LIBRARY err RIKCnCN 
 
 
 
 NOV 2 8 aiB 
 
 THLCLOGiCAL SEf- iNARY 
 
 

 THE 
 
 POURTRAICTURE 
 
 OF 
 
 HIS SACRED MAJESTIE 
 
 IN 
 
 ^ HIS SOLITUDES AND SUFFERINGS. 
 
 A 
 
 REPRINT OF THE EDITION OF 1648, 
 
 AND 
 
 A FACSIMILE OF THE ORIGINAL FRONTISPIECE, 
 
 WITH AN INTRODUCTION THROWING FRESH LIGHT 
 UPON THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE WORK 
 
 EDWARD J. L. SCOTT, M.A., OXON., 
 
 Assistant Keeper of MSS-, British Museum. 
 
 LONDON : 
 
 ELLIOT STOCK, 62, PATERNOSTER ROW, EC. 
 
 1880. 
 
PEEFACE. 
 
 The history of Eikon Basilike has been so often written, 
 and the merits and capabilities of tlie two persons to whom 
 the authorship has been attributed for producing such a 
 work have been so fully tested and considered by their 
 various supporters on either side, that it may seem un- 
 necessary and almost impertinent to attempt to say anything 
 on so threadbare a subject. Bat the latest writer who has 
 given an opinion on the case carries such weight in his 
 name, and is so likely to be accepted as an authority on 
 this point, that it is all the more to be desired that his 
 views, if incorrect, should be challenged, and where possible 
 refuted. In a monograph on Milton, just issued, for the 
 series of English Men of Letters, is a brief account in four 
 pages of Eikon Basilike, wherein are reproduced all the 
 blunders and misstatements which it was the laborious task 
 of Dr. Wordsworth, fifty years ago, to expose and confute. 
 Indeed, his masterly letters to the Archbishop of Canterbury 
 might as well have never been written, and he might have 
 spared himself the trouble of replying to Todd, Broughton, 
 Lingard, Hallani, and the rest of his able and ingenious 
 opponents. We are told once more in direct terms that 
 the hook ivas composed hy Dr. Gauden. Of this, however, no 
 proof is adduced, but the writer adds that it is possihle thai 
 Gauden may have had in his hands some icritten scraps of the 
 King's meditations. This is rather in favour of the King, as 
 it allows him some original meditations, a point generally 
 
 A 2 
 
IV PREFACE. 
 
 contested by his enemies, and very damaging to Gauden, 
 because the latter distinctly denies that he owed anything 
 whatever to his rival ; the book and figure, he says, being 
 wholly and only his own invention, making, and design. 
 We are told on the next page that though a Royalist, Gauden 
 sat in the JFestminster Assembly. If this be so, how comes 
 Professor Masson, in his exhaustive list of the men who 
 composed that Assembly, to have omitted the name of so 
 distinguished a Royalist (there were not many, it may be 
 imagined, of that class in that august body) as Gauden ? 
 And further, he took the Covenant, for which compliance he nearly 
 lost the reivard ivhich after the Restoration became his due. If 
 there is one point about Gauden which is doubtful, it is 
 whether he ever took the Covenant ; and he is believed to 
 have denied that he did so. The readers of Eikon Basilike 
 never doubted that the meditations tvere those of the royal 
 martyr. What becomes then of the first controversy which 
 raged so fiercely in 1649 as to the authorship of the book, 
 and which produced so many pamphlets on both sides for 
 and against the King, such as the " Princely Pelican" and 
 many others '] Two pages further on we are told that the 
 plagiarism of the prayer from Sidney's "Arcadia" ought to 
 have opened Milton's eyes to the unauthentic character of the Eikon. 
 What had a subsequent appendix to the Eikon (the prayers 
 being no part of the first edition, but added afterwards to 
 later ones) to do with the authentic character of a work of 
 which at tlie time of publication they formed no portion"? 
 The secret of the authorship of the "Eikon" ivas icell kept, being 
 knotvn only to a very few persons — the two royal brothers, Bishop 
 Morley, the Earl of Bristol, and Clarendon. If we are to 
 believe Gauden's own words, the only one of these persons 
 who knew it was Bishop Morley, and he, as I shall shortly 
 prove, never for one moment attributed the work to any 
 but Charles I., from the date of its appearance in 1649 to 
 
PREFACE. V 
 
 his death in 1684. It is true that Gauden frequently 
 appealed to Morley's knowledge of it, but there is not a 
 word from Morley to prove that he knew it. Gauden 
 plainly tells us that the two royal brothers first learnt the 
 secret from himself in the end of 1660, and that he was not 
 made a Bishop on that account, a fact which Mrs. Gauden 
 is also equally positive about ; and yet we are now told he 
 pleaded it successfully as a claim to preferment at the Restoration, 
 and he received the bishopric of JExeter. "Why, so far different 
 is the truth, that he was actually nominated as a fit person 
 to fill a see in 1658, two years before he ever made his 
 claim at all. Clarendon and Bristol both, according to 
 Gauden's own letters, are made acquainted with the secret 
 after the Eestoration, when he is already Bishop of Exeter. 
 Such is the latest account of the Eikon Basilike, and of the 
 circumstances attending its production ; but as all these 
 points have long ago been satisfactorily cleared up and 
 settled by Dr. Wordsworth, it is only necessary now, in 
 writing a Preface for a New Edition, to bring before the 
 notice of the public any fresh evidence which may have 
 turned up during the last fifty years. As Dr. Wordsworth 
 confidently prophesied at the close of his labours that such 
 evidence would come to light in the course of time, and 
 that it would be wholly for the King and against Gauden, 
 so his prophecy has been verified to a great extent, and will 
 no doubt some day be completely fulfilled. There are two 
 grounds on which this question has generally been disputed : 
 1st, the internal; 2nd, the external evidence. On both 
 these heads something new may be said ; and 1st, as to 
 the internal. To begin with the title page. It has never 
 been noticed that wdiile the first edition has the date 
 ♦' MDCXLVIII." alone, all later editions before 25th March, 
 1649 have the words "Reprinted in R[egis] M[emoriam] 
 1648," This is strong evidence in support of the statement 
 
VI PREFACE. 
 
 that the Eikon was first ])rinted (but not published) during 
 the King's life. This is one point against Gauden, for his 
 wife declares that he could not get it printed until some few 
 days after the King's death. If Charles I. was dead at the 
 time of the printing of the title page of the Eikon, that 
 work could not have been entitled the Portraiture of his 
 Majesty, but of his late Majesty. 
 
 Next, as to the frontispiece. Here there are three or four 
 new points to be noticed. The emblems in it are taken 
 from different parts of the Eihon itself, such as the crowns 
 of gold and of lead, from the end of Chapter VI.; the 
 metaphor of the sea raging when stormy winds blow upon 
 it, from Chapter IV.; and many others. Next, the verses 
 beneath the frontispiece, being the explanation of it, bear 
 the signature G. D., which Todd explains to mean G[auden] 
 D[esigned], or G[auden], D[ean of Bocking]. But Dr. 
 Wordsworth, on the other hand, says these initials must 
 stand for G[ulielmus] D[ugard], the printer of one edition of 
 the Eikon ; and that he is right in so saying is proved by 
 the discovery of the diar}^ (now in the British Museum, 
 Add. MS. 23,146) of Dugard's brother Thomas, who 
 throughout it uses that remarkable and striking capital D, 
 which is also found in Dugard's earlier edition of the Eikon. 
 This copy is now m the hands of the Eev. Thomas Ford 
 Fenn, Head Master of Treat College, near Nottingham. In 
 another early copy, of 1648[9], from Dugard's press, in the 
 possession of Mrs. Manson, of Musvvell Hill, these ex- 
 planatory verses are not pinted, but engraved from the hand- 
 writing of their author, and bear no shadow of resemblance 
 to Gaudea's hand, but are written in the style of a school- 
 master's copies ; and William Dugard was High Master of 
 St. Paul's Grammar School. Again, it has not been noticed 
 that the Greek motto at the foot of the frontispiece, to x^ 
 ov^ev r^StKT^cre ttjv ttoXlv ovSe to KctTTTra, which Gauden, 
 
PREFACE. VU 
 
 in his sermon on the 30th January, 1648[9], refers 
 to Constantine, has really no reference whatever to that 
 Emperor, but to Constantius, for Julian the Apostate, from 
 whose Misopogon this line is quoted, is speaking of the time 
 when he himself was made Caesar. This sermon directly 
 attributes the Eihm to Charles I.; and it is absolutely 
 impossible that Gauden, the writer of it, should have 
 misunderstood and misapplied the quotation which, as 
 Gauden, the author of the Eikon, he had made use of only a 
 year before. Another point on which great stress has been 
 laid by both parties in their arguments is the fact that the 
 first couplet of the explanation of the frontispiece presents 
 the very words in English which in Latin close the Eikon, 
 viz., " Vota dabunt qum hella negarunf,'' and that this Latin 
 motto is found at the end of a poem called " Majesty in 
 Misery," composed by Charles L at Carisbrook. But no one 
 has apparently noticed that all three come from one and the 
 same place, viz., the concluding words of Chapter XVIII. of 
 the Eikon itself, ^' What we could not get by our treaties we 
 may gain by our prayers." Consequently, as the verses 
 appear first in Dugard's edition of the frontispiece, so does 
 the motto at the close of his edition, being, no doubt, added 
 by himself. The truth is that this comparison of the 
 various editions of the work has never hitherto been 
 attempted, and yet, if closely followed up, would inevitably 
 lead to most important results as to the real authorship. 
 Let all copies now known to exist be collected together, and 
 collated carefully one with another, and who can say what 
 further evidence would not instantly be elicited, which 
 might set this unhappy question at rest for ever. The 
 British Museum alone possesses twenty-five copies, the 
 Lambeth Library four, and so on, many of which contain 
 manuscript notes and memoranda hitherto unpublished. 
 There is one piece of interniil evidence in favour of 
 
Viii PREFACE. 
 
 Charles I. which has never yet been adduced, and that 
 is a comparison of the apophthegmata in the Eikon with 
 those composed by the King, and written with his own 
 hand in his copy of Bacon's Advancement of Learning (in- 
 terpreted by Gilbert Wats, Oxford, 1640), now in the 
 British Museum. This book is exhibited under glass in a 
 case in the King's library, and yet has remained all these 
 years unnoticed and unquoted. They are so very important 
 that the whole of them are subjoined here in order that 
 future readers of the Eikon may find out the parallel 
 passages for themselves. They occur in Book VI., pp. 
 300 — 323, where examples of the Antitheta are given under 
 various headings, pro et contra, such as Nobility, Beauty, 
 Youth, &c. 
 
 Health IV. 
 
 Pro. 
 " None so truly knowes the value of Healthe as those who 
 want it." 
 
 Praise Reputation IX. 
 
 Pro. 
 "Reward is nothing but reall Praise." 
 
 Life XII. 
 
 Pro. 
 " If long Lyfe were not a great Blessing, God had neuer 
 offerd it as a reward to Mankynde." 
 
 Superstition XIII. 
 Pro. 
 "If a Man, by eschewing superstition, grow to be 
 Profaine, what hath he gotten ? " 
 
 Pride XIV. 
 
 Contra. 
 " Pride made Angels Deuils." 
 
preface. ix 
 
 Envy XVL 
 Contra. 
 " All Enuy proceeds from a knowen selfe im worthiness." 
 
 Cruelty XVIII. 
 
 Cojitra. 
 " None but Cowards are cruell." 
 
 Vainglory XIX. 
 
 Contra. 
 " Vaine glorious Persons are neuer satisfied, though they 
 obtaine what they desyer, as thinking their Merit beyond 
 theire owen imagination." 
 
 Fortitude XXI. 
 Pro. 
 "A feareful Man wants but occasion to be Vitius." 
 
 Temperance XXII. 
 Pro. 
 " Temperance rewards a man wlien he least thinks of it." 
 
 Constancy XXI 11. 
 Contra. 
 " Varietie is this World's delight." 
 
 Magnanimity XXIV. 
 Contra. 
 " How can that be a Virtue which is built upon Vyce ? " 
 
 Knowledge Contemplation XXV. 
 Pro. 
 *' Knowledge giues lyke Pleasure to the Mynde w'^'* 
 Venus doth to the Body." 
 
 Learning XXVI. 
 Pro. 
 "Naturall Witt, destitute of Learning, is but lyke 
 unpolished Marble." 
 
X PREFACE. 
 
 Loquacity XXXI. 
 
 Contra. 
 " Few great Talkers are good Doers." 
 
 BOLDNESSE XXXIII. 
 
 Contra. 
 " None but Fooles or ill-bred Men are Impudent." 
 
 Jeasts XXXV. 
 
 Contra. 
 
 "Dull jesters are contemned, & those who are witty are 
 more hated then praised." 
 
 Love XXXVI. 
 Pro. 
 "Love is the Mother of all noble Actions." 
 
 Innovation XL. 
 Pro. 
 '' [He that will not apply new remedies] must neuer cure 
 new Diseases." 
 
 Contra. 
 " He that Innouats hath need to be verry Wyse, for he 
 taxes all Men of Ignorance," 
 
 Violent Consils XLIV. 
 Contra. 
 "Nothing but a desperat Disease can tollerat a violent 
 Remedy." 
 
 Suspicion XLV. 
 Contra. 
 " Suspition is incompatible with true frendship. Sus- 
 pition allwais proceedeth eather from Feare or Gilt." 
 
 All these apophthegms strike one on reading them at 
 first as extremely similar in style and expression to those 
 scattered throughout the pages of the Eikon ; for instance, at 
 the beginning of Chapter XVI. of that work occurs the fol- 
 
PREFACE. XI 
 
 lowing sentence : "So hardly can the pride of those that study- 
 novelties allow former times any share or degree of wisdom 
 or godliness." Compare with this the entry by Charles 
 with his own hand in Bacon's work under the head of 
 Innovation, "He that Innovats hath need to beverry Wyse, 
 for he taxes all men of Ignorance." To sum up, therefore, 
 the new evidence in favour of the King and against Gauden, 
 gathered from the internal proofs, we have : — 1st, The 
 inference (from the title-page of the King not being styled 
 his late Majesty, coupled with the simple date, "1648," in 
 place of " Reprinted in Kegis Memoriam. 1648 ; ") that the 
 book was printed during his lifetime, the Gauden story 
 being that it was not printed until after his death. 2nd, 
 The fact of the frontispiece being the representation of 
 various metaphors in the pages of the work, a point to 
 which Gauden never alludes in support of his claim to be 
 the author of both book and figure. 3rd, The explanation 
 of the letters G. D. at the foot of the verses to be Gulielmus 
 Dugard, not Gauden Designed, or Gauden, Dean of Bocking. 
 4th, The true origin of the line, " If prayers can give me 
 what the wars deny," or " Vota dahiint quos hella negarunt,'^ 
 to be found in Chapter XVIII. of the Eikon. 5th, The 
 handwriting of the explanation of the emblem is not that of 
 Gauden, but is in the style of a schoolmaster, which Dugard 
 was. 6th, The blunder of Gauden himself about the Greek 
 motto below the verses referring to Constantine instead of 
 Constantius in his sermon on the 30th January, 1649/50, 
 wherein he distinctly assigns the book to Charles I. 7th, 
 The comparison of the sentences written by the King's own 
 hand in his copy of Bacon's Advancement of Learning (a book 
 which Gauden could never have seen until after Charles's 
 death) with the style and method of composition of the 
 Eikon itself. 
 
 Now to turn to the external evidence that has come to 
 
XU PREFACE. 
 
 light during the fifty years that have elapsed since Dr. 
 Wordsworth gave to the world the result of his laborious 
 research into this subject. One of the most valuable 
 testimonies to the existence of a " Naseby copy" (i.e. a 
 copy of the first seven chapters of the Eikon, which is said 
 to have been taken by the Parliamentary forces, along with 
 the Koyal papers after the battle of Naseby), has lately 
 turned up in the library at Lambeth Palace, where is 
 preserved the copy of this work, formerly in the possession 
 of Archbishop Tenison. On the last page in the Autograph 
 of the owner is the following Memorandum. 
 
 "D[octor] Mew, L[ord] Bpshop] of Winchester, had 
 often told me (& he repeated it again before y B[ishop] of 
 Peterburgh in y^ B[isho]ps Cha[m]ber on Jan. 30th, 169^, 
 bef[ore] we went to West[minster] Abbey, that at Naseby- 
 fight he saw y^ K[ing]s Closet Keeper before y^ fight began 
 carry out the Kings papers to y^ Camp ; & y* aft[e]r y^ Fight 
 he saw divers of them torn, & amo[n]gst these fragm[en]ts 
 took up some pieces of £k-[wv] ^aa[i\iKr)] written with y' 
 Kings own hand 
 
 Tho[mas] Cantuarpensis]." 
 
 The existence of this Naseby copy has always been 
 considered to be fatal to Gauden's claim, as he declared 
 that he began to compose the Eikon in or about the year 
 1647, and all his supporters are unanimous in saying that 
 the only papers lost by the King at Naseby were those 
 published by the Parliament, and among these is no trace 
 of the Eikon. Many of the arguments are based on the 
 fact that no mention is found of Eikon- Basilike in any 
 books or correspondence previous to the King's death; but 
 this is manifestly absurd, because the work only received 
 its Greek title at the time of its publication. Dr. Words- 
 worth produced no less than nine evidences in favour of a 
 Naseby copy, but taken collectively they are not so weighty 
 
PREFACE. Xlll 
 
 or decisive as this newly-found Memorandum. It is very- 
 strange that Todd, who was Librarian at Lambeth Palace, 
 should have mentioned two copies of the book as being in 
 the library, and yet should have said nothing of Arch- 
 bishop Tenison's copy, however damaging to the cause he 
 was seeking to uphold. As however the edition is not an 
 English one, but the Latin translation by Bishop Earle, he 
 may have overlooked it altogether. One argument against 
 the chronological arrangement of the Eikon is that events 
 occur in chapters subsequent to the time at which they 
 were apparently composed, and it has been answered that 
 such circumstance is to be explained by the habit of the 
 King to correct and retouch the part already written. But 
 Bishop Mew furnishes us with another and better reason, 
 viz., that the first seven chapters were so injured at the 
 battle of Naseby, that the King must have rewritten them 
 from the recovered fragments, and would naturally have 
 added and altered many passages. Some considerable 
 evidence, hitherto unknown, has also been found among 
 the j^apers and official correspondence of Sir Edward 
 Nicholas, Secretary of State to Charles I. and Charles II., 
 which have been lately acquired by the British Museum. 
 He was one of the most confidential servants of the former 
 monarch, and their ciphered correspondence was published 
 by W. Bray in 1818, in his Evelyn Memoirs from the 
 originals in the Evelyn library at Wotton. Half, however, 
 of the letters had never found their way to Wotton, but 
 had remained at West Horseley, in Surrey, the ancient seat 
 of the Nicholas family, and among them are six papers 
 relating to the Eikon, a seventh having been found by 
 Bray, at Wotton ; and an eighth of the same series having 
 been published by Wagstaffe in his Vindication of King 
 Charles the Martyr. It will be necessary for the better 
 understanding of the allusions in the new correspondence 
 
XIV PREFACE. 
 
 to first give a copy of the letter at Wotton, which is 
 slightly earlier than the others. 
 
 Paris, Nov. 6, 1649, St. No. 
 
 Sir, 
 
 To giue you an account of the vastnesse of this 
 Packett, give me leaue to tell you that together with this 
 booke which I send you there came in half a score persons 
 of consideration, who with very much passion, desired me 
 to represent to Jersey the high indignity by this base 
 edition offered to our blessed Master, and the great injury 
 rendered to his Majesty that now is. 
 
 You will finde a Preface to this Booke which tends to 
 proue that our blessed Master might be, nay, perhaps was 
 a Papist in his heart, notwithstanding this Booke. That 
 what instructions and commands were giuen to his sonne 
 for his firmenesse to the Protestant Religion, were giuen 
 out of politique considerations meerely, and many other 
 particulars which I hope will bring it to the hands of the 
 common hangman. 
 
 This Marsys is one who setting out the tryall of the 
 late King, and the manner of his murther stiles himselfe 
 " Interprete et Maistre pour la langue Francoise du Roy 
 d'Angleterre regnant a present et de son Altesse Royal e le 
 Due d'Yorke son frere" in which Booke he stiles Queene 
 Elizabeth (of euer blessed memory) Jezabell. He sets 
 downe a false and faigned speech of the Kings at the time 
 of his being murthered ; & being charged with it, he said 
 he thought fitt to make that speech as spoken by him 
 since the speech he did make was poore and belowe a 
 King. He hath sett forth diuers other things, an extract 
 whereof I shall shortly send you, the least of which would 
 deserue a whipping in England in good times to speake 
 moderately. I presume you will giue this business a 
 thorough sifting there in Councell, and send some directions 
 to Sir Richard Browne how to proceede here. That it may 
 appeare who sett him on worke here, and who giues him 
 these exact coppies which he pretends to haue under the 
 Kings owne hand. And those other peeces of the Kings 
 which he so braggs of, and promises he will bring them to 
 light, so soone as he obtaines leaue to publish them. I 
 
PREFACE. XV 
 
 hope some course wilbe taken that he may be discharged 
 of his titles of relation to the King, and that his Majesty 
 will hereupon giue order that a true coppy may be printed 
 in French of his Fathers Booke, declared by him to be 
 authentique, waving both the editions either of Huguenot 
 or Papist, and that this command be grounded upon the 
 ill Editions of both these Persons and Partys. 
 
 Indorsed "6° Novem : 1649. Concerning Marseis, his 
 translacion of the Kings Booke." 
 
 This letter, as printed by Bray, has no signature to it, 
 which has led him to propound a false conjecture as to the 
 writer of it in his note upon its contents. He says, "If it 
 were necessary to enter upon the controversy respecting the 
 authenticity of Eikon BasUike, this letter might be adduced 
 as a proof against Bishop Gauden's claim to that work. 
 The wish here expressed was not fulfilled specifically ; 
 though afterwards in some measure gratified by the publica- 
 tion of Eikon Aklastos in 1651, as a vindication of the 
 oriojinal work asrainst the attacks of Eikonoklastes. This 
 letter," he goes on, " was written by Sir Edward Nicholas 
 during his retreat from England after the death of his royal 
 master. He appears to have been then resident with his 
 son-in-law, Sir Richard Browne, who still remained charg^ 
 d'affaires at the French Court." This, of course, is an 
 absurd mistake ; the letter in question being not from but 
 to Nicholas, who was then at Jersey with Charles II. If 
 Bray thought this letter might be adduced as a proof 
 against Gauden's claim, what would he have said had he 
 afterwards discovered the subsequent letter with its two 
 enclosures, which was the direct result of this anonymous 
 appeal. Between the date of the first letter on 6 November, 
 1649, and the date of the earliest newly discovered one 
 on 4th January, 1650, there appears to have been a letter 
 of the 23 November from Nicholas, written in consequence 
 of the first communication and addressed to Sir Christopher 
 
XVI PREFACE. 
 
 Hatton, Sir Richard Browne, John Cosin, Dean of Peter- 
 borough, and George Morley afterwards Bishop of Win- 
 chester, all at this time resident at Paris. This letter 
 apparently has not survived to the present day, or else it 
 is hidden in the private papers of some old family, and will 
 come to liolit at a future time. Its loss is much to be 
 regretted, as it must have materially strengthened the 
 evidence for Charles I. In consequence of this letter, Sir 
 C. Hatton, Sir R. Browne, Dean Cosin and Morley seem to 
 have sought an interview with Marsys, and which he 
 avoided, until on 4th January, 1650, they are able to 
 announce to Nicholas that they have at last succeeded in 
 speaking with Monsieur Marsys, and they give a lengthy 
 but extremely interesting and valuable account of their 
 proceedings. We learn from their letter that so great was 
 the demand for a French Edition of the Eikon, that four 
 thousand copies of a translation by a Monsieur Porree were 
 already sold within twelve months after the King's deatk 
 In the instructions to Sir R. Browne (the draft of which 
 the writers of the letter forward to Nicholas for the 
 Royal approval and signature), Charles 11. is made to declare 
 in most distinct and precise words, his belief in his father 
 being the author of the Eikon, and one or two words have 
 been added to or corrected in the draft in Nicholas' own 
 hand, proving thereby that it was taken into consideration 
 and acted upon. These additional words are here printed 
 in italics, to draw the reader's attention to them. The 
 second enclosure is also curious and very interesting, 
 especially the remark that Queen Henrietta Maria flung 
 away Marsy's Histoire de la Persecution presente des 
 Catholiques d'Angleterre near the time of the first edition 
 on account of the false and slanderous passages against her 
 honour in his Epistle dedicatory unto her. The following 
 is the letter with its two enclosures : 
 
PREFACE. XVU 
 
 Sir, 
 
 In obedience to his Ma*'" Commands signified vnto 
 us in yours of the 13/23 Nov' wee haae at last spoken witlt 
 Mons"" Marsys (after some delayes on his Part) To whome 
 wee represented his Ma*'" Just sense and Indignation 
 against the Preface, Title Page, References, and notes 
 annexed to his Translation and Edition of the Booke 
 written by his late Ma*'^ of euer blessed Memory. 
 
 Wee asked him upon what grounds, and by whose 
 incouragement, priuity, or advice he presumed to put forth 
 the Advertisement, Preface, and Notes upon that Trans- 
 lation, so boldly and scandalously insinuating that his late 
 Ma*'^ was enclining to Popery. 
 
 To which he answered that as he had not been put upon 
 this Worke by any, so had not any person been made 
 aquainted therewith by him before the Impression of his 
 Booke ; but that upon generall Conference with those 
 Protestants, and Roman Catholiques, with whome he had 
 conversed, it was thought more advantagious to represent 
 the late King a Roman Catholique then a Puritan as they 
 conceiued Porree had done, in regard, that it might be 
 a meanes to stirre up the Romish Partie to helpe, and 
 assist his Ma*'^ that now is ; which would be of greater 
 Concernement then any thing the Calvinists or Huguenotts 
 would doe. He further added, That at his first vnder- 
 taking he had no intention to Prefixe any Preface, or adde 
 any notes to his Edition, but that he was afterwards 
 prouoked thereunto upon the Sight of Mons"" Porrees 
 Preface and wilfull Faults in his Translation. 
 
 Wee demanded of him ; First, wliy he called the Booke 
 intituled Le Portraict du Roy vn liure Apost6 et Ditfama- 
 toire, which wee and all others (but himselfe) conceiued To 
 be the Right and true translation of tiKojv ^aaiXiKri the 
 same being the Title affixed to that Booke when it was 
 first printed in England, and therein translated. The 
 Portraiture of his Sacred Ma'''^ as it was likewise rendred 
 Imago Regis Caroli in the Latin Edition set forth in 
 Holland, by the Approbation of his Ma*'^ that now is, 
 Marsys himselfe hauing no other Copie to translate by, 
 
 B 
 
XVlll PREFACE. 
 
 then those Two that had the same Title, which he calls 
 Aposte, &c. And secondly being demanded, why he had 
 not Suppress'd his new Imposed Title, together with his 
 slanderous and bold assertion concerning the Former, 
 which he might haue timely done upon the early Admo- 
 nition of Sir Eichard Browne, giuen him the day after the 
 Titles of his Booke were first affixed to the publique Places 
 of this Cittie, and before any of the Copies were deliuered 
 out at the Printing-house, it being then likewise represented 
 vnto him that in his new Title Page, He did not Charge 
 the Booke entituled le Portrait du Eoy &c. to be an ill 
 Translated Booke but a meere Supposititious Booke, and 
 that advantage would from hence be taken, in England, to 
 increase, if not Confirme their Scandalls who gaue it out 
 that tiKwv (SatTLXiKTi was not written by the late King ; 
 w^ierein his boldnesse had been also the greater, in that he 
 had so excessiuely vilified that Edition, which he knew his 
 Ma^'^ that now is by his Gracious Expressions, in his Royal 
 Letters to Mons' Porree had well accepted of, in regard 
 both of his Paines and his early readinesse to render that 
 excellent Booke vnto his owne nation in their owne 
 Tongue, although through haste and want of a perfect 
 vuderstandiug in the English Tongue some errours and 
 faultes might escape him in that Translation. 
 
 His answer to all this was. First, that Porr6e had not 
 truly translated the Title of e'lKujv /3ao-iXiK^ because to 
 Portrait du Roy he had added these words De la Grand' 
 Bretaigne and that thereupon he tooke his advantage to 
 condemne the Booke that bare the Title of Portrait du Roy 
 de la Grand Bretaigne. Secondly he said That (notwith- 
 standing the aforesaid Admonition) the prevailing reason 
 with him, not to suppresse or alter the Title of his Booke, 
 was, because he thought he should haue lost much by it, if 
 he had so done, his primarie Intention being, by this 
 alteration of the Title, to make his owne Edition more 
 vendible and hinder the Sale of Porr^es, adding that it 
 repented him he had not done it sooner, in regard there 
 were foure thousand of Porrees Copies already disperst ; 
 and that those, with whome he conversed, advised him 
 to goe on, with his former designe, notwithstanding S' 
 Richard Browne's Admonition. 
 
PREFACE. XIX 
 
 Being by us demanded, by what Authority he assumed 
 to himselfe, in the Title Page before some of his Printed 
 Bookes, the Style of Interprete & Maistre pour la langue 
 Frangoise du Roy d'Angleterre regnant a present et de son 
 Altesse Poyal Monseigneur le Due d'Yorke son frere. He 
 answered he did assume to himselfe that Title by reason 
 he had the Hon' to read French to his Ma**^ that now is, 
 when he was Prince of Wales, and was also assigned to 
 the same Employment towards his Highnesse the Duke 
 of Yorke. 
 
 Whilst we were in the prosecution of this Businesse, my 
 Lord Bishop of Galloway (who accidentaly came in upon a 
 Visit) desyred he might lay it to Marsys Charge, the 
 wronge and Scandall he had done to the Royall Partie of 
 the Scotts by applying to the Whole Nation what the King 
 in the Beginning of the 23 Chapter of his Booke restraines 
 onely to Those that deliuered him up : And he accused 
 Marsys to be an unfaithfull Translator, in positiuely 
 rendring what the King suppositiuely speakes. For 
 whereas in the English the Kings words are Those Scotts 
 and the Latin hath it right Istos Scotos and Mons"" Porr(^e 
 truly renders it Ces Escossois, Marsys makes it indefinite 
 Escossois and whereas the King saith, If I am sold, 
 wherevnto the Latin Translation agreeth expressing it 
 Si ab ijs Divendar and Mons"" Porr^e likewise truly renders 
 it Si je suis vendu. And although all the Kings loyall 
 Scotch Partie, and amongst them my Lord Byshop himselfe 
 (as he saith) might and doe belieue in their Perticular 
 Judgements, that the King was Sold by that partie of 
 Scotts which deliuered Him up. Yet Mons' Marsys had 
 he been a faithfull Translator of the Kings owne words, 
 ought not to haue taken upon him the Libertie to leaue out 
 those Limitations and Conditions wherewith it pleased his 
 Ma''^ to expresse himselfe and by his vnfaithfull Translation 
 render his Ma^'^* expressions to importe that the whole 
 Scottish nation was guilty of having absolutely sold their 
 King. Wherevnto Mons' Marsys (acknowledging that he 
 had for this already been by some Scotchmen publiquely 
 challenged and Questioned in the Streets and threaten'd 
 with Blowes, and indeed not being able to Justifie the 
 Fidelity of his Translation of which he had so much 
 
 B 2 
 
XX PREFACE. 
 
 boasted, both in his Preface and elsewhere) answered, 
 that He had already resolued to make an Apology for 
 himselfe in that particular onely which he intended to 
 Publish in Print. 
 
 We held it not amisse to Charge him further with some 
 of those great Tnsolencies he hath Committed in all other 
 the Bookes published in his Name, in particular. That in 
 his Booke intituled A Narration of the Tryal and Murder 
 of the late King (in which he had giuen himselfe the 
 Title of Interprete & Maistre de la langue &c.) he calleth 
 Queen Elisabeth an Impious Jezabell with other base 
 expressions concerning Her, And taketh his liberty not 
 onely to alter and omitt many parts of his Ma*'^' Speech 
 vsed at the tyme of his Murder of purpose leaning out 
 those pious expressions which testifyed to the world in 
 what Religion that blessed and Royal! Martyr dyed ; 
 but likewise to adde of his owne feigning what he 
 thought fitt; and to represent his Sacred Ma*'^ as 
 then expressing himselfe in such Language and Passion 
 whereof the very Rebells and Murderers themselues neuer 
 accused him. 
 
 In his Booke intituled Histoire de la Persecution 
 presente des Catholiques d'Angleterre (to which he makes 
 his Marginall Renvoys throughout all the Kings Booke) 
 wee shewed him what vnfitt and scurrilous Language he 
 had vttered of King James of euer blessed Memory, 
 Grandfather to our Soueraigne that now is and of other 
 his Royall Predecessours &c. (some particulars whereof 
 are lined out in the Booke which w^ee now send) together 
 with many other Passages concerning the Protestants 
 of the Church of England, and the publique Lawes of 
 that Kingdome, very Scandalous to be read and full of 
 Falsehood. 
 
 To all which he answered, That he held himselfe obliged 
 so to speake as he had done of Queen Elisabeth, King 
 -James &c. as he was a Roman Catholique and that what he 
 ]md sayd of Protestants referred to the tymes of Queen 
 Elisabeth and King James in which all the Protestants 
 were of that Temper wherein he represented them, which 
 Answer we conceiue to be a great Aggrauation of his 
 Offence by extending those his false and Scandalous ex- 
 
PREFACE. XXI 
 
 pressions to all the Members of the Church of England 
 who liued or dyed during the Keignes of those two famous 
 Princes. 
 
 And whereas we are commanded to vse our best 
 endeauours to make stay of the Publishing of the said 
 Translation and Preface ; Wee beseech you to represent t o 
 his Ma*'^^ Consideration, That it cannot be expected wee 
 should obteine the Fauour of the State here to Suppresse 
 this Booke euen for that very Reason for which wee would 
 suppresse it, which is the Dresse he hath giuen it to fitt the 
 Popish Interest ; and if this might haue been hoped it had 
 not been now to be acted, as it hath not been vnconsidered. 
 But there are already so many Copies dispersed that to 
 ejEFace this malitious Scandall Some other course must 
 be taken. 
 
 Hauing thus sent you this Accompt of the matter of Fact 
 to the end you may in forme his Ma*'^ of our Proceedings 
 herein ; wee shall in the next place obey his Ma*'''* 
 Commands to certifie what upon Consideration of the 
 whole Businesse we humbly Conceiue fit to be done 
 in it. 
 
 We therefore humbly offer as the onely expedient in our 
 Judgement, upon the daily experience of the mischeivous 
 Consequences both here and in England of these Insolencyes 
 of Marsys ; That his Ma*"' will be pleased with the advice 
 of his Councell to put in execution what this Inclosed 
 Letter doth purport, and send the same Vnder his Royall 
 fSignet conteyning his commands and Directions in this 
 Businesse vnto S' Richard Browne as his Resident and 
 Publique Minister in this Place, which letter wee haue 
 drawne up in obedience to his Ma*'*^ Commands, signified 
 vnto us by one of yours of a late date. 
 
 And this w^e humbly conceiue to be the onely way now 
 left to repaire the Injuries done by this Marsys and 
 sufficiently to Righte his Ma*'^ in his Pious vindication, 
 not onely of his blessed Father but likewise of his other 
 Royall Predecessours, and Progenitors, together with 
 his own Religious, Pious, and Royall Disposition and 
 Intention. 
 
 Which we humbly beseech you to present to his Ma''" as 
 a Testimony of our Obedience to his Commands and a 
 
XXll PREFACE. 
 
 Pledge of our Zeale to the euer blessed Memory of our late 
 Royal and blessed Master. 
 
 And so wishing you all health and 
 Happinesse we liemaine 
 S' 
 Your most humble Servants 
 Paris 4*^ January. 
 Anno. 1650. s°. n^ 
 
 Chr : Hatton. Richard Browne. 
 Jo: Cosin. Geor: Morley. 
 
 '^ Right " Trusty and Welbeloued, — Whereas wee haue 
 been informed by diners Persons (uppon their obseruation 
 of the publishing and vttering so large a Proportion of that 
 Booke, which was written by our Father of euer blessed 
 Memory, and entituled tlKiov jSaaiXiKi) hauing now passed 
 three Impressions in the French Tongue in Rouen and 
 Paris) That the said Booke is very acceptable vnto the 
 French Nation and much approued and Desired by them in 
 Generall ; To the end that Right may be done to the said 
 Booke and satisfaction to all such who justly esteeme and 
 Value it, we haue thought it agreable to the great Regard 
 and tender Affection wee beare to the Memory and Honour 
 of our most dear and blessed iFather and to the Right 
 Information of all those who desire to read and make vse 
 of the Truth wisedome and Piety which is Conteyned in 
 that Booke to take into our Consideration the Seuerall 
 Translations already made thereof into the French tongue 
 wherein wee find that of Monsieur Porrees entituled le 
 Portrait du Roy de la Grand Bretaigne (being a True 
 expression of the Title of our late Fathers Booke) first 
 Printed at Rouen to haue had some mistakings, "and 
 Errours " in it, which (as we belieue) escaped him, through 
 haste, and for want of a perfect vnderstanding of the 
 English Tongue, although wee doubt not but his meaning 
 and Intentions were good wliich wee haue accordingly 
 accepted from him ; But whereas there is another pretended 
 Translation, and Edition, set forth by one of that Nation 
 calling himselfe, Le Sieur de Marsys to which he feigns a 
 Title of his owne Invention as followeth ; les Memoires du 
 feu Roy de la Grand Bretaigne Charles premier escrits de sa 
 
PREFACE. XXlll 
 
 propre main dans sa prison. Ou il est monstre que le liure 
 intitule Portrait du Roy de la Grand Bretaigne est vn liure 
 Apost6 et difFamatoire. Traduits de I'Anglois en nostre 
 Langue par le Sieur du Marsys & enricliis d' Annotations & 
 de Renuois tres necessaires pour I'lnteligence de I'Ouurage. 
 
 Wee haue seriously considered thereof and forasmuch as 
 wee find that the said Marsys hath not onely boldly altered 
 the True Title of our Deare Fathers Booke (which being 
 stiled e'lKOJv (SaaiXiKT] is not vnproperly translated by Mon- 
 sieur Porree le Portrait du Roy de la Grand Bretagne) but 
 likewise insolently averred in his owne New Title Page 
 that the former Booke intituled (as it ought to be) is A 
 Suposititious "Booke" and defamatory Booke, meerely 
 out of an vnworthy designe by his owne Confession to 
 hinder the Sale of Monsieur Porrees Edition, and to deceiue 
 the Buyers by making them belieue that this Edition of his 
 is a new distinct Booke from that sett forth by Monsieur 
 Porree ; And further that the said Marsys hath annexed to 
 the said Booke an Advertisement wherein are many things 
 Scandalous to the Royall Person and Honour of our late 
 ffather ; and that he hath been likewise vnfaithfull in his 
 Translation of some particulars, and amongst others of that 
 which concerneth the Scotts whereby he hath cast an 
 Infamy upon the whole Scottish Nation ; and hath more- 
 ouer added many malitious Annotations together with 
 diuers Renuois to an Insolent Booke formerly printed by 
 him wee haue therefore thought fitt to declare our just 
 Indignation against this his Edition, and to disclaime it. 
 
 And whereas this Marsys hath in another Booke intituled 
 a Narration of the Tryall and Murder of the late King (our 
 deare and blessed ffather) taken his licentious liberty to 
 stile himselfe Interprete & Maistre pour la langue Fran(joise 
 du Roy d'Angleterre Regnant a present et de son Altesse 
 Royale Monseigneur le Due d'Yorke (which wee neuer 
 allowed him) and in the same Booke not onely with false 
 and vnseemely Language to abuse the Person of Queen 
 Elisabeth of Blessed Memory, but to injure also our Deare 
 and blessed Ifather by altering the Speech which at the time 
 of his Murther and Marty redome he vttered to the People, 
 therein leaning out particulars of greatest moment Concern- 
 ing his HoDour and representing him with such Language 
 
XXIV PREFACE. 
 
 and passion as was much different from that Ma*'** and 
 Christian Piety wherewith he vnderwent that his Cruel and 
 barbarous Martyredome and whereas a third Booke sett 
 forth vnder the said Marsys name hath likewise come to 
 our View intituled Histoire de la Persecution present des 
 Catholiques d'Angleterre, &c.; wherein besides his insolent 
 and malitious Aspersions cast upon other of our Predeces- 
 sours in the Crowne of England he hath likewise with very 
 false, and Scandalous language abused the Person, and 
 Actions of our most deare Grandfather King James of euer 
 blessed Memory, and throughout the greater part of that 
 whole Booke hath shewed little else but his owne Boldnesse 
 and Ignorance. Therefore (all these foregoeing Particulars 
 Considered) wee haue by the advice of our Councell caused 
 the two last forementioned Bookes set forth in the said 
 Marsys name, together withe the Title Advertisement 
 Notes and Renvoys of the other Booke entituled Les 
 Memoires Sec. being stiled from our fathers said Booke to be 
 publiquely burnt in our Isle of Jersey by the Hande of the 
 Common Hangman. And wee doe disavow the said 
 Marsys to haue any Relation to our Service enioyning you 
 to discharge him from assuming to himselfe any title of 
 dependanee upon us or our Brother the Duke of Yorke. 
 And to the end that so Inestimable a Jewell as our Fathers 
 Booke is may be rendred to that Nation where you Reside 
 for us, and who entertaine it with due value and esteeme as 
 neere the Pure originall Lustre as may bee, wee haue 
 thought fitt to giue order for a Translation and an Edition 
 thereof to be prepared and Set forth b}^ Mons^ Testard one 
 of the Pastors of Bloys, an able learned man and well 
 affected both to our blessed ffathers Honour and ours, and 
 to the welfare of the Church of England. The Care in 
 procureing whereof according to the True originall Copie 
 wee haue Committed vnto our Chaplain J)" Cosin Deane of 
 Peterborough. Our Will and Pleasure therefoi^ is that 
 you our said Resident shall as our publique Ministre take 
 Notice hereof and upon all fitting occasions and oppor- 
 tunityes according to your iudgement and discretion shall 
 divulge and Publish as well the Censures wee haue executed 
 upon the said Bookes of Marsys as likewise our auowing 
 and approuing of this Edition of Monsieur Testards Trans- 
 
PREFACE. XXV 
 
 lation ; wherein you shall giue your assistance to further 
 and Promote it in our name and Interests, and upon all 
 occasions shew such Eespect and Kindnesse to the said 
 Mons' Testarde and any other wliome he shall employ for 
 the Publishing thereof as may agree with his and their 
 Juste desires, or your carefull and Keasonable performance ; 
 And for so doing this shall be your warrant. Giuen vnder 
 our at Castle Elizabeth In our Island 
 
 of Jersey. 
 
 To our Trusty and Welbeloued 
 
 S' Eichard Browne Kn* & 
 
 Baronet Our Eesid*. 
 
 Scandalous Passages false Traductions 
 
 and Contradictions in Marsys Booke 
 
 styled Les Memoires &c. ; 
 
 In the Kings Portraiture 
 
 He takes away the Crowne of Glory which was in the 
 
 English and Latin Copie. 
 
 In his Title Page. 
 
 1. The Change of the True Title of the Booke first printed 
 in England and after in Holland in English and Latin. 
 
 2. His averring in his Title Page that the Booke 
 Intituled Portrait du Eoy &c. is a Counterfeit and suppo- 
 sititious Booke. 
 
 3. His Boldnesse in making many impertinent and diners 
 malitious Aimotations upon his Ma*'^' Booke and therein 
 adding Eenuoys vnto a Scandalous Booke formerly set forth 
 vnder his the said Marsys name 
 
 In his Preface 
 He takes upon him to tell the world that the king made no 
 title to his Chapters in the Originall Booke which is more 
 then he could say truly, for by iiis owne Confession he had 
 not the sight of any otlier Copie but what was set forth in 
 English and Latin where those titles of Chapters were 
 printed in the third Person which as a Translator he ought 
 to haue followed. 
 
 In the Advertisement. 
 1. In the fourth Page his falsehood in averring Que 
 le Eoy en d'autres endroits ne se sert pas de ce Terme 
 (Papistes) mais de celuy de Catholique Eomain, whereas the 
 
XXVI PREFACE. 
 
 King througliout his whole Booke giues them no other 
 Appellation bat that of Papists. 
 
 2. Ibidem. Another false Assertion in saying that the 
 Church of England hath retayned the same order and the 
 same gouernment with that Catholique Church which euery- 
 where in his Bookes (as he confessed in his Conference with 
 us) he understands to be the Eoman Church. 
 
 3. Ibidem. A third false Assertion that there is no 
 Community or Resemblance either in doctrine or in Gouern- 
 ment between the Protestants of England and those whome 
 he Calls Calvinists. 
 
 4. Ibidem. A fourth fal[s]e Assertion that of a good 
 Protestant they may as easily make a (Koman) Catholique 
 as a Riseing Sunne of a faire Morning. 
 
 5. A Calumnie upon the blessed king where raising 
 to himselfe an objection that some perhaps will say the 
 King paroist Protestant he answereth that though he had not 
 been a Protestant it concerned him to write as he hath done 
 for reason of State to take away the Accusation of those 
 that said he was a (Roman) Catholique in his heart whereby 
 Marsys doth not onely attempt to make it doubtfull of what 
 Religion the King was, but to Render him also a most 
 notorious Hypocrite in his life and death. 
 
 6. Another, that where the king exhorts his Sonne to be 
 firme in the Protestante Religion it may be belieued it was 
 for feare onely he should be Come a Calviniste whereas it is 
 euident that the king mentioneth no Calvinist in that whole 
 Chapter but exhorts him from the Pompe of that super- 
 stitious Tyrannic (and whome that meant Marsys knew well 
 enough) and from the meanes of Fantasticke Anarchie 
 whome all the world knowes to bee "whome all the world 
 knowes " y^ new Anabaptisticall Sects. 
 
 7. Another Calumny Que le Roy ne Choque Jamais les 
 Catholiques (Romains) que pour Reiller les Heretiques 
 (Calvinistes). 
 
 8. Where he makes an apologie for the late horrid 
 Rebellion in Irelande, with these words Quelle Religion n'a 
 point ceste Maxime de Chercher la libert6 de Conscience as if 
 it were lawfull to seeke the same (as they did) by Rebellion. 
 
 9. A sawcy Contradiction giuen to the king by a petulant 
 Retortion of his Ma*'''^ owne words in saying that les 
 
PREFACE. XXVU 
 
 Irelandois font bien voir a present que les Catholiques 
 (Romains) ont des maximes qui authorisent moins la 
 Rebellion, que celles des Heretiques. 
 
 10. He saytli that the Popish Irish sont les seuls sujets 
 des Isles Britanniques qui soient a present fideles a leur 
 Roy by which impudent assertion he excludes from all 
 fidelity to the king not onely the Marquis of Ormond and 
 all other Protestants with in his Army and Guarisons in 
 Ireland, but likewise all and euery other his Ma*'^' Pro- 
 testant Subjetts whomesoeuer in England and Scotland 
 together with the Isles of Man and Jersey (which are 
 as Britannique as Ireland) thereby numbring them all 
 among the Rebells and Traitors to the King. 
 
 11. That the kings Booke is so full of Invectiues against 
 the Calvinistes as if he had Composed his Booke to Con- 
 found them onely whereas the King in all his Booke nameth 
 them not. 
 
 12. Pretending to Recite the Kings words concerning 
 Churchwindowes, Crosses and Inscriptions upon the Monu- 
 ments of the Dead, he repeats them vntruly and inferres 
 from them the kings defence of Popery and Superstition 
 which is cleane ditferente from the expresse Termes and 
 Sense of his Ma^'^^ Booke. 
 
 13. He reproues the Translator of Rouen for hauing an ill 
 designe, because he sought not his Ma"*"* leaue to Translate 
 the Booke nor Communicated his Traduction to the English 
 at Rouen before he printed it, whereby he makes an argu- 
 ment against himselfe of his owne ill designe, who by his 
 owne Confession (to us) was guilty of both these faults, 
 which he blames in Mons' Porr^e. 
 
 14. The Sentence that Marsys giues of Monsieur Porr^es 
 booke is, Ceux qui ont ce liure diffamatoire sont obliges 
 d'lnuiter Plusieurs Personnes d'honneur et de tendre 
 Conscience qui I'ont mis au feu and when his Title Page, 
 Advertisement, Annotations, and Translations are well 
 perused this will appeare a good Paterne for a Censure upon 
 his workes. 
 
 15. That which the King calls Inscriptions of the Dead 
 (as Marsys himselfe reads it in his Translation of that Place) 
 is in this Advertisement out of opposition to Porree trans- 
 lated Epitaphs des Catholiques (liomains). 
 
XXVlll PREFACE. 
 
 16. Vndertaking to prone that the Booke called Portrait 
 du Eoy is Counterfeit he acknowledgeth that both it and 
 that of his owne are taken from one and the same Originall, 
 and yet that one of them (meaning Porr^es) is not the 
 Kings. 
 
 17. He pretends to hane seen the kings manuscript and 
 from thence inferres that the additionall Peices concerning 
 the Discourse of the King to his Childeren, the Duke of 
 Glocester and the Princesse Elizabeth are malitiously 
 annexed to the Second Edition of Porr^es Translation, who 
 therein followed the Copie Imprinted in England giuen 
 vnder that Princesse owne hand, which this Marsys Sawcily 
 Sensureth to be partiall and absurd, as well for the Kings 
 Recommendation of the Bookes there named to her, as for 
 her Incapacity to vnderstand the smallest Rudiments of 
 Christianity. 
 
 1 8. He is too bold to owne and Publish to the world his 
 knowledge or sight of another Booke Composed by the 
 King wliich himselfe Confesseth for Certaine Reasons is not 
 yet to be set forth, but insinuateth that hereafter he shall be 
 the man who shall set it forth. 
 
 In a short view that we tooke of his Translation wherein he 
 boasteth to haue been so religeously exact that he hath 
 not altered nor taken away one Iota we find as 
 followeth. 
 
