leo, " Tome " of, 199 
 
 Lerins, monastery of, 295 
 
 Libanius, 48, 218 
 
 Libels on Athanasius, 5 
 
 Liberius, 33 
 
 Licentius, 125 
 
 Liturgical prayers, 293, 300 
 
 *' Logos," the title, how misused, 
 
 186 
 Love and fear, 67 
 "Lyra Apostolica," the, 2, 8, 107 
 
 M 
 
 Macedonianism, 194 
 
 Macedonius, "Vicar of Africa," 264 
 
 Magic, 6, 260 
 
 " Man," used for Christ's manhood, 
 
 199 
 Manhood really assumed in the 
 
 Incarnation, 40 
 Manicheism, 118, 140 
 Marcellinus, friend of Athanasius, 
 
 200 
 Marcellinus, tribune, 258, 264 
 Marcellus, 28, 187, 193 
 Marseilles, clergy of, 295 
 Materialistic notions, 142, 188 
 Matter held to be impure, 140 
 Maurus, bishop, 277 
 Mediation, the, 173 
 Meletius of Antioch, 50, 54 
 Meletius of Lycopolis, 32 
 Milan, Augustine at, 122 ; Council 
 
 of, 114 
 Mohler on grace and free-will, 310 
 Molina, 306 
 " Monarchia," the, 39 
 Monica, 117, 124; death of, 125 
 Monks, disorderliness, of, 73, gi ; 
 
 bigotry of, 79 
 
 Morality, the evangelical, 259 
 Moral order, the, inferior to physical, 
 143 
 
 training of man, gradual, 147 
 
 Mozley, Prof., 21, 145, 271, 291 
 Music in church, 7 
 
 N 
 
 Nectarius, 58, 70, 73 
 
 Nestorianism, 158, 191, 198 
 
 " New Thomists," 307 
 
 Newman, Cardinal, on Athanasius, 
 2. 17, 27, 31, 197; on Chrysostom, 
 61, 90, 98, 108 ; on Augustine, no 
 
 Nicaea, 8g 
 
 Nicene Creed, original form of, 13 ; 
 recension of, 194 
 
 Nicomedia, see of, 77 
 
 Nitria, 249 
 
 O 
 
 Oak, council of the, 82 
 
 Oaths, rash or irreverent, 55, 129 
 
 Objections to Christianity, 66, 132, 
 
 258 
 Old Testament rejected by Mani- 
 
 cheans, 146 
 Olympias, 70, 87, 94, 96 
 Orange, council of, 177, 302 
 Oratory, passion for, 230 
 Ordination must be episcopal, 6 
 Origen, 79, 186, 188, 247 
 " Original sin," 166, 174, 243 
 Ostia, 125 
 Otreius, bishop, 100 
 "Ousia," sense of, 14, 193 
 
 Pagans, 19, 65, 96, 98, 100, 137, 257, 
 
 263 
 Palestine, council of, 289 ; paganism 
 
 in, 76 
 
INDEX. 
 
 17 
 
 Palladius, 59, 104, 249 
 
 Pascal, 307 
 
 Pastoral spirit, the, 61, 134 
 
 Paul of Constantinople, 89 
 
 Paul of Samosata, 14, 189, 214 
 
 Paul, St., study of, 58, 123, 171 
 
 Paul v., 306 
 
 Pelagianism, 158, 289 ; modern form 
 of. 160 
 
 Penal legislation, 156 
 
 Penance, administration of, 131 
 
 Penitents, mercy for, 69 
 
 Petilianus, 285 
 
 Fharetrius, 91 
 
 Phoenicia, mission to, 89, 98, loi 
 
 Photinianism, 199 
 
 Photius, 68 
 
 Pityus, 104 
 
 Pontitianus, 123 
 
 Practical religion, 7, 42, 58, 68 
 
 Prayer, perseverance in, 95, 126 
 
 Prayers of Augustine, 139, 163 
 
 Preaching, 61, 96, 133, 207 
 
 Predestination, 171, 178, 281, 296 
 
 Prevenient grace, 175, 298, 305 
 
 Priesthood, the ministerial and the 
 
 lay, 112 
 " Projection," the Son not a, 188 
 Property, ecclesiastical, administra- 
 tion of, 130 
 Prosper, 295 
 
