Cibrarjp of t:he trheological ^mimvy PRINCETON . NEW JERSEY -vvv y//, PRESENTED BY Rev. Cortland Van Renesselaer Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2016 https://archive.org/details/memoiroflifepublOOraff I T.J MEMOIR OF THE LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF SIR THOMAS STAMFORD RAFFLES, F.R.S. &c. PARTICULARLY IN THE GOVERNMENT OF JAVA, 1811—1816, AXD OF BENCOOLEN AND ITS DEPENDENCIES, 1817—1824; WITH DETAILS OF THE COMMERCE AND RESOURCES OF THE EASTERN ARCHIPELAGO, AND SELECTIONS FROM HIS CORRESPONDENCE. BY HIS WIDOW. iou LONDON: JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET. C\\oW ) MDCCCXXX. gilbekt ST. AND RIVINGTONj PRINTERS, JOHN’S SQUAIIE, LONDON. TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE GILBERT, EARL OF MINTO. My Lord, The friendship with which the late Earl of Minto honoured Sir Stamford Raffles from the first period of their acquaintance, and the affection and gratitude with which that friendship was returned, and its remembrance always cherished, render me desirous of dedicating this Memoir to the Son of his Patron. I trust, my Lord, that you will peruse it with an hereditary interest, and accept it as a proof of my earnest desire to acknowledo“e the obliofations which can no lonofer be ex- pressed by him on whom they were bestowed. SOPHIA RAFFLES. i if# £ ^ . S' ^ r I ^ f % ■ */’ ’ ■’ V. ^ ’» ■ ■■ t« .1 « C 1 ^ i m >^- f < ' >" i» i>r’y ■ j . .‘0/#% i' r i n > > , > „■ - L ^ ..V Ui V Jj‘^ful»l v^-^i ^ '.fV :<. o - .f ^ uiolfiJ iiosmxfo!) oa dJi?/ b)Ui . r ... ' .12'.. -♦(li -nifiiioa 1o Ti/onoil ftt»r. . «ot r 5»tfi ijvir.il'j b^lSmirfv*:) Hbi> Jino Jrtd i©" ■3.<‘>dll : jD’’ !>;) i>iu;| iK ^{£>1111 b *rft(lKfMij • ?'i *» I'lyi fj ’.U^jrn / lifiia m «! } : n iH ii /iUfdi 4M ftrrjrw ir.'.'fO- »Jirf jawihfi ^ • ' * ' j f /fno isb^rf^Vo rthI baj|^ /T/-fj ; U»i1 vlil ‘bl u. '-■'7 /^^'* '■’fe-- . VVii} r* I )tu -b fcUr :• *>♦! • *< Jtv • ■/•p . . , ,1 rl»OtHOJ 'i'*'$U3l^tt *b ♦»***• l, tM»4# Jill* • , ^ «irtT ^ 3ii> .i j>r ‘iV t^'ii *1 .. y f T> 4 .'A IN TRODUCTION. The following Memoir of Sir Stamford Raffles, it is hoped, will afford an outline of the public life of one who was placed in situations of no common responsibility, and filled them with no common firmness, talent, and success. His exertions to promote the honour of his country, the happiness of the people committed to his charge, and, therefore, the best interests of his employers, can only be duly estimated by a knowledge of the peculiar difficulties with which he had to contend : these difficulties, in many instances, it has been found impossible to detail, without reflect- ing upon individuals, many of whom are now no more. On this account the Editor has omitted various circumstances which severely tried his mind and his principles, and has touched only slightly upon others. To the exertions and anxieties of his public duties, his life fell, eventu- ally, a sacrifice. The loss of all the papers with which, after his last government, he was returning to England, and which were destroyed in the calamitous burning of the ship, has added much to the difficulty of the task of re- cording the details of his public life. VI INTRODUCTION. It is owing, indeed, to this misfortune, that the undertaking has fallen u}3on the present Editor, who would otherwise have gladly availed herself of the abilities of those better qualified to perform the task. The wreck of Sir Stamford’s papers — those previously sent to England, or those col- lected after the destruction of his complete materials, — it was found could only be fully made use of by one well acquainted with the events of his life. From peculiar circumstances, the Editor had the happiness to parti- cipate in almost all the scenes described during his last administration in India, and also to become generally acquainted with the events of his former government. Duty to her husband has been the Editor’s first consideration ; and if in stating some facts which are necessary to justify and uphold his cha- racter, she may appear to reflect upon public authorities, she trusts it will be evident she has endeavoured to avoid doing so, wherever it has been possible. If any observations appear to reflect upon the Dutch nation and cha- racter generally, the Editor can only repeat Sir Stamford’s own declara- tion “ That such observations are intended exclusively to apply to the Colonial Government and its officers.” Though the Editor is conscious that her thanks can be of little value, she feels it her duty publicly to record the sense which Sir Stamford always entertained of the attachment of his private Secretary, the late IVIr. Assey, and of his personal staff. Captains Travers, Garnham, Dalgairns, * See History of Java, 4to. Preface, p. ix. 8vo. p.vi. INTRODUCTION. VII Watson, and Methven, during his government of Java. The enthu- siasm of this little band of friends, in all that concerned his honour and happiness, tended to soften the troubles in which he was involved. To Captain Travers, who, in a moment of difficulty, and at a consider- able personal sacrifice, volunteered to take a voyage to England, for the purpose of defending the character of Sir Stamford, and who has now permitted the Editor to make use of his Journal, her first thanks are due. Of the friends who assisted Sir Stamford in some of those pursuits which formed his delight and relaxation from public duty. Dr. Arnold, Dr. Jack, Dr. Horsfield, and Dr. Wallich, the world has a better knowledge than the Editor can give. Though Dr. Arnold soon fell a sacrifice to the climate, his amiable character had won Sir Stamford’s friendship, and his death was mourned with the truest sorrow. Sir Stamford loved Dr. Jack as a brother; and the society of this highly-gifted and accomplished young man, was a never-failing resource of pleasure : his early death blighted many anticipated plans of future usefulness. The Editor has to regret, that the necessity of compressing this volume has prevented her doing more justice to the unwearied efforts of Dr. Horsfield, in promoting Sir Stamford’s views. The collection now in the Museum at the East India House is the best testimony of the success of those efforts ; a success which, without Dr. Horsfield’s aid, would not have equalled Sir Stamford’s wishes. Dr. Wallich, who, for a time, personally assisted Sir Stamford in his study of Natural History, will feel, that however highly Sir Stamford prized his professional abilities, it w^as for the qualities of his heart, and for his strong and devoted attachment, that he was still more valued. Vlll INTRODUCTION. To the Friends who have aided and encouraged her in the perform- ance of this duty ; to Sir Robert Harry Inghs, to Captain Basil Hall, R.N. to IMr. Murdoch, to IVIr. Barrow, and to Dr. Raffles, the Editor offers this public testimony of her gratitude for the assistance and advice which they have afforded her ; a gratitude which is brightened by the con- sciousness that it is their friendship for her husband which has thus been extended in kindness to her. To the Duke of Somerset, Mr. Marsden, and Mr. Wilham Brown Ramsay, (the favourite companion and friend of Sir Stamford’s early life,) she owes her thankful acknowledgments, for the letters which they have allowed her to make use of ; without these, she could hardly have completed this Volume. The Editor cannot conclude without expressing her hope that the motives which induced her to compile this Memoir, (a desire to do justice to her husband’s memory, and possibly, in some degree, contribute to the information of the public on topics of great national importance,) will justify the attempt, and procure for her the indulgence of wdiich she stands so much in need. CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. PAGE Early life of Mr. Raffles — Labours and relaxations — First tastes — Appointment under the new Go- vernment of Penang — Duties there — Goes to Malacca for his health — Malay literature — Paper on the Malayan nation — Woolly haired people scattered among them — Game of chess — Orders for the destruction of Malacca — Countermanded at his representation — Native account of the Portuguese arrival at Malacca — the Dutch — Lettej: from Dr. Leyden - - - 1 CHAPTER II. Mr. Raffles proceeds to Calcutta — Proposes expedition to Java — Lord Minto appoints him Agent to collect information on the subject — Instructions of the Court of Directors to expel the French, and to give up the Island to the natives — Consequences of such a measure — Lord Minto objects to it — Determines to proceed in person to Java — Letters of Dr. Leyden — His account of an ex- cursion in the Malay Peninsula — Mr. Raffles reports to Lord Minto his communications with the Javanese Chieftains — The state of the Archipelago — Bali — Military preparations of the enemy — Discovery of a new passage for the expedition — Banca — Its mines — Pirate States — Queda — Penang - - - - - - - - 22 CHAPTER HI. Account of the Eastern Islands — Products of Borneo — Settlements of Europeans 'in the Island — Celebes — Traffic in Slaves — Policy of the Dutch, different policy of the English — Dutch factory at Japan — Trade with — Views connected with the acquisition of Java — Countries from the Bay a X CONTENTS. PAGE of Bengal to New Holland — Proposed policy, chain of posts — Chinese in Java — Monopoly of farms, &:c. — Arabs, use they make of tlieir religion — Americans, regulation of trade — Dutch orders respecting trade and navigation — Means taken to keep up their monopoly of spice — Cause of the failure "of their trading ports — Former policy of the English objected to — Neglect of the British Government — Dutch views of Colonies — Causes of deterioration of Malay' character — Piracy — Laws — Slavery, sources of in the Malay countries — Laws, want of — Propagation of Christianity — Advantages likely to accrue to the British nation from the acquisition of Java and the Eastern Isles - - - - - - -59 CHAPTER IV. Lord Minto’s anxiety as to the passage from Malacca to Batavia — Naval men opposed to Mr. Raffles — Lord Minto confides in Mr. Raffles — New passage attempted — Arrival off Batavia — Mr. Raffles gives a Sketch of the events which led to his being employed in the expedition — Establishment of the French power in Java— Sir Samuel Achmuty’s account of the capture of Batavia, and of tlie battle of Cornelis — Capitulation of the Island — Intercepted letter from Governor Jansens — Lord Minto’s opinion of the value of the conquest — Death of Dr. Leyden — Lord Minto places Mr. Raffles in the government of Java — Leading principles of the Dutch government — Projected change of system — English Residents appointed at the native courts — Ancient temples — First Colony of Hindus — Upas poison — Journey to the eastern district. - - 86 CHAPTER V. Expedition to Palembang — Arrival of the troops — Gallantry of the attack — Horrors of the scene — Colonel Gillespie’s account of the Sultan — Measures adopted by Colonel Gillespie — Sultan of Djojocarta — Mr. Raffles collects troops, and proceeds to Samarang — Account of treaties with die Sultan — General confederacy of the native states — Unexpected and fortunate return of Colonel Gillespie — Assault and capture of Djojocarta — European power first paramount in Java - - 110 CHAPTER VI. Difference of opinion between Colonel Gillespie and Mr. Raffles — Re-establishment of Society of Arts — Importance of connection between Java and China to the East India Company’s interests — Con- sequence of a King’s government upon their monopoly — Lord Minto’s anxiety to provide for Mr. Raffles, in the prospect of die Island being transferred to the Crown — Lord Minto’s approval of the measures of Government — Calling in depreciated paper — Promise of an official approbation — Account of the Colonies — Depreciated state of paper currency — Want of specie — Land rental — Revenues of Government — Proposed literary work — Lord Minto’s return to England — His last letter on leaving Calcutta — Expedition to Sambas - - - - - 13 132 CONTENTS. XI CHAPTER VII. PAGE General Nightingall appointed to relieve General Gillespie — General Gillespie brings charges against Mr. Raffles — Decision of the Court of Directors on them — Ancient characters on stones from the temples — Establishment of the improved system of government — Principles on which it was founded — Institutions of Majapahit, his division of society into classes — Mr. Raffles’ reasons for introducing the change in the tenure of the land — His anxiety and fatigue during its progress — Support of General Nightingall — Eventual fate of Java — Hesitation of Supreme Government to give any rule for the guidance of the Government — Forced to act in every measure of importance, in consequence, on his own responsibility — Suppression of piracy — Slave-trade declared to be felony, by a colonial law — Can only be repealed by the mother country — Leading inhabitants con- cur, and registered their slaves — Mission to Japan — Opening of trade with it — Disapproved by the Bengal Government — Approved by the Court of Directors - - - - 200 CHAPTER VIII. Domestic afflictions — Tour of the Island for the benefit of his health — Native companions — Malay cha- racter— Origin of their race — Their literature — Civilization — The Moluccas — Celebes — Expedi- tion to Bali and Macasar — People of Bali— Casts — Funeral ceremonies — Wives burning — Account of eruption of Tomboro mountain — Prospects of the restoration of Java to the Dutch — Letter to Lord Buckinghamshire on advantages of retaining it— Value of the Moluccas — Banca — Character of the East insular tribes — New government proposed for Java — Merits of the individuals employed — His own labours — Javanese language — Ancient sculpture and remains- — Intention to write the History of Java — Review of his administration in Java — Close of it . _ - 234 CHAPTER IX. Mr. Raffles hears he is to be relieved in the Government — Residency of Bencoolen secured to him — Forced to return to England by ill health — Arrival of Mr. Fendall — Reception of him^ — General regret at Mr. Raffles’ departure — Presentation of plate — Endeavours by a last memorial to secure justice to the native princes and people — The objects of their treaties with the English — Objects neglected by the English Government — Island restored without conditions to the Dutch — Embark- ation— State of mind on quitting Java — Extract from Captain Travers’ Journal during the voyage — St. Helena — Interview with Buonaparte — Arrival at Falmouth — Mines in Cornwall — Journey to London - - 269 a 2 xn CONTENTS. CHAPTER X. PAGE Mr. Raffles appeals to the Court of Directors — Their opinion — Writes his History of Java — Princess Charlotte — Visits the Continent — Meditates the establishment of a society on the principle of tlie Jardin des Plantes — Is appointed Lieutenant-Governor of Bencoolen and its dependencies — Em- barks for India — Death of Princess Charlotte — Arrival in Sumatra — Description of the Settlement — Dispute with the Dutch Government — Earthquakes — State of Bencoolen — His opinion of the effects of former government — Emancipates the slaves — Cultivation of pepper declared free— Murder of Mr. Parr — Instructions from the Court of Directors to Sir Stamford to watch the pro- ceedings of the Dutch — Lord Hastings’ opinion of the conduct of the Netherlands’ Commissioners — Sir Stamford’s view of the state of affairs — Recommends a line of stations for the protection of trade, and the command of the Straits of Sunda — Appeals in favour of the native population — Penang the only spot between the Mauritius and China where the British flag could be raised — His habits of intercourse with the natives . - _ . _ 284 CHAPTER XI. Sir Stamford Raffles determines to penetrate into the interior of the country — First excursion to the Hill of Mists — Account of journey to Pasumah — Discovery of gigantic flower — Vegetation of Malayan forests — Reason for visiting Pasumah — Ceremony of a funeral — Traces of ancient Hindu mythology — Description of the people — Small-pox — Fatigue of the journey — Descends in rafts — Return to Manna — Proceeds to Cawoor — Success of first attempt to cross the Island of Sumatra — Extract from Mr. Presgrave’s Journal — Description of the sacred mountain — Disappointment in not reaching the crater — Return to Manna — Mountain’s temperature — Large lake — Sufferings of the people for want of salt, prohibited by the Dutch Government — People of Pasumah Lebar — Descendants of the Javanese — Villages — Language — Religion - - - - 313 CHAPTER XII. Sir Stamford Raffles at Bencoolen — Proceeds to Padang — Appeal of the native Chiefs against the Dutch — Is anxious to go to Menangkabu — Considered impracticable — Dangers represented — Deter- mines to make the attempt — Difficulty of the road — Beauty of the country — Course up the river — Thermometer — Height of the mountain — Description of the Tiga Bias country and people — Cattle — Horses — Clothing of the people — Houses — View of the Lake of Sincara — Description of it — Town of Simawang — Country compared to that of Java — Arrival at Suruasa — Discovery of an inscription in the Kawi character — Description of Menangkabu — Hindu image similar to those of Java — Height of the city — Return to the Lake — Description of crossing it — Minerals — Vegeta- bles— Agriculture — Return to Bencoolen — Death of Dr. Arnold . - - 339 CONTENTS. xiii CHAPTER XIII. PAGE Sir Stamford’s arrival at Bencoolen — Improvement in the feelings of the inhabitants — State of affairs in the Eastern Archipelago requires him to proceed to Bengal — Wrecked on the passage — Attention of the Government already directed to the subject of the Dutch encroachments — Lord Hastings determines on another line of policy, and to secure the command of the Straits of Malacca — Sir Stamford appointed Agent to the Governor General for this purpose — Account of the discovery of the Tapir — Departure from Calcutta — Anticipation of Singapore as the spot for the new settle- ment— Arrival at Penang — Proceeds dowTi the Straits of Malacca — Hoists the British flag at Sin- gapore — Acheen — Decides on the right to the Crown — Description of Acheen — Reformation in- troduced at Bencoolen — Journeys — General politics — Conquest of Java — The first convention for the unconditional restoration of it to the Dutch only communication from Europe — Representa- tions made in England — Apprehensions realized on return to India — Bornean States — Dutch at Palembang — Acheen affairs — Title to the occupation of Singapore — Bible Society — Opinions of Captain Horsburgh and Mr. Carnegie on the settlement of Singapore — Accident to the vessel off Rhio - - - - - - - - - 367 CHAPTER XIV. Sir Stamford returns to Bencoolen— Endeavours to induce the inhabitants to take an interest in the im- provement of the country — Irregularities which formerly prevailed — School for the children of the slaves — Its success — Missionaries — Religion of the people — Effect of an institution for the educa- tion of the higher orders — Anxiety for Mr. Wilberforce’s assistance — Bible Society — Schools — Sir Stamford resolves to proceed again to Calcutta — Billiton — Lord Hastings on the subject of Eastern arrangements — Leaves Calcutta to return to Bencoolen . _ _ 404 CHAPTER XV. Sir Stamford did not succeed in introducing a more economical and simple mode of government for the Eastern Islands — Difficulties of altering established forms — Illness — Sight of Sumatra — Tappa- nooly — Battas — Population — Language — Manners — Civilized cannibals — Eating their prisoners in war, criminals, and parents, alive — Description of eating a person as a punishment — Padries — Cholera morbus — Camphor tree — Laws of the Battas — Succession of nephews — Mr. Ward’s opi- nion 424 XIV CONTENTS. CHAPTER XVI. PAGE Sir Stamford devotes himself to his favourite pursuits, builds a house in the country — Collections in natural history sent home — Correspondence of Captain Flint with the J ava Government — Colonel Farquhar’s account of Singapore — Extract from Mr. Grant’s letter — Improvement in Bencoolen — Pulo Nias — Easy communication with Palembang across the Island — Sir Stamford’s description of his children — His confidence that he has pursued a right course — His defence of his conduct — His opinion of the powers he was invested with — Arrival of Missionaries — Mr. Burton settles in the Batta country — Sir Stamford not supported by the Ministry — Introduction of British manufac- tures into China — Agricultural Society — Expense of Singapore — Manufacture of sugar — Coloniza- tion— Lake of Korinchie — Cultivation of rice — Nutmeg-trees — Malayan plants — Political specu- lation— Death of the Editor’s brother 435 CHAPTER XVII. Sir Stamford forms an establishment on the Island of Nias for the suppression of slavery — Sufficient spices raised at Bencoolen for the supply of Great Britain — Description of the Island of Nias — Its population, exports, slaves — Period of proposed return to England — Poggie Islands — Description of tlie people — Death of Sir Stamford’s eldest boy — Death of Captain Auber — Missionaries en- gaged in printing Malay Bible — Illness of another child — Intended publication on commercial pros- pects— Deaths of two children — Youngest child sent to England — Retired life — Expectation of Mr. Canning as Governor-General — Sir Stamford’s opinion of the state of England — Arrival of a party for the measurement of the pendulum at the Equator — Death of Dr. Jack — Voyage to Sin- gapore --------- 483 CHAPTER XVIII. Arrival at Singapore — Description of the settlement — Grounds of right to its retention — Occupation at Singapore — Selection of site for college — Value of land — Contrast of Bencoolen and Singapore — Number of vessels arrived in the first two years and a half — Bungalow on Singapore hill — Botanic garden — Description of plant discovered by Dr. Finlayson — Mission to Bali — Drawing up laws and regulations for the settlement— Magistrates — Memorial against slavery — Resolution of the Bengal Government — Instructions to Mr. Crawfurd — Addresses from the inhabitants — Singapore the only place in India where slavery cannot exist — Leaves Singapore — Touches at Batavia — Correspond- ence with the Baron Van de Capellen ------ 524 CONTENTS. XV CHAPTER XIX. PAGE Arrival at Bencoolen — Plans for the future — Freedom of the port of Singapore — Account of the Pa- dries — State of health — Death of friends — Death of child — Anxiety about the arrival of the ship Fame — Determines to embark in the Borneo — Arrival of the Fame — Embarkation — Burning of the ship — Appeal to the Court of Directors — Extract from memorandum book, for regulation of time — Embarks in the Mariner — Storm off tlie Cape — Arrival at St. Helena — Landing at Ply- mouth 555 CHAPTER XX. Sir Stamford lands at Plymouth — -Interview with liis child — Resumes his labours — Interrupted by ill health — Views of the civilization and conversion of the heathen — Retrospect of the proceedings of the Bible Society in Sumatra — Malay schools preparing the way for the Scriptures — Transla- tion of St. John’s Gospel — Effect of the transfer of the Island to the Dutch — Access to China — Singapore Institution — Sir Stamford’s life at home — The magistracy — Sudden illness — Purchase of High Wood — Judgment of the Coiu't of Directors on his administration of Java, Sumatra, and Singapore — His death - - - - - - -581 Letter from Dr. Horsfield ------ 602 Catalogue of Zoological Specimens 638 Prospectus of Zoological Society - - - - - -699 Correspondence with Messrs. Diard and Duvaucel - - - - - 702 APPENDIX. On the administration of the Eastern Islands in 1819 - - - - - 3 Minutes by Sir T. Stamford Raffles, on the establishment of a Malay College at Singapore - 23 Local laws and regulations for Singapore - - - - " - 39 Singapore Institution - - - - - ■ -74 LIST OF PLATES With directions to the Binder for placing them. Frontispiece, Portrait. View of Buitenzorg . _ . View of Lord Cathcart’s monument at Anjir View of Gunung Gidi, from Garden at Buitenzorg View of Gunung Saluk, near Buitenzorg Culombyan Harbour _ . . Rafflesia Arnoldi ... Route from Padang to Menangkabu Map of Singapore ... View of Singapore ... Map of Eastern Archipelago to face page 107 148 191 225 311 317 345 377 525 after the Index ERRATA. Page 110, note t,/br Sambas, read Banjir Masing. 287, note, /or T. W. Hull, Esq. read. I. W. Hull. Esq. MEMOIR OF SIR THOMAS STAMFORD RAFFLES, F.R.S. CHAPTER I. Early life of Mr. Raff.es — Labours and relaxations — First tastes — Appointment under the new Government of Penang — Duties there — Goes to Malacca for his health — Malay literature — Paper on the Malayan nation — Woolly-haired people scattered among them — Game of chess — Orders for the destruction of Ma- lacca— Countermanded on his rejnresentation — Native account of the Portuguese arrival at Malacca — The Dutch — Letter from Dr. Leyden. There is a general desire to become acquainted with the early life and habits of those who in maturity have distinguished themselves by the display of superior talents. From that knowledge we derive a practical benefit, and gain a clue which enables us to trace that most interesting subject, the course and progress of the human mind, amid the moral and the physical influences by which it may have received its bias. It is chiefly in public characters that we have adequate opportunities of engaging in such researches. The retirement of private life conceals the connecting hnks by which the mind gradually advances, though the same course of self-denial and vigor- ous perseverance may even there produce in the same proportion the same happy results. It is on this account that some brief notices of the private hfe of Sir Stamford Raffles have been prefixed to what was at first intended merely as a record of the course of his public services. It was at one time proposed to have commenced this work with a general view of the state of politics, in those regions of the East where the subject of this Memoir first became known, and soon afterwards rose to very high station. But when it was considered, that the interest of such remote scenes almost invariably depends upon that of the incidents which are connected with individual persons, it was deemed most advisable to commence firom the birth of him who is the immediate subject of the narrative. B o EARLY LIFE. Thomas Stamford Raffles was born at sea, on board the ship Ann, off the har- bour of Port Morant, in the Island of Jamaica, July 5, 1781. He was the only sur- viHng son of Benjamin Raffles, one of the oldest captains in the West India trade out of the Port of London. His paternal grandfather held a situation in the Pre- rogative Office, Doctors’ Commons, with unblemished reputation, for a long course of years. Little beyond this is known of his family. The name frequently occurs in the oldest registers at Beverley in Yorkshire, both in those of the minster and St. Mary’s church, from which it appears that three centuries ago his ancestors resided there, and of one of them it is recorded that he died during his mayoralty in that borough. From thence it is believed they removed to Berwick upon Tw’eed; and at length, in the time of Mr. Raffles’ gi'eat grandfather, to London. Mr Raffles was baptized at Eaton Bishop, in Herefordshire, whilst his mother was on a visit to the Reverend J ohn Lindeman, her brother, who was at that time the incumbent of the living. In his childhood, and in his early youth, he displayed a thoughtffdness, and a closeness of apphcation above his years, and wiiich many of his friends now remem- ber as the first indications of that \igor of mind, and that devotion to whatever demanded the exertion of his powers, by wJiich in after life he was so eminently distinguished. What education he obtained was chiefly under Dr. Anderson, who for many years kept a respectable academy at Hammersmith. But at the early age of fourteen he was removed fi-om that seminary, and placed as an extra clerk in the East India House. The disadvantages which he suffered from this removal he deeply felt, and never failed to deplore. Referring to this period in his history, in a letter wi'itten many years after to his cousin, the Reverend Dr. Raffles, he says, With regard to the attention which may be considered to have been paid by me to objects of a still more general and interesting nature, whether hterary, scientific, or benevolent— I have only a few w'ords to say. The deficiency of my early education has never been fully supplied ; and I have never ceased to deplore the necessity wLich withdrew me so early from school. I had hardly been two years at a boarding-school, when I w^as wth- drawm, and forced to enter on the busy scenes of public life, then a mere boy. My leisure hours, how^ever, still continued to be devoted to favourite studies ; and with the httle aid my allow^ances afforded, I contrived to make myself master of the French language, and to prosecute enquiries into some of the branches of literature and science ; this was, however, in stolen moments, either before the office hours in the morning, or after them in the evening. I look back to these days of difficulty and application with some degree of pleasure. I feel that I did all that I could, and I have nothing to reproach myself with. “ This statement will account for my deficiencies in education : and all I ever 1 EARLY LIFE, 3 presumed to consider myself was — a lover and admirer of all that I could reach in literature and science. The varied, important, and incessant duties of my public life have always deprived me of that calm and retirement which I have desired, and to which alone I look as the ultimate end of my ambition on earth. To qualify myself for the enjoyment of such a state, I omit no opportunity. The high stations which I have held, have enabled me to foster and encourage the pursuits of others ; and if I have any merit, it has rather been as the patron of science, than in any other capacity.” He then proceeds to a rapid enmneration of his various labors and productions of a hterary and scientific nature, which will be more appropriately noticed in subse- quent portions of these pages. They are for the most part already before the world ; and they have obtained for him a far higher rank, even amongst men of letters and of science, than that to which his own modesty allowed him to aspire. It wall be seen from this sketch, that the early youth of Mr. Raffles was a period of obscurity and labor, without friends to aid him, as well as without the hope of promotion : his family only searching for that mode of life in which he was most likely to acquire the greatest pecuniary success, without regard to the natural bias of his mind, or to the talents which he possessed. At fourteen he was chained down to the duties of an offlce : at this early age, and a friendless boy, it is not likely that he w^ould at first be entrusted with much which w^as interesting ; but his was a master mind, and soon burst its shackles, and manifested a high and noble resolve to devote itself to the good of others, and a yearning to obtain the station for which it felt itself best fitted. His attention to his dull routine of duty was unremitting ; he worked early and late ; he studied, as he himself says, in stolen moments : by his extra labor at his offlce he obtained an addition to his salary, which was not appropriated to any selfish pm'pose ; but all he earned w'as carried home to his parents, as they were at this time in difficulties. His affection to his mother was always one of the strongest feel- ings of his heart. At this time, with that self-denjdng devotion to the happiness of others, which was his distinguishing quahty through life, he deprived himself of every indulgence, that he might devote to her his hard-earned pittance : and in after-days of comparative affluence he delighted in surrounding her with every comfort. Such a sedentary life of labor was, how^ever, ill adapted to the delicacy of his frame ; and it w'as feared that symptoms of consumption were becoming confirmed : he w^as ordered to relax his exertions, and to leave his offlce for a time ; he obeyed, and obtained a fortnight’s leave of absence. The use which he made of this short period of recreation is very characteristic : he seized on the moment to indulge that love of mountain scenery so strong in most youthful minds, so happily undying and unfad- ing in its exciting joyous feeling. He resolved to go into Wales, set off on foot, and 4 EARLY LIFE. walked at the rate of thirty and forty miles a day, accomplished his object, and re- turned to his desk with restored health. As a school-boy, his garden was his delight : to this was added a love of animals, which was perhaps unequalled. It has been ob- served, that it is one of the characteristic properties of a great mind, that it can con- tract as well as dilate itself ; and the mind which cannot do both, is not great in its full extent ; this observation was forcibly realised in him ; he spent hours in fondling and domesticating those objects of his care and attention. He entered with the most child-like simplicity into occupations and pleasures which many woul^ consider be- neath their notice : a mountain scene would bring tears into his eyes ; a flower would call forth a burst of favourite poetry ; it was perhaps peculiar to himself to be able to remark on his last return to England, that he had never seen a horse race, never fired a gun. His facility in acquiring languages was extreme. He made himself master of French, with scarcely any assistance, ‘on his first going into the India House ; and as he never forgot any thing which he had once attained, he always continued to speak this language with great fluency, though he had little opportunity of practice. As an instance, in the year 1818, during his government in Sumatra, a lady W'as singing in his house one of Moore’s Melodies, “ Rich and rare were the gems she wore,” when some French gentlemen present regretted that the beauties which he was so admiring were lost to them : he immediately translated the whole into French verse, much to the siu’jirize of all present. His taste for drawing was shewn at an early age, though he never had leisure to indulge it as he wished. In music, he was always fonder of melody than of har- mony ; perhaps because he did not sufficiently cultivate this delightful science. His studies, fi'om his facility of acquirement, were desultory ; but he was always acquiring something ; and was never for one moment unoccupied ; later in life, if obliged by illness to relinquish his occupations, he covered his couch with papers on the first cessation of pain, and was immediately engaged, either in reading or dictating. Little is known of his religious feelings on first entering the world. Early reli- gious instruction was not then, perhaps, so general as at present, and he was not one of the happy few who received it ; but, as he advanced in life, prosperity warmed his heart towards the God who led him forward in his course of usefulness ; adversity taught him to look to another state of being for the happiness which he felt himself capable of enjoying : perhaps his most prominent feelings on this subject were humi- lity and faith. From his first setting out in life, he gave the praise to God for all the blessings which he enjoyed, and was deeply impressed with a sense of his own unworthiness. He constantly mourned over his own weakness, and deplored his want of power to do that which he felt he ought to do, and his failure in the per- formance of every duty : from the earliest period he acquiesced in every privation, as the wise purpose of an Almighty Father working for His own glory, which. HIS APPOINTMENT TO PENANG. 