 Chap. 1. he translateth the words other Gentlemen la 
 plus Part des Membres ; 
 
 Ibidem. Whereas the King saith — the Health of all 
 States and kingdomes Marsys saith States onely and leaues 
 out kingdomes. 
 
 Chap. 7, parag. 8. Impudence is translated DTmprudence. 
 
 Ibidem. The Kings words — Wee doe not much blame the 
 vnkindnesse of the generality & vulgar, Marsys translateth 
 Puisque nous Cognoissons que le general en est Innocent. 
 
 Ibidem, to the Kings words — of eating our bread lieadds 
 — Comme on dit. 
 
 Chap. 8. Parag. 10 being Compared with the Kings 
 booke, Marsys Translation appeareth to be very defectiue. 
 
 Chap. 12. AYhereas the King saith— By hov\^ much 
 protestant Principles are more against all Rebellion against 
 Princes then those of Papists. Marsys rendereth these 
 
PREFACE. , XXIX 
 
 words — Que les Principes des Protestants asseurent plus les 
 Monarques contre la Rebellion que Ceux des Papistes. 
 Wherein he Comraitteth the same fault that in his adver- 
 tisement he blameth in Porree for not observing the literall 
 Translation of this particular Place. 
 
 Chap. 15. The King vseth foure tymes the wordes 
 papists, and Marsys thrice translateth it Catholique Romain; 
 of which distinction framed onely by himselfe he maketh a 
 vaine and false vse, in his advertisement against Porree, and 
 to make good this his feigned difference doth in one and the 
 same paragraph of this Chapter render the word Papists by 
 the Terme of Romane Catholique in the first part thereof and 
 Papist in the latter. 
 
 Chap. 23. Where the King restraines his words to those 
 Scotts, that deliuered him up, Marsys enlargeth his trans- 
 lation to Escossois in generall. And where the King saith, 
 If I am sold which is conditional! Marsys turnes it abso- 
 lutely, le Regret que i'ay d'estre vendu. 
 
 In his Annotations and Renvois. 
 
 Page 2. Where the kinge speaketh of his interest in 
 Religion, Marsys saith it is because he tooke upon him the 
 Title of Head in Spirituall Matters against which (though 
 the King neuer tooke that title) he inveigheth in his Booke, 
 whereunto he referreth. 
 
 Pag. 35. Where the king Speaketh of his prayers and 
 Teares, Marsys addeth his Note, that they were vnprofitable, 
 if they came not from the heart. 
 
 Pag. 38. Where the King referreth to himselfe in naming 
 the Restored Glory of the Suns height after his Ecclypse 
 Marsys noteth it in his Margent for a Clinch saying SVN 
 Qui signifie Soleil en Anglois signifie aussi fils ; le Roy par 
 cette Equivoque touche elegament le Restablissement du 
 Roy d'a present son fils. 
 
 Page 39. He makes his boldnesse and sayth It seemeth 
 the King foresaw that God could not saue him without a 
 Miracle. 
 
 Page 47. At the Kings word Papist Marsys noteth, that 
 the King doth not say Catholiques, and yet in his Adver- 
 tisement he plainely saith that he did vse this word here, 
 and Referres to this very place. 
 
XXX PREFACE. 
 
 Page 48. The Kings Words against the Irish Eebells — 
 Ce peuple estant desia assez dispose a des violences exor- 
 bitantes, tant per quelques maximes de leur Religion &c. 
 Marsys to excuse them noteth La Reyne Elizabeth a fort 
 persecute les Irelandois. And upon the words Maximes — 
 De repouster la force, Qui vous Constraint dans vostre 
 Religion, cette Maxime est commune a toute Sorte de 
 Religions. A bold and a false note (especially upon the 
 Kings words) and againe les Irelandois se resouuenent des 
 cruautes que les Protestants auoient exerces sur eux se 
 vangerent par cette occasion, qu'ils entrouerent. As if this 
 w^ere a just excuse for their rebellion. 
 
 Page 78. Ypon the Kings words, I'orgueil de quelque 
 gens, Marsys makes this note Luther and Calvin & les 
 Autres Princes et estats qui ont embrasse leur nouuelle 
 doctrine, As if the Kings expression had Reference to them. 
 
 Page 122. Where the King expresseth himselfe cleerely 
 as in many other places in his Booke for his Sonnes 
 Constancy in the Protestant Religion of the Church of 
 England Marsys noteth in his margin, II entend la Religion 
 Chrestienne en general. 
 
 In Monsieur Marsys his Histoire de la Persecution 
 
 presente &c. 
 There will be found in those seuerall Places wee haue scored 
 with red Inke many false and slanderous Passages. 
 
 1. Against the Realme of England. 
 
 2. Against the honour of the Queen of Great Bretagne in 
 his Epistle dedicatory vnto her for which she flung it away 
 nere the tyme of the First Edition. 
 
 3. Against King Henry the 8th. 
 
 4. Against Queen Elizabeth. 
 
 5. Against King James. 
 
 6. Against King Charles. 
 
 7. Against the lawes of England. 
 
 8. Against the Judges of England. 
 
 9. Against the Church of England. 
 
 In his Processe Concerning the Kings Death. 
 
 1. Marsys vndertaking (in his litle [Title] Page) to trans- 
 late the English Copie faithfully which he performeth not. 
 
 2. Au Lecteur. He pretends that the Kings Ennemies 
 
PREFACE. XXXI 
 
 sett forth that Relation in English, and that y^ Translation 
 of Rouen followed a false Copie yet Marsys himselfe had no 
 other. 
 
 3. He giues notice to the world of his Booke (called the 
 Persecution of England) that it might be enquired after and 
 sell the better. 
 
 4. Page the 8. He calls Queen Eliz:[abeth] an Impious 
 Jezabell (which he found not in his Copie). 
 
 5. Pag. 9. He adds 24 lines of his owne head to abuse 
 the kingdome and King Henry the 8. 
 
 6. Page 11 & 12. He alters all the Kings Speech omitts 
 a great part of it, and makes his last words to be spoken in 
 a disordered Passion Tenez Traistres. 
 
 7. Page 13 & 14. Of the hue Paragraphs that follow, 
 those are added of his owne head, who promised in his Title 
 to be a faithfull Translatour. 
 
 A period of ten years now elapses in the Nicholas papers 
 before any further allusion to the Eikon is to be found, but 
 only ten days before Charles II. returns to take possession 
 of his kingdom, he writes a brief note to Monsieur Porr^e, 
 who figures so often in the letter with its enclosures just 
 given. In the note the King thanks Porree for apparently 
 a new French translation of the Uikon, which he still calls 
 his Father's book. The letter is the original draft revised 
 and corrected, and consequently does not bear the King's 
 stamp or signature. 
 
 Breda, May 20, 1660. 
 
 Monsieur Porree, 
 
 Jay tousjours souhaitte de voir le liure du feu roy 
 Mon Pere en beau francois et vous auez touchy mes 
 souhaits cela et le soin que vous auez de desabuser le 
 monde en ce qui est de la fermete de ma creance mar- 
 que" nt " asses laffection que vous faites profession d'auoir 
 pour moy et dont "jay tire" vous mauez donn6 beaucoup 
 de preuues ; aussy vous puisje asseurer que j'en ay tout le 
 ressentiment qu'il faut et comme je pretends de dementir 
 par ma Constance dans la religion " protestante " Reformee 
 tons les faux bruits que mes ennemis ont malicieusement 
 
XXXll PREFACE, 
 
 fait coiirir a mon "deso" preiudice *^par ma coustance 
 dans la Relligion Protestante " : vous deues croire que je 
 noublieray pas les bons offices que vous me rendes en 
 repoussant ces calomnies qui mattaquent par ou je suis le 
 plus " le plus " sensible, et que je seray tousjours. 
 
 Endorsed "A Monsieur Porree." 
 
 At the close of the same year 1660, on 29th November, 
 Charles II. granted to Koyston, the publisher (who had 
 printed the first edition of the Eikon), the monopoly of 
 printing his Father's works, and in the patent calls that 
 book "the most excellent discourses and soliloquies of our 
 blessed Father." Among the Nicholas papers is a printed 
 broadside containing the original advertisement of this 
 complete edition, which unhappily perished a few years 
 later in the celebrated Fire of London. It runs thus — 
 
 ;'M.S. 
 
 Sanctissimi Regis, & Martyris, Caroli. 
 
 Siste Viator. 
 
 Luge, Obmutesce, Mirare ! 
 
 Memento Caroli Illius 
 
 Nominis pariter, & Pietatis Insignissimse, Primi 
 
 Magnae Britannise Eegis : 
 
 Qui Rebellium Perfidia primo Deceptus 
 
 Dein Perfidorum Rabie Percussus 
 
 Inconcussus tamen Legum & Fidei Defensor, 
 
 Schismaticorum Tyrannidi Succubuit. 
 
 Anno 
 
 Salutis Humane^, MDCXLYIIL 
 
 Servitutis Nostrse, ) p • 
 
 Fselicitatis Suae, J ' 
 
 Corona Terrestri Spoliatus, Cselesti Donatus. 
 
 Sileant Autem Periturae Tabellae. 
 
 Perlege Reliquias, sere Sacras, Carolinas, 
 
 In Quels 
 
 &ui Mnemosynem, cere perenniorem 
 
 vivacius exprimit 
 
 Ilia, Ilia. 
 
 EIKflN BA^IAIKH, 
 
PREFACE. XXXlll 
 
 "This is placed with his Majesties Pourtraicture in St. 
 Olaves Silver Street Church, in London, with his Works in 
 Folio under it/' 
 
 Sir Edward Nicholas has left behind him a great many 
 memoranda on various subjects, some political, some theo- 
 logical, &c. ; written on backs of envelopes addressed to 
 himself, or on any little scraps of paper he h?.ppened to 
 have by him. These are in many cases exceedingly 
 interesting and important, especially some autobiographical 
 notes of his chequered career. But on the back of an 
 envelope addressed to him while in exile, and on some 
 blank sheets of letterpaper, are about a dozen pages of 
 moral and religious maxims and apophthegms, borrowed 
 chiefly from the Bible. Interspersed among them are three 
 sentences selected from " the King's Book." They do not 
 appear to have been copied from any printed edition of 
 that work, as the reference is to folios, not pages. First he 
 quotes from Chapter VIII. of the EiJcon, " The excesse of 
 impotent passions iniures a man more than his greatest 
 enemies can. K[ing]es booke. 56." Secondly, from Chapter 
 XL, " Tumults are the hounds that attend the cry and 
 hollow of those men, who hunt after faccions and priuat 
 designs to the ruyne of Church and State. K[ing]es booke. 
 fol. 97." (This quotation from fol not j;«^e 97, brings to 
 remembrance that Nicholas Oudart, Secretary to Sir 
 Edward Nicholas, is said to have transcribed the King's 
 original manuscript for the press, and it is not at all 
 unlikely that Sir E. Nicholas had this MS. copy by him 
 while making these extracts from the Eihon.) Thirdly, 
 from Chapter XII., " The goodness of mens intentions will 
 not excuse the scandall and contagion of ill examples. 
 K[ing]es booke. 105." Here in this quotation is a slight 
 variation from the printed copies, which read ^Hhe'ir 
 examples," instead of "' i// examples;" another proof that 
 
 c 
 
XXXIV' PREFACE. 
 
 Sir E. Mcholas was citing a manuscript, not a printed copy. 
 These moral and religious memoranda were most likely 
 written during his leisure moments, after his retirement 
 from the Secretaryship of State, and therefore some years 
 subsequent to the date of his letter to Gauden found among 
 the North papers, which has been suj^posed by the Bishop's 
 supporters to show Nicholas' knowledge of the true author 
 of the Eikon. On none, however, of these papers of Sir E. 
 Nicholas is there the slightest note or endorsement by him 
 to show that he knew the opinions and sentiments ex- 
 pressed in them respecting the Eikon and Charles I. to be 
 either mistaken or false, or that he had ever heard of or 
 been made acquainted with Gauden's claim. 
 
 The only remaining document as yet unnoticed among 
 the Nicholas papers is an English letter from John Earles, 
 Chaplain to Charles II., in which he dedicates to him his 
 Latin translation of the Eikon. It is undated, but must 
 have been written about the summer of 1649. The Latin 
 copy of this letter is printed before all the Latin editions 
 of the Eikon, but the English one is slightly fuller, and 
 being the original of the Latin, and apparently unpublished, 
 may be useful in support of the King's cause. 
 
 To THE Kings most sacred Majesty. 
 
 May it please your Ma*'^ 
 
 To receive into your gratious protection this image and 
 pourtraict of your glorious Eather (wherein he is nearer 
 the similitude of God then as he is either a man or king) 
 which thougli it appeare in a forraigne dresse and colour, 
 yet it is such, as will make it more visible, and by con- 
 sequence more publicke ; for so I understood your Majesties 
 pleasure was, that it should be deliuered to the Avorld in a 
 language common to the most part of the world : wherein I 
 heartily wish I could haue done your Maj'^ that satisfactory 
 service, as to haue rendered it in that naturall elegancy, 
 
PREFACE. XXXV 
 
 and cleere and liuely expressions, wherewith the admirall 
 originall aboundeth ; which as it may puzzle perhaps the 
 best master of language, soe it is much too hard for me; 
 And yet as it is, I conceiue it much better, that it should 
 even thus discoloured, and with some blemish of its lustre 
 and excellency, converse with the greatest part of Europe, 
 then to be confined to a few of his owne nation, and be 
 silent to all the world besides ; since there are here (if I 
 may speake it with reuerence) some of those great things of 
 God, which it concernes mankind to be made publique in 
 all languages. 
 
 I have endeavoured according to my small ability to 
 render it, if not in the same beauty, yet with the greatest 
 truth and perspicuity, being not willing to depart from the 
 very phrase and stile, so farr as the different Idiome of y^ 
 Latin would permitt me ; since of so sacred a booke, as this 
 is, we ought to be religious interpreters. And truly next 
 that most sacred booke (w'='' admitts of no comparisons) I 
 hope it will be no boldnes to say, that never any meerely 
 humane worke has deserued so much esteeme, either for y*" 
 author or the argument. 
 
 Certainly the piety of Eoyall Persons deriues something 
 from the height of their condition and has somewhat more 
 noble and divine and w*^^ challenges a greater power over 
 the soules of men, and is received with more reverence then 
 those of inferior ranke and quallity, for which cause God 
 himselfe has been pleased in those parts of Scripture, w''^ 
 more particularly belong to his worship, and are of 
 perpetuall vse in the Church (such as Psalmes and Himmes 
 and Prayers are) to make Princes his Instruments in the 
 composing and conveying them to the world, to adde the 
 more authority & Majesty vnto them. Men generally take 
 vp devotion with a much better appetite when it is thus 
 offered and presented ; As we see by experience in this very 
 Booke, w*=^ all that vnderstood it were very much affected 
 with, and wil be euery day much more, when being put 
 into more languages it shalbe more vnderstood. 
 
 A rare and admirable thing it was thus to meditate, thus 
 to compose, but a thing of much more admiration to line, 
 and to dye so : that these great expressions of piety, w'''' 
 may seeme too bigg for any mans thought, were outdone bv 
 
 c 2 
 
XXXVl PREFACE. 
 
 this great example. This that vnhappy part of the world, 
 the most sinfull at this day, and the most polluted, is too 
 sad a wittnes of. Oh how well had it been for them if 
 they had sooner vnderstood that excellent vertue which 
 now too-too late they admire & deplore, since it hath past 
 the try all of that terrible fornace, the greatest calamity to 
 vs, but to him the greatest blessednesse imaginable, even 
 that last and saddest part of his life, and that fatall day 
 (wherein he was made a spectacle to men and angells, and 
 gave such excellent proofs of a strong faith, & most 
 invincible courage and constancy standing above all his 
 sufferings and all the malice of Hell heaped together) was 
 beyound all the glories and tryumphs of earthly Princes. 
 
 You have done nothing, you of all mankind the ! 
 
 (but I will not speake any horrible word in the entrance of 
 so holy a Booke, nor make them the object of my curse, 
 that are so much a part of his prayers) you have done 
 nothing I say in this murder, but only joyned his Glory and 
 Immortality with your owne eternal! shame and rej^roach ! 
 Never any King since the Creation was lamented with so 
 many true teares, extolled with so hearty and vnfayned 
 applauses. Never did any in his most flourishing condition, 
 extort from the feare, or buy from the flattery of their 
 subjects those false & lying commendations, as were freely 
 paid to his afflictions, to his overthrowes, to his Prison, to 
 his Scaffold, and that direfull & dismall Axe, wherewith 
 he astonished his Enemys dying, and tryvmphed over his 
 murderers. 
 
 In the meanetime I doubt not but your sacred Ma^''^ (who 
 are the true & liuely Portraict of your Royall Father, 
 whose greatest happinesse in his prosperity, & greatest 
 comfort in adversity was, that he had such a sonne in 
 whom he cannot dye) will take flame from this example, 
 not to revenge his death only (to which it may become 
 others to incite you rather than myselfe), but to imitate 
 that Heroicall virtue and constancy, and to take possession 
 of that (whereof no force can deprive you against your 
 will) the Inheritance of Religion and Piety. And as you 
 are of tender afl'ections to all those that have neer Relations 
 to you, so I hope you will be pleased to extend them in 
 some measure to this Booke, a Child of the same Father. 
 
PREFACE. XXXVU 
 
 " Prov : 7-4. Say vnto wisedome thou art my sister, a,nd to 
 vnderstandiiig thou art my kinswoman." Advise with it. 
 Converse with it, and transfuse it into thy very soule 
 and spiritt. You see the eyes of all men are cast vpon 
 you, all the hopes of good men fixed in you, all their 
 lines depending on you, which noe doubt many men 
 had long since out of y^ extremity of their calamitys 
 abandoned, but that they reserved them meerely to 
 imploy in your service. A great businesse attends you 
 great expectation great difficultys and such as require 
 a greater taske and proportion of virtue then was before in 
 any of your Predecessors. Whether there shall be a 
 Kingdome a.ny more in Britanny, whether Eeligion, whether 
 Men, whether God againe, depends meerely vpon your 
 virtue, your fortune or rather your fortune vpon G-ods 
 mercy, of the necessity of whose present assistance as your 
 Ma*'^ must needs be now much more sensible, so I doubt not 
 but that you will labour to procure it by all the dutys of 
 Piety and Religion, and that ail these happy seedes (so 
 abundantly shed in your Royall breast) of Justice, Tem- 
 perance, Prudence, and Goodnesse, may be nourished 
 heightened and ripened to perfection, that God at length 
 appeased and wholly reconciled may be graciously pleased 
 to add that to your Ma"^ w'^^ he tooke from your Father, 
 & to recompence his sorrowes in redoubled blessings, that 
 you may be called That Restorer, w^^ is the hope and desire 
 of all, and the most earnest & fervent prayer of 
 Your Maj*y« 
 
 most humble and devoted 
 Subject & Chaplaine, 
 John Earles. 
 
 It is a curious fact that the writer of this letter succeeded 
 Gauden in the bishopric of Worcester, and yet so far as is 
 known he never uttered any opinions or left any writings 
 to show that he altered in the slightest degree his belief so 
 strongly expressed in his dedication of his Latin edition 
 that Ch-arles I. had composed the Elkoii. To sum up, 
 therefore^ tli^e new external evidence during the last fifty 
 
XXXVlll PREFACE. 
 
 years in behalf of the Eoyal Author, we have — 1st, The 
 holograph memorandum of Archbishop Tenison in his copy 
 of Earles' Latin translation now in the Lambeth Library, 
 which completely establishes, on the evidence of a most 
 credible eye-witness, the existence of a Naseby copy, a fact 
 alone sufficient to extinguish utterly Gauden's story of his 
 forgery. 2nd, The letter with its two enclosures from Sir 
 C. Hatton, Sir R. Browne, Dean Cosin, and Morley, which 
 alludes more than once to the King's original manuscript as 
 if still in existence, and about to be entrusted to Dean 
 Cosin's keeping. 3rd, The letter from Charles IL to Porree 
 ten years later, on the eve of his Restoration, in which he 
 again terms the Eikon the book of the late King, his Father. 
 4th, The original broadside advertisement of the new 
 edition of the work in December, 1660, published under 
 Royal patronage by Royston (a month subsequent to 
 Gauden's first appeal to Charles II.), wherein it is described 
 at length as the work of Charles I. 5th, The three selections 
 by Sir E. Nicholas after 1663 from the King's Book, where 
 he evidently quotes not a printed book, but a Manuscript 
 Copy. 6th, The English original of John Earles' Latin 
 dedicatory letter of his translation. 
 
 In conclusion, to show how base a timeserver Bishop 
 Gauden was, and how utterly unfit he was to concoct such 
 a forgery, it will be necessary to reproduce an unpublished 
 letter written by his own hand in the name of himself and 
 his wife to Henry Cromwell, Lord Deputy of Ireland, the 
 younger son of Oliver Cromwell, at that time Lord Pro- 
 tsctor. It occurs in the correspondence of Henry Cromwell, 
 now preserved among the Lansdowne MSS. in the British 
 Museum, No. 822, f. 1. 
 
 "My Lord the renowne of your Lordships gouerment 
 with such piety justice and clemency as giues life and 
 recouery to that state of Ireland which was lately Ian- 
 
PREFACE. XXXIX 
 
 guishing & dying This (just Honor) bath made many 
 your Lordships admirers who (yet) are humbly obseruant of 
 that distance wherein they stand to your Lordships eminent 
 place and authority noe lesse than your virtues; In this 
 number I may owne my selfe and my wife whose great 
 content it is to heare of that happines which your Lordship 
 and your Lady enjoy ; and to find by that Gentleman who 
 lately came from your Lordship that wee alsoe are soe 
 happy as to reteine some place in your memorys and 
 fauours of which he gaue vs soe particular assurance that 
 wee haue taken this Confidence to expresse our thankfull 
 sense of that honor your Lordship and your Lady are 
 pleased to doe vs when you voutsafe to think a kind 
 thought of vs as persons condemned to obscurity ; never to 
 bee releiued except by such a barren way of industry as is 
 sometimes giuen mee by such sad occasions as that of my 
 nephew Will Eussells and Mr. Rob. Eichs death. To the 
 vrne of this last I haue beene invited by your Lordships 
 Sister the Lady Frances to Consecrate a litle monument ; 
 which possibly may (as marble) bee durable though it bee 
 fruitlesse; vnlesse it bee productive of your Lordships fauour 
 and acceptance, beyond that degree which it expects in 
 England ; The fate of books is like that of many trees to 
 bring forth nothing but leaues. Being not read by many 
 and valewed by few especially yf they strike vpon just 
 securitys becoming all good Christians and wise to lay to 
 heart ; Noe discouragements in England haue hindred mee 
 from presenting my sense of otheres deathes & my owne 
 mortality to your Lordships view. The rather because I 
 haue heard that your Lordship hath beene a noble asserter 
 of our Richs honor even in Ireland ; The vindication of 
 which I willingly vndertook against a great streame of 
 vulgar credulity ; Being satisfied in this that I did the part 
 of justice & gratitude to the dead ; My ambition must bee 
 to performe such actions as are their owne reward ; among 
 which I hope this is one; a copy of which I adventure vpon 
 your Lordships and your Ladys acceptance; who in your 
 highest secular advancements carry soe moderate a temper 
 of minde & actions as willingly reflects vpon the end of 
 all these momentary dreams ; It is some recompense to my 
 paines that I haue hereby an opportunity to expresse to 
 
xl PllEFACE. 
 
 your Lordship & your excellent Lady how much wee are 
 ambitious to live worthy of that fauour your Noblenesses 
 were pleased to expresse to 
 
 Your Lordships very 
 
 Humble Servants, 
 
 John Elizabeth Gauden. 
 London, 
 
 May 24, 
 
 1658." 
 
 The address on the back of the letter is — 
 
 " These 
 to the right Honourable 
 the Lord Deputy of 
 Ireland, 
 
 present." 
 
 In another hand, probably that of Henry Cromwell, is the 
 endorsement — 
 
 "24 May 58. 
 Mr. Jo. Gauden." 
 
 If this fulsome letter from Gauden and his wife to one of 
 the chiefest men in that Commonwealth which had taken 
 the place and usurped the functions of the supposed Royal 
 author of the Eikon be compared with the Bishop's letters 
 written within three years from this date to the Lord 
 Chancellor Hyde and the Earl of Bristol, the comparison 
 will prove at once profitable and suggestive. In his earlier 
 letter he thus speaks of books : '*' The fate of books is like 
 that of many trees, to bring forth nothing but leaves. 
 Being not read by many and valued by few, especially if 
 they strike upon just securities becoming all good Christians 
 and wise to lay to heart." But in his later letter to Hyde, 
 on 21st Jan., 1660-1 : ''When it (his book, the ElJcon) came 
 out, just upon the King's death. Good God ! what shame, 
 rage and despite filled his Murtherers ! AVhat Comfort his 
 
PREFACE. xli 
 
 friends ! How many enemies did it Convert ! How many- 
 hearts did it mollify and melt ! What devotions it raysed 
 to hys posterity, as children of such a father I What 
 preparations it made in all mens minds for this happy 
 restauration, and which I hope shall not prove my affliction ! 
 In a word, it w^as an army, and did vanquish more than 
 any sword could." Again, in his letter to H. Cromwell 
 (the son of the chief of those men whom he calls in the 
 j^assage just quoted the King's Murtherers), he writes : "We. 
 have taken this Confidence to express our thankful sense of 
 that honour your Lordship and your Lady are pleased to 
 doe us when you vouchsafe to think a kind thought of us, 
 as persons condemned to obscurity." But in his letter to 
 Lord Bristol, of the 20th March, 1661-2, he uses the same 
 expression to the most influential person in the Court of the 
 murdered King's son : " How much I have of gratitude and 
 honour for you whose eminent lustre hath condescended to 
 owne hym whom some men [i.e., Clarendon and Morley] 
 have banished to soe great an obscurity." One more 
 quotation is sufficient. In his letter to H. Cromwell he 
 says : " My ambition must bee to performe such actions as 
 are their owne reward." In his letter to Lord Bristol, of 
 27th March, 1662, he tells us his actions during the 
 Commonwealth were by no means of that nature, but that 
 he was '' Sufficiently knowne to all the English world by 
 those many great and i^ublique works I had done in my 
 spheare to the hazard of my estate, liberty and life, in order 
 to preserve and restore the just interests of the Church and 
 Crown in the worst of times and things. Both enemies and 
 friends saw me always standing in the gap with a bold and 
 diligent loyalty, doing my duty by preaching, printing, and 
 acting to the great vexation and confusion of those tyrants 
 and usurpers." Among the chief of these tyrants and usurpers 
 was Henry Cromwell, Lord Deputy of Ireland, his patron and 
 
xlii PREFACE. 
 
 friend only three years before. And yet this Gauden is the man 
 whom, on his own unsupported testimony (for his wife and 
 his curate, Dr. Walker, only derive their evidence and story 
 second-hand from him), so many credulous persons, too 
 indolent to inquire or examine for themselves, believe to 
 have been the sole composer and author of the Eikon 
 Basilike, a work which bears on every page the peculiar 
 stamp of Charles's mind and habit of thought, and which 
 betrays over and over again an intimate acquaintance with 
 passing events to the minutest details, which could only 
 have been known to the King. It were a fitting tribute to 
 the memory of Bishop Gauden that the letter from himself 
 and his wife should be written in letters of brass, and placed 
 along with his effigy in Worcester Cathedral, to accompany 
 the Eikon Basilike which he there holds in his hands, or at 
 least that sentence of the letter which almost sounds 
 prophetic of his own tomb : " A little monument, which 
 possibly may, as marble, be durable, though it be fruitless." 
 
 Edward Scott. 
 
 30 Jan., ISSO. 
 
Mr. Edward Scott has much pleasure in announcing 
 that^ while the prese7it sheets we7^e passing through the press^ 
 Mr. John B. Marsh has made the most valuable and inte- 
 resting discovery in corroboration of the Royal Authorship 
 that has yet fallen to the lot of any inquirer into the subject' 
 He has found in the Record Office the original of the Second 
 Prayer at the end of the Eikon (page 224J, in the hand- 
 writing of Charles /., of the date 1 63 1 , and it co7itains a few 
 trifling differences fi^om the printed copy. — March 22, 1880. 
 
 An article upon this discovery^ settino forth in parallel 
 colunms the Prayer in the handwriting of the king and the 
 version as it appeared in the first edition of the Eikon, i^ill 
 appear in The ANTiQUARYy^r May, 
 
252SE5H5HS 
 
 FdKiop BacnXiicrj. 
 
 B^ 
 
 
 THE 
 
 POURTRAICTURE 
 
 OF 
 HIS SACRED 
 
 M A J E S T I E 
 
 IN 
 
 HIS SOLITUDES 
 
 AND 
 
 SUFFERINGS. 
 
 Rom. 8. 
 More then Conquerotir, &c. 
 
 Bona agere, & mala paii, Regiurn ejt. 
 
 ^a 
 
 Reprinted 
 In R. M. An, Dom. 1648. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 I. Upon His Majesty's Calling this last Parliament . . 1 
 
 II. Upon the Earl of Strafford's Death .... 5 
 
 III. Upon His Majesty's going to the House of Commons . 10 
 
 IV. Upon the Insolency of the Tunuilts 14 
 
 V. Upon His Majesty's Passing the Bill for the Triennial 
 Parliaments, and, after settling this, during the Pleasure 
 
 of the Two Houses 21 
 
 VI. Upon His Majesty's Retirement from Westminster . . 27 
 
 VII. Upon the Queen's Departure and Absence out of 
 England 34 
 
 A'lII. Upon His Majesty's Repulse at Hull, and the Fates 
 
 of the Hothams 38 
 
 IX. Upon the Lifting and Raising Armies against the King 44 
 
 X. Upon their Seizing the King's Magazines, Forts, Navy, 
 
 and Militia 54 
 
Xll. CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 XI. Upon the Nineteen Propositions first sent to the King, 
 
 and more afterwards 61 
 
 XIL Upon the Rebellion and Troubles in Ireland . . 73 
 
 XIII. Upon the Calling in of the Scots, and their Coming 82 
 
 XIV. Upon the Covenant 90 
 
 XY. Upon the many Jealousies raised, and Scandals cast 
 
 upon the King, to stir up the people against him . . 100 
 
 XYI. Upon the Ordinance against the Common Prayer-book 113 
 
 XVII. Of the Differences between the King and the Two 
 Houses, in Point of Church Government . . .121 
 
 XVIII. Upon Uxbridge Treaty, aud other Offers made 
 
 to the King 137 
 
 XIX. Upon the various Events of the War; Victories and 
 Defeats 142 
 
 XX. Upon the Reformation of the Times . . . .149 
 
 XXI. Upon His Majesty's Letters taken and divulged . .156 
 
 XXII. Upon His Majesty's leaving Oxford, and going to 
 
 the Scots 162 
 
 XXIII. Upon the Scots delivering the King to the English, 
 
 and his Captivity at Holdenby 165 
 
 XXIV. Upon their denying His Majesty the attendance of 
 
 his Chaplains .169 
 
CONTENTS. Xlll. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 XXV. Penitential Meditations and Vows in the King's 
 Solitude at Holdenby 180 
 
 XXVI. Upon the Army's Surprisal of the King at Holdenby, 
 and the ensuing Distractions in the Two Houses, the 
 Army, and the City 184 
 
 XXVn. To the Prince of Wales 191 
 
 XXVIII. Meditations upon Death, after the Votes of Non- 
 Addresses, and His Majesty's closer Imprisonment in 
 Carisbrook Castle 207 
 
 Private Prayers used by His Majesty in the time of his 
 
 Sufferings . . ...... 223 
 
TheExpkmtioti oftheEMBLEME 
 
 Though chqi>,'i 
 
 maUiprobrijs aravatu.'\ 
 , P«lm4 u/Beprcfs J , n-jur^o- 
 
 I 'Ixgi Krencta hrenj 
 
 A^.vcfut umfarum Fluflus Vcnt/tjj./irmm , 
 ^rnti {PoJ,ufi l^upci immota rcj,d,^ . \ . 
 
 Clarior e tencbrii, cixGsiU slcUa, cai-uj.'j. 
 'viihr ct cciernum-fcHci face triumpfio . 
 
 nuro Fulgentetn rutiU jcmmi^j mi^:int^m , 
 at curl's Gravidam sicrnenJi caXco Coronam. 
 
 pinofam, at fcrri {a.ci\em .jtu Spes inca,( hi/U 
 UtXiliP- ,'J^^ non ail tra elate mulciium. . 
 
 i^iernim, JaruJiiUi, scm^eroi-hesLta.m \ 
 fnQctffi ceufi/ iSpecto, tJ^^'f? BaraUik,. 
 
 i/Vanum dihcrw; quodCnnshQaX\a.prasfct 
 
 th weights ofmjjcf 
 Pdltii-Mc Dcpre(i'd. I higher rise . 
 
 Anic 
 
 ;cl Rock, out-hr 
 
 The loi/t'raus Wmclc.<! andrajeirt^ Wave 
 So triumph l.yfnd shina more bnVht 
 [n saA. Affliction's Darksom mjht . 
 
 That Sp{enJiii, hutyct to'iifoni f.rcwn. 
 Bc^ardldsly I trample Jo urn 
 
 Withjoia I take this Crown of tKorii , 
 Though jharp.jTt eaXie to be iovn . 
 
 TTiat he a,vnli'c Crown, already mine , 
 I view with eies ofFaitk Jivinc . 
 
 I sUakt vain (Amar; ani do emirace 
 
 mjr, 
 
 fifbcrw; quodQnnshQaX\a.pri, 
 fmflMi stiJiumcM:Cl-'irtutif Gloria mercL-sl,^^ G\o tie , the just reward of (lxa.ce . 
 
 tr.t-=^ 
 
EIKON BASILIKE. 
 
 I. 
 
 Upon His Majesty's Calling this last 
 Parliament. 
 
 THIS last Parliament I called, not more by others' 
 advice and necessity of my affairs than by my 
 own choice and inclination, who have always thought 
 the right way of Parliaments most safe for my crown, 
 as best pleasing to my people. And although I was 
 not forgetful of those sparks which some men's distem- 
 pers formerly studied to kindle in ParHaments (which, 
 by forbearing to convene for some years, I hoped to 
 have extinguished), yet resolving with myself to give all 
 just satisfaction to modest and sober desires, and to 
 redress all pubHc grievances in Church and State, I 
 hoped, by my freedom and their moderation, to prevent 
 all misunderstandings and miscarriages in this ; in 
 which, as I feared, affairs would meet with some passion 
 and prejudice in other men, so I resolved they should 
 find least of them in myself, not doubting but by the 
 weight of reason I should counterpoise the over-balanc- 
 ings of any factions. 
 
 I was, indeed, sorry to hear with what partiality and 
 popular heat elections were carried in many j)laces ; yet 
 
 B 
 
Upon His Majesty's Calling 
 
 hoping that the gravity and discretion of other gentlemen 
 would allay and fix the Commons to a due temperament, 
 (guiding some men's well-meaning zeal by such rules 
 of moderation as are best both to preserve and restore 
 the health of all states and kingdoms,) no man was 
 better pleased with the convening of this Parliament 
 than myself ; who knowing best the largeness of my 
 own heart towards my people's good and just content- 
 ment, pleased myself most in that good and firm 
 understanding which would hence grow between me 
 and my people. 
 
 All jealousies being laid aside, my own and my 
 children's interests gave me many obhgations to seek 
 and preserve the love and welfare of my subjects, the 
 only temporal blessing that is left to the ambition of 
 just monarchs, as their greatest honour and safety, 
 next God's protection. I cared not to lessen myseK 
 in some things of my wonted prerogative, since I knew 
 I could be no loser, if I might gain but a recompense 
 in my subjects' affections. 
 
 I intended not only to oblige my friends, but mine 
 enemies also, exceeding even the desires of those that 
 were factiously discontented, if they did but pretend to 
 any modest and sober sense. 
 
 The odium and offences which some men's rigour or 
 remissness in Church and State had contracted upon 
 i^y government, I resolved to have expiated by such 
 laws and regulations for the future as might not only 
 rectify what was amiss in practice, but supply what 
 was defective in the constitution, no man having a 
 
this last ParUinnent. 
 
 greater zeal to see religion settled, and preserved in 
 truth, unity, and order, than myself, whom it most 
 concerns both in piety and policy ; as knowing that 
 no flames of civil dissensions are more dangerous than 
 those which make religious pretensions the grounds 
 of factions. 
 
 I resolved to reform what I should by free and full 
 advice in Parliament be convinced of to be amiss, and 
 to grant whatever my reason and conscience told me 
 was fit to be desired. I wish I had kept myself within 
 those bounds, and not suffered my own judgment to 
 have been overborne in some things, more by others' 
 importunities than their arguments. My confidence 
 had less betrayed myself and my kingdoms to those 
 advantages which some men sought for, who wanted 
 nothing but power and occasion to do mischief. 
 
 But our sins being ripe, there was no preventing of 
 God's justice from reaping that glory in our calamities 
 which we robbed Him of in our prosperity. 
 
 For Thou, Lord, hast made us see, that resolutions 
 of future reforming do not always satisfy Thy justice, nor 
 prevent Thy vengeance for former miscarriages. 
 
 Our sins have overlaid our hopes. Thou hast taught 
 us to depend on Thy mercies to forgive, not on our purpose 
 to amend. 
 
 When Thou hast vindicated Thy glory hy Thy judg- 
 ments, and hast shelved us how unsafe it is to offend 
 Thee, upon presumptions afterwards to please Thee ; then 
 I trust Thy mercies will restore those hlessings to us, ivhich 
 
Upon His Majesti/s Callinr/ this last Parliament. 
 
 we have so much abused as to force Thee to deprive us of 
 them. 
 
 For loant of timely repentance of our sins,^ Thou givest 
 us cause to repent of those remedies we too late apply. 
 
 Yet I do not repent of my calling this last Parliament, 
 hecause, Lord, I did it ivith an upright intention to Thy 
 glory and my people'' s good. 
 
 The miseries ichicli have ensued upon me and my king- 
 doms, are the just effects of Thy displeasure upon us, and 
 may he yet, through thy mercy, preparative of us to future 
 Messing s, and better hearts to enjoy them. 
 
 Lord, though Thou hast deprived us of many former 
 comforts, yet grant me and my people the benefit of our 
 ajflictions and Thy chastisements, that Thy rod as tvell as 
 Thy staff may comfort us. Then shall ive dare to account 
 them the strokes 7iot of an enemy, but a father, ivhen Thou 
 givest us those humble affections, that measure of patience 
 in repentance, ivhich becomes Thy children. I shall 
 have no cause to repent the miseries this Parliament 
 hath occasioned, lohen by them Thou hast brought me 
 and my people unfeignedly to repent of the sins ive have 
 committed. 
 
 Thy grace is infinitely better luith our sufferings, than 
 our peace could be with our sins. 
 
 Thou sovereign Goodness and Wisdom, loho over- 
 rulest all our counsels, overrule also all our hearts, that 
 the worse things we suffer by Thy justice, the better we 
 may be by Thy mercy. 
 
 As our sins have turned our antidotes into poisons, so let 
 Thy grace turn our poisons into antidotes. 
 
Upon the Earl of StraforcVs Death 
 
 As the sins of our peace disposed us to this unhappy luar, 
 so let this war prepare us for Thy Messed peace. 
 
 That although I have hut trouhlesome Jcingdoms here, yet 
 I may attain to that hingdom of peace in my heart and 
 in Thy heaven ivhich Christ hath purchased, and Thou 
 ivilt give to Thy servant, though a -sinner, for my Saviour\i 
 sake. Amen. 
 
 II. 
 
 Upon the Earl of Strafford's Death. 
 
 I LOOKED upon my Lord of Strafford as a gentleman 
 whose great abilities might make a prince rather afraid 
 than ashamed to employ him in the greatest affairs of 
 State. 
 
 For those were prone to create in him great confidence 
 of undertakings, and this was like enough to betray him 
 to great errors and many enemies ; whereof he could 
 not but contract good store, while moving in so high a 
 sphere and with so vigorous a lustre, he must needs, as 
 the sun, raise many envious exhalations, which con- 
 densed by a popular odium, were- capable to cast a 
 cloud upon the brightest merit and integrity. 
 
 Though I cannot in my judgment approve all he did, 
 driven, it may be, by the necessities of times and the 
 temper of that people, more than led by his own dis- 
 position to any height and rigour of actions ; yet I 
 could never be convinced of any such criminousness in 
 him as willingly to expose his life to the stroke of jus- 
 tice, and malice of his enemies. 
 
Upon the Earl of 8trajford''s Death. 
 
 I never met with a more unhappy conjecture of affairs 
 than in the business of that unfortunate Earl ; when 
 between my own unsatisfiedness in conscience, and a 
 necessity, as some told me, of satisfying the importu- 
 nities of some people, I was persuaded by those that I 
 think wished me well to choose rather what was safe 
 than what seemed just, preferring the outward peace 
 of my kingdoms with men before that inward exactness 
 of conscience before God. 
 
 And, indeed, I am so far from excusing or denying 
 that compliance on my part (for plenary consent it was 
 not) to his destruction, whom in my judgment I thought 
 not, by any clear law, guilty of death, that I never bare 
 any touch of conscience with greater regret ; which, as 
 a sign of my repentance, I have often with sorrow 
 confessed both to God and men as an act of so sinful 
 frailty, that it discovered more a fear of man than of 
 God, whose name and place on earth no man is worthy 
 to bear, who will avoid inconveniences of state by acts 
 of so high injustice as no public convenience can expiate 
 or compensate. 
 
 I see it a bad exchange to wound a man's own 
 conscience, thereby to salve State sores; to calm the 
 storms of popular discontents by stirring up a tempest 
 in a man's own bosom. 
 
 Nor hath God's justice failed in the event and sad 
 consequences to shew the world the fallacy of that 
 maxim. Better one man perish, though unjustly, than 
 the people be displeased or destroyed. For, 
 
 In all likelihood, I could never have suffered, with 
 
Upon the Karl of Strafford's Death, 
 
 my people, greater calamities, yet with greater comfort, 
 had I vindicated Strafford's innocency, at least by 
 denying to sign that destructive Bill, according to that 
 justice which my conscience suggested to me, then I 
 have done since I gratified some men's unthankful 
 importunities with so cruel a favour. And I have 
 observed, that those who counselled me to sign that 
 Bill, have been so far from receiving the rewards of 
 such ingratiatings with the people, that no men have 
 been harassed and crushed more than they. He only 
 hath been less vexed by them who counselled me not 
 to consent against the vote of my conscience. I hope 
 God hath forgiven me and them the sinful rashness of 
 that business. 
 
 To which being in my soul so fully conscious, those 
 judgments God hath pleased to send upon me are so 
 much the more welcome, as a means, I hope, which 
 His mercy hath sanctified so to me as to make me 
 repent of that unjust act, (for so it was to me,) and for 
 the future to teach me that the best rule of policy is to 
 prefer the doing of justice before all enjoyments, and 
 the peace of my conscience before the preservation of 
 my kingdoms. 
 
 Nor hath anything more fortified my resolutions 
 against all those violent importunities which since have 
 sought to gain a like consent from me to acts wherein 
 my conscience is unsatisfied, then the sharp touches I 
 have had for what passed me in my Lord of Strafiord's 
 business. 
 
 Not that I resolved to have employed him in my 
 
8 Upon the Earl of Stra ford's Death. 
 
 afiairs, against the advice of my Parliament; but I 
 would not have had any hand in his death, of whose 
 guiltlessness I was better assured than any man living 
 could be. 
 
 Nor were the crimes objected against him so clear, 
 as after a long and fair hearing to give convincing 
 satisfaction to the major part of both Houses, especially 
 that of the Lords, of whom scarce a third part were 
 present when the Bill passed that House. And for the 
 House of Commons, many gentlemen, disposed enough 
 to diminish my Lord of Strafford's greatness and power, 
 yet unsatisfied of his guilt in law, durst not condemn 
 him to die ; who, for their integrity in their votes, were, 
 by posting their names, exposed to the popular calumny, 
 hatred, and fury, which grew then so exorbitant in their 
 clamours for justice, (that is to have both myself and 
 the two Houses vote and do as they would have us,) 
 that many, it is thought, where rather terrified to concur 
 with the condemning party than satisfied that of right 
 Wiey ought so to do. 
 
 And that after- act, vacating the authority of the 
 precedent for future imitation, sufficiently tells the 
 world that some remorse touched even his most 
 implacable enemies as knowing he had very hard 
 measure, and such as they would be very loth should 
 be repeated to themselves. 
 
 This tenderness and regret I find in my soul for 
 having had any hand (and that very unwillingly, God 
 knows) in shedding one man's blood unjustly, though 
 under the colour and formalities of justice and pretences 
 
Upo)2 the Karl of Stra ford's Dedth. 
 
 of avoiding public mischiefs ; which may, I hope, be 
 some evidence before God and man to all posterity 
 that I am far from bearing justly the vast load and guilt 
 of all that blood which hath been shed in this unhappy 
 war, which some men will needs charge on me to ease 
 their own souls, who am, and ever shall be, more afraid 
 to take away any man's life unjustly than to lose 
 my own. 
 
 But Thou, God of infinite mercies, forgive me that 
 act of sinful compliance, ivhicli hath greater aggravations 
 upon me than any man, since I had not the least tempta- 
 tion of envij or malice against him, and hy my place should 
 at least so far have been a preserver of him, as to have 
 denied my consent to his destruction. 
 
 Lord, I achiowledge my transgression, and my sin is 
 ever before me. 
 
 Deliver me from hlood-guiltiness, God, Thou God of 
 my salvation, and my tongue shall sing of Thy righte- 
 ousness. 
 
 Against Thee have I sinned, and done this evil in Thy 
 sight, for Thou sawest the contradiction hetween my heart 
 and my hand. 
 
 Yet cast me not away from Thy presence, purge me 
 with the Hood of my Redeemer, and I shall he clean ; wash 
 me with that precioiLS ejfusion, and I shall he whiter than 
 snow. 
 
 Teach me to learn righteousness hy Thy judgments, and 
 to see my frailty in Thy justice. While I was persuaded 
 hy shedding one manh blood to prevent after troubles. Thou 
 
10 U2)0)i his Majestyh going to 
 
 hast for that, among other sins, hr ought upon me and upon 
 my Idngdoms, great, long, and heavy troubles. 
 
 Mahe me to prefer justice, which is Thy ivill, before all 
 contrary clamours, which are hut the discoveries of man^s 
 injurious tvill. 
 
 It is too much that they have once overcome me, to 
 please them hy displeasing Thee. never suffer me, for 
 any reason of State, to go against my reason of conscience, 
 ivhich is highly to sin against Thee, the God of reason, and 
 judge of our consciences. 
 
 Whatever, Lord, Thou seest fit to deprive me of, yet 
 restore unto me the joy of Thy salvation, and ever uphold 
 me with Thy free spirit, tvhich subjects my tvill to none 
 but Thy light of reason, justice and religion, 'which shines 
 in my soul; for Thou desirest truth in the inward parts, 
 and integrity in the outward expressions. 
 
 Lord, hear the voice of Thy Son's and my Saviour'' s 
 blood, ivhich speahs better things. make me and my 
 people to hear the voice of joy and gladjiess, that the bones 
 ivhich Thou hast brohen may rejoice in Thy salvation. 
 
 III. 
 
 Upon His Majesty's going to the House of 
 Commons. 
 
 My going to the House of Commons to demand 
 justice upon the five members, was an act which my 
 enemies loaded with all the obloquies and exasperations 
 they could. 
 
the House of Commons. 11 
 
 It filled indifferent men with great jealousies and 
 fears ; yea, and many of my friends resented it as a 
 motion rising rather from passion than reason, and not 
 guided with such discretion as the touchiness of those 
 times required. 
 
 But these men knew not the just motives and 
 pregnant grounds with which I thought myself so 
 furnished, that there needed nothing to such evidence 
 as I could have produced against those I charged save 
 only a free and legal trial, which was all I desired. 
 
 Nor had I any temptation of displeasure or revenge 
 against those men's persons further than I had 
 discovered those, as I thought, unlawful correspondences 
 they had used, and engagements they had made, to 
 embroil my kingdoms ; all of which I missed but little 
 to have produced writings under some men's own 
 hands who were the chief contrivers of the following 
 innovations. 
 
 Providence would not have it so ; yet I wanted not 
 such probabilities as were sufficient to raise jealousies 
 in any king's heart, who is not wholly stupid and 
 neglective of the public peace ; which to preserve by 
 calling in question half a dozen men in a fair and legal 
 way (which, God knows, was all my design), could have 
 amounted to no worse effect, had it succeeded, than 
 either to do me or my kingdom right, in case they had 
 been found guilty, or else to have cleared their innocency 
 and removed my suspicions, which, as they were not 
 raised out of my malice, so neither were they in reason 
 to be smothered. 
 
12 Ui^on His Majesty's going to 
 
 What flames of discontent this spark (though I 
 sought by all speedy and possible means to quench it) 
 soon kindled, all the world is witness. The aspersion 
 which some men cast upon that action, as if I had 
 designed by force to assault the House of Commons 
 and invade their privilege, is so false, that as God best 
 knows I had no such intent, so none that attended 
 me could justly gather from anything I then said or 
 did the least intimation of any such thoughts. 
 
 That I went attended with some gentlemen, as it 
 was no unwonted thing for the majesty and safety of a 
 king so to be attended, especially in discontented times, 
 so were my followers at that time short of my ordinary 
 guard, and no way proportionable to hazard a tumultary 
 conflict. Nor were they more scared at my coming 
 than I was unassured of not having some afi'ronts cast 
 upon me, if I had none with me to preserve a reverence 
 to me ; for many had, at that time, learned to think 
 those hard thoughts which they have since abundantly 
 vented against me both by words and deeds. 
 
 The sum of that business was this : those men and 
 their adherents were then looked upon by the affrighted 
 vulgar as greater protectors of their laws and liberties 
 than myself, and so worthier of their protection. I 
 leave them to God and their own consciences, who, if 
 guilty of evil machinations, no present impunity or 
 popular vindications of them will be subterfuge sufficient 
 to rescue them from those exact tribunals. 
 
 To which, in the obstructions of justice among men, 
 we must religiously appeal, as being an argument to us 
 
the House of Commons. 13 
 
 Christians of that after unavoidable judgment which 
 shall rejudge what among men is but corruptly decided, 
 or not at all. 
 
 I endeavoured to have prevented, if God had seen 
 fit, those future commotions which I foresaw would in 
 all likelihood follow some men's activity, if not restrained, 
 and so now have done to the undoing of many thousands ; 
 the more is the pity. 
 
 But to overawe the freedom of the Houses, or to 
 weaken their just authority by any violent impressions 
 upon them, was not at all my design. I thought I had 
 so much justice and reason on my side as should not 
 have needed so rough assistance, and I was resolved 
 rather to bear the repulse with patience than to use 
 such hazarduous extremities. 
 
 But Thou, Lord, art my loitness in heaven, and in 
 my heart. If I have purposed any violence or oppression 
 against the innocent, or if there were any such iviclcedness 
 in my thoughts, then let the enemy persecute my soul, and 
 tread my life to the ground, and lay mine honour in the 
 dust. 
 
 Thou that seest not as man seeth, hut lookest heyond all 
 popular appearances, searching the heart and trying the 
 reins, and hringiug to light the hidden things of darkness, 
 shew Thyself. 
 
 Let not my afflictions he esteemed, as zvith wise and godly 
 men they cannot he, any argument of my sin in that matter, 
 more than their impunity among good men is any sure 
 token of their innocency. 
 
14 Upon the InsoUncy of the Tumults. 
 
 But forgive them ivherein they have done amiss, though 
 they are not punished for it in this ivorld. 
 
 Save Thy servant from the privy conspiracies and open 
 violence of Uoody and unreasonable men, according to the 
 uprightness of my heart and the innocency of my hands in 
 this matter. 
 
 Plead my cause, and maintain my right, Thou that 
 sittest in the throne judging rightly, that Thy servant may 
 rejoice in Thy salvation. 
 
 IV. 
 
 Upon the Insolency of the Tumults. 
 
 I NEVER thought anything, except our sins, more 
 ominously presaging all these mischiefs which have 
 followed, than those tumults in London and West- 
 minster soon after the convening of this Parliament 
 which were not like a storm at sea, (which yet wants 
 not its terror,) but like an earthquake, shaking the very 
 foundation of all; than which nothing in the world hath 
 more of horror. 
 
 As it is one of the most convincing arguments that 
 there is a God, while His power sets bounds to the 
 raging of the sea, so it is no less that He restrains the 
 madness of the people. Nor does anything portend 
 more God's displeasure against a nation than when He 
 suffers the confluence and clamours of the vulgar to 
 pass all boundaries of laws and reverence to authority. 
 
 Which those tumults did to so high degrees of 
 
Upon the Insolency of the Tumults. 15 
 
 insolence, that they spared not to invade the honour 
 and freedom of the two Houses, menacing, reproaching, 
 shaking, yea, and assaulting some members of both 
 Houses as they fancied or disliked them ; nor did they 
 forbear most rude and unseemly deportments, both in 
 contemptuous words and actions, to myself and my 
 court. 
 
 Nor was this a short fit or two of shaking, as an 
 ague, but a quotidian fever, always increasing to higher 
 inflammations, impatient of any mitigation, restraint, or 
 remission. 
 
 First, they must be a guard against those fears which 
 some men scared themselves and others withal ; when, 
 indeed, nothing was more to be feared, and less to be 
 used by wise men, than those tumultuary confluxes of 
 mean and rude people who are taught first to petition, 
 then to protect, then to dictate, at last to command and 
 overawe the Parliament. 
 
 All obstructions of Parliament, that is, all freedom of 
 differing in votes, and debating matters with reason 
 and candour, must be taken away with these tumults. 
 By these must the Houses be purged, and all rotten 
 members (as they pleased to count them) cast out; by 
 these the obstinacy of men, resolved to discharge their 
 consciences, must be subdued ; by these all factious, 
 seditious, and schismatical proposals against govern- 
 ment, ecclesiastical or civil, must be backed and 
 abetted till they prevailed. 
 
 Generally, whoever had most mind to bring forth 
 confusion and ruin upon Church and State used the 
 
16 U2:)on the Insolency of the Tumults. 
 
 midwifery of those tumults, whose riot and impatience 
 was such as they would not stay the ripening and season 
 of counsels, or fair production of acts, in the order, 
 gravity, and deliberateness befitting a Parliament, but 
 ripped up with barbarous cruelty, and forcibly cut out 
 abortive notes, such as their inviters and encouragers 
 most fancied. 
 
 Yea, so enormous and detestable were their outrages, 
 that no sober man could be without infinite shame and 
 sorrow to see them so tolerated and connived at by 
 some, countenanced, encouraged, and applauded by 
 others. 
 
 What good man had not rather w^ant anything he 
 most desired for the public good, than obtain it by such 
 unlawful and irreligious means ? But men's passions 
 and God's directions seldom agree ; violent designs 
 and motions must have suitable engines ; such as too 
 much attend their own ends, seldom confine themselves 
 to God's means. Force must crowd in what reason 
 will not lead. 
 
 Who were the chief demagogues and patrons of 
 tumults, to send for them, to flatter and embolden them, 
 to direct and tune their clamorous importunities, some 
 men yet living are too conscious to pretend ignorance. 
 God in His due time will let these see that those were 
 no fit means to be used for attaining His ends. 
 
 But as it is no strange thing for the sea to rage when 
 strong winds blow upon it, so neither for multitudes to 
 become insolent when they have men of some reputation 
 for parts and piety to set them on. 
 
Ujwn the Insolencij of the Tumults. 17 
 
 That which made their rudeness most formidable was, 
 that many complaints being made, and messages sent 
 by myself and some of both Houses yet no order for 
 redress could be obtained with any vigour and efficacy 
 proportionable to the malignity of that now far-spread 
 disease and pre-dominant mischief. 
 
 Such was some men's stupidity, that they feared no 
 inconvenience ; others' petulancy, that they joyed to 
 see their betters shamefully outraged and abused, while 
 they knew their only security consisted in vulgar 
 flattery, so insensible were they of mine or the two 
 Houses common safety and honours. 
 
 Nor could ever any order be obtained impartially 
 to examine, censure, and punish the known Boutefeus 
 and impudent incendiaries, who boasted of the influence 
 they had, and used to convoke those tumults as their 
 advantages served. 
 
 Yea some, who should have been wiser statesmen, 
 owned them as friends, commending their courage, zeal, 
 and industry, which to sober men could seem no better 
 than that of the devil, who (joes about seeking whom he 
 may deceive and devour. 
 
 I confess, when I found such a deafness, that no 
 declaration from the bishops, who were first foully 
 insolenced and assaulted, nor yet from other lords and 
 gentlemen of honour, nor yet from myself, could take 
 place for the due repression of these tumults, and 
 securing not only our freedom in Parliament, but our 
 very persons in the streets ; I thought myself not bound 
 by my presence to provoke them to higher boldness 
 
 c 
 
18 U2)on the Insohncy of tJie Tumults. 
 
 and contempts ; I hoped by my withdrawing to give 
 time both for the ebbing of their tumultuous fury, and 
 others regaining some degrees of modesty and sober 
 sense. 
 
 Some may interpret it as an effect of pusillanimity in 
 any man, for popular terrors, to desert his public station ; 
 but I think it is hardiness beyond true valour for a wise 
 man to set himself against the breaking in of a sea, 
 which to resist at present threatens imminent danger, 
 but to withdraw gives it space to spend its fury, and 
 gains a fitter time to repair the breach. Certainly a 
 gallant man had rather fight to great disadvantages for 
 number and place in the field in an orderly way, than 
 scufile with an undisciplined rabble. 
 
 Some suspected and affirmed that I meditated a 
 war, when I went from Whitehall only to redeem my 
 person and conscience from violence : God knows I did 
 not then think of a war. Nor will anj^ prudent man 
 conceive that I would, by so many former and some 
 after acts, have so much weakened myself if I had 
 purposed to engage in a war, which to decline by all 
 means I denied myself in so many particulars. It is 
 evident I had then no army to fly unto for protection 
 and vindication. 
 
 Who can blame me, or any other, for withdrawing 
 ourselves from the dailie baitings of the tumults, not 
 knowing whether their fury and discontent might not 
 fly so high as to worry and tear those in pieces whom 
 as yet they but played with in their paws ? God, who 
 is my sole judge, is my witness in heaven that I never 
 
Ujion the Iitsolency of the Tumults. 19 
 
 had any thoughts of my going from my house at White- 
 hall if I could have had but any reasonable fair quarter. 
 I was resolved to bear much, and did so ; but I did not 
 think myself bound to prostitute the majesty of my 
 place and person, the safety of my wife and children, to 
 those who are prone to insult most when ihej have 
 objects and opportunity most capable of their rudeness 
 and petulancy. 
 
 But this business of the tumults, whereof some have 
 given already an account to God, others yet living know 
 themselves desperately guilty, time and the guilt of 
 many has so smothered up and buried, that I think it 
 best to leave it as it is ; only I believe the just Avenger 
 of all disorders will in time make those men and that 
 city see their sin in the glass of their punishment. It 
 is more than an even lay, that they may one day see 
 themselves punished by that way they offended. 
 
 Had this Parliament, as it was in its first election 
 and constitution, sate full and free, the members of 
 both Houses, being left to their freedom of voting, as 
 in all reason, honour, and religion they should have 
 been, I doubt not but things would have been so carried 
 as would have given no less good content to all good 
 men than they wished or expected. 
 
 For I was resolved to hear reason in all things, and 
 to consent to it as far as I could comprehend it ; but as 
 swine are to gardens and orderly plantations, so are 
 tumults to Parliaments, and plebian concourses to 
 public counsels, turning all into disorders and sordid 
 confusions. 
 
Upon the Insolency of the Tumults. 20 
 
 I am prone sometimes to think that had I called this 
 Parhament to any other place in England, as I might 
 opportunely enough have done, the sad consequences 
 in all likelihood, with God's blessing, might have been 
 prevented. A Parliament would have been welcome 
 in any place ; no place afforded such confluence of 
 various and vicious humours as that where it was un- 
 happily convened. But we must leave all to God, who 
 orders our disorders, and magnifies His wisdom most 
 when our follies and miseries are most discovered. 
 
 But Thou, Lord, art my refuge and defence ; to Thee 
 I may safely fiy, tvho rulest the raging of the sea, and the 
 madness of the people. 
 
 The floods, Lord, the floods are come in upon me, and 
 are ready to overivhelm me. 
 
 I looh upon my sins, and the sins of my 2^&ople, (which 
 are the tumults of our souls against Thee, Lord) as the 
 fust cause of these popular inundations which Thmi permit- 
 test to overhear all the hanks of loyalty, modesty, laws, 
 justice, and religion. 
 
 But Thou that gatheredst the waters into one place, 
 and madest the dry land to appear, and after didst assuage 
 the flood which drowned the world hy the ivord of Thy 
 power, rehuke those heasts of the people, and deliver me 
 from the rudeness and strivings of the multitude. 
 
 Bestore, tve heseech Thee, unto iis the freedoms of our 
 councils and Parliaments ; make us unpassionateJy to see 
 the light of reason and religion, and with all order and 
 gravity to follow it, as it hecomes men and Christians; 
 
I'poii His Majesty's Passintj the Bill, dc. 21 
 
 so shall we praise Thy Name, who art the God of order 
 and counsel. 
 
 What man cannot or will not repress, Thy omnipotent 
 justice can and ivill. 
 
 Lord, give them that are yet liviny a timely sense and 
 sorrow for their great sin, whom Thou knowest gidlty of 
 raising or not suppressing those disorders. Let shame 
 here, and not suffering hereafter, he //^^/y^;«>?M7?w?6'w^. 
 
 Set hounds to our passions hy reason, to our errors hy 
 truth, to our seditions hy laws duly executed, and to our 
 schisms hy charity, that we may he, as Thy Jerusalem, a 
 city at unity in itself. 
 
 This grant, O my God, in Thy good time, for Jesus 
 Christ's sake. Amen. 
 
 Upon His Majesty's Passing the Bill for the 
 Triennial Parliaments, and, after settling this, 
 DURING the Pleasure of the Two Houses. 
 
 That the world might be fully confirmed in my 
 purposes at first to contribute what in justice, reason, 
 honour, and conscience I could to the happy success of 
 this Parliament, which had in me no other design but 
 the general good of my kingdoms, I willingly passed the 
 Bill for Triennial Parliaments ; which, as gentle and 
 seasonable physic might, if well appHed, prevent any 
 distempers from getting any head or prevailing, especially 
 if the remedy proved not a disease beyond all remedy. 
 
22 Upon His Majesty's Passing the Bill 
 
 I conceived this Parliament would find work, with 
 convenient recesses, for the first three years, but I did 
 not imagine that some men would thereby have occa- 
 sioned more work than they found to do by undoing so 
 much as they found well done to their hands. Such is 
 some men's activity, that they will needs make work 
 rather than want it, and choose to be doing amiss rather 
 than do nothing. 
 
 When that first Act seemed too scanty to satisfy some 
 men's fears, and compass public affairs, I was persuaded 
 to grant that Bill of sitting during the pleasure of the 
 Houses, which amounted in some men's sense to as 
 much as the perpetuating this Parliament. By this act 
 of highest confidence I hoped for ever to shut out and 
 lock the door upon all present jealousies and future mis- 
 takes ; I confess I did not thereby intend to shut myself 
 out of doors, as some men have now requited me. 
 
 True, it was an Act unparalleled by any of my pre- 
 decessors, yet cannot in reason admit of any worse in- 
 terpretation than this, of an extreme confidence I had 
 that my subjects would not make ill use of an Act, by 
 which I declared so much to trust them, as to deny 
 myself in so high a point of my prerogative. 
 
 For good subjects will never think it just or fit that 
 my condition should be worse by my bettering theirs ; 
 nor, indeed, would it have been so in the events if some 
 men had known as well with moderation to use, as 
 with earnestness to desire, advantages of doing good or 
 evil. 
 
 A continual Parliament, I thought, would but keep 
 
for the Triennial Parliaments. 23 
 
 the common weal in tune, by preserving laws in their 
 due execution and vigour, wherein my interest lies more 
 than any man's, since by those laws my rights as a king 
 would be preserved no less than my subjects, which is 
 all I desired. More than the law gives me I would not 
 have, and less the meanest subject should not. 
 
 Some, as I have heard, gave it out that I soon re- 
 pented me of that settling Act, and many would needs 
 persuade me I had cause so to do ; but I could not 
 easily nor suddenly suspect such ingratitude in men of 
 honour, that the more I granted them the less I should 
 have and enjoy wdth them. I still counted myself un- 
 diminished by my largest concessions, if by them I might 
 gain and confirm the love of my people. 
 
 Of which I do not yet despair but that God will still 
 bless me with increase of it, when men shall have more 
 leisure and less prejudice, that so with unpassionate re- 
 presentations they may reflect upon those, as I think, 
 not more princely than friendly contributions which I 
 granted towards the perpetuating of their happiness, 
 who are now only miserable in this, that some men's 
 ambition will not give them leave to enjoy what I 
 intended for their good. 
 
 Nor do I doubt but that in God's due time the loyal 
 and cleared affections of my people will strive to return 
 such retributions of love and honour to me or my 
 posterity, as may fully compensate both the acts of 
 my confidence and my sufterings for them, which, God 
 knows, have been neither few, nor small, nor short ; 
 occasioned chiefly by a persuasion I had that I could 
 
24 Vpon His Majesty's Passitu/ the Bill 
 
 not grant too much, or distrust too little, to men that, 
 being professedly my subjects, pretended singular piety 
 and religious strictness. 
 
 The injury of all injuries is that which some men 
 will needs load me withal, as if I were a wilful and 
 resolved occasioner of my own and my subjects' mi- 
 series; while, as they confidently, but, God knows, 
 falsely divulge, I repining at the establishment of this 
 Parliament, endeavoured by force and open hostihty to 
 undo what by my royal assent I had done. Sure it had 
 argued a very short sight of things, and an extreme 
 fatuity of mind in me, so far to bind my own hands 
 at their request, if I had shortly meant to have used a 
 sword against them. God knows, though I had then a 
 sense of injuries, jet not such as to think them worth 
 vindicating by a war. I was not then compelled, as 
 since, to injure myself by their not using favours with 
 the same candour wherewith they were conferred. The 
 tumults, indeed, threatened to abuse all acts of grace 
 and turn them into wantonness ; but I thought at length 
 their own fears, whose black arts first raised up those 
 turbulent spirits, would force them to conjure them 
 down again. 
 
 Nor, if I had justly resented any indignities put upon 
 me or others, was I then in any capacity to have taken 
 just revenge in an hostile and warlike way upon those 
 whom I knew so well fortified in the love of the meaner 
 sort of the people, that I could not have given my 
 enemies greater and more desired advantages against 
 me than by so unprincely inconstancy to have assaulted- 
 
for the Triennial ParUainents. 25 
 
 them with arms, thereby to scatter them, whom but 
 lately I had solemnly settled by an Act of Parliament. 
 
 God knows I longed for nothing more than that my- 
 self and my subjects might quietly enjoy the fruits of my 
 many condescendings. 
 
 It had been a course full of sin, as well as of hazard 
 and dishonour, for me to go about the cutting up of that 
 by the sword, which I had so lately planted so much, 
 as I thought, to my subjects' content and mine own 
 too, in all probability ; if some men had not feared 
 w^here no fear was, whose security consisted in scaring 
 others. 
 
 I thank God I knew so well the sincerity and 
 uprightness of my own heart in passing that great Bill, 
 which exceeded the very thoughts of former times, 
 that although I may seem a less politician to men, yet 
 I need no secret distinctions or evasions before God. 
 Nor had I any reservations in my own soul when I 
 passed it, nor repentings after, till I saw that my letting 
 some men go up to the pinnacle of the temple was a 
 temptation to them to cast me down headlong ; con- 
 cluding that, without a miracle, monarchy itself, together 
 with me, could not but be dashed in pieces by such a 
 precipitous fall as they intended ; whom God in mercy 
 forgive, and make them see at length that as many 
 kingdoms as the devil shewed our Saviour, and the 
 glory of them, if they could be at once enjoyed by 
 them, are not worth the gaining by ways of sinful in- 
 gratitude and dishonour, which hazards a soul worth 
 more worlds than this hath kingdoms. 
 
26 Upon His MajesUfs Passing the Bill, dx. 
 
 But God hath hitherto preserved me, and made me 
 to see that it is no strange thing for men left to their 
 own passions either to do much evil themselves, or 
 abuse the overmuch goodness of others, whereof an 
 ungrateful surfeit is the most desperate and incurable 
 disease. 
 
 I cannot say properly that I repent of that act, since 
 I have no reflections upon it as a sin of my will, though 
 an error of too charitable a judgment ; only I am sorry 
 other men's eyes should be evil because mine were 
 good. 
 
 To Thee, my God, do I dill appeal, whose all-dis- 
 cerning justice sees through all thie disguises of menh 
 pretensions, and deceitful clarhiesses of their hearts. 
 
 Thou gaxest me a heart to grant much to my suljects, 
 and now I need a heart fitted to suffer much from some of 
 them. 
 
 Thy will he done, though never so much to the crossing 
 of ours, even when we hope to do what might he most 
 conformalle to Thine and theirs too, who pretended they 
 aimed at nothing else. 
 
 Let Thy grace teach me wisely to enjoy as well the 
 frustratings as the fulfillings of my best ho]3Cs and most 
 specious desires. 
 
 I see ichilc T thought to allay others' fears, I have 
 raised mine own ; and hy settling them, have unsettled 
 myself. 
 
 Thus have they requited me evil for good, and hatred for 
 my good-will towards them. 
 
Upon His Majesty's Retirement from Westminster. 27 
 
 Lord, he Thou my pilot in this darh arid dangerous 
 storm, ivhich. neither admits my return to the port whence 
 I set out, nor my mahiny any other with that safety and 
 honour which I desiyned. 
 
 It is easy for Thee to keep me safe in the lore and con- 
 fidence of my people, nor is it hard for Thee to preserve 
 me amidst the unjust hatred and jealousies of too many, 
 ivhich Thou hast suffered so far to prevail upon me, as to 
 he ahle to pervert and ahuse my acts of greatest indulgence 
 to them, and assurance of them. 
 
 But no favours from me can maize others more guilty 
 than myself may he, of misusing those many and great 
 ones ivhich Thou, Lord, hast conferred on me. 
 
 1 heseech Thee give me and them such repentance as 
 Thou wilt accept, and such grace as we may not ahuse. 
 
 Male me so far happy as to mahe a right use of others' 
 ahuses, a^id hy their failings of me, to reflect with a reform- 
 ing displeasure upon my offences ayainst Thee. 
 
 So, although for my sitis I am hy other men^s sins de- 
 prived of Thy temporal hlessings, yet I may he happy to 
 enjoy the confort of Thy mercies, which often raise the 
 greatest sufferers to he the most glorious saints. 
 
 VI. 
 
 Upon His Majesty's Retirement from 
 Westminster. 
 
 With what unwillingness I withdrew from West- 
 minster, let them judge who, unprovided of tackling 
 
28 Upon His Majesty's 
 
 and victual, are forced to sea by a storm, yet better do 
 so than venture splitting or sinking on a lee-shore. 
 
 I stayed at Whitehall till I was driven away by shame 
 more than fear, to see the barbarous rudeness of those 
 tumults who resolved they would take the boldness to 
 demand anything, and not leave either myself or the 
 members of Parliament the liberty of our reason and 
 conscience to deny them anything. 
 
 Nor was this intolerable oppression my case alone, 
 though chiefly mine ; for the Lords and Commons 
 might be content to be over- voted by the major part 
 of their Houses, w^hen they had used each their own 
 freedom. 
 
 Whose agreeing votes were not by any law or reason 
 conclusive to my judgment, nor can they include or 
 carry with them my consent, whom they represent not 
 in any kind ; nor am I further bound to agree with the 
 votes of both Houses than I see them agree with the 
 will of God, with my just rights as a King, and the 
 general good of my people. I see that, as many men, 
 they are seldom of one mind ; and I may oft see that 
 the major part of them are not in the right. 
 
 I had formerly declared to sober and moderate minds 
 how desirous I was to give all just content when I 
 agreed to so many Bills ; which had been enough to 
 secure and satisfy all, if some men's hydropic insatiable- 
 ness had not learned to thirst the more by how much 
 the more they drank, whom no fountain of royal bounty 
 was able to overcome, so resolved they seemed either 
 utterly to exhaust it, or barbarously to obstruct it. 
 
Retirement from Westminster. 29 
 
 Sure it ceases to be counsel when not reason is used, 
 as to men, to persuade, but force and terror, as to beasts, 
 to drive and compel men to assent to whatever tumult- 
 uary patrons shall project. He deserves to be a slave, 
 without pity or redemption, that is content to have the 
 rational sovereignty of his soul and liberty of his will 
 and words so captivated. 
 
 Nor do I think my kingdoms so considerable as to 
 preserve them with the forfeiture of that freedom which 
 cannot be denied me as a King, because it belongs to 
 me as a man and a Christian, owning the dictates of* 
 none but God above me, as obliging me to consent. 
 Better for me to die enjoying this empire of my soul, 
 which subjects me only to God, so far as by reason or 
 religion He directs me, than live with the title of a 
 king, if it should carry such a vassalage with it as not 
 to suffer me to use my reason and conscience in which 
 I declare as a king to like or dislike. 
 
 So far am I from thinking the majesty of the crown 
 of England to be bound by any Coronation Oath, in a 
 blind and brutish formality to consent to whatever its 
 subjects in Parliament shall require, as some men wiU 
 needs infer, while denying me any power of a negative 
 voice as king, they are not ashamed to seek to deprive 
 me of the liberty of using my reason with a good 
 conscience, which themselves and all the commons of 
 England enjoy proportionable to their influence on the 
 public ; who would take it very ill to be urged not to 
 deny whatever myself, as King, or the House of Peers 
 with me, should not so much desire as enjoin them to 
 
30 Ujwn His Majesty' 
 
 pass. I think my oath fully discharged in that point 
 by my governing only by such laws as my people, with 
 the House of Peers, have chosen, and myself consented 
 to. I shall never think myself conscientiously tied to 
 go as oft against my conscience as I should consent to 
 such new proposals which my reason, injustice, honour, 
 and religion, bids me deny. 
 
 Yet so tender I see some men are of their being 
 subject to arbitrary government, that is, the law of 
 another's will, to which themselves give no consent, 
 that they care not with how much dishonour and 
 absurdity they make their King the only man that must 
 be subject to the will of others, without having power 
 left him to use his own reason, either in person or by 
 any representation. 
 
 And if my dissentings at any time were, as some have 
 suspected and uncharitably avowed, out of error, 
 opinionativeness, weakness, or wilfulness, and what 
 they call obstinacy in me, (which not true judgment of 
 things, but some vehement prejudice or passion hath 
 fixed on my mind,) yet can no man think it other than 
 the badge and method of slavery by savage rudeness 
 and importunate obtrusions of violence to have the mist 
 of his error and passion dispelled, which is a shadow of 
 reason, and must serve those that are destitute of the 
 substance. Sure that man cannot be blamable to God 
 or man who seriously endeavours to see the best reason 
 of things, and faithfully follows what he takes for reason. 
 The uprightness of his intentions will excuse the possible 
 failings of his understanding. If a pilot at sea cannot 
 
Ptethriiient from. Westminster. 31 
 
 see the pole star, it can be no fault in him to steer his 
 course by such stars as do best appear to him. It 
 argues rather those men to be conscious of their defects 
 of reason and convincing arguments, who call in the 
 assistance of mere force to carry on the weakness of 
 their counsels and proposals. I may in the truth 
 and uprightness of my heart protest before God 
 and men that I never wilfully opposed or denied 
 anything that was in a fair way, after full and free 
 debates, propounded to me by the two Houses, 
 further than I thought in good reason I might and 
 was bound to do. 
 
 Nor did anything ever please me more than when 
 my judgment so concurred with theirs, that I might 
 with good conscience consent to them ; j^ea, in many 
 things, where not absolute and moral necessity of 
 reason, but temporary convenience on point of honour 
 was to be considered, I chose rather to deny myself 
 than them, as preferring that which they thought 
 necessary for my people's good before what I saw but 
 convenient for myself. 
 
 For I can be content to recede much from my own 
 interests and personal rights, of which I conceive myself 
 to be master, but in what concerns truth, justice, the 
 rights of the Church, mj?- crown, together with the 
 general good of my kingdoms, all which I am bound 
 to preserve as much as morally lies in me, here I am 
 and ever shall be fixed and resolute ; nor shall any man 
 j^ain my consent to that wherein my heart gives my 
 toD'Tjuc or hand the lie ; nor will I be brought to affirm 
 
32 i'jyon His Majesty's 
 
 that to men which in my conscience I denied before 
 God. I would rather choose to wear a crown of thorns 
 with my Saviour, than to exchange that of gold, which is 
 due to me, for one of lead, whose embased flexibleness 
 shall be forced to bend and comply to the various and oft 
 contrary dictates of any factions, when instead of reason 
 and public concernments they obtrude nothing but what 
 makes for the interest of parties, and flows from the 
 partialities of private wills and passions. 
 
 I know no resolutions more worthy a Christian king, 
 than to prefer his conscience before his kingdoms. 
 
 mil God, iiroierve TJii/ ficrvfoit in this native, rational, 
 and religious freedom, for this, I believe, is Thy will that 
 ive should maintain; ivho, though Thou dost justly require 
 us to submit our understandings and ivills to Thine, ichose 
 u'isdom and goodness can neither err nor misguide us, and 
 so far to deny our carnal reason in order to Thy sacred 
 mysteries and commands, that we should believe and obey 
 rather than dispute them ; yet dost Thou expect from us 
 only such a reasonable service of Thee, as not to do any- 
 thing for Thee against our consciences; and as to the 
 desires of men, enjoinest us to try all things by the 
 touchstone of reason and laws, which are the rules of 
 civil Justice, and to declare our consent to that only which 
 our judgments approve. 
 
 Thou hnotvest, O Lord, how umvilling I was to desert 
 that place in which thou hast set me, and whereto the 
 affairs of my kingdoms at present do call me. 
 
 My people can witness how far I have been content for 
 
Retirement from Westminster. 33 
 
 their good to deny myself in what Thou hast subjeeted to 
 my disposal. 
 
 let not the unthankful importunities and tumultua/ry 
 violence of some men's immoderate demands ever betray me 
 to that degenerons and unmanly slavery, which should make 
 me strengthen them by my consent in those things which I 
 think in my conscience to be against Thy glory, the good of 
 my subjects, and the discharge of my oivn duty to reason 
 and justice. 
 
 Make me willing to suffer the greatest indignities and 
 injuries they press upon me, rather than commit the least 
 sin against my conscience. 
 
 Let the just liberties of my people be, as well they may, 
 preserved in fair and equal icays, icithout the slavery of 
 my soul. 
 
 Thou that hast invested me by Thy favours in the power 
 of a Christian king, suffer me not to subject my reason to 
 other men's passions and designs, which to me seeyn un- 
 reasonable, tmjust, and irreligious ; so shall I serve Thee 
 in the truth and uprightness of my heart, though I cannot 
 satisfy these men. 
 
 Though I be driven from among them, yet give me grace 
 to walk always uprightly before Thee. 
 
 Lead me in the ivay of truth and justice, for these, T 
 know, ivill bring me at last to peace and happiness with 
 Thee, though for these L have much trouble among men. 
 
 This L beg of Thee for my Saviour'' s sake. 
 
3-4 Upon the Queen's Departure 
 
 VII. 
 
 Upon the Queen's Departure and Absence 
 OUT OF England. 
 
 Although I have much cause to be troubled at my 
 wife's departure from me and out of my dominions, yet 
 not her absence so much as the scandal of that necessity 
 which drives her away doth afflict me, that she should 
 be compelled by my own subjects, and those pretending 
 to be Protestants, to withdraw for her safety, this being 
 the first example of any Protestant subjects that have 
 taken up arms against their king, a Protestant. For I 
 look upon this now done in England as another act 
 of the same tragedy which was lately begun in Scotland ; 
 the brands of that fire, being ill quenched, have kindled 
 the like flames here. I fear such notions, so little to 
 the adornment of the Protestant profession, may occasion 
 a further alienation of mind and divorce of aflections 
 in her from that religion, which is the onl}^ thing whereiu 
 we differ. 
 
 Which yet God can, and I pray He would, in time 
 take away, and not suffer these practices to be any 
 obstruction to her judgment, since it is the motion of 
 those men, for the most part, who are jet to seek and 
 settle their religion for doctrine, government, and good 
 manners, and so not to' be imputed to the true English 
 Protestants, who continue firm to their former settled 
 principles and laws. 
 
 I am sorry my relation to so deserving a lady should 
 be any occasion of her danger and affliction, whose 
 
and Absence out of Eiujland. 35 
 
 merits would have served her for a protection among 
 the savage Indians, while their rudeness and barbarity 
 knows not so perfectly to hate all virtues as some men's 
 subtilty doth, among whom I yet think few are so ma- 
 licious as to hate her for herself. The fault is, that she 
 is my wife. 
 
 All justice, then, as well as affection commands me 
 to study her security, who is only in danger for my sake. 
 I am content to be tossed, weather-beaten, and ship- 
 wrecked, so as she may be in safe harbour. 
 
 This comfort I shall enjoy by her safety in the midst 
 of my personal dangers, that I can perish but half if 
 she be preserved ; in whose memory and hopeful 
 posterity I may yet survive the malice of my enemies, 
 although they should be satiated with my blood. 
 
 I must leave her and them to the love and loyalty of 
 my good subjects, and to His protection who is able to 
 punish the faults of princes, and no less severely to 
 revenge the injuries done to them by those who in all 
 duty and allegiance ought to have made good that 
 safety which the laws chiefly provide for princes. 
 
 But common civility is in vain expected from those 
 that dispute their loyalty ; nor can it be safe for any 
 relation to a king to tarry among them who are shaking 
 hands with their allegiance, under pretence of laying 
 faster hold on their rehgion. 
 
 It is pity so noble and peaceful a soul should see, 
 much more suffer, the rudeness of those who must 
 make up their want of justice with inhumanity and 
 impudence. 
 
36 Upon the Queen^s Departure 
 
 Her sympathy with me in my afflictions will make 
 her virtues shine with greater lustre, as stars in the 
 darkest nights, and assure the envious world that she 
 loves me, not my fortunes. 
 
 Neither of us but can easily forgive, since we do not 
 so much blame the unkindness of the generality and 
 vulgar ; for we see God is pleased to try both our 
 patience by the most self-punishing sin, the ingratitude 
 of those who, having eaten of our bread and being 
 enriched with our bounty, have scornfully lift up them- 
 selves against us : and those of our own household are 
 become our enemies. I pray God lay not their sin to 
 their charge, v/ho think to satisfy all obligations to duty 
 by their corban of religion, and can less endure to see, 
 than to sin against, their benefactors as well as their 
 sovereigns. 
 
 But even that policy of my enemies is so far venial, 
 as it was necessary to their designs, by scandalous 
 articles and all irreverent demeanour to seek to drive 
 her out of my kingdoms ; lest by the influence of her 
 example — eminent for love as a wife and loyalty as a 
 subject — she should have converted to, or retained in 
 their love and loyalty, all those whom they had a 
 purpose to pervert. 
 
 The less I may be blest with her company, the mere 
 I will retire to God and my own heart, whence no 
 malice can banish her. My enemies may envy, but 
 the}'' can never deprive me of the enjoyment of her 
 virtues while I enjoy myself. 
 
and Absence out of England. 37 
 
 TJiou, Lord, tvhose justice at present sees Jit to scatter 
 us, let Thy mercy, in Thy due time, re-imite us on earth, 
 if it he Thy tvill; hoivever, hring us both at last to Thy 
 heavenly kingdom. 
 
 Preserve us from the hands of our despiteful and 
 deadly enemies, and prepare us hy our sufferings for Thy 
 presence. 
 
 Though we differ in some things as to religion, tvhich 
 is my greatest temporal infelicity, yet. Lord, give and 
 accept the sincerity of our ((ffections, ivhich desire to seek, 
 to find, to embrace every truth of Thine. 
 
 Let both our hearts agree in the love of Thyself, and 
 Christ crucified for us. 
 
 Teach us both what Thou ivouldest have us to know in 
 order to Thy glory, our piMic relations, and our souls' 
 eternal good, and make us careful to do what good we hioiv. 
 Let neither ignorance of what is necessary to be knoicn, 
 nor unhelief or disobedience to what loe knoiv, be our 
 misery or our ivilful default. 
 
 Let not this great scandal of those my subjects lohich 
 profess the same religion with me, be any hindrance to her 
 love of any truth Thou wouldst have her to learn, nor any 
 hardening of her in any error Thou wouldst have cleared 
 to her. 
 
 Let mine and other menh constancy be an antidote 
 against the 2Joiso?t of their example. 
 
 Let the truth of that religion I profess be represented to 
 her judgment with all the beauties of humility, loyalty, 
 charity and peaceableness, which are the proper fruits and 
 ornaments of it; not in the odious disguises of levity. 
 
38 Ujwn His Majesty's Rejmlse at Hiillj 
 
 schism, heresy, noveUy, cruelty, and disloyalty, u'hich some 
 moi's praetiees have lately put upon it. 
 
 Let her see Thy sacred and saving truths as Thine, that 
 she may helieve, love, and oley them, as Thine, cleared from 
 all rust and dross of human mixtures. 
 
 That in the glass of Thy truth she may see Thee in those 
 mercies lohicli Thou has offered to us in Thy Son Jesus 
 Christ our only Saviour, and serve Thee in all those holy 
 duties ichich most agree ivith His holy doctrine and most 
 imitahle example. 
 
 The experience ive have of the vanity and uncertainty 
 of all human glory and greatness in our scatterings and 
 eclipses, let it mahe us hoth so much the more ambitious to 
 he invested in those duralle honours and perfections ivhicli 
 are only to he found in Thyself, and obtained through 
 Jestis Christ. 
 
 Mill. 
 
 Upon His Majesty's Repulse at Hull, and the 
 Fates of the Hothams. 
 
 My repulse at Hull seemed at the first view an act 
 of so rude disloyalty, that my greatest enemies had 
 scarce confidence enough to abet or own it. It was 
 the first overt essay to be made how patiently I could 
 bear the loss of my kingdoms. 
 
 God knows it aff'ected me more with shame and 
 sorrow for others than with anger for myself; nor did the 
 affi'ont done to me trouble me so much as their sin, 
 which admitted no colour or excuse. 
 
and the fates of the Hothams. 39 
 
 I was resolved how to bear this and much more with 
 patience ; but I foresaw they could hardly contain 
 themselves within the compass of this one unworthy 
 act, who had efirontery enough to commit or counten- 
 ance it. This was but the hand of that cloud which 
 was soon after to overspread the whole kingdom, and 
 cast all into disorder and darkness. 
 
 For it is among the wicked maxims of bold and dis- 
 loyal undertakers, that bad actions must always be 
 seconded with worse, and rather not be begun, than 
 not carried on, for they think the retreat more danger- 
 ous than the assault, and hate repentance more than 
 perseverance in a fault. 
 
 This gave me to see clearly through all the pious 
 disguises and soft palliations of some men, whose words 
 were sometimes smoother than oil, but now I saw they 
 would prove very swords. 
 
 Against which I having, as yet, no defence, but that 
 of a good conscience, thought it my best policy with 
 patience to bear what I could not remedy. And in this 
 I thank God, I had the better of Hotham, that no 
 disdain or emotion of passion transported me by the 
 indignity of his carriage, to do or say anything unbe- 
 seeming myself, or unsuitable to that temper which in 
 greatest injuries I think best becomes a Christian, as 
 coming nearest to the great example of Christ. 
 
 And indeed I desire always more to remember I am 
 a Christian than a king, for what the majesty of the one 
 might justly abhor, the charity of the other is willing to 
 bear ; what the height of a king tempteth to revenge, the 
 
40 Upon His Majesty's Repulse at Hull, 
 
 humility of a Christian teacheth to forgive. Keeping 
 in compass all those impotent passions, whose excess 
 injures a man more than his greatest enemies can, for 
 these give their malice a full impression on our souls, 
 which otherways cannot reach very far, nor do us much 
 hurt. 
 
 I cannot but observe how God, not long after, so 
 pleaded and avenged my cause in the eye of the world, 
 that the most wilfully blind cannot avoid the displeasure 
 to see it, and with some remorse and fear to own it as 
 a notable stroke and prediction of divine vengeance. 
 
 For Sir John Hotham, unreproached, unthreatened, 
 uncursed by any secret language or imprecation of mine, 
 only blasted with the conscience of his own wickedness, 
 and failing from one inconstancy to another, not long after 
 pays his own and his eldest son's heads as forfeitures of 
 their disloyalty, to those men from whom surely he might 
 have expected another reward than thus to divide their 
 heads from their bodies, whose hearts with them were 
 divided from their king. 
 
 Nor is it strange that they who employed them at 
 first in so high a service, and so successful to them, 
 should not find mercy enough to forgive him who had 
 so much premerited of them, for apostacy unto loyalty 
 some men account the most unpardonable sin. 
 
 Nor did a solitary vengeance serve the turn ; the 
 cutting ofl' one head in a family is not enough to expiate 
 the afiront done to the head of the Commonweal. 
 The eldest son must be involved in the punishment, as 
 he was infected with the sin of the father against the 
 
and the Fates of the Hotlmms. 41 
 
 father of his country ; root and branch God cuts off in 
 one day. 
 
 These observations are obvious to every fancy. God 
 knows I was so far from rejoicing in the Hothams' ruin 
 (though it were such as was able to give the greatest 
 thirst for revenge a full draught, being executed by them 
 who first employed him against me,) that I so far pitied 
 him, as I thought he at first acted more against the 
 light of his conscience than I hope many other men do 
 in the same cause. 
 
 For he was never thought to be of that superstitious 
 sourness which some men pretend to in matters of reli- 
 gion, which so darkens their judgment that they cannot 
 see anything of sin and rebellion in those means they 
 use, with intents to reform to their models of what they 
 call religion, who think all is gold of piety which doth 
 but glitter with a show of zeal and fervency. 
 
 Sir John Hotham was, I think, a man of another 
 temper, and so most liable to those downright tempta- 
 tions of ambition which have no cloak or cheat of 
 religion to impose upon themselves or others. 
 
 That which makes me more pity him is, that after he 
 began to have some inclinations towards a repentance 
 for his sin, and reparation of his duty to me, he should 
 be so unhappy as to fall into the hands of their justice, 
 and not my mercy, who would as willingly have forgiven 
 him as he could have asked that favour of me. 
 
 For I think clemency a debt which we ought to pay 
 to those that crave it, when we have cause to believe 
 that they would not after abuse it, since God Himself 
 
42 Upon His ^lajenty^s Repidse at Hull, 
 
 suffers us not to pay anything for His mercy, but only 
 prayers and praises. 
 
 Poor gentleman, he is now become a noteable 
 monument of unprosperous disloyalty, teaching the 
 world by so sad and unfortunate a spectacle, that the 
 rude carriage of a subject towards his sovereign carries 
 always its own vengeance as an unseparable shadow 
 with it : and those oft prove the most fatal and implac- 
 able executioners of it, who were the first employers in 
 the service. 
 
 Aftertimes will dispute it whether Hotham were more 
 infamous at Hull or at Tower-hill, though it is certain 
 that no punishment so stains a man's honour as wilful 
 perpetrations of unworthy actions ; which besides the 
 conscience of the sin, brand with the most indelible 
 characters of infamy the name and memory to posterity, 
 who, not engaged in the factions of the times, have the 
 most impartial reflection on the actions. 
 
 But Thou, Lord, who hast in so remarhahJe a waij 
 avenged Thy servant, suffer me not to tahe any secret 
 l^leasure in it ; for as his death hath satisfied the injury 
 he did to me, so let me not hy it yratify any passio7t i?i me, 
 lest I make Thy vengeance to he mine, and consider the 
 affront against me more than the sin against Thee. 
 
 Thou, indeed, without any desire or endeavour of mine, 
 hast made his mischief to return on his own head, and 
 his violent dealing to come doum on his own pate. 
 
 Thou hast pleaded my cause, even hefore the sons of men. 
 and talrn the matter into Thine own hands, that men mat/ 
 
and the Fates of the Hothams. 43 
 
 hnow if was Thy work, and see that Thou, Lord, ha.sf 
 done it. 
 
 I do not, I dare not say, so let mine enemies perish, 
 Lord; yea, Lord, rather give them repentance, pardon, and 
 impunity if it he Thy blessed will. 
 
 Let not Thy justice prevent the ohjects and opportunities 
 of my mercy ; yea, let them live and amend tvho have most 
 offended me in so hiyh a nature, that I may have those to 
 forgive who hear most ])roportion in their offencei^ to those 
 trespasses against Thy majesty, which L hope Thy mercy 
 hath forgiven me. 
 
 Lord, lay not their sins {who yet live) to their charge 
 for condemnation, hut to their consciences for amendment. 
 Let the lightning of this thunderholt, ivhich hath heen so 
 severe a punishment to one, he a terror to all. 
 
 Discover to them their sin, who hiow not they have done 
 amiss, and scare them from their sin, that sin of malicious 
 wichedncss. 
 
 That pt'cvettting Thy judgments hy their true rep)e}itance 
 they may escape the strohes of Thine eternal vengeance. 
 
 jLid do Thou, Lord, estahlish the throne of Thy 
 servant in mercy and truth meeting together. Let my 
 crown ever flourish in righteousness and peace hissing 
 each other. 
 
 Hear my prayer, Lord, who has taught us to pray 
 for, to do good to, and to love our enemies for Thy sake, 
 who hast prevented us tuith overtures of Thy love, even 
 when we were Thine enemies, and hast sent Thy Son 
 Jesus Christ to die for us when we were disposed to 
 crucify ILim. 
 
44 \Upon the Lifthui and Raisin <i Armies 
 
 IX. 
 
 Upon the Lifting and Raising Armies 
 
 AGAINST THE KiNG. 
 
 I FIND that I am at the same point and posture I 
 was when they forced me to leave Whitehall. "What 
 tumults could not do, an army must, which is but 
 tumults lifted and enrolled to a better order, but as bad 
 an end. My recess hath given them confidence that I 
 may be conquered. 
 
 And so I easily may as to any outward strength, 
 which, God knows, is little, or none at all; but I have 
 a soul invincible, through God's grace enabling me. 
 Here I am sure to be a conqueror, if God will give me 
 such a measure of constancy as to fear Him more than 
 man, and to love the inward peace of my conscience 
 before any outward tranquility. 
 
 And must I be opposed with force, because they have 
 not reason wherewith to convince me ? my soul, be 
 of good courage. They confess their known weakness 
 as to truth and justice who choose rather to contend by 
 armies than by arguments. 
 
 Is this the reward and thanks that I am to receive for 
 those many acts of grace I have lately passed, and for 
 those many indignities I have endured '? Is there no 
 way left to make me a glorious King, but by my 
 suflerings ? 
 
 It is a hard and disputable choice for a King that 
 loves his people, and desires their love, either to kill 
 his own subjects, or to be killed by them. 
 
against the King. 45 
 
 Are the hazards and miseries of civil war in the 
 bowels of my most flourishing kingdom, the fruits I 
 must now reap after seventeen years living and reigning 
 among them with such a measure of justice, peace, 
 plenty, and religion, as all nations about either admired 
 or envied ? Notwithstanding some miscarriages in 
 government, which might escape rather through ill 
 counsel of some men driving on their private ends, or 
 the peevishness of others, envying the public should be 
 managed without them, or the hidden and insuperable 
 necessities of State, than any propensity, I hope, of 
 myself either to injuriousness or oppression. 
 
 Whose innocent blood during my reign have I shed 
 to satisfy my lust, anger, or covetousness ? What 
 widows' or orphans' tears can witness against me, the 
 just cry of which must now be avenged with my own 
 blood ? for the hazards of war are equal, nor doth the 
 cannon know any respect of persons. 
 
 In vain is my person excepted by a parenthesis of 
 words, when so many hands are armed against me 
 with swords. 
 
 God knows how much I have studied to see what 
 ground of justice is alleged for this war against me, that 
 so I might, by giving just satisfaction, either prevent or 
 soon end so unnatural a motion ; which, to many men, 
 seems rather the production of a surfeit of peace and 
 wantonness of minds, or of private discontents, ambi- 
 tion, and faction, which easily find or make causes of 
 quarrel, than any real obstructions of public justice, of 
 Parliamentary privilege. 
 
46 I poll the Lifting and Raising Arm ies 
 
 But this is pretended, and this I must be able to 
 avoid and answer before God in my own conscience, 
 however some men are not willing to believe me, lest 
 they should condemn themselves. 
 
 When I first withdrew from Whitehall to see if I 
 could allay the insolency of the tumults, of the not 
 suppressing of which no account in reason can be given, 
 where an orderly guard was granted, but only to oppress 
 both mine and the two Houses' freedom of declaring 
 and voting according to every man's conscience, what 
 obstructions of Justice were there further than this, that 
 what seemed just to one man might not seem so to 
 another. 
 
 Whom did I by power protect against the justice of 
 Parliament. 
 
 That some men withdrew who feared the partiality of 
 their trial, warned by my Lord of Strafford's death, 
 while the vulgar threatened to be their oppressors, and 
 judgers of their judges, was from that instinct which is 
 in all creatures to preserve themselves. If any others 
 refused to appear, where they evidently saw the current 
 of justice and freedom so stopped and troubled by the 
 rabble, that their lawful judges either durst not come to 
 the Houses, or not declare their sense with liberty and 
 safety, it cannot seem strange to any reasonable man, 
 when the sole exposing them to the public odium was 
 enough to ruin them before their cause could be heard 
 or tried. 
 
 Had not factious tumults overborne the freedom and 
 honour of the two Houses ; had they asserted their 
 
at f a ins t the King. 47 
 
 justice against them, and made the way open for all the 
 members quietly to come and declare their consciences, 
 I know no man so dear to me whom I had the least 
 inclination to advise either to withdraw himself, or deny 
 appearing upon their summons, to whose sentence 
 according to law I think every subject bound to stand. 
 
 Distempers, indeed, were risen to so great a height, 
 for want of timely repressing the vulgar insolences, 
 that the greatest guilt of those which were voted and 
 demanded as delinquents was this, that they would not 
 suffer themselves to be overawed with the tumults and 
 their patrons, nor compelled to abet by their suffrages 
 or presence the designs of those men who agitated 
 innovations and ruin both in Church and State. 
 
 In this point I could not but approve their generous 
 constancy and cautiousness ; further than this I did 
 never allow any man's refractoriness against the privileges 
 and orders of the Houses, to whom I wished nothing 
 more than safety, fulness, and freedom. 
 
 But the truth is, some men, and those not many, 
 despairing in fair and parliamentary ways, by free 
 deliberations and votes, to gain the concurrence of the 
 major part of Lords and Commons, betook themselves 
 by the desperate activity of factious tumults, to sift and 
 terrify away all those members whom they saw to be of 
 contrary minds to their purposes. 
 
 How oft was the business of the bishops, enjojdng 
 their ancient places and undoubted privileges in the 
 Houses of Peers, carried for them by far the major part 
 of lords. Yet after five repulses, contrary to all order 
 
48 Upon the Lifting and Raising Armies 
 
 and custom, it was by tumultuary instigations obtruded 
 again, and by a few carried, when most of the peers were 
 forced to absent themselves. 
 
 In like manner was the Bill against root and branch 
 brought on by tumultuary clamours and schismatical 
 terrors, which could never pass till both Houses were 
 sufficiently thinned and overawed. 
 
 To which partiality, while in all reason, justice, and 
 religion, my conscience forbids me by consenting to 
 make up their votes to Acts of Parliament, I must 
 now be urged with an army, and constrained either to 
 hazard my own and my kingdom's ruin by my defence, 
 or prostrate my conscience to the blind obedience of 
 those men, whose zealous superstition thinks or pretends 
 they cannot do God and the Church a greater service 
 than utterly to destroy that primitive, apostolical, and 
 anciently universal government of the Church by 
 bishops. 
 
 Which if other men's judgments bind them to 
 maintain, or forbid them to consent to the abolishing of 
 it, mine much more ; who, besides the grounds I have 
 in my judgment, have also a most strict and indispens- 
 able oath upon my conscience to preserve that order and 
 the rights of the Church ; to which most sacrilegious 
 and abhorred perjury, most unbeseeming a Christian 
 king, should I ever, by giving my consent, be betrayed, 
 I should account it infinitely greater misery than any 
 hath or can befall me, inasmuch as the least sin hath 
 more evil in it than the greatest aflliction. Had I 
 gratified the anti-episcopal faction at first in this point 
 
against the King. 49 
 
 with my consent, and sacrificed the ecclesiastical 
 government and revenues to the fury of their covetous- 
 ness, ambition, and revenge, I believe they would then 
 have found no colourable necessity of raising an army 
 to fetch in and punish delinquents. 
 
 That I consented to the Bill of putting the bishops 
 out of the House of Peers, was done with a firm 
 persuasion of their contentedness to sufi'er a present 
 diminution in their rights and honour for my sake and 
 the commonweal's ; which I was confident they would 
 readily yield unto rather than occasion, by the least 
 obstruction on their part, any danger to me or to my 
 kingdom. That I cannot add my consent for the total 
 extirpation of that government (which I have often 
 ofiered to all fit regulations,) hath so much further tie 
 upon my conscience, as what I think religious and 
 apostolical, and so very sacred and divine, is not to be 
 dispensed with or destroyed, when what is only of civil 
 favour and privilege of honour granted to men of that 
 order, may, with their consent who are concerned in it, 
 be annulled. 
 
 This is the true state of those obstructions pretended 
 to be in point of justice and authority of Parliament, 
 when, I call God to witness, I knew none of such 
 consequence as was worth speaking of to make a war, 
 being only such as justice, reason, and religion, had 
 made in my own and other men's consciences. 
 
 Afterwards, indeed, a great show of delinquents was 
 made, which were but consequences necessarily follow- 
 ing upon mine or others' withdrawing from or defence 
 
 E 
 
50 Upon the Lifting and Raising Armies 
 
 against violence ; but those could not be the first 
 occasion of raising an army against me. Wherein 1 was 
 so far from preventing them (as they have declared 
 often, that they might seem to have the advantage and 
 justice of the defensive part, and load me with all the 
 envy and injuries of first assaulting them), that God 
 knows I had not so much as any hopes of an army in 
 my thoughts. Had the tumults been honourably and 
 effectually repressed by exemplary justice, and the 
 liberty of the Houses so vindicated that all members 
 of either House might with honour and freedom, 
 becoming such a senate, have come and discharged 
 their consciences, I had obtained all that I designed 
 by my withdrawing, and had much more willingly and 
 speedily returned than I retired; this being my necessity 
 driving, the other my choice desiring. 
 
 But some men knew I was like to bring the same 
 judgment and constancy which I carried with me, which 
 would never fit their designs ; and so while they invited 
 me to come, and grievously complained of my absence, 
 yet they could not but be pleased with it, especially 
 when they had found out that plausible and popular 
 pretext of raising an army to fetch in delinquents, when 
 all that while they never punished the greatest and 
 most intolerable delinquency of the tumults and their 
 exciters, which drave myself and so many of both 
 Houses from their places by most barbarous indignities ; 
 which yet in all reason and honour they were as loth 
 to have deserted as those others were willing they 
 should, that so they might have occasion to persecute 
 
against the King. 51 
 
 them with the injuries of an army for not suffering more 
 tamely the injuries of the tumults. 
 
 That this is the true state and first drift and design 
 in raising an army against me, is by the sequel so 
 evident, that all other pretences vanish. For when 
 they declared by propositions or treaties what they 
 would have to appease them, there was nothing of 
 consequence offered to me, or demanded of me, as any 
 original difference in any point of law or order of justice. 
 But among other lesser innovations this chiefly was 
 urged, the abolition of Episcopal, and the establishment 
 of Presbyterian government. 
 
 All other things at any time propounded were either 
 impertinent as to any ground of a war, or easily granted 
 by me, and only to make up a number, or else they 
 were merely consequential and necessary after the war 
 was by them unjustly begun. 
 
 I cannot hinder other men's thoughts, whom the 
 noise and show of piety and heat for reformation and 
 religion might easily so fill with prejudice, that all 
 equality and clearness of judgment might be obstructed. 
 But this was, and is, as to my best observation, the true 
 state of affairs between us when they first raised an 
 army, with this design, either to stop my mouth or to 
 force my consent. And in this truth, as to my con- 
 science, (who was, God knows, as far from meditating 
 a war, as I was in the eye of the world from having 
 any preparation for one,) I find that comfort that in the 
 midst of all the unfortunate successes of this war on 
 my side, I do not think my innocency any whit pre- 
 
52 Upon the Lifting and Raising Armies 
 
 jndiced or darkened, nor am I without that integrity 
 and peace before God as with humble confidence to 
 address my prayer to Him. 
 
 For TJioii, Lord, seest clearly through all the cloud- 
 ings of human affairs ; Thou judgest ivithout prejudice ; 
 Thy omniscience eternally guides Thy unerr able judgment. 
 
 my God, the proud are risen against me, and the 
 assemblies of violent men have sought after my soul, and 
 have not set Thee before their eyes. 
 
 Consider my enemies, Lord, for they are many, and 
 they hate me with a deadly hatred without a cause. 
 
 For Thou Icnowest I had no passion, design, or prepara- 
 tion to embroil my kingdoms in a civil icar, ivhereto L had 
 least temptation, as knowing I must adventure more than 
 any, and could gain least of any by it. 
 
 Thou, Lord, art my witness how oft I have deplored 
 and studied to divert the necessity thereof, wherein L cannot 
 well be thought so prodigally thirsty of my subjects' blood 
 as to venture my own life, which L have been oft compelled 
 to do iti this mihappy war, and which were better spent to 
 save than to destroy my people. 
 
 Lord, I need much of Thy grace, with patience, to 
 bear the many afflictions Thou hast suffered some men to 
 bring upon me, but much more to bear the unjust reproaches 
 of those who, not content that L suffh' most by the icar, will 
 needs persuade the world that L have raided it first, or given 
 just cause to raise it. 
 
 The confidence of some meii's false tongues is such that 
 they ivould malce me ahnost suspect my own innocency ; 
 
against the King. 53 
 
 yea, I eould he content {at least hy my silence) to take upon 
 me so great a guilt before men, if hy that I might allay 
 the malice of my enemies, and redeem my people from this 
 miserahle ivar, since Thou, Lord, hnotvest my innocency 
 in this thing. 
 
 Thou ivilt find otit bloody and deceitful men, many of 
 ivhom have not lived out half their days, in which they 
 promised themselves the enjoyment of the fruits of their 
 violent and iviched counsels. 
 
 Save, Lord, Thy servant, as hitherto Thou hast, and 
 in Thy due time scatter the people that delight in war. 
 
 Arise, Lord, lift up Thyself, because of the rage of 
 mine enemies, whicli increaseth more and more. Behold 
 them that have conceived mischief, travailed with iniquity, 
 and brought forth falsehood. 
 
 Thou knowest the chief design of this war is, either to 
 destroy my person, or force my judgment, and to make me 
 revenge my conscience and Thy truth. 
 
 I am driven to cross David's clioice, and desire rather 
 to fall into the hands of men by denying them (though 
 their mercies be cruel), than into Thy hands, by sinning 
 against my conscience, and in that against Thee, tvho art 
 a consuming fire. Better they destroy me, than Thou 
 shouldst damn me. 
 
 Be Thou ever the defence of my soul, ivho ivilt save the 
 upright in heart. 
 
 If nothing hut my blood will satisfy my enemies, or 
 quench the flames of my kingdoms or Thy temporal justice, 
 I am content, if it be Thy ivill, that it be shed by my own 
 subjects'' hands. 
 
54 Upon their Seizing the King^s Magazines y 
 
 But let the Hood of me, though their king yet a 
 sinner, he ivashed with the Mood of my innocent and 
 2}eace-mahing Redeemer, for in that Thy justice will find 
 not only a temporary expiation, hut an eternal plenary 
 satisfaction, hoth for my sins and the sins of my people, 
 whom I heseech Thee still own for Thine ; and ivhen Thy 
 ivrath is appeased hy my death, rememher Thy great 
 mercies toward them, and forgive them, my Father, for 
 they hnoiv not what they do. 
 
 X. 
 
 Upon their Seizing the King's Magazines, 
 Forts, Navy, and Militia. 
 
 How UNTRULY I am charged with the first raising of 
 an army and beginning this civil war, the eyes that only 
 pity me, and the loyal hearts that durst only pray for 
 me at first, might witness, which yet appear not so many 
 on my side as there were men in arms lifted against me. 
 My unpreparedness for a war may well dishearten those 
 that would help me ; while it argues truly my unwilling- 
 ness to fight, yet it testifies for me that I am set on the 
 defensive part, having so little hopes or power to ofi'end 
 others, that I have none to defend myself, or to preserve 
 what is mine own from their prereption. 
 
 No man can doubt but they prevented me in their 
 purposes as well as their injuries, who are so much 
 beforehand in their preparations against me, and 
 surprisals of my strength. Such as are not for them, 
 
Forts, Navy, and Militia. 55 
 
 yet dare not be for me, so overawed is their loyalty by 
 the others' numbers and terrors. I believe my inno- 
 cency, and unpreparedness to as?ert my rights and 
 honour, makes me the more guilty in their esteem; who 
 would not so easily have declared a war against me, if 
 I had first assaulted them. 
 
 They knew my chiefest arms left me were those only 
 which the ancient Christians were wont to use against 
 their persecutors — prayers and tears. These may serve 
 a good man's turn, if not to conquer as a soldier, yet to 
 suffer as a martyr. 
 
 Their preventing of me, and surprising my castles, 
 forts, arms, and navy, with the militia, is so far best for 
 me, that it may drive me from putting any trust in the 
 arm of flesh, and wholly to cast myself into the protec- 
 tion of the living God, who can save by few, or none, 
 as well as by many. 
 
 He that made the greedy ravens to be Elias's caterers, 
 and bring him food, may also make their surprisal of 
 outward force and defence an opportunity to shew 
 me the special support of His power and protection. 
 
 I thank God I reckon not now the want of the militia 
 so much in reference to my own protection, as my 
 people's. 
 
 Their many and sore oppressions grieve me ; I am 
 above my own : what I want in the hands of force and 
 power, I have in the wings of faith and prayer. 
 
 But this is the strange method these men will needs 
 take, to resolve their riddle of making mo a glorious 
 king by taking away my kingly power. Thus I shall 
 
56 Upon their Seizing the King's Magazines^ 
 
 become a support to my friends and a terror to my 
 enemies, by being unable to succour the one or suppress 
 the other. 
 
 For thus have they designed and proposed to me 
 the new modelling of sovereignty and kingship, as 
 without any reality of power, so without any necessity 
 of subjection and obedience ; that the majesty of the 
 kings of England might hereafter hang, like Mahomet's 
 tomb, by a magnetic charm, between the power and 
 privileges of the two Houses, in an airy imagination of 
 regality. 
 
 But I believe the surfeit of too much power which 
 some men have greedily seized on, and now seek 
 wholly to devour, will ere long make the commonwealth 
 sick both of it and them, since they cannot well digest 
 it, sovereign power in subjects seldom agreeing with the 
 stomachs of fellow-subjects. 
 
 Yet I have, even in this point of the constant militia, 
 sought, by satisfying their fears and importunities, both 
 to secure my friends and overcome mine enemies, to 
 gain the peace of all by depriving myself of a sole 
 power to help or hurt any ; yielding the militia (which 
 is my undoubted right no less than the crown) to be 
 disposed of as the two Houses shall think fit during 
 my time. 
 
 So willing am I to bury all jealousies in them of me, 
 and to live above all jealousies of them as to myself; 
 I desire not to be safer than I wish them and my 
 people. If I had the sole actual disposing of the 
 militia, I could not protect my people further than they 
 
Forts, Navy, and Militia. 57 
 
 protected me and themselves, so that the use of the 
 militia is mutual. I would but defend myself so far as 
 to be able to defend my good subjects from those men's 
 violence and fraud, who, conscious to their own evil 
 merits and designs, will needs persuade the world that 
 none but wolves are fit to be trusted with the custody 
 of the shepherd and his flock. Miserable experience 
 hath taught my subjects, since power hath been wrested 
 from me and employed against me and them, that 
 neither can be safe, if both be not in such a way as the 
 law hath entrusted the public safety and welfare. 
 
 Yet even this concession of mine as to the exercise 
 of the militia, so vast and large, is not satisfactory to 
 some men, which seem to be enemies not to me only, 
 but to all monarchy, and are resolved to transmit to 
 posterity such jealousies of the crown as they should 
 never permit it to enjoy its just and necessary rights in 
 point of power, to which, at last, all law is resolved, 
 while thereby it is best protected. 
 
 But here honour and justice due to my successors 
 forbid me to yield to such a total alienation of that 
 power from them, which civihty and duty, no less than 
 justice and honour, should have forbad them to have 
 asked of me. 
 
 For although I can be content to eclipse my own 
 beams to satisfy their fears, who think they must needs 
 be scorched or blinded if I should shine in the full 
 lustre of kingly power wherewith God and the laws 
 have invested me ; yet I will never consent to put out 
 the sun of sovereignty to all posterity and succeeding 
 
58 Ipon their Seizing the King's Magazines, 
 
 kings, whose just recovery of their rights from unjust 
 usurpations and extortions shall never be prejudiced 
 or obstructed by any act of mine ; which indeed would 
 not be more injurious to succeeding kings than to my 
 subjects, whom I desire to leave in a condition not 
 wholly desperate for the future; so as by a law to 
 be ever subjected to those many factious distractions 
 which must needs follow the many-headed hydra of 
 government ; which, as it makes a show to the people 
 to have more eyes to foresee, so they will find it 
 hath more mouths, too, which must be satisfied; and, 
 at best, it hath rather a monstrosity than anything of 
 perfection beyond that of right monarchy, where counsel 
 may be in many, as the senses, but the supreme power 
 can be but in one, as the head. 
 
 Haply, when men have tried the horrors and malignant 
 influence which will certainly follow my enforced darkness 
 and eclipse (occasioned by the interposition and shadow 
 of that body which, as the moon, receiveth its chiefest light 
 from me), they will at length more esteem and welcome 
 the restored glory and blessing of the sun's light. 
 
 And if at present I may seem, by my receding so 
 much from the use of my right in the power of the 
 militia, to come short of the discharge of that trust to 
 which I am sworn for my people's protection, I conceive 
 those men are guilty of the enforced perjury (if so it 
 may seem), who compel me to take this new and strange 
 way of discharging my trust by seeming to desert it ; 
 of protecting my subjects by exposing myself to danger 
 or dishononr for their safety and quiet. 
 
Forts, Navy, and Militia. 59 
 
 Which in the conflicts of civil war, and advantages 
 of power, cannot be effected but by some side yielding ; 
 to which the greatest love of the public peace, and the 
 firmest assurance of God's protection, arising from a 
 good conscience, doth more invite me, than can be 
 expected from other men's fears, which arising from the 
 injustice of their actions, though never so successful, 
 yet dare not adventure their authors upon any other 
 way of safety than that of the sword and militia ; which 
 yet are but weak defences against the strokes of divine 
 vengeance, which will overtake, or of men's own 
 consciences, which always attend injurious perpe- 
 trations. 
 
 For myself, I do not think that I can want anything 
 which providential necessity is pleased to take from 
 me, in order to my people's tranquillity and God's 
 glory, whose protection is sufiicient for me ; and He is 
 able, by His being with me, abundantly to compensate 
 to me, as He did to Job, whatever honour, power, or 
 liberty the Chaldeans, Sabfeans, or the devil himself 
 can deprive me of. 
 
 Although they take from me all defence of arms and 
 militia, all refuge by land of forts and castles, all flight 
 by sea in my ships and navy ; yea, though they study 
 to rob me of the hearts of my subjects, the greatest 
 treasure and best ammunition of a king, yet cannot they 
 deprive me of my own innocency or God's mercy, nor 
 obstruct my way to heaven. 
 
 Therefore, my God, to Thee I fly for help ; if Thou 
 
60 Upon their Seizing the King's Magazines^ etc. 
 
 tvilt he oti my side, I shall have more with me than can 
 he against me. 
 
 There is none «w heaven or in earth that I desire in 
 comparison of Thee. In the loss of all, he Thou more 
 than all to me. Make haste to succour, Thou that never 
 failest them that put their trust in Thee. 
 
 Thou seest I have no power to oppose them that come 
 against me, who are encouraged to fight under the pretence 
 of fighting for me. But my eyes are toward Thee. 
 
 Thou needest no help, nor shall I, if I may have Thine; 
 if not to co7iquer, yet at least to suffer. 
 
 If Thou delightest not in my safety and prosperity, 
 hehold here I am, ivilUng to he reduced to lohat Thou 
 wilt have me, tvhose judgments oft hegin with Thy own 
 children. 
 
 I am content to he nothing, that Thou may est he all. 
 
 Thou hast taught me that no king can he saved hy the 
 multitude of an host; hut yet Thou canst save me hy the 
 nmltitude of Thy mercies, who art the Lord of Hosts, and 
 the Fatlier of mercies. 
 
 Help me, Lord, who am sore distressed on every side ; 
 yet he Thou on my side, and I shall not fear ivhat man can 
 do unto me. 
 
 I loill give Thy justice the glory of my distress. 
 
 let Thy mercy have the glory of my deliverance from 
 them that persecute my soul. 
 
 By my sins^ have I fought against Thee, and rohhed 
 Thee of Thy glory, who am Thy suhject ; and justly 
 mayst Thou hy my own suhjects strip me of my strength, 
 and eclipse my glory. 
 
Upon the Nineteen Propositions, dc. 61 
 
 But shew Thyself, my hope and only refuge. Let not 
 mine enemies say, There is no help for him in his God. 
 
 Hold up my goings in Thy paths, that my footsteps slip 
 not. 
 
 Keep me as the apple of Thine eye, hide me under the 
 shadow of Thy ivings. 
 
 Shew Thy marvellous loving-kindness, Thou that 
 savest hy Thy right hand them that put their trust in 
 Thee, from those that rise up against them; from the 
 wicked that oppress me, from my deadly enemies that 
 compass me alouf. 
 
 Shew me the path of life ; in Thy presence is fulness of 
 Joy, at Thy right hand there are pleasures for evermore. 
 
 XI. 
 
 Upon the Nineteen Propositions first sent to 
 THE King, and more afterwards. 
 
 Although there be many things they demand, yet if 
 these be all, I am glad to see at what price they set my 
 own safety and my people's peace, which I cannot think 
 I buy at too dear a rate, save only the parting with my 
 conscience and honour. If nothing else will satisfy, I 
 must choose rather to be as miserable and inglorious as 
 my enemies can make or wish me. 
 
 Some things here propounded to me have been 
 offered by me, others are easily granted ; the rest, I 
 think, ought not to be obtruded upon me with the point 
 of the sword, nor urged with the injuries of a war, when 
 
62 Upon the Nineteen Propositions 
 
 I have already declared that I cannot yield to them 
 without violating mj'^ conscience. It is strange there 
 can be no method of peace but by making war upon 
 my soul. 
 
 Here are many things required of me, but I see 
 nothing offered to me by the way of grateful exchange 
 of honour, or any requital for those favours I have or 
 can yet grant them. 
 
 This honour they do me, to put me on the giving 
 part, which is more princely and divine. They cannot 
 ask more than I can give, may I but reserve to myself 
 the incommunicable jewel of my conscience, and not 
 be forced to part with that whose loss nothing can 
 repair or requite. 
 
 Some things which they are pleased to propound 
 seem unreasonable to me ; and while I have any 
 mastery of my reason, how can they think I can consent 
 to them, who know they are such as are inconsistent 
 with being either a king or a good Christian ? My 
 yielding so much as I have already makes some men 
 confident I will deny nothing. 
 
 The love I have of my people's peace, hath^ indeed, 
 great influence upon me ; but the love of truth and 
 inward peace hath more. 
 
 Should I grant some things they require, I should 
 not so much weaken my outward state of a king as 
 wound that inward quiet of my conscience, which ought 
 to b-), is, and ever shall be, by God's grace, dearer to 
 me than my kingdoms. 
 
 Some things which a king might approve, yet in 
 
Jirst sent to the King. 68 
 
 honour and policy are at some times to be denied to 
 some men, lest he should seem not to dare to deny 
 anything, and give too much encouragement to un- 
 reasonable demands and importunities. 
 
 But to bind myself to a general and implicit consent 
 to whatever they shall desire or propound (for such is 
 one ot their propositions), were such a latitude of blind 
 obedience as never was expected from any freeman, 
 nor fit to be required of any man, much less of a king 
 by his own subjects, any of whom he may possibly exceed 
 as much in wisdom as he doth in place and power. 
 
 This were as if Samson should have consented, not 
 only to bind his own hands and cut oif his hair, but to 
 put out his own eyes, that the Philistines might with 
 the more safety mock and abuse him ; which they chose 
 rather to do than quite to destroy him, when he was 
 become so tame an object, and fit occasion for their 
 sport and scorn. 
 
 Certainly, to exclude all power of denial seems an 
 arrogancy least of all becoming those who pretend to 
 make their addresses in an humble and loyal way of 
 petitioning ; who by that sulficiently confess their own 
 inferiority, which obligeth them to rest, if not satisfied, 
 yet quieted with such an answer as the will and reason 
 of their superior thinks fit to give ; who is acknowledged 
 to have a freedom and power of reason to consent or 
 dissent; else it were very foolish and absurd to ask, 
 what another having not liberty to deny, neither hath 
 power to grant. 
 
 But if this be my right, belonging to me in reason as 
 
64 Upon the Nineteen Propositions 
 
 a man, and in honour as a sovereign king (as un- 
 doubtedly it doth), how can it be other than extreme 
 injury to confine my reason to a necessit}^ of granting 
 all they have a mind to ask, whose minds may be as 
 differing from mine both in reason and honour, as their 
 aims may be and their qualities are ? Which last, God 
 and the laws have sufficiently distinguished, making me 
 their sovereign and them my subjects, whose proposi- 
 tions may soon prove violent oppositions, if once they 
 gain to be necessary impositions upon the regal authority, 
 feince no man seeks to limit and confine his King in 
 reason, who hath not a secret aim to share with him, or 
 usurp upon him in power and dominion. 
 
 But they would have me trust to their moderation, 
 and abandon mine own discretion ; that so I might 
 verify what representations some have made of me to 
 the world, that I am fitter to be their pupil than their 
 prince. Truly I am not so confident of my own suffi- 
 ciency as not willingly to admit the counsel of others ; 
 but yet I am not so diffident of myself as brutishly to 
 submit to any men's dictates, and at once to betray the 
 sovereignty of reason in my soul and the majesty of my 
 own crown to any of vay subjects. 
 
 Least of all have I any ground of credulity to induce 
 me fully to submit to all the desires of those men who 
 will not admit, or do refuse and neglect to vindicate, 
 the freedom of their own and others' sitting and voting 
 in Parliament. 
 
 Besides, all men that know them know this, how 
 young statesmen the most part of these propounders 
 
first sent to the King. 65 
 
 are ; so that till experience of one seven years hath 
 shewed me how well they can govern themselves, and 
 so much power as is wrested from me, I should be very 
 foolish indeed, and unfaithful in my trust, to put the 
 reins of both reason and government wholly out of my 
 own into their hands, whose driving is already too much 
 like Jehu's, and whose forwardness to ascend the throne 
 of supremacy portends more of Phaeton than ol Phoebus. 
 God divert the omen, if it be His will. 
 
 They may remember that at best they sit in Parlia- 
 ment as my subjects, not my superiors; called to be 
 my counsellors, not dictators. Their summons extends 
 to recommend their advice, not to command my duty. 
 
 When I first heard of Propositions to be sent me, I 
 expected either some good laws, which had been anti- 
 quated by the course of time, or overlaid by the cor- 
 ruption of manners, had been desired to a restoration 
 of their vigour and due execution ; or some evil customs 
 preterlegal and abuses personal had been to be removed; 
 or some injuries done by myself and others to the 
 commonweal were to be repaired ; or some equable 
 overtures were to be tendered to me, wherein the 
 advantages of my crown being considered by them, 
 might fairly induce me to condescend to what tended 
 to my subjects' good, without any great diminution of 
 myself, whom nature, law, reason, and religion, bind 
 me, in the first place to preserve, without which it is 
 impossible to preserve my people, according to my place. 
 
 Or, at least, I looked for such moderate desires of 
 due reformation of what was, indeed, amiss in Church 
 
 F 
 
QQ Upon the Nineteen Propositions 
 
 and State, as might still preserve the foundation and 
 essentials of government in both, nor shake and quite 
 overthrow either of them, without any regard to the 
 laws in force, the wisdom and piety of former Parlia- 
 ments, the ancient and universal practice of Christian 
 Churches, the rights and privileges of particular men; 
 nor yet anything offered in lieu or in the room of what 
 must be destroyed, which might at once reach the good 
 end of the other's institution, and also supply its pre- 
 tended defects, reform its abuses, and satisfy sober and 
 wise men, not with soft and specious words, pre- 
 tending zeal and special piety, but with pregnant and 
 solid reasons, both divine and human, which might 
 justify the abruptness and necessity of such vast 
 alterations. 
 
 But in all their Propositions I can observe little of 
 these kinds, or to these ends; nothing of any laws 
 disjointed which are to be restored, of any right invaded, 
 of any justice to be unobstructed, of any compensations 
 to be made, of any impartial reformation to be granted ; 
 to all or any of which, reason, religion, true policy, or 
 any other human motives might induce me. 
 
 But as to the main matters propounded by them at 
 any time, in which is either great novelty or difficulty, 
 I perceive that what were formerly looked upon as 
 factions in the State and schisms in the Church, and so 
 punishable by the laws, have now the confidence, by 
 vulgar clamours and assistance chiefly, to demand not 
 only tolerations of themselves in their vanity, novelty, 
 and confusion, but also abolition of the laws against 
 
first sent to the King. ' 67 
 
 them, and a total extirpation of that government whose 
 rights they have a mind to invade. 
 
 This as to the main. Other Propositions are, for 
 the most part, but as v^aste paper, in which those are 
 wrapped up to present them somewhat more handsomely. 
 
 Nor do I so much wonder at the variety and horrible 
 novelty of some Propositions, there being nothing so 
 monstrous which some fancies are not prone to long for. 
 
 This casts me into not an admiration, but an 
 ecstasy, how such things should have the fortune to be 
 propounded in the name of the two Houses of the Parlia- 
 ment of England, among whom I am very confident 
 there was not a fourth part of the members of either 
 House, whose judgments — free, single, and apart — did 
 approve or desire such destructive changes in the 
 government of the Church. 
 
 I am persuaded there remains in far the major part 
 of both Houses, if free and full, so much learning, 
 reason, religion, and just moderation, as to know how 
 to sever between the use and the abuse of things, the 
 institution and the corruption, the government and the 
 mis-government, the primitive patterns and the aberra- 
 tions or blottings of after-copies. 
 
 Sure they could not all, upon so little or no reason 
 as yet produced to the contrary, so soon renounce all 
 regard to the laws in force, to antiquity, to the piety 
 of their reforming progenitors, to the prosperity of 
 former times in this Church and State, under the 
 present government of the Church. 
 
 Yet, by a strange fatality, these men sutler, either by 
 
68 Uj}07i the Xineteen Propositions 
 
 their absence, or silence, or negligence, or supine 
 credulity (believing that all is good which is gilded with 
 shows of zeal and reformation), their private dissenting 
 in judgment to be drawn into the common sewer or 
 stream of the present vogue and humour; which hath 
 its chief rise and abetment from those popular clamours 
 and tumults, which served to give life and strength to 
 the infinite activity of those men who studied with all 
 diligence and policy to improve to their innovating 
 designs the present distractions. 
 
 Such armies of Propositions having so little, in my 
 judgment, of reason, justice, and religion, on their side, 
 as they had tumult and faction for their rise, must 
 not go alone, but ever be backed and seconded with 
 armies of soldiers. Though the second should prevail 
 against my person, yet the first shall never overcome 
 me, further than I see cause ; for I look not at their 
 number and power so much as I weigh their reason 
 and justice. 
 
 Had the two Houses first sued out their livery, and 
 once efi'ectually redeemed themselves from the wardship 
 of the tumults (which can be no other than the hounds 
 that attend the cry and holloa of those men who hunt 
 after factious and private designs, to the ruin of Church 
 and State) ; did my judgment tell me that the Proposi- 
 tions sent to me were the results of the major part of 
 their votes, who exercise their freedom, as well as they 
 have a right to sit in Parliament, I should then suspect 
 my own judgment for not speedily and fully concurring 
 with every one of them. 
 
first sent to the King. 69 
 
 For I have charity enough to think there are wise 
 men among them, and humility to think that, as in 
 some things I may want, so it is fit I should use, their 
 advice, which is the end for which I called them to a 
 Parliament. But yet I cannot allow their wisdom such 
 a completeness and inerrability as to exclude myself, 
 since none of them hath that part to act, that trust to 
 discharge, nor that estate and honour to preserve, as 
 myself; without whose reason concurrent with theirs 
 (as the sun's influence is necessary in all nature's pro- 
 ductions), they cannot beget or bring forth any one 
 complete and authoritative act of pubHc wisdom, which 
 makes the laws. 
 
 But the unreasonableness of some Propositions is 
 not more evident to me than this is, that they are not 
 the joint and free desires of those in their major number, 
 who are of right to sit and vote in Parliament. 
 
 For many of them savour very strong of that old 
 leaven of innovations, masked under the name of re- 
 formation, which in my two last famous predecessors' 
 days heaved at, and sometime threatened, both Prince 
 and Parliaments ; but, I am sure, was never wont so 
 far to infect the whole mass of the nobility and gentry 
 of this kingdom, however it dispersed among the vulgar. 
 Nor was it likely so suddenly to taint the major part 
 of both Houses as that they should unanimously desire 
 and affect so enormous and dangerous innovations in 
 Church and State, contrary to their former education, 
 practice, and judgment. 
 
 Not that I am ignorant how the choice of many 
 
70 Upon the Nineteen Propositions 
 
 members was carried by much faction in the countries, 
 some thirsting after nothing more than a passionate 
 revenge of whatever displeasure they had conceived 
 against me, my court, or the clergy. 
 
 But all reason bids me impute these sudden and vast 
 desires of change to those few who armed themselves 
 with the many-headed and many-handed tumults. 
 
 No less doth reason, honour, and safety, both of 
 Church and State, command me to chew such morsels 
 before I let them down. If the straitness of my con- 
 science will not give me leave to swallow down such 
 camels as others do of sacrilege and injustice both to 
 God and man, they have no more cause to quarrel with 
 me than for this, that my throat is not so wide as theirs. 
 Yet by God's help I am resolved that nothing of passion, 
 or peevishness, or list to contradict, or vanity to shew 
 my negative power, shall have any bias upon my 
 judgment to make me gratify my will, by denying 
 anything which my reason and conscience commands 
 me not. 
 
 Nor, on the other side, will I consent to more than 
 reason, justice, honour, and reHgion persuade me to be 
 for God's glory, the Church's good, my people's welfare, 
 and my own peace. 
 
 I will study to satisfy my Parhament and my people, 
 but I will never, for fear or flattery, gratify any faction, 
 how potent soever, for this were to nourish the disease 
 and oppress the body. 
 
 Although many men's loyalty and prudence are terri- 
 fied from giving me that free and faithful counsel which 
 
first sent to the Kinrf. 71 
 
 they are able and willing to impart, and I may want, 
 yet none can hinder me from craving of the counsel of 
 that mighty Counsellor, who can both suggest what is 
 best, and incline my heart stedfastly to follow it. 
 
 Thou first and eternal Reason, whose wisdom is 
 fortified with onmipotency, furnish Thy servant first ivith 
 clear discoveries of truth, reason, and justice in my under- 
 standing ; then so confirm my loill and resolution to adhere 
 to them, that no terrors, injuries, or oppressio7is of my 
 enemies may ever enforce me against those rules tvhich 
 Thou ly them hast planted in my conscience. 
 
 Thou never madest me a hing that I should be less than 
 a man, and not dare to say yea or nay, as I see cause ; 
 ivhich freedom is not denied to the meanest creature that 
 hath the use of reason and liberty of speech. 
 
 Shall that be blameable in me, ivhich is commendable 
 veracity and constancy in others ? 
 
 Thou seest, Lord, loith ivhat partiality a7id injustice 
 they deny that freedom to me their King ivhich Thou hast 
 given to all men, and ivhich themselves pertinaciously 
 challenge to themselves, while they are so tender of the 
 least breach of their privileges. 
 
 To Thee I make my supplication, ivho canst guide us 
 by an unerring rule through the perplexed labyrinths of 
 our own thoughts and other men''s proposals, which I have 
 some cause to suspect are purposely cast as snares, that by 
 my granting or denying them I might be more entangled in 
 those difficulties wherewith they lie in wait to afflict me. 
 Lord, make Thy way plain before me. 
 
72 Upon the Nineteen Propositions, dc. 
 
 Let not mij oivn sinful 2yf(ssio7is cloud or divert Thj 
 sacred suggestions. 
 
 Let Thy glory he my end, Thy Word my rule, and then 
 Thy will he done. 
 
 L cannot please all, L care not to please some men. Lf 
 L may he happy to please Thee L need not fear whom L 
 displease. 
 
 Thou that mahest the ivisdom of the ivorld foolishness, 
 and takest in their own devices such as are ivise in their 
 own conceits, mahe me wise hy Thy truth, for Thy honour, 
 my Jcingdo7n\s general good, and my own soul's salvation, 
 and L shall not much regard the worWs opinion or dimi- 
 nution of me. 
 
 The less loisdom they are willing to impute to me, the 
 more they shall he convinced of Thy wisdom directing me, 
 while I deny nothing fit to he granted, out of crossness or 
 humour, nor grant anything lohich is to he denied, out of 
 any fear or flattery of men. 
 
 Suffer me not to he guilty or unhappy hy willing or in- 
 considerate advancing any men's designs ivhich are injurious 
 to the puhlic good, while L confirm them, hy my consent. 
 
 Nor let me he any occasion to hinder or defraud the 
 puhlic of tvhat is hest, hy any morose or perverse dissentiiigs. 
 
 Make me so humhly charitahle as to follow their advice 
 when it appears to he for the puhlic good, of whose affec- 
 tions to me I have yet hut few evidences to assure me. 
 
 Thou canst as ivellhless honest errors, as hlast fraudulent 
 counsels. 
 
 Since ive must give an account of every evil and idle 
 word in private at Thy trihunal. Lord, make me careful 
 
IJloon the Rebellion and Troubles in Ireland. 73 
 
 of those solemn declarations of my mind which are lilce to 
 have the greatest influence upon the public, either for woe 
 or weal. 
 
 The less others consider ivhat they ask, make me the 
 tnore solicitous what I answer. 
 
 Though mine oxen and my people s pressures are grievous, 
 and peace would he very 'pleasing, yet, Lord, never suffer 
 me to avoid the one or purchase the other with the least 
 expense or waste of my conscience, ivhereof Thou, Lord, 
 only are deservedly more master than myself. 
 
 XII. 
 
 Upon the Rebellion and Troubles in Ireland. 
 
 The commotions in Ireland were so sudden and so 
 violent, that it was hard at first either to discern the rise 
 or apply a remedy to that precipitant rebellion. 
 
 Indeed, that sea of blood which hath there been 
 cruelly and barbarously shed, is enough to drown any 
 man in eternal both infamy and misery, whom God 
 shall find the malicious author or instigator of its 
 efi'usion. 
 
 It fell out, as a most unhappy advantage to some 
 men's malice against me, that when they had impudence 
 enough to lay anything to my charge, this bloody 
 opportunity should be offered them, with which I must 
 be aspersed, although there was nothing which could 
 be more abhorred by me, being so full of sin against 
 God, disloyalty to myself, and destructive to my subjects. 
 
74 Upoii the Rebellion and Troubles in Ireland. 
 
 Some men took it very ill not to be believed when 
 they affirmed that what the Irish rebels did was done 
 with my privity at least, if not by my commission. But 
 these knew too well that it is no news for some of my 
 subjects to fight, not only without my commission, but 
 against my command and person too, yet all the while 
 to pretend they fight by my authority and for my safety. 
 
 I would to God the Irish had nothing to allege for 
 their imitation against those whose blame must needs 
 be the greater, by how much Protestant principles are 
 more against all rebellion against princes than those of 
 Papists. Nor will the goodness of men's intentions 
 excuse the scandal and contagion of their examples. 
 
 But whoever fail of their duty toward me, I must bear 
 the blame. This honour my enemies have always done 
 to me, to think moderate injuries not proportionate to 
 me, nor competent trials either of my patience under 
 them, or my pardon of them. 
 
 Therefore with exquisite malice they have mixed the 
 gall and vinegar of falsity and contempt with the cup of 
 my affliction, charging me not only with untruths, but 
 such as wherein I have the greatest share of loss and 
 dishonour by what is committed ; whereby (in all policy, 
 reason, and religion, having least cause to give the least 
 consent, and most grounds of utter detestation) I might 
 be represented by them to the world the more inhuman 
 and barbarous ; like some Cyclopic monster, whom 
 nothing will serve to eat and drink but the flesh and 
 blood of my own subjects, in whose common welfare 
 my interest lies as much as some men's doth in their 
 
Upon the BeheUion and Trotihles in Ireland. 75 
 
 perturbations, wlio think they cannot do well but in 
 evil times, nor so cunningly, as in laying tbe odium of 
 those sad events on others, wherewith themselves are 
 most pleased, and whereof they have been not the 
 least occasion. 
 
 And certainly, it is thought by many wise men that 
 the preposterous rigour and unreasonable severity which 
 some men carried before them in England, was not the 
 least incentive that kindled and blew up into those 
 horrid flames the sparks of discontent; which wanted 
 not predisposed fuel for rebellion in Ireland, where 
 despair being added to their former discontents, and 
 the fears of utter extirpation to their wonted oppres- 
 sions, it was easy to provoke to an open rebellion. 
 People prone enough to break out to all exorbitant 
 violence, both by some principles of their religion, and 
 the natural desires of liberty, both to exempt themselves 
 from their present restraints, and to prevent those after 
 rigours wherewith they saw themselves apparently 
 threatened by the covetous zeal and uncharitable fury 
 of some men, who think it a great argument of the 
 truth of their religion to endure no other but their own. 
 
 God knows, as I can with truth wash my hands in 
 innocency as to any guilt in that rebelhon, so I might 
 wash them in my tears as to the sad apprehensions I 
 had to see it spread so far, and make such waste ; and 
 this in a time when distractions and jealousies here in 
 England made most men rather intent to their own 
 safety, or designs they were driving, than to the relief of 
 those who were every day inhumanly butchered in 
 
76 U2wn the Rebellion and Troubles in Ireland. 
 
 Ireland, whose tears and blood might, if nothing else, 
 have quenched, or at least for a time repressed and 
 smothered, those sparks of civil dissensions and jealous- 
 ies which in England some men most industriously- 
 scattered. 
 
 I would to God no man had been less affected with 
 Ireland's sad estate than myself. I offered to go myself 
 in person upon that expedition, but some men were 
 either afraid I should have any one kingdom quieted, 
 or loth they were to shoot at any mark here less than 
 myself, or that any should have the glory of my 
 destruction but themselves. Had my many offers been 
 accepted, I am confident neither the ruin had been so 
 great, nor the calamity so long, nor the remedy so 
 desperate. 
 
 So that, next to the sin of those who began that 
 rebelHon, theirs must needs be, who either hindered 
 the speedy suppressing of it by domestic dissensions, 
 or diverted the aids, or exasperated the rebels to the 
 most desperate resolutions and actions, by threatening 
 all extremities, not only to the known heads and chief 
 incendiaries, but even to the whole community of that 
 nation ; resolving to destroy root and branch, men, 
 women, and children, without any regard to those usual 
 pleas for mercy, which conquerors, not wholly barbarous, 
 are wont to hear from their own breasts in behalf of 
 those whose oppressive fears, rather than their malice, 
 engaged them ; or whose imbecility for sex and age 
 was such as they could neither lift up a hand against 
 them, nor distinguish between their right hand and 
 
Upon the Rebellion and Troubles in Ireland. 11 
 
 their left. Which preposterous, and, I think, unevan- 
 gelical zeal, is too like that of the rebuked disciples, 
 who would go no lower in their revenge than to call for 
 fire from heaven for the repulse or neglect of a few ; or 
 like that of Jacob's sons, which the father both blamed 
 and cursed, choosing rather to use all extremities which 
 might drive men to desperate obstinacy, than to apply 
 moderate remedies, such as might punish some with 
 exemplary justice, yet disarm others, with tenders of 
 mercy upon their submission, and our protection of 
 them from the fury of those who would soon drown 
 them if they refused to swim down the popular stream 
 with them. 
 
 But some kind of zeal counts all merciful moderation 
 lukewarmness, and had rather be cruel than counted 
 cold, and is not seldom more greedy to kill the bear 
 for his skin, than for any harm he hath done ; the con- 
 fiscation of men's estates being more beneficial than the 
 charity of saving their lives or reforming their errors. 
 
 When all proportionable succours of the poor Pro- 
 testants in Ireland (who were daily massacred and 
 overborne with numbers of now desperate enemies) was 
 diverted and obstructed here, I was earnestly entreated 
 and generally advised by the chief of the Protestant 
 party there to get them some respite and breathing by 
 a cessation ; without which they saw no probability, 
 unless by a miracle, to preserve the remnant that had yet 
 escaped. God knows with how much commiseration 
 and solicitous caution I carried on that business by 
 persons of honour and integrity, that so I might neither 
 
78 Upon the Rebellion and Troubles in Ireland. 
 
 encourage the rebels' insolence, nor discourage the Pro- 
 testants' loyalty and patience. 
 
 Yet when this was effected in the best sort that the 
 necessity and difficulty of affairs would then permit, I 
 was then to suffer again in my reputation and honour, 
 because I suffered not the rebels utterly to devour the 
 remaining handfuls of the Protestants there. 
 
 I thought that, in all reason, the gaining of that 
 respite could not be so much to the rebels' advantages 
 (which some have highly calumniated against me) as it 
 might have been for the Protestants' future as well as 
 present safety ; if, during the time of that cessation, 
 some men had had the grace to have laid Ireland's sad 
 condition more to heart, and laid aside those violent 
 motions which were here carried on by those that had 
 better skill to let blood than to stanch it. 
 
 But in all the misconstructions of my actions (which 
 are prone to find more credulity in men to what is false 
 and evil, than love or charity to what is true and good), 
 as I have no judge but God above me, so I can have 
 comfort to appeal to His omniscience, who doth not 
 therefore deny my innocence because he is pleased so 
 far to try my patience, as He did His servant Job's. 
 
 I have enough to do to look to my own conscience 
 and the faithful discharge of my trust as a king ; I have 
 scarce leisure to consider those swarms of reproaches 
 which issue out of some men's mouths and hearts, as 
 easily as smoke or sparks do out of a furnace, much less 
 to make such prolix apoligies as might give those men 
 satisfaction, who, conscious to their own depth of 
 
Upon the Rebellion and Troubles in Irelayid. 79 
 
 wickedness, are loth to believe any man not to be as 
 bad as themselves. 
 
 It is kingly to do well and hear ill. If I can but 
 act the one, I shall not much regard to hear the other. 
 
 I thank God I can hear with patience as bad as my 
 worst enemies can falsely say, and I hope I shall still 
 do better than they desire or deserve I should. 
 
 I believe it will at last appear that they who first 
 began to embroil my other kingdoms, are in great part 
 guilty, if not of the first letting out, yet of the not timely 
 stopping, those horrid effusions of blood in Ireland. 
 
 Which, whatever my enemies please to say or think, 
 I look upon, as that of my other kingdoms, exhausted 
 out of my own veins, no man being so much weakened 
 by it as myself. And I hope, though men's unsatiable 
 cruelties never will, yet the mercy of Grod will at length 
 say to His justice, "It is enough," and command the 
 sword of civil wars to sheath itself; His merciful justice 
 intending, I trust, not our utter confusion, but our 
 cure ; the abatement of our sins, not the desolating of 
 these nations. 
 
 my God, let those infinite mercies prevent us once 
 again, ivhich I and my kingdoms have formerly alused, 
 and can never deserve should he restored. 
 
 Thou seest how much cruelty among Christians is acted 
 under the colour of religion, as if ive could not he Christians 
 unless we crucify one another. 
 
 Because ive have not more loved Thy truth, and prac- 
 tised in charity. Thou hast suffered a spirit of error and 
 
80 Upon the Rebellion and Troubles in Ireland. 
 
 hitterness, of mutual and mortal hatred, to arise among us. 
 
 Lord, forgive wherein ice have sinned, and sanctify 
 ivhat ive ho/ve suffered. 
 
 Let our repentance he our recovery, as our great sins 
 ha/ce been our ruin. 
 
 Let not the miseries I and my kingdoms have hitherto 
 suffered seem small to Thee, but maJce our sins appear to 
 our consciences as they are represented in the glass of Thy 
 judgments ; for Thou never punishest small failings with 
 so severe afflictions. 
 
 therefore, according to the multitude of Thy great 
 mercies, pardon our sins, and remove Thy judgments, which 
 are very many and very heavy. 
 
 Yet, let our sins be evermore grievous to us than Thy 
 judgments, and make us more willing to repent than to be 
 relieved. First give us the peace of penitent consciences, 
 and then the tranquility of united hingdoms. 
 
 In the sea of our Saviour^s blood droivn our sins ; and 
 through this Red Sea of our otvn blood bring us at last to 
 a state of piety, peace, and plenty. 
 
 As my public relations to all maize me share in all my 
 subjects' sufferings, so give me such a pious sense of them 
 as becomes a Christian King and a loving Father of my 
 people. 
 
 Let the scandalous and unjust reproaches cast upon me 
 be as a breath more to kindle my compassion. Give me 
 grace to heap charitahle coals of fire upon their heads to melt 
 them, whose malice or cruel zeal hath kindled, or hindered 
 the quenching of those flames which have so much ivasted 
 my three kingdoms. 
 
upon the Bchellion and Troubles in Ireland. 81 
 
 rescue and assist those poor Protestants in Ireland, 
 whom Thou hast hitherto preserved. 
 
 And lead those in the ways of Thy saving truths whose 
 ignorance or errors ho/ve filled them with rebellious and 
 destructive principles, which they act under an opinion 
 that they do Thee good service. 
 
 Let the hand of Thy justice he against those ivho 
 maliciously and despitefully have raised or fomented those 
 cruel and desperate wars. 
 
 Thou that art far from destroying the innocent ivith 
 the guilty, and the erroneous with the malicious, Thou 
 that hadst pity on Nineveh for the many children that 
 were therein, give not over the ivhole stock of tJiat populous 
 and seduced nation to the wrath of those whose covetous- 
 ness makes them cruel, nor to their anger, which is too 
 fierce and therefore justly cursed. 
 
 Preserve, if it he Thy ivill, in the midst of the furnace 
 of Thy severe justice, a posterity which may praise Thee 
 for Thy mercy. 
 
 And deal ivitli me not according to mans unjust 
 reproaches, hut according to the innocency of my hands in 
 Thy sight. 
 
 If I have desired or delighted in the ivoful day of my 
 kingdom's calamities, if I have not earnestly studied and 
 faithfully endeavoured the preventing and composing of 
 these hloody distractions, then let Thy hand he against me 
 and my father's house. Lord, thou seest I have 
 enemies enough of men ; as I need not so I should not dare 
 thus to imprecate Thy curse on me and mine, if my 
 conscience did not tvitness my integrity, which Thou, 
 
82 Upon the Calling in of the Scots, 
 
 Lord, hiowest right ivell. But I trust 7iot to my own 
 merit, but Thy mercies. Spare us, Lord, and he not 
 angry with us for ever. 
 
 XIII. 
 
 Upon the Calling in of the Scots, and their 
 Coming. 
 
 The Scots are a nation upon whom I have not only 
 common ties of nature, sovereignty and bounty, with 
 my father of blessed memory, but also special and late 
 obligations of favours, having gratified the active spirits 
 among them so far, that I seemed to many to prefer 
 the desires of that party before my own interest and 
 honour. But, I see, royal bounty emboldens some 
 men to ask and act beyond all bounds of modesty and 
 gratitude. 
 
 My charity and act of pacification forbids me to 
 reflect on former passages, wherein I shall ever be far 
 from letting any man's ingratitude or inconstancy make 
 me repent of what I granted them for the public good. 
 I pray God it may so prove. 
 
 The coming again of that party into England with an 
 army, only to conform this Church to their late new 
 model, cannot but seem as unreasonable as they would 
 have thought the same measure ofi'ered from hence to 
 themselves. 
 
 Other errand I could never understand they had 
 (besides those common and vulgar flourishes for 
 religion and liberty), save only to confirm the Presby- 
 
and their Coming. 83 
 
 terian copy they had set, by making this Church to 
 write after them, though it were in bloody characters. 
 
 Which design and end, whether it will justify the use 
 of such violent means before the divine justice, I leave 
 to their consciences to judge, who have already felt the 
 misery of the means, but not reaped the benefit of the 
 end, either in this kingdom or that. 
 
 Such knots and crossness of grain being objected 
 here, as will hardly suffer that form which they cry up 
 as the only just reformation, and settling of government 
 and discipline in Churches, to go on so smoothly here 
 as it might do in Scotland ; and was by them imagined 
 would have done in England, when so many of the 
 English Clergy, through levity or discontent, if no 
 worse passion, suddenly quitted their former engage- 
 ments to Episcopacy, and faced about to their 
 Presbytery. 
 
 It cannot but seem either passion or some self-seek- 
 ing, more than true zeal and pious discretion, for any 
 foreign State or Church to prescribe such medicines 
 only for others which themselves have used rather suc- 
 cessfully than commendably, not considering that the 
 same physic on different constitutions will have different 
 operations, that may kill one which doth but cure 
 another. 
 
 Nor do I know any such tough and malignant 
 humours in the constitution of the English Church 
 which gentler applications than those of an army might 
 not easily have removed ; nor is it so proper to hew out 
 religious reformations by the sword, as to polish them 
 
84 Upon the Calling in of the Scots, 
 
 by fair and equal disputations among those that are 
 most concerned in the differences, whom not force but 
 reason ought to convince. 
 
 But their design now seemed rather to cut off all dis- 
 putation here, than to procure a fair and equal one ; for 
 it was concluded there that the English clergy must 
 conform to the Scots pattern, before ever they could be 
 heard what they could say for themselves, or against 
 the others' way. 
 
 I could have wished fairer proceedings, both for their 
 credits who urge things with such violence, and for 
 other men's consciences too, who can receive little 
 satisfaction in these points, which are maintained rather 
 by soldiers fighting in the field, than scholars disputing 
 in free and learned synods. 
 
 Sure, in matters of religion, those truths gain most on 
 men's judgments and consciences which are least urged 
 with secular violence, which weakens truth with preju- 
 dices, and is unreasonable to be used, till such means 
 of rational conviction have been applied, as, leaving no 
 excuse for ignorance, condemns men's obstinacy to 
 deserved penalties. 
 
 Which no charity will easily suspect of so many 
 learned and pious Churchmen in England, who being 
 always bred up and conformable to the government of 
 Episcopacy, cannot so soon renounce both their former 
 opinion and practice only because that party of the 
 Scots will needs by force assist a like party here, either 
 to drive all ministers like sheep into the common fold of 
 Presbytery, or destroy them, at least fleece them, by 
 
and their Coming. 85 
 
 depriving them of the benefit of their flocks. If the 
 Scotch sole Presbytery were proved to be the only 
 institution of Jesus Christ for all Churches' government, 
 yet I believe it would be hard to prove that Christ had 
 given those Scots, or any other of my subjects, commis- 
 sion by the sword to set it up in any of my kingdoms 
 without my consent. 
 
 What respect and obedience Christ and His Apostles 
 paid to the chief governors of states where they lived, 
 is very clear in the Gospel ; but that He or they ever 
 commanded to set up such a parity of Presbyters, and 
 in such a way as those Scots endeavour, I think is not 
 very disputable. 
 
 If Presbytery, in such a supremacy, be an institution 
 of Christ, sure it differs from all othei's, and is the 
 first and only point of Christianity that was to be 
 planted and watered with so much Christian blood, 
 whose effusions run in a stream so contrary to that of 
 the primitive planters both of Christianity and Episco- 
 pacy, which was with patient shedding of their own 
 blood, not violent drawing other men's. Sure there is 
 too much of man in it to have much of Christ, none of 
 whose institutions were carried on or begun with the 
 temptations of covetousness or ambition, of both which 
 this is vehemently suspected. 
 
 Yet was there never anything upon the point which 
 those Scots had by army or commissioners to move me 
 with, by their many solemn obtestations and pious 
 threatenings, but only this, to represent to me the won- 
 derful necessity of setting up their Presbytery in England 
 
86 Upon the Calling in of the Scots, 
 
 to avoid the further miseries of a war, which some men 
 chiefly on this design, at first had begun, and now fur- 
 ther engaged themselves to continue. 
 
 What hinders that any sects, schisms, or heresies, if 
 they can get but numbers, strength, and opportunity, 
 may not, according to this opinion and pattern, set up 
 their ways by the like methods of violence ? All which 
 Presbytery seeks to suppress, and render odious under 
 those names ; when wise and learned men think that 
 nothing hath more marks of schism and sectarism than 
 this Presbyterian way, both as to the ancient and still 
 most universal way of the Church government, and 
 specially as to the particular laws and constitutions of 
 this English Church ; which are not yet repealed, nor 
 are like to be for me, till I see more rational and reli- 
 gious motives than soldiers use to carry in their 
 knapsacks. 
 
 But we must leave the success of all to God, who 
 hath many ways (having first taken us oft' from the folly 
 of our opinions and iury of our passion) to teach us 
 those rules of true reason and peaceable wisdom which 
 is from above, tending most to God's glory and His 
 Church's good; which I think myself so much the 
 more bound in conscience to attend with the most 
 judicious zeal and care, by how much I esteem the 
 Church above the State, the glory of Christ above mine 
 own, and the salvation of men's souls above the pre- 
 servation of their bodies and estates. 
 
 Nor may any men, I think, without sin and presump- 
 tion, forciblv endeavonr to cast the Churches under my 
 
and their Cominq. 87 
 
 care and tuition into the moulds they have fancied and 
 fashioned to their designs, till they have first gained my 
 consent, and resolved both my own and other men's 
 consciences by the strength of their reasons. 
 
 Other violent motions, which are neither manly, 
 Christian, nor loyal, shall never either shake or settle 
 my religion ; nor any man's else who knows what reli- 
 gion means, and how far it is removed from all faction, 
 whose proper engine is force, the arbitrator of beasts, 
 not of reasonable men, much less of humble Christians 
 and loyal subjects in matters of religion. 
 
 Eut men are prone to have such high conceits of 
 themselves, that they care not what cost they lay out 
 upon their opinions, especially those that have some temp- 
 tations of gain to recompense their losses and hazards. 
 
 Yet I was not more scandalized at the Scots armies 
 coming in against my will, and their forfeiture of so 
 many obhgations of duty and gratitude to me, that I 
 wondered how those here could so much distrust God's 
 assistance, who so much pretended God's cause to the 
 people as if they had the certainty of some divine reve- 
 lation, considering they were more than competently 
 furnished with my subjects' arms and ammunition, my 
 navy by sea, my forts, castles, and cities by land. 
 
 Eut I find that men, jealous of the justifiableness of 
 their doings and designs before God, never think they 
 have human strength enough to carry their work on, 
 seem it never so plausible to the people. What cannot 
 be justified in law or religion, had need be fortified 
 with power. 
 
88 Upon the Calling in of the Scots, 
 
 And yet such is the inconstancy that attends all 
 minds engaged in violent motion, that whom some of 
 them one while earnestly invite to come in to their 
 assistance, others of them soon after are weary of, and 
 with nauseating cast them out ; what one party thought 
 to rivet to a settledness by the strength and influence 
 of the Scots, that the other rejects and contemns ; at 
 once despising the Kirk government and discipline of 
 the Scots, and frustrating the success of so chargeable, 
 more than charitable, assistance. For sure the Church 
 of England might have purchased at a far cheaper rate 
 the truth and happiness of reformed government and 
 discipline if it had been wanting, though it had enter- 
 tained the best divines of Christendom for their advice 
 in a full and free synod ; which I was ever willing to, 
 and desirous of, that matters being impartially settled 
 might be more satisfactory to all and more durable. 
 
 But much of God's justice and man's folly will at 
 length be discovered through all the films and preten- 
 sions of religion in which politicians wrap up their 
 designs : in vain do men hope to build their piety on 
 the ruins of loyalty. Nor can those confederations or 
 designs be durable when subjects make bankrupt of 
 their allegiance, under pretence of setting up a quicker 
 trade for religion. 
 
 But as my best subjects of Scotland never deserted 
 me, so I cannot think that the most are gone so far 
 from me, in a prodigality of their love and respects 
 towards me, as to make me to despair of their return ; 
 when, besides the bonds of nature and conscience which 
 
and their Cominr/. 
 
 they have to me, all reason and true policy will teach 
 them that their chiefest interest consists in their fidelity 
 to the crown, not in their serviceableness to any party 
 of the people, to a neglect and betraying of my safety 
 and honour for their own advantages. However, the 
 less cause I have to trust to men, the more I shall 
 apply myself to God. 
 
 The troubles of mi/ soul are enlarged ; Lord, hrhig 
 Thou me out of 7ny distress. 
 
 Lord, direct Thy servant in the ways of that pious sim- 
 plicity, ivhich is the best policy. 
 
 Deliver me from the combined strenyth of those, tvho 
 have so much of the serpenfs subtilty tliat they forget the 
 dove^s innocency. 
 
 Though hand join in hand, yet let them not prevail 
 against my soul to the betraying of my conscience and 
 honour. 
 
 Thou, Lord, canst turn the hearts of those parties in 
 both nations, as Thou didst the men of Judah and Israel 
 to restore David ivith as much loyal zeal as they did with 
 inconstancy and eagerness pursue him. 
 
 Preserve the love of Thy truth and uprightness in me, 
 and I shall not despair of my subjects^ affections returning 
 towards me. 
 
 Thou canst soon cause the overjioiving seas to ebb, and 
 retire back again to the hounds tohich Thou hast appointed 
 for them. 
 
 my God, I trust in Thee ; let me not be ashamed, let 
 not my enemies triumph over me. 
 
90 Upon the Covenant. 
 
 Let them le ashamed who transgress without a cause; 
 let them he turned had that 2)ersecute my soul. 
 
 Let integrity and uprightness preserve me, for I wait 
 on Thee, Lord. 
 
 Redeem Thy Church, God, out of all its troubles. 
 
 XIV. 
 
 Upon the Covenant. 
 
 The Presbyterian Scots are not to be hired at the 
 ordinary rate of auxiliaries ; nothing will induce them 
 to engage till those that call them in have pawned their 
 souls to them by a solemn league and covenant : 
 
 Where many engines of religious and fair pretensions 
 are brought, chiefly to batter or raze Episcopacy. This 
 they make the grand evil spirit, which, with some other 
 imps purposely added to make it more odious and 
 terrible to the vulgar, must by so solemn a charm and 
 exorcism be cast out of this Church after more than a 
 thousand years' possession here, from the first plantation 
 of Chrietianity in this island, and an universal prescrip- 
 tion of time and practice in all other Churches since the 
 Apostles' times till this last century. 
 
 But no antiquity must plead for it : Presbytery, like 
 a young heir, thinks the father hath lived long enough ; 
 and impatient not to be in the bishop's chair and 
 authority (though laymen go away with the revenues), 
 all art is used to sink Episcopacy, and launch Presby- 
 tery in England, which was lately buoyed up in Scotland 
 by the like artifice of a Covenant. 
 
Upon the Covenant. 91 
 
 Although I am unsatisfied with many passages in that 
 Covenant (some referring to myself with very dubious 
 and dangerous limitations,) yet I chiefly wonder at the 
 design and drift touching the discipline and government 
 of the Church ; and such a manner of carrying them en 
 to neAv ways by oaths and covenants, where it is hard 
 for men to be engaged by no less than swearing for or 
 against those things which are of no clear moral ne- 
 cessity, but very disputable, and controverted among 
 learned and godly men, whereto the application of 
 oaths can hardly be made and enjoined with that judg- 
 ment and certainty in one's self, or that charity and 
 candour to others of different opinion, as I think religion 
 requires, which never refuses fair and equable delibera- 
 tions, yea, and dissentings too in matters only probable. 
 
 The enjoining of oaths upon people must needs in 
 things doubtful be dangerous, as in things unlawful, 
 damnable ; and no less superfluous where former reli- 
 gious and legal engagements bound men sufficiently to 
 all necessary duties. Nor can I see how they will 
 reconcile such an innovating oath and covenant with 
 that former protestation which was so lately taken, to 
 maintain the religion established in the Church of 
 England, since they count discipline so great a part of 
 religion. 
 
 But ambitious minds never think they have laid 
 snares and gins enough to catch and hold the vulgar 
 credulity, for by such politic and seemingly-pious strata- 
 gems they think to keep the populacy fast to their 
 parties under the terror of perjury ; whereas certainly 
 
92 Upon the Covenant. 
 
 all honest and wise men ever thought themselves 
 sufficiently bound by former ties of religion, allegiance, 
 and laws, to God and man. 
 
 Nor can such after-contracts, devised and imposed 
 by a few men in a declared party, without my consent, 
 and without any like power or precedent from God's or 
 man's laws, be ever thought by judicious men sufficient 
 either to absolve or slacken those moral and eternal 
 bonds of duty which lie upon all my subjects' con- 
 sciences, both to God and me. 
 
 Yet as things now stand, good men shall least offend 
 God or me by keeping their covenant in honest and 
 lawful ways, since I have the charity to think that the 
 chief end of the covenant in such men's intentions was 
 to preserve religion in purity and the kingdoms in 
 peace : to other than such ends and means they cannot 
 think themselves engaged. Nor will those that have 
 any true touches of conscience endeavour to carry on 
 the best designs (much less such as are, and will be 
 daily more apparently factious and ambitious) by any 
 unlawful means, under that title of the Covenant, unless 
 they dare prefer ambiguous, dangerous, and unauthorized 
 novelties before their known and sworn duties, which 
 are indispensable, both to God and myself. 
 
 I am prone to believe and hope that many who took 
 the Covenant are yet firm to this judgment, that such 
 later vows, oaths, or leagues can never blot out those 
 former gravings and characters which by just and law- 
 ful oaths were made upon their souls. 
 
 That which makes such confederations, by way of 
 
Upon the Covenant. 93 
 
 solemn leagues and covenants, more to be suspected is, 
 that they are the common road used in all factions and 
 powerful perturbations of State or Church ; where 
 formalities of extraordinary zeal and piety are never 
 more studied and elaborate than when politicians most 
 agitate desperate designs against all that is settled or 
 sacred in religion and laws, which by such screws are 
 cunningly, yet forcibly, wrested by secret steps and less 
 sensible degrees, from their known rule and wonted 
 practice, to comply with the humours of those men who 
 aim to subdue all to their own will and power, under 
 the disguises of holy combinations. 
 
 Which cords and withes will hold men's consciences 
 no longer than force attends and twists them ; for every 
 man soon grows his own pope, and easily absolves him- 
 self of those ties which, not the commands of God's 
 word or the laws of the land, but only the subtilty and 
 terror of a party casts upon him, either superfluous and 
 vain when they were sufficiently tied before, or fraudu- 
 lent and injurious, if by such after-ligaments they find 
 the imposers really aiming to dissolve or suspend their 
 former just and necessary obligations. 
 
 Indeed, such illegal ways seldom or never intend 
 the engaging men more to duties, but only to parties ; 
 therefore it is not regarded how they keep their coven- 
 ants in point of piety pretended, provided they adhere 
 firmly to the party and design intended. 
 
 I see the imposers of it are content to make their 
 Covenant like manna (not that it came from heaven as 
 this did), agreeable to every man's palate and rehsh 
 
94 Upon the Covenant. 
 
 who will but swallow it. They admit any men's senses 
 of it, though diverse or contrary, with any salvos, 
 cautions, and reservations, so as they cross not their 
 chief design, which is laid against the Church and me. 
 
 It is enough if they get but the reputation of a seem- 
 ing increase to their party : so little do men remember 
 that God is not mocked. 
 
 In such latitudes of sense I believe many that love 
 me and the Church well may have taken the Covenant, 
 who are yet so fondly and superstitiously taken by it as 
 now to act clearly against both all piety and loyalty; 
 who first yielded to it, more to prevent that imminent 
 violence and ruin which hung over their heads, in case 
 they wholly refused it, than for any value of it or devo- 
 tion to it. 
 
 Wherein the latitude of some general clauses may 
 perhaps serve somewhat to relieve them, as of Doing 
 and endeavouring what lawfully they may, in their places 
 and callings, and according to the loord of God. For 
 these, indeed, carry no man beyond those bounds oi 
 good conscience which are certain and fixed, either in 
 God's laws as to the general, or the laws of the State 
 and kingdom as to the particular, regulation and 
 exercise of men's duties. 
 
 I would to God such as glory most in the name of 
 Covenanters would keep themselves within those lawful 
 bounds to which God hath called them. Surely it were 
 the best way to expiate the rashness of taking it ; which 
 must needs then appear, when, besides the want of a 
 full and lawful authority at first to enjoin it, it shall 
 
Upon the Covenant. 95 
 
 actually be carried on beyond and against those ends 
 which were in it specified and pretended. I willingly 
 forgive such men's taking the Covenant who keep it 
 within such bounds of piety, law, and loyalty, as can 
 never hurt either the Church, myself, or the public 
 peace, against which no man's lawful calling can engage 
 him. 
 
 As for that reformation of the Church which the 
 Covenant pretends, I cannot think it just or comely 
 that by the partial advice of a few divines (of so soft 
 and servile tempers as disposed them to so sudden act- 
 ing and compliance, contrary to their former judgments, 
 profession and practice), such foul scandals and sus- 
 picions should be cast upon the doctrine and govern- 
 ment of the Church of England as was never done 
 (that I have heard) by any that deserved the name of 
 reformed Churches abroad, nor by any men of learning 
 and candour at home, all whose judgments I cannot 
 but prefer before any men's now factiously engaged. 
 
 No man can be more forward than myself to carry on 
 all due reformations with mature judgment and a good 
 conscience, in what things I shall, after impartial advice, 
 be by God's word and right reason convinced to be 
 amiss. I have offered more than ever the fullest, freest, 
 and wisest Parliaments did desire. 
 
 But the sequel of some men's actions makes it evi- 
 dent, that the main reformation intended is the abasing 
 of Episcopacy into Presbytery, and the robbing the 
 Church of its lands and revenues ; for no men have 
 been more injuriously used, as to their legal rights, 
 
96 Upon the Covenant. 
 
 than the bishops and Churchmen. These, as the fat- 
 test deer, must be destroyed ; the other rascal herd of 
 schisms, heresies, &c., being lean, may enjoy the 
 benej&t of a toleration. Thus Naboth's vineyard made 
 him the only blasphemer of his city, and fit to die. 
 Still, I see, while the breath of religion fills the sails, 
 profit is the compass by which factious men steer their 
 course in all seditious commotions. 
 
 I thank God, as no man lay more open to the sacrile- 
 gious temptation of usurping the Church's lands and 
 revenues (which, issuing chiefly from the Crown, are 
 held of it, and legally can revert only to the Crown 
 with my consent), so I have always had such a perfect 
 abhorrence of it in my soul, that I never found the 
 least inclination to such sacrilegious reformings ; yet no 
 man hath a greater desire to have bishops and all 
 Churchmen so reformed, that they may best deserve 
 and use, not only what the pious munificence of my 
 predecessors hath given to God and the Church, but 
 all other additions of Christian bounty. 
 
 But no necessity shall ever, I bope, drive me or mine 
 to invade or sell the priest's lands, which both 
 Pharaoh's divinity and Joseph's true piety abhorred 
 to do. So ufljust I think it, both in the eye of reason 
 and religion, to deprive the most sacred employment 
 of all due encouragements, and like that other hard- 
 hearted Pharaoh, to withdraw the straw and increase 
 the task ; so pursuing the oppressed Church, as some 
 have done, to the Eed Sea of a civil war, where noth- 
 ing but a miracle can save either it, or him who esteems 
 
Upon the Covenant. 97 
 
 » 
 
 it his greatest title to be called, and his chiefest glory- 
 to be, '* The Defender of the Church, both in its true 
 faith and its just fruitions, equally abhorring sacrilege 
 and apostacy." 
 
 I had rather live, as my predecessor Henry the Third 
 sometime did, on the Church's alms, than violently to 
 take the bread out of the bishops' and ministers' 
 mouths. 
 
 The next work will be Jeroboam's reformation, 
 consecrating the meanest of the people to be priests in 
 Israel, to serve those golden calves who have enriched 
 themselves with the Church's patrimony and dowry, 
 which how it thrived both with prince, priests, and 
 people is well enough known. And so it will be here, 
 when from the tutition of kings and queens which have 
 been nursing fathers and mothers of this Church, it 
 shall be at their allowance who have already discovered 
 what hard fathers and stepmothers they will be. 
 
 If the poverty of Scotland might, yet the plenty ,of 
 England cannot excuse the envy and rapine of the 
 Church's rights and revenues. 
 
 I cannot so much as pray God to prevent those sad 
 consequences which will inevitably follow the parity 
 and poverty of ministers, both in Church and State ; 
 since I think it no less than a mocking and tempting of 
 God to desire Him to hinder those mischiefs whose 
 occasions and remedies are in our own power, it being 
 every man's sin not to avoid the one and not to use 
 the other. 
 
 There are ways enough to repair the breaches of the 
 
 H 
 
98 Ipon the Covenant. 
 
 State without the ruins of the Church. As I would be a 
 restorer of the one, so I would not be an oppressor of 
 the other under the pretence of public debts ; the 
 occasions contracting them were bad enough, but such 
 a discharging of them would be much worse. I pray 
 God neither I or mine may be accessory to either. 
 
 To Thee, Lord, do I address my prayer, heseeehing 
 Thee to pardoji the rashness of my suhjects^ swearings, 
 and to quicheii their sense and ohservation of those just, 
 moral, and indispensable bonds which Thy loord and the 
 laws of this hingdom have laid upo7i their consciences, 
 from which no pretensions of piety and reformation are 
 sufficient to absolve them, or to engage them to any contrary 
 2) r act ices. 
 
 Mahe them at length seriously to consider that nothing 
 violent and injurious can be religious. 
 
 Thou allowest no man's committing sacrilege under the 
 zeal of ahhoring idols. 
 
 Suffer not sacrilegious designs to have the countenance of 
 religious ties. 
 
 Thou hast taught us by the wisest of kings that it is a 
 snare to talce things that are holy, and after vows to make 
 enquiry. 
 
 Ever keep Thy servant from consenting to perjurious and 
 sacrilegious rapines, that I may not have the brand and 
 curse to all posterity of robbing Thee and Thy Church 
 of ivhat Thy bounty hath given us, and Thy clemency 
 hath accepted from us, wherewith to encourage learning 
 and religion. 
 
Upon the Covenant. 99 
 
 Though my treasures are exhausted, my revenues dimin- 
 ished, and my debts increased, yet never suffer me to he 
 tempted to use such profane reparations, lest a coal from 
 Thine altar set such a fire on my throne and conscience as 
 tvill he hardly quetiched. 
 
 Let not the debts and engagements of the public, which 
 some men''s folly and prodigality hath contracted, be an 
 occasion to impoverish the Church. 
 
 The State may soon recover by Thy blessing and peace 
 upon us, the Church is never likely in times tvJiere the 
 charity of most men is grown so cold, and their religion so 
 illiberal. 
 
 Continue to those that serve Thee and Thy Church all 
 those encouragements tvhich by the will of the pious donors 
 and the justice of the laws are due unto them ; and give 
 them grace to deserve and use them aright to Thy glory 
 and the relief of the poor, that Thy priests may be clothed 
 with righteousness, and the poor may he satisfied with 
 bread. 
 
 Let not holy things be given to swine, nor the Church'' s 
 bread to dogs ; rather let them go about the city, grin like 
 a dog, and grudge that they are not satisfied. 
 
 Let those sacred morsels, ivhich some men have already 
 by rioleyice devoured, never digest ivith them nor theirs; 
 let them be as NabotNs vineyard to Ahab, gall in their 
 mouths, rottenness to their names, a moth to their families, 
 and a sting to their consciences. 
 
 Break in sunder, Lord, all violent and sacrilegious 
 confederations to do wickedly and injuriously. 
 
 Divide their hearts and tongues who have banded together 
 
100 Upon the many Jealousies raised, 
 
 against the Church and State, that the folly of such may 
 he manifest to all men, and proceed no farther. 
 
 But so favour my righteous dealing, Lord, that in the 
 mercies of Thee, the Most High, I may never miscarry. 
 
 XV. 
 
 Upon the many Jealousies raised, and Scandals 
 
 CAST UPON THE KiNG, TO STIR UP THE PeOPLE 
 AGAINST HIM. 
 
 If I had not my own innocency and God's protec- 
 tion, it were hard for me to stand out against those 
 stratagems and conflicts of malice which by falsities 
 seek to oppress the truth, and by jealousies to supply 
 the defect of real causes, which might seem to justify 
 so unjust engagements against me. 
 
 And, indeed, the worst effects of open hostility come 
 short of these designs ; for I can more willingly lose my 
 crowns than my credit, nor are my kingdoms so dear 
 to me as my reputation and honour. 
 
 Those must have a period with my life ; but these may 
 survive to a glorious kind of immortality when I am 
 dead and gone, a good name being the embalming of 
 princes, and a sweet consecrating of them to an eternity 
 of love and gratitude among posterity. 
 
 Those foul and false aspirations were secret engines 
 at first employed against my people's love of me ; that, 
 undermining their opinion and value of me, my enemies, 
 and theirs too, might at once blow up their affections 
 and batter down their loyalty. 
 
and Scandals cast upon the King. 101 
 
 Wherein yet, I thank God, the detriment of my 
 honour is not so afflictive to me as the sin and danger 
 of my people's souls, whose eyes once blinded with 
 SLich mists of suspicions, they are soon misled into 
 the most desperate precipices of actions; wherein they 
 do not only not consider their sin and danger, but glory 
 in their zealous adventures, while I am rendered to them 
 so fit to be destroyed, that many are ambitious to 
 merit the name of my destroyers, imagining they then 
 fear God most when they least honour their King. 
 
 I thank God I never found but my pity was 
 above my anger ; nor have my passions ever so pre- 
 vailed against me as to exclude my most compassionate 
 prayers for them, whom devout er.rors, more than their 
 own malice, have betrayed to a most, religious rebellion. 
 
 I had the charity to interpret that most part of my 
 subjects fought against my supposed errors,- not my 
 person, and intended to mend me, not to end me. 
 And I hope that God, pardoning their errors, hath so 
 far accepted and answered their good intentions, that 
 as He has yet preserved me, so He hath by these 
 afflictions prepared me both to do Him better service 
 and my people more good than hitherto I have done. 
 
 I do not more willingly forgive their seductions, 
 which occasioned their loyal injuries, than I am 
 ambitious by all princely merits to redeem them from 
 their unjust suspicions, and reward them for their good 
 intentions. 
 
 I am too conscious to my own affections toward the 
 generality of my people, to suspect theirs to me ; nor 
 
102 Upon the many Jealousies raised, 
 
 shall the malice of my enemies ever be able to deprive 
 me of the comfort which that confidence gives me. I 
 shall never gratify the spitefulness of a few, with any 
 sinister thoughts of all their allegiance, whom pious 
 frauds have seduced. 
 
 The worst some men's ambition can do shall never 
 persuade me to make so bad interpretations of most of 
 my subjects' actions, who possibly may be erroneous, 
 but not heretical in point of loyalty. 
 
 The sense of the injuries done by my subjects is as 
 sharp as those done to myself, our welfares being 
 inseparable. In this only they sujEFer more than 
 myself, that they are animated by some seducers to 
 injure at once both themselves and me. 
 
 For this is not enough to the malice of my enemies 
 that I be afflicted, but it must be done by such instru- 
 ments, that my afflictions grieve me not more than this 
 doth, that I am afflicted by those whose prosperity I 
 earnestly desire, and whose seduction I heartily 
 deplore. 
 
 If they had been my open and foreign enemies I 
 could have borne it, but they must be my own subjects, 
 who are, next to my children, dear to me, and for the 
 restoring of whose tranquility I could willingly be the 
 Jonah; if I did not evidently foresee that by the 
 divided interests of their and mine enemies, as by 
 contrary winds, the storm of their miseries would be 
 rather increased than allayed. 
 
 I had rather prevent my people's ruin than rule over 
 them; nor am I so ambitious of that dominion which 
 
and Scandals cast upon the King. 103 
 
 is but my right, as of their happiness, if it could expiate 
 or countervail such a way of obtaining it by the highest 
 injuries of subjects committed against their sovereign. 
 
 Yet I had rather suffer all the miseries of life, and 
 die many deaths, than shamefully to desert or dishon- 
 ourably to betray my own just rights and sovereignty, 
 thereby to gratify the ambition or justify the malice of 
 my enemies ; between whose malice and other men's 
 mistakes I put as great a difference as between an 
 ordinary ague and the plague, or the itch of novelty 
 and the leprosy of disloyalty. 
 
 As liars need have good memories, so malicious 
 persons need good inventions, that their calumnies may 
 fit every man's fancy ; and what their reproaches want 
 of truth, they may make up with number and show. 
 
 My patience, I thank God, will better serve me to 
 bear, and my charity to forgive, than my leisure to 
 answer the many false aspirations which some men have 
 cast upon me. 
 
 Did I not more consider my subjects' satisfaction 
 than my own vindication, I should never have given 
 the malice of some men that pleasure as to see me take 
 notice of, or remember what they say or object. 
 
 I would leave the authors to be punished by their 
 own evil manners and seared consciences, which will, 
 I believe, in a shorter time than they be aware of, both 
 confute and revenge all those black and false scandals 
 which they have cast on me ; and make the world see 
 there is as little truth in them as there was little worth 
 in the broaching of them, or civility, (I need not say 
 
104 Upon the many Jealousies raised, 
 
 loyalty) in the not suppressing of them : whose credit 
 and reputation, even with the people, shall ere long be 
 quite blasted by the breath of that same furnace of 
 popular obloquy and detraction which they have 
 studied to heat and inflame to the highest degree of 
 infamy, and wherein they have sought to cast and 
 consume my name and honour. 
 
 First, nothing gave me more cause to suspect and 
 search my own innocency than when I observed so 
 many forward to engage against me who had made great 
 professions of singular piety; for this gave to vulgar 
 minds so bad a reflection upon me and my cause as if 
 it had been impossible to adhere to me, and not withal 
 depart from God ; to think or speak well of me, and 
 not to blaspheme Him : so many were persuaded that 
 these two were utterly inconsistent to be at once loyal 
 to me and truly religious toward God. 
 
 Not but that I had, I thank God, many with me 
 which were both learned and religious (much above 
 that ordinary size and that vulgar proportion wherein 
 some men glory so much,) who were so well satisfied 
 in the cause of my sufferings, that they chose rather to 
 suffer with me, than forsake me. 
 
 Nor is it strange that so religious pretensions as were 
 used against me should be to many well-minded men a 
 great temptation to oppose me ; especially being urged 
 by such popular preachers as think it no sin to lie for 
 God, and what they please to call God's cause, cursing 
 all that will not curse with them ; looking so much at 
 and crying up the goodness of the end propounded. 
 
and Scandals cast upon the K'ukj. 105 
 
 that they consider not the lawfulness of the means used 
 not the depth of the mischief chiefly plotted and 
 intended. 
 
 The weakness of these men's judgments must be 
 made up by their clamours and activity. 
 
 It was a great part of some men's religion to scanda- 
 lize me and mine ; they thought theirs could not be true 
 if they cried not down mine as false. 
 
 I thank God I have had more trial of His grace, as to 
 the constancy of my religion in the Protestant profess- 
 ion of the Church of England, both abroad and at 
 home, than ever they are like to have. 
 
 Nor do I know any exception I am so liable to in 
 their opinion as too great a fixedness in that religion 
 whose judicious and solid grounds, both from Scripture 
 and antiquity, will not give my conscience leave to 
 approve or consent to those many dangerous and 
 divided innovations, which the bold ignorance of some 
 men would needs obtrude upon me and my people. 
 
 Contrary to those well-tried foundations both of truth 
 and order, which men of far greater learning and clearer 
 zeal have settled in the confession and constitution of 
 this Church in England, Avhich many former Parlia- 
 ments, in the most calm and unpassionate times, have 
 oft confirmed ; in which I shall ever, by God's help, 
 persevere, as believing it hath most of primitive truth 
 and order. 
 
 Nor did my using the assistance of some Papists, 
 which were my subjects, any way fight against my 
 religion, as some men would needs interpret it ; especi- 
 
106 Upon the many Jealousies raised, 
 
 ally those who least of all men cared whom they 
 employed, or what they said and did, so they might 
 prevail. 
 
 It is strange that so wise men as they would be 
 esteemed, should not conceive that differences of 
 persuasion in matters of religion may easily fall out 
 where there is the sameness of duty, allegiance, and 
 subjection. The first they owe, as men and Christians 
 to God ; the second they owe to me in common, as 
 their King. Different professions in point of religion 
 cannot, any more than in civil trades, take away the 
 community of relations, either to parents or to princes. 
 And where is there such an olio or medley of various 
 religions in the world again, as those men entertain in 
 their service (who find most fault with me,) without 
 any scruple, as to the diversity of their sects and 
 opinions ? 
 
 It was indeed a foul and indelible shame for such as 
 would be counted Protestants to inforce me, a declared 
 Protestant, their lord and King, to necessary use of 
 Papists, or any other, who did but their duty to help 
 me to defend myself. 
 
 Nor did I more than is lawful for any king, in such 
 exigents, to use the aid of any of his subjects. 
 
 I am sorry the Papists should have a greater sense 
 of their allegiance than many Protestant professors, who 
 seem to have learned and to practise the worst 
 principles of the worst Papists. 
 
 Indeed it had been a very impertinent and unseason- 
 able scruple in me, and very pleasing, no doubt, to my 
 
and Scandals cast upon the King. 107 
 
 enemies, to have been then disputing the points of 
 different beliefs in by subjects when I was disputed 
 with by swords' points, and when I needed the help of 
 my subjects as men, no less than their prayers as 
 Christians. 
 
 The noise of my evil counsellors was another useful 
 device for those who were impatient any men's counsels 
 but their own should be followed in Church or State, 
 who were so eager in giving me better counsel that they 
 would not give me leave to take it with freedom, as a 
 man, or honour as a King ; making their counsels more 
 like a drench, that must be potired down, than a draught, 
 which might be fairly and leisurely drunk if I liked it. 
 
 I will not justify beyond human errors and frailties 
 myself or my counsellors : they might be subject to 
 some miscarriages, yet such as were far more reparable 
 by second and better thoughts than those enormous 
 extravagances wherewith some men have now even 
 wildered and almost quite lost both Church and State. 
 
 The event of things at last will make it evident to my 
 subjects, that had I followed the worst counsels that 
 my worst counsellors ever had the boldness to offer to 
 me, or myself an inclination to use, I could not so 
 soon have brought both Church and State in three 
 flourishing kingdoms to such a chaos of confusions and 
 hell of miseries as some have done ; oat of which they 
 cannot, or will not, in the midst of their many great 
 advantages, redeem either me or my subjects. 
 
 No men were more willing to complain than I was 
 to redress what I saw in reason was either done or 
 
108 Upon the many Jealousies raised^ 
 
 advised amiss ; and this I thought I had done even 
 beyond the expectation of moderate men, who were 
 sorry to see me prone even to injure myself out of a 
 zeal to relieve my subjects. 
 
 But other men's insatiable desire of revenge upon 
 me, my court, and my clergy hath wholly beguiled 
 both Church and State of the benefit of all my either 
 retractations or concessions, and withal hath deprived all 
 those (now so zealous persecutors) both of the comfort 
 and reward of their former pretended persecutions, 
 wherein they so much gloried among the vulgar, and 
 which, indeed, a truly humble Christian will so highly 
 prize as rather not to be relieved than to be revenged, so 
 as to be bereaved of that crown of Christian patience 
 which attends humble and injured sufi"erers. 
 
 Another artifice used to withdraw my people's 
 affections from me to their designs was the noise and 
 ostentation of liberty, which men are not more prone 
 to desire than unapt to bear in the popular sense, which 
 is to do what every man liketh best. 
 
 If the divinest liberty be to will what men should, 
 and to do what they so will, according to reason, laws, 
 and religion, I envy not my subjects that liberty which 
 is all I desire to enjoy myself; so far am I from the 
 desire of oppressing theirs. Nor were those lords and 
 gentlemen which assisted me so prodigal of their 
 liberties, as with their lives and fortunes to help on the 
 enslaving of themselves and their posterities. 
 
 As to civil immunities, none but such as desire to 
 drive on their ambitious and covetous designs over 
 
and Scandals cast upon the King. 109 
 
 the ruins of Church and State, prince, peers, and 
 people, will ever desire greater freedoms than the laws 
 allow ; whose bounds good men count their ornament 
 and protection, others their manacles and oppression. 
 
 Nor is it just any man should expect the reward and 
 benefit of the law, who despiseth its rule and direction, 
 losing justly his safety, while he seeks an unreasonable 
 liberty. 
 
 Time will best inform my subjects, that those are the 
 best preservers of their true liberties who allow them- 
 selves the least licentiousness against or beyond the laws. 
 
 They will feel it at last to their cost, that it is 
 impossible those men should be really tender of their 
 fellow- subjects' liberties, who have the hardiness to use 
 their king with so severe restraints, against all laws, 
 both divine and human ; under which yet I will rather 
 perish, than complain to those who want nothing to 
 complete their mirth and triumph, but such music. 
 
 In point of true conscientious tenderness (attended 
 with humility and meekness, not with proud and arro- 
 gant activity, which seeks to hatch every egg of 
 different opinion to a faction or schism), I have oft 
 declared how little I desire my laws and sceptre should 
 intrench on God's sovereignty, which is the only king 
 of men's consciences ; and yet He hath laid such 
 restraints upon men, as commands them to be subject 
 for conscience sake, giving no men liberty to break the 
 law established further than with meekness and patience 
 they are content to suffer the penalties annexed, rather 
 than perturb the public peace. 
 
110 Upon the many Jealousies raised, 
 
 The truth is, some men's thh'st after novelties, others' 
 despair to relieve the necessities of their fortunes, or 
 satisfy their ambition in peaceable times, (distrusting 
 God's providence as well as their own merits,) were 
 the secret, but principal, impulsives to these popular 
 commotions, by which subjects have been persuaded 
 to expend much of those plentiful estates they got and 
 enjoyed under my government in peaceable times ; 
 which yet must now be blasted with all the odious 
 reproaches which impotent malice can invent, and 
 myself exposed to all those contempts w^hich may 
 most diminish the majesty of a king, and increase the 
 ungrateful insolences of my people. 
 
 For mine honour, I am well assured that as mine 
 innocency is clear before God in point of any calumnies 
 they object, so my reputation shall, like the sun, (after 
 owls and bats have had their freedom in the night and 
 darker times,) rise and recover itself to such a degree 
 of splendour, as those feral birds shall be grieved to 
 behold and unable to bear. For never were any 
 princes more glorious, than those whom God hath 
 suffered to be tried in the furnace of afflictions by their 
 injurious subjects. 
 
 And who knows but the just and merciful God will 
 do me good for some men's hard, false, and evil 
 speeches against me ? wherein they speak rather what 
 they wish, than what they believe or know. 
 
 Nor can I suffer so much in point of honour by 
 those rude and scandalous pamphlets (which, like 
 fire in great conflagrations, fly up and down to set all 
 
and Scandals cast upon the Kiiif/. Ill 
 
 places on like flames) as those men do, who, pretending 
 to so much piety, are so forgetful of their duty to God 
 and me; by no way ever vindicating the majesty of 
 their King against any of those who, contrary to the 
 precept of God and precedent of angels, speak evil of 
 dignitieSy and bring railing accusations against those who 
 are honoured with the name oi gods. 
 
 But it is no wonder if men, not fearing God, should 
 not honour their King. 
 
 They will easily contemn such shadows of God, 
 who reverence not that supreme and adorable Majesty, 
 in comparison of whom all the glory of men and angels 
 is but obscurity ; yet hath he graven such characters of 
 divine authority and sacred power upon kings, as none 
 may without sin seek to blot them out. Nor shall 
 their black veils be able to hide the shining of my face 
 while God gives me a heart frequently and humbly to 
 converse with Him, from whom alone are all the 
 irradiations of true glory and majesty. 
 
 TJioii, Lord, hiowest my reproach and my dishonour ; 
 my adversaries are all before Thee. 
 
 My soul is among lions, among them that are set on fire, 
 even the sons of men, whose teeth are spears and arrows, 
 their tongue a sharp sivord. 
 
 Mine enemies reproach me all the day long, and those 
 that are mad against me are sworn together. 
 
 my God, how long shall the sons of men tarn my glory 
 into shame? How long shall they love vanity, and seek 
 after lies ? 
 
112 Ujmn the many Jealousies raised, dc. 
 
 Thou hast heard the reproaches of wiched men on every 
 side. Sold not Thy peace, lest my enemies prevail against 
 me, and lay mine honour in the dust. 
 
 Thou, Lord, shalt destroy them that speak lies ; the 
 Lord iviU alhor loth the hloodthirsty and deceitful men. 
 
 Mahe my righteousness to appear as the light, and mine 
 innocency to shine forth as the sun at noonday. 
 
 Suffer not my silence to letray mine innocency, nor my 
 displeasure my patience ; that after my Saviour^ s example, 
 being reviled, I may not revile again, and being cursed by 
 them, I may bless them. 
 
 Thou that wouldest not suffer ShimeVs tongue to go 
 unpunished, when by Thy judgments on David he might 
 seem to justify his disdainful reproaches, give me grace to 
 intercede with Thy mercy for these my enemies, that the 
 reward of false and lying tongues, even hot burning coals 
 of eternal fire, may not be brought upon them. 
 
 Let my prayers and patience be as tvater to cool and 
 quench their tongues, who are already set on fire icith the 
 fire of hell, and tormented with those malicious fiames. 
 
 Let me be happy to refute and put to silence their evil- 
 speaking by well-doing ; and let them enjoy not the fruit of 
 their lips, but of my prayer for their repentance and Thy 
 pardon. 
 
 Teach me David^s patience, and IIezekiah''s devotion, 
 that I may look to Thy mercy through man^s malice, and 
 see Thy justice in their sin. 
 
 Let Shcba's seditious speeches, Rabshakehh railing, and 
 Shimei^s cursing, provoke, as my humble prayer to Thee, 
 so Thy reneived blessing toivard me. 
 
Upon the Ordinance, <&c. 113 
 
 Though they curse, do Thou Uess, and I shall he 
 and maize a blessing to my people : 
 
 That the stone ivhich some huilders refuse, may become 
 the head-stone of the corner. 
 
 Looh down from heaven and save me from the reproach 
 of them, that tvould sivallotv me up. 
 
 Hide me in the secret of Thy presence from the pride of 
 man, and keep me from the strife of tongues. 
 
 XYI. 
 
 Upon the Okdinance against the Common 
 Prayer-book. 
 
 It is no news to have all invocations ushered in with 
 the name of reformations in Church and State by those 
 who, seeking to gain reputation with the vulgar for 
 their" extraordinary parts and piety, must needs undo 
 whatever was formerly settled never so well and wisely. 
 
 So hardly can the pride of those that study novelties 
 allow former times any share or degree of wisdom or 
 godliness. 
 
 And because matter of prayer and devotion to God 
 justly bears a great part in religion (being the soul's 
 more immediate converse with the Divine Majesty,) 
 nothing could be more plausible to the people than to 
 tell them they served God amiss in that point. 
 
 Hence our public Liturgy, or forms of constant 
 prayers, must be (not amended, in what upon free and 
 public advice might seem to sober men inconvenient 
 for matter or manner, to which I should easily consent, 
 
114 Upon the Ordinance against 
 
 but) wholly cashiered and abolished. And after many 
 popular contempts offered to the book and those that 
 used it according to their consciences and the laws in 
 force, it must be crucified by an ordinance, the better 
 to please either those men who gloried in their extem- 
 porary vein and fluency, or others who, conscious to 
 their own formality in the use of it, thought they fully 
 expiated the sin of not using it aright by laying all the 
 blame upon it, and a total rejecting it as a dead letter, 
 thereby to excuse the deadness of their hearts. 
 
 As for the matter contained in the book, sober and 
 learned men have sufficiently vindicated it against the 
 cavils and exceptions of those who thought it a part of 
 piety to make what profane objections they could 
 against it, especially for popery and superstition ; 
 whereas, no doubt, the Liturgy was exactly conformed 
 to the doctrine of the Church of England, and this by 
 all reformed Churches is confessed to be most sound 
 and orthodox. 
 
 For the manner of using set and prescribed forms, 
 there is no doubt but that wholesome words, being 
 known and fitted to men's understandings, are soonest 
 received into their hearts, and aptest to excite and carry 
 along with them judicious and fervent affections. 
 
 Nor do I see any reason why Christians should be 
 weary of a well-composed Liturgy (as I hold this to be) 
 more than of all other things, wherein the constancy 
 abates nothing of the excellency and usefulness. 
 
 I could never see any reason why any Christian 
 should abhor, or be forbidden to use, the same forms 
 
the Common Prayer-hook. 115 
 
 of prayer, since he prays to the same God, beHeves 
 in the same Saviour, professeth the same truths, reads 
 the same Scriptures, hath the same duties upon him, 
 and feels the same daily wants for the most part, both 
 inward and outward, which are common to the whole 
 Church. 
 
 Sure we may as well beforehand know what we pray 
 as to whom we pray, and in what words as to what 
 sense ; when we desire the same things, what hinders 
 we may not use the same words ? Our appetite and 
 digestion, too, may be good, when we use, as we pray 
 for, our daily bread. 
 
 Some men, I hear, are so impatient not to use in all 
 their devotions their own invention and gifts, that they 
 not onlj^ disuse (as too many) but wholly cast away and 
 contemn the Lord's Prayer ; whose great guilt is, that 
 it is the warrant and original pattern of all set liturgies 
 in the Christian Church. 
 
 I ever thought that the proud ostentation of men's 
 abilities for invention, and the vain affectations of 
 variety for expressions in public prayer, or any sacred 
 administrations, merits a greater brand of sin than that 
 which they call coldness and barrenness. Nor are men 
 in those novelties less subject to formal and superficial 
 tempers (as to their hearts) than in the use of constant 
 forms, where not the words but men's hearts are to 
 blame. 
 
 I make no doubt but a man may be very formal in 
 the most extemporary variety, and very fervently devout 
 in the most wonted expressions. Nor is God more a 
 
116 Upon the Ordinance against 
 
 God of variety than of constancy ; nor are constant 
 forms of prayer more likely to flat and hinder the spirit 
 of prayer and devotion, than unpremeditated and con- 
 fused variety to distract and lose it. 
 
 Though I am not against a grave, modest, discreet, 
 and humble use of ministers' gifts even in public, the 
 better to fit and excite their own and the people's 
 affections to the present occasions, yet I know no 
 necessity why private and single abilities should quite 
 justle out and deprive the Church of the joint abilities 
 and concurrent gifts of manj'- learned and godly men, such 
 as the composers of the Service-book were, who may 
 in all reason be thought to have more of gifts and graces 
 enabling them to compose, with serious deliberation 
 and concurrent advice, such forms of prayers as may 
 best fit the Church's common wants, inform the hearers' 
 understanding, and stir up that fiduciary and fervent 
 application of their spirits (wherein consists the very 
 life and soul of prayer, and that so much pretended 
 spirit of prayer) than any private man by his solitary 
 abilities can be presumed to have ; which what they 
 are many times (even there where they make a great 
 noise and show) the afiectations, emptiness, imperti- 
 nency, rudeness, confusions, flattery, levity, obscurity, 
 vain, and ridiculous repetitions, the senseless and oft- 
 times blasphemous expressions, all these burdened with 
 a most tedious and intolerable length, do sufficiently 
 convince all men but those who glory in that Pharisaic 
 way. 
 
 Wherein men must be strangely impudent, and flat- 
 
the Common Frayer-book. 117 
 
 terers of themselves, not to have an infinite shame of 
 what they so do and say in things of so sacred a nature, 
 before God and the Church, after so ridiculous, and, 
 indeed, proiane a manner. 
 
 Nor can it be expected but that in duties of frequent 
 performance, as sacramental administrations and the 
 like, which are still the same, ministers must either 
 come to use their own forms constantly, which are not 
 like to be so sound or comprehensive of the nature of 
 the duty as forms of public composure ; or else they 
 must every time aflect new expressions when the subject 
 is the same; which can hardly be presumed in any 
 man's greatest sufiiciencies, not to want (many times) 
 much of that completeness, order, and gravity becom- 
 ing those duties, which by this means are exposed at 
 every celebration to every minister's private infirmities, 
 indispositions, errors, disorders, and defects, both for 
 judgment and expression. 
 
 A serious sense of which inconveniences in the 
 Church unavoidably following every man's several 
 manner of officiating, no doubt, first occasioned the 
 wisdom and piety of the ancient Churches to remedy 
 those mischiefs by the use of constant liturgies of public 
 composure. 
 
 The want of which, I believe, this Church will suffi- 
 ciently feel when the unhappy fruits of many men's 
 ungoverned ignorance and confident defects shall be 
 discovered in more errors, schisms, disorders, and 
 uncharitable distractions in religion, which are already 
 but too many, the more is the pity. 
 
118 Upon the Ordinance against 
 
 However, if violence must needs bring in and abet 
 those innovations (that men may not seem to have 
 nothing to do) which law, reason, and religion forbids 
 at least to be so obtruded, as wholly to justle out the 
 public Liturgy : 
 
 Yet nothing can excuse that most unjust and partial 
 severity of those men, who either lately had subscribed 
 to, used and maintained the Service-book ; or refusing 
 to use it, cried out of the rigour of the laws and bishops, 
 which suffered them not to use the liberty of their 
 consciences in not using it. 
 
 That these men, I say, should so suddenly change 
 the Liturgy into a Directory, as if the spirit needed 
 help for invention, though not for expressions ; or as if 
 matter prescribed did not as much stint and obstruct 
 the spirit, as if it were clothed in and confined to fit 
 words : (so slight and easy is that legerdemain which 
 will serve to delude the vulgar.) 
 
 That further, they should use such severity as not to 
 suffer, without penalty, any to use the Common Prayer- 
 book publicly, although their consciences bind them to 
 it as a duty of piety to God and obedience to the laws. 
 
 Thus I see no men are prone to be greater tyrants, 
 and more rigorous exactors upon others to conform to 
 their illegal novelties, than such whose pride was 
 formerly least disposed to the obedience of lawful 
 constitutions, and whose licentious humours most pre- 
 tended conscientious liberties ; which freedom with 
 much regret they now allow to me and my chaplains, 
 when they may have leave to serve me, whose abilities, 
 
the Common Prayer-hook. 119 
 
 even in their extemporary way, comes not short of the 
 others, but their modesty and learning far exceeds the 
 most of them. 
 
 But this matter is of so popular a nature, as some men 
 knew it would not bear learned and sober debates, lest 
 being convinced by the evidence of reason as well as 
 laws, they should have been driven either to sin more 
 against their knowledge, by taking away the Liturgy, 
 or to displease some faction of the people by continuing 
 the use of it. 
 
 Though I believe they have offended more consider- 
 able men, not only for their numbers and estates, but 
 for their weighty and judicious piety, than those are 
 whose weakness or giddiness they sought to gratify by 
 taking it away. 
 
 One of the greatest faults some men found with the 
 Common Prayer-book, I believe, was this, that it taught 
 them to pray so oft for me ; to which petitions they had 
 not loyalty enough to say Amen, nor yet charity enough 
 to forbear reproaches, and even cursings of me, in 
 their own forms, instead of praying for me. 
 
 I wish their repentance may be their only punish- 
 ment ; that seeing the mischiefs which the disuse of 
 public liturgies hath already produced, they may restore 
 that credit, use, and reverence to them which by the 
 ancient Churches were given to set forms of sound and 
 wholesome words. 
 
 A7id Thou, Lord, ivhich art the same God-, Messed 
 for ever, whose mercies are full of variety, and yet of 
 
120 Upon the Ordinance, Sc. 
 
 constavicy, Thou denied us not a new and fresh sense of our 
 old and daily tvants, nor despisest renewed affections joined 
 to constant expressions. 
 
 Let us not want the henefit of Thy Church'' s united and 
 well-advised devotions. 
 
 Let the matters of our prayers he agreeable to Thy will, 
 which is always the same, and the fervency of our spirits 
 to the Qnotions of Thy Holy Sjiirit in us. 
 
 And then we doubt not but Thy spiritual perfections 
 are such as Thou art neither to be pleased with affected 
 novelties for matter or manner, nor offended tvith the pious 
 constancy of our petitions in them both. 
 
 Whose variety or constancy Thou hast nowhere either 
 forbidden or commanded, but left them to the piety and 
 prudence of Thy Church, that both may be used, neither 
 despised. 
 
 Keep men in that pious moderation of their judgments 
 in matters of religion, that their ignorance may not offend 
 others, nor their opinion of their oion ahilities tempt them 
 to deprive others of ivhat they may lawfully and devoutly 
 use to help their infirmities. 
 
 And since the advantage of error consists in novelty and 
 variety, as truth's in unity and constancy, suffer not Thy 
 Church to be pestered with errors and deformed with 
 undecencies in Thy service, under the pretence of variety 
 and novelty, nor to be deprived of truth, unity, and order, 
 under this fallacy, that constancy is the cause of 
 formality. 
 
 Lord, keep us from formal hypocrisy in our own hearts, 
 and then we know that praying to Thee, or praising of 
 
Of the Differences between the King, dc. 121 
 
 Thee {ivith David and other holy men) in the same forms 
 cannot hurt us. 
 
 Give us ivisdom to amend what is amiss ivithin us, 
 and there will he less to mend without us. 
 
 Evermore defend and deliver Thy Church from the 
 effects of blind zeal and overbold devotion. 
 
 XVII. 
 
 Of the Differences between the King and the 
 Two Houses, in Point of Church Government, 
 
 Touching the goverDment of the Church by bishops, 
 the common jealousy hath been that I am earnest and 
 resolute to maintain it, not so much out of piety as 
 policy and reason of State. 
 
 Wherein so far, indeed, reason of State doth induce 
 me to approve that government above any other, as I 
 find it impossible for a prince to preserve the State in 
 quiet, unless he hath such an influence upon Church- 
 men, and they such a dependence on him, as may best 
 restrain the seditious exorbitancies of ministers' tongues ; 
 who with the keys of heaven have so far the keys of 
 the people's hearts, as they prevail much by their oratory 
 to let in or shut out both peace and loyalty. 
 
 So that I being (as King) instructed by God and the 
 laws with the good both of Church and State, I see no 
 reason I should give up, or weaken by any change, that 
 power and influence which in right and reason I ought 
 to have over both. 
 
122 Of the Differences between the Kimj 
 
 The removing bishops out of the House of Peers 
 (of which I have elsewhere given an account) was suffi- 
 cient to take oft' any suspicion that I incline to them 
 for any use to be made of their votes in State aftairs ; 
 though, indeed, I never thought any bishop worthy to 
 sit in that House who would not vote according to his 
 conscience. 
 
 I must now in charity be thought desirous to preserve 
 that government in its right constitution, as a matter of 
 religion, wherein both my judgment if fully satisfied 
 that it hath of all other the fullest Scripture grounds, 
 and also the constant practice of all Christian Churches : 
 till of late years the tumultuariness of people, or the 
 factiousness and pride of presbyters, or the covetous- 
 ness of some states and princes, gave occasion to some 
 men's wits to invent new models, and propose them 
 under the specious titles of " Christ's Government, 
 Sceptre, and Kingdom," the better to serve their turns, 
 to whom the change was beneficial. 
 
 They must give me leave, having none of their 
 temptations to invite me to alter the government of 
 bishops (that I may have a title to their estates) not to 
 believe their pretended grounds to any new ways ; 
 contrary to the full and constant testimony of all history, 
 sufficiently convincing unbiassed men, that as the 
 primitive Churches were undoubtedly governed by the 
 Apostles and their immediate successors, the first and 
 best bishops, so it cannot in reason or charity be sup- 
 posed that all Churches in the world should either be 
 ignorant of the rule by them prescribed, or so soon 
 
and the Two Houses. 123 
 
 deviate from their divine and holy pattern : that since 
 the first age, for fifteen hundred years, not one example 
 can be produced of any settled Church wherein were 
 many ministers and congregations, which had not some 
 bishop above them, under whose jurisdiction and 
 government they were. 
 
 Whose constant and universal practice agreeing with 
 so large and evident Scripture directions and examples 
 as are set down in the Epistles to Timothy and Titus, 
 for the settling of that government, not in the persons only 
 of Timothy and Titus, but in the succession ; the want 
 of government being that which the Church can no more 
 dispense with in point of well-being, than the want of 
 the Word and Sacraments in point of being. 
 
 I wonder how men came to look with so envious an 
 eye upon bishops' power and authority, as to oversee 
 both the ecclesiastical use of them and Apostolical 
 constitution ; which to me seems no less evidently set 
 forth, as to the main scope and design of those Epistles, 
 for the settling of a peculiar ofiice, power, and authority 
 in them, as president bishops above others, in point of 
 ordination, censures, and other acts of ecclesiastical 
 discipline, than those shorter characters of the qualities 
 and duties of presbyter bishops and deacons are de- 
 scribed in some parts of the same Epistles ; who in the 
 latitude and community of the name were then, and 
 may now, not improperly be called bishops, as to the 
 oversight and care of single congregations committed 
 to them by the Apostles, or those Apostolical bishops 
 who, as Timothy and Titus, succeeded them in that 
 
124 Of the Differences between the King 
 
 ordinary power, there assigned over larger divisions 
 in which were many presbyters. 
 
 The humility of those first bishops avoiding the 
 eminent title of Apostles, as a name in the Church's 
 style appropriated from its common notion (of ' a 
 messenger,' or 'one sent') to that special dignity 
 which had extraordinary call, mission, gifts, and power 
 immediately from Christ, they contented themselves 
 with the ordinary titles of Bishops and Presbyters ; 
 until use (the great arbitrator of words, and master of 
 language) finding reason to distinguish by a peculiar 
 name those persons whose power and office were indeed 
 distinct from and above all other in the Church, as 
 succeeding the Apostles in the ordinary and constant 
 power of governing the Churches (the honour of whose 
 name they moderately, yet commendably, declined), all 
 Christian Churches, submitting to that special authority, 
 appropriated also the name of Bishop, without any 
 suspicion or reproach of arrogancy, to those who were 
 by apostolical propagation rightly descended and in- 
 vested into that highest and largest power of governing 
 even the most pure and primitive Churches ; which, 
 without all doubt, had many such holy bishops, after 
 the pattern of Timothy and Titus, whose special power 
 is not more clearly set down in those Epistles (the chief 
 grounds and limits of all episcopal claim as from divine 
 right) than are the characters of these perilous times, 
 and those men that make them such ; who, not enduring 
 sound doctrine and clear testimonies of all Churches' 
 practice, are most perverse disputers and proud usurpers 
 
and the Two Houses. 125 
 
 against true Episcopacy ; who, if they be not traitors 
 and boasters, yet thej^ seem to be very covetous, heady, 
 highminded, inordinate, and fierce, lovers of themselves, 
 having much of the form, little of the power of godliness. 
 
 Who, by popular heaps of weak, light, and unlearned 
 teachers, seek to overlay and smother the pregnancy 
 and authority of that power of Episcopal government, 
 which, beyond all equivocation and vulgar fallacy of 
 names, is most convincingly set forth both by Scripture 
 and all after-histories of the Church. 
 
 This I write rather like a divine than a prince, that 
 posterity may see (if ever these papers be public) that 
 I had fair grounds, both from Scripture canons and 
 ecclesiastical examples, whereon my judgment was stated 
 for Episcopal government. 
 
 Nor was it any policy of State, or obstinacy of will, 
 or partiality of affection, either to the men or their 
 function, which fixed me ; who cannot in point of 
 worldly respects be so considerable to me as to 
 recompense the injuries and losses I and my dearest 
 relations, with my kingdoms, have sustained and 
 hazarded, chiefly at first upon this quarrel. 
 
 And not only in religion, of which Scripture is the 
 best rule, and the Church's universal practice the best 
 commentary, but also in right season and the true nature 
 of government, it cannot be thought that an orderly 
 subordination among presbyters or ministers should be 
 any more against Christianity than it is in all secular 
 and civil governments, where parity breeds confusion 
 and faction. 
 
126 Of the Differences between the King 
 
 I can no more believe that such order is inconsistent 
 with true religion, than good features are with beauty, 
 or numbers with harmony. 
 
 Nor is it likely that God, who appointed several 
 orders and a prelacy in the government of His Church 
 among the Jewish priests, should abhor or forbid them 
 among Christian ministers, who have as much of the 
 principles of schism and division as other men ; for 
 preventing and suppressing of which, the Apostolical 
 wisdom (which was divine), after that Christians were 
 multiplied to many congregations, and presbyters with 
 them, appointed this way of government, which might 
 best preserve order and union with authority. 
 
 So that I concoive it was not the favour of princes, 
 or ambition of presbyters, but the wisdom and piety 
 of the Apostles that first settled bishops in the Church ; 
 which authority they constantly used and enjoyed in 
 those times which were purest for religion, though 
 sharpest for persecution. 
 
 Not that I am against the managing of this presi- 
 dency and authority in one man, by the joint counsel 
 and consent of many presbyters : I have offered to 
 restore that, as a fit means to avoid those errors, cor- 
 ruptions, and partialities which are incident to any one 
 man ; also to avoid tyranny, which becomes no Chris- 
 tians, least of all Churchmen ; besides, it will be a 
 means to take away that burthen and odium of affairs 
 which may lie too heavy on one man's shoulders, as, 
 indeed, I think it formerly did on the bishops here. 
 
 Nor can I see what can be more agreeable both to 
 
id the Two Houses. 127 
 
 reason and religion than such a frame of government 
 which is paternal, not magisterial, and wherein not only 
 the necessity of avoiding faction and confusion, emula- 
 tions and contempts, which are prone to arise among 
 equals in power and function, but also the differences 
 of some ministers' gifts, and aptitudes for government 
 above others, doth invite to employ them in reference 
 to those abilities wherein they are eminent. 
 
 Nor is this judgment of mine touching Episcopacy 
 any pre-occupation of opinion, which will not admit any 
 oppositions against it. It is well known I have 
 endeavoured to satisfy myself in what the chief patrons 
 for other ways can say against this or for theirs ; and I 
 find, as they have far less of Scripture grounds and of 
 reason, so for examples and practice of the Church, or 
 testimonies of histories, they are wholly destitute, 
 wherein the whole stream runs so for Episcopacy, that 
 there is not the least rivulet for any others. 
 
 As for those obtruded examples of some late reformed 
 Churches (for many retain bishops still) whom necessity 
 of times and affairs rather excuseth than commendeth 
 for their inconformity to all antiquity, I could never see 
 any reason why Churches orderly reformed, and 
 governed by bishops, should be forced to conform to 
 those few rather than to the Catholic example of all 
 ancient Churches which needed no reformation, and to 
 those Churches at this day, who, governed by bishops 
 in all the Christian world, are many more than 
 Presbyterians or Independents can pretend to be; all 
 whom the Churches in my three kingdoms lately 
 
128 Of the Differences between the Kinrj 
 
 governed by bishops would equalize, I think, if not 
 exceed. 
 
 Nor is it any point of wisdom or charity, where 
 Christians differ (as many do in some points) there to 
 widen the differences, and at once to give all the Chris- 
 tian world (except a handful of some Protestants) so 
 great a scandal in point of Church government ; whom, 
 though you may convince of their errors in some points 
 of doctrine, yet you shall never persuade them that to 
 complete their reformation they must necessarily desert 
 and wholly cast off that government which they and all 
 before them have ever owned as Catholic, Primitive, 
 and Apostolical, so far that never schismatics nor here- 
 tics (except those Arians) have strayed from the unity 
 and conformity of the Church in that point, ever hav- 
 ing bishops above presbyters. 
 
 Besides, the late general approbation and submission 
 to this government of bishops by the clergy as well as 
 the laity of these kingdoms, is a great confirmation of 
 my judgment, and their inconstancy is a great prejudice 
 against their novelty. I cannot in charity so far doubt 
 of their learning or integrity as if they understood not 
 what heretofore they did, or that they did conform con- 
 trary to their consciences. So that their facilitj' and 
 levity is never to be excused, who, before ever the 
 point of Church-government had any free and impartial 
 debate, contrary to their former oaths and practice, 
 against their obedience to the laws in force, and against 
 my consent, have not only quite cried down the 
 government by bishops, but have approved and 
 
and the Two Houses. 129 
 
 encouraged the violent and most illegal stripping of all 
 the bishops, and many other Churchmen, of all their due 
 authority and revenues, even to the selling away and 
 utter alienation of those Church-lands from any eccle- 
 siastical uses. So great a power hath the stream of 
 times and the prevalency of parties over some men's 
 judgments, of whose so sudden and so total change 
 little reason can be given, besides the Scots' army com- 
 ing into England. 
 
 But the folly of these men will at last punish itself, 
 and the deserters of Episcopacy will appear the greatest 
 enemies to and betrayers of their own interest; for 
 Presbytery is never so considerable or effectual as when 
 it is joined to and crowned with Episcopacy. All 
 ministers will find as great a difference, in point of 
 thriving, between the favour of the people and of 
 princes, as plants do between being watered by hand 
 or by the sweet and liberal dews of heaven. 
 
 The tenuity and contempt of clergymen will soon let 
 them see what a poor carcass they are when parted 
 from the influence of that head to whose supremacy 
 they have been sworn. 
 
 A little moderation might have prevented great 
 mischiefs. I am firm to primitive Episcopacy, 
 not to have it extirpated, if I can hinder it. Dis- 
 cretion without passion might easily reform whatever 
 the rust of times, or indulgence of laws, or corrup- 
 tion of manners have brought upon it ; it being a gross 
 vulgar error to impute to or to revenge upon the 
 function the faults of times or persons, which sedi- 
 
180 Of the Differences between the King 
 
 tious and popular principle and practice all wise men 
 abhor. 
 
 For those secular additaments and ornaments of 
 authority, civil honour and estate, which my predeces- 
 sors and Christian princes in all countries have annexed 
 to bishops and Churchmen, I look upon them but as 
 just rewards of their learning and piety, who are fit to 
 be in any degree of Church government ; also enable- 
 ments to works of charity and hospitality, meet 
 strengthenings of their authority in point of respect 
 and observance, which in peaceful times is hardly paid 
 to any governors by the measure of their virtues so 
 much as by that of their estates, poverty and meanness 
 exposing them and their authority to the contempt of 
 licentious minds and manners, which persecuting times 
 much restrained. 
 
 I would have such men bishops as are most worthy 
 of those encouragements, and best able to use them. 
 If at any time my judgment of men failed, my good 
 intentions made my error venial ; and some bishops I 
 am sure I had whose learning, gravity, and piety no 
 men of any worth or forehead can deny. But of all 
 men, I M^ould have Churchmen, especially the governors, 
 to be redeemed from that vulgar neglect which (besides 
 an innate principle of vicious opposition which is in all 
 men against those that seem to reprove or restrain 
 them) will necessarily follow both the Presbyterian 
 party, which make all ministers equal, and the Inde- 
 pendent inferiority, which sets their pastors below the 
 people. 
 
and the Two Houses. 131 
 
 This for my judgment touching Episcopacy ; wherein 
 God knows, I do not gratify any design or passion with 
 the least perverting of truth. 
 
 And now I appeal to God above and all the Christian 
 world whether it be just for subjects or pious for 
 Christians, by violence and infinite indignities, with 
 servile restraints to seek to force me their King and 
 Sovereign, as some men have endeavoured to do, 
 against all these grounds of my judgment, to consent 
 to their weak and divided novelties. 
 
 The greatest pretender of them desires not more than 
 I do that the Church should be governed as Christ hath 
 appointed, in true reason and in Scripture, of which I 
 could never see any probable show for any other ways : 
 who either content themselves with the examples of 
 some Churches in their infancy and solitude, when one 
 presbyter might serve one congregation in a city or 
 country, or else they deny these most evident truths, 
 that the Apostles were bishops over those presbyters 
 they ordained, as well as over the Churches they 
 planted ; and that government being necessary for the 
 Church's well-being, when multiplied and sociated, 
 must also necessarily descend from the Apostles to 
 others, after the example of that power and superiority 
 they had above others, which could not end with their 
 persons, since the use and ends of such government 
 still continue. 
 
 It is most sure that the purest primitive and best 
 Churches flourished under Episcopacy, and may so 
 still, if ignorance, superstition, avarice, revenge, and 
 
132 Of the Differences between the King 
 
 other disorderly and disloyal passions had not so blown 
 up some men's minds against it, that what they want 
 of reasons or primitive patterns, they supply with violence 
 and oppression ; wherein some men's zeal for bishop's 
 lands, houses, and revenues, hath set them on work to 
 eat up Episcopacy ; which, however other men esteem, 
 to me is no less sin than sacrilege, or a robbery of God 
 (the Giver of all we have) of that portion which devout 
 minds have thankfully given again to Him, in giving it 
 to His Church and Prophets ; through whose hands He 
 graciously accepts even a cup of cold water as a libation 
 ofiered to Himself. 
 
 Furthermore, as to my particular engagement above 
 other men by an oath agreeable to my judgment, I am 
 solemnly obliged to preserve that government and the 
 rights of the Church. 
 
 Were I convinced of the unlawfulness of the function, 
 as Antichristian, (which some men boldly, but weakly, 
 calumniate,) I could soon with judgment break that 
 oath, which erroneously was taken by me. 
 
 But being daily, by the best disquisition of truth, 
 more confirmed in the reason and religion of that to 
 which I am sworn, how can any man that wisheth not 
 my damnation persuade me at once to so notorious and 
 combined sins of sacrilege and perjury "? besides the 
 many personal injustices I must do to many worthy 
 men, w^ho are as legally invested in their estates as any 
 who seek to deprive them ; and they have by no law 
 been convicted of those crimes which might forfeit their 
 estates and livelihoods. 
 
id the Two Houses. 133 
 
 I have oft wondered how men pretending to ten- 
 derness of conscience and reformation, can at once tell 
 me that my Coronation Oath binds me to consent to 
 whatsoever they shall propound to me (which they urge 
 with such violence), though contrary to all that rational 
 and religious freedom which every man ought to pre- 
 serve, and of which they seem so tender in their own 
 votes ; yet at the same time these men will needs 
 persuade me that I must and ought to dispense with, 
 and roundly break that part of my oath which binds 
 me (agreeable to the best light of reason and religion I 
 have) to maintain the government and legal rights of 
 the Church. It is strange my oath should be vahd in 
 that part which both myself and all men in their own 
 case esteem injurious and unreasonable, as being 
 against the very natural essential liberty of our souls ; 
 yet it should be invalid, and to be broken in another 
 clause, wherein I think myself justly obliged both to 
 God and man. 
 
 Yet upon this rack chiefly have I been held so long 
 by some men's ambitious covetousness and sacrilegious 
 cruelty, torturing (with me) both Church and State in 
 civil dissensions, till I shall be forced to consent and 
 declare that I do approve what, God knows, I utterly 
 dislike, and in my soul abhor, as many ways highly 
 against reason, justice, and religion; and whereto if I 
 should shamefully and dishonourabl}^ give my consent, 
 yet should I not by so doing satisfy the divided 
 interests and opinions of those parties which contend 
 with each other as well as both against me and Episcopacy. 
 
134 Of the Differences between the King 
 
 Nor can my late condescending to the Scots in point 
 of Church government be rightly objected against me 
 as an inducement for me to consent to the like in my 
 other kingdoms ; for it should be considered that Epis- 
 copacy was not so rooted and settled there as it is here, 
 nor I, in that respect, so strictly bound to continue it 
 in that kingdom as in this ; for what T think in my 
 judgment best I may not think so absolutely necessary 
 for all places and at all times. 
 
 If any shall impute my yielding to them as my failing 
 and sin, I can easily acknowledge it ; but that is no 
 argument to do so again, or much worse, I being now 
 more convinced in that point: nor, indeed, hath my 
 yielding to them been so happy and successful as to 
 encourage me to grant the like to others. 
 
 Did I see anything more of Christ as to meekness, 
 justice, order, charity, and loyalty in those that pretend 
 to other modes of government, I might suspect my 
 judgment to be biassed or forestalled with some pre- 
 judice and wontedness of opinion ; but I have hitherto 
 so much cause to suspect the contrary in the manners 
 of many of those men, that I cannot from them gain 
 the least reputation for their new ways of government. 
 
 Nor can I find that in any reformed Churches (whose 
 patterns are so cried up and obtruded upon the Churches 
 under my dominion) either learning or religion, works 
 of piety or charity, have so flourished beyond what they 
 have done in my kingdoms, by God's blessing, which 
 might make me believe either Presbytery or Independ- 
 ency have a more benign influence upon the Church 
 
and the Tivo Houses. 135 
 
 and men's hearts and lives, than Episcopacy in its 
 right constitution. 
 
 The abuses of which deserve to be extirpated as 
 much as the use retained ; for I think it far better to 
 hold to primitive and uniform antiquity, than to comply 
 with divided novelty. 
 
 A right Episcopacy would at once satisfy all just 
 desires and interests of good bishops, humble presbyters, 
 and sober people ; so as Church affairs should be 
 managed neither with tyranny, parity, nor popularity ; 
 neither bishops ejected, nor presbyters despised, nor 
 people oppressed. 
 
 And in this integrity both of my judgment and con- 
 science I hope God will preserve me. 
 
 For Thou, Lord, hnowest my uprightness and tender- 
 ness. As Thou, hast set me to be a Defender of the Faith 
 and a protector of Thij Church, so suffer me not by any 
 violence to be overborne against my conscience. 
 
 Arise, Lord, maintain Thine own cause ; let not Thy 
 Church be deformed as to that government, which, derived 
 from Thy Apostles, hath been retained in purest and 
 primitive times, till the revenues of the Church became the 
 object of secular envy, tvhich seehs to rob it of all the en- 
 couragements of learning and religion. 
 
 Make me, as a good Samaritan, compassionate and help- 
 ful to Thy afflicted Church, which some men have ivounded 
 and robbed, others pass by without regard, either to pity or 
 relieve. 
 
 Asmy power is fromThee, so give megrace to use itforThee. 
 
136 Of the Differences between the King, Sc. 
 
 And thoufjh I am not suffered to he master of my other 
 rights as a King, yet preserve me in that liherty of reason, 
 love of religion, and Thy Churchh welfare, ichich are fixed 
 in my conscience as a Christian. 
 
 Preserve from sacrilegious invasions those temjjoral bless- 
 ings which Thy 2yf'ovide)ice hath bestowed on Thy Church 
 for Thy glory. 
 
 Forgive their sins and errors who have deserved Thy just 
 2)ermission thus to let in the wild boar and subtle foxes to 
 waste and deform Thy vineyard tvhich Thy right hand hath 
 rtlanted, and the dew of heaven so long watered to a happy 
 a n d flourish ing es ta te . 
 
 let one not bear the infamous brand to all posterity 
 of being the first Christian King in this kingdom who 
 should co)isent to the oppression of Thy Church and the 
 Fathers of it ; whose errors I would rather, with Constan- 
 tine, cover with silence, and reform with meehiess, than 
 expose their persons and sacred functions to vulgar 
 contempt. 
 
 Thou, Lord, seest how much I have suffered with 
 and for Thy Church; malce no long tarrying, my God 
 to deliver both me and it from unreasonable men, whose 
 counsels have brought forth and continue such violent con- 
 fusions, by a precipitant destroying the ancient boundaries 
 of Thy Churches peace, thereby letting in all manner of 
 errors, schisms, and disorders. 
 
 Thou God of order and of truth, in Thy good time 
 abate the malice, assuage the rage, and confound all the 
 mischievous devices of Thine, mine, and Thy Churches 
 enemies. 
 
Upon Uxhridge Treaty, cOc. 
 
 137 
 
 That /, and all that lore Thy Church, may mig praises 
 to Thee, and ever magnify Thy salvation, even hefore the 
 sons of men. 
 
 XVIII. 
 
 Upon Uxbridge Treaty, and other Offers 
 
 MADE BY THE KiNG. 
 
 I LOOK upon the way of treaties as a retiring from 
 lighting like beasts, to arguing like men, whose strength 
 should be more in their understandings than in their 
 limbs. 
 
 And though I could seldom get opportunities to 
 treat, yet I never wanted either desire or disposition to 
 it, having greater confidence of my reason than my 
 sword. I was so wholly resolved to yield to the first, 
 that I thought neither myself nor others should need to 
 use the second, if once we rightly understood each 
 other. 
 
 Nor did I ever think it a diminution of me to prevent 
 them with expresses of my desires, and even importu- 
 nities to treat ; it being an ofiice not only of humanity 
 rather to use reason than force, but also of Christianity, 
 to seek peace and ensue it. 
 
 As I was very unwillingly compelled to defend myself 
 with arms, so I very willingly embraced anything 
 tending to peace : 
 
 The events of all war by the sword being very du- 
 
138 Upoti Uxhrichje Treaty, 
 
 bious, and of a civil war uncomfortable, the end hardly 
 recompensing, and late repairing the mischief of the 
 means. 
 
 Nor did any success I had ever enhance with me the 
 price of peace, as earnestly desired by me as any man, 
 though I was like to pay dearer for it than any man. 
 All that I sought to reserve was mine honour and my 
 conscience ; the one I could not part with as a King, 
 the other as a Christian. 
 
 The Treaty at Uxbridge gave the fairest hopes of an 
 happy composure ; had others applied themselves to it 
 with the same moderation as I did, I am confident the 
 war had then ended. 
 
 I was willing to condescend as far as reason, honour, 
 and conscience would give me leave ; nor were the 
 remaining differences so essential to my people's happi- 
 ness, or of such consequence as in the least kind to 
 have hindered my subjects' either security or prosperity, 
 for they better enjoyed both many years before ever 
 those demands were made ; some of which to deny I 
 think the greatest justice to myself and favour to my 
 subjects. 
 
 I see jealousies are not so easily allayed as they are 
 raised. Some men are more afraid to retreat from 
 violent engagements, than to engage ; what is wanting 
 in equity, must be made up in pertinacy. Such as had 
 little to enjoy in peace, or to lose in war, studied to 
 render the very name of peace odious and suspected. 
 
 In Church affairs, where I had least hberty of pru- 
 dence, having so many strict ties of conscience upon 
 
and other Offers made by the Kincf. 139 
 
 me, yet I was willing to condescend so far to the settling 
 of them as might have given fair satisfaction to all men 
 whom faction, covetousness, or superstition had not 
 engaged more than any true zeal, charity, or love of 
 reformation. 
 
 I was content to yield to all that might seem to 
 advance true piety. I only sought to continue what 
 was necessary in point of order, maintenance, and 
 authority, to the Church's government, and what I am 
 persuaded (as I have elsewhere set down my thoughts 
 more fully) is most agreeable to the true principles of 
 all government, raised to its full stature and perfection, 
 as also to the primitive Apostolical pattern, and the 
 practice of the Universal Church conform thereto. 
 
 From which wholly to recede, without any probable 
 reason urged or answered, only to satisfy some men's 
 wills and phantasies (which yet agree not among them- 
 selves in any point, but that of extirpating Episcopacy, 
 and fighting against me,) must needs argue such a soft- 
 ness and infirmity of mind in me as will rather part with 
 God"s truth than man's peace, and rather lose the Church's 
 honour, than cross some men's factious humours. 
 
 God knows, and time will discover, who were most 
 to blame for the unsuccessfulness of that Treaty, and 
 who must bear the guilt of after-calamities. I believe 
 I am very excusable both before God and all unpassion- 
 ate men who have seriously weighed those transactions, 
 wherein I endeavoured no less the restoration of peace 
 to my people, than the preservation of my own crowns 
 to my posterity. 
 
140 Upon Vivbridge Treaty ^ 
 
 Some men have that height, as to interpret all fair 
 condescendings as arguments of feebleness, and glory- 
 most in an unflexible stiffness when they see others most 
 supple and inclinable to them. 
 
 A grand maxim with them was always to ask some- 
 thing which in reason and honour must be denied, that 
 they might have some colour to refuse all that w^as in 
 other things granted ; setting peace at as high a rate 
 as the worst effects of war ; endeavouring first to make 
 me destroy myself by dishonourable concessions, that 
 so they might have the less to do. 
 
 This was all Avhich that treaty or any other produced, 
 to let the world see how little I would deny> or they 
 grant, in order to the* public peace. 
 
 That it gave occasion to some men's further restive- 
 ness is imputable to their own depraved tempers, not 
 to any concessions or negations of mine : I have 
 always the content of what I offered and they the regret 
 and blame for what they refused. 
 
 The highest tide of success set me not above a treaty, 
 nor the lowest ebb below a fight ; though I never 
 thought it any sign of true valour to be prodigal of 
 men's lives, rather than to be drawn to produce our 
 own reasons, or subscribe to other men's. 
 
 That which made me for the most part presage the 
 unsuccessfulness of any treaty, was some men's 
 unwillingness to treat ; which implied some things were 
 to be gained by the sword, whose unreasonableness 
 they were loth to have fairly scanned, being more pro- 
 per to be acted by soldiers than counsellors. 
 
cmd other Offers made by the King. 141 
 
 I pray God forgive them that were guilty of that 
 Treaty's breaking, and give them grace to make their 
 advantages gotten by the sword a better opportunity to 
 use such moderation as was then wanting ; that so, 
 though peace were for our sins justly deferred, yet at 
 last it may be happily obtained ; what we could not get 
 by our treaties, we may gain by our prayers. 
 
 Thou that art the God of reason and of peace, icho 
 disdainest not to treat ivith sinners, preventing them with 
 offers of atonement, and beseeching them to he reconciled 
 tvith Thyself, ivho ivcmtest not power or justice to destroy 
 them, yet ahoundest in mercy to save; softest our hearts hy 
 the Mood of our Redeemer, and persuade us to accept of 
 peace with Thyself, and both to procure and preserve peace 
 among ourselves, as men and Christians. How oft have 
 I entreated for peace, hut ichen I speah thereof, they mahe 
 them ready to tear. 
 
 Condemn us not to our Passions, which are destructive 
 hoth of ourselves and of others. 
 
 Clear up our understandings to see Thy truth, hoth in 
 reason, as men, cmd in religion, as Christians ; and incline 
 all our hearts to hold the unity of the spirit in the bond of 
 peace. 
 
 Take from us that enmity which is noiv in our hearts 
 against Thee, and give us that charity which should be 
 among ourselves. 
 
 Remove the evils of war we have deserved, and bestow 
 upon us that peace which only Christ our great Peacemaker 
 can merit. 
 
142 Upo7i the various Events of the War; 
 
 XIX. 
 
 Upon the Various Events of the War ; 
 Victories and Defeats. 
 
 The variolas successes of this unhappy war have 
 afforded me varietj^ of good meditations. Sometimes 
 God was pleased to try me with victory by worsting my 
 enemies, that I might know how with moderation and 
 thanks to own and use His power, who is only the true 
 Lord of Hosts, able when He pleases to repress the 
 confidence of those that fought against me with so 
 great advantages for power and number. 
 
 From small beginnings on my part He let me see 
 that I was not wholly forsaken by my people's love or 
 His protection. 
 
 Other times God was pleased to exercise my 
 patience, and teach me not to trust in the arm of flesh, 
 but in the living God. 
 
 My sins sometimes prevailed against the justice of 
 my cause, and those that were with me wanted not 
 matter and occasion for His just chastisement both of 
 them and me. Nor were my enemies less punished by 
 that prosperity, which hardened them to continue that 
 injustice by open hostility, which was begun by most 
 riotous and unparliamentary tumults. 
 
 Their is no doubt but personal and private sins may 
 oftimes overbalance the justice of pubHc engagements ; 
 nor doth God account every gallant man (in the world's 
 esteem) a fit instrument to assert in the way of war a 
 righteous cause. The more men are prone to arrogate 
 
Victories and Defeats. 143 
 
 to their own skill, valour, and strength, the less doth 
 God ordinarily work by them for His own glory. 
 
 I am sure the event or success can never state the 
 justice of any cause, nor the peace of men's consciences, 
 nor the eternal fate of their souls. 
 
 Those with me had, I think, clearly and undoubtedly 
 for their justification the Word of God and the laws of 
 the land together with their own oaths ; all requiring 
 obedience to my just commands, but to none other under 
 heaven without me, or against me in the point of 
 raising arms. 
 
 Those on the other side are forced to fly to the shifts 
 of some pretended fears and wild fundamentals of 
 State, as they call them, which actually overthrow the 
 present fabric both of Church and State ; being such 
 imaginary reasons for self-defence as are most imperti- 
 nent for those men to allege, who being my subjects 
 were manifestly the first assaulters of me and the laws, 
 first by unsuppressed tumults, after by listed forces. 
 The same allegations they use will fit any faction that 
 hath but power and confidence enough to second with 
 the sword all their demands against the present laws 
 and governors ; which can never be such as some side 
 or other will not find fault with, so as to urge what 
 they call a reformation of them to a rebellion against 
 them. 
 
 Some parasitic preachers have dared to call those 
 martyrs who died fighting against me, the laws, their 
 oaths, and the rehgion established ; but sober Christ- 
 ians know that glorious title can with truth be applied 
 
144 Upon the various Events of the War ; 
 
 only to those who sincerely preferred God's truth and 
 their duty in all these particulars, before their lives, and 
 all that was dear to them in this world ; who having no 
 advantageous designs by any innovation, were reli- 
 giously sensible of those ties of God, the Church, and 
 myself, which lay upon their souls, both for obedience 
 and just assistance. 
 
 God could, and I doubt not but He did, through 
 His mercy, crown many of them with eternal life whose 
 lives were lost in so just a cause, the destruction of 
 their bodies being sanctified as a means to save their 
 souls. 
 
 Their wounds and temporal ruin serving as a gracious 
 opportunity for their eternal health and happiness, 
 while the evident approach of death did, through God's 
 grace, effectually dispose their hearts to such humility, 
 faith, and repentance, which, together with the rectitude 
 of their present engagement, would fully prepare them 
 for a better life than that which their enemies' brutish 
 and disloyal fierceness could deprive them of, or, with- 
 out repentance, hope to enjoy. 
 
 They have often indeed had the better against my 
 side in the field, but never, I believe, at the bar of 
 God's tribunal, or their own consciences; where they 
 are more afraid to encounter those many pregnant rea- 
 sons, both from law, allegiance, and all true Christian 
 grounds, which conflict with and accuse them in their 
 own thoughts, than they oft were in a desperate bravery 
 to fight against those forces, which sometimes God 
 gave me. 
 
Victories and Defeats. 145 
 
 Whose condition, conquered and dying, I make no 
 question but is infinitely more to be chosen by a sober 
 man (that duly values his duty, his soul, and eternity, 
 beyond the enjoyments of this present life,) than the 
 most triumphant glory wherein their and mine enemies 
 supervive ; who can hardly avoid to be daily tormented 
 by that horrid guilt wherewith their suspicious or 
 now-convicted consciences do pursue them ; especially 
 since they and all the world have seen how false and 
 unintended those pretensions were which they first set 
 forth as the only plausible, though not justifiable, 
 grounds of raising a war, and continuing it thus long 
 against me, and the laws established, in whose safety 
 and preservation all honest men think the welfare of 
 their country doth consist. 
 
 For and with all which it is far more honourable and 
 comfortable to sufi'er, than to prosper in their ruin and 
 subversion. 
 
 I have often prayed that all on my side might join 
 true piety with the sense of their loyalty, and be as 
 faithful to God and their own souls as they were to me ; 
 that the defects of the one might not blast the endea- 
 vours of the other. 
 
 Yet I cannot think that any shows or truth of piety 
 on the other side were sufficient to dispense with or 
 expiate the defects of their duty and loyalty to me, which 
 have so pregnant convictions on men's consciences, 
 that even profaner men are moved by the sense of them 
 to venture their lives for me. 
 
 I never had any victory which was without my sorrow. 
 
146 Upon the various Events of the War ; 
 
 because it was on mine own subjects, who, like 
 Absalom, died many of them in their sin : and yet I 
 never suffered any defeat which made me despair of 
 God's mercy and defence. 
 
 I never desired such victories as might serve to 
 conquer, but only restore the laws and liberties of my 
 people ; which I saw were extremely oppressed, together 
 with my rights, by those men who were impatient of 
 any just restraint. 
 
 When Providence gave me or denied me victory, 
 my desire was neither to boast of my power, nor to 
 charge God foolishly, who I believed at last would 
 make all things to work together for my good. 
 
 I wished no greater advantages by the war than to 
 bring my enemies to moderation, and my friends to 
 peace. 
 
 I was afraid of the temptation of an absolute conquest, 
 and never prayed more for victory over others than over 
 myself. When the first was denied, the second was 
 granted me, which God saw best for me. 
 
 The different events were but the methods of divine 
 justice, by contrary winds, to winnow us ; that by pun- 
 ishing our sins He might purge them from us, and by 
 deferring peace He might prepare us more to prize and 
 better to use so great a blessing. 
 
 My often messages for peace shewed that I delighted 
 not in war : as my former concessions sufficiently testi- 
 fied how willingly I would have prevented it ; and my 
 total unpreparedness for it, how little I intended it. 
 
 The conscience of my innocency forbad me to fear a 
 
Victories and Defeats. 147 
 
 war ; but the love of my kingdoms commanded me, if 
 possible, to avoid it. 
 
 I am guilty in this war of nothing but this, that I gave 
 such advantages to some men by confirming their power, 
 which they knew not to use with that modesty and 
 gratitude which became their loyalty and my confidence. 
 
 Had I yielded less, I had been opposed less ; had I 
 denied more, I had been more obeyed. 
 
 It is now too late to review the occasions of the war ; 
 I wish only a happy conclusion of so unhappy begin- 
 nings. The inevitable fate of our sins was, no doubt, 
 such as would no longer sufi'er the Divine Justice to be 
 quiet : we having conquered His patience, are condemned 
 by mutual conquerings to destroy one another ; for the 
 most prosperous successes on either side impair the 
 welfare of the whole. 
 
 Those victories are still miserable that leave our sins 
 unsubdued, flushing our pride, and animating to 
 continue injuries. 
 
 Peace itself is not desirable, till repentance have 
 prepared us for it. 
 
 When we fight more against ourselves and less 
 against God, we shall cease fighting one against another. 
 I pray God these may all meet in our hearts, and so 
 dispose us to an happy conclusion of these civil wars, 
 that I may know better to obey God and govern my 
 people, and they may learn better to obey both God 
 and me. 
 
 Nor do I desire any man should be further subject 
 to me, than all of us may be subject to God. 
 
148 Upon the various Events of the War, die. 
 
 » 
 
 my God, mahe me content to he overcome, when Thou 
 wilt have it so. 
 
 Teach me the nohlest victory over myself and my enemies 
 by patience, ivhich was Chrisfs conquest, and may well 
 hecome a Cliristian King. 
 
 Betioeen both Thy hands, the right sometimes supporting 
 and the left afflicting, fashion us to that frame of piety 
 Thou likest lest. 
 
 Forgive the pride that attends onr prosperous, and the 
 repinings ivhich folloiv our disastrous credits ; when going 
 forth in our oivn strength, Thou tvithdraivest Thine, and 
 goest not forth with our armies. 
 
 Be Thou all, when we are something, and 'when we are 
 nothing ; that Thou mayest have the glory when we are 
 in a victorious or inglorious condition. 
 
 Thou, Lord, hnoioest how hard it is for me to suffer 
 so much evil from my subjects, to whom I intend nothing 
 but good; and I cannot but suffer in those evils which they 
 compel me to inflict upon them, punishing myself in their 
 punishments. 
 
 Since, therefore, both in conquering and being conquered 
 I am still a sufferer, I beseech Thee to give me a double 
 portion of Tliy Spirit, and that measure of grace ivhich 
 only can be sufficient for me. 
 
 As I am most afflicted, so onake me most reformed, that 
 I may be not only hap)py to see an end of these civil dis- 
 tractions, but a chief instrument to restore and establish a 
 firm and blessed peace to my hingdoms. 
 
 Stir up in all parties pious ambitions to overcome each 
 other ivith reason, moderation, and such self-denial as 
 
Upon the Reformation of the Times. 149 
 
 becomes those ivho consider that our mutual divisions are 
 our common distractions, and the union of all is every good 
 man's chiefest interest. 
 
 If, Lord, as for the sins of our peace Thou hast 
 brought upon us the miseries of war, so for the sins of loar 
 Thou shouldst see fit still to deny us the blessing of peace, 
 and so heep us in a circulation of miseries ; yet give me. 
 Thy servant, and all loyal {though afflicted) subjects, to 
 enjoy that peace ichich the loorld can neither give to us nor 
 take from us. 
 
 Impute not to me the blood of my subjects, which with 
 infinite unwillingness and grief hath been shed by me in 
 my just and necessary defence; but wash me with that 
 precious blood which hath been shed for me by my great 
 Peacemaker, Jesus Christ, ivho will, I trust, redeem me 
 ■shortly out of all my troubles ; for I knoio the triumphing 
 of the tvicked is but shgrt and the joy of hypocrites is but 
 for a moment. 
 
 XX. 
 
 Upon the Reformation of the Times. 
 
 No glory is more to be envied than that of due 
 reforming either Church or State, when deformities are 
 such that the perturbation and novelty are not like 
 to exceed the benefit of reforming. 
 
 Although God should not honour me so far as to 
 make me an instrument of so good a work, yet I should 
 be glad to see it done. 
 
150 Upon the Reformation of the Times. 
 
 As I was well pleased with this Parliament's first 
 intentions to reform what the indulgence of times and 
 corruption of manners might have depraved, so I am 
 sorry to see, after the freedom of Parliament was by 
 factious tumults oppressed, how little regard was had 
 to the good laws established and the religion settled, 
 which ought to be the first rule and standard of reform- 
 ing ; with how much partiality and popular compliance 
 the passions and opinions of men have been gratified, 
 to the detriment of the public, and the infinite scandal 
 of the reformed religion. 
 
 What dissolutions of all order and government in the 
 Church, what novelties of schisms and corrupt opinions, 
 what indecencies and confusions in sacred administra- 
 tions, what sacrilegious invasions upon the rights and 
 revenues of the Church, what contempt and oppressions 
 of the clergy, what injurious diminutions and per- 
 secutions of me have followed (as showers do warm 
 gleams) the talk of reformation, all sober men are 
 witnesses, and, with myself, sad spectators hitherto. 
 
 The great miscarriage, I think, is, that popular cla- 
 mours and fury have been allowed the reputation of 
 zeal and the public sense, so that the study to please 
 some parties hath indeed injured all. 
 
 Freedom, moderation, and impartiality are sure the best 
 tempers of reforming counsels and endeavours : what 
 is acted by factions cannot but ofi'end more than it 
 pleaseth. 
 
 I have oftered to put all difierences in Church afi'airs 
 and religion to the free consultation of a synod or con- 
 
Upon the Reformation of the Tiwcs. 151 
 
 vocation rightly chosen, the results of whose counsels, 
 as they would have included the votes of all, so it's like 
 they would have given most satisfaction to all. 
 
 The Assembly of Divines, whom the two Houses 
 have applied, in an unwonted way, to advise. of Church 
 affairs, I dislike not further, than that they are not 
 legally convened and chosen, nor act in the name of 
 all the clergy of England, nor with freedom and impar- 
 tiality can do anything, being limited and confined, if 
 not over-awed, to do and declare what they do. 
 
 For I cannot think so many men, cried up for learning 
 and piety, who formerly allowed the Liturgy and govern- 
 ment of the Church of England as to the main, would 
 have so suddenly agreed quite to abolish both of them 
 (the last of which they knew to be of Apostolical insti- 
 tution at least, as of primitive and universal practice,) if 
 they had been left to the liberty of their own suffrages ; 
 and if the influence of contrary factions had not by 
 secret encroachments of hopes and fears prevailed upon 
 them to comply with so great and dangerous innovations 
 in the Church, without any regard to their own former 
 judgment and practice, or to the common interest and 
 honour of all the clergy, and in them for order, learning, 
 and religion ; against examples of all ancient Churches, 
 the laws in force, and my consent, which is never to be 
 gained against so pregnant light as in that point shines 
 on my understanding. 
 
 For I conceive that where the Scripture is not so clear 
 and punctual in precepts, there the constant and univer- 
 sal practice of the Church, in things not contrary to 
 
152 Upon the Reformation of the Times. 
 
 reason, faith, good manners, or any positive command, 
 is the best rule that Christians can follow. 
 
 I was willing to grant or restore to Presbytery what 
 with reason or discretion it can pretend to, in a 
 conjuncture with Episcopacy ; but for that wholly to 
 invade the power, and by ths sword to arrogate and 
 quite abrogate the authority of that ancient order, I 
 think neither just as to Episcopacy, nor safe for 
 Presbytery, nor yet any way convenient for this Church 
 or State. 
 
 A due reformation had easily followed moderate 
 counsels, and such, I believe, as would have given more 
 content even to the most of those divines who have 
 been led on with much gravity and formality to carry on 
 other men's designs, which no doubt many of them bj^ 
 this time discover, though they dare not but smother 
 their frustrations and discontents. 
 
 The specious and popular titles of Christ's govern- 
 ment, throne, sceptre, and kingdom (which certainly is 
 not divided, nor hath two faces, as their parties now 
 have at least,) as also the noise of a thorough reforma- 
 tion, may as easily be fixed on new models, as fair 
 colours may be put to ill favoured figures. 
 
 The breaking of church windows, which time had 
 sufficiently defaced ; pulling down of crosses, which 
 were but civil, not religious marks ; defacing of the 
 monuments and inscriptions of the dead, which served 
 but to put posterity in mind to thank God for that 
 clearer light wherein they live ; the leaving of all min- 
 isters to their liberties and private abilities in the service 
 
Upon the Reforination of the Times. 153 
 
 of God, where no Christian can tell to what 
 he may say Amen, nor what adventure he may 
 make of seeming, at least, to consent to the errors, 
 blasphemies, and ridiculous undecencies, which bold 
 and ignorant men list to vent in their prayers, preach- 
 ing, and other offices; the setting forth also of old 
 catechisms and confessions of faith new drest, importing 
 as much as if there had been no sound or clear 
 doctrine of faith in this Church, before some four or 
 five years' consultation had matured their thoughts, 
 touching their first principles of religion : 
 
 All these and the like are the eflects of popular, 
 specious, and deceitful reformations, that they might 
 not seem to have nothing to do, and may give some 
 short flashes of content to the vulgar (who are taken 
 with novelties, as children with babies, very much, but 
 not very long): but all this amounts not to, nor can in 
 justice merit the glory, of the Church's thorough 
 reformation, since they leave all things more deformed, 
 disorderly, and discontented, than when they begin, in 
 point of piety, morality, charity, and good order. 
 
 Nor can they easily recompense or remedy the 
 inconveniences and mischiefs which they have purchased 
 so dearly, and which have and ever will necessarily 
 ensue, till due remedies be applied. 
 
 I wish they would at last make it their unanimous 
 work to do God's work, and not their own. Had 
 rehgion been first considered, as it merited, much 
 trouble might have been prevented. 
 
 But some men thought that the government of this 
 
154 Upon the Reformatio7i of the Times. 
 
 Church and State, fixed by so many laws and long 
 customs, would not run into new moulds till they had 
 first melted it in the fire of a civil war ; by the advantages 
 of which they resolved, if they prevailed, to make myself 
 and all my subjects, fall down and worship the images 
 they should form and set up. If there had been 
 as much of Christ's spirit for meekness, wisdom, and 
 charity in men's hearts as there was of His Name used 
 in the pretensions to reform all to Christ's rule, it would 
 certainly have obtained more of God's blessing, and 
 produced more of Christ's glory, the Church's good, 
 the honour of religion, and the Unity of Christians. 
 
 Public reformers had need first act in private, and 
 practice that on their own hearts which they purpose 
 to try on others ; for deformities within will soon betray 
 the pretenders of public reformation to such private 
 designs as must needs hinder the public good. 
 
 I am sure the right methods of reforming the Church 
 cannot consist with that of perturbing the civil state, 
 nor can religion be justly advanced by depressing 
 loyalty, which is one of the chiefest ingredients and 
 ornaments of true religion, for next to fear God is honour 
 the King. 
 
 I doubt not but Christ's kingdom may be set up 
 without pulling down mine ; nor will any men in impar- 
 tial times appear good Christians that approve not 
 themselves good subjects. 
 
 Christ's government will confirm mine, not overthrow 
 it ; since as I own mine from Him, so I desire to rule 
 for His glory and His Church's good. 
 
U2Jon the Reformation of the Times. 155 
 
 Had some men truly intended Christ's Government, 
 or knew what it meant in ther hearts, they could never 
 have been so ill governed in their words and actions 
 both against me aud one another. 
 
 As good ends cannot justify evil means, so nor will 
 evil beginnings ever bring forth good conclusions, 
 unless God, by a miracle of mercy, create light out of 
 darkness, order out of our confusions, and peace out of 
 our passions. 
 
 Thou, Lord, who only canst give us beauty for ashes, 
 and trtdh for hypocrisy, suffer us not to he miserably 
 deluded with Pharisaical ivashings, instead of Christian 
 reformings. 
 
 Our greatest deformities are within rmake us the severest 
 censurers and first reformers of our otvn sotils. 
 
 That -we may in clearness of judgment and uprightness 
 of heart be a means to reform tvhat is indeed amiss in 
 Church and State. 
 
 Create in us clean hearts, Lord, and renew right 
 spirits ivithin us ; that ive may do all by Thy directions, 
 to Thy glory, and with Thy blessing. 
 
 Pity the deformities which some rash [and cruel reform- 
 ers have brought upon this Church and State; quench 
 the fires 'which factions have kindled under the pretence of 
 reforming. 
 
 As thou hast shewed the tvorld, by their divisions and 
 confusions, what is the pravity of soine men's intentions, 
 and iveahiess of their judgments, so bring us at last more 
 refined out of these fires by the methods of Christian and 
 
156 Upon His Majesty's Letters 
 
 charitable reformations, wherein nothing of ambition, re- 
 venge, covetousness, or sacrilege may have any injiuence 
 ■upon their counsels whom Thy providence in just and 
 laivful ways shall intrust ivith so great, good, and now 
 necessary a tvorh. That I and my people may be so blest 
 with inward piety, as may best teach us hoiv to use the 
 blessing of outtvard peace. 
 
 XXI. 
 
 Upon His Majesty's Letters taken and 
 divulged. 
 
 The taking of my letters was an opportunity which 
 as the malice of mine enemies could hardly have 
 expected, so that they knew not how with honour and 
 civility to use it. Nor do I think, with sober and wor- 
 thy minds, anything in them could tend to my reproach, 
 as the odious divulging of them did to the infamy of 
 the divulgers : the greatest experiments of virtue and 
 nobleness being discovered in the greatest advantages 
 against an enemy, and the greatest obligations being 
 those which are put upon by them from whom we could 
 least have expected them. 
 
 And such I should have esteemed the concealing of 
 my papers, the freedom and secrecy of which commands 
 a civility from all men not wholly barbarous, nor is 
 there anything more inhuman than to expose them to 
 public view. 
 
talen and divulged. 157 
 
 Yet since Providence will have it so, I am content 
 so much of my heart (which I study to approve to 
 God's omniscience) should be discovered to the world, 
 without any of those dresses or popular captations 
 which some men use in their speeches and expresses. 
 I wish my subjects had yet a clearer sight into my most 
 retired thoughts, where they might discover how they 
 are divided between the love and care I have, not more 
 to preserve my own rights, than to procure their peace 
 and happiness, and that extreme grief to see them both 
 deceived and destroyed. 
 
 Nor can any men's mahce be gratified further by my 
 letters, than to see my constancj^ to my wife, the laws, 
 and religion. Bees will gather honey where the spider 
 sucks poison. 
 
 That I endeavour to avoid the pressure of my enemies 
 by all fair and just correspondencies, no man can 
 blame who loves me or the commonwealth, since my 
 subjects can hardly be happy if I be miserable, or 
 enjoy their peace and liberties while I am oppressed. 
 
 The world may see how some men's design, like 
 Absalom's, is by enormous actions to widen differences, 
 and exasperate all sides to such distances as may make 
 all reconciliation desperate. 
 
 Yet, I thank God, I can not only with patience bear 
 this as other indignities, but with charity forgive them. 
 
 The integrity of my intentions is not jealous of any 
 injury my expressions can do them ; for olthough the 
 confidence of privacy may admit greater freedom in 
 writing such letters, which may be liable to envious 
 
158 Upon His Majesty's Letters 
 
 exceptions, yet the innocency of my chief purposes 
 cannot be so stained or misinterpreted by them, as 
 not to let all men see that I wish nothing more than 
 an happy composure of differences with justice aud 
 honour, not more to my own than my people's content, 
 who have any sparks of love or loyalty left in them ; 
 who by those my letters may be convinced that I can 
 both mind and act my own and my kingdoms' affairs, 
 so as becomes a prince ; which mine enemies have 
 always been very loth should be believed of me, as if 
 I were wholly confined to the dictates and directions 
 of others, whom they please to brand with the name of 
 evil counsellors. 
 
 It is probable some men will now look upon me as 
 my own counsellor, and having none else to quarrel 
 with under that notion, they will hereafter confine their 
 anger to myself: although I know they are very unwill- 
 ing I should enjoy the liberty of my own thoughts, or 
 follow the light of my ov/n conscienee, which they 
 labour to bring into an absolute captivity to them- 
 selves ; not allowing me to think their counsels to be 
 other than good to me, which have so long maintained 
 a war against me. 
 
 The victory they obtained that day, when my letters 
 became their prize, had been enough to have satiated 
 the most ambitious thirst of popular glory among the 
 vulgar, with whom prosperity gains the greatest esteem 
 and applause, as adversity exposeth to their greatest 
 slighting and disrespect : as if good fortune were always 
 the shadow of virtue and justice, and did not oftener 
 
taken and divulged. 159 
 
 attend vicious and injurious actions as to this world. 
 
 But I see no secular advantages seem sufficient to 
 that cause which began with tumults, and depends 
 chiefly upon the reputation with the vulgar. 
 
 They think no victories so eflectual to their designs, 
 as those that most rout and waste my credit with my 
 people ; in whose hearts they seek by all means to 
 smother and extinguish all sparks of love, respect and 
 loyalty to me, that they may never kindle again, so as 
 to recover mine, the laws and the kingdoms' hberties, 
 which some men seek to overthrow. The taking away 
 of my credit is but a necessary preparation to the 
 taking away of my life and my kingdoms: first, I 
 must seem neither fit to live, nor worthy to reign; by 
 exquisite methods of cunning and cruelty I must be 
 compelled first to follow the funerals of my honour, and 
 then be destroyed. But I know God's unerring and 
 impartial justice can and will overule the most perverse 
 wills and designs of men; He is able, and, I hope, 
 will turn even the worst of mine enemies' thoughts and 
 actions to my good. 
 
 Nor do I think that by the surprise of my letters I 
 have lost any more than so many papers : how much 
 they have lost of that reputation for civility and human- 
 ity, (which ought to be paid to all men, and most 
 becomes such as pretend to religion,) besides that of 
 respect and honour which they owe to their king, 
 present and aftertimes will judge. And I cannot think 
 that their own consciences are so stupid, as not to 
 inflict upon them some secret impressions of that shame 
 
160 Upon His Majesty'' s Letters 
 
 and dishonour which attends all unworthy actions, 
 have they never so much of pubhc flattery and popular 
 countenance. 
 
 I am sure they can never expect the divine approba- 
 tion of such indecent actions, if they do but remember 
 how God blest the modest respect and filial tenderness 
 which Noah's sons bare to their father ; nor did his 
 open infirmity justify Cham's impudency, or exempt 
 him from the curse of being servant of servants : which 
 curse much needs be on them who seek by dishonour- 
 able actions to please the vulgar, and confirm by ignoble 
 acts their dependence upon the people. 
 
 Nor can their malicious intentions be ever either 
 excusable or prosperous, who thought by this means to 
 expose me to the highest reproach and contempt of my 
 people : forgetting that duty of modest concealment 
 which they owed to the father of their country, in case 
 they had discovered any real uncomeliness, which, I 
 thank God, they did not ; who can, and, I believe, 
 hath made me more respected in the hearts of many, 
 (as He did David,) to whom they thought, by publish- 
 ing my private letters, to have rendered me as a rile 
 person, not fit to be trusted, or considered under any 
 notion of majesty. 
 
 But Thou, Lord, ivho,se wise and; all-disposing pro- 
 vidence ordereth the greatest contingencies of human affairs, 
 make me to see the constancy of Thij mercies to me in the 
 greatest advantages Thou seemest to give the malice of my 
 enemies against me. 
 
taken and divulged. 161 
 
 As Thou didd blast the counsel of Ahiiliophel, turning 
 it to David^s good and his own ruin, so canst Thou defeat 
 their design who intended, hy 'publishing my private letters, 
 nothing else but to render me more odious and contemptible 
 to my people. 
 
 I must first appeal to Thy omniscience, ivho canst wit- 
 ness with my integrity how unjust and false those scandal- 
 ous misconstructions are ivhich my enemies endeavour by 
 those papers of mine to represent to the icorld. 
 
 Make the evil they imagined, and displeasure they in- 
 tended thereby against me, so to return on their own heads, 
 that they may be ashamed, and covered with their own 
 confusion as ivith a cloak. 
 
 Thou seest how mine enemies use all means to cloud mine 
 honour, to pervert my purposes, and to slander the footsteps 
 of Thine anointed. 
 
 But give me an heart content to be dishonoured for Thy 
 sake and Thy Churches good. 
 
 Fix in me a purpose to honour Thee, and then I know 
 Thou wilt honour me, either by restoring to me the enjoy- 
 ment of that power and majesty ivhich Thou hast suffered 
 some men to seek to deprive me of; or by bestoiving on me 
 that crown of Christian patience ichich knows how to serve 
 Thee in honour or dishonour, in good report or evil. 
 
 Thou, Lord, art the fountain of goodness and honour, 
 Thou art clothed with excellent majesty ; make me to partake 
 of Thy excellency for wisdom, justice, and mercy, and I 
 shall not want that degree of honour and majesty which 
 becomes the place in which Thou hast set me, ivho art the 
 lifter up of my head, and my salvation. 
 
162 Upon His Majesty's leaving Oxford^ 
 
 Lord, hy Thy grace lead me to Thy glory, which is hath 
 true and eternal. 
 
 XXII. 
 
 Upon His Majesty's leaving Oxford, and 
 
 GOING TO THE ScOTS. 
 
 Although God hath given me three kingdoms, yet 
 in these He hath not left me any place where I may 
 with safety and honour rest my head ; shewing me 
 that Himself is the safest refuge, and the strongest tower 
 of defence, in which I may put my trust. 
 
 In these extremities I look not to man so much as to 
 God : He will have it thus ; that I may wholly cast 
 myself and my now distressed affairs upon His mercy, 
 who hath both the hearts and hands, of dl men in His 
 dispose. 
 
 What Providence denies to force, it may grant to 
 prudence : necessity is now my counsellor, and com- 
 mands me to study my safety by a disguised withdrawing 
 from my chiefest strength, and adventuring upon their 
 loyalty who first began my troubles. Haply God may 
 make them a means honourably to compose them. 
 
 This my confidence of them may disarm and over- 
 come them : my rendering my person to them may 
 engage their affections to me, who have oft professed, 
 " They fought not against me, but for me." 
 
 I must now resolve the riddle of their loyalty, and 
 give them opportunity to let the world see they mean 
 not what they do, but what they say. 
 
and going to the Scots. 163 
 
 Yet must God be my chiefest guard, and my con- 
 science both my counsellor and my comforter. Though 
 I put my body into their hands, yet I shall reserve my 
 soul to God and myself; nor shall any necessities compel 
 me to desert mine honour, or swerve from my judg- 
 ment. 
 
 What they sought to take by force, shall now be 
 given them in such a way of unusual confidence of 
 them, as may make them ashamed not to be really such 
 as they ought, and professed to be. 
 
 God sees it not enough to deprive me of all military 
 power to defend myself; but to put me upon using 
 their power, who seem to fight against me, yet ought 
 in duty to defend me. 
 
 So various are all human afi*airs, and so necessitous 
 may the state of princes be, that their greatest danger 
 may be in their supposed safety, and their safety in 
 their supposed danger. 
 
 I must now leave those that have adhered to me, 
 and apply to those that have opposed me : this method 
 of peace may be more prosperous than that of war, both 
 to stop the effusion of blood, and to close those wounds 
 already made. And in it I am no less solicitous for 
 my friends' safety than mine own : choosing to venture 
 myself upon further hazards, rather than expose their 
 resolute loyalty to all extremities. 
 
 It is some skill in play to know when a game is lost : 
 better fairly to give over than to contest in vain. 
 
 I must now study to reinforce my judgment and 
 fortify my mind with reason and religion ; that I may 
 
164 Ipon His Majesty's leaving Oxford, dc. 
 
 not seem to offer up my soul's liberty, or make my 
 conscience their captive, who ought at first to have 
 used arguments, not arms, to have persuaded my con- 
 sent to their new demands. 
 
 I thank God, no success darkens or disguises truth 
 to me ; and I shall no less conform my words to my 
 inward dictates now, than if they had been, as the 
 words of a king ought to be, among loyal subjects, full 
 of power. 
 
 Reason is the divinest power; I shall never think 
 myself weakened, while I may make full and free use 
 of that. No eclipse of outward fortune shall rob me 
 of that light : what God hath denied of outward strength, 
 His grace, I hope, will supply with inward resolutions ; 
 not morosely to deny what is fit to be granted, but not to 
 grant anything which reason and religion bids me deny. 
 
 I shall never think mj'self less than myself, while I 
 am able thus to preserve the integrity of my conscience, 
 the only jewel now left me which is worth keeping. 
 
 Thou Sovereign of our souls, the only Commander 
 of our consciences, though I hiow not what to do, yet mine 
 eyes are toward Thee ; to the protection of Thy mercy I 
 still commend myself 
 
 As Thou hast preserved me in the day of battle, so Thou 
 canst still sheiv me Thy strength in my iveahiess. 
 
 Be Thou unto me in my darkest night a pillar of fire, 
 to enlighten and direct me ; in the day of my hottest afflic- 
 tion he also a j^illcir of cloud to overshadow and protect me; 
 he to me hoth a sun and a shield. 
 
Upon the Scots deliverimj the Kiiuj, d'C. 165 
 
 Thoic hiowest that it is not any j^erverseness of ivill, hut 
 just persuasions of honour, reason, and religion tvhich have 
 made me thus far to hazard my person, peace, and safety, 
 against those that hy force have sought to wrest them from 
 me. 
 
 Suffer not my just resolutions to abate ivith my outward 
 forces ; let a good conscience always accompany me in my 
 greatest solitude and desertions. 
 
 Suffer me not to letray the powers of reason and that 
 fortress of my soul which I am entrusted to keep for Thee. 
 
 Lead me m the paths of Thy righteousness, and shew me 
 Thy Salvation. 
 
 Mahe my icays to please Thee, and then Thou wilt malce 
 mine enemies to he at peace with me. 
 
 XXIII. 
 
 Upon the Scots delivering the King to the 
 English, and his Captivity at Holdenby. 
 
 Yet may I justify those Scots to all the world in 
 this, that they have not deceived me, for I never trusted 
 to them further than to men : if I am sold by them I 
 am only sorry that they should do it ; and that my 
 price should be so much above my Saviour's. 
 
 These are but further essays v^hich God will have 
 me make of man's uncertainty, the more to fix me on 
 Himself, who never faileth them that trust in Him. 
 Though the reeds of Egypt break under the hand of 
 him that leans on them ; yet the rock of Israel will be 
 an everlasting stay and defence. 
 
166 Upon the Scots delivering the King 
 
 God's providence commands me to retire from all 
 to Himself, that in Him I may enjoy myself, whom I 
 lose while I let out my hopes to others. 
 
 The solitude and captivity to which I am now 
 reduced, gives me leisure enough to study the world's 
 vanity and inconstancy. 
 
 God sees it fit to deprive me of wife, children, army, 
 friends, and freedom, that I may be wholly His who 
 alone is all. 
 
 I care not much to be reckoned among the unfortu- 
 nate, if I be not in the black list of irreligious and 
 sacrilegious princes. 
 
 No restraint shall ensnare my soul in sin, nor gain 
 that of me which may make my enemies more insolent, 
 my friends ashamed, or my name accursed. 
 
 They have no great cause to triumph that they have 
 got my person into their power, since my soul is still 
 my own : nor shall they ever gain my consent against 
 my conscience. 
 
 What they call obstinacy, I know God accounts 
 honest constancy, from which reason and religion, as 
 well as honour, forbid me to recede. 
 
 'Tis evident now, that it was not evil counsellors 
 with me, but a good conscience in me, which hath been 
 fought against; nor did they ever intend to bring me 
 to my parliament, till they had brought my mind to 
 their obedience. 
 
 Should I grant what some men desire, I should be 
 such as they wish me ; not more a king, and far less 
 both man and Christian. 
 
to the English. 167 
 
 What tumults and armies could not obtain, neither 
 shall restraint ; which though it have as little of safety 
 to a prince, yet it hath not more of danger. 
 
 The fear of men shall never be my snare, nor shall 
 the love of any liberty entangle my soul : better others 
 betray me than myself, and that the price of my liberty 
 should be my conscience. The greatest injuries my 
 enemies seek to inflict upon me cannot be without my 
 own consent. 
 
 While I can deny with reason, I shall defeat the 
 greatest impressions of their malice, who neither know 
 how to use worthily what I have already granted, nor 
 what to require more of me but this, that I would 
 seem willing to help them to destroy myself and mine. 
 
 Although they should destroy me, yet they shall 
 have no cause to despise me. 
 
 Neither liberty nor life are so dear to me as the 
 peace of my conscience, the honour of my crowns, and 
 the welfare of my people ; which my word may injure 
 more than any war can do, while I gratify a few to 
 oppress all. 
 
 The laws will by God's blessing revive, with the love 
 and loyalty of my subjects, if I bury them not by my 
 consent, and cover them in that grave of dishonour and 
 injustice which some men's violence hath digged for them. 
 
 If my captivity or death must be the price of their 
 redemption, I grudge not to pay it. 
 
 No condition can make a king miserable, which 
 carries not with it his soul's, his people's, and prosperity's 
 thraldom. 
 
168 Upon the Scots delivering the King, dc. 
 
 After times may see what the bhndness of this age 
 will not ; and God may at length shew my subjects, 
 that I choose rather to suffer for them than with them. 
 Haply I might redeem myself to some show of liberty, 
 if I would consent to enslave them. I had rather 
 hazard the ruin of one king, than to confirm many 
 tyrants over them ; from whom I pray God deliver 
 them, whatever becomes of me, whose solitude has not 
 left me alone. 
 
 For Thou, God, infinitely good and great, art with 
 me, whose presence is letter than life, and whose service is 
 perfect freedom. 
 
 Own me for Thy servant, and I shall never have cause 
 to complain for ivant of that liherty which becomes a man, 
 a Christian, and a King. 
 
 Bless me still with reason as a man, icith religion as a 
 Christian, and with constancy injustice as a King. 
 
 Though Thou suffered me to he stript of all outward 
 ornaments, yet preserve me ever in those enjoyments wherein 
 I may enjoy Thyself, and which cannot he talcen from me 
 against my will. 
 
 Let no fire of affliction hoil over my 2^ff'^sio7i to any im- 
 patience or sordid fears. 
 
 There he many say of me, there is no help for me : do 
 Thou lift up the light of Thy countenance upon me, and I 
 shall never want safety, liherty, nor majesty. 
 
 Give me that measure of patience and constancy which 
 my condition now requires. 
 
 My strength is scattered, my expectation from men 
 
Upon their denying His Majesty, dx. 169 
 
 defeated, my person restrained : he not Tliou far from, 
 me, lest my enemies prevail too much against me. 
 
 I am become a ivonder and a scorn to many : he Thou 
 my helper and defender. 
 
 Shew some tohen upon me for good, that they that hate 
 me may he ashamed, hecause Thou, Lord, hast holpen and 
 comforted me. Establish me ivith Thy free spirit, that 
 I may do and suffer Thy ivill as Thou ivouldst have me. 
 
 Be merciful to me, Lord, for my soul trusteth in 
 Thee ; yea, and m the shadoiv of Thy ivings will I make 
 my refuge, until these calam,ities he overpast. 
 
 Arise to deliver me, mahe no long tarrying, my God. 
 Though Thou killest me, yet ivill I trust in Thy mercy 
 and my Saviour'' s merit. 
 
 I know that my Redeemer liveth: though Thou leadest 
 me through the vale and shadoiv of death, yet shall I fear 
 none ill. 
 
 XXIV. 
 
 Upon their denying His Majesty the Attend- 
 ance OF his Chaplains, viz., Dr. Juxon, Bishop 
 OF London ; Dr. Duppa, Bishop of Salisbury ; 
 Dr. Sheldon, Dr. Hammond, Dr. Holdsworth, 
 Dr. Sanderson, Dr. Turner, Dr. Heywood. 
 
 When Providence was pleased to deprive me of all 
 other civil comforts and secular attendants, I thought 
 the absence of them all might best be supplied by the 
 attendance of some of ray chaplains ; whom for their 
 function I reverence, and for their fidelity I have cause 
 
170 (^pon their denying His Majesty 
 
 to love. By their learning, piety, and prayers, I hoped 
 to be either better enabled to sustain the want of all 
 other enjoyments, or better fitted for the recovery and 
 use of them in God's good time : so reaping by their 
 pious help a spiritual harvest of grace, amidst the 
 thorns and after the ploughings of temporal crosses. 
 
 The truth is, I never needed or desired more the 
 service and assistance of men judiciously pious and 
 soberly devout. 
 
 The solitude they have confined me unto adds the 
 wilderness to my temptations : for the company they 
 obtrude upon me is more sad than any solitude can be. 
 
 If I had asked my revenues, my power of the militia, 
 or any one of my kingdoms, it had been no wonder to 
 have been denied in thosa things, where the evil policy 
 of men forbids all just restitution, lest they should 
 confess an injurious usurpation : but to deny me the 
 ghostly comfort of my chaplains, seems a greater rigour 
 and barbarity than is ever used by Christians to 
 the meanest prisoners and greatest malefactors ; whom 
 though the justice of the law deprives of worldly com- 
 forts, yet the mercy of religion allows them the benefit 
 of their clergy, as not aiming at once to destroy their 
 bodies and to damn their souls. 
 
 But my agony must not be relieved with the presence 
 of any one good angel ; for such I account a 
 learned, godly, and discreet divine : and such I would 
 have all mine to be. 
 
 They that envy my being a king, are loth I should 
 be a Christian : while they seek to deprive me of all 
 
the Attendance of his Chaplains. 171 
 
 things else, they are afraid I should save my soul. 
 
 Other sense charity itself can hardly pick out of those 
 many harsh repulses I received, as to that request so 
 often made for the attendance of some of my chaplains. 
 
 I have sometimes thought, the unchristianness of 
 those denials might arise from a displeasure some men 
 had to see me prefer my own divines before their 
 ministers : whom though I respect for that worth 
 and piety which may be in them ; yet I cannot think 
 them so proper for my present comforters or physicians, 
 who have (some of them at least) had so great an 
 influence in occasioning these calamities, and inflicting 
 these wounds upon me. 
 
 Nor are the soberest of them so apt for that devo- 
 tional compliance and juncture of hearts, which I 
 desire to bear in those holy offices to be performed 
 with me and for me ; since their judgments standing 
 at a distance from me, or in jealousy of me, or in 
 opposition against me, their spirits cannot so harmon- 
 iously accord with mine, or mine with theirs, either in 
 prayer or other holy duties, as is meet and most com- 
 fortable ; whose golden rule and bond of perfection 
 consists in that of mutual love and charit}'. 
 
 Some remedies are worse than the disease, and some 
 comforters more miserable than misery itself; when, 
 like Job's friends, they seek not to fortify one's mind 
 with patience, but persuade a man, by betraying his 
 own innocency, to despair of God's mercy ; and by 
 justifying their injuries, to strengthen the hands and 
 harden the hearts of insolent enemies. 
 
172 Upon their denying His Majesty 
 
 I am so mucli a friend to all Churchmen that have 
 anything in them beseeming that sacred function, that 
 I have hazarded my own interest chiefly upon conscience 
 and constancy to maintain their rights : whom the 
 more I looked upon as orphans, and under the sacri- 
 legious eyes of many cruel and rapacious reform- 
 ers, the more I thought it my duty to appear as 
 a father and a patron lor them and the Church. 
 Although I am very unhandsomely requited by some 
 of them, who may live to repent no less for my suffer- 
 ings than their own ungrateful errors, and that injurious 
 contempt and meanness which they have brought upon 
 their calling and persons. 
 
 I pity all of them, I despise none : only I thought I 
 might have leave to make choice of some for my 
 special attendants, who were best approved in my 
 judgment, and most suitable to my affection. For I 
 held it better to seem undevout, and to hear no men's 
 prayers, than to be forced, or seem to comply with 
 those petitions to which the heart cannot consent, nor 
 the tongue say Amen, without contradicting a man's 
 own understanding, or belying his own soul. 
 
 In devotions I love neither profane boldness, nor 
 pious nonsense ; but such an humble and judicious 
 gravity, as shews the speaker to be at once considerate 
 of God's majesty, the Church's honour, and his own 
 vileness ; both knowing what things God allows him to 
 ask, and in what manner it becomes a sinner to suppli- 
 cate the divine mercy for himself and others. 
 
 I am equally scandalized with all prayers that sound 
 
the attendance of his Chcqjlains. 173 
 
 either imperiously, or rudely, or passionately ; as either 
 wanting humility to God, or charity to men, or respect 
 to the duty. 
 
 I confess I am better pleased, as with studied and 
 premeditated sermons, so with such public forms of 
 prayer as are fitted to the Church's and every Christian's 
 daily and common necessities ; because I am by them 
 better assured what I may join my heart unto, than I 
 can be of any man's extemporary sufficiency ; which as 
 I do not wholly exclude from public occasions, so I 
 allow its just liberty and use in private and devout 
 retirements, where neither the solemnity of the duty, 
 nor the modest regard to others, do require so great 
 exactness as to the outward manner of performance. 
 Though the light of understanding and the fervency of 
 afi'ection, I hold the main and most necessary requisites 
 both in constant and occasional, solitary and social 
 devotions. 
 
 So that I must needs seem to all equal minds, with 
 as much reason to prefer the service of my own chap- 
 lains before that of their ministers, as I do the Liturgy 
 before their Directory. 
 
 In the one I have been always educated and exercised, 
 in the other I am not yet catechised nor acquainted : 
 and if I were, yet should I not by that, as by any 
 certain rule and canon of devotion, be able to follow 
 or find out the indirect extravagancies of most of those 
 men who highly cry up as a piece of rare composure 
 and use, which is already as much despised as disused 
 by many of them, as the Common Prayer sometimes 
 
174 Upo7i their denying His Majesty 
 
 was by those men, a great part of whose piety bung 
 upon that popular pin of railing against and contemning 
 the government and Liturgy of this Church. But I 
 ha(l rather be condemned to the woe of V(B soU^ than 
 to that of Vm volis, Hypocrita, by seeming to pray 
 what I do not approve. 
 
 It may be, I am esteemed by my deniers sufficient of 
 myself to discharge my duty to God as a priest, though 
 not to men as a prince. 
 
 Indeed I think both offices, regal and sacerdotal, 
 might well become the same person ; as anciently they 
 were under one name, and the united rights of 
 primogeniture: nor could I follow better precendents, 
 if I were able, than those two eminent kings, David 
 and Solomon ; not more famous for their sceptres and 
 crown, than one was for devout psalms and prayers, 
 the other for his divine parables and preaching: 
 whence the one merited and assumed the name of a 
 prophet, the other of a preacher. Titles indeed of 
 greater honour, where rightly placed, than any of those 
 the Roman emperors affected from the nations they 
 subdued ; it being infinitely more glorious to convert 
 souls to God's Church by the Word, than to conquer 
 men to a subjection by the sword. 
 
 Yet since the order of God's wisdom and providence 
 hath, for the most part, always distinguished the gifts 
 and offices of kings and priests, of princes and preachers, 
 both in the Jewish and Christian Churches ; I am sorry 
 to find myself reduced to the necessity of being both, 
 or enjoying neither. 
 
tlie Attendance of his Chaplains. 175 
 
 For such as seek to deprive rae of my kingly power 
 and sovereignty, would no less enforce me to live 
 many months without ail prayers, sacraments and ser- 
 mons, unless I become my own chaplain. 
 
 As I owe the clergy the protection of a Christian 
 king, so I desire to enjoy from them the benefit of 
 their gifts and prayers ; which I look upon as more 
 prevalent than my own or other men's, by how much 
 they flow from minds more enlightened and affections 
 less distracted than those which are encumbered with 
 secular affairs : besides, I think a greater blessing and 
 acceptableness attends those duties, which are rightly 
 performed, as proper to and within the limits of that 
 calling to which God and the Church have specially 
 designed and consecrated some men. And, however, 
 as to that spiritual government by which the devout 
 soul is subject to Christ, and through His merits daily 
 offers itself and its services to God, every private 
 believer is a king and a priest, invested with the honour 
 of a royal priesthood ; 5'et as to ecclesiastical order, and 
 the outward polity of the Church, I think confusion in 
 religion will as certainly follow every man's turning 
 priest or preacher, as it will in the State where every 
 one affects to rule as king. 
 
 I was always bred to more modest, and, I think, 
 more pious principles : the consciousness to my 
 spiritual defects makes me more prize and desire those 
 pious assistances which holy and good ministers, 
 either bishops or presbyters, may afford me ; especially 
 in these extremities to which God hath been pleased to 
 
176 Upon their denying His Majesty 
 
 suffer some of my subjects to reduce me so as to leave 
 them nothing more but my life to take from me ; and to 
 leave me nothing to desire, which I thought might less 
 provoke their jealousy and offence to deny me, than 
 this, of having some means afforded me for my soul's 
 comfort and support. 
 
 To which end I made choice of men, as no way 
 (that I know) scandalous, so every way eminent for 
 their learning and piety, no less than for their loyalty : 
 nor can I imagine any exceptions to be made against 
 them, but only this, that they may seem too able, and 
 too well affected toward me and my service. 
 
 But this is not the first service (as I count it the best) 
 in which they have forced me to serve myself : though 
 I must confess, I bear with more grief and impatience 
 the want of my chaplains than of any other my servants, 
 and next, if not beyond in some things, to the being 
 sequestered from my wife and 'children ; since from 
 these indeed more of human and temporary affections, 
 but from those more of heavenly and eternal improve- 
 ments, may be expected. 
 
 My comfort is, that in the enforced, not neglected 
 want of ordinary means, God is wont to afford extra- 
 ordinary supplies of His gifts and graces. 
 
 If His Spirit will teach me, and help my infirmities 
 in prayer, reading and meditation, as I hope He will, 
 I shall need no other either orator or instructor. 
 
 To Thee, therefore, my God, do I direct my now 
 solitary prayers : what I ivant of others' help, supply with 
 
the attendance of His Chajilains. Ill 
 
 the more immediate assistances of Thy Spirit, which 
 alone can loth enlighten my da^rhness and qicichen my 
 dulness. 
 
 Thou Sim of Righteousness, Thou sacred Fountain 
 of hea/venly light and heat, at once clear and ivarm my 
 heart, both hy instructing of me and interceding for me. 
 In Thee is all fulness, from Thee is all sufficiency, hy 
 Thee is all acceptance. Thou art company enough, and 
 comfort enough : Thou art my King, he also my Prophet 
 and my Priest. Rule me, teach me, pray in me, for me, 
 and he Thou, ever loith me. 
 
 The single ivrestlings of Jacoh prevailed ivith Thee in that 
 sacred duel, when he had none to second him hut Thyself, 
 who didst assist him with power to overcome Thee, and 
 hy a ivelcome violence to wrest a blessing from Thee. 
 
 looh on me, Thy servant, in infinite mercy, whom 
 Thou didst once hless with the joint and sociated devotions 
 of others, whose fervency might inflame the coldness of my 
 affections toivards Thee, ivhen we went to or met in Thy 
 house with the voice of joy and gladness, worshipping 
 Thee in the unity of spirits, and with the hond of peace. 
 
 forgive the neglect and not improving of those happy 
 opportunities. 
 
 It is now Thy pleasure that I should he as a pelican in 
 the ivilderness, as a sparrow on the house-top, and as a 
 coal scattered from all those pious gloivings and devout 
 reflections which might hest kindle, preserve, and increase 
 the holy fire of Thy graces on the altar of my heart, 
 whence the sacrifice of prayers and the incense of praises 
 might he duly offered up to Thee. 
 
178 Upon their denying His Majesty 
 
 Yet, Tliou that hreahest not the hruised reed nor 
 quenchest the smohing flax, do not desiyise the iveahiess of 
 mij prayers nor the smotherings of my soul in this uncom- 
 fortable loneliness, to tvhich 1 am constrained hy some 
 men's uncharitable denials of those helps ivhich I much 
 want and no less desire. 
 
 let the hardness of their hearts occasion the soften- 
 ings of mine to Thee and for them. Let their hatred 
 hiyidle my love ; let their unreasonable denials of my re- 
 ligious dssires the more excite my prayers to Thee ; let 
 their inexorable deafness incline Thine ear to me, who art 
 a God easy to be intreated : Thine ear is not heavy that 
 it cannot, nor Thy heart hard, that it ivill not hear ; nor 
 Thy hand shortened, that it cannot help me Thy desolate 
 suppliant. 
 
 Thou permittest men to deprive me of those outicard 
 means which Thou hast appointed in Thy Church, but 
 they cannot debar me from the communion of that inward 
 grace which Thou alone breathest into humhle hearts. 
 
 make me such, and Thou icilt teach me. Thou ivilt 
 hear me. Thou wilt help me : the brohen and contrite 
 heart, I know. Thou ivilt not despise. 
 
 Thou, Lord, canst at once make me Thy temple, 
 Thy priest. Thy sacrifice, and Thine altar ; while from 
 an humble heart I (alone) daily offer up in holy medita- 
 tations, fervent prayers, and unfeigned tears myself to Thee, 
 who preparest me for Thee, dwellest in me, and acceptest 
 of me. 
 
 Thou, Lord, didst catise by secret supplies and 
 miraculous infusions that the handful of meal in the 
 
the attendance of Jiis Chaplains. 179 
 
 vessel should not spend, nor the little oil in the cruse fail 
 the tvidoiv during the time of drought and dearth. 
 
 looh on my soul, which, as a widow, is noiv desolate 
 and forsahen : let not those saving truths I have formerly 
 learned now fail my memory, nor the sioeet effusions of 
 Thy Spirit, which I ha/oe sometime felt, now he wanting 
 to my heart in this famine of ordinary and wholesome 
 food, for the refreshing of my soul. 
 
 Which yet I had rather choose, than to feed from 
 those hands ivho mingle my bread tvith ashes and my 
 wine ivith gall, rather tormenting than teaching me, 
 ivhose mouths are proner to hitter reproaches of me than 
 to hearty prayers for me. 
 
 Thou hiowest, [0 Lord of truth, how oft they ivrest 
 Thy Holy Scriptures to my destruction, (which are clear 
 for their subjection and my preservation) ; let it not he 
 to their damnation. 
 
 Thou Jcnoivest hoiv some men, under colour of long 
 prayers, have sought to devour the houses of their hreth/ren, 
 their King, and their God. 
 
 let not those menh halms hreak my head, nor their 
 cordials oppress my heart : I will evermore pray against 
 their wickedness. 
 
 From the p)oison under their tongues, from the snares 
 of their lips, from the fire and the swords of their words, 
 ever deliver me, Lord, and all those loyal and religious 
 hearts tcho desire and delight in the prosperity of my soul, 
 and who seek hy their prayers to relieve this sadtiess and 
 solitude of Thy servant, my King and my God. 
 
180 Penitential Meditations and Vows 
 
 XXV. 
 
 Penitential Meditations and Vows in the 
 King's Solitude at Holdenby. 
 
 Give ear to my words, Lord, consider my medita- 
 tion, and hearhen to the voice of my cry, my King and 
 my God, for unto Thee will I pray. 
 
 I said in mine haste, I am cast out of the sight of 
 Thine eyes ; nevertheless Thou hearest the voice of my 
 supplication when I cry unto Thee. 
 
 If Thou, Lord, shouldst he extreme to mark ivhat is 
 done amiss, who can alide it ? But there is mercy with 
 Thee, that Thou may est he feared ; therefore shall sinners 
 fly tmto Thee. 
 
 I acknowledge my sins hefore Thee, which have the 
 aggravation of my condition, the eminency of my place 
 adding lueight to my offence. 
 
 Forgive, I beseech Thee, my personal and my people's 
 sins, which are so far mine, as I ham not improved the 
 poiver Thou gavest me to Thy glory and my subjects' 
 good. Thou hast now brought me from the glory and 
 freedom of a hiyig to be a prisoner to my oion subjects; 
 justly, Lord, as to Thy overruling hand, because in 
 many things I have rebelled against Thee. 
 
 Though Thou hast restrained my person, yet enlarge my 
 heart to Thee, and Thy grace towards me. 
 
 I come far short of David's piety ; yet since I may 
 equal David's afflictions, give me also the comforts and 
 sure mercies of David. 
 
ill the Kincfs Solitude at Holdenhy. 181 
 
 Let the penitent sense I have of my sins he an evidence 
 to me that Thou hast pardoned them. 
 
 Let not the evils which L and my kingdoms have suffered 
 seem little unto Thee, though Thou hast not puyiished us 
 according to our sins. 
 
 Turn Thee, Lord, unto me: have mercy upon me, 
 for T am desolate and afflicted. 
 
 The sorrows of my heart are enlarged : hring Thou 
 me out of my troubles. 
 
 Hast Thou forgotten to he gracious, and shut up Thy 
 loving -kindness in displeasure ? 
 
 remeniber Thy compassions of old, and Thy loving- 
 kindnesses ivhich have been for many geyierations. 
 
 T had utterly fainted, if I had not believed to see Thy 
 goodness in the land of the living. 
 
 Let not the sins of our prosperity deprive us of the 
 benefit of Thy afflictions. 
 
 Let this fiery trial consume the dross which in long 
 peace and plenty ive had contracted. 
 
 Though Thou continuest miseries, yet loithdraw not 
 Thy grace : tvhat is ivanting of prosperity make up in 
 patience and repentance. 
 
 And if Thy anger be not yet to be turned aivay, hit Thy 
 hand of justice must be stretched out still, let it, I beseech 
 Thee, be against me and my father^ s house : as for these 
 sheep, what have they done ? 
 
 Let my sufferings satiate the malice of mine and Thy 
 ChurcNs enemies. 
 
 But let their cruelty never exceed the measure of my 
 charity. 
 
182 Penitential Meditations and V( 
 
 Banish from me all thoughts of revenge, that I may not 
 lose the reward, nor Thou the glory of my patience. 
 
 As Thou givest me a heart to forgive them, so I beseech 
 Thee do Thou forgive ivhat they have done against Thee 
 and me. 
 
 And now, Lord, as Thou heist given me an heart to 
 pray unto Thee, so hear and accept this vow ivhich I mahe 
 before Thee. 
 
 If Thou wilt in mercy remember me and my kingdoms 
 in continuing the light of Thy Gospel, and settling Thy 
 true religion among us ; 
 
 In restoring to us the benefit of the laws and the clue 
 execution of justice ; 
 
 In suppressing the many schisms in Church and factions 
 in State: 
 
 If Thou wilt restore me and mine to the ancient rights 
 and glory of my predecessors : 
 
 If Thou wilt turn the hearts of my people to Thyself in 
 piety, to one in loyalty, and to one another in charity : 
 
 If Thou ivilt quench the ficimes and luithdraw the fuel 
 of these civil tears : 
 
 If Thou tvilt bless us tvith the freedom of public counsels, 
 and deliver the honour of Farliaments from the insolency of 
 the vulgar : 
 
 If Thou tvilt heep me from the great offence of enacting 
 anything against my conscience, and especially from con- 
 senting to sacrilegious rapines and spoilings of Thy 
 Church : 
 
 If Thou tvilt restore me to a capacity to glorify Thee 
 in doing good both to the Church and State ; 
 
in the Kiuf/s Solitude at Holdenhy. 183 
 
 Then shall my soul praise Thee, and magnify Thy Name 
 before my people : 
 
 Then shall Thy glory he dearer to me than my croivns, 
 and the advancement of true religion both in purity and 
 poiver be my chief est care : 
 
 Then ivill I rule my people loith justice, and my king- 
 doms ivith equity. 
 
 To Thy more immediate hand shall I ever oive, as the 
 rightful succession, so the tnercful restoration of my Mng- 
 doms, and the glory of them. 
 
 If Thou ivilt bring me again with peace, safety, and 
 honour, to my chiefest city and my Parliament : 
 
 If Thou ivilt again put the sword of justice into my 
 hand, to punish and protect : 
 
 Then tvill I maize all the loorld to see, and my very 
 enemies to enjoy, the benefit of this voio and resolution 
 of Christian charity ivhich I now make unto Thee, 
 Lord. 
 
 As I do freely pa/r don, for Chrisfs sake, those that have 
 offended me in any kind, so my hand shall never be against 
 any man, to revenge what is past, in regard of any particu- 
 lar injury done unto me. 
 
 We have been mutually punished in our unnatural 
 divisions ; for Thy sake, Lord, and for the love of my 
 Redeemer, have I purposed this in my heart, that I will 
 use all means in the ways of amnesty and indemnity ivhich 
 may most fully remove all fears and bury all jealousies in 
 for getf illness. 
 
 Let Thy mercies be toivard me and mine, as my resolu- 
 tions of truth and peace are toivard my people. 
 
184 Upon the Army's Surprisal 
 
 Hear my prayer, Lord, which goetli not out of feigned 
 
 he God, loho hath not turned aivay my prayer 
 nor taken His mercy from me. 
 
 my soul, commit thy ivay to the Lord ; trust in Him, 
 and He shall hring it to pass. 
 
 But if Thou wilt not restore me and mine, ichat am I 
 that I should charge Thee foolishly ? 
 
 Thou, Lord, hast given, and Thou hast taken ; llessed 
 he Thy Name. 
 
 May my people and Thy Church he happy, if not ly me, 
 yet without me. 
 
 XXVI. 
 
 Upon the Akmy's Sukpkisal of the King at Hol- 
 denby, and the ensuing distractions in the 
 TWO Houses, the Army and the City. 
 
 What part God will have me now to act or suffer 
 in this new and strange scene of affairs I am not much 
 solicitous. Some little practice will serve that man 
 who only seeks to represent a part of honesty and 
 honour. 
 
 This surprise of me tells the world that a king can- 
 not be so low but he is considerable, adding weight to 
 that party where he appears. 
 
 This motion, like others of the times, seems eccentric 
 and irregular, yet not well to be resisted or quieted : 
 better swim down such a stream; than in vain to 
 strive against it. 
 
of the King at Holdenby. 185 
 
 These are but the strugglings of those twins which 
 lately one womb enclosed, the younger striving to 
 prevail against the elder ; what the Presbyterians have 
 hunted after, the Independents now seek to catch for 
 themselves. 
 
 So impossible it is for lines to be drawn from the 
 centre, and not to divide from each other so much the 
 wider, by how much they go farther from the point of 
 Union. 
 
 That the builders of Babel should from division fall 
 to confusion, is no wonder ; but for those that pretend 
 to build Jerusalem, to divide their tongues and hands, 
 is but an ill omen, and sounds too like the fury of 
 those zealots whose intestine bitterness and divisions 
 were the greatest occasion of the last fatal destruction 
 of that city. 
 
 Well may I change my keepers and prison, but not 
 my captive condition ; only with this hope of bettering, 
 that those who are so much professed patrons for the 
 people's liberties cannot be utterly against the liberty 
 of their King. What they demand for their own con- 
 sciences, they cannot in reason deny to mine. 
 
 In this they seem more ingenuous than the Presby- 
 terian rigour, who sometimes complaining of exacting 
 their conformity to laws, are become the greatest 
 exactors of other men's submission to their novel 
 injunctions before they are stamped with the authority 
 of laws, which they cannot well have without my 
 consent. 
 
 It is a great argument that the Independents think 
 
186 Upon the Arimfs Surprised 
 
 themselves manumitted from their rivals' service, in 
 that they carry on a business of such consequence as 
 the assuming my person into the Army's custody, 
 without any commission but that of their own will and 
 power. Such as will thus adventure on a King 
 must not be thought over-modest or timorous to carry 
 on any design they have a mind to. 
 
 Their next motion menaces and scares both the two 
 Houses and the City, which soon after acting over 
 again that former part or tumultuary motions (never 
 questioned, punished, or repented), must now sufier 
 for both, and see their former sin in the glass of the 
 present terrors and distractions. 
 
 No man is so blind as not to see herein the hand of 
 Divine justice : they that by tumults first occasioned 
 the raising of armies, must now be chastened by their 
 own army for new tumults. 
 
 So hardly can men be content with one sin, but 
 add sin to sin, till the latter punish the former. Such 
 as were content to see me and many members of both 
 Houses driven away by the first unsuppressed tumults, 
 are now forced to fly to an army, or defend themselves 
 against them. 
 
 But who can unfold the riddle of some men's justice ? 
 The members of both Houses who at first withdrew (as 
 myself was forced to do) from the rudeness of the 
 tumults, were counted deserters, and outed of their 
 places in Parliament ; such as stayed then, and 
 enjoyed the benefit of the tumults, were asserted for 
 the only Parliament-men. Now the fliers from and 
 
of the King at Holdenby. 187 
 
 forsakers of their places carry the Parliamentary power 
 along with them, complain highly against the tumults, 
 and vindicate themselves by an army ; such as remained 
 and kept their stations are looked upon as abettors of 
 tumultuary insolencies, and betrayers of the freedom 
 and honour of Parliament. 
 
 Thus is power above all rule, order, and law ; where 
 men look more to present advantages than their con- 
 sciences, and the unchangeable rules of justice : while 
 they are judges of others, they are forced to condemn 
 themselves. 
 
 Now the plea against tumults holds good, the authors 
 and abettors of them are guilty of prodigious inso- 
 lencies, whenas before they were counted as friends 
 and necessary assistants. 
 
 I see vengeance pursues and overtakes (as the mice 
 and rats are said to have done a bishop in Germany) 
 them that thought to have escaped, and fortified them- 
 selves most impregnably against it, both by their 
 multitude and compliance. 
 
 Whom the laws cannot, God will punish by their 
 own crimes and hands. 
 
 I cannot but observe this Divine justice, yet with 
 sorrow and pity; for I always wished so well to 
 Parliament and City, that I was sorry to see them do 
 or suffer anything unworthy such great and considerable 
 bodies in this kingdom. 
 
 I was glad to see them only scared and humbled, 
 not broken by that shaking. I never had so ill a 
 thought of those cities as to despair of their loyalty to 
 
188 Upon the Armifs Surprised 
 
 me, which mistakes might ecHpse, but I never believed 
 malice had quite put out. 
 
 I pray God the storm be yet wholly passed over 
 them ; upon whom I look, as Christ did sometime over 
 Jerusalem, as objects of my prayers and tears, with 
 compassionate grief, foreseeing those severer scatterings 
 which will certainly befall such as wantonly refuse to be 
 gathered to their duty : fatal blindness frequently 
 attending and punishing wilfulness, so that men shall 
 not be able at last to prevent their sorrows who would 
 not timely repent of their sins ; nor shall they be suffered 
 to enjoy the comforts who securely neglect the coun- 
 sels belonging to their peace. They will find that 
 brethren in iniquity are not far from becoming insolent 
 enemies, there being nothing harder than to keep ill 
 men long in one mind. 
 
 Nor is it possible to gain a fair period for those 
 motions, which go rather in a round and circle of fancy 
 than in a right line of reason tending to the law, the only 
 centre of public consistency, whither I pray God at 
 last bring all sides. 
 
 Which will easily be done, when w^e shall fully see 
 how much more happy we are to be subject to the 
 known laws than to the various wills of any men, seem 
 they never so plausible at first. 
 
 Vulgar compliance with any illegal and extravagant 
 ways, like violent motions in nature, soon grows w^eary 
 of itself, and ends in a refractory sullenness : people's 
 rebounds are often in their faces who first put them 
 upon those violent strokes. 
 
of the King at Holdenhy. 189 
 
 For the Army (which is so far excusable as they 
 act according to soldiers' principles and interests, de- 
 manding pay and indemnity), I think it necessary, in 
 order to the public peace, that they should be satisfied 
 as far as is just, no man being more prone to consider 
 them than myself. Though they have fought against me, 
 yet I cannot but so far esteem that valour and gallantry 
 they have sometime shewed, as to wish I may never 
 want such men to maintain myself, my laws, and my 
 kingdoms in such a peace as wherein they may enjoy 
 their share and proportion as much as any men. 
 
 But Thou, Lord, ivho art perfect unity in a mcred 
 Trinity, in mercy hehold those whom Thy justice hath 
 divided. 
 
 Deliver me from the strivings of my ^jeople, and make 
 me to see how much they need my prayers and pity, ivho 
 agreed to fight against me, and yet are noiv ready to fight 
 against one another, to the continuance of my kingdom^ s 
 distractions. 
 
 Discover to all sides the ways of peace from which they 
 have swerved, which consists not in the divided wills of 
 parties, hut in the joint and due observation of the laws. 
 
 Mahe me willing to go whither Thou loilt lead me hy 
 Thy providence ; and he Thou ever ivith me, that I may 
 see Thy constancy in the world'' s variety and changes. 
 
 Maize me even such as thou wouldst have me, that I 
 may at last enjoy that safety and tranquility ivhich Thou 
 alone canst give me. 
 
 Bivert, I pray Thee, Lord, Thy heavy wrath justly 
 
190 Upon the Armys Surprisal of the £ing, dc. 
 
 hanging over those populous cities, whose plenty is prone 
 to add fuel to their luxury, their wealth to mahe them 
 10 anion, their multitudes tempting them to security, and 
 their security exposing them to unexpected miseries. 
 
 Give them eyes to see, hearts to consider, tcills to 
 embrace, and courage to act those things which lelong to 
 Thy glory and the public peace, lest their calamity come 
 upon them as an armed man. 
 
 Teach them, that they cannot icant enemies icho ahound 
 in sin, nor shall they be long undisarmed and undestroyed 
 loho ivith a high hand persisting to fight against Thee 
 and the clear convictions of their own consciences, fight 
 more against themselves than ever they did against me. 
 
 Their sins exposing them to Thy justice, their riches to 
 others' injuries, their number to tumults, and their tumults 
 to confusion. 
 
 Though they have with much forwardness helped to 
 destroy me, yet let not my fall be their ruin. 
 
 Let me not so much consider either tvhat they have done 
 or I have suffered [chiefly at first by them) as to forget 
 to imitate my crucified Redeemer, to plead their ignorance 
 for their pardon ; and in my dying extremities to pray to 
 Thee, Father, to forgive them, for they hieiv not what 
 they did. 
 
 The tears they have denied me in my saddest condition, 
 give them grace to bestow iipon themselves ; who the less they 
 weep for me, the more cause they have to weep) for themselves. 
 let not my blood be iipon them and their children, 
 whom the fraud and faction of some, not the malice of all, 
 have excited to crucify me. 
 
To the Prince of Wales. 191 
 
 But TJiou, Lord, canst and wilt {as Thou didst my 
 
 Redeemer) both exalt and iwrfect me hj my sufferings, 
 
 loliicli have more in them of Thy mercy than of man''s 
 cruelty or Thy own justice. 
 
 XXVII. 
 To THE Peince of Wales. 
 
 Son, if these papers, with some others wherein I 
 have set down the private reflections of my conscience 
 and my most impartial thoughts touching the chief 
 passages which have been most remarkable or disputed 
 in my late troubles, come to your hands, to whom they 
 are chiefly designed, they may be so far useful to you 
 as to state your judgment aright in what hath passed ; 
 whereof a pious is the best use can be made ; and 
 they may also give you some directions how to remedy 
 the present distempers, and prevent, if God will, the 
 like for time to come. 
 
 It is some kind of deceiving and lessening the injury 
 of my long restraint when I find my leisure and solitude 
 have produced something worthy of myself and useful 
 to you ; that neither you nor any other may hereafter 
 measure my cause by the success, nor my judgment of 
 things by my misfortunes ; which I count the greater 
 by far because they have so far lighted upon you and 
 some others whom I have most cause to love, as well 
 as myself, and of whose unmerited sufterings I have a 
 greater sense than of mine own. 
 
 But this advantage of wisdom you have above most 
 
192 To the Prince of Wales. 
 
 princes, that you have begun and now spent some 
 j^ears of discretion in the experience of troubles and 
 exercise of patience ; wherein piety and all virtues, 
 both moral and political, are commonly better planted 
 to a thriving, as trees set in winter, than in the warmth 
 and serenity of times, or amidst those deHghts which 
 usually attend princes' courts in times of peace and 
 plenty ; which are prone either to root up all plants of 
 true virtue and honour, or to be (3ontented only with 
 some leaves and withering formalities of them, without 
 any real fruits such as tend to the public good, for 
 which princes should always remember they are born 
 and by providence designed. 
 
 The evidence of which different education the Holy 
 Writ affords us in the contemplation of David and 
 Rehoboam, the one prepared by many afflictions for a 
 flourishing kingdom, the other softened by the unpa- 
 ralleled prosperity of Solomon's court, and so corrupted 
 to the great diminution both for peace, honour, and 
 kingdom, by those flatteries which are as inseparable 
 from prosperous princes as flies are from fruit in 
 summer, whom adversity, like cold weather, drives away. 
 
 I had rather you should be Charles le Bon than 
 le Grand, 'good' than 'great." I hope God hath 
 designed you to be both, having so early put you into 
 the exercise of His graces and gifts bestowed upon you, 
 which may best weed out all vicious inclinations and 
 dispose you to those princely endowments and employ- 
 ments which may best gain the love and intend the 
 welfare of those over whom God shall place you. 
 
To the Prince of Wales. 193 
 
 With God I would have you begin and end, who is 
 King of kings, the Sovereign Disposer of the king- 
 doms of the world, who pulleth down one and setteth 
 up another. 
 
 The best government and highest sovereignty you 
 can attain to is to be subject to Him, that the sceptre 
 of His Word and Spirit may rule in your heart. 
 
 The true glory of princes consists in advancing God's 
 glory, in the maintenance of true religion and the 
 Church's good, also in the dispensation of civil power 
 with justice and honour to the public peace. 
 
 Piety will make you prosperous, at least it will keep 
 you from being miserable ; nor is he much a loser that 
 loseth all, yet saveth his own soul at last. 
 
 To which centre of true happiness God, I trust, hath 
 and will graciously direct all these black lines of 
 affliction which He hath been pleased to draw on me, 
 and by which He hath, I hope, drawn me nearer to 
 Himself. You have already tasted of that cup whereof 
 I have liberally drunk, which I look upon as God's 
 physic, having that in healthfulness what it wants in 
 pleasure. 
 
 Above all I would have you, as I hope you are 
 already, well grounded and settled in your religion, the 
 best profession of which I have ever esteemed that of 
 the Church of England, in which you have been edu- 
 cated ; yet I would have your own judgment and reason 
 now seal to that sacred bond which education hath 
 written, that it may be judiciously your own religion, and 
 not other men's custom or tradition which you profess. 
 
194 To the Prince of Wales. 
 
 In this I charge you to persevere, as coming nearest 
 to God's word for doctrine and to the primitive 
 examples for government, with some little amendment, 
 which I have otherwise expressed and often offered, 
 though in vain. Your fixation in matters of religion will 
 not be more necessary for your soul's than your king- 
 doms' peace, when God shall bring you to them. 
 
 For I have observed that the devil of rebeUion doth 
 commonly ^turn himself into an angel of reformation, 
 and the old serpent can pretend new lights. When some 
 men's consciences accuse them for sedition and faction, 
 they stop its mouth with the name and noise of re- 
 ligion ; when piety pleads for peace and patience, they 
 cry out zeal. 
 
 So that unless in this point you be well settled, you 
 shall never want temptations to destroy you and yours, 
 under pretensions of reforming matters ot religion, for 
 that seems, even to the worst of men, as the best and 
 most auspicious beginning of their worst designs. 
 
 Where besides the novelty, which is taking enough 
 with the vulgar, every one hath an affectation, by 
 seeming forward to an outward reformation of religion, 
 to be thought zealous ; hoping to cover those irrehgious 
 deformities whereto they are conscious by a severity of 
 censuring other men's opinions or actions. 
 
 Take heed of abetting any factions, or applying to 
 any public discriminations in matters of religion, con- 
 trary to what is in your judgment and the Church well 
 settled. Your partial adhering, as head, to any one 
 side, gains you not so great advantages in some men's 
 
To the Prince of Wales. 195 
 
 hearts (who are prone to be of their king's rehgion) as 
 it loseth you in others, who think themselves and their 
 profession first despised, then persecuted by you. 
 Take such a course as may either with calmness and 
 charity quite remove the seeming differences and 
 offences by impartiality, or so order affairs in point of 
 power that you shall not need to fear or flatter any 
 faction. For if ever you stand in need of them, or 
 must stand to their courtesy, you are undone : the 
 serpent will devour the dove. You may never expect 
 less of loyalty, justice, or humanity, than from those 
 who engage into religious rebellion ; their interest is 
 always made God's ; under the colours of piety ambi- 
 tious policies march, not only with greatest security, 
 but applause as to the populacy : you may hear from 
 them Jacob's voice, but you shall feel they have Esau's 
 hands. 
 
 Nothing seemed less considerable than the Presby- 
 terian faction in England for many years, so compliant 
 they were to public order ; nor, indeed, was their 
 party great either in Church or State as to men's judg- 
 ments. But as soon as discontents drove men into 
 sidings, as ill humours fall to the disaffected part, 
 which causeth inflammations, so did all at first who 
 affected any novelties adhere to that side, as the most 
 remarkable and specious note of difference then in 
 point of religion. 
 
 All the lesser factions at first were officious servants 
 to Presbytery, their great master, till time and military 
 success, discovering to each their pecuhar advantages, 
 
196 To the Prince of Wales. 
 
 invited them to part stakes, and leaving the joint-stock 
 of uniform religion, pretended each to drive for their 
 party the trade of profits and preferments, to the 
 breaking and undoing not only of the Church and 
 State, but even of Presbytery itself, which seemed and 
 hoped at first to have engrossed all. 
 
 Let nothing seem little or despicable to you in 
 matters which concern religion and the Church's 
 peace, so as to neglect a speedy reforming and effectual 
 suppressing errors and schisms which seem at first but 
 as a hand-breadth, yet by seditious spirits as by strong 
 winds, are soon made to darken and cover the whole 
 heaven. 
 
 When you have done justice to God, your own soul, 
 and His Church, in the profession and preservation 
 both of truth and unity in religion, the next main hinge 
 on which your prosperity will depend and move is that 
 of civil justice, wherein the settled laws of these king- 
 doms, to which you are rightly heir, are the most ex- 
 cellent rules you can govern by ; which, by an 
 admirable temperament,, gives very much to subjects' 
 industry, liberty, and happiness, and yet reserve 
 enough to the majesty and prerogative of any king 
 who owns his people as subjects, not as slaves ; whose 
 subjection, as it preserves their property, peace, and 
 safety, so it will never diminish your rights nor their 
 ingenuous liberties, which consist in the enjoyment of 
 the fruits of their industry and the benefit of those 
 laws to which themselves have consented. 
 
 Never charge your head with such a crown as shall 
 
To the Prince of Wales. 197 
 
 by its heaviness oppress the whole body ; the weakness 
 of whose parts cannot return anything of strength, 
 honour, or safety to the head, but a necessary debili- 
 tation and ruin. 
 
 Your prerogative is best shewed and exercised in 
 remitting rather than exacting the rigour of the laws, 
 there being nothing worse than legal tyranny. 
 
 In these two points, the preservation of established 
 religion and laws, I may, without vanity, turn the 
 reproach of my sufferings, as to the world's censure, 
 into the honour of a kind of martyrdom, as to the 
 testimony of my own conscience ; the troublers of my 
 kingdoms have nothing else to object against me but 
 this, that I prefer religion and laws estabHshed before 
 those alterations they propounded. 
 
 And so, indeed, I do and ever shall, till I am 
 convinced by better arguments than what hitherto have 
 been chiefly used towards me, — tumults, armies, and 
 prisons. 
 
 I cannot yet learn that lesson, nor I hope ever will 
 you, that it is safe for a king to gratify any faction with 
 the perturbation of the laws, in which is wrapped up 
 the public interest and the good of the community. 
 
 How God will deal with me as to the removal of 
 these pressures and indignities which His justice by 
 the very unjust hands of some of my subjects hath 
 been pleased to lay upon me, I cannot tell ; nor am I 
 much solicitous what wrong I suffer from men, while I 
 retain in my soul what I believe, is right before God. 
 
 I have offered all for reformation and safety, that 
 
198 To the Prince of Wales. 
 
 in reason, honour, and conscience I 'can, reserving only 
 what I cannot consent unto without an irreparable injury 
 to my own soul, the Church, and my people, and to you 
 also, as the next and undoubted heir of my kingdoms. 
 
 To which if the Divine Providence, to whom no diffi- 
 culties are insuperable, shall in His due time after my 
 decease bring you, as I hope He will, my counsel and 
 charge to you is, that you seriously consider the 
 former real or objected miscarriages which might 
 occasion my troubles, that you may avoid them. 
 
 Never repose so much upon any man's single 
 counsel, fidelity, and discretion in managing affairs of 
 the first magnitude (that is, matters of religion and 
 justice) as to create in yourself or others a diffidence 
 of your own judgment, which is likely to be always 
 more constant and impartial to the interest of your 
 crown and kingdom than any man's. 
 
 Next, beware of exasperating any factions by the 
 crossness and asperity of some men's passions, 
 humours, or private opinions employed by you 
 grounded only upon the differences in lesser matters, 
 which are but the skirts and suburbs of religion. 
 
 Wherein a charitable connivance and Christian tolera- 
 tion often dissipates their strength whom rougher 
 opposition fortifies, and puts the despised and op- 
 pressed party into such combinations as may most 
 enable them to get a full revenge on those they count 
 their persecutors, who are commonly assisted by 
 that vulgar commiseration which attends all that are 
 said to suffer under the notion of religion. 
 
To the Prince of Wales. 199 
 
 Provided the differences amount not to an insolent 
 opposition of laws and government, or religion estab- 
 lished, as to the essentials of them ; such motions and 
 minings are intolerable. 
 
 Always keep up solid piety, and those fundamental 
 truths which mend both hearts and lives of men, with 
 impartial favour and justice. 
 
 Take heed that outward circumstances and formali- 
 ties of religion devour not all or the best encourage- 
 ments of learning, industry, and piety; but with an 
 equal eye and impartial hand distribute favours and 
 rewards to all men, as you find them for their real 
 goodness, both in abilities and fidelity, worthy and 
 capable of them. 
 
 This will be sure to gain you the hearts of the best, 
 and the most too ; who, though they be not good 
 themselves, yet are glad to see the severer ways of 
 virtue at any time sweetened by temporal rewards. 
 
 I have, you see, conflicted with different and 
 opposite factions, (for so I must needs call and count 
 all those that act not in any conformity to the laws 
 established in Church and State). No sooner have 
 they by force subdued what they counted their 
 common enemy, (that is, all those that adhered to the 
 laws and to me,) and are secured from that fear, but 
 they are divided into so high a rivalty as sets them 
 more at defiance against each other than against their 
 first antagonists. 
 
 Time will dissipate all factions, when once the rough 
 horns of private men's covetous and ambitious designs 
 
200 To the Prince of Wales. 
 
 shall discover themselves, which were at first wrapped 
 up and hidden under the soft and smooth pretensions 
 of rehgion, reformation, and liberty. As the wolf is 
 not less cruel, so he will be more justly hated when he 
 shall appear no better than a wolf under sheep's 
 clothing. 
 
 But as for the seduced train of the vulgar, who in 
 their simplicity follow those disguises, my charge and 
 counsel to you is, that as you need no palliations for any 
 designs (as other men) so that you study really to 
 exceed (in true and constant demonstrations of good- 
 ness, piety, and virtue towards the people) even all 
 those men that make the greatest noise and osten- 
 tations of rehgion ; so you shall neither fear any de- 
 tection (as they do who have but the face and mask 
 of goodness) ; nor shall you frustrate the just expecta- 
 tions of your people, who cannot in reason promise 
 themselves so much good from any subjects' novelties, 
 as from the virtuous constancy of their king. 
 
 When these mountains of congealed factions shall, 
 by the sunshine of God's mercy and the splendour of 
 your virtues, be thawed and dissipated, and the abused 
 vulgar shall have learned that none are greater op- 
 pressors of their estates, liberties, and consciences 
 than those men that entitle themselves to patrons 
 and vindicators of them, only to usurp power over 
 them ; let, then, no passion betray you to any study 
 of revenge upon those whose own sin and folly will 
 sufficiently punish them in due time. 
 
 But as soon as the forked arrow of factious emula- 
 
To the Prince of Wales. 201 
 
 tions, is drawn out, use all princely arts and clemency 
 to heal the wounds, that the smart of the cure may not 
 equal the anguish of the hurt. 
 
 I have oftered acts of indemnity and oblivion to so 
 great a latitude, as may include all that can but suspect 
 themselves to be any way obnoxious to the laws ; and 
 which might serve to exclude all future jealousies and 
 insecurities, 
 
 I would have you always propense to the same 
 way ; whenever it shall be desired and expected, let it be 
 granted, not only as an act of State policy and necessity, 
 but of Christian charity and choice. 
 
 It is all I have now left me, a power to forgive 
 those that have deprived me of all ; and I thank God 
 I have a heart to do it, and joy as much in this grace 
 which God hath given me, as in all my former enjoy- 
 ments ; for this is a greater argument of God's love to 
 me, than any prosperity can be. 
 
 Be confident, as I am, that the most of all sides who 
 have done amiss have done so not out of malice, but 
 mis-information or misapprehension of things. 
 
 None will be more loyal and faithful to me and you 
 than those subjects who, sensible of their errors and 
 our injuries, will feel in their own souls most vehement 
 motives to repentance, and earnest desires to make 
 some reparations for their former defects. 
 
 As your quality sets you beyond any duel with any 
 subject, so the nobleness of your mind must raise you 
 above the meditating any revenge, or executing your 
 anger upon the many. 
 
202 To the Prince of Wales. 
 
 The more conscious you shall be to your own merits 
 upon your people, the more prone you will be to 
 expect all love and loyalty from them, and to inflict no 
 punishment upon them for former miscarriages ; you 
 will have more inward complacency in pardoning one 
 than in punishing a thousand. 
 
 This I write to you, not despairing of God's mercy 
 and my subjects' affections towards you, both which I 
 hope you will study to deserve ; yet we cannot merit of 
 God but by His own mercy. 
 
 If God shall see fit to restore me, and you after me, 
 to those enjoyments which the laws have assigned to 
 us, and no subjects without a high degree of guilt 
 and sin can divest us of; then may I have better 
 opportunity, when I shall be so happy to see you in 
 peace, to let you more fully understand the things that 
 belong to God's glory, your own honour, and the 
 kingdom's peace. 
 
 But if you never see my face again, and God will 
 have me buried in such a barbarous imprisonment and 
 obscurity (which the perfecting some men's designs 
 requires), wherein few hearts that love me are per- 
 mitted to exchange a word or a look with me ; I do 
 require and entreat you, as your father and your King, 
 that you never suffer your heart to receive the least 
 check against or disafi'ection from the true religion 
 established in the Church of England. 
 
 I tell you I have tried it, and after much search and 
 many disputes have concluded it to be the best in the 
 world ; not only in the community, as Christian, but 
 
To the Prince of Wales. 203 
 
 also in the special notion, as reformed ; keeping 
 middle way between the pomp of superstitious tyranny, 
 and the meanness of fantastic anarchy. 
 
 Not but that (the draught being excellent as to the 
 main, both for doctrine and government, in the Church 
 of England) some lines, as in very good figures, 
 may haply need some sweetening or polishing : 
 which might here have easily been done by a safe and 
 gentle hand, if some men's precipitancy had not 
 violently demanded such rude alterations as would 
 have quite destroyed all the beauty and proportions of 
 the whole. 
 
 The scandal of the late troubles, which some may 
 object and urge to you against the Protestant religion 
 established in England, is easily answered to them or 
 your own thoughts in this, that scarce any one who 
 hath been a beginner, or an active prosecutor of this 
 late war against the Church, the laws, and me, either 
 was or is a true lover, embracer, or practiser, of the 
 Protestant religion established in England ; which 
 neither gives such rules, nor ever before set such 
 examples. 
 
 It is true some heretofore had the boldness to 
 present threatening petitions to their princes and par- 
 liaments, which others of the same faction (but of 
 worse spirits) have now put in execution. But let not 
 counterfeit and disorderly zeal abate your value and 
 esteem of true piety : both of them are to be hiown by 
 their fruits. The sweetness of the vine and fig-tree 
 is not to be despised, though the brambles and thorns 
 
204 To the Prince of Wales. 
 
 should pretend to bear figs and grapes, thereby to 
 rule over the trees. 
 
 Nor would I have you to entertain any aversion 
 or dislike of parliaments, which in their right consti- 
 tution, with freedom and honour, will never injure or 
 diminish your greatness, but will rather be as inter- 
 changings of love, loyalty, and confidence between a 
 prince and his people. 
 
 Nor would the events of this black parliament have 
 been other than such, however much biassed by 
 factions in the elections, if it had been preserved from 
 the insolencies of popular dictates and tumultuary im- 
 pressions ; the sad efiects of which will, no doubt, 
 make all parliaments after this more cautious to 
 preserve that freedom and honour which belongs to 
 such assemblies, when once they have fnlly shaken 
 off this yoke of vulgar encroachment, since the public 
 interest consists in the mutual and common good both 
 of prince and people. 
 
 Nothing can be more happy for all than in fair, 
 grave, and honourable ways to contribute their 
 counsels in common, enacting all things by public 
 consent, without tyranny or tumults. We must not 
 starve ourselves because some men have surfeited of 
 wholesome food. 
 
 And if neither I nor you be ever restored to our 
 rights, but God in His severest justice will punish my 
 subjects with continuance in their sin, and sufier them 
 to be deluded with the prosperity of their wickedness, 
 I hope God will give me and you that gi-ace which will 
 
To the Prince of Wales. 205 
 
 teach and enable us to want as well as to wear a 
 crown, which is not worth taking up or enjoying upon 
 sordid, dishonourable, and irreligious terms. 
 
 Keep you to true principles of piety, virtue, and 
 honour, you shall never want a kingdom. 
 
 A principal point of your honour will consist in your 
 conferring all respect, love, and protection on your 
 mother, my wife ; who hath many ways deserved well 
 of me, and chiefly in this, that (having been a means 
 to bless me with so many hopeful children, all which, 
 with their mother, I recommend to your love and 
 care) she hath been content, with incomparable mag- 
 nanimity and patience, to suffer both for and with me 
 and you. 
 
 My prayer to God Almighty is, (whatever becomes 
 of me, who am, I thank God, wrapt up and fortified in 
 my own innocence and His grace,) that He would be 
 pleased to make you an anchor, or harbour rather, to 
 these tossed and weather-beaten kingdoms ; a repairer, 
 by your wisdom, justice, piety, and valour, of what 
 the folly and wickedness of some men have so far 
 ruined, as to leave nothing entire in Church or State, 
 to the crown, the nobility, the clergy, or the commons, 
 either as to laws, liberties, estates, order, honour, 
 conscience, or lives. 
 
 When they have destroyed me (for I know not how 
 far God may permit the malice and cruelty of my 
 enemies to proceed, and such apprehensions some 
 men's words and actions have already given me), as I 
 doubt not but my blood will cry aloud for vengeance 
 
206 To the Prince of Wales. 
 
 to Heaven, so I beseech God not to pour out His 
 wrath upon the generality of the people, who have 
 either deserted me or engaged against me, through 
 the artifice and hypocrisy of their leaders, whose 
 inward horror will be their first tormentor, nor will 
 they escape exemplary judgments. 
 
 For those that loved me, I pray God they may have 
 no miss of me when I am gone ; so much I wish and 
 hope that all good subjects may be satisfied with the 
 blessings of your presence and virtues. 
 
 For those that repent of any defects in their duty 
 toward me, as I freely forgive them in the word of a 
 Christian King, so I believe you will find them truly 
 zealous to repay with interest that loyalty and love to 
 you which was due to me. 
 
 In sum, what good I intended, do you perform, 
 when God shall give you power. Much good I have 
 ofi'ered, more I purposed to Church and State, if times 
 had been capable of it. 
 
 The deception will soon vanish, and the vizards 
 will fall off apace. This mask of religion on the face 
 of rebellion (for so it now plainly appears, since my 
 restraint and cruel usage, that they fought not for me 
 as was pretended^ will not long serve to hide some 
 men's deformities. 
 
 Happy times, I hope, attend you, wherein your 
 subjects (by their miseries) will have learned, That 
 relvjion to their God, and loyalty to their King, cannot 
 he ])arted, without both their sin and their infelicity. 
 
 I pray God bless you, and establish your kingdoms 
 
Meditations upon Death, Sc. 207 
 
 in righteousness, your soul in true religion, and your 
 honour in the love of God and your people. 
 
 And if God will have disloyalty perfected by my 
 destruction, let my memory ever with my name live 
 in you, as of your father that loves you, and once a 
 King of three flourishing kingdoms ; whom God 
 thought fit to honour not only with the sceptre and 
 government of them, but also with the suffering many 
 indignities and an untimely death for them, while I 
 studied to preserve the rights of the Church, the 
 power of the laws, the honour of my crown, the 
 privilege of Parliaments, the liberties of my people, 
 and my own conscience, which, I thank God, is dearer 
 to me than a thousand kingdoms. 
 
 I know God can, I hope He yet will restore me to 
 my rights ; I cannot despair either of His mercy, or of 
 my people's love and pity. 
 
 At worst, I trust I shall but go before you to a 
 better kingdom, which God hath prepared for me, and 
 me for it, through my Saviour Jesus Christ, to whose 
 mercies I commend you and all mine. 
 
 Farewell till we meet, if not on earth, yet in heaven. 
 
 XXVIII. 
 
 Meditations upon Death, after the Votes of 
 Non-Addresses, and His Majesty's Closer 
 Imprisonment in Carisbrook Castle. 
 
 As I have leisure enough, so I have cause more 
 than enough to meditate upon and prepare for my 
 
208 Meditations upon Deaths 
 
 death; for I know there are but few steps between 
 the prisons and graves of princes. 
 
 It is God's indulgence which gives me the space, 
 but man's cruelty that gives me the sad occasions for 
 these thoughts. 
 
 For, besides the common burden of mortality, which lies 
 upon me as a man, I now bear the heavy load of other 
 men's ambitions, fears, jealousies, and cruel passions, 
 whose envy or enmity against me makes their own lives 
 seem deadly to them, while I enjoy any part of mine. 
 
 I thank God my prosperity made me not wholly a 
 stranger to the contemplations of mortality : those are 
 never unseasonable, since this is always uncertain, 
 death being an eclipse which oft happeneth as well 
 in clear as cloudy days. 
 
 But now my long and sharp adversity hath so re- 
 conciled in me those natural antipathies between life 
 and death which are in all men, that, I thank God, 
 the common terrors of it are dispelled, and the special 
 horror of it, as to my particular, much allayed : for 
 although my death at present may justly be represented 
 to me with all those terrible aggravations which the 
 policy of cruel and implacable enemies can put upon 
 it, (affairs being drawn to the very dregs of malice) ; 
 yet, I bless God, I can look upon all those stings as 
 unpoisonous, though sharp, since m}- Redeemer hath 
 either pulled them out, or given me the antidote of His 
 death against them ; which, as to the immaturity, 
 unjustice, shame, scorn, and cruelty of it, exceeded 
 whatever I can fear. 
 
after the Votes of Xon- Addresses. 209 
 
 Indeed, I never did find so much the life of religion, 
 the feast of a good conscience, and the brazen wall 
 of a judicious integrity and constancy, as since I 
 came to these closer conflicts with the thoughts of death. 
 
 I am not so old as to be weary of life, nor, I hope, 
 so bad as to be either afraid to die, or ashamed to live. 
 True, I am so afflicted, as might make me sometimes 
 even desire to die, if I did not consider that it is the 
 greatest glory of a Christian's life to die daily, in con- 
 quering, by a lively faith and patient hopes of a better 
 life, those partial and quotidian deaths which kill us 
 as it were, by piece-meals, and make us over-live our 
 own fates ; while we are deprived of health, honour, 
 liberty, power, credit, safety, or estate, and those 
 other comforts of dearest relations, which are as the 
 life of our lives. 
 
 Though, as a King, I think myself to live in nothing 
 temporal so much as in the love and goodwill of my 
 people ; for which, as I have suffered many deaths, so 
 I hope that I am not in that point as yet wholly dead : 
 notwithstanding my enemies have used all the poison of 
 falsity and violence of hostility to destroy, first the love 
 and loyalty which is in my subjects, and then all that 
 content of life in me which from these I chiefly 
 enjoyed. 
 
 Indeed, they have left me but little of life, and only 
 the husk and shell, as it were, which their further 
 malice and cruelty can take from me : having bereaved 
 me of all those worldly comforts for which life itself 
 seems desirable to men. 
 
210 Meditations upon Death, 
 
 But, my soul, think not that Hfe too long or 
 tedious wherein God gives thee any opportunities, if 
 not to do, yet to suffer with such Christian patience 
 and magnanimity in a good cause, as are the greatest 
 honour of our lives, and the best improvement of our 
 deaths. 
 
 I know that in point of true Christian valour it 
 argues pusillanimity to desire to die out of weariness 
 of life, and a want of that heroic greatness of spirit 
 which becomes a Christian, in the patient and generous 
 sustaining those afflictions which, as shadows, neces- 
 sarily attend us while we are in this body, and which 
 are lessened or enlarged as the sun of our prosperity 
 moves higher or lower, whose total absence is best re- 
 compensed with the dew of heaven. 
 
 The assaults of affliction may be terrible, like 
 Samson's lion, but they yield much sweetness to those 
 that dare to encounter and overcome them ; who know 
 how to overlive the witherings of their gourds without 
 discontent or peevishness, while they may yet converse 
 with God. 
 
 That I must die as a man is certain : that I may 
 die a King by the hands of my own subjects, a violent, 
 sudden, and barbarous death, in the strength of my 
 years, in the midst of my kingdoms, my friends and 
 loving subjects being helpless spectators, my enemies 
 insolent revilers and triumphers over me, living, dying, 
 and dead, is so probable in human reason, that God 
 hath taught me not to hope otherwise as to man's 
 cruelty ; however, T despair not of God's infinite mercy. 
 
after the Votes of Non- Addresses. 211 
 
 I know my life is the object of the devil's and wicked 
 men's malice, but yet under God's sole custody and 
 disposal : whom I do not think to flatter for longer 
 life, by seeming prepared to die ; but I humbly desire 
 to depend upon Him, and to submit to His will both 
 in life and death, in what order soever He is pleased 
 to lay them out to me. 
 
 I confess it is not easy for me to contend with those 
 many horrors of death wherewith God suflers me to be 
 tempted ; which are equally horrid either in the sudden- 
 ness of a barbarous assassination, or in those greater 
 formalities whereby my enemies (being more solemnly 
 cruel) will, it may be, seek to add (as those did who 
 crucified Christ) the mockery of justice to the cruelty 
 of malice. That I may be destroyed, as with greater 
 pomp and artifice so with less pity, it will be but a 
 necessary policy to make my death appear as an act 
 of justice done by subjects upon their sovereign ; who 
 know that no law of God or man invests them with any 
 power of judicature without me, much less against me ; 
 and who, being sworn and bound by all that is sacred 
 before God and man to endeavour my preservation, 
 must pretend justice to cover their perjury. 
 
 It is indeed, a sad fate for any man to have his 
 enemies to be his accusers, parties, and judges, but 
 most desperate when this is acted by the insolence of 
 subjects against their sovereign, wherein those who have 
 had the chiefest hand, and are most guilty of contriving 
 the public troubles, must by shedding my blood seem 
 to wash their own hands of that innocent blood, where- 
 
212 Meditations upon Death, 
 
 of they are now most evidently guilty before God and 
 man, and, I believe, in their own consciences too ; 
 while they carried on unreasonable demands, first by 
 tumults, after by armies. Nothing makes mean spirits 
 more cowardly cruel in managing their usurped power 
 against their lawful superiors than this, the fjidlt of their 
 'imjuH iisurjyatiou : notwithstanding those specious and 
 popular pretensions of justice against delinquents, 
 applied only to disguise at first the monstrousness of 
 their designs, who despaired, indeed, of possessing the 
 power and profits of the vineyard, till the heir whose 
 right it is, be cast out and slain. 
 
 With them my greatest fault must be, that I would 
 not either destroy myself, with the Church and State, 
 by my word, or not sufter them to do it unresisted by 
 the sword, whose covetous ambition no concessions of 
 mine could ever yet either satisfy or abate. 
 
 Nor is it likely they will ever think that kingdom of 
 brambles, which some men seek to erect (at once weak, 
 sharp, and fruitless either to God or man), is like to 
 thrive, till watered with the royal blood of those whose 
 right the kingdom is. 
 
 Well, God's will be done. I doubt not but my 
 innocence will find Him both my protector and my 
 advocate, who is my only Judge ; whom I own as King 
 of kings, not only for the eminence of His power and 
 majesty above them, but also for that singular care and 
 protection which He hath over them ; who knows them 
 to be exposed to as many dangers (being the greatest 
 patrons of law, justice, order, and rehgion on earth) as 
 
after the Votes of N on- Addresses. 213 
 
 there be either men or devils which love confusion. 
 
 Nor will He suffer those men long to prosper in their 
 Babel, who build it with the bones and cement it with 
 the blood of their kings. 
 
 I am confident they will find avengers of my death 
 among themselves : the injuries I have sustained from 
 them shall be first punished by them, who agreed in 
 nothing so much as in opposing me. 
 
 Their impatience to bear the loud cry of my blood, 
 shall make them think no way better to expiate it than 
 by shedding theirs who with them most thirsted after mine. 
 
 The sad confusions following my destruction are 
 already presaged and confirmed to me by those I have 
 lived to see since my troubles, in which God alone 
 (who only could) hath many ways pleaded my cause, 
 not sufi'ering them to go unpunished whose confederacy 
 in sin was their only security ; who have cause to fear 
 that God will both further divide, and by mutual venge- 
 ance afterward destroy them. 
 
 My greatest conquest of death is from the power 
 and love of Christ, who hath swallowed up death in 
 the victory of His Resurrection and the glory of His 
 Ascension. 
 
 My next comfort is, that He give me not only the 
 honour to imitate His example in suffering for righteous- 
 ness'' sake (though obscured by the foulest charges of 
 tyranny and injustice), but also that charity, which is 
 the noblest revenge upon and victory over my destroy- 
 ers ; by which, I thank God, I can both forgive them 
 and pray for them, that God would not impute my 
 Q 
 
214 Meditations upon Death, 
 
 blood to them, further than to convince them what need 
 they have of Christ's blood to wash their souls from 
 the guilt of shedding mine. 
 
 At present, the will of my enemies seems to be their 
 only rule, their power the measure, and their success 
 the exacter of what they please to call justice ; while 
 they flatter themselves with the fancy of their own 
 safety by my danger, and the security of their lives and 
 designs by my death ; forgetting that as the greatest 
 temptations to sin are wrapped up in seeming prosperi- 
 ties, so the severest vengeances of God are then most 
 accomplished when men are suffered to complete their 
 wicked purposes. 
 
 I bless God I pray not so much that this bitter cup 
 of a violent death may pass from me, as that of His 
 wrath may pass from all those whose hands by deserting 
 me are sprinkled, or by acting and consenting to my 
 death, are embrued with my blood. 
 
 The will of God hath confined and concluded mine : 
 I shall have the pleasure of dying, without any pleasure 
 of desired vengeance. 
 
 This, I think, becomes a Christian toward his 
 enemies, and a King towards his subjects. 
 
 They cannot deprive me of more than I am content 
 to lose, when God sees fit by their hands to take it 
 from me ; whose mercy, I believe, will more than 
 infinitely recompense whatever by man's injustice He 
 is pleased to deprive me of. 
 
 The glory attending my death will far surpass all I 
 could enjoy or conceive in life. 
 
after the Votes of N on- Addresses. 215 
 
 I shall not want the heavy and envied crowns of this 
 world, when my God hath mercifully crowned and 
 consummated His graces with glory, and exchanged the 
 shadows of my earthly kingdoms among men for the 
 substance of that heavenly kingdom with Himself. 
 
 For the censures of the world, I know the sharp and 
 necessary tyranny of my destroyers will sufficiently 
 confute the calumnies of tyranny against me. I am 
 persuaded I am happy in the judicious love of the 
 ablest and best of my subjects, who do not only pitj^ 
 and pray for me, but would be content even to die 
 with me or for me. 
 
 These know how to excuse my failings as a man, 
 and yet to retain and pay their duty to me as their 
 King ; there being no religious necessity binding any 
 subjects, by pretending to punish, inj&niteiy to exceed 
 the faults and errors of their princes, especially there 
 where more than sufficient satisfaction had been made 
 to the public, the enjoyment of which private ambi- 
 tions have hitherto frustrated. 
 
 Others, I believe, of softer tempers and less advan- 
 taged by my ruin, do already feel sharp convictions and 
 some remorse in their consciences ; where they can- 
 not but see the proportions of their evil dealings 
 against me in the measure of God's retalliations upon 
 them, who cannot hope long to enjoy their own 
 thumbs and toes, having, under pretence of pairing 
 others' nails, been so cruel as to cut eft' their chiefest 
 strength. 
 
 The punishment of the more insolent and obstinate 
 
216 Meditations upon Deaths 
 
 may be like that of Korah and his complices 
 (at once mutinying against both prince and priest), in 
 such a method of Divine justice as is not ordinary ; 
 the earth of the lowest and meanest people opening 
 upon them, and swallowing them up in a just disdain 
 of their ill-gotten and worse used authority, upon 
 whose support and strength they chiefly depended for 
 their building and establishing their designs against 
 me, the Church and State. 
 
 My chiefest comfort in death consists in my peace, 
 which, I trust, is made with God ; before whose exact 
 tribunal I shall not fear to appear as to the cause so 
 long disputed by the sword between me and my cause- 
 less enemies ; where I doubt not but His righteous 
 judgment will confute their fallacy, who from worldly 
 success (rather like sophisters than sound Christians) 
 draw those popular conclusions for God's approbation 
 of their actions ; whose wise Providence, we know, 
 oft permits many events which His revealed Word 
 (the only clear, safe, and fixed rule of good actions and 
 good consciences) in no sort approves. 
 
 I am confident the justice of my cause and clearness 
 of my conscience before God and toward my people 
 will carry me as much above them in God's decision, 
 as their successes have lifted them above me in the 
 vulgar opinion : who consider not that many times 
 those undertakings of men are lifted up to heaven in 
 the prosperity and applause of the world, whose rise is 
 from hell, as to the injuriousness and oppression of 
 the design. The prosperous winds which oft fill the 
 
after the Votes of Non- Addresses. 217 
 
 sails of pirates, do not justify their piracy and rapine. 
 
 I look upon it with infinite more content and quiet 
 of soul, to have been worsted in my enforced contes- 
 tation for and vindication of the laws of the land, the 
 freedom and honour of Parliaments, the rights of my 
 crown, the just liberty of my subjects, and the true 
 Christian religion in its doctrine, government, and due 
 encouragements, than if I had with the greatest advan- 
 tages of success overborne them all, as some men have 
 now evidently done, whatever designs they at first 
 pretended. 
 
 The prayers and patience of my friends and loving 
 subjects will contribute much to the sweetening of 
 this bitter cup, which I doubt not but I shall more 
 cheerfully take and drink as from God's hand (if it 
 must be so), than they give it to me, whose hands are 
 unjustly and barbarously lifted up against me. 
 
 And as to the last event, I may seem to owe more 
 to my enemies than my friends ; while those will put 
 a period to the sins and sorrows attending this 
 miserable life, wherewith these desire I might still 
 contend. 
 
 I shall be more than conqueror through Christ 
 enabling me for whom I have hitherto suffered, as 
 He is the author of truth, order, and peace ; for all 
 which I have been forced to contend against error, 
 faction, and confusion. 
 
 If I must sufter a violent death, with my Saviour, it 
 is but mortalitj^ crowned with martyrdom : where the 
 debt of death which I owe for sin to nature shall be 
 
218 
 
 Meditations upon Death 
 
 raised as a gift of faith and patience offered to God. 
 
 Which I humbly beseech Him mercifully to accept : 
 and although death be the wages of my own sin as 
 from God, and the effect of others' sins as men, both 
 against God and me, yet as I hope my own sins are 
 so remitted that they shall be no ingredients to 
 embitter the cup of my death, so I desire God to 
 pardon their sins who are most guilty of my de- 
 struction. 
 
 The trophies of my charity will be more glorious and 
 durable over them, than their ill-managed victories 
 over me. 
 
 Though their sin be prosperous, yet they had need 
 to be penitent, that they may be pardoned. Both 
 which I pray God they may obtain ; that my temporal 
 death, unjustly inflicted by them, may not be revenged 
 by God's just inflicting eternal death upon them : for 
 I look upon the temporal destruction of the greatest 
 king as far less deprecable than the eternal damnation 
 of the meanest subject. 
 
 Nor do I wish other than the safe bringing of the 
 ship to shore when they have cast me overboard ; 
 though it be very strange that mariners can find no 
 other means to appease the storm themselves have 
 raised but by drowning their pilot, 
 
 I thank God my enemies' cruelty cannot prevent my 
 preparation ; whose malice in this I shall defeat, that 
 they shall not have the satisfaction to have destroyed 
 my soul with my body : of whose salvation, while 
 some of them have themselves seemed and taught 
 
after the Votes of X on- Addresses. 219 
 
 others to despair, they have only discovered this, that 
 they do not much desire it. 
 
 Whose uncharitable and cruel restraints, denying me 
 even the assistance of any of my chaplains, hath rather 
 enlarged than any way obstructed my access to the 
 throne of heaven. 
 
 Where Thou dwellest, King of Kings, luho fillest 
 heaven and earth, who art the fountain of eternal life, 
 in whom is no shadow of death. 
 
 Thou, God, art loth the just inflictor of death upon 
 us, and the merciful Saviour of us in it and from it. 
 
 Yea, it is better for us to he dead to ourselves and live 
 in Thee, than hy living in ourselves to he deprived of Thee. 
 
 make the mamj hitter aggravations of my death, as a 
 man and a King, the opportunities and advantages of 
 Thy special graces and comforts in my soul as a 
 Christian. 
 
 If Thou, Lord, wilt he with me, I shall neither fear 
 nor feel any evil, though I walh through the valley of the 
 shadow of death. 
 
 To contend with death is the loorh of a weal and 
 mortal num ; to overcome it is the grace of Thee alone, 
 who art the Almighty and immortal God. 
 
 my Saviour, who knowest lohat it is to die with me 
 as a man, malce me to know tvhat it is to pass through 
 death to life icith Thee my God. 
 
 Though I die, yet I knoio that Thou my Redeemer 
 livest for ever : though Thou shyest me, yet Thou hast 
 encouraged me to trust in Thee for eternal life. 
 
220 Meditations upon Death, 
 
 ivithdraiv not Thy favour from me, ivhicli is better 
 
 life. 
 he not far from me, for I 'know not lioio near a 
 and cruel death is to me. 
 
 As Thy omniscience, God, discovers, so Thy omni- 
 potence can defeat, the designs of those who have or shall 
 conspire my destruction. 
 
 shew me the goodness of Thy will, through the 
 wickedness of theirs. 
 
 Thou givest me leave, as a man, to pray that this cup 
 may pass from me ; hut Thou hast taught me as a 
 Christian, hy the exan^yle of Christ, to add. Not my will, 
 but Thine be done. 
 
 Yea, Lord, let our wills he one, hy wholly resolving 
 mine into Thine: let not the desire of life in me he so 
 great, as that of doing or suffering Thy will in either life 
 or death. 
 
 As I believe Thou hast forgiven all the errors of my life, 
 so I hope Thou wilt save me from the terrors of my death. 
 
 Make me content to leave the world^s nothing, that I 
 may come really to enjoy all in Thee, who hast made 
 Christ unto me in life gain, and in death advantage. 
 
 Though my destroyers forget their duty to Thee, and 
 me, yet do not Thou, Lord, forget to be merciful to them. 
 
 For what profit is there in my blood, or in their gaining 
 my kingdoms, if they lose their own souls ? 
 
 Such as have not only resisted my just power, but 
 wholly usurped and turned it against myself, though they 
 may deserve, yet let them not receive to themselves dam- 
 nation. 
 
after the Votes of Non- Addresses. 221 
 
 Thou madesf Thy Son a Saviour to many that crucified 
 Him, ivhile at once He suffered violently hy them, and 
 yet ivillingly for them. 
 
 let the voice of His Blood he heard for my murderers 
 louder than the cry of mine against them. 
 
 Prepare them for Thy mercy hy due convictions of their 
 sin, and let them not at once deceive and damn their oivn 
 souls hy fallacious pretensions to justice in destroying 
 me, while the conscience of their unjust usurpation of power 
 against me chiefly tempts them to use all extremities 
 against me. 
 
 Lord, Thou knowest I have found their mercies to 
 me as very false, so very cruel ; who pretending to preserve 
 me, have meditated nothing hut my ruin. 
 
 deal not with them as hloodthirsty and deceitful 
 men, hut overcome their cruelty with Thy compassion and 
 my charity. 
 
 And ivhen Thou mahest inquisition for my hlood, 
 sprinhle their polluted, yet penitent, souls ivith the Blood 
 of Thy Son, that Thy destroying angel may pass over them. 
 
 Though they think my kingdoms on earth too little to 
 entertain at once hoth them and me, yet let the capacious 
 kingdom of Thy infinite mercy at last receive hoth me and 
 my enemies. 
 
 When heing reconciled to Thee in the Blood of the same 
 Redeemer, we shall live far ahove these amhitious desires 
 tvhich heget such mortal enmities. 
 
 When their hands shall he heaviest and cruellest upon 
 me, let me fall into the arms of Thy tender and eternal 
 mercies. 
 
222 Meditations upon Death, Sc. 
 
 That what is cut off of my life in this miserable 
 moment, may he repaid in Thy ever-Messed eternity. 
 
 Lord, let Thy servant depart in peace-, for my eyes have 
 seen Thy salvation. 
 
 vox A DABUNT QU.E BELLA NEGARUNT. 
 
Ipritiate Prapets useD bp ^is 9@aie$tp 
 in tf)c Cime of W @uirering0. 
 
 .J Prayer in the Time of Captivity. 
 
 POWERFUL and Eternal God, to whom nothing is 
 so great that it may resist, or so small that it is con- 
 temned ; look upon my misery with Thine eye of 
 mercy, and let Thine infinite power vouchsafe to limit 
 out some proportion of deliverance unto me as to 
 Thee shall seem most convenient. Let not injury, 
 Lord, triumph over me, and let my faults by Thy hand 
 be corrected ; and make not my unjust enemies the 
 ministers of thy justice : but yet, my God, if in Thy 
 wisdom this be the aptest chastisement for my unex- 
 cusable transgressions, if this ungrateful bondage be 
 fittest for my over-high desires ; if the pride of my 
 (not enough humble) heart be thus to be broken, 
 Lord, I yield unto Thy will, and cheerfully embrace 
 what sorrow Thou wilt have me suffer : only thus 
 much let me crave of Thee (let my craving, Lord, 
 be accepted of, since it even proceeds from Thee,) 
 that by Thy goodness, which is Thyself, Thou wilt 
 suff'er some beam of Thy majesty so to shine in my 
 mind, that I who in my greatest afflictions acknow- 
 ledge it my noblest title to be Thy creature, may still 
 depend confidently on Thee. Let calamity be the 
 
224 Private Prayers used by His Majesty 
 
 exercise, but not the overthrow of my virtue. let not 
 their prevaihng power be to my destruction. And if it be 
 Thy will that they more and more vex me with punish- 
 ment, yet Lord, never let their wickedness have 
 such a hand, but that I may still carry a pure mind 
 and steadfast resolution ever to serve Thee, without 
 fear or presumption, yet with that humble confidence 
 which may best please Thee ; so that at the last I may 
 come to Thy eternal kingdom, through the merits of 
 Thy Son, our alone Saviour Jesus Christ. Amen. 
 
 Another Prayer. 
 
 Almighty and most merciful Father, look down upon 
 me Thy unworthy servant, who here prostrate myself at 
 the footstool of Thy throne of grace ; but look upon me 
 Father, through the mediation and the merits of Jesus 
 Christ, in whom Thou art only well pleased ; for, of 
 myself, I am not worthy to stand before Thee, or to 
 speak with my unclean lips to Thee, most holy and 
 eternal God ; for as in sin I was conceived and born, 
 so likewise I have broken all Thy commandments by 
 my sinful motions, unclean thoughts, evil words, and 
 wicked works ; omitting many duties I ought to do, 
 and committing many vices which Thou hast forbidden 
 under pain of Thy heavy displeasure. As for my sins, 
 Lord, they are innumerable ; wherefore I stand 
 here liable to all the miseries in this life, and everlast- 
 ing torments in that to come, if Thou shouldst deal 
 with me according to my deserts. I confess, Lord, 
 that it is Thy mercy (which endureth for ever) and 
 
in the Time of his Sufferings. 225 
 
 Thy compassion (which never fails), which is the 
 cause that I have not been long ago consumed : but 
 with Thee there is mercy and plenteous redemption ; 
 in the multitude therefore of Thy mercies, and by the 
 merits of Jesus Christ, I entreat Thy Divine Majesty 
 that Thou wouldst not enter into judgment with Thy 
 servant, nor be extreme to mark what is done amiss ; 
 but be Thou merciful unto me, and wash away all my 
 sins with that precious Blood that my Saviour shed for 
 me. And I beseech Thee, Lord, not only to wash 
 away all my sins, but also to purge my heart by Thy 
 Holy Spirit from the dross of my natural corruption ; 
 and as Thou dost add days to my life, so, good Lord, 
 I beseech Thee to add repentance to my days, that 
 when I have past this mortal hfe, I may be partaker 
 of Thy everlasting kingdom, through the merits of 
 Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. 
 
 A Prayer and Confession, made in and for the 
 Times of Affliction. 
 
 Almighty and most merciful Father, as it is only 
 Thy goodness that admits of our imperfect prayers, 
 and the knowledge that Thy mercies are infinite, 
 which can give us any hope of Thy accepting or grant- 
 ing them ; so it is our bounden and necessary duty to 
 confess our sins freely unto Thee; and of all men 
 living I have most need, most reason so to do, 
 no man having been so much obliged by Thee, no 
 man more grievously ofi'ending Thee, that degree of 
 knowledge which Thou hast given me adding likewise 
 
226 Private Prayers used by His Majesty 
 
 to the guilt of my transgressions. For was it through 
 ignorance that I suffered innocent blood to be shed 
 by a false pretended way of justice ? or that I per- 
 mitted a wrong way of Thy worship to be set up in 
 Scotland, and injured the bishops in England ? Oh, 
 no ; but with shame and grief I confess that I therein 
 followed the persuasions of worldly wisdom, forsaking 
 the dictates of a right-informed conscience ; where- 
 fore, Lord, I have no excuse to make, no hope left, 
 but in the multitude of Thy mercies, for I know my 
 repentance weak, and my prayers faulty. Grant, there- 
 fore, merciful Father, so to strengthen my repentance 
 and amend my prayers, that Thou mayest clear the 
 way for Thine own mercies, to which let Thy justice 
 at last give place, putting a speedy end to my deserved 
 afflictions. In the meantime give me patience to 
 endure constancy against temptations, and a discerning 
 spirit to choose what is best for Thy Church and 
 people which Thou hast committed to my charge. 
 Grant this, most merciful Father, for Thy Son Jesus 
 Christ's sake, our only Saviour. Amen. 
 
 A Prayer in Time of imminent Danger. 
 MOST merciful Father, though my sins are so 
 many and grievous that I may rather expect the effects 
 of Thy anger than so great a deliverance as to free 
 me from my present great danger, yet, Lord, since 
 Thy mercies are over all Thy works, and Thou never 
 failest to relieve all those who with humble and 
 unfeigned repentance come to Thee for succour, it 
 
ill the Time of his Saff'eruKis. 227 
 
 were to multiply, not diminish my transgressions to 
 despair of Thy heavenly favour : wherefore I humbly 
 desire Thy Divine Majesty that Thou wilt not only 
 pardon all my sins, but also free me out of the hands 
 and protect me from the malice of my cruel enemies. 
 But if Thy wrath against my heinous offences will not 
 otherwise be satisfied than by suffering me to fall 
 under my present afflictions, Thy will be done. Yet 
 with humble importunity I do, and shall never leave 
 to implore the assistance of Thy heavenly Spirit, that 
 my cause, as I am Thy vicegerent, may not suffer 
 through my weakness or want of courage. Lord, 
 so strengthen and enHghten all the faculties of my 
 mind, that with clearness I may show forth Thy truth, 
 and manfully endure this bloody trial ; that so my 
 sufferings here may not only glorify Thee, but likewise 
 be a furtherance to my salvation hereafter. Grant 
 this, merciful Father, for His sake who suffered for 
 me, even Jesus Christ the righteous. Amen. 
 
B458 T^ 310| 
 
 11-16-00 32180 MS