 Psalms, use of the, 200 ; the peni- 
 tential, 181 
 Publicola, 257 
 Pure Church, desire for a, 151 
 
 Questions, insoluble, to be avoided, 
 
 67. 235 
 .' Quicunque Vult," the, 37, 268 
 
 R 
 
 Ransoming of captives, 
 Readers, 51 
 
 Reynolds, Dr., on Athanasius, 209 
 
 Rhetoric, teaching of, 116, 120 
 
 Romanianus, n6 
 
 Romans, Epistle to, 171 
 
 Rome, schools of, 122 ; taking of, 263 
 
 Sabellianism, 12, 14, 37, 190, 214 
 Sacramental principle, the, 154, 179, 
 
 285 
 Sardica, council of, 28 
 Scripture, study of, enforced, 65 ; 
 
 ignorant misuse of, 262 
 Seal, image of a, 192 
 Semi-Arianism, 34 
 Semi-Pelagianism, 175, 178, 245, 292 
 Serapion, archdeacon, 72 
 Severian, bishop, 78 
 Simplicianus, 170 
 
 Sin, nature of, 142 ; degrees of, 138 
 Sirmian creeds, 15, 34, 187 
 Sixtus, Augustine's letter to, 171 
 Socrates, 72 
 Son of God, Arian view of the, 13, 
 
 16, 20, 23 
 Sozomen, 62 
 Soul, the, in personal relation with 
 
 God, 113 
 Statues, insult to the imperial, 55 
 Stephens, on Chrysostom, 52, 107 
 " Steward of the church, " the, 72 
 Study, need of, for preachers, 210 
 "Subordination" of the Son, 12, 
 
 39. 189 
 Sun and ray, image of, 192 
 Superstitions, 65 
 " Sufficient grace," 307 
 Sympathy, 62, 75, 95 
 Synodical action, 5, 77, 86 
 Syrian school of interpretation, 57 
 
 T 
 
 "Tall Brothers," the, 80, 250 
 Terms, theological, inadequate, 236 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Thagaste, 114, 119 
 
 "Thalia," the, 23 
 
 Thankfulness, a perpetual duty, 84, 
 105 
 
 Theatres, 64 
 
 Theodore of Mopsuestia, 158 
 
 Theodosius I., 56 
 
 Theodotus, 100 
 
 Theognostus, 188 
 
 Theophilus of Alexandria, 60, 79, 84, 
 246 
 
 Theophilus of Antioch, 186 
 
 "Theotokos," the title, 194 
 
 Tillemont, 49, 61, 72, 86, 171, 245 
 
 Timasius and James, 289 
 
 Tradition, 19 
 
 "Traditors," 150, 277 
 
 Trench, archbishop, 109 
 
 Trent, council of, on grace, 176, 305 
 
 Treves, Athanasius at, 7, 45 
 
 Trials of faith and patience inevi- 
 table, 94 
 
 Trygetius, 125 
 
 Tyre, council of, 6 
 
 " Unigenitus," the, 312 
 Urban VIII., 306 
 
 Valens, emperor, 51 
 
 Valentinianism, 188, 212 
 
 Versatility, 31, 137, 241 
 
 " Very God from Very God," 15 
 
 Vestments, linen, 5 
 
 Vigils, 8 
 
 Virgins, ecclesiastical, 239 
 
 Vitalis, 292 
 
 Volusianus, 258 
 
 W 
 Wace, Dr,, on Athanasius, 18 
 Waterland, 189 
 White robes at baptism, 137 
 Whitgift, archbishop, 305 
 Widows, ecclesiastical, 73, 239 
 Winter, severe, in Armenia, 96, 103 
 Worldliness in clergy, 71, 107 
 
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14 A CATALOGUE OF WORKS 
 
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IN THEOLOGICAL LITERATURE. 15 
 
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