5 though mysterious to the limits of man’s understanding, would be brightly and clearly known hereafter. Beginning life under the influence of such principles and feelings, it will not be matter of surprise, that his own exertions proved his best patron, and procured him friends, whose good opinion was at once honorable to his talents, and favourable to his advancement. Such fi-iends, at a very early period of his connection Avith the East India House, he had obtained; for a vacancy having occurred in the esta- blishment, his peculiar qualifications were allowed to secure his accession to it, not- withstanding the claims of others, who possessed an interest of which he could not boast. The Court of Directors in 1805 determined on sending out an establishment to Penang. India seemed to open before him the field for which his ambition panted ; and when the appointments for the new government were arranged, Mr. Ramsay, then secretary to the Court of Directors, aware of the peculiar fitness and talents of Mr. Raffles for office, named him to Sir Hugh Inglis, who, from this strong recom- mendation, and also a discovery of extraordinary qualifications, gave him the appoint- ment of Assistant Secretary, and ever afterwards watched his progress through life with the deepest interest for his success. Mr. Ramsay, in performing this generous act, expressed his feeling in the strongest terms that, although in parting with so useful an assistant in his department, he should suffer the greatest inconvenience ; that it was like the loss of a limb to him ; yet he felt bound to further the views and promotion in life of one who possessed strong claims from such superior talents and amiable private character. This appointment must, in lecollection, when a few short years had passed, have been as gratifying to the patron as it had already proved honorable to Mr. Raffles, and important to the service of the East India Company. Of the new estabhshment Mr. Philip Dundas was appointed Governor, Mr. John Oliphant, first Member of Council, Mr. Pearson, Secretary, with a long list of cirilians. It is not necessary to enter here into the reasons which induced the Court of Directors to form this settlement, particularly as not one of their high- raised expectations w'as realized ; experience soon proved that the place w^as unfa- vourably situated to attract either the European or the Indian trader ; and high duties checked the natives whom the hope of gain had induced to leave their beaten track. In the month of September, 1805, Mr. Raffles arrived at Penang, in the Company’s ship Ganges, which w'as commanded by Captain Harrington, a brother of the late member of council in Bengal. The progress which he had made in the Malayan language, during his voyage, enabled him to enter with efficiency on the duties of his office as soon as he arrived. It gave to him those manifest advantages which an enlightened man, on his introduction to so interesting a people, must derive from the immediate interchange of ideas and feelings, and procured him the marked ap- probation of the Court of Directors. 6 ARRIVAL AT PENANG. The pre\ious insight which he had acquired into the mode of preparing and arranging public records and proceedings, rendered his services in the formation of a new establishment highly valuable : but whilst he zealously devoted himself to the dis- charge of public duties, which, by the illness of the secretary, ]\Ir. Pearson, were rendered unusually laborious, he still found time to pursue the study of the Eastern languages, and to prosecute his researches into his favourite science of natural history. An extract from the journal of Captain Travers thus describes him at this period : “ It was in the year 1806 I first became acquainted with Mr. Raffles, at the Island of Penang. He was then deputy-secretary to the new government, which had been recently sent out to that place. At this time, which was soon after his aiTival, he had acquired a perfect knowledge of the Malay language, which he had studied on the voyage out, and was able to write and speak fluently. The details of the government proceedings, as far as related to local arrangements and regulations, together with the compilation of almost every public document, devolved on Mr. Raffles, who possessed gi'eat quickness and facility in conducting and arranging the forms of a new government, as well as in draudng up and keeping the records. “ The public dispatches were also entrusted to him ; and in fact he had the entire weight and trouble attendant on the formation of a new government. This, however, did not prevent his attending closely to improve himself in the Eastern languages : and whilst his mornings were employed in his public office, where at first he had but little assistance, his evenings were devoted to Eastern literature. Few men, but those who were immediately on the spot at the time, can form any idea of the difficult task which he had to perform, in conducting the public business of such a government as existed on the first establishment of Penang as a Presidency. It would be in'e- levant here to allude to, or attempt any description of the different characters of whom this government Avas formed, the more particularly so, as they are all now dead, but it is due to IMr. Raffles to state, that he Avas respected and consulted by every member of it. In his official capacity he gave most general satisfaction, Avhilst the settlers looked up to him for assistance and advice in eA'ery difficulty ; and Avhen he afterAAards became chief secretary, the most general satisfaction Avas eAnnced throughout the Settlement. “ Being of a cheerfrd liA'ely disposition, and very fond of society, it Avas surpris- ing hoAv he Avas able to entertain so hospitably as he did, and yet labour so much as lie AA^as knoAAm to do at the time, not only in his official capacity, but in acquiring a general knoAvledge of the history, government, and local interests of the neighbouring states ; and this he was greatly aided in doing by conversing freely Avith the natives, Avho Avere constantly A'isiting Penang at this period, many of Avhom Avere often found to be sensible, intelligent men, and greatly pleased to find a person holding Mr. Raffles’ situation able and anxious to converse Avith them in their OAvn language.” It Avas at this early period (1806) that Mr. Raffles formed an acquaintance Avith GOES TO MALACCA FOR HIS HEALTH. 7 Dr. Leyden, whose health had obliged him to quit Calcutta, and to try the effects of a voyage to Penang. He resided in Mr. Raffles’ house for several months. The similarity of their pursuits, and the congeniality of their sentiments, soon led to an unreserved intimacy, which, as the knowledge of each other increased, strengthened into an attachment that was only severed by death. In consequence of the absence of Mr. Pearson, Mr. Raffles had to perform the duties of that gentleman as well as his own, and succeeded to the office of secretary on the nomination of Mr. Pearson to a seat in council. On the introduction of the Charter of Justice, for the purpose of establishing a supreme court of judicature, there was no professional person who could be employed as Registrar. Mr. Raffles offered to act in this capacity, and rendered most essential assistance in the duties of arranging and opening the Court. The fatigue and responsibihty attaching to the office of secretary, in the organiza- tion of a new government, in a climate which in a very short period proved fatal to two Governors, all the Council, and many of the new settlers, brought on an alarm- ing illness. The attack was so severe, that for some time little hopes of his life were entertained. Throughout sufferings by which his strength was nearly exhausted, he e\inced the utmost patience and resignation. When the disease abated, and he could be removed without danger, (1808) he was recommended to go to Malacca for the recovery of his health. It is difficult to convey an idea of the constant and laborious duties which, at this period, he had to perfonn. It has already been stated, that the compilation and composition of almost every public document devolved upon him ; that he had to draw up and keep all the records of the Government ; and that the public despatches were entrusted to him to frame. There were no half-caste persons, as at the present day, to assist in performing the duties of transcribing, which greatly increased the labors of his office. As Registrar he had to arrange all the details of the Recorder’s Court. Yet after devoting the whole of the day to these public duties, it was ob- served at the time that he passed his evenings in the study and acquirement of Eastern literature. Trifles often denote the pecuharity of character which distinguishes the individual from the surrounding crowd ; and a circumstance which occurred during Mr. Raffles’ visit to Malacca, developed the leading features of his disposition — the forgetfulness of self, the determination to sacrifice every private consideration to a sense of public duty, — the activity and energy of mind which overcame every diffi- culty that obstructed his course. “ * Whilst he was thus usefully employing himself, and improving his health, a circumstance occuired which proves his zeal and assiduity as a public servant ; a ship arrived at Malacca from Penang, bringing intelligence of her having left a vessel Extract from Captain Travers’ Journal. 8 SERVICES AT PENANG. in the harbour about to proceed to England. Mr. Raffles, knowing the necessity of sending despatches by the first opportunity, and w^ell aware that in his absence the Government w ould find gi'eat difficulty in preparing them, determined on proceeding there without delay, although strongly m'ged to remain whilst his health was so fast improving ; hut it was impossible to dissuade him from what he thought to be a public duty ; and, at any risk or inconvenience, he was resolved on going. At the moment there was no vessel in Malacca roads going to Penang, nor any which could be hired for the purpose ; but still so detennined was he on proceeding, that at length he got a pleasure-boat, formerly the long-boat of an Indiaman, and in this small craft he went, and reached Penang in good time to relieve Government from a weight of care and anxiety, which I believe w'ere freely acknowledged at the time.” It w'as dm-ing this risit to ISIalacca that Mr. Raffles first enjoyed the opportunity of obserring, and joining with the varied popidation congi’egated from all parts of the Archipelago, and from the distant countries of Asia ; from Java, Ambojma, Celebes, the Moluccas, Borneo, Papua, Cochin China, China Proper, &c. M’ith many he conversed personally, with others through the medium of inter- preters. To this early habit, w'hich he ahvays retained, of associating with the na- tives, and admitting them to intimate and social intercourse, may be attributed the extraordinary influence which he obtained over them, and the respect with which they always received his adrice and opinions. The knowledge w'hich he thus acquired of the different products of the neigh- bouring countries, of the natm'e and extent of their trade, of their customs, manners, and feelings, greatly assisted him in the discharge of those high and responsible duties to which he w'as subsequently called. The following extract of a letter of the Governor of Penang erinces the import- ance attached to his services, by the authorities of that settlement. (1808.) To Mr. Raffles, “ A thousand thanks to you for your kind letters which I had the pleasure to receive some days ago, and hearing then that there was a small vessel sailing for Malacca, I wrote you a few humed lines by her, to inform you of the arrangement I had made for your coming back in the event of your not meeting with a better conveyance. The Scourge sailed five days ago, and is to call at Galangore and Siak, before she goes to Malacca. Captain Bairett is desired to place himself under your orders whenever he arrives, and unless a more favorable conveyance offers, I sincerely hope you will find yourself w'ell enough to come back to us in the Scourge. ‘‘ It is distressing to me, my dear Sir, to be under the necessity of stating in this pointed manner, the unavoidable exigence of the case, but such is the case, that we shall not be able to make up any despatches for the Court without yom- assistance. MALAYS. 9 This is truly hard upon you, under the present circumstances of your delicate state of health, but I trust you will believe that nothing else would induce me to press so hard on you at this time. And with the exception of Mr. Phillips, the rest of the board can give but httle assistance in making out the general letter ; none, however, so little as myself.” Soon after the formation of the settlement of Penang, Mr. Dundas, the Governor, received from Mr. Marsden, Author of the History of Sumatra, a letter which con- tained some queries on the subject of Malayan literature. These were immediately referred to Mr. Raffles, as the person best qualified to answer them ; and in conse- quence of Mr. Dundas enclosing the following letter of reply, a correspondence was commenced between Mr. Raffles and Mr. Marsden, which continued until Mr. Raffles’ return to England in 1816, when a personal acquaintance led to an intimacy of friendship, which was never interrupted. To the Honourable P. Dundas. “ Penanst July 6, 1806. Dear Sir, “ I should have taken an earlier opportunity of communicating with you on the subject of Mr. Marsden’s letter, which you were pleased to refer to me, if I had not expected a few leisure hours, in which I could have given sufflcient attention to his queries to reply to them with the satisfaction I desired. Another reason prevented my replying to your flattering reference : I had planned a short excursion of a few days to Queda, and expected from the observa- tions I might make there, to have confirmed several particulars respecting the Malays, which I could have communicated to Mr. Marsden. In this also I have been disappointed, from the circumstance of Mr. Pearson’s having obtained leave of absence from the Presidency at the very time I intended applying to you for permission to go to Queda. The length of time Mr. Pearson may be absent, and the little prospect I now have of the leisure which I so anxiously desire, can alone induce me, at this time, to hazard my inexperienced opinions on any subject connected with Oriental literature. On the interesting subject of the Chronology of the Malays, I fear but little light will be thrown from the discovery of their using a cycle in their dates. I am convinced of the justness of Mr. Marsden’s conclusion, that the cycle amongst the Malays has been adopted from the Siamese. I have not, however, observed in any of their books that the cycle alluded to is used with the religion of Mahomet ; the epoch of the Hegira has been introduced, and with the Arabian months and days is universally used in their manuscripts. The first I knew of their using a cycle, or particular names for their years, c 10 WOOLLY-HAIRED RACE. was from a very old MS., half in Bugguese, half in the Malay or Arabic character, in which were inserted the Relika or times, (lucky and unlucky), with tables for com- puting time, according to the ISlahomedan calendar. “ The Siamese, I believe, in conformity with the Indians in general, as well as the Chinese, have a cycle of 60 years, containing five lesser cycles of 12 years each. Loubec, I make no doubt, in his embassy to Siam, states in what way these cycles are computed ; and I regret I have not his work, or any other guide, to correct and assist me in tracing the exact similitude between the Siamese cycle and those alluded to as used by the Malays. That the names for the years used by the Malays are borrowed from the Siamese is e\ddent. “ Of the Menangkabus, after a good deal of inquiry, I have not yet been able decidedly to ascertain the relation between those of that name in the Peninsula and the Menangkabus on Pulo Percha. The Malays I have met affinn, without hesita- tion, that they all come originally from Pulo Percha : the circumstance of the nation of that name in Sumatra being so great and ancient, leaves but little doubt, however, on my mind, that the nation (if any) hardly known on the Peninsula, must have emigrated from thence, although the contrary may, as we are at a loss to account for the former, appear at first sight most probable. “ I hope I may hereafter have it in my power to fuimish ]\Ir. Marsden with still fm'ther additions to his Semang Vocabulary, although I am not much inclined to think that from this nation, or rather race of men, much interesting information can be derived, beyond that of their actual existence and extent. “ The men are said to wear a small piece of the bark of a tree, tied with a string above the hips. The women wear leaves sewed together in the form of a short petticoat from above the hips to half way down the thighs. They are decidedly Caffres, or people Avith woolly hair — to appearance a distinct race in every respect from the Malays, from whom they cannot have in any probability descended. Those inhabiting the skirts of the woods have considerable intercourse with the Malays, but never leave the woods, unless taken by force, which they sometimes are, and sold as slaves. Many of these, from their holding communication with the Malays, speak that language tolerably well ; but the language of these people is considered by the Malays as a perfect jargon. Their talking is by the Malays looked upon as the chat- tering or chirping of large birds, and bears no similitude whatever to their own. They are found very useful ; if the Malay is in want of deer, herbs, particular woods, or the like, from the interior of the forests, he goes into the skirts, generally alone, directing his course towards the interior : as he advances he blows a kind of horn, when the Caffre, if near at hand, and in the habit of meeting him, cautiously ap- proaches, and agrees to bring whatever is required by the Malay, from whom he receives in return a small quantity of pounded cocoa-nut, or patches of cloth ; but he is remarked never to take rice, or the articles of food generally used by the Malays ; 2 CAFFRES. 11 from which he is conceived to live entirely on roots and leaves of trees, on the boughs of which he is said to leap and chng with equal agility and expertness as his degrading semblance, the monkey. I have not yet met with any of these Caffres. I observe Mr. Marsden, in his History of Sumatra, speaks of the Caffres of the Philippines, who appear to resemble those alluded to in the Malay Peninsula. These last are called by the Spaniards Negritos del Monte, and are many of them as black as the natives of Guinea. “ I am inclined to think the subject of these Caffres being thus found in the interior of these eastern countries merits considerable attention ; as, at any rate, they afford a presumptive evidence that the country which they inhabit cannot for many years have been advanced in civihzation ; and therefore, that the highest state of it existing among the Malays must have been on or near the coasts, and not the inte- rior. In Java there are said to be remains of a religion, which may, very probably, be corrupted Hindu. “ With respect to Mr. Marsden’s query on the terms used by the Malays for the different pieces in the game of chess, I will state the result of my inquiries among the Malays themselves. The chatter, or chess-board, is avowedly and evidently received by the Malays from the Chuliahs, or men of the Kaling country. The terms which they could understand they soon altered to their own fashion. * From the above it will appear that the Malays have altered some terms, and not the others. All I can learn respecting the term ter, is, that it is a name given by the Hindus to a small temple, in which is placed the image of one of their deities, which they carry about at different times of the year. This term being given to the pieces, if derived from this origin, may lead one to imagine that when the Hindus went to war, they sup- posed themselves flanked by their gods ; and in reducing the art of war to a game of amusement, they could not do less than pay this compliment. Sir William Jones, speaking of the Indian chess-board, states, I think, that there are numerous treatises on the game in the Sanscrit, not yet translated : from them, I have no doubt, the origin of the word ter will be easily ascertained. I regret that I have not a complete Sanscrit vocabulary by me ; but in referring to Forster’s Bengallee Vocabulary, which is, I believe, almost pure Sanscrit, I am enabled to state something satisfactory. The word ter there signifies ^ border, verge, utmost a sufficient proof, I think, that the term used for the chess-man is borrowed from the Sanscrit, the place of the ter on the board being at the border, verge, utmost, or corner. “ In observing, however, upon the manner in which the Malays have altered the names given by the Chuliahs, I must notice that they sometimes use the word ter, in speaking of the wings of an army, in preference to sarsup. “ Many of the books and popular narratives of the Malays I find to have been rendered from the Kaling language, a term by which they call all the popular dialects on the Coromandel coast. That the astonishing number of Sanscrit words in the c 2 12 JAVA. Malay language should have been introduced by the commercial intercourse of the Chuliahs, is not likely, any more than that they should have entered from the Guze- ratty, whose intercourse must have in like manner been purely commercial ; but a portion, no doubt, may have been received from each. I think, (wth the Malays,) that they must have received their knowledge from the Island of Java. I have not been able to obtain, as yet, any knowledge of the Javanese language ; but my friend Dr. Leyden, while he was here, paid some little attention to it ; and his opinion I know was, that the Javanese language must be a dialect of the Sanscrit, very little cormpted. “ I take the hberty of annexing a Javanese alphabet : I also add a Bugguese alphabet ; I have never been able to trace one before, and if it is new to Mr. Marsden I shall be much gratified. I have hitherto learnt but httle about this nation. They are, I believe, in general Mahomedans, those who refuse the doctrines ha’vfing been obhged to seek shelter in obscurity. All I can trace of a former religion is, that they beheved in a heaven and a hell. “ I have to apologize for having carried my letter to so great a length, without knowing whether the observations it contains will be acceptable. Should you deem the rephes to Mr. Marsden’s queries in any way satisfactory, and worthy of communi- cation, I hope you vail, at the same time, state them as coming from a young man, who never made Oriental Hterature his study, and is but lately arrived in the place which furnishes the means of his observations,” &c. &c. Mr. Raffles’ risit to Malacca contributed very essentially to the promotion of the public interests. Orders had been issued that the fortifications should be demolished, and the whole town abandoned. With regard to the public buildings, these orders had been already executed. Their object was twofold ; first, by the destruction of the w'orks to deter Europeans from setthng there ; and, secondly, by transferring the trade and population, to improve the station of Penang, or Prince of Wales’ Island. Mr. Raffles represented that the population of Malacca far exceeded any idea which had been formed respecting it ; that it comprised not less than 20,000 souls, (1808), some few of whom were Em’opeans, chiefly Dutch and Portuguese, the rest were their half-caste descendants, Chinese and their descendants by Malay women, Arabs, Javanese, and Chuliahs, of whom more than three-fourths were born in Ma- lacca, where their families had been settled for centuries. Attached to the place from their birth, they were accustomed to the local regulations, and in the bosom of their families they felt that they were at home, their peculiarities w^ere attended to, their rank respected, and their wants supplied. Many were proprietors of the soil, or attached to those who were so. From their gardens, which produced pepper, vege- tables, and all kinds of fruit in* abundance, and from the fisheries they derived com- fort and independence ; no reasonable expectation could be entertained that such a MALACCA. 10 O population would emigrate to Prince of Wales’ Island ; — they were, in fact, insepa- rable from the soil ; and of the offers of free passage which had been made, not one had been accepted. At Penang, on the other hand, three-fourths of the native population were adventurers, men ready to turn their hands to any employments, who, having no fixed home or permanent property, might by a very little encourage- ment be induced to remove. The manner in which these representations were received, and the sense enter- tained of the value of Mr. Raffles’ services, will appear sufficiently from the following extract of a letter from the Governor of Penang to the Court of Directors wiitten at this time. I have it now in my power to submit to your Honourable Committee a compen- dious but comprehensive report from the hand of our Secretary, Mr. Raffles, expla- natory of the present circumstances of that Settlement, and illustrative of the ill con- sequences that would result from the adoption of either of the measures that have been heretofore contemplated regarding it. Such information as I have myself been enabled to collect from intelligent persons here, and from other sources, entirely confirms the judicious observations and conclusions contained in this very valuable document ; and it is my intention at an early period to point out to the Supreme Government the policy, if not necessity, here made sufficiently manifest, of continu- ing the present establishment, no branch of which can admit of reduction, but the charge thereof is amply provided by the revenues of the Settlement alone. “To the services and merits of Mr. Raffles, as well as in duty to my employers, I should feel alike wanting were I to omit this opportunity of pointing out to the favourable notice of your Honourable Committee, the unwearied zeal and assiduity \rith which he has since the formation of the establishment devoted his talents to the furtherance of the Company’s interests ; his unremitting attention to the duties of the most laborious office under this government, added to those of Registrar to the Recorder’s Court, which, at the period of its establishment, he voluntarily and gratuitously undertook. Having lately endured a severe indisposition, and the neces- sity of a visit to Malacca, he occupied the leisure thus afforded, although under great bodily suffering, to collect the information furnished in the accompanying report, which entitles him to my approbation, and will, I trust, obtain for him that of your Honomable Committee. The situation of Secretary affords facilities to the person holding it of acquiring a better knowledge of your affairs here than any other officer below council ; and I can with truth say, that Mr. Raffles’ abilities and general conduct give him a right to my recommendation, in as far as being eminently well qualified to assist in your councils. I understand that he has submitted to his friends an application to be provisionally appointed to the first vacancy, and I shall be happy if my recommendation may weigh with the Honourable Court in his behalf.” When these representations were received, the orders were countermanded : 14 ON THE MALAYAN NATION. and Malacca, though ahenated for a time, was restored to Great Britain by the treaty with the Netherlands’ Government, in 1824, and now (1829) forms part of the consohdated government of Penang, Singapore, and Malacca. Respecting the whole of the Eastern Islands, at that time (1808) httle known or attended to, Mr. Raffles collected much interesting infonnation. It was princi- pally on this subject that he carried on a con*espondence with Dr. Leyden. His letters were occasionally submitted to the notice of Lord Minto, the Governor-Gene- ral, in whom they excited so much interest, that they led to a personal acquaintance ; and Mr. Raffles had thus again the gratification of obtaining, purely from his own talents and character, another and a still more powerful patron and friend. To W. Marsden,Esq. “ Runemede, Penang, March, 1809. “ My Dear Sir, “ Two very long and severe illnesses, during which I was under the neces- cessity of denpng myself the use of the pen, and all kind of study, and from the effects of which I am hardly recovered, even at this time, must plead my excuse for not answering, or, indeed, acknowledging the receipt of your polite and friendly letters of the 18th of June and 15th of November last, both of wliich arrived when I was confined to my room. ^ ^ ^ “ With respect to the Menangkabus, I am more than ever confident that those in the Peninsula derive their origin from the country of that name in Sumatra. “ Inland of Malacca, about sixty miles, is situated the Malay kingdom of Rumbo, of which you have no doubt heard. The Sultan and all the principal officers of state hold their authority immediately from Menangkabu, and have even ^vrit- ten commissions for their respective offices ; this shews the extent of its power, even now, reduced as it must be in common with that of the Malay states in general. * * 7^ “ In the Asiatic Researches you will perceive a long disquisition on the Indo- Chinese nations, by my friend Dr. Leyden, which will no doubt interest you very much. I wish w^e had the good fortune of his local information ; he w^as to the east- ward but a few months, during which time he hved with me ; you will see what use he made of his time. I have by me a sketch of a grammar which I have drawn out, and wffiich I will send you as soon as I get time to correct and copy it ; and I am gradually compiling a dictionary, which you shall be welcome to, if it can be of any service to you. ***** * " I must now conclude, and apologise for the hasty style in which this is written, the fleet haring this day put in here, intending to sail for England to-morrow. You, my dear Sir, have been a Secretary yomself, and will make due allowances.” PAPER ON THE MALAYAN NATION. 15 The first literary essay of Mr. Raffles was a paper on the Malayan nation, with a translation of its maritime institutions, which he communicated to the Asiatic Society in Calcutta, and from which the following extracts may prove interesting : “ The Island of Sumatra, as well as the Islands of Java, Jana Uyi, or Bugisland, (Celebes), Sulu, and the Moluccas, which, with Borneo, compose what may be pro- perly termed the Malayan groupe, are peopled by nations radically distinct from the Malays, who speak languages entirely different, and use various written characters, original, and pecuhar to each. These nations are governed by their several laws and institutions ; and if we except the state of Menangkabu, in the Island of Sumatra, it is on the shores of these Islands only, and in the Malay Peninsula, that the Malays are to be foimd. Whatever may have been the origin of the Malayan nation, the primary population of these various and extensive islands could never, according to any natural inference, have proceeded from the Malays, though the reverse may probably have been the case. “ I cannot but consider the Malayan nation as one people, speaking one language, though spread over so wide a space, and preserving their character and customs, in all the maritime states lying between the Sula Seas and the Southern Ocean, and bounded longitudinally by Sumatra and the western side of Papua or New Guinea. “ The Malayan language may no doubt be traced to a still further extent, and particularly among the South Sea Islands ; but that point belongs to a dissertation on the origin of the nation and its language, and need not be attended to here. Inde- pendently of the laws of the Koran, which are more or less observed in the various Malay states, according to the influence of their Arabian and Mahomedan teachers, but seldom further than as they affect matters of religion, marriage, and inheritance, the Malay states possess several codes of laws, denominated Undang Undang, or institutions, of different antiquity and authority, compiled by their respective sove- reigns : and every state of any extent possesses its own Undang Undang. Through- out the whole, there appears a general accordance ; and where they differ it is seldom beyond what situation, superior advantages and authority, have naturally dictated. Many of the Undang Undang contain the mere regulations for the collection of the duties on trade, and the peculiar observations of the port, while others ascend to the higher branches of civil and criminal law. “ From the comparative rude and uncivilized character of the Malay nation, learned disquisition is not to be looked for ; but simple ideas, simply expressed, may illustrate character better than scientific or refined composition. And in this point of view, however local or particular the subject may be, the institutions and regula- tions of so extensive a maritime nation must be interesting. Considering, there- fore, that a translation of these codes, digested and arranged according to one general plan, might be as useful in facilitating and ensuring a more secure intercourse 16 PAPER ON THE MALAYAN NATION. among this extraordinary and peculiar nation, as it might be interesting in illus- trating the unjustly degraded character of so extensive a portion of the human race, hitherto so little known, either -with respect to what they are, or what they were, I have long been engaged, as far as the severe duties of my public situa- tion would admit, in collecting Malay manuscripts of every description, and in par- ticular, copies of the Undang Undang Malaya, which, with the curious collections of Addat, or immemorial customs, and what may be usefully extracted from the Sejarat Malaya and Akal Malaya, or annals and traditions of the Malays, comprise what may be termed the ^vhole body of the Malay laws, customs, and usages, as far as they can be considered as original, under the heads of government, property, slavery, inheritance, and commerce. “ On the eastern side of Sumatra, the Malay states of Acheen, Siak, and Palem- bang, may be considered as of the most importance. “ The laws of Acheen are peculiar, on account of the severity of the criminal law ; and although it may be presumed that they were borrowed from the more ancient inhabitants of the Island, they are interesting, in as far as they may have been generally adopted by the Malays in the Straits of Malacca, and may have given rise to that sanguinaiy disposition, by which the Malays are usually supposed to be characterised. Those of Siak have a peculiar interest, from the long-established connection between that state and the Menangkabus in the interior of Sumatra. The Siak river takes its rise in the Menangkabu country, and has obriously been the principal outlet from the rich and populous countries in the interior, of which so little is knoAMi. “ Of the Malay Peninsula, the principal states entitled to notice, on the western side, are those of Queda, Malacca, and Johore ; and in the eastern those of Trin- gano, Patani, and Pahang. “ The states on the eastern side of the Peninsula, with the exception of Patani, which has been considerably influenced by the Siamese, seem generally to have admitted the superiority of the Malay government first established at Singapore, and afterwards at Johore. “ On the Island of Borneo, the several Malay states have regulations and insti- tutions pecuKar to each, though not differing in any material degree, from those of the Peninsula. “ M’ith respect to the internal regulations of government, police, property, and what in all Malay codes occupies so large a share, slavery ; the Malay states in the Peninsula have been selected, as well on account of their connection >rith the Enghsh Government at Penang and Malacca, as for the still more important reason, in a phi- losophical point of riew, of the Malays being, according to the theory I have laid down, to be found here the least adulterated in their character, usages, and manners. They are bounded by the Siamese, to the north, whose encroachments and esta- PAPER ON THE MALAYAN NATION. 17 biishments in the Peninsula, as they have from time to time taken place, may easily be defined. The Malays seem here to have occupied a country previously unappro- priated; for if we except an inconsiderable race of CafFres, who are occasionally found near the mountains, and a few tribes of the Orang Benua, there does not exist a vestige of a nation anterior to the Malay in the whole Peninsula. “ As the population of the Malay Peninsula has excited much interest, my atten- tion has been particularly directed to the various tribes stated to be scattered over the country. “ Those on the hills are usually termed Semang, and are woolly headed ; those on the plain Orang Benua, or people belonging to the country ; the word benua being applied by the Malays to any extensive country, as benua China; but it appears to be only a sort of Malay plural to the Arabic word ben or beni, signifying a tribe. The early adventurers from Arabia firequently make mention in their writings of the different tribes they met with to the eastward; and from them most probably the Malays have adopted the term Orang Benua. “ I had an opportunity of seeing two of these people, from a tribe in the neigh- bourhood of Malacca ; it consisted of about sixty people, and the tribe was called Jokong- These people, from their occasional intercourse vrith the villages depen- dent on Malacca, speak the Malay language sufficiently to be generally under- stood. They state that there are two other tribes, the Orang Benua and the Orang Udai. The fonner appears the most interesting as composing the majority ; the latter is only another name for the Semang, or Caffres. From the vicinity of the Jokong trihe to Malacca, and intercourse with its inhabitants, they may have adopted many Malay words not originally in their lan- guage. They are not circumcised, and they appear to have received some instruc- tion regarding Nabi Isa, or as they pronounce it Isher. They, however, have no books, nor any word for God, whom they designate by the Portuguese Deos. The men are well formed, rather short, resembhng the Malay in countenance, but having a sharper and smaller nose. They marry but one wife, whether rich or poor, and appear to observe no particular ceremony at their nuptials. The consent of the girl and that of the parents being obtained, the couple are considered as man and wife. The Malays of Remban, with whom I have had frequent commmiications, adopt the broad dialect of the Malays of Sumatra, changing the a at the end of a word into o ; this pecufiarity may be still observed among many of the inhabitants of the southern part of the Peninsula. “ The following is a translation of the Malayan history of the first arrival of the Portuguese at Malacca : “ ‘Ten Portuguese vessels arrived at Malacca from Manilla, for the purpose of trade, during the reign of the Sultan Ahmed Shah, at a time when that country pos- D 18 CONQUEST OF MALACCA BY THE PORTUGUESE. sessed an extensive commerce, and every thing in abundance, when the affairs of government were well administered, and the officers properly appointed. ^ For forty days the Portuguese ships traded at Malacca ; but still the Portuguese commander remained on shore, presenting dollars by the chest, and gold ; and how many beautiful cloths did they present to the illustrious Shah Ahmed Shah, so that the Sultan was most happy ! ‘ After this Sultan Ahmed Shah said to the commanders of the Portuguese, ‘ What more do you require fi'om us, that you present us such rich presents V To this the commander rephed, ‘ We only request one thing of our friend, should he be weU inclined towards the white men.’ Whereupon Sultan Ahmed Shah said, ‘ state what it is that I may hear it, and if it is in my power I will comply ^vith the request of my friend.’ The Portuguese answered, we wish to request a small piece of ground, to the extent of what the skin of a beast may cover.’ ‘ Then said the Sultan, let not my friends be unhappy, let them take whatever spot of ground they hke best, to the extent of w'hat they request.’ The captains w'ere highly rejoiced at this, and the Portuguese immediately landed, bringing with them spades, brick, and mortar ; the commander then took the skin of the beast, and haring rent it into cords, measured out therewith four sides, within which the Portuguese built a store-house of very con- siderable dimensions, leaving large square apertures in the walls for guns ; and w'hen the people of Malacca enquired the reason of the apertures being left, the Portuguese returned for answ'er, ‘ these are the apertures that the w^hite men require for win- dows.’ The people of Malacca were satisfied and content. ‘ Alas ! how often did the Bendahara and Tumungungs approach the Rajah with a request that the white men might not be permitted to build a large Rouse : but the Raja would say, ‘ my eyes are upon them, and they are few in number: if they do any wrong, whatever it may be, I shall see it, and will give orders for their being massacred, (literally, I will order my men to amoTc, or, as it is vulgarly termed, run a muck among them.)’ Notwithstanding this, the Bendahara and Tumungungs remained dissatisfied in their hearts, for they were wise men. ‘After this the Portuguese, during the night, conveyed cannon into their store- house, and they landed small-arms, packed in chests, saying their contents w^ere cloths ; and in this manner did the Portuguese deceive and cheat the people of Malacca ! “ ‘ What the Portuguese next did, the people of Malacca were ignorant of, but it was long before the store-house was completed; and when all then* arms w'ere in order, then it was at midnight, at a time when the people of INIalacca w^ere asleep, that the Portuguese began to fire off their guns from the fort of Malacca ! “ ‘ They soon destroyed all the houses of the people of Malacca, and their Nibong fort; and it was during this night, when the Portuguese first attacked the people of Malacca, that Sultan Ahmed Shah, with his people fled in all directions, for no one could remain to oppose the Portuguese. ATTACK OF THE DUTCH ON MALACCA. 19 “ ‘ Thus did the Portuguese take possession of Malacca, whilst Sultan Ahmed Shah fled to Moar, and from thence in a short time, to Johore, and afterwards to Bentan, to establish another country. Such is the account of the Portuguese taking the kingdom of Malacca, from the hands of Sultan Ahmed Shah. “ ‘ During thirty-six years, three months, and fourteen days, the Portuguese were employed in the construction of the fort, and then it was completed. “ ‘ From this time the Portuguese remained in quiet possession of Malacca for about nine years and one month, when the country once more began to flourish, on account of the quantities of merchandise brought there from all quarters. Such is the account of the country of Malacca under the Portuguese. “ ‘ After this period, a Dutch vessel arrived at Malacca for the purpose of trade ; the vessel’s name was Afterlenden, and that of the captain, Ibir. The captain per- ceived that Malacca was a very fine place, and had a good fort ; therefore, after the Dutch vessel had traded for fifteen days, he set sail for Europe, and arriving after a considerable time at the great country, he gave intelligence to the great Rajah of what he had seen, of the country of Malacca, the extent of its commerce, and the ex- cellence of its fort. On this, the Rajah of Europe said, ^ If such is the account of Malacca, it is proper that I should order it to be attacked.’ Twenty-five vessels were thereupon ordered by the Rajah of Europe, for the purpose of attacking Malacca, and troops being embarked in each, they first set sail for the kingdom of Bantam, in the country of Java, where the Dutch were on terms of friendship. ^ At Bantam they found two Dutch ships, and a ketch, and after having taken on board buffaloes, and provisions for the use of the persons on board, the vessels then sailed for Malacca. “ ‘ As soon as the fleet arrived at Malacca, the Dutch sent a letter to the Portu- guese, telling them to hold themselves in readiness, as it was the intention of the Dutch to commence the attack on the morrow, at mid-day. To this the Portuguese replied, ‘ Come when you please, we are ready.’ “ ‘ On the next day the Dutch commenced the attack, and the war continued for about two months ; but the country of Malacca was not carried, and the Dutch returned to Bantam, where they remained quiet for some time, in the intention of returning to Europe ; all the great men on board feeling ashamed of what had happened. ‘ The great men in each of the vessels, having afterwards held consultations respecting another attack on Malacca, they proceeded against it a second time, but it did not surrender. The Dutch now sent a letter to Johore, in terms of friendship, to the Sultan, requesting his assistance, in the attack of Malacca. With this the Rajah of Johore was pleased, and an agreement was entered into between the Rajah of Johore and the Dutch, which was sworn to; so that the Dutch and Malays became as one, as far as concerned the taking of Malacca. An agreement was made, that the Dutch should attack from the sea, and the people of Johore from the land. If D 2 20 PAPER ON THE MALAYAN NATION. the country surrendered, the Dutch were to retain the country, and the cannon ; and every thing else that might be found uitliin Malacca was to be equally divided between the Dutch and the people of Johore. “ ‘ When these terms were agi'eed upon, the men of Johore and the Dutch sailed for Malacca, and after attacking it for about fifteen days, from the sea, many were slain, as well Portuguese as Malays and Dutch. The Malays then held a consultation, and began to think, that if they fought against the white men according to this fashion, Malacca would not fall for ten years. It was therefore agreed upon by all the Malays, that fifty men should enter the fort of Malacca, and run a muck or meng-amok. ‘ The Malays then selected a lucky day, and on the twenty-first day of the month, at 5 o’clock in the morning, the fifty Malays entered the fort, and commenced amok, and every Portuguese was either put to death, or forced to fiy into the interior of the country, without order or regularity. “ ‘ On this, the Malays exerted themselves in plundering Malacca, and the whole was divided between the men of Johore and the Dutch, according to their agreement. “ ‘ The men of Johore then returned to the coimtry of Johore, and the Dutch remained in possession of Malacca. “ ‘ This is the account of former times.’ “ To return to the subject of the Undang Undang Malaya, the collection of Malay laws, as far as regards the Malayan nation separately, is nearly completed; but it is advisable to adopt a more extensive plan, embracing the origuial institutions of the various nations among the Eastern Islands. * * “ The most obvious and natural theory on the origin of the Malays is, that they did not exist as a separate and distinct nation until the anival of the Arabians in the Eastern Seas. At the present day they seem to differ from the more original nations, from which they spmng in about the same degree, as the Chuhahs of Kiling differ from the Tamul and Telinga nations on the Coromandel coast, or the jMapillas of Malabar differ from the Nairs, both which people appear in like manner with the Malays, to have been gi-adually formed as nations, and separated from their original stock by the admixture of Arabian blood, and the introduction of the Arabic lan- guage and Moslem religion. “ The word jahui is the Malay teim for any thing mixed or crossed ; as when the language of one country is written in the character of another, it is termed b’hasa jahui, or mixed language ; or when a child is born of a Kiling father and Malay mother, it is called anah jahui, a child of mixed race. Thus the Malay language, being wiitten in the Arabic character, is termed b’hasa jahui ; the Malays, as a nation distinct from the fixed population of the Eastern Islands, not possessing any \vritten character but what they borrow from the Arabs. “ With respect to the maritime institutions which I have now the honour to lay LETTER FROM DR. LEYDEN. 21 before the Asiatic Society, they have been selected on account of their singularity and characteristic peculiarities. The power of life and death, vested in the Nak- hodah, or captain of a vessel, may be considered as purely Malay, or at any rate to have had its origin in the Eastern Islands : the Arabs, from whom alone they could have borrowed a foreign sea-code, not possessing, as far as I have been able to ascer- tain, any treatise whatever on maritime law, or in any instance admitting the authority of the Nakhodah, to inflict capital punishments. In this point of view, the paper, even in its present state, may not be uninteresting ; and it may tend, in some degree, to account for some of the numerous peculiarities of a nation generally believed to act, on most occasions, solely from individual will, and ferocious passion.” The following letter from Dr. Leyden to Mr. Raffles was written at this time, and has reference to the foregoing paper. “ Calcutta, October 9, 1 809. “ My Dear Raffles, I have received both your letters, and with great vexation have to inform you that Lord Minto is at present gone to the unfortunate presidency of Madras, where I believe he has got his hands full. I laid before him without delay the manuscript concerning Malacca, with which he was greatly pleased, and desired me to say he should be gratified in receiving immediately from yourself any communica- tions respecting the eastern parts of a similar nature. I shall not fail to write to him as soon as I am a little recovered, for I have been for some time (days I mean) confined to bed by a smart attack of fever. However, I am to-day up for the first time, but not at all able to write letters, so you must excuse me for the present. My literary studies were quite knocked on the head for some time, by .the duties of a magistrate in so large a district as the twenty-four Pergunnahs, and I was afterwards for some months also magistrate of Nadeah, where I was constantly engaged in bush-fighting in the jungles. I have now more time, and have again begun my literary avocations with vigour ; nor have I given up my eastern researches quite. Now pray do contrive to tell me what you are doing in the literary way, and to get me a few copies of the best Malay manuscripts ; above all try and get me the works of the famous Bugis bard, Saveri-yading, and any thing you can in Bali and Siamese. You have never, I presume, been able to get the Batavian Researches into your clutches, but do try and get me the best alphabets of all the eastern tribes. Have you no Bafla that can read the hngo of the man-eaters ? I have got a book bnt cannot read it. I must be done however and go to bed, or encrease my fever. “ Yoius, ever truly. ‘‘ J. Leyden.” CHAPTER II. Mr. Raffles proceeds to Calcutta — Proposes expedition to Java — Lord Minto appoints him agent to collect information on the subject — Instructions of the Court of Directors to expel the French, and to give up the island to the natives — Consequences of such a measure — Lord Minto objects to it — Determines to jiroceed in person to Java — Letters of Dr. Leyden — His account of an excursion in the Malay Peninsula — Mr, Raffles reports to Lord Minto his communications with the Javanese Chieftains — The state of the Archipelago — Bali — Military preparations of the enemy — Discovery of a new passage for the expedition — Banca — Its mines — Pirate States — Queda — Penang. Lord Minto was anxious about this time to place Mr. Raffles in the government of the Moluccas, considering it a wider field for the exercise of his talents (1809.) Previous arrangements interfered with this intention ; and the com'se of pubhc events was about to open a field of still gi’eater importance. In the mean time Mr. Raffles went to Calcutta, and was received with great kindness by Lord Minto, who ever afterwards continued his firm and steady friend, and reposed in him the most unreserved confidence. The ambitious views of Bonaparte began, at this period, to be more fully deve- loped. The annexation of Holland to France placed at his disposal aU the valuable and extensive possessions of the Dutch in the Eastern Seas ; possessions as important to Holland as those on the continent of India are to Great Britain. France looked to Java as the point from whence her operations might be most successfully directed, not only against the political ascendancy of England in the East, but likewise against her commercial interests both abroad and at home. Mr. Raffles, aware of the plans which the English Government had fonned for the reduction of the French islands, the Mauritius and Bourbon, and feeling certain, from his local knowledge, that the resources of the enemy would be formidable so long as the Dutch supremacy was even nominally permitted in the eastern seas, communicated to Lord Minto information of so important a nature, that his Lord- ship was induced to undertake, without delay, the reduction of Java and its depen- dencies. Lord Minto decided on this measure on his own responsibihty ; but had the satisfaction to receive from England an approval of the measure before the departm-e of the expedition. LETTER FROM LORD MINTO. 23 As this operation was dependent upon the success of the attempt against the French Islands, it was deemed advisable that, in the mean time, Mr. Raffles should be sent as Agent of the Governor-General to Malacca, from whence he might superintend the necessary arrangements, and apprize the Government of Bengal of the extent and nature of the force required, and open such a communication with the native chieftains of the Archipelago as would, at any rate, facilitate the extension of the British influence in the Eastern Seas. The confidence which Lord Minto reposed in Mr. Raffles will be perceived from the following letters that were addressed to him during the progress of the expedition. From Lord Minto to Mr. Raffles. “ Calcutta, February, 1811. “ The Mauritius and all the French islands being now in our possession, there is nothing to retard the execution of our further views to the eastward. The expedition, comprising 4,000 European infantry, with a suitable proportion of artil- lery, and 4,000 native Bengal infantry, with about 300 cavalry, will sail from India the beginning or middle of March. I am now to acquaint you with my own intention to proceed in person, at least to Malacca, and eventually, I may say probably, to Java. The impossibility of your returning to Bengal, in time, with the information which can alone enable me to frame instructions for the conduct of this expedition, and for setthng the con- sequent arrangements, has been very obvious for some time. The expediency, not to say necessity, of my approaching the scene, and bringing the authority of Government at least within reach of reference, is evident. That resolution is, therefore, taken. “ I count upon meeting you at Malacca; and then, in communication with yourself and Sir Samuel Achmuty, the final plans, military and political, will be settled. “ I have no doubt that the communications you will have opened with the Island of Java and adjacent countries, will have furnished authentic knowledge of the dispositions we shall meet there, and enable us to place our enterprise upon a footing which will ensure the concurrence and co-operation of the native states, if it does not procure the acquiescence of the Dutch themselves in our views. “ I must tell you in confidence, that I have received the sanction of govern- ment at home for this expedition, but that the views of the Directors do not go beyond the expulsion or reduction of the Dutch power, the destruction of their fortifications, the distribution of their arms and stores to the natives, and the eva- cuation of the island by our own troops. I conclude, however, that the destructive and calamitous consequences of this plan to so ancient and populous an European colony, the property and lives of which must fall a sacrifice to the vindictive sway of the Malay chiefs, if transferred suddenly and defenceless to their dominion, have 24 LETTER FROxM LORD MINTO. not been fully contemplated ; and I have already stated my reasons for considering a modification of their orders as indispensable. “ The points on which I have been able to fonn a judgment, with any con- fidence, are ; first, that we must estabhsh pro\dsionally an administration to supply the protection which will have been lost by the abohtion of the Dutch authority ; — this applies more particularly to Bata\'ia; — That the Dutch may themselves be employed, in a gi*eat and principal proportion, in this new administration, under the control of a presiding British authority; — that the two principal ports of Samarang and Gressie must be retained, with the territories dependent upon them, at least till we can form an adequate and infoiTned judgment of the advantage or prejudice to be expected from abandoning them ; — that it may be considered as doubtful, in the present state of the investigation, whether any and what other stations should be kept in our possession ; and these are points to be reserved for consideration when we meet, or when our information is more complete. “ To the native princes and people the abolition of Dutch power would alone afford a gratification of rooted passions, and a prospect of substantial rehef and advantage, which may be expected to withdraw them from the Dutch and unite them to our cause : and a system of connection between them and the English Government may be founded on principles so manifestly beneficial to the people of the island, as to attach them to our alliance, and ensure tranquillity between us. ‘‘ All this remains to be discussed when we meet ; in the mean while, take this as a sketch and colour of my present views. “ I am, sincerely and faithfully, “ Minto.” It will be perceived, from the foregoing letter, how difficult it is to legislate for distant countries ; and how careful those in power ought to be not only in the selection of proper men to fill public stations far removed from the source of autho- rity, but also not to tie them down too closely to any specific rule of action. It can never be supposed for a moment, that a body so respectable as the • Court of Directors could deliberately sanction such an expedition, without taking into account all the probable consequences. The mere object of destroying the ascendancy of an ancient European colony, however legitimate in itself that object might be considered, as a means of weakening a declared enemy, could hardly be jus- tifiable, if it were to be followed up by a transfer of that enemy’s power to the hands of milhons of uncivilised people, who would instantly annihilate the whole popula- tion of their ancient masters. Such, however, would inevitably have been the conse- quence of an exact obedience to the orders of the Court. It is precisely on such an occasion that the talents, the prudence, and the local knowledge of a distant authority are necessary to be called into action. It is tme that, by incurring the responsibility attached to such a departure from LETTER FROM DR. LEYDEN. 25 his orders, the individual may sometimes risk both his fortune and fame ; but no man is fit for high station any where, who is not prepared to risk even more than either fame or fortune, at the call of his judgment and his conscience. The name of the writer of the next letter would alone give an interest to the whole of it ; but parts are so purely personal and private, that they have been necessarily omitted. It was written while the expedition was still in preparation. From Dr. Leyden to Mr. Raffles. “ In Campbell’s case, I experienced a sad vexation, because I was com- pelled to send my letter up to Barrackpore, for his lordship’s revision, so that it did not return till Campbell was gone entirely. The military queries which I send you enclosed, I regret any delay in yoiu* receiving, but the letter itself was only to say that his Lordship was exceedingly well-disposed towards you, desirous of giving you every opportunity of distinguishing yourself, and rewarding you as highly as the imperious nature of circumstances would permit. This you knew very well before, and I was very glad that his Lordship thought it unnecessary to cause me to wTite you a formal letter on the subject. Indeed, Raffles, he has always talked of you to me, with a kindness very uncommon in a Governor-General, and says, that he is pleased wth thinking he will be able to arrange matters very much to your satis- faction, when he arrives. I am glad that I have been able to keep him tight up to this point. He is still fluctuating between the two old plans of keeping the country or rendering it independent. The orders which he has received from home are entirely and positively in favor of the last. He is required to expel the French and Dutch, and leave the country entirely to itself. This his own good sense directly saw to be impossible, fi'om the shoals of half-castes at Batavia. Colebrook and Lumsden have succeeded in making some impression on him by talking of accus- toming the Malays to independence, and all that ; but may I never be a second Draco, nor write my laws in blood, if they succeed. Succeed they shall not, that is flat, for the Malays must neither be independent, nor yet very dependent, but we must have a general Malay league, in which all the Rajahs must be united like the old Ban of Burgundy, or the latter one of Germany, and these must all be repre- sented in a general parliament of the Malay States, like the Amphictyonic council of the Greeks, and this council should meet in the Island of Madura, or some celebrated ancient place, and under the protection of the Governor of Java. We ought to retain in some shape or other, all the Dutch possessions at first, while we make our- selves known; and you should write to all the Rajahs of the Malays, however far, . or wherever situated, to come in person, to meet the Good Maha Rajah of Bengal : and state in yom* letters, that the Malay States are expressly invited to send their most ancient and sagacious men, to assist at a general meeting or congress, to take into consideration aU their laws, institutions, government, religion, and policy. E •26 LETTER FROM LORD MINTO. Publish broad and wide the coming of the good Maha Rajah hke another Secunder Zulkaram, to reign in Malacca, and conquer Java, and drive out all the cruel Dutch, and treacherous French, and take away all embargos and restrictions on trade, abolish piracy, and bring peace and happiness to all the anah Malaijas. In short, make a gi*eat and mighty noise, for we will compel his Lordship to be a gi-eater man than he w^ould wish to be, if left alone. “ All are utterly confounded by his Lordship’s resolution, of which nobody had the slightest suspicion ; and so completely were they all taken aback, that nobody volunteered for service, till the whole aiTangements were settled. Indeed, more than the half are as yet thunder-struck ; and are very far from believing that he has any real intention of visiting Jav^a. ‘No,’ say they, ‘to go and take such a httle paltry place vvoidd not be decorous, no, no; there must be an insinTection breaking out again at Madras.’ The selection of your humble servant is another very ominous circumstance ; and I dare say has deteiTed a gi'eat many smart bucks from coming forward. The civihans of the mint committee have already discovered me to be a very devil incarnate, and the gi'eatest mischief-maker in the land. They will be very glad to see the back-seams of 7ny hose at all events. I volunteered of course, as soon as his Lordship signified his desire of having me with him, to come off directly to join you; but he told me that he should prefer having me at his elbow. You may be sure no possible delay but will be avoided when I am of the party. We go first to Madras, to see the whole force off from that quarter. The Bengal force will be shipped directly. In the Modeste go with his Lordship from Madras to Malacca, Mr. Seton, the present Resident at Delhi, w^ho goes to be Governor of Penang. He is an excellent character: Mr. Elliot, Captain Taylor, Mr. Gordon, surgeon to the body-guard, Mr. Hope, whom you saw when he came from the Mamitius when you were here, and your humble servant. Pray be most particular in your mihtary queries against the time of our arrival, and be able to teU where the disposable force is stationed, for that will be of main utility. I have secured Greigh to be mider your command, and that is giving you a fine fellow in every sense of the word, active and alert, and brother-in-law of Lord Rollo besides, and you owe not me, but a good many, for the circumstance.” In March, (1811,) Lord iVIinto wrote again from Calcutta to Mr. Raffles, as to the progi'ess of the expedition. “ I still hope we may take our final departure from Malacca in April. The resolution will be taken there respecting the point to w^hich we should first direct our operations ; and this must depend greatly on what you tell us concerning the position of Daendels. If he remains in the West, w'e must no doubt begin there; and, under the circumstances of the season, I should not think that unfortimate, for the affair once settled with him, and if he is either beat, capitulates, is deserted, LETTER FROM LORD MINTO. 27 or is driven to the hills, our game is won ; and we are independent of the monsoon. If he is concentrated in the East, our passage will be longer ; hut we shall have enough of the dry season left to spare. We shall also determine at Malacca what course to steer; whether to march up along the North coast of Java, to make the passage nearer to Borneo, or to go north about at once. “ You know that I am an Argonaut myself in this adventme. I embark here on the 7th for Madras. * * * I bring Hope and Leyden with me, in the Dutch and Malay departments. I bring also Mr. Seton, late Resident at Delhi, an admirable man, and now Governor of Prince of Wales’ Island. I shall probably instal him at Penang ; and, then, it is equally probable that he may accompany me to the east- ward for counsel and general assistance. Not to alarm you, however, he will have no further relation with the Javanese affair, than as amicus curice ; and as such he is invaluable in head, heart, and hand. “ I have another colleague, of whom I cannot speak in too exalted terms. I mean Sir Samuel Achmuty, whom I have never seen ; but I have conceived the highest opinion of his talents, judgment, and, above all, character, from his cor- respondence. It is impossible that any thing can disturb the harmony of this im- portant service, as far as he and I are concerned ; and I am most happy to discern in his mind the soundest judgment, and the most enlarged ways of thinking, on the very points which are likely to abound in this grand and dehcate transaction. “ You will be glad to find my friend Greigh in this affair ; he is placed at your disposal, and is peculiarly suited, as well as his ship, to many useful purposes. 1 bring Commodore Hayes, with high command, as an efficient and intelligent mem- ber of such an enterprise. * Jif “ It is proposed to style you Secretary to the Governor-General when we come together ; for then your character of agent will naturally merge ; secretary is the highest office below the council, and was lately held by Mr. Edmonstone at Madras. I hope you do not doubt the jirosiiectwe interest I have always taken, and do not cease to take, in your personal views and welfare. I have not spoken distinctly on that subject, only because it has been from circumstances impossible for me to pledge myself to the fulfilment of my own wishes, and, I may add, intentions, if prac- ticable. The best is, in truth, still subject to one contingency, the origin of which is earlier than my acquaintance with you; but I am happy to say that I do not expect an obstacle to my very strong desire upon this point ; and if it should occur, the utmost will be done to make the best attainable situation worthy of your ser\ices, and of the high esteem I profess, with the greatest sincerity for your person. “ Your’s very faithfully, Minto.” 28 LETTERS FROM DR. LEYDEN. It is impossible to read this Letter of Lord Minto’s without beine- strono-lv impressed by the kind interest for the welfare of others, the uprightness of intention, and the sincerity of heart, which it breathes throughout. Dr. Leyden announced Lord Minto’s amval at Penang, in the follo'wing letter to Mr. Raffles. Penang, April 19, 1811. “ My Dear Raffles, "" Here we are safe at Penang. AVe anchored here last night about nine o’clock. Philips came aboard with Erskine and Clubley at six this morning, and we have just had time to get ashore, proceed to his house at Suffolk, and finish breakfast. Lord Minto has just retired to wite to you ; and Mr. Seton, of Delhi, your new Governor, requests me to send you a very Scotch shake of the fist, which he is eager to give you. You will find him a man of the right sort, I promise you. ^Ve had a very tedious passage to IMadras of thirty days, during which nothing befel, except one very unlucky incident. Mr. WiUiam Elliot, his Lordship’s youngest son, was very ill all the passage to Madras ; and when he reached the latter place he was as nearly as possible given up by the physicians, who pronounced him in the last stage of a decline. This has distressed his Lordship exceedingly. He has been obhged to send him back to Bengal, and to send for his brother, J. Elliott, his secretary, to accompany him. “ The first diHsion of Madras troops had sailed a week before us, and we have been just sixteen days on our passage. The last diHsion was to sail on the 2nd of May.” During the period of his stay at Malacca, preHous to the amval of Lord Minto, Mr. Raffles was joined by his friend Dr. Leyden ; who, in making an excursion into the interior of the ]\Ialay peninsula, VTote him the following characteristic letter. From Dr. Leyden to Mr. Raffles. Gappam, I\Iay 31, 1811. “ My Dear Raffles, “ I take the opportunity of Mr. Kock’s return to inform you that I have safely reached Gappam, and to-morrow I shall proceed to the Ayer Panas. Me made, on the whole, a very pleasant journey, considering my expectations on the subject ; and I had the mortification not to be once compelled to have recourse to any of my old moss-trooping habits. To compensate this, however, we had a very severe rain for a gi'eat part of the way ; and the roads, which pass down some very pretty declirtties, were so plaguy slippery, that they gave me no opportunity of admiring them, excepting once, that my courser-wight pitched head-foremost over LORD MINTO’S ARRIVAL AT MALACCA. 29 one of them, and I head-foremost over him : when, thanks to my thick skull and stiff neck, I sprung to my feet as alert as a rope-dancer, and had a very pretty peep at the landscape before the horse was able to rise. The country, as far as I have yet seen it, is most excellent ; and it would grieve Mr. Seton to observe the devas- tation and dilapidations visible every where. I believe, however, I should have said, deUgnifications, instead of dilapidations, for never a stone is used in the construc- tion of a Malay house. I am very much pleased with the inhabitants of the Campong, or vale of Gappam. They are a clean, healthy, stout-looking race ; and appear to me to be as excellent peasants as I have ever seen. They seem, from the great superabundance of fniit, to be pretty well provided in the article of food ; but how they procure their clothing is not quite so ob\dous. The soil of the ridges is a hght marl, and of the bottoms a deep black mould ; and I am sure there is not a more fertile country in all Malabar. “ As far as I can learn, the Pangulu of Naning is as nearly as possible in a state of open rebellion ; and the people here say that he has got a signet from Menangkabu, with which he flourishes away famously. If I were Mr. Seton, I would give him an opportunity of contemplating a company of Sepoys for a couple of days. The supineness of the former government of Malacca is only equalled by the wickedness of the maxims under which it acted. Tell Mr. Seton that I earnestly entreat him to give me a grant of a couple of hundred of ruined villages, for here there is nothing else to be met with. “ If any thing occm's which any way requires my presence, let me be sum- moned without delay, and let me hear of your arrangements when they are formed. I And myself here completely at my ease ; and that Mr. Kock has made only a great deal too many preparations. I have walked about all day, and done nothing but look at the country. I meant to have put Mrs. R. into a postscript, but have desisted on considering that this is generally the most valuable part of a lady’s letter, and have reserved that honor for Miss R. ; apropos of ladies, I have already become an immense favourite of that goodly old damsel, the Pungulu of Gappam’s wife, from having dined entirely on curries, &c. of her own dressing ; the lady has not yet ventured to shew herself ; but I have been informed of the fact, which I hold for Gospel. The only thing in which I have been disappointed is in the non-arrival of the fatong whom we summoned. But such a place as Gappam for musquitos certainly never was seen ; in spite of my thick boots I And it quite impossible to keep my ground, or indeed to write a single word more than that I always am, “ Your’s very truly, “ J. Leyden.” On the 18th of April (1811) Lord Minto arrived at Penang, and on the 9th of May at Malacca, where Mr. Raffles had been long waiting for him in great anxiety, :30 MR. RAFFLES’ REPORTS TO LORD MINTO. as the south-east monsoon was every day increasing in violence, and rendering the passage more and more uncertain. From the moment of his an'ivalat Malacca Mr. Raffles had devoted himself \vith all his usual ardour to the acquirement of information on every point calculated to promote the conquest of Java, and communicated the result of his enquiries to Lord Minto in the following letters : To the Right Honourable Gilbert Lord Minto, Governor-General, ^'c. ‘‘ My Lord, “ Haring shortly after my despatches to Mr. Edmonstone, under date the 31st January and 10th Febmary last, received intimation of your lordship’s intention of visiting the Eastward in person, it has been unnecessary for me to forward to Bengal any fiulher accounts in detail; and as I have, since your Lordship’s arrival at Malacca, had the honor of personally coimnunicating on every point to which my attention has been directed, it may now be only requisite that 1 should throw into official form a short statement of my proceedings since the date of my last letter, and request your Lordship’s attention to some important objects, concerning which sufflcient information has not as yet been procured, to enable us to decide promptly on the measures which are requisite to be pursued with regard to them. “ Accompanying my letter of the 31st January, I had the honor to transmit for your lordship’s information translations of the letters which I had deemed it adrisable to addi'ess to several of the principal chieftains in Java, in the Malay and Javanese languages; fmdher letters in these languages were fomarded to the Eastward by every opportunity that offered, and on receiring authentic intelligence of the fall of the Maiuitius, which gave me a more certain expectation of the speedy departm'e of the present expedition from India, these intimations of the intended approach of the British forces were thrown in more generally : as I conceived that some intimation of our intentions would also be acceptable to the Dutch inhabitants, in the present un- precedented situation in which they are placed, I likewise addressed to them a short proclamation in the Dutch language, various copies of which I have reason to think have safely reached their destination ; a translation of this proclamation, with a copy of the original Dutch, I formerly had the honor of transmitting to your Lordship, and hope that it has met your approbation. “ In these, 'as well as every communication addressed to the Eastern chieftains, I endeavoured to adhere as much as possible to general terms, feehng satisfied that we shall hereafter find it of importance, to be as free from prerious obligations and stipulations as possible. The whole nature of our relations with the native chief- tains will be so completely changed on our becoming masters of the Dutch empire of the Eastern Isles, that in many cases we shall find it necessary to interfere mate- rially with the very powers with wiiom it has hitherto been our interest to establish COMMUNICATIONS WITH THE JAVANESE CHIEFTAINS. terms of friendship ; and as there seemed to remain no doubt whatever of the favour- able reception which the English might expect to meet on the island of Java, both from the native and European inhabitants, it became less necessary to hold out extraordinary encouragements and assurances, which might possibly stand in the way of the future arrangements which the state of the country after the conquest may oblige us to adopt. “ With respect to the communications which I have attempted to open directly with the different Javanese chiefs, through the medium of native agents, I feel it necessary to state to your Lordship that these have been materially impeded by the position taken off Batavia, and along the coast of Java, by the different vessels of his Majesty’s navy that have been lately employed on the Eastern station. I do not mean to insinuate that this has happened by a direct and intentional interference, but rather indirectly, by exciting an universal alarm in the minds of the natives, whether Malays or Javanese. As few of the Eastern nations are at all acquainted with the English language, and almost as few of the officers of his Majesty’s navy are able to communicate directly with the natives in the Malay language, the danger of not being able to make themselves understood always appears very formidable to the natives, and there is reason to suppose that, in various instances, it has led to consequences of the most fatal kind. It must also be admitted that the objects of his Majesty’s navy, in visiting the coast of Java, were calculated to excite in the minds of the Javanese and Malays a very different impression of the intentions of the English from that which it was my wish to convey to them, and which has not only excited in my mind considerable alarm for the safety of some of my native agents, but likewise the fear that these proceedings may render our proclamations susceptible of an injurious interpretation. “ Independently of the native agents employed to convey to the eastward favourable intimations of our intentions, I deemed it necessary to despatch directly to the Isle of Bali, in the first place. Lieutenant Smith in the Arethusa cutter, and afterwards Mr. Greigh of the brig Minto. For my instructions issued to Lieutenant Smith, and subsequently to Mr. Greigh, I beg to refer your Lordship to enclosure No. 1, which also contains translations of my letters addressed to the Bali Rajahs, and the different answers which have been received from them. “ Mr. Greigh’s report on his return from Bali Baliling, as well as the letters of the Bali Rajahs, which evince the warmest and most sincere attachment of these chieftains to the English cause, will I have no doubt prove highly satisfactory to your Lordship. The Rajah of Bali Baliling, with whom I first opened a communi- cation, has not only on all occasions exhibited the greatest demonstrations of friend- ship towards the English, but zealously co-operated with me in conveying letters and intelligence to the Eastern chiefs, with whom I have found it most difficult to open a communication, particularly the Susuhunang, the sultan of Mataram, the 32 BALT. sultan of Madura and the Panambuhan of Samanap. The sultan of Carang Asam and Lombok, to whom I had not addressed a letter in the first instance, as soon as he was informed of our intentions of invading Java, came immediately forward and offered his sernces in the most friendly manner. The other Rajahs of Bali, with whom a direct communication has not as yet been opened, are all I understand equally well affected to the English cause. “ As the success of the measures adopted with regard to the Bali Rajahs has ])een so complete, that we may safely count on every kind of assistance which the islands of Bali and Lombok are capable of furnishing, I think it of some importance to advert somewhat more particularly to their present state and resom'ces, than in my former despatches to your Lordship. The island of Bali is inhabited by a pecuhar nation, differing in language and manners from all the other races of the East, and very few of whom have ever adopted the religion of Islam. As a nation they are not so numerous as to be dangerous to the Enghsh, and yet sufficiently numerous to be in the highest degi'ee useful. As the Dutch, fi-om similar causes and motives of policy, chiefly employed the natives of hladura, who are like'srise a peculiar nation, in maintaining Java, so we have it in our power to employ the Bali nation, who have ne^’er been on friendly tenns -with any European nation but ourselves, and who by their language and re- ligion are separated fi-om all other nations of the East Indies; the only people uith whom they have any considerable coiTespondence or connexion, are the Bugis and Macassar nations, whose traders are in the habit of rtsiting the islands of Bali and Lombok, and uith both of whom there are similar and obrious motives of policy for our cultivating the most intimate and close connexion. The religion of Bali, which insulates them almost entirely from either the INIalays or Javanese, and which renders them proof against all the deceptions and influence of the Arab traders, tends materially to dispose them to enter into the most intimate connexions with the English. “ Another point of essential importance to the English is, that the island of Bali, which was first visited by the English, has never been conquered by any other nation, and even the Dutch have never been able to establish any claims to it, of either territory or authority. In 1684 they established a resident in Bali, for the piu-pose of trading in rice, cotton and slaves: but they speedily withdrew the re- sidency. The Rajah of Badong, on the south coast, has since that period allowed them several times to return and settle a factory, but in the course of a few )-ears they have always found it necessary to abandon it. None of the other Bali Rajahs have ever pennitted the Dutch to have any establishment among them, and there- fore whatever connexions we form with the Bali nation at present, are the more likely to sunive any aiTangements which might be the consequence of a peace in Europe. BALI.— BANTAM. oo OO “ The Rajah most respected for his antiquity on Bali, is the Rajah of Kasamba, who in ancient times had dominion over the whole island ; at present his power is greatly diminished. The most powerful is the Rajah of Carang Asam, who possesses the island of Lombok, and can bring readily into the field upwards of 30,000 men in arms. After him ranks the Rajah of Bali Bahling, who can muster from lO to 15,000 men. The other Bali Rajahs are those of Taman, Bali, and Badong. All these Rajahs, with the great mass of their subjects, adhere to the ancient and peculiar religion of Bali. The Rajah of Badong is the only one that has ever formed any connexion with the Dutch, and at the instance of the Rajah of Carang Asam, he lately seized every Dutchman, and every man in their interest, and sent them out of the island. “ In a political point of view, at the present juncture, I apprehend Bali must be admitted to be of the first importance. The facility of procuring from the islands of Bali and Lombok whatever quantity of fresh provisions and live stock may be required for our armies in Java, must be admitted to be a point of the first importance, especially if the campaign should be unexpectedly prolonged, or considerable supplies of men and arms be received from old France by the enemy, before it can be brought to a termination. In the event too of such an occurrence as the latter taking place, or from any other causes, our forces being greatly outnumbered by the enemy, there is no doubt that any number of men, certainly not less than 15,000, or perhaps 20,000, could be procured in Bali and Lombok with the utmost expedition, to co-operate with our troops, which might prove of the most essential service, in a war carried on amid the mountains and jungles, to which all the operations of Marshal Daendels indicate an intention of transferring it. ‘‘ Another advantage, however, which we have actually derived from the favourable disposition of the Bali Rajahs, is the good impression respecting our inten- tions which by their means has been conveyed to the more eastern nations, espe- cially the Bugis and Macassar tribes, concerning whom I shall have occasion to say more in the sequel. But it is not confined to these tribes alone, but extends like- wise to the tribes of Sambawa, Bima, Ende, and the whole chain of low islands which extend from Java to the Moluccas, while at the same time it puts us in con- dition to hold in check, should we find it necessary, the whole Dutch force of the division of Surabaya, by a comparatively small number of troops placed in Bali. “ With respect to the west of Java, it appears from the latest accounts that the Panambahan Anom and the Pangerang Ahmed, the near relations of the late king of Bantam, are still in sufficient force in the mountains to maintain a determined resist- ance to the Dutch, and even the Bantamese, who have ostensibly submitted to the Dutch, have taken every occasion to manifest their favourable disposition to the English, and only request that they would not land in the country till they land F 34 JAVA. in sufficient force. The same disposition has been manifested by the Lampungs on the east of Sumatra, who are intimately connected with the Bantamese. I have not hitherto been able to learn whether the communications forwarded by me to that quarter have reached the chiefs of Bantam, but the demonstrations of a favourable disposition towards the English, wEich they have made wherever an opportunity of communicating with the ships of his Majesty’s navy has presented itself, is sufficiently satisfactory. “ With respect to my communications with Madm'a, Solo, and Mataram, though I can entertain httle doubt that some of them have reached their destination, yet I have not been able to learn what effects they have produced, chiefly from the causes to which I have already alluded as increasing the natural difficulty of commmiica- tion with these states. My Malay intelhgence, how'ever, states that a ruinoiu* pre- vails to the eastward that signs of disaffection and a refractory spirit have displayed themselves, not only in the island of Madura, but also in the interior of Java. Without attaching much importance to these reports, I presume, from the general accuracy of my Malay information, that they may not be entirely devoid of foundation. “ With regard to the military state of the island of Java, I am happy to find that the latest intelligence fully corroborates the details which I formerly had the honour of forwarding to your Lordship. “ Your Lordship is already acquainted with the fact of the French flag ha^^ng been substituted throughout Java for that of the Dutch. It appears by the latest accounts from Bata\ia, which are as late as the 12th idtimo, that a small armed brig had arrived from France about a month previous to that date, bringing out instructions for this change, which was duly carried into effect by proclamation. The same brig is stated to have also conveyed to Java intelligence of the fall of the Mauritius ; but it is not known w'here she had touched, or how she had contrived to obtain this information. “ The most active and unremitting exertions appear to have been made by Marshal Daendels towards securing his defences, and the fall of the Mauritius has no doubt fully confirmed his apprehensions of the nature of the intended attack. It seems cun*ently believed in Java that the Marshal expects almost immediate assistance from France ; and the circumstance of his being able to hoist the French flag at such a critical moment, and with so httle opposition, strongly indicates that he relies on more than ordinary means of defence, and confides in resources which render the sentiments of the Dutch inhabitants of Java a circmnstance of compara- tively little importance. Indeed, it cannot fail to excite our surprise that a measure altogether so unprecedented in its nature, and which must of necessity be obnoxious to so considerable a part of the Dutch population of Java, should have been carried completely into effect with so little opposition, and nothing can more strongly illus- trate the fact, that the reign of terror has extended its influence to Java. There is. STATEMENT OF THE ENEMY’S FORCE. 35 however, strong reason for thinking that the more respectable part of the Dutch community have been taken by sm-prise, and that they have in this instance been overtaken by a crisis, the possibility of which their national pride had scarcely ever suffered them to contemplate, however obvious it had been to the English nation. Rumours of strong private discontents have, however, reached Malacca, though there is no reason to think that any concert prevails among the individuals concerned in them, or that any thing of the kind will show itself openly till we appear in force on Java. By this unprecedented measm-e, the tie which bound the Dutch population of Java to their mother country is broken for ever, and Holland being annihilated, they have only to choose between the English and French nations, in which case we may confidently count that their own interest, if all other circumstances were out of the question, would be sufficient to determine them to adhere to the Enghsh. The information of your Lordship’s intention of accompanying the present expedition to Java, of which I have taken care to convey them notice, will, I have no hesitation to say, tend materially to tranquillize the minds of the Dutch inhabitants, and to determine the part which they will take on the appearance of om* armament. “ With respect to the actual force of the enemy, it does not appear that any very considerable augmentation, beyond what might have been calculated upon, has been made since the date of the last accounts which I had the honour to transmit. The reinforcements which the Marshal has received, both in officers and men, from the different garrisons at the Moluccas, have no doubt enabled him to complete several of his defective coi-ps ; and as he appears still to retain a very considerable force in native Javanese, his numbers in this description of troops may exceed the fonner estimate, and perhaps a general estimate may be taken at about 30,000 men, according to the following account, which may be taken as the stated strength of the army of Java, as it would be when completed agreeably to the accounts of the beginning of the present year : Cavalry, one regiment, consisting of five squadrons . . . 1,200 Chasseurs, one regiment of two battalions of five companies each 3,007 Artillery, one regiment of two battalions of five companies each . 2,007 Three companies of Horse Artillery . . . . . .720 Infantry, three regiments of the line, each regiment of three bat- talions of five companies each ...... 9,024- Four garrison regiments of the same strength .... 12,032 27,990 with about 2,000 Bugguese, Ball^unen, and Timorese, armed as pikemen. " The accounts last received of the particular disposition of these corps do not materially differ from those I formerly transmitted; on the whole, it appears abso- F 2 36 POSITION OF THE ENEMY’S FORCES. lutely certain that Marshal Daendels is concentrating his best rtoops on the western part of the island and in the rtcinity of Batarta. As to Batarta itself, it obrtously holds no consideration either in the cirtl arrangements of the Marshal, or in his intended plan of defence. It has been dismantled of all its fortifications ; its public stores, ammmiition, and archives have all been removed, and every means have been employed to induce the inhabitants, both Em-opean and native, to desert it entirely- The temporaiy seat of government is estabhshed at Weld de Freeden, where the public functionaries of every description are obliged to reside for the present ; but an-angements are making for the transfer of the whole administration to Buitenzorg, at the distance of about thirty-five miles from Batarta, in the vicinity of the Blue Mountains. M'eld de Freeden, the first military post of importance on the rear of Batavia, can only be considered as a fortified camp ; Cornelis, at the distance of a little more than five miles from Batarta, is the first fortified post of importance ; it consists of a fort which stands on the centre of several batteries, the fi-ont covered by a canal and the fianks by a river, while a battery placed on a rising ground com- mands the rear. Buitenzorg is situated in a fine healthy position, on an elevated plain at the foot of the Blue Mountains, and its natm'al defences are susceptible of being gi'eatly improved. Before the present crisis it was only defended by one hea^y battery, but for some months it appears that gi'eat exertions have been made to fortify it, and that immense stores of ordnance and anunmiition have been con- veyed to the spot. It also appears that batteries of more or less strength have been very generally erected along the coast of Java, in the bays and inlets most likely to inrite a landing ; but the only other works of importance besides those already men- tioned are the fortress of Marak Bay, on the west of Bantam, and that of Fort Ludo- wick, on the east of Java, which commands the channel of approach to Surabaya. The works of ]\Ierak were lately in an imperfect state, though gi'eat exertions were making to complete them, when they may probably be able to contain about three thousand men. Besides affording a rendez^mus for the division of Bantam, Merak seems calculated for the protection of shipping or supphes which may amve through the straits of Sunda. Fort Lodouick is completed, and capable of containing up- wards of three thousand men. Besides serving as a depot for the eastern dirision, and protecting the toums of Gressie and Surabaya, it is obviously calculated for the ready reception of supphes which may arrive through the straits of Bali. From this short riew of the Marshal’s military works an idea of his projected plan of defence may be deduced. As he has confined his defences almost entirely to mere strong posts, we may infer that he does not mean to stand a regular siege in any fortified })lace, but trusts to prolonging the campaign by a war of posts till the setting-in of the rainy season, or the an'ival of his expected succours from France. This mode of w arfare, it must be allowed, is well adapted to the nature of the country, prorided he could depend on the fidelity of his troops and the attachment of the Princes of LANDING PLACES ON THE SOUTH COAST OF JAVA. 37 the interior, particularly the Susuhunang and Sultan of Mataram. In order to secure this fidelity, he is represented to have collected and hoarded up for the present exigency considerable stores of gold and silver. We may therefore expect that a landing may be effected on Java without any very serious loss; and though every advantage will probably be taken of the ground to cut off our troops in detail, it is rather incessant and harassing skirmishes and night attacks, than a pitched battle, that we have to expect. When the enemy falls back on Buitenzorg, the resistance will probably be more obstinate ; and if he is able so long to secure the fidelity of his troops, and the attachment of his allies, it will be in his power, when that position becomes untenable, to take refuge in the strong hill countries of Suka- pura and Bagilen, on the southern side of Java, in order to await his supplies from France, to carry on a harassing and vexatious war in the difficult central districts of Mataram and Carta Sura, or passing through these countries, to renew the war in Surabaya, the eastern division of the island. The latter of these operations will probably be attempted at any rate, if the Marshal be seconded by a single officer of ability that can be detached from the main army. This is what an enterprising enemy might perform, commanding all the resources of the island of Java; but in the present case the fault would plainly be ours if he were permitted to avail himself of the whole, or even of any considerable part of these resources. This suggests the ob\ious propriety of endeavouring as soon as possible to establish an intercourse between the English and the two principal chiefs of the interior of Java, the Susu- hunang of Solo, or Carta Sura, and the Sultan of Mataram, without the permission, or rather the co-operation of whom, it would be impossible for the Marshal’s army either to take post amid the mountains, or by that way retreat to the eastern division of the island. To these may be added the Sultan of Madura and the Panambuhan of Samanap on the island of Madura, the junction of either of whom with us would neutralize a great part of the native force of Marshal Daendels, which are stated to be chiefly composed of Madurese. It is also to be considered, that however fiiendly disposed in the main, it is inconsistent with the long-established usages of the eastern states to make the first overtures to a power \vith which they are so little acquainted as with the English ; but this custom is rather to be placed to the account of mauvaiae Iwnte than of haughtiness. “ There is another, circumstance, however, to which it is of the greatest import- ance to advert, and which is also suggested by the arrangements of the Marshal Daendels. His arrangements seems to indicate the expectation of receiving supplies from the back of the island of Java ; yet, according to all the accounts which have been published, the southern coast is supposed to be rocky, dangerous, and devoid of roads, as well as totally unfrequented by shipping. It appears, however, that this is not exactly the case, and that there are at least three places on the southern coast which may be safely visited by ships. One of these is only ten miles south of 38 PRECAUTIONS RESPECTING THE NATIVES. Mataram, another in the bight to the S.W. of the mountain Solah, and a third directly south of Buitenzorg. At the latter place a French frigate touched about eight months ago, and had some communication with Marshal Daendels. Indeed, if we only consult the map, it v,i\l appear that Buitenzorg is admirably situated for procming supplies either from the southern coast or the straits of Srmda, and is, if there be any difference, situated nearer the southern than the northern coast of Java. It will therefore be of the utmost importance to take precautions that no supplies of either men or arms are thro\m into Java from the southern coast of the island ; and this can only be effected by stationing ships of war for the pui’pose on the south coast of Java. “ Another matter of very serious consideration is the impression which the conduct of our amiies is hkely to make on the ISIalays and Javanese, in commencing oiu* operations in Java ; and this deserves the more attention, because it may add , ^'ery materially to the nmnber of our enemies in the field, as well as abridge their comforts and increase the natural and necessary distresses to be encountered in the campaign. It must be admitted that we are going to commence oiu operations in Java Anth the majority of oiu troops, whether European or native, entertaining the most unfavourable ideas of the Malay character. These sentiments in the minds of our soldiers, irtll not natm’aUy tend to induce a line of conduct on their part calcu- lated to convey to the natives of Java any strong impressions either of our justice or humanity. It is not to my present piupose to enter into a indication of the Malay character, and it may be proper to mention that these ideas of the Malays have in a gi'eat measm'e originated with the Dutch, who may be suspected, if the character be regarded as just, as haing contributed eminently by their cruelty and oppression to its foundation. As the connexion of the English with the Malay states has always been the subject of the gi'eatest anxiety and jealousy to the Dutch, it may be sus- pected that they have not given to the Malays and Javanese a more favourable idea of the English than they have given the English of the Malays. These untoward prejudices may certainly be attended in the ensuing campaign with very unpleasant and troublesome consequences, unless proper precautions be taken to guard against them fi'om our very first landing in Java, and I therefore feel it my duty to direct your Lordship’s attention particularly to this subject, for a tame submission to per- sonal injury is certainly not characteristic of either the Malays or Javanese. All the eastern tribes are skilled in the use of the blow-pipe, or sumpit, for throiring poisoned arrows ; and in the event of any retaliation, this weapon always becomes a most mischievous instrument of warfare in the hands of the most undisciplined savages. “ As your Lordship is already in possession of the latest accounts from Java, and the best information yet attainable respecting the roads and distances, the actual state of the military posts and fortifications, ivith the character, nmnber, and distri- Imtion of the different corps of the enemy, it is unnecessary for me to exhibit them SAFEST PASSAGE FROM MALACCA TO JAVA. 39 here in detail, especially as they now fall more particularly under the attention of the engineer department, conducted by Lieutenant-Colonel Mackenzie, to whom, since his arrival in Malacca, I have supplied every information regarding them that was in my power, and directed him to the best sources of intelligence. " I shall reserve the remainder of the information I have to communicate for another letter.” The Reader must bear in mind that these Letters were WTitten at a time when scarcely any thing w^as known either of the hterature, or of the people, or of the countries, of this part of the East. It is necessary to recall this ignorance, fully to appreciate the numerous points, to which the inquiries were directed, the various objects which they embraced, the minuteness of the details, as well as the com- prehensiveness of the \dews. Mlien these are remembered, the correctness, as well as the mass of information collected, the discrimination, as well as the actmty, of Mr. Raffles, will be acknowledged. To Lord Minto. “As soon as I was thoroughly satisfied that the principal force of the enemy was concentrated in the western part of Java, I directed my attention to the subject of ascertaining the best and safest mode of effecting the passage. Perceiving that the favourable monsoon would necessarily elapse before the amval of the expe- dition at iSIalacca, to ascertain this became a matter of the highest importance, as it appeared ob\dous that any considerable delay would not fail to retard the campaign to the setting in of the wet season, which is also the unhealthy one in October and November ; I therefore applied ^^ithout delay to every person within my reach that seemed likely to be able to supply the requisite information, but here I was surprised to find the utmost degree of obscurity and contradiction prevail. The alternative of only two routes was presented, the first of which, or the direct course along the south-west coast of Borneo, was very generally represented as remarkably difficult and uncertain, if not altogether impracticable. The second course, round the north and east coast of Borneo, and through the straits of Macassar, though supposed to be practicable, was admitted by all to be eminently dangerous as well as tedious. Had the main force of the enemy been concentrated in the east instead of the west, perhaps it might have been ad\isable, if not absolutely necessary, to have attempted this passage at all risks ; but as the disposition of the enemy did not require it, and the dangers of the passage did not appear to be aggravated by report, while the delay was pregnant with dangers of another kind, I endeavoured to avoid it, if it could be done without risking the success of the expedition. It w^as generally admitted that the N. E. passage could not be effected in less than tw^o months ; and when we take into consideration the dangers of the nairow passage of Balabac, the almost untried navigation of the Sulu Archipelago, amid innumierable rocks, shoals, and inlets, the excessive micertainty of the winds and currents in the channel 40 INSTRUCTIONS TO CAPTAIN GREIGH. between Sulu and Manado, as well as in the straits of Macassar, there appeared no probability whatever that this na\igation could be effected by a large fleet even in the course of two months. ‘‘ With respect to the S.W. passage, its difficulties appeared fi-om the very first to be greatly magnified through ignorance. Few of the eastern traders are in the habit of visiting these seas at the present season ; yet it appeared clearly that it had been accomplished almost as frequently as it had been attempted. The principal difficulties obviously were the clearing the straits of Malacca and the Caramata pas- sage off Sucadana in Borneo. The first, it was generally admitted, might be over- come, but the difficulties of the second were reckoned insuperable, because they were not understood. As Mr. Greigh, of the brig Minto, had procured some valuable information from the Bugis traders respecting this passage in his voyage to Bali, on his retmm I immediately despatched him to Pontiana ■with the necessary instmctions, and a letter to the Sultan of Pontiana, requesting that Prince to fuimish him with the requisite assistance for examining the passage between the island of Caramata and the main land of Borneo. The following instructions indicate the objects to wiiich his attention was particularly directed. “ ‘ The object of ascertaining the nature of the passage between Caramata and the main is of such moment, that I think it cannot be confided to any person better than yourself, and as you are fully aware of my sentiments thereon, it is unne- cessary that I should repeat them here. ‘‘ ‘ Enclosed you ■^^^ll receive two letters for the Sultan of Pontiana, the contents of which have been made known to you ; and I recommend your employuig the ser^ices of Captain Burn, now residing at Pontiana, should you be of opinion that they can be useful to the sendee on which you are proceeding. You can easily arrange with him with respect to the remuneration that he will be entitled to : and in the event of your enquiries and smveys being attended ^vith success, and the safety and certainty of the passage being established, it may be advisable to leave him at Matan or Sucadana, to complete any points that may have been commenced, but left unfinished, by you from w'ant of time. ‘‘ ‘You shoidd be most particular respecting the facilities for w'atering, and may go to the extent of advancing five hundred or a thousand dollars to individuals who may be likely to afford supplies. “ ‘ You should on no account delay your return beyond tw^enty days from this date, at w^hich time the armament must no doubt be ready to start ; should you be longer than that period, or than seventeen or eighteen days, I w'ould recommend your touching at Rhio on your return, where intimation shall meet you respecting the movement of the fleet.’ (Signed) Thos. Raffles. Malacca, ^th May, 1811. MALACCA. 41 “ Soon after Mr. Greigh’s departure, I fortunately procured the opinion of Messrs. R. Scott and Stewart, two of the best informed and most respectable of our Eastern traders in the Malay Seas, both of whom were decidedly of opinion that the S.M’. passage was not only practicable at this season of the year, hut infinitely less dangerous and tedious than the N.E. passage. Both of them had passed through the Caramata passage at different seasons of the year, and both of them affirmed the practicability of effecting a passage between Caramata and the main land of Borneo. The report of Mr. Greigh (Avhich with the other papers connected with this short but very satisfactory voyage form enclosure No. 2) sufficiently establishes the practica- bihty of the Caramata passage, and he has likewise ascertained both the facility of working along the coast of Borneo, by the sea and land breezes, and likewise that of making Borneo through the straits of Singapore. On the whole, therefore, I am happy to say, that no doubt can now be reasonably entertained, that the S.W. passage may be effected by the fleet sailing in divisions, in the space of a month or six weeks at farthest, although it will certainly be desirable in case of accidents, that the whole should be \ictualled and watered for two months. “ Such were the precautions which I deemed it necessary to take, in order to ascertain the practicability of the S. W. passage, but other measures were likewise requisite to secm'e to the armament pro\isions of live stock, wood and water, on its anival at Malacca, and this appeared to he the more necessary, as Penang, from its very limited resources, as well as from its oblique situation, at the mouth of the straits of Malacca, seemed objectionable in many respects, and certain of producing considerable delay. The delay occasioned by entering the harbour at Penang, and tlie uncertainty of being able to work out again, is entirely avoided at Malacca, and indeed the disadvantages of the former are so well understood, that it may now be stated as a positive fact, that no vessel ever touches at Penang, unless fi'om particular instructions or the expectation of procuring cargo; a ship touching at Malacca is generally able to procure water and necessaries, and get under way in the course of a single day; whereas touching at Penang, in common cases, generally causes a de- tention of five or six days. As a place of rendezvous, Malacca from its position so far up the straits, is obviously greatly superior to Penang. The supplies of live stock procurable at Malacca are very much superior to those which can be obtained at Penang, for Penang in reality possesses no resources of its own on the island, but is compelled to bring them from the territories of Queda, on the opposite continent. In the easy supply of water, perhaps Penang may be thought superior to Malacca, but this is not owing to any deficiency of water at Malacca, but from the difficulty of coming off to the shipping at low water. With regard to water, however, it is abundantly ascertained that it is to be procured on almost every island, either in the straits of Malacca or towards the eastward. “ Anxious, therefore, to avoid the delay which I foresaw would certainly be occa- G 42 PALEMBANG. sioned by the fleet touching at Penang, I endeavoiu*ed to call forth the resources of Malacca, so as to meet the occasion, by encom-aguig the Malays and other inha- bitants of Malacca to bring doAvm ample stores of hve stock, forage, and fire-wood, despatching agents into the interior for the same pm*pose, and commimicatmg every information that might be deemed useful to the mihtai*y conunissaries that had been despatched before the anny. The Malays are a people whose habits in many respects are so pecuhar, and so httle understood by the Enghsh in general, that \\ithout some precautions of the kmd considerable embarrassments were likely to have occim-ed. The result has been that gi-eater quantities, both of hve stock and forage, have actually been provided than were requisite for the di\'isions of the armament that came direct to Malacca, and it has been demonstrated m the most satisfactory manner, that the whole army might have been amply supplied there ^ntliout touching at Penang, by wliich means its subsequent detention might have been altogether avoided. This, however, at present can only be mentioned as a subject of regi'et. “ Having deemed it adHsable, in order to seciu'e the requisite supplies for the araiament, to address letters on the subject to some of the Malay Rajahs, I beg to refer your Lordship to enclosure No. 3, for translation of these, and of the answers received in return. " Having thus stated to your Lordship the result of the intelhgence procm’ed respectmg the forces of the enemy, and his plan of defence, together wth the measm'es taken to ascertain the practicabihty of the passage and ensm-e supplies for the troops, I have still to mention the result of the correspondence commenced with some of the native states. “ Palembang being one of the most important of the Malay states, I shall begin ^^■ith stating the result of the negociation, which I mentioned in my last despatches as hartng commenced \rtth its Sultan. Of the importance of Palembang to the Dutch govennnent of Batarta, succeeding inquuies had only tended to con- vince me the more. Large balances had long been avowedly due to the Dutch regency ; the Sultan of Palembang was knoiMi to be extremely rich in long-hoarded heaps of the precious metals, and it was greatly to be feared that the energy and rtgom* of ^Marshal Daendels might so intimidate him as to induce him to pay up these balances, which would have been of the utmost importance to the finances of the Marshal at the present crisis. I knew that the Marshal had not only severely threatened the Sultan, but was taking active measm'es to compel him to accede to his terms. Upon this circumstance I founded the project of opening a negociation, considering it as certain that, whether the Sultan accepted or refused the terms pro- posed, the proposal alone would be sufficient to prevent liim coming to any accom- modation ^^•ith Marshal Daendels : a circmnstance which was sure of inspiring fresh spirit into the Bantamese and Lampungs, disheartened by their recent defeat. If 1 PALEMBANG. the Sultan acceded to the propositions offered, we would not only acquire a powerful ally, by whose assistance a formidable demonstration might be made on the side of Bantam without weakening our main attack, and whose voluntary alliance would prevent his being subjected to the fate of war in Europe, but we would also be put in possession without further trouble of the grand monopoly of the tin trade. This, however, I was scarcely sanguine enough to expect, as I knew that not only several of the Sultan’s ministers were decidedly in the Dutch interest, but that the whole state of Palembang had been too long accustomed to a contraband traffic to consent readily to resign its advantages. As I expected, the Sultan demurred and adopted a temporizing policy, endeavouring by every means in his power to spin out the negociation till he should perceive what was likely to be the course of events, although I had taken care to explain to him in the most particular manner the important difference that would occur in the political situation of a dependent state that should submit after the conquest of Java, and one that should voluntarily enter into an alliance with us previous to that event. Though I beheve the fact to be incontrovertible, that the Sultan of Palembang is bound to the Dutch by various agi'eements and treaties, and though it is certain that various acts of hostility have been committed by the Dutch, in concert with his subjects, on the English shipping within his boundaries, yet he has assumed the character of an independent and neutral power ; and because some of the English ships have at times managed to prociure cargoes of tin at Banca, in spite of the Dutch prohibition, he wishes to avail himself of this circumstance, to represent that he has always been on terms of amity with the English. The true reason, however, I was soon informed of by means of my agent, Tunku Radin Mahammed, who states that some of the Sultan’s counsellors, especially the Tamungung Lanan, had persuaded him that the Enghsh interests were in the utmost jeopardy, not only in Europe, but in Bengal and the rest of India, and that therefore we were anxious to acquire new settlements to the eastward. For the letters which I addressed to the Sultan, and the replies received from him, as well as some other papers connected with the subject of Palembang, I beg to refer your Lordship to enclosure No. 4. “ Suspecting from the procrastination of the Sultan of Palembang, the turn which the negociation was likely to take, and being aware of the immense importance ot the island of Banca, I directed my agents to use every means in their power to ob- tain the most particular account of the island and its productions, as well as the nature of the government and the disposition of the inhabitants. The regular report on this subject I have not as yet obtained, but the following particulars relative to the island have been fully ascertained. Banca has a population of about 10,000 souls, who are a mingled mass of Malays, of Javanese, and Chinese, all of whom have been resident on the island for many generations. In some places, as at Minta, the Malay population is the most numerous, in others the Chinese. The G 2 4'4 BANCA— PIRACIES. government of the island is entirely in the hands of the natives, and the Sultan of Palembang interferes no further with them than to secure a monopoly of the tin, for which purpose he has a resident on the island. The present resident is the Tamun- gung Hasein, an inveterate enemy of the Enghsh, and accused of harfng been lately concerned in various piratical practices, particularly in the late murder of Captain Ross, and the piratical capture of the ship ^Malacca belonging to Mr. Hare. The two datouks, Rangga and Songgar, who at present govern Banca, as well as the mass of the native inhalhtants, are highly disaffected towards the Sultan of Palembang, and it is believed Avould claim the protection of the English Company, if there were any hopes of their being received, if it were only to secure them from the ravages of the pirates and Lanuns, who have desolated the eastern part of the island, and from which the Sultan of Palembang is altogether unable to protect them. Indeed, from what I have been able to learn, I think it most probable that an apphcation to this purpose will be made at all events by the native inhabitants of Banca, who have no natural connexion udth Palembang, and are more oppressed by the Sultan’s mono- poly than if they were under any European power. “ M'ith respect to the resources of Banca, it produces rice, but not sufficient for the subsistence of the inhabitants. Iron and loadstone are found on the island, but tin is the gi'eat staple which it produces, and in the production of this valuable metal there is probably no place in the world to be compared to Banca, for the whole island may be considered as an immense tin mine. The production of tin in Banca is only limited by the number of people employed in mining, but it is understood to be capable of producing at least 100,000 peculs per annum, on the most moderate computation. The miners at present are chiefly Chinese, and it is thought that by adopting more scientific methods, the expense of mining might be gi’eatly lessened. It is said, however, that the Sultan of Palembang, under the present system of management, procures the tin at the expense of from five to six dollars per pecul. The ordinary selling price of tin in China is from twenty to twenty-five dollars per pecul, and it has lately risen from twenty-eight to thirty dollars. The consumption of tin in China, as well as of odoriferous gums in the religious ceremonies of the Chinese, amounts to a great extent every year, the tin being employed in coating the gilt paper, gi*eat quantities of which are burnt at all their festivals. Besides this, the tin is chiefly employed in the manufacture of cooking and domestic utensils, both for export and the home market in China. These circumstances may serve to convey some idea of the importance of Banca to the English. Palembang itself produces no tin, and the only other article which the Dutch derive from Palembang is pepper. “ Banca, however, demands our attention in another point of riew as connected with our operations for the suppression of piracy, under wiiich head I have several details to communicate to your Lordship since my last letter. The suppression of piracy has long been a subject to which the attention of the Dutch has been rigor- PIRACIES. 45 ously directed, and this, \sith the suppression of contraband trade among the eastern isles, are the chief objects of the establishment of the Bata\ian marine of late years; however, from the preponderance of the English navy on the shores of all the eastern isles, the Dutch have been altogether unable to oppose any effectual re- straint to the ravages of the Lanuns and other pirates, who have of course become more bold and daring in all the eastern seas. The name of Lanuns, accordingly, which was originally the appellation of those piratical adventurers from the Bay of Lanp, in the great island of Mindanari, who formerly infested the coast of Borneo, has been extended to almost all the sea-rovers of the east, particularly to those which infest the straits of Banca and Sunda, The Lanuns, therefore, at present may be considered as an assemblage of the most daring and desperate adventurers from all the tribes of the east, and their principal haunts are the low eastern coast of Smnatra between Palembang and the Lampung country, the eastern part of the island of Banca, the island of Biliton, the eastern coast of Borneo, but especially Sambas on the N.W. of Borneo. “ On the eastern coast of Sumatra they have, or lately had, very considerable settlements, especially at a place named Batch, where they have built houses and caused their captives to cidtivate the gi'ound. At Sambas too they have settled in gi’eat numbers, under the protection of the Sidtan and the celebrated pirate the Pangeran Anom, his half-brother. The ravages which they lately committed on the eastern part of the island of Banca are stated to have completely interrupted the working of the tin-mines in that quarter, and caused them to be entirely deserted. I am at present unable to say whether they have formed any settlement on the island. One thing, however, may be considered as certain: they are privately encouraged by the Sultan of Lingen, and almost openly by the Rajah Mudah of Rhio, and no Malay hesitates to admit that these chiefs, with the Sultan of Sambas, are the real heads of the Lamms. The Sultan of Lingen, however, does not avow the connexion, while the Sultan of Sambas admits it openly, and braves all conse- quences. No doubt can be entertained that in spite of all this, the Lanuns are permitted on all occasions to frequent both Lingen and Rhio, to provide themselves with all kind of stores, provisions and ammunition, and to dispose of their prizes. Of the number of the Lanuns it is difficult to form at present any particular esti- mate ; I apprehend, however, they cannot in any way be estimated at less than 10,000 fighting men. I have heard those who are settled at Batch mentioned as about 2,000 strong. The Lamm vessels are the best native craft that appear to the eastward ; they carry very heavy guns, and have repeatedly succeeded, not only in taking stout merchantmen, but even Dutch cruizers. These are the class of pirates at Sambas. “ But there is another class of pirates on a smaller scale, who have carried their ravages even very lately up the straits as far as Malacca, though they are 46 PIRACIES. neither very powerful nor possessed of large vessels. The chiefs of these are fom- brothers, the sons of the celebrated Rajah Ali, who was the cause of the Dutch formerly destroying Sucadana. The names of these are. Rajah Bassick, Rajah Isa, Rajah Indee, and Rajah Hamed. The most notorious of these is Rajah Bassick, though the whole of them have been engaged in piratical practices for the greater part of the last five years. As their depredations have been so very recent in the immediate vicinity of Malacca, and calculated, had they been suffered to pass unnoticed, to convey a very ^vrong impression of the English character, I beg to refer your Lordship to enclosure No. 5, for a translation of the letter which I thought it expedient to address on the occasion to the Rajah Mudah of Rhio, and which still remains unanswered. It is unfortunately the practice in some of the Malay states rather to encourage the young nobles of high rank, especially those of the Rajah’s oum extraction, whose maintenance would othenvise fall upon the Rajah himself, to subsist themselves by piratical practices than to discourage such proceedings. This may in some degree account for the countenance given to this horde of pirates at Rhio ; but the Rajah Mudah of Rhio had perhaps some additional reasons for endea- vouring to protect them. It is scarcely six years since his own brother. Rajah Edris, who in his absence at present is regent at Rhio, was also engaged in piratical prac- tices. It is necessary to apprize your Lordship fully of the character of the present government of Rhio, as any strong measm*es which may be adopted in the eastern seas for the pm-pose of suppressing piracy, will require particular attention to be directed towards Rhio. “ One of the latest acts of piracy was the cutting off the ship Malacca, and the mruder of Captain Ross at Minta, on the island of Banca, by the pirates Abang Rasib, Inchi Baud, and their confederates, who had afterwards earned the property to Sambas. In this transaction the Tumungung Hasan of Minta was accused of being concerned, w'hich was confirmed by the subsequent cutting off the long-boat of the Thainstone, and the murder of the crew by Demen Minyah, one of his dependents ; on which occasion Captain Tait, of the Thainstone, very nearly escaped being cut off himself. As the connexion of the Sultan of Sambas and the Pangeran Anom was not at this time explicitly known, in order to put the matter beyond all kind of doubt, I addressed both these chiefs by letter, requesting them to appre- hend the perpetrators of this piracy and mm’der, the Abang Rasib and his confe- derates, and to seize the property for the use of the lawful owner. The Pangeran Anom, w4iom I first addressed on the subject, retmned no answer whatever, but the Sultan of Sambas at last did, by explicitly avowing his connexion with the pirates and Lanuns, and positively refusing to comply with my request in any respect. “ Ha\ing learned that the ship Commerce had about the same time been disabled on the coast of Borneo by the loss of her rudder, and had drifted upon a small island near the coast, I addressed a letter to the Sultan of Pontiana, requesting PIRACIES. 47 his assistance. The Sultan, in his reply, stated that this vessel had been seized by the pirates of Serawa, a small dependency on Borneo proper, in conjunction with those of Sambas. He also communicated various details concerning the operations of the Pangeran Anom, for the particidars of which I beg leave to refer your Lord- ship likewise to enclosure No. 5, which also contains the correspondence with the Sultans of Sambas and Pontiana. The principal facts alluded to in this correspon- dence are confirmed by the following extracts of letters addi'essed to me by Mr. Burn, a gentleman who had been for several years resident at Pontiana. The fol- lowing extract is dated February 12th, 1811. ^ Your letter to the Rajah of Sambas I had sent down to him by one of the Sultan of Pontiana’s prows, and his answer to you I have delivered to Captain Tait. The Rajah of Sambas refuses to deliver up the pirates who cut off the Malacca brig ; but I understand that he has obtained from them the greater part of the property. The amount of the tin which was sold at Sambas, and afterwards re- sold here, amounted to about 14,000 dollars ; the piece goods, which amounted to about 5000 dollars, were disposed of at Sambas, the whole being taken from the Malacca brig — total 19,000 dollars ; but I am credibly informed the pirates now retain only a small part, and have connected themselves with the Sambas people, who are now little better than open pirates. They have two small ships and two brigs, with a number of prows, and come out occasionally, plundering whatever they can lay hold of. The ship Commerce has been set fire to by the Rajah of Sarawa, named Panjeran Samewda ; he is a relation of the Rajah of Sambas : the ship was left either in his possession or near to the place of his residence, by her commander Captain Chapman, together with forty-five of her crew and the second mate ; I believe his name was Hopkins. The Rajah disposed of the cargo, set fire to the ship, and had the second mate put to death in a private manner, but the crew are sent to Borneo proper as slaves. Previously to destroying the ship, he offered to seU her to the Sultan of Pontiana : I myself saw his letter to him, offering to send her up here, but meeting a refusal, she was set fire to and destroyed.’ “ The following extract is dated March 12th, 1811 ; “ ‘ A few days ago Pangeran Anom came out from Sambas with two small ships ; one of them mounts ten gims, and the other eight guns, with some armed prows. Two Chinese junks just arrived from China, and then l^ing on the bar of Pontiana river, were attacked by their boats. One of these junks haring a valuable cargo on board, was boarded and carried off instantly by them, the other was relieved by the Sultan’s armed prows, who went out to their assistance. They made several attempts on the other, and some fighting took place, the Sultan being out also. These vessels are still cruizing off the coast : Assing Basil, the man wiio cut off Captain Ross, is on board the smallest vessel that mounts eight guns. They some time ago sent up a formal challenge to Pontiana, declaring they would take not only 48 PIRACIES. the China jimks, but also any Enghsh vessel they could. This is what they often have done before, but little attention was paid to their threats ; all English vessels now coming to this coast ought to be particularly on their guard against them. I imagine they will proceed to Banjar Massin river with the same intention, haring done so last year, where they committed a great deal of mischief outside the bar.’ “ Having communicated these facts, your Lordship uill easily be able to determine the course of proceeding to be adopted, both with regard to the pirates and Lamms themselves and their abettors, whether secret or avowed. It is neces- sary to add, that on the reduction of the Dutch power in the East, the increase of piracy must necessarily be contemplated, as well as the adoption of rigorous mea- sures on our part for the protection of our Malay and Javanese subjects, and the security of the commerce of the Eastern Seas. For this purpose the maintenance of a marine establishment similar to that of the Dutch will probably be found abso- lutely necessary. Another measiue of the gi'eatest necessity will be to oblige every Rajah to refuse to every description of pirates and Lamms any sort of assistance or protection in his ovm territories, and in particular to become accountable for the conduct of his own relations. At present piracy is considered as an honourable profession, especially for young nobles and needy gi'eat men. The numerous unin- habited islands and tracts of desert coast on all the Eastern Seas, render it very dif- ficult to put a sudden and complete check to the practice ; but that which chiefly upholds it is the encouragement given by the Eastern princes to their poor relations to subsist themselves by piracy. The Malay governments have this, in common with the feudal states of Eruope, that the chiefs are only rich in hands and in the rough produce of their grounds. A prow, or war-boat, can easily be constructed wherever there are hands and timber, and to man her costs no trouble to the chief of the clan or any of his family. To go a roving is the next step, which implies no dishonour in the present state of the Malay morals ; and having siu'prised some unsuspicious merchant, the pirate proceeds coolly to dispose of the goods which he has thus seized, wherever he can find a market. “ Having principally alluded to the more formidable pirates infesting the Eastern Seas, it would be unnecessary to notice those of a still smaller and insigni- ficant class, had they not for many years been in the constant hahit of cutting off’ the supplies which are on their way from Queda, and the small states of the Malay pen- insula to Penang. These naturally owe their origin to the before-mentioned causes, and must increase in proportion with the decay of Queda, and its neighboiuing states. The different establishments of police that have heretofore been formed at Penang, have been found wholly incapable of repressing them, and it is not long since the very guard-boat constructed and armed by government was attacked and carried by two or three of the most insignificant prows. The impunity with which these and similar offences have been allowed to pass has, I fear, much QUEDA. 49 committed our military character among the more western Malay states; for, how- ever insignificant they may be, any degi-ee of supineness on our part is inevitably referred to fear and want of confidence in our own resources. “ As soon as I received information of your Lordship’s intention of proceeding to the eastward in person, I deemed it proper to communicate this intelligence to the different Rajahs and Chiefs with whom I had commenced a friendly correspond- ence, being aware that this would tend to secure their more active co-operation, and at the same time convey a higher idea of the projected enterprize. This intelligence was soon communicated to the Rajah of Queda, with whom I had not previously en- gaged in correspondence, considering him as in a particular manner connected with the government of Penang. The Rajah communicated with me by means of an agent and near relation named Tunkulung Putch, who formerly was sent as a vakeel to Penang, respecting the situation and circumstances in which he found his country placed from the hostilities between the Burmans and Siamese. I, of course, referred him to your Lordship. From the shortness of your Lordship’s stay at Penang, the Rajah was disappointed in procuring the expected interview, which I am informed he regrets, not only as a serious mortification, but as an absolute misfortune. For his letter addressed to your Lordship on the occasion, and received a few days after your arrival in Malacca, I beg to refer you to enclosure No. 6. On this occasion he likewise addressed to me a letter of the same import, requesting me to state to your Lordship the unfortunate circumstances in which the land of Queda is at present placed. In the following statement and suggestions, therefore, I consider myself as merely complying with the request of the Rajah. “ The situation of Queda is briefly this. It is said to be stated in the Siamese annals that the Siamese have at several periods of their history overrun the whole of the Malay Peninsula, then inhabited by barbarous and savage tribes. This they have construed into a right of conquest, which has since been repeatedly asserted since the Malays occupied the Peninsida, whenever they found themselves sufficiently strong, and their neighbours sufficiently weak to be subjected to plunder and aggres- sion without incurring serious danger. Sometimes they have been altogether baffled, as in their repeated attacks on Malacca some centuries ago ; but though baffled, it does not appear that they ever formally renounced their claims even on Malacca, which has never been conquered by them, but on the contrary, they consider them as perfectly valid even down to the present day. Queda is one of the Malay states that appears at some period to have been ovemm by the Siamese, and has accordingly consented to send, every third year, a gold and silver flower as a token of homage. The value of these articles is as trifling as need be supposed, the weight of the gold flower being only twelve dollars, and that of the silver one thirty-two dollars. There is therefore reason for considering the land of Queda as a dependency on Siam at present, but certainly none whatever for supposing that Siam has any right of sub- H 50 QUEDA. jecting Queda to arbitrary impositions of any kind. During the former wars between the Siamese and Burmans it appears that the Rajah of Queda has presented the sign of homage, or the gold and silver tree, sometimes to the one power and sometimes to the other, but it does not appear that he has ever submitted to arbitrary exactions. In the late wars between the Siamese and Burmans, it is asserted that the Rajah of Queda furnished some of the Burman prows with provisions, and it is certain that a fleet of them did actually procure supplies at Penang. These circumstances strongly irritated the Siamese, who compelled the Rajah of Queda not only to furnish them with great quantities of supplies, but also with a thousand men, and this he was compelled to submit to last year to prevent his country being ravaged without mercy. This year the Siamese have reiterated the same demands, and the Rajah states that the country will be ruined and impoverished if he complies with the de- mands of the Siamese government, and not less certainly ruined by the Siamese armies if he refuses to assent to them. The question, therefore, betw^een Queda and Siam is obviously a question of might and not of right, for it is not admitted by the Rajah of Queda that he is subject to the arbitraiy exactions of the Siamese. “ About the period w^hen Mr. Light first acquired the original ginnt of Pulo Penang from the Rajah of Queda, he was I beheve directed by the Supreme Govern- ment of India to examine and report on the nature of the relation between Queda and Siam, and especially wiiether a grant of the island made by Queda could be considered as valid without the concurrence of the Siamese government, and from the following extract from his report it appears that he considered Queda as scarcely in any degree dependent on Siam. “ ^ I must now further trespass upon your patience to acquaint you with the relation Queda has to Siam. It does not appear either by writings or tradition, that Queda was ever governed by the Siamese laws or customs ; there would have been some remains, had there been any affinity between them. The people of Queda are Mahommedans, their letters Arabic, and their language Jawee. Their Kings originally from Minankabu on Sumatra, but as Queda was very near Ligore, a King- dom of Siam, they sent every third year a gold and silver tree as a token of homage to Ligore. This was done to preserve a good correspondence, for at this period the Siamese were very rich and numerous, but no warriors, and a considerable trade was carried on between Ligore and Queda. After the destruction of Siam, the King of Ava demanded the token of homage from Queda, and received the gold and silver tree ; when Pia Tach drove away the Burmans, and built a new city on Siam, the King of Queda sent the trees to Siam, and has kept peace with both, ])aying homage sometimes to one, sometimes the other, and often to both. ^ Last year the preparations of the Bm'mans w'ere so gi'eat that the King of Queda expected the total destruction of the Siamese. The Burmans sent to the King to demand a supply of arms and ammunition, which he complied wKh, though QUEDA. 51 in a very scanty manner, and very politically gave the prows which carried them two letters, one for the Bimnans and one for the Siamese ! One or two of the prows went to the Burmans while attacking Salang, the others meeting with the Siamese dehvered their letters. This has been told to the Siamese General with much adchtion, so that it is yet a doubt if he will not destroy Queda, for taking and destroying is exactly the same with these savages. “ ^ The Siamese General is extirpating Pattany ; all the men, children, and old women, he orders to be tied, and thrown upon the ground, and then trampled to death by elephants. " ‘ The King of Queda has reason to be afraid of such a tyrant, and hopes to secure himself by an alliance with the Hon. Company ; yet so little confidence is to be placed in these people, that I should not be surprised at his offering to sacrifice this new settlement to the avarice of the Siamese, if requested.’ ^^ * ^^ * * “ It is no new crisis for Queda to be involved in the hostilities of the Burmans and Siamese ; but there is another cause which has given rise repeatedly to the interference of the Siamese government with Queda, and that is, the dissensions concerning the succession, which are constantly occurring there as in every other Mussulman government. Perhaps to this should be added the desire of the Siamese to acquire the immediate influence over Pulo Penang, which is now in the hands of Queda. This desire they seem, fi*om the aforesaid extract of Mr. Light’s report, to have been early suspected of entertaining, and the same opinions were held on the subject by the late Mr. Scott of Pulo Penang, than whom no European of the present day was better acquainted with the habits of the Siamese and the maxims of their policy, having resided in that country for the space of five years. The following observations on this subject, which may be deemed both important and curious, especially as they are corroborated by the suggestions in Mr. Farquhar’s report on Pulo Penang, were communicated to me by that gentleman some time previous to his death, and I shall make no apology for their insertion. ‘ The dissensions among the late King of Queda’s sons, and the separate negociations which the oldest three are carrying on with the King of Siam, directly or indirectly, through the government of Ligore and Sonera, promises to close in Queda becoming a province of Siam ; a fear of this happening soon, has induced the younger of the King’s sons to remove to the Company’s territory, or its \dcinity, and in the event of such a change taking place, all the Malays wiU remove as occa- sion offers. ‘‘ ‘ If this change is allowed to proceed without our taking any measures to provide against the consequences, we shall have the Siamese as our near neighbours , who, from the powder of the empire, the rapacity of the governors, and routine of their laws and pohee, will be fomid both troublesome and useless. This will appear, if we advert that both persons and property are at th e H 2 52 QUEDA. command of the King, and of course at the command of his officers in succession from the lowest to the highest ; hence no man uill rear what he cannot call his own. “ ‘ Certain months are allowed the many to plant and reap their paddy : and this when stored is sacred, and cannot be taken from their possession ; \\ith this exception, all the rest of their time, exertions or acquirements, may be taken by the King or his officers, if so inclined ; hence a society so constructed, never can be sub- senient to the supply of the prortsions which our population and shipping require, and thence to us useless neighbours ; and as eveiy Governor commands \rtthout restriction the population and produce of the country he governs, nothing restrains their being troublesome but a constant succession of sacrifices made to their avarice ; and hence are they very troublesome neighbom'S. “ ‘ The remedy which promises in some degree to prevent the near approach of such useless and troublesome neighbours, is to acquire, by purchase or otherwise, the lands of Queda, south of Gunung Gerai, which mountain forms a defined boundary to the northward ; inland are the high mountains which divide Queda from Tran- garo, and to the southward the rivers Canian and Edjou; the whole comprehending a square of about twelve square leagues of fine lands well watered and diversified, with paddy and rising gi'ounds, and equal to the reception of the Malay population of Queda, should a Siam government occasion them to remove, and this space so peopled would be equal to a supply of all our wants in cattle, grain, poultry, or roots. ‘‘ ‘ Since our possessing Prince of Wales’ Island, sundiy occasions of acquiring this teiTitory have occurred, which from some misunderstanding have been neglected. “ ^ The first was when the peace of Praiy was made. “ ‘ The second, when the King died, and the sum of thirty dollars was due by the Company at this time ; had Sir George Leith added seventy to the thirty due, he might have got a right to the lands in question, and liberated the Company from the annual payment of ten dollars; he was satisfied \rith a stripe three miles inland, fi'om Quala Mooda River to that of Carrian, which being principally mangrove, is of little use. “ ^ Mliat Sir George might have done, a fear of Siam, and the securing a retreat in case the King and brothers are superseded by a Governor, may now render practi- cable ; and it ought not to be delayed an hour ; for should the Siamese annex Queda to the empire, and send a Governor before it is accomplished, there would then be no hopes of such an acquisition. ‘ As the Company now occupy Prince of Wales’ Island, and the stripe oppo- site, under grants from Kings of Queda, without any caveat against such grants being brought forward by Siam, the same deference would be paid to a gi'ant, if procured, before the King was deprived of his country, and as such a deprivation is apparently likely soon to happen, the right to the lands described should be immediately pro- QUEDA. 5;} cured, if possible, leaving the expediency and mode of occupying it to future con- sideration. “ ‘ Because the having the right can do no harm, and as the purchase may be combined with the liberating the Company from the annual payment of ten dollars, perhaps the addition would not be much, especially as the King must be convinced, that in case of Siam occupying Queda, he could have no claim to the tenth, and therefore more likely to accept of a moderate equivalent ; besides, if he granted the Company the lands described, he, his brothers, families, dependants, and adherents, would find a comfortable retreat as subjects, in heu of a precarious one as Kings.’ “ With regard to this important document, which details the opinion of one of tlie original founders of the settlement of Pulo Penang, to whose activity and resources, it is acknowledged on all hands, that Mr. Light was greatly indebted, it may be necessary to observe, in the first place, that the evils contemplated in pros- pect by Mr. Scott have now actually occurred, and have brought the affairs of Queda to the present crisis. It is perfectly well known that some time ago Rajah Bisnoi, the Rajah of Queda’s half-brother, has retired to Siam for the ex- press purpose of endeavouring to have himself appointed Rajah of Queda, and the present Rajah dethroned by the Siamese. The residence of this Rajah Bishnu was formerly at Sittool ; he had contracts from the Penang government or their agents for procuring timber in the Queda country, and it may be inferred that it is through means of the money and authority which he has gained by means of these contracts, that he expects to supplant his brother in the government of Queda, and to procure it for himself. “ As to the opinion hazarded by Mr. Scott, with regard to the means of avoid- ing the evils consequent to a Siamese invasion, it is only necessary to state that the claims of the Siamese on Pulo Penang are quite as good as on any other part of the Queda territory ; and that if Queda were subdued, and made a province of Siam, we woidd find it impossible to defend our thin stripe of mangrove marsh, three miles broad, and must consequently resign it with its inhabitants, amounting at present to the number of five thousand persons, to the devastation of the Siamese. I have no doubts but we should be able to defend our settlement of Pulo Penang against the whole force of the Siamese territory, but have very serious doubts that the defence of it would cost us quite as much expense as the defence of the Queda territory. The tenure by which we hold Pulo Penang at present, is that of a yearly tribute, which would by no means be creditable to the English Company or the Enghsh nation, if the obvious superiority of our force to that of Queda did not shew the whole world that the Rajah of Queda owes this to our national justice, and not to the power of his arms. This, however, would by no means be equally obvious if this yearly sum were to be paid to Siam, and would tend to depreciate oirr national character among all the nations of the Eastern Seas. The difficulty of negociating QUEDA. 5t with the Siamese government has always been acknowledged to be gi'eat, and the English in particular ha^'e been remarkably unfortunate in all their attempts to this pui-pose. The letter on the Negi-ai’s expedition in 1753, with remarks on the adjacent comitries, attributed to a IMr, T. Taylor, notices Siam in the following manner : " The next adjacent country to be mentioned is Siam ; it hardly merits notice, if their be- ha\iour did not merit chastisement, which may tmn to more advantage than the trade, w'hile subject to such impositions as at present, under so injurious a government. The productions of the country are prodigious quantities of gi*ain, cotton, benjamin, sandal, aquala, and sapan woods ; antimony, tin, lead, iron, loadstone, gold, silver, sapphires, emeralds, agates, chrystal, and marble. Siam has no force, and would he a very valuable acquisition to any Em-opean nation, either in w'hole or in part, though the trade will peld but little advantage under the present circum- stances.’ These observations, made about sixty years back, apply with equal accu- racy to Siam at present, and I have little doubt but the same difficrdties must now" be encountered in every attempt either to negociate or trade with Siam ; unless, indeed, we were to negociate with anus in our hands, and most probably then like- wise, after they have experienced the effects of them, Siam and Cochin China may be considered as miniatm'es of China. The people indeed are less civihzed, and have made less progress in the arts of life ; but the mlers and officers of government are equally besotted with childish pride and ignorance, and, if possible, more rapa- cious and venal. A different opinion, however, seems to have been entertained on this subject by Mr. Farquhar, in consequence of some communications with the Siamese governor of Legore, as appears from the following extract from his Report on Prince of Wales’ Island : “ The measure most direct and effective for preseiwing the peace of Queda, w'ould be a letter from the Governor-general to the King of Siam, requesting him to w"rite to the head men at Sangora, called by the Siamese Son Kra Ligore Patawy, and Caleutan, not to molest the Queda empire, which the King would instantly comply with. The Siamese are from interest our finn alhes, because they detest the Burmans, and entertain a hope that we shall one day or other be obhged to make w'ar upon Ava. Several letters have been received from the Governor of Ligore, to send him early notice should such an event be hkely to take place, and the Governor says he has orders to tender the prorinces of Mergui, Tenasermi, Tavoy, and Mar- taban to the English as the price for their co-operation against Ava. The Siamese have never given up their claims to these prorinces, which from time immemorial formed a part of their natural hereditaiy dominions, and w"ere only lately seized upon by the Burmans.’ “ Never having seen the letters of the Governor of Ligore referred to by Mr. Farquhar, nor knowing where to refer to them, I can neither pretend to judge positively of the crisis w'hich produced such an offer from the Siamese government. QUEDA. nor to suggest whether or not some misapprehension may have occurred on our parts. It must be admitted, however, that any cession of this kind is totally averse to the usual maxims of the Siamese government. It may, however, be observed, that if there ever was a crisis which could have induced the Siamese to renounce four of their ancient and native provinces in our favour, it would be comparatively easy to procure the cession of Queda. I may even venture to add that, in my opinion, the cession of all Queda woidd be procured with no greater difficulty than the cession of Penang alone, and the cession of the whole Malay peninsula with no greater difficulty than the cession of Queda. Tffie only difficulty in the case will be to pro- cure any species of cession which will be recognized by a government so constituted as the Siamese. If our negociations with Siam were for the present confined solely to the object of opening a trade with that country, I conceive that the very same difficulties would occur, and that no trade, except of the most limited nature, would be permitted, the obstructions arising equally fi’om the Chinese maxims of govern- ment, which they have adopted, the ignorance of the Siamese ministers, their short- sighted rapacity and jealousy of Europeans, which jealousy will hardly fail to be increased by their becoming better acquainted with our naval and mihtary resources. The opinion, therefore, which I ventm'e to express on the subject is, that though nmnerous circumstances tend to render an affiance with Siam desirable, nothing is to be expected from any other than an armed negociation. Siam, situated between two powerfrd neighbours, the Burmans and Cochin Chinese, by each of which her political existence has been several times endangered, is our natural ally, and might derive the most essential advantages from forming intimate relations with the English ; but she is by no means sensible of this, and I am persuaded no overtmes on our part would be acceptable to that government at present, that had not for their basis the proposition of mutual hostilities against the Burmans. A proposition of this kind, I have little doubt, would be favourably hstened to, and if such an occasion should occur, it would be of the highest importance to embrace it, in order to procure the complete liberation of the Malay peninsula from the infiuence of Siam, an arrangement which might be productive of the highest political con- sequences. “ In the present state of the matter the Rajah of Queda would certainly assent to any arrangement acceptable to the English ; the whole difficulty will be in our being able to commence any kind of negociation with Siam upon a proper basis ; but as this must probably be attempted soon, we ought certainly to avail ourselves of the interim to make ourselves accurately acquainted with the territory and resources of Queda, and to obtain more minute information concerning the nature of the con- nection which has subsisted between Queda and Siam. With regard to these points, the government of Penang might immediately procure materials for, and prepare a report to the Governor-general, for I am pretty certain there are no materials in the o() QUEDA. records of that government which can much illustrate the subject. It may, how- ever, be proper to add, that during the temporary government of the late Colonel Macalister an unsuccessful attempt was made to negociate with the Rajah of Queda for the lands in question. Mr. LauTence, the Malay translator at Penang, who was deputed to proceed to Queda for the purpose of effecting this object, may be able to state the reasons which occasioned the failure ; for as the proceedings were carried on solely by the directions of the Governor, I had not the opportunity of official reference to the particulars. “ The following further extract from Mr. Farquhar’s report, will, I apprehend, tend to elucidate the view of the subject which I have taken the liberty of submitting to your Lordship, and point out the advantage of a more intimate connexion being fonned between Penang and the Malay peninsula. “ Mn all its extensive plans and operations, the British government at Prince of Wales’ Island should keep in its recollection that the immediate wants of the settle- ment have considerably increased, and are likely to become greater eveiy day, and the government should then advert to the important circumstance of supplies from Queda being more \rithin its reach, cheaper to the community, and subject to fewer failures than supplies, which by exertions might be elsewhere acquired. Now as these supplies cannot long be depended upon, under the present conflicting autho- rities of five or six brothers and an uncle, all equally oppressive and independent, the Company, in order to command provisions for Penang adequate to any demand, must adopt one or other of the following alternatives, viz. They must take such a share in the pohtics of Queda, as to give such a decided preponderance to Tuanku Pau Erang, as will enable him effectually to curb his brothers, and give efficacy to the laws for the security of the ryots ; or they must obtain the twelve square leagues opposite this island, and pm'sue such measures for its government, as promise, with the gi'eatest celerity, to be the means of peophng and cultivating it. Were my opinion asked, in regard to the choice of these alternatives, I should certainly adopt that which places Queda under our own control and management, but both will best secure the object.’ “ As your Lordship last year despatched Mr. Campbell as yom' agent to Acheen, I did not deem it necessary to commence any particular negotiations with that state ; but having reason to think that some mark of attention w^ould be agreeable to the young King, I wrote to inform him of the object of the expedition, and to apprize him of your Lordship’s intention of accompanying it ; and beg leave to refer you to enclosure No. 7, for his Majesty’s reply. After the information which your Lordship must have received concerning Acheen, it will, I conceive, be needless for me to enlarge on that topic. The state of the country is still very similar to wiiat it was last year. Tlie power of the King is daily becoming more precarious, and the government rapidly breaking up. Almost all the powerful Chiefs, whether of the ACHEEN. 57 coast or interior, have assumed a virtual independence without formally renouncing the King’s authority ; while the power of the young King is too much enfeebled to be able either to compel obedience, or to levy the usual taxes and duties for the sup- port of his dignity. One of the principal of these refractory Chiefs is the Pangulu of Susa, one of the districts formerly most productive in pepper. The young King of Acheen is by no means deficient in general abilities, but has been designedly de- prived of a proper education by his mother, whose influence in the country is still superior to his own. This circumstance has thrown the Prince, in a great measure, into the hands of about half a dozen of half-caste Portuguese and French; these personages in themselves are of httle ability or influence; the most important of them are L’Etoile, a half-caste native of Tranquebar, who is his chief adviser, and chief of the marine, with the title of commodore; and Silveira, a Brazihan, formerly engaged in trade at Macao, but who took refuge at Acheen, or rather Talesimo, on becoming insolvent. The former of these is by no means disaffected to the English ; the second is their decided and inveterate enemy, and suspected of being a French agent. His being permitted to reside in the Acheen temtory must inevitably prove injurious to the English interests, while to remove him would be very easy, as some of his late proceedings have been very obnoxious to the King. As the country of Acheen, however, cannot possibly be omitted in the general line of policy which it becomes necessary to adopt towards the Malay states, I feel it incumbent on me to state to your Lordship, that without our particular interference to support the influence of the King, nothing can prevent the breaking up of this state in a few' years; in which case it will cost us as much trouble, and more expense, to free the coast from the pirates who will rise fi'om its ruins, as constantly happens in the event of the breaking up of any Malay state, than it would cost us, at present, to give effective support to the ancient government, and obtain on amicable terms from the King, any arrangements that we may deem satisfactory and advanta- geous. These arrangements will probably relate chiefly to two objects, the cession of the port of Acheen, and the farming of the import and export duties of the country. Now, if on the present occasion it shall be our object as far as regards Acheen, merely ‘ to prevent the French or other European nations from settling in the countr}', or deriving any advantages from the resources of the country, the latter must be admitted to be the most simple, easy, and effectual mode of accomplishing that object. The present juncture is the most fortmiate that can be conceived for pos- sessing ourselves of this advantage, and not more than two hundred men would certainly be adequate to the attainment of this object, placed under the charge of a resident that could be confided in. The King upon a proper agreement being made would, I have every reason to think, assent to the measure; and by this means w'e should equally preserve the tranquillity of the country, prevent it from becoming a nest of pirates, and cut off a vast source of illicit trade, which after I 58 BORNEO. our acquiring the dominion of the eastern isles, is more Ukely to be increased than impaired. “ I have now enumerated to your Lordship the result of my proceedings with regard to the different eastern Rajahs, as connected with the objects of the expedition; but I have still to sohcit your attention to several subjects, which require almost im- mediate consideration ; of these, none of the least important is the great island of Borneo. But I have already made this letter too long, and shall only add that I am, &c. &c.” CHAPTER III. Account of the Eastern Islands — Products of Borneo — Settlements of Europeans in the Island — Celebes — Traffic in slaves — Policy of the Dutch, different policy of the English — Dutch factory at Japan — Trade rvith — Views connected with the acquisition of Java — Countries from the Bay of Bengal to New Holland — Proposed policy, chain of posts — Chinese in Java — Monopoly of farms, <^c. — Arabs, use they make of their religion — Americans, regulation of trade — Dutch orders respecting trade and navi- gation— Means taken to keep up their monopoly of spice — Cause of the failure of their trading ports — Former policy of the English objected to — Neglect of the British government — Dutch views of Colonies — Causes of deterioration of Malay character — Piracy — Laws — Slavery, sources of in the Malay countries — Laws, want of — Propagation of Christianity — Advantages likely to accrue to the British nation from the acquisition of Java and the Eastern Isles. To Lord Minto. “ In my last letter (1811) I referred to the island of Borneo, which is not only one of the most fertile countries in the world, but the most productive in gold and diamonds. The camphor which it produces is the finest in the world, and it is thought that it is capable of growing every species of spice. Its eastern coasts, which abound in sago, also produce a greater quantity of birds’ nests, sea slug, and other commodities in great demand in the Chinese market, than all the other islands of the East ; but the interior has never been explored by Europeans. It may be conjectured that this ignorance of the state of the country is one of the principal causes that no European settlement has hitherto proved advantageous ; but has generally been abandoned after a short trial. The only exception to this observa- tion is the Dutch settlement of Banjar Massing, which continued from 1747 to nearly three years ago, when it was abandoned by Marshal Daendels to the Rajah, by agreement, for the sum of 50,000 dollars. The Rajah soon after sent an embassy to the government of Penang, inviting the English to settle in their place ; but this appHcation not being attended to, they apphed to me on my coming down to Malacca last December, as I had the honour of stating in my former despatches. I shall only add, that during the continuance of the Dutch settlement at Banjar Massing, the expense and revenue were always supposed to be very equally balanced, I 2 60 BORNEO. and that the abandonment of the settlement was strongly opposed by many of the Dutch. “ The only other territory to which the Dutch have any claim on the island of Borneo, is the coast fi'om Sacadana to Mampawa, Pontiana, which hes about twelve miles up the river, and Landa, which hes about seventy miles up the river of that name, navigable by large boats. This territory they acquired in virtue of a cession from the Sultan of Bantam in 1778; they destroyed Sacadana, and established factories at Pontiana and Mampawa, which they abandoned as unproductive after a trial of fourteen years. “No other part of the island of Borneo has been settled by Europeans. The Enghsh in 1772 intended to have established a factory at Passir, but abandoned the design on some commotions taking place in that state. Its object was to make Passir a depot for opium and Indian piece goods, and for the contraband trade in spices. In 1774, a short time after the fost settling of Balambangan, Mr. Jesse was deputed as resident to Borneo proper, with which state he concluded a treaty, by which the settlement of Balambangan acquired the exclusive trade in pepper ; stipulating, in return, to protect Borneo from the piratical incm'sions of the Sulu and Mindanawi men; neither of the parties, however, fulfilled their agreements, though the residency at Borneo was continued for some years after the first breaking up of the Balambangan settlement in 1775. “ On the N. E. of Borneo proper lies a very considerable temtory, the sove- reignty of which has been long claimed by the Sulu government, and a very con- siderable part of which, together with the islands off the coast, have been for upwards of forty years regularly ceded to the English by the Sulus, and has also at different periods been occupied by the English, without any objection on the part of the government of Borneo proper. This ceded district, which extends fr'om the river Kio-manis on the north-west, which forms the bomidary of Borneo proper, to the great bay of Towsan Abia, on the north-east, is imdoubtedly a rich and fertile country, though in a rude and uncultivated state ; and it is admirably situated for commerce, though the different failures of the settlement of Balambangan may seem to indicate the contrary. Balambangan is one of the small islands off the northern extremity of the island of Borneo, and included in the Sulu gi'ant to the English. It vv^ould be foreign to the present object, to enter into any details con- cerning the history of the settlement of Balambangan ; but it may be proper to mention, that all the gentlemen who were engaged in the last attempt, were con- vinced that the bottom of the gi'eat Malluda bay would have been infinitely prefer- able as a settlement, in every respect. “ Balambangan is, in almost every respect, analogous to Penang ; it does not admit of territorial extension, and must exist, if it exists at all, by commerce solely. Malluda, on the other hand, is a deep bight in the island of Borneo, which admits of BORNEO. 61 any degree of territorial extension ; may always subsist any number of inhabitants by its own produce ; and communicates with the great lakes in the centre of Borneo, in the vicinity of the gold countries, by a land carriage of little more than forty miles. From the inquiries which I have taken every opportunity of making respecting the island of Borneo, I feel perfectly satisfied that no settlement is likely to succeed in that quarter, which is founded on a commercial, instead of a territorial basis. We have already acquired territorial rights, and are likely to acquire more ; and, there- fore, the only question at present seems to be, whether these can he turned to advantage, either by cultivation or commerce. To this I should have no hesitation whatever in answering, yes ; finding the Dayak, or original inhabitants of Borneo, not only industrious in their habits, but particularly devoted to agriculture, and so manageable, that a handful of Malays have, in numerous places, reduced many thousands of them to the condition of peaceful cultivators of the ground. Indeed nothing seems wanting to effect this on a great scale, but a strong government, which can afford efficient protection to property, and safety to the individuals ; and in the case of the Dayak, I regard it as an advantage, that they have not hitherto adopted the refigion of Islam, and would be ready, from the first, to regard us as their friends and protectors. Another great advantage which attends the formation of settlements in Borneo, is, that there are no territorial claims upon it from any European nation but ourselves. To recommend, however, any thing of the kind immediately, would obviously be premature ; as, notwithstanding the length of time which we occupied Balambangan, not only the interior of Borneo is almost unknown, but even a great part of its coasts. This supineness in the government of Balam- bangan, is perhaps not wholly unexampled ; and I fear, it must be admitted that the government of Penang have not been much more active in illustrating the state of the Malay peninsula, or even the provinces of Mergui and its vicinity, to which their attention was particularly directed in the instructions of the Court of Directors to the late Mr. Dundas, on establishing the presidency of Prince of Wales’ Island. The want of local information is, indeed, the rock on which the infant settlements of the English have at all times been wrecked ; and the fate of several of our eastern settle- ments were, so early as the year 1759, ascribed to this cause, by the author of the letter on the Negrais expedition : ‘ Colonies and settlements of every kind must, at first, be attended with many difficulties, which, however, a judicious perseverance will surmount, if there be not some original default in the establishment. It must be obvious to every one, that the English never made a settlement in which they were not impeded by some unforeseen difficulties, so as at last frequently to make abandon- ing the infant establishment appear the most prudent step, without even hoping any return for the prodigious expense which may have been incurred by the undertaking. Various reasons,’ adds that author, ‘ may be ascribed for this event; but incapacity in the person entrusted with the management, and the want of proper previous 62 BORNEO. examination of the place, seem to me the most common, and most considerable. Without stopping to inquire how far the want of success in our several attempts to settle Balambangan, may have been fairly attributable to either of these causes, I may safely ventm-e to assert, that it failed the last time chiefly from its being solely a mihtary estabhshment, \rtthout either professional merchants or mercantile adven- ture being attached to it. The observations which I have submitted with respect to Malluda, apply to it chiefly as a temtorial estabhshment ; but there is no doubt that it would speedily attain commercial importance. The contraband trade in spices, which was a principal object in the fonner attempts to settle Balambangan, is no longer any object to the Enghsh. Many commercial views, however, which influenced the original estabhshment of Balambangan, still exist in equal or superior force, especiahy those which related to Cochin China, Champa, and Camboja. There are some additional reasons which, perhaps, should require us to direct our attention towards Cochin China. The present King of Cochin China is the tme heir and only lineal descendant of the ancient royal family of Siam, which was extiiqiated by the Bunnans about the year 1765, and is considered as such by a considerable part of the Siamese nation ; and as the present Siamese government is weak and distracted, it has for some years been considered as a very probable occurrence, that he vviU soon And or take an opportunity of asserting his claims to the throne of Siam. Though this Prince has derived great assistance from the French in his domi- nions, on many former occasions, he is obviously jealous of all European interference, and may be considered as more under the influence of the maxims of Chinese pohcy, than of any Em'opean power. He formerly treated om* advances with something more than marked mdifference ; and his disaffection has been so much increased by the result of some transactions with a mercantile house in Madras, that he has lately ordered that no Enghshman shall be permitted to set foot in his country. As it is understood by the Portuguese, the only nation to whom any considerable degree of intercourse with his dominions is peiTnitted, that he has lately conquered some dis- tricts belonging to the Chinese empire, perhaps an overture to a treaty might be made to him, for the pm'pose of estabhshing a tea trade with his dominions, an object wiiich has formerly been conceived to be practicable. It is not, however, probable that any thing more than a very limited and hampered trade would ever be permitted with Cochin China ; and this will be the more apparent, if we consider the slavish and hiunihating manner in which all traffic still is, and has been, carried on, both with Cochin China and Siam, by the few ships that frequent their ports from Surat and Macao, canning chiefly gold and silver brocades, chintzes, and the flnest cloths of Indian manufacture, Arabian gums, and China w'are, with the richest silks. On aiTiving in port, the most v^aluable part of the cargo is immediately presented to the King, who takes as much as he pleases ; the remaining part is chiefly consumed in presents to the courtiers and other great men, while the refuse of the cargo is then 1 MINDANAWI. 63 permitted to be exposed to sale. The part which is consumed in presents to the great men, is entire loss : for that which the King receives, he generally returns a present, which is seldom adequate to the value of the goods which he has received ; but by dint of begging and repeated solicitation, this is sometimes increased a little. It is obvious that a trade of this strange nature is by no means accommo- dated to the habits of Enghshmen ; and I do not hesitate to say, that it is with the almost unknown countries of Champa and Camboja alone, that we have much chance of estabhshing an advantageous trade, in the present state of affairs ; and before that can be done to advantage, we must make ourselves better acquainted with them. “ This observation might be extended to the Sulu Archipelago, and the great island of Mindanawi, but with respect of both of these, there are other considerations connected with the exth’pation of the eastern pirates, which imperiously demand your Lordship’s attention. The Sulus are a bold and enterprising race, apparently of the mixed Malay and Phihppine breed. They have had frequent wars with the Spaniards of Manilla, and have never acknowledged their authority. The Sulu islands are numerous, but individually of small extent, and situated between the Philippines and the island of Borneo. They have generally adopted the religion of Islam ; and though active and enterprising, are in point of character extremely vicious, treacherous, and sanguinary. They are not very numerous, as the inhabitants of the Sulu islands, in their most flourishing state, could not be estimated at more than 60,000 souls, and if we add their dependencies, at about 100,000 souls. About fifty years ago they were much devoted to commerce, and we had a commercial resident in Sulu for some time, about the period of the first settling of Balamhangan; it was soon, however, found that the government was too weak to yield any efficient protection, and was forced to be withdrawn. Since that time, it has been subject to constant civil commotions, and the breaking down of the government has covered the Sulu seas with fleets of formidable pirates. “ With respect to the great island of Mindanawi, it is the original source of the Lanuns, the most formidable of all the eastern pirates. This island lies between the Moluccas and the Phihppines. The northern coast of this island is under a pre- carious subjection to the Spaniards. The great Lanun bight is occupied by a number of small chieftains, who have in every age been greatly addicted to piratical practices. The most powerful state on the island, however, is that of Mindanawi, governed by a Sultan of the rehgion of Islam, though the great mass of his subjects are pagans, in almost every respect similar to the aboriginal inhabitants of Borneo. The state of Mindanawi has repeatedly, on former occasions, attempted to open an amicable inter- course with the Enghsh on the most hberal terms. For the present Sultan’s senti- ments, I need only refer your Lordship to his own letter lately received, in enclosure No. 8, and I allude to it in this place because, from information received from that 64 CELEBES. quarter, there is great reason to apprehend that the military stores which your Lord- ship despatched to this Prince by Captain Masquerier, of the brig Jane, have never been dehvered. I am informed that the Mindanawi state is at present torn with fac- tions, but that the Sultan still retains his authority in a considerable degree ; and I have no doubt that your Lordship’s countenance extended to him would, without much trouble, give it tranquilhty and stabihty, and prevent the Lanuns and pirates being augmented by the whole force of Mindanawi, which must be the inevitable consequence of the breaking up of this state. Some explanation of the measures which we may find it necessary to take in this quarter, as well as concerning the general maxims of our pohcy to the eastward, may probably be due to the Spanish government of Manilla. With respect to the island of Celebes, and in particular Macassar, its principal settlement, it vill be ob^^ous to your Lordship, that the same reasons which induced the Dutch to occupy and retain it, do not exist for the English. From its situation in the \acinity of the spice islands, and from the spirit of the tribes which inhabit it, their activity and commercial turn, this island has long been a subject of such jealousy to the Dutch, that they have been content to support upon it a losing establishment, for the purpose of repressing the native trade of the inhabitants, and preventing other European nations from forming establishments upon it. But though the Dutch estabhshment at Macassar, was a losing concern in the hands of that government, it is by no means obvious that this would be the case under a different system of management ; the high population of the island, the riches of many indi- viduals, and their expensive taste in di'ess and other luxuries, would seem to indicate precisely the contrary. It is possible, therefore, that various weighty reasons may be found, independent of the motives which influenced the Dutch, to induce us to retain their establishments on Celebes, or even to enlarge them. Even in its pre- sent state the island of Celebes may be reckoned populous, if compared with many of the islands of the East. It has, however, greatly declined since it was settled by the Hollanders, who have not only followed their constant practice of fomenting civil wars, and exciting rebellions and commotions of every kind in Celebes, but have encouraged and carried to a greater extent the traffic of slaves than in almost any other of their eastern possessions. About the period of the first arrival of Europeans in the East, the Macassar and Bugis tribes were among the principal dealers in spices, and the island of Celebes was nearly under the authority of a single sovereign. On the breaking down of this great empire, several lesser states rose from its mins. By exciting dissensions among these states, and aiding one against another, the Dutch at last contrived to render all the states of the island subser- vient to their views. The policy which I conjecture we shall subsequently find it proper to follow, is exactly the opposite of this. We may, with great facility, and without much trouble, employ our influence and mediation to heal the dissensions CELEBES-JELOLO. 65 of the native princes, to establish firmly ancient authorities, check innovations, and prevent civil wars as much as hes in our power ; at the same time seizing every opportunity of prevailing on them to discourage and abandon the destructive traffic of slaves. To this nefarious trade, which has desolated this island, as well as all the small islands in its vicinity, the Bugis men and Macasar men have in a great measure been driven by the monopolies of the Dutch, which have, in a great degree, driven the fair merchants from the seas, and left the main to kidnappers and pirates. The increase of security in the country, will produce the increase of both wealth and population, which will of course cause an increase of the consumption of opium, piece-goods, and other Indian commodities. Had it not been for the contraband trade which the English carried on at almost all times, with the states of Wajjo and Mandhar, little doubt can be entertained that the trade of Macasar, in these articles alone, would have compensated the loss which the Dutch assert that they have always sustained from this estabhshment. Notwithstanding some late disagreements of the English with the Bugis tribes, arising from the impossibility of explaining to the eastern nations the English system of blockade, I do not hesitate to affirm, that the inhabitants of Celebes are generally well affected to the English nation, to which they have always had a strong attachment ; and since my return to Malacca I have, to a considerable extent, in several instances, derived essential advantage from the exertion of some of their most respectable traders, in communi- cating with the native princes. The effect of a liberal line of conduct and policy adopted towards the tribes of Celebes, would certainly be to create a powerful and active nation in the centre of the Eastern Islands, attached to the English by benefits, and looking to them in a great measure for protection ; who, without becoming formidable to ourselves, might easily be rendered formidable to any other nation. “ There is likewise another consideration with regard to Celebes, which deserves attention. The Macasar and Bugis tribes are the most bold, adventurous, and en- terprising of all the eastern nations, and extremely addicted to a military life. They are equally celebrated for their fidehty, and their courage, and for this reason they have long been employed as the Swiss in Europe, not only in the armies of Siam, Camboja, and other countries, but also as the guards of their princes. They can be recruited with facility, and easily submit to military discipline, and it is probable that better mercenaries could not be found for maintaining several of our Oriental possessions. The observations that I have taken the hberty of suggesting to your Lordship, respecting the island of Celebes, apply with nearly equal force to the island Jelolo, or Halamahera, which is situated between the Moluccas and the Papua Islands, as Celebes itself is situated between the Moluccas and Borneo. Jelolo has sometimes, from its form, been denominated Little Celebes; with the western coast of this island K G6 JAPAN. we are at present little acquainted; but the inhabitants of the western coasts, espe- cially those of Osso and Maba, with their Sovereign, the son of our old ally the Sultan of Tidore, have lately taken every means of evincing their tried attachment to the English nation. It appears they have lately afforded every sort of supply, in the most liberal way, to some English whalers, and are proud to declare, on all occa- sions, that they owe their existence to the liberal supplies which your Lordship was pleased to afford them in their extreme necessity. This nation, like those of Bali and Bugis-land, seems worth the encouraging; and the determined perseverance with which they opposed themselves to all the efforts of the Dutch and their auxi- liaries, cannot fail to excite the sympathies of the English nation. The three islands of Bali, Celebes, and Jelolo, occupy the most commanding positions in the centre of different groups of islands, and each of them, without becoming formidable to ourselves, is capable of being rendered extremely formidable, through our means, to any other European power. The different nations which occupy them have always been particularly attached to the English ; and no European nation, with the excep- tion of the Dutch in Macasar, have claims on any considerable portion of their territories. I therefore beg leave to submit to your Lordship’s particular considera- tion, whether or not every practical means which may tend to attach and affiliate these nations to the English, will not materially tend to strengthen our interest to the eastward, and even tend to render our influence permanent in these regions, and independent of any arrangement which may take place subsequent to a general peace. “ The only remaining Dutch possession to which it is necessary at present to request your Lordship’s attention, is the factory at Japan. The information which I have been able to procure, relative to this factory, is of a very general nature, and my observations, therefore, shall be confined to a very slight sketch of its general management. The empire of Japan has for a long period adopted and carried into effect all the exclusive maxims of Chinese policy •with a degree of rigour unknown even in China itself. Previous to the expulsion of the Portuguese and the extirpa- tion of Christianity in the latter part of the seventeenth century, the Japanese trade was reckoned by far the most advantageous which could be pursued in the East, and very much superior to either the Indian or Chinese trade. After the expulsion of the Portuguese, a very extensive trade was for some time permitted to be carried on by the Dutch, on account of the benefits which the Japanese conceived they had received from that nation during the Portuguese war, and especially the detection of a formid- able conspiracy of some of the Japanese princes to dethrone the emperor, which was detected by the Dutch intercepting the ship which conveyed the correspondence of the conspirators. It was for these reasons that the Dutch originally procured the imperial edict by which they were permitted to trade to Japan to the exclusion of all other European nations. This public act of their ancestors, the Japanese have JAPAN. 67 repeatedly declared that they will not cancel, but they have done every thing hut formally cancel, for a more hmited and less fi’ee trade was never carried on hy one rich nation to another. For more than half a century, the Dutch trade has been limited to two yearly ships from Bata\ia, the cargoes of both of which scarcely ever exceed 200,000 dollars, and their only profitable returns are in Japan copper and a small quantity of camphor. To shew themselves impartial in their restrictions, the Japanese have limited the traffic of the Chinese, the only eastern nation whom they suffer to trade with them at all, in a similar manner to that of the Dutch, and they suffer no more than six Chinese junks to visit Nangasaki in the year. The trade of the two favoured nations, the Dutch and the Chinese, is also limited to the single port of Nangasaki. In pursuance of their exclusive maxims, and conformably to the terms of their agreement with the Dutch, the Japanese have on every occasion followed an uniform line of conduct, and rejected in the most peremptory manner the various overtm’es of different nations of Europe, refusing equally to have any intercourse, negociations, or commerce with any of them ; it must also be admitted, that the whole foreign trade of Japan, compared with the riches of the country, is absolutely trifling, nor is there any rich or powerful body of men, like the Hong mer- chants of China, at all interested in its continuance. The yearly presents, whether offered to the governor of Nangasaki or the emperor, are of no great value, and rigidly limited by law and usage, and as the government of Japan is much stronger and more \ig^lant than that of China, no such abuses can be ventured on at Nan- gasaki as take place at Canton. From these reasons there is great cause to think, that if the Japanese fully comprehended the nature of the events which have taken place in Holland, and now threaten Bata\ia, that all intercourse between the Japanese and Europeans would immediately be brought to a termination. The Japanese con- ceive that they have entered into engagements with the Dutch only while they exist as a nation, and there is the utmost reason to think that in the event of the Dutch merging in any other nation, they would by no means consider these engagements as of any force. Their foreign trade supplies them with no articles of imperious necessity, and is of no advantage to any great national body. Indeed the only persons who have any serious interest in it, is the coiq)s of Dutch interpreters, a small body who follow this hereditary occupation, and have no important influence in the state, and who are required to study Dutch, and to transact business in it, in order that Europeans may have no occasion or opportunity of acquiring the Japanese language ; as Japan, however, is almost totally secluded from the rest of the world, it is not probable that these events will be speedily communicated to them by the Dutch factory. A more probable event is, that immediately on the fall of the Island of Java, the Dutch factory at Canton will endeavom' to avail themselves of the opening, in conjmiction with the Americans, and perhaps the Portuguese, to invest a part of their dormant capital for the Japan market, and advise the Dutch factory of 68 JAPAN. Nangasaki to keep up the deception, and put the Japanese on their guard against the overtures of the English. Certain it is, that in the case of Japan our superior force can be of no avail to us, but rather on the contrary may excite the greater jealousy. The situation of the Dutch factory at Japan is very similar to that at Canton in China, which, as far as regards the estabhshment in China, may sur\ive all the chsasters of both Bata\da and the mother country. The Japanese are acquainted with the English, but they have only become acquainted with them from the Portu- guese and the Dutch, both of whom were interested in engi’ossing the Japan trade, and have therefore, no doubt, taken care to prepossess the Japanese in the strongest manner against the Enghsh. Indeed, when Captain Pellew \isited Nan- gasaki, about three years ago, though he might have plundered the Dutch factory had it contained any thing valuable, he found that the Japanese would listen to no overtures of intercourse ; about the same time they rejected, with equal steadiness, the Russian embassy despatched directly to Japan, refusing equally to admit of any overtures on the part of the Russians, and to accept of the valuable presents brought by the ambassador. The same fate has attended some late attempts of the Ameri- cans to establish an intercourse with Japan ; and I am strongly of opinion that there is not the least reason to hope that any of our overtures -would meet with a more favourable reception, if not supported by the representations of the Dutch who are at present residents in the factory at Nangasaki. I therefore beg leave to state to your Lordship, as my decided opinion, that the only chance which we have for retaining the Japanese trade, is by gaining to our interest the present Dutch residents at Japan, and the Japanese corps of Dutch intei*preters, at whatever price it may cost. With respect to the means by which this may be best accomphshed, it is probable that better information than we yet possess may be procured at Bataria, before it become necessary to despatch the yearly vessel for Japan, w'hich is about the beginning of March. Every precaution must doubtless be used to secure the reception of an English agent in the first place, and to make the transi- tion as imperceptible as possible from the Dutch to the English. The last Japanese invoices of articles requu'ed by the Board of Trade will be found at Bataria, and may be answ'ered exactly ; and it will be requisite for the English agent, if received at all, to reside in Japan till the return of the ship next season, according to the Dutch ceremonial ; and if in the interim he could acquire the Japanese language, and ingratiate himself with the Bonzes, or religious of the Buddhist sects, much might probably be done to open the Japanese trade on a more liberal scale, especially during the yearly journey to the court of the emperor, w'hen the Japanese nobles and princes are accustomed to visit the envoy in disguise. With regard to the pre- sent Japanese trade, it certainly is by no means equal to that of many neglected countries in Asia ; but the principal inducement to make efforts for its continuance. POLICY OF THE DUTCH. is the prospect of its being opened on a more extensive scale ; an event which is very likely to be accelerated by the aggi'essions of Russia on the Kurile Islands, which properly belong to Japan, and several of which the Russians have already reduced. “ Having thus stated to your Lordship the foregoing observations on specific topics connected with the acquisition of Java, and the fall of the Dutch possessions to the eastw^ard, I shall now briefly advert to some more general views, which appear to be inseparably connected with them, and seem entitled to early attention. “ The annexation of Java and the Eastern Isles to our Indian empire, opens to the English nation \iew's of so enlarged a nature, as seem equally to demand and justify a bolder policy, both of a commercial and political kind, than we could have lately contemplated. The countries which must, directly or indirectly, fall under our influence and authority, form a range of possessions which, with intervals of no great importance, extend nearly fi'om the Bay of Bengal to our settlements on the continent of New Holland. These are occupied, excepting where the Dutch have taken the territorial possession into their owm hands, by several small groups of prin- cipahties, none of which, taken separately, have any pretensions to the rank of a poweifid or independent state. The tribes of which they are composed, though vary- ing radically in customs, manners, religion, and language, and possessing very different degrees of cirilization, have long been confounded by Europeans under the general appellation of Malays, a term wEich may still be retained for convenience. It may be safely affinned, that about the period wEen the Europeans first began to frequent these countries, they were not only much more populous, but the governments were more strong and steady, and the inhabitants in general much farther advanced in ciri- lization. The Dutch, solely attentive to their own commercial interests, have, in their intercourse with these regions, invariably adhered to a more cold-blooded, ilhberal, and ungenerous policy, than has ever been exhibited towards any country, unless w^e except the conduct of the European nations towards the slave-coast of Africa. In some instances, as in the case of the clusters of the Isles of Banda, the original inha- bitants, when they opposed a resolute resistance to their encroachments, have been entirely extirpated. Whenever the natives have displayed great courage and magna- nimity of character, as in the case of the Macasars of Guah, and the Bugis of Soping, these natives have been himted down with a perseverance worthy of a better cause. Indeed, the domination of the Dutch in the Malay countries, seems to have been main- tained in direct opposition to all principles of natm'al justice and sound policy, and which amply deserves a degree of reprobation little short of their transactions at Ambo\ma and Batavia, with regard to the English. But however their policy may be characterized, I apprehend that their claims to temtorial right in the Eastern Isles, in which all the nations of Europe have so long and so blindly acquiesced, wEl be found to be very much inferior to what is generally supposed, unless, perhaps, in the 70 POLICY OF THE ENGLISH. Isle of Java itself. As their claims, of whatsoever kind, must now revert to the French nation, it will be of the utmost importance to ascertain fi-om the original Dutch records, how far their tenitorial cessions and exclusive pnrtleges do actually extend ; also, how far these are absolute, and how far revocable ; and, in short, to obtain a complete code of the Dutch treaties Avith all the Malay princes, since the first commencement of their establishments in the Eastern Isles. The diplomatic importance of such a code will be readily recognized by your Lordship ; and in the event of any future negociations in Eiuope, may prove of the most essential import- ance. The line of policy which on the present occasion we ought to adopt towards the Malay states, should be as uniform in its features, and comprehensive in its extent, as possible. The various gi'oups of states to which, what may be emphati- cally termed our Malay policy, may extend, are the following : “ 1st. The states of the Malay peninsula. 2d. The states of the Island of Smnatra, 3d. The states of the Island of Borneo. 4th. The states of the Sunda Isles, com- prehending the chain of islands which extend fi-om the Straits of Sunda to Timor and Celebes, exclusive of Java, which we may except for the present, oth. The states of Celebes. 6th. The states of Sulu and Mindanao. 7th. The states of the Moluccas, comprehending Ceram and Banda. 8th. The states of Jilolo, or Little Celebes. 9th. The Black Papua States of New Guinea, and the Papua Islands in its ricinity. “ These states I shall only eniunerate here, as requiring distinct reports on the nature of their connexion Arith the Dutch, or, as we may now state it, nith the French ; after which, it will probably appear to be our soundest policy to form the most intimate connections, by treaty, with those which have indisputable pretensions to independence. This pohcy will, I flatter myself, appear obrious, whether we contemplate the maintaining the Malay isles in permanent possession, or the possible transfen-ing of the Dutch possessions to the enemy in the event of a peace in Europe ; in the event of the flrst alternative, it \rill enable us to turn these posses- sions to the gi'eatest advantage, whether a respect be had to our Em-opean trade, or the general benefit of our Indian possessions. In the event of the second, we shall secure such a footing among the Eastern Isles, and such a favom-able regard among the bravest races, as will baffle all the attempts of the enemy to dislodge us. By fixing ourselves in Banca, Bali, Celebes, and Jelolo, we should have a chain of posts which would prevent the enemy entirely fi-om attaining very formidable power, or derhdng his former advantages from the possession of Java and the Moluccas ; and by forming a settlement in Borneo, connected with the interior of that country, so fertile, and so rich in the precious metals, we should soon be in a condition to com- pete wth them on equal tei-ms. The whole of the states which I have now specified, have been so much accustomed to European interference and control, that the greater part of them are by no means fitted for the enjoyment of a fair and liberal POLICY OF THE ENGLISH. 71 independence, nor are they likely to become so for a series of years. At the same time, the treatment which they have experienced from the Dutch has been in general so extremely galling and oppressive, that a more liberal policy can hardly fail of conciliating their affections in a high degree ; sufficiently conscious of their inability to stand alone, and warned by the breaking up of some of the oldest and most powerful states, they would gladly ally themselves to so powei-ful a nation as the English on any thing like fair and equitable terms, by which they might be secured from civil commotions and the oppression of foreigners, without being deprived of all their natural advantages, as under the Dutch domination. Now, as our principal political embarrassment with regard to Java and the Eastern Isles, arises from the danger of these being given up to the enemy, in the event of a peace in Em'ope, I beg leave to suggest to your Lordship a method of avoiding a part of this danger, which by no means appears impossible, or even arduous to carry into execu- tion, though it is not likely to occur to the Malay chiefs, unless it should be suggested to them. In ancient times, the Malay chiefs, though possessing the titles of Sultan, or Rajah, and in full possession of authority within their own domains, yet all held of a superior, or Suzerain, who was King of the ancient and powerful state of Majopahit, on the island of Java, and who had the title of Bitara. Malacca was one of the first states that shook off this allegiance, and became in the end so poweidul as to hold a great part of the Malay peninsula, and of the opposite coast of Sumatra, in a similar dependence, though the sovereigns of these states retained the titles of Rajahs, or Sultans, and exercised their authority within their own terri- tories. Now, though the present Malay chiefs are jealous and punctilious in a high degi’ee about their own titles, they are by no means equally so respecting holding of a superior whose title would save their own dignity ; and, I conceive, they might easily be prevailed upon by suggestions to invest the Governor General of India with the ancient title of Bitara, equivalent to Lord Protector, which has become obsolete among them for nearly three centuries, and which would not, I conceive, be reckoned injurious to the dignity of any modern chieftain, whatever titles and epithets he might bear. This would give a general right of superintendence over, and interfer- ence with, all the Malay states, which might be acted upon when circumstances should render it necessary ; and might be so limited by treaty, as to remove any occasion of suspicion from the native powers. It is of importance, however, that this should appear to be the spontaneous and voluntary act of the Malay chieftains, as by this means it would be less liable to modification in the event of any treaty which may be concluded in Europe with the enemy ; but I shall here confine myself solely to the bare statement of the idea, and leave for future consideration its different limitations, and the means which might be proposed for carrying it into execution. ‘‘ In the districts that may be reduced under the sole authority of the English, 72 CHINESE IN JAVA. little doubt can be entertained that we shall best consult our own interests, bv a hne of pohcy radically different from that of the Dutch. In all the eastern Dutch settle- ments, their favounte pohcy has been to depress the native Malay or Javanese in- habitants, and give every encouragement to the Chinese, who are only itinerants, and not children of the soil, and who follow the general practice of remitting the fruits of their industry to China, instead of spending them where they were acquired. The Chinese, in all ages equally supple, venal, and crafty, failed not at a very early period to recommend themselves to the equally crafty, venal, and speculating Hol- landers. They have, almost fi*om the first, been the agents of the Dutch, and in the island of Java in particular, they have almost acquired the entire monopoly of revenue farms and government contracts. At present many of the most respectable Dutch famihes are intimately connected vith the Chinese in their contracts and specula- tions, and it is only ver}" lately that Marshal Daendels sold the whole provinces of Pasuki to the Capital! China, or head Chinaman of Surabaya. It is even mmoured, that this is not the only instance in which the Marshal has assigned whole provinces over to the unfeeling oppression of the Chinese, for the pmqiose of raising temporary resources in money. The Chinese have, in Java, been generally left to their own laws, and the regulations of their oum chiefs ; and being merely temporary residents in the country, they devote themselves entirely to the accmnulation of wealth, without being very scmpulous concerning the means. When, therefore, they acquire gi’ants of land, they always contrive to reduce the peasants speedily to the condition of slaves. The improvement of the people, which has never been an object with the Dutch, is much less so with the Chinese ; and the oppression which they have exercised in the vicinity of Batavia, has not failed to open the eyes of the Dutch themselves. A late report of the counsellors of Bataria on this subject, accordingly states, that “ Although the Chinese, as being the most dihgent and industrious settlers, should be the most useful, they are, on the contrary, become a very dangerous people, and are to be remarked as a pest to the country ; and that there appears to be no radical cure for this eril but their extermination fi'om the interior, a measure which cannot now be effected.” Of the degree of oppression which they are in the habit of exercising to- wards the peasants, some idea may be fonned from the following fact: — The staple grain of Java is rice, and the established rate of ground-rent for rice-gi’ounds in Java, is 1-lOth of the crop. Wherever the Chinese are the land-holders, however, they exact, as rent, 5-8ths of the produce of the ground. Wherever they have formed extensive settlements in Java, accordingly, the native Javanese have no alternative but that of abandoning the district, or becoming slaves of the soil ; besides, the monopolizing spirit of the Chinese frequently exercises a very pernicious control over the necessaries of life, and the produce of the soil, even in the vicinity of Bataria. If we consider the supple- ness and insinuating address of the Chinese, how apt they are on all occasions to curry favour, how ready they are to proffer assistance when there is no danger, and when ARABS IN THE MALAY STATES. 73 they perceive that it falls in with their own interest, we may depend upon their utmost efforts being used to ingi-atiate themselves with the English. It is, therefore, of the greatest importance to be early on our guard against this pernicious and in- creasing influence, which preys on the very vitals of the country, draining and ex- hausting it for the benefit of China. In all the Malay states, the Chinese have made every effort to get into their hands the farming of the port duties, and this has gene- rally proved the min of the trade. In addition to these circumstances, it should be recollected that the Chinese, from their peculiar language and manners, form a kind of separate society in every place where they settle, which gives them great advan- tage over every competitor in arranging monopohes of trade. It also gives them an opportunity of aspiring after political ascendancy, which they have often acquired in the inferior Malay states. This ascendancy of the Chinese, whether of a commercial or political nature, shoidd be cautiously guarded against and restrained; and this perhaps cannot be better done, than by bringing forward the native population of Malays and Javanese, and encouraging them in useful and industrious habits. “ The observations which I have suggested to your Lordship regarding the Chinese, are in a high degree applicable to the Arabs who frequent the Malay countries, and under the specious mask of rehgion, prey on the simple unsuspicious natives. The Chinese must, at all events, be admitted to be industrious ; but the Ai'abs are mere drones, useless and idle consumers of the produce of the ground, affecting to be descendants of the Prophet, and the most eminent of his followers, when in reahty they are commonly nothing more than manumitted slaves ; they worm themselves into the favour of the Malay chiefs, and often procure the highest offices in the Malay states. They hold hke robbers the offices they obtain as sycophants, and cover all with the sanctimonious veil of religious hypocrisy. Un- der the pretext of instructing the Malays in the principles of the Mahomedan religion, they inculcate the most intolerant bigotry, and render them incapable of receiving any species of usefid knowledge. It is seldom that the East is visited by Arabian merchants of large capital, but there are numerous adventurers who caiTy on a coasting-trade from port to port ; and by asserting the religious titles of Sheikh and Seyyad, claim, and generally obtain, an exemption from all port duties in the Malay states. They are also very frequently concerned in acts of piracy, and great promoters of the slave trade. This class of adventurers it will be our object sedulously to repress, but a regulated trade with any of the commercial states of Arabia, as Muscat, Mocha, or Jidda, may prove extremely advantageous to the Malay countries. The old Sultan of Pontiana, who was on his guard against the machinations of the Chinese, and took effectual means to prevent their either farm- ing his port duties or engrossing his trade, suffered himself to be constantly circum- v'ented and duped by the Arab adventurers who frequented Pontiana. The errors of the father, however, have served in some degree to open the eyes of his son, the L 74 AMERICANS. present Sultan ; yet he still continues to suffer Arab traders, direct fi*om Arabia, to trade at Pontiana, duty free ; and last year this port was \isited by two Arab vessels direct from IMuscat. This may serve, in some degree, to illustrate the necessity of our establishing an equal and uniform system of port regulations through the whole of the Malay countries ; for if the Chinese, on the one hand, are permitted to farm import and export duties, in different ports, they have every facility allowed them to form combinations, in order to secm'e a monopoly to Chinese traders ; and if, on the other hand, the Arabs, under religious pretext, are entirely exempted fi'om duties, they may baffle all competition, and the Malay countries will inevitably be exhausted and ch’ained, and the English deprived of the fmits of conquest merely to the advan- tage of two foreign nations, that are equally devoid of claims on the English and the Malays. Let the Chinese and the Arabs, as well as the Americans, trade to the eastward, but let their trade be regidated, and above all, let them not be left in the enjojunent of exemptions and advantages which are neither possessed by the English nor the INIalays. Since the reduction of the Dutch influence in the East, several of the ports formerly dependant on them have almost become Arab colonies, as Palem- bang, Tringano, and Telawany on Smnbawa. The evil is ob\iously increasing every day, and can only he checked by encom-aging the native Malays, and regulating on equal tenns, the duties of the Malay and other eastern ports. “ Another class of commercial interlopers, who will require om' vigilant atten- tion, is the Americans. Previous to the late embargo they were beginning to fre- quent the islands of Ceram, Goram, and Ceram Laut, with other islands to the eastward of the Moluccas, for the pui’pose of picking up articles for the Chinese market, such as birds’-nests, sea-slug, or tripang, tortoiseshell, &c., and occasionally engaging in the contraband trade of spices. Of late they have become still better acquainted with many of these islands, from their vessels ha\ing been employed by the Dutch. If such active and enteiqwising traders, who are certainly not particu- larly well affected to the English, be permitted to trade to the Eastern Islands on equal terms with the English, it uill inevitably be injmious to our commercial interests ; but if they are permitted the fi'ee range of the Eastern Archipelago, per- haps it would be difficult to devise a measm'e more injurious to our political influence, as well as om* commercial interests. The Americans, wherever they go, as they have no object but commercial adventure, and as fire-arms are in the highest request, especially among the more Eastern Isles, these would be considered as the most profitable articles. They have already filled the different clusters of islands in the South Seas with fire-arms, and they would not fail to do the same in the different Eastern Islands. These considerations seem obviously to point to a fine of policy, respecting the trade of the Eastern Islands, which in some respects coincides closely with that adopted by the Dutch, while in others it differs from it entirely in ultimate principles. 7 DUTCH MONOPOLY. 75 “ In many respects, the commercial policy adopted by the Dutch, with regard to the Eastern Islands, and the Malay states in general, was not only contrary to all principles of natural justice, and unworthy of any enlightened and civilized nation, but characterized by a degree of absurdity, for which it was scarcely worth taking tlie trouble of being so preposterously wicked. Thus in the Dutch orders, respecting trade and navigation, in the veiy first article it is stated, that ‘ All persons whatever are prohibited, under pain of death, from trading in the four fine kinds of spices, miless such spices shall first have been brought from the Company.’ After the enact- ment of a penalty so outrageously disproportioned to the offence, the authentic accounts of their attempts to destroy and eradicate from a vast range of extensive countries, the most advantageous produce of the land, in order to favour their own petty traffic, and their burning a large proportion of the residue, in order to keep up their monopoly price in Europe on a small proportion of this produce, must be viewed by all liberal-minded and intelligent men, with sentiments of equal contempt and detestation. Against eiTors of this kind, yoirr Lordship’s presence in the East will be an effectual preventive ; but it may still be questioned whether, in the pre- sent state of these coimtries, it may not be necessary, in the first instance, to retain some traits of Dutch policy. One feature of Dutch policy to the eastward seems to have been the entire exclusion of all other powers, whether native or European, excepting at certain specified ports, under their own immediate influence and control. This policy was as much connected with the pohtical government of the country as with the commercial profits of the Company : for in an Archipelago of such an un- paralleled extent, inhabited by tribes of such various character, formidable in a high degi’ee from their very want of civilization, it was necessary to bring forward some of the most powerful and most fav^ourably situated of these nmnerous states, and to hold them answerable for the proceedings of the smaller districts under their influ- ence. This policy gave rise to the establishment of certain regular and determined trading-ports, and the vigilant suppression of all attempts at competition and inde- pendence in the inferior states. Had this measure been conjoined with a liberal policy, tending to facilitate the home trade, as we denominate it, between these privi- leged ports established by the Dutch, and the various countries mider their influence, I apprehend that little doubt can be entertained, that it would have tended materially to promote the civilization and general improvement of all the Eastern nations. Veiy chfferent, how^ever, was the object of the Dutch agreements with the different Rajahs of the Eastern Archipelago. In some cases it was to secure a monopoly of all the tin, pepper, camphor, or other saleable articles that the country produced ; in another, it was to bind the chiefs of the country to destroy the only saleable articles that the country produced, lest the monopoly price of the Dutch should be injured by a greater quantity of such produce being brought to market. The Dutch genius, though exclusiv'ely devoted to commerce, has never yet been able to discover, that L 2 76 NEGLECT OF THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT. in the long-run it must be more profitable ^ to make smaller profits on a larger capital, than larger profits on a smaller capital and their pohcy has been not unaptly compared to a man putting out one of his eyes, in order to strengthen the sight of the other. Against the pohcy of establishing certain detenninate and regular ports as emporimns of trade, it does not appear to me that there are any valid objections to be stated : and I therefore submit this measure to your Lordship’s consideration, as the most effectual method of preventing the Eastern Islands from being overrun by a multitude of unprincipled adventm-ers, chiefly Chinese, Arabian, and American, whose presence in these countries will neither tend to strengthen the interest of the British nation, nor ameliorate the condition of the natives. “ If this measure, however, should approve itself to your Lordship, it may still be proper to inquire, in what respects our policy may be considered as superior to that of the Dutch, and how it is calculated to promote the improvement and advantage of the Malay nations in a higher degree than theirs. It must be admitted that the policy which we have hitherto piusued, \rith regard to the IVIalay nations, has been by no means of a conciliating or prepossessing nature. Our intercourse with them has been carried on almost exclusively by adventurers httle acquainted with either the country or people, who have frequently been more remarkable for boldness than principle. Indeed, the want of any settled basis of traffic, and the long indifference of the British government to the complaints of either party, had produced so many impositions, reprisals, piracies, and murders, that it has fairly been observed, that every eastern trader must have been himself very much in the situation of a trader in spirits, tobacco, and blankets, among the Indians of North America. It was properly remarked by Mr. Farquhar, in his report on Prince of Wales’ Island, that this indifference of the British government must have originated solely fi*om the want of information, or from its incorrectness, since little doubt can be entertained that the riches of Sumatra and Borneo are equal to either Brazil or South America, and it is only from the disadvantages, under which we have hitherto entered into the competition, that these great sources of wealth have been so long engrossed by the Dutch, Spaniards, and Chinese. But this previous neglect of the British government w^e may confidently expect will form no rule for the future, and the benefits which the JMalay nations may derive from a close connexion with the British government and nation, are such as there is no probability of their ever deriving from the French or Dutch. “ The doctrine that a colony should always be considered as a distant prorince of the mother countiy could never have been received by the Dutch, and the radical want of strength in the government of Batavia must always have prevented them from venturing to act upon it. Of course they must ahvays have contemplated the prosperity of the eastern tribes with the invidious regi'et of a rival shopkeeper, and regarded their progress in civilization with the jealousy of a timorous despot, which FEUDAL WARS IN THE MALAY STATES. 77 in point of fact we know they actually did. The power of the English in the East enables them to employ a less timid policy ; humanity imperiously requires that they should employ it, and fortunately their own interest coincides with these as an additional inducement. “ The causes which have tended most to the depression of the Malays, and the deterioration of their character, are the following : the civil commotions to which every state is hable from the radical want of strength in the sovereign, and the con- stant wars between petty chieftains, and heads of villages or districts : the ill-defined succession to the throne, from the doctrine of primogeniture being imperfectly recognized in the Malay states : the prevalence of piracy in all the eastern seas : the system of domestic slavery, with all its concomitant evils, as wars for the pur- pose of procuring slaves, and the want of general confidence between family and family, man and man : the want of a generally established and recognized system of laws regarding all questions, civil and criminal, in the Malay states : the want of a similar system of commercial regidations respecting port duties, anchorage, and other charges, to prevent arbitrary exactions in the various Malay ports : the dis- couragement given to regidar trade by the monopolies of the Malay Rajahs : the redress of these evils is, in a great measure, in the power of the English nation ; it is worthy of their general character, and there is no other nation that possesses the means in an equal degree, even if it possessed the inclination. “ With regard to the feudal wars of petty chieftains, and the civil commotions which constantly agitate the Malay states, these have been greatly increased by the pohcy of the Dutch, whose authority has been in a great measure maintained and supported by the dissensions which they were in the habit of exciting in the more powerful Malay states. In consequence of this, we find that scarcely a single powerful state now subsists, which was in existence when the Dutch settled in the East. This, however, must not be entirely imputed to the machinations of the Dutch, but ori- ginates in part from such radical defects in Mahomedan law. The principal of these are the expiation of murder by paying the price of blood, and a fine to the prince, and the want of an express provision in law against treason and rebelhon, and the consequent opinion which is generally entertained among Moslems, that whoever possesses the power of assuming independence possesses the right of declaring it. This evil may be easily corrected by supporting the legitimate authority by our in- fluence, and by that means subjecting the private quan'els of head-men gradually to the general system of estabhshed law. “ The want of a well-defined rule of succession to the government in the families of the different Malay Rajahs is constantly productive of innumerable parties, divisions, and civil agitations in every state. This, however, is an evil common to all governments where the Mahomedan religion prevails, though its evils are most felt in a comparatively rude state of society, such as exists in the 78 PIRACY— SLAVERY. Malay countries. This e\il was prevented effectually during the Dutch domination, by their assmning the paramount right of gi-anting investiture to every prince who succeeded to the government of a country, and if such a plan, as I have alluded to, were to be adopted by the English, a similar policy, either by granting investiture, or by recognizing the heir apparent, would naturally require to he followed. A regula- tion of this kind, I have the utmost reason for thinking, would he highly acceptable to all the Malay nations, for among a great munber of them, at present, the death of a prince is regarded with horror by all his subjects, as the signal for intestine war, i-uin, and devastation. Of the prevalence of piracy on the Malay coast, and its being regarded as an honourable occupation, worthy of being followed by young princes and nobles, I have already had occasion to speak. This is an eril of ancient date, and which has struck deep on the Malay habits. The old Malay romances, and the fragments of their traditional histoiy, constantly refer to piratical cinizes. In addition to the cases which I have already enumerated, it may be proper to add, that the state of the Eastern population, and the intolerant spirit of the religion of Islam, have eminently tended to increase this practice. The Arab Sheikhs and Sejyads, whatever doctrines they failed to inculcate, did not neglect the propagation of one, the merit of plundering and massacring the infidels ; an abominable tenet, which has tended more than all the rest of the Alcoran, to the propagation of this robber-religion. Numerous and various are the tribes of the Eastern Isles which have not embraced the religion of Islam to this day, and consequently are reckoned infidels. All the great nations of the conti- nent are in the same predicament as the Siamese, Cochin-Chinese, and Chinese themselves. Cmizes against the infidels were, and are, constantly certain of receiv- ing the approbation of all the Arab teachers settled in the Malay countries. The practice of piracy, however, is now an eivl too extensive and formidable to be cured by reasoning, and must, at all events, be put dovii by the strong hand ; though precau- tions against its recurrence may be taken in the system which shall be adopted nith regard to the Malay states, by rendering every chieftain answerable for his own terri- tory, and punishing in an exemplaiy manner refractory chiefs. “ Connected vith this e\il, though of much wder extent, is the system of slavery in the Malay countries, which, to apply the energetic language of Mr. Pitt to this subject, has been none of the least efficient causes of keeping down these regions in a state of bondage, ignorance, and blood. On the grand erils of the system of slavery, and its necessary concomitant, the man-trade, and its pernicious consequences, whether personal or ci^il, social or domestic, it is fortunately, at the present period, unnecessary to expatiate, since, by the late ^ Act for the Abolition of the Slave-Trade,’ that system of crimes is prohibited in all territories in his Majesty’s possession or occupation. In the beginning of the year 1806, the JMarquis Wellesley abohshed slavery throughout India ; and your Lordship, by your order of June 4th, to emanci- SLAVERY. 79 pate all the government slaves at Malacca, and to direct that hereafter no slaves shall be purchased or received on account of government, has already given all the Malay nations an earnest of your Lordship’s sentiments of the subject. It is certainly to the credit of our countrymen in the East, that they have, at the most early periods, opposed all attempts to introduce the abominable slave traffic into our settlements in the East ; and in proof of this, it is only necessary to refer to an act of the Governor in council of Madras of so early a date as 1682, prohibiting this nefarious traffic at that presidency. The sources of slavery in the Malay countries are chiefly the following : — piracy, captivity in war, man-stealing, and the penalties enacted in the Malay law respecting debts and sundry misdemeanors. Piracy is often a distinct somce of slavery, the surviving crews of vessels which fall into their hands being generally disposed of by sale at the first market, as in the instance of the ship Commerce, the crew of which, consisting of Bengal Lascars, are reported to have been publicly sold for slaves at Borneo Proper and Sambas. In many instances they have employed such crews as slaves, both on board their own vessels and on their own settlements, in cultivating the grounds, as at Ratch, on the east coast of Sumatra. The numerous chieftains in the Malay countries, and the constant wars which they carry on against each other, is another great source of slavery ; the captives taken in such wars are generally employed in domestic occupations, tending cattle, and cultivating the ground, when there is no opportunity of bringing them to market, a circumstance which seldom occurs, since such numbers are constantly required by the Arabs and Chinese traders, as well as the Dutch, that the market is seldom overstocked. Many of the Arab trading-vessels are almost entirely navigated by the slaves of the owners ; and in their progress fi’om island to island, they find little difficulty in recruiting their crew, by receiving presents of slaves ; or, if that should fail, by kidnapping or man-stealing. This forms a strong argument against prohibiting the range of the islands to either the Chinese or Arab traders ; for if this were permitted, the aboli- tion of the system of kidnapping would be absolutely impossible. The pagan tribes in the \icinity of the Moslems, such as the Bah, and some of the tribes of the Bugis- men, the Harafuras, the Black Papuas, or Oriental negroes, the original inhabitants of Seram, Goram, and other easterly nations, are, in a great measm*e, the victims of the man-stealing or kidnapping system ; and, as they are only infidels, they are con- sidered as fair booty. Farther inquiries, however, are necessary, in order to ascer- tain the probable extent of the kidnapping system. But another source of this evil is the nature of the penalties established in the Undang Undang, or system of Malay law, respecting debtors and persons guilty of various misdemeanors, by which these are liable to become slaves. As I hope to be able to lay shortly before your Lord- ship a translation of the Malay laws relative to this interesting topic, I shall not enlarge upon it at present, especially as this brings me to the subject of general 80 WANT OF A SYSTEM OF LAWS. refonn of the system of Malay law. It is, however, necessary to mention, that yom* Lordship’s attention will imavoidably be called to the subject of the relief of slave debtors, and perhaps the mitigation of the slave system in the Eastern Islands. On the subject of slave debtors, there is reason to apprehend that the gi'eatest abuses exist, even in the district of Malacca itself, especially among that unfortmiate class of men who have become bondmen to the Chinese, and who have very httle chance of ever recovering their liberty, however small their debts may originally have been. As the most minute local inquiries must be necessaiy before any efficient measm'es can be taken for palliating or removing these erils, I shall, in the present case, content myself with requesting yom* Lordship’s attention to this most serious and important subject. “ Nothing has tended more decidedly to the deterioration of the JNIalay cha- racter than the w ant of a well-defined and generally acknowiedged system of law\ The Malay nations had in general made considerable progress in chilization before the introduction of the religion of Islam among them. They had, accordingly, regular institutions of their owm, some of which were probably of considerable anti- quity, as those of the Javanese, Bugis, and Macasar tribes. As these appear to have been generally derived firom the Indian nations, and were radically different from those of the Arabs, some chfficulty appears to have occuiTed in adapting them to the general tenor of Mahomedan law, and divers anomalous institutions appear accordingly to have spmng up in different states. These occm* in eveiy department of public law, whether commercial, ciril, or criminal, and are recited in the Undang Undang and Addat INIalajui, wdiich are the systems of national law among the Malays, and wdiich vary considerably in different states, and still more from the generally acknowdedged principles of Mahomedan law^, as received by the Arabs. Hence there is in almost every state a constant struggle betw^een the adherents of the old Malay usages and the Hajis, and other religious persons, wdio are desirous of introducing the laivs of the Arabs, in order to increase their owm consequence. The eidls wdiich result fr'om this complex and ill-defined system, are both numerous and important, as they respect the most essential interests of society, and afford an opening for the caprice and tp'anny of their rulers, and general insecm*ity both of person and property. The Malays are at present in a very different situation from any of the old Moslem states, such as Persia, Arabia, or Turkey. The Moslem religion has hitherto taken only a very partial and superficial root in many of the Eastern Islands. In the interior of all the large islands paganism still prevails ; in many districts there are considerable numbers professing Christianity : the Chinese swarm in every Malay country, and live intermingled wdth the Moslems. This mixture of religions and tribes has tended, in some degi'ee, to soften the intolerance of the Moslem religion among the Malay nations, and neither the positive authority of Islam, nor the persuasions of their Ai*ab teachers, have hitherto been able to MONOPOLY BY THE MALAY CHIEFS. 81 induce them to abandon their own peculiar usages and customs. Considering the Malays, therefore, as more open to instruction than the votaries of Islam in general, I beg leave to submit to your Lordship’s consideration, whether the present op])or- tunity might not be taken advantage of to in\ite the Malay chiefs to a revisal of tlieir general system of laws and usages. This I conceive might be done, even on a gi'eat scale, without exciting any umbrage or suspicion in the minds of the people in general, for with some of these usages, especially those which relate to wrecks on the Malay shores, and the commercial regulations of the different ports, it will be absolutely necessary for us to interfere at all events. These commercial regulations form a part of the general Malay laws, and as we must in some degi'ee interfere with these, the same opportunity may perhaps be taken to procure the abandonment of some of those maxims and usages which have the strongest tendency to prevent their progress in information and the habits of civilized life. When the seven Ionian islands were lately ceded to France, the president of the senate offered a prize for the best dissertation on the following question : — “ Why do the Ionian islanders occupy themselves only with frivolous and unimportant objects, and by what means may their attention be drawn to things of consequence ?” Such are the questions regarding the Malay islands, which now invite your Lordship’s attention, and in answer to them the reform of the Malay laws may certainly be specified as one of the most important, and as one of the means by which the benefit of the Malay nations will be secured fi’om their connexion with the English. With respect to the mode in which this may be with greatest facility accomplished, I shall only venture to suggest, that every Malay chief might be requested to furnish a copy of the Undang Undang current in his own state, and to send at some fixed time one or two of the learned men of the country, best versed in the laws, to a congress which might be appointed for the purpose of revising the general system of Malay laws. Such a plan might be attended, perhaps, in the first instance, with certain difficulties ; but none, as far as I can judge, which are by any means insm’mountable. It would be proper to begin with settling the regidations of a commercial kind ; and as these, though copied in many respects from the regidations of the Portuguese and Dutch, are considered as a part of the Malay law, it might be both useful and popular among the Malays to call in the assistance of their learned men. “ Another of the customs injurious to the Malay nations, is the trading monopoly which in most of the Malay ports is actually assumed, or attempted to be assumed, by the Malay chiefs. Of this monopoly there is no trace in the Undang Undang of the Malays, or in the fragments of their history which I have seen, such tis the traditional annals of Malacca, and after an attentive consideration, I am induced to think that this pernicious practice has been entirely copied from the monopoly regulations of the Dutch. Where this system has been fully carried into effect, it has generally succeeded effectually in repressing industry and commercial M 82 PROPAGATION OF CHRISTIANITY. entei-prise : and where it has been for some time established, its e’vdls have been felt deeply, so that there is no doubt but the Malay chiefs could easily be induced to relinquish it in favour of a regulated commerce. The Malay laws and maxims are fortunately of a very different kind from those which have been adopted and sys- tematized among the great nations of the Continent in their vicinity. These nations, especially the Siamese and Cochin Chinese, have long been accustomed to look up to the Chinese, with whom they coincide in religion and manners, and from whom they have adopted their exclusive maxims of foreign intercourse. The Malays, on the other hand, though accustomed to look up to the Arabs as their religious instructors, seldom hesitate to admit the superiority of both the Europeans and Chinese, either to themselves or the Arabs, in the arts of life and general science, and it is certainly our interest to prevent the increase of the Arab influence among the Malay nations. “ From similar considerations, as well as in conformity to the instructions issued from home, the Dutch nation appear to have pursued as a principle of policy, the propagation of Christianity among the Eastern Islands. The same plan had been previously followed by the Portuguese in their various eastern possessions with great success, and there are now several small islands in the Malay archipelago, inhabited almost entirely by Christians of the Catholic persuasion, as the islands of Sanggir and Siauk, situated between Jelolo and Mindanawi. In many other islands the Pro- testant persuasion has made very considerable progress, and teachers in the flourish- ing times of the Bata\dan regency were dispersed over all the low chain of islands which extend from Bali and Lambok to the gveat island of Timor. The islands in which the Christian faith has been most extensively diffused are, the great island Ende, or Manggerai, the isles of Solor Salerang, Lomhlim, and Ombai, the great island Timor, and the several small islands in its vicinity, as Savo, Roti, and Samba. In many of these islands the natives, having no written character of their own, have been instructed in the Roman character, and taught to read Malay and other dialects in it. There have also been various religious fonnularies printed for their use, and translations have been executed for the use of these Christians in some of their languages, which have little or no affinity to the Malay. The propagation of Chris- tianity among these islands is obviously liable to none of the objections which have been urged against it in our Indian possessions. A great proportion of the natives are still Pagans, under the influence of a wild, and almost unintelligible superstition, the principles of which are not recorded in books, hut are handed down like stories of ghosts, fairies, and witches, with all the uncertainty of tradition. Accordingly, in most instances, the people, though they stand in great awe of the priests, as en- chanters, or dealers with the invisible spirits, are very little attached to the superstition. Many of them are said to be very desirous of procuring instruction, and in some places they look up with a degree of veneration to the Moslems, as a people who ADVANTAGES OF POSSESSING JAVA. 83 have received something which they still want. Besides, the attachment of the Malays to the religion of Islam is by no means of that strength as to emancipate them from their old usages, nor to inspire them with that contempt and hatred for other religions which is found in many of the older Moslem kingdoms. On the advantages which must accrue from protecting Christianity in these Eastern Islands, and by favouring its propagation in preference to the doctrines of Islam, where it may be so easily propagated, it is unnecessary to enlarge, in addressing your Lord- ship. Permit me, how'ever, to allude to one remarkable fact, which may serve to illustrate the necessity of attending to the subject as a matter of public importance. In our present settlement of Malacca, the impossibility of procuring servants for wages compels almost every person to have recourse to slaves, and a considerable proportion of these are Pagans, being chiefly Battas fr'om the centre of Sumatra, Balis from Bali, Dayaks from Borneo, besides natives of Timor and the more easterly islands. Of all these slaves that fall into the hands of the English, there is perhaps not a single one that becomes a Christian, but the whole of them become Moslems, and despise and hate their masters as infidels. Such is the woeful effect of our supineness and indifference, which, if they should extend to the East, would certainly not tend to the progress of general improvement among the Malays. “ In these observations I have in some degree avoided alluding to the advan- tages which may be expected to accrue to the British nation itself, and also to the British possessions in India, from the acquisition of Java and the Eastern Isles, because I am persuaded that the real advantages which these countries possess will be found, under a liberal and enlightened system of management, vastly to exceed any expectations which may be formed in the present state of our information con- cerning them. In their present state, with the exception of Java, these countries are poor in respect of general wealth, and can only pay in rude produce for the articles wfrich they require from other countries. The rude produce, however, ol' the Malay countries is of various kinds, some of which are extremely valuable, and equally calculated for the European, the Indian, and the China market. The inter- coirrse between countries rich in manufacturing industry and coimtries rich in raw- produce is universally admitted to be of equal benefit to both. In respect of the Malay islands, India must long be regarded as a manufacturing country, and is par- ticularly fitted to supply a variety of articles in general request among the Malays, without interfering with the industiy of the mother country. The trade from India to the Malay countries has hitherto chiefly consisted in opium and piece-goods, for which India has chiefly received back gold-dust, spices, gums, and coffee. I omit the mention of copper, as it is not a native Malay production, but chiefly derived from Japan. The circmnstance, how^ever, under wJiich the Indian trade to the east- ward has been hitherto earned on, and the insecurity and want of protection under M 2 81 ADVANTAGES OF POSSESSING JAVA. which it has always laboured, renders the past no criterion of the future, and I have no doubt it may be improved to an almost indefinite extent, as the Malay countries advance in cirilization. The Java sugar is at present reckoned nearly on a par Arith the fine sugar of Manilla, and the Java coffee next to the coffee of Mocha and Bourbon. Either of these productions are capable of being gi'eatly extended. The Dutch, in their usual way, restricted the cultivation of coffee to about ten millions of pounds, though it has been stated that the island of Java is capable of producing at least fifty millions of pounds. The extended cultivation of these articles must, however, be matter for future consideration. Coffee, at present, is chiefly produced in the provinces of Cheribon. “ M'ith regard to the Chinese market, the Malay countries fiirnish a variety of articles of the most general use and constant demand, and which do not affect either the products or manufactures of either Great Britain or British India. Tin is one of these products, which finds a constant and almost indefinite demand in China, and which is solely produced in the Malay countries and some of the dependencies of Siam. Pepper, which after the acquisition of the Dutch eastern settlements, we shall have the command of, almost as much as of nutmegs, cloves, mace, and cinna- mon, is in a considerable demand for the Chinese market, as well as for Arabia and Persia. The quantity of pepper yearly required for the Chinese market has been estimated at 50,000 piculs, that of sandal-wood about 6,000 piculs, besides camphor and benjamin, and a variety of valuable gums, the production of which is nearly confined to the Malay countries. The quantity of pearls, mother-of-pearl, tortoise- shell, ivory, birds’-nests, sea-slug, fish-maws, shark-fins, ebony, black and coloirred woods, for furniture and dye-stuffs, yearly imported to the Chinese market from the Malay islands, is admitted to be extremely great, but the trade haring never been well regulated, it might be difficult, in the present state of our knowledge, to attempt subjecting it to calculations. “ In the present unparalleled state of the European market on the Continent, it is hazardous to venture to allude to it. It may, however, be stated generally, that the acquisition of the Dutch possessions in the East, places the command of the spice trade, together with that of pepper and coffee, besides a variety of other eastern produce, entirely in our hands, and that the Continent must either do \rith- out these articles, or submit to pmxhase them from the English. “ The valuable forests of teak and other ship timber in Java and the other Eastern Isles are acquisitions of the highest national importance in the present state of European politics, and promise to render our navy independent of the stores formerly derived from the precarious fi'iendship of the northern powers. Nor is the acquisition of a range of countries, apparently possessing the most valuable gold and diamond mines in the world, an object unworthy of our notice in our present situa- CONCLUSION OF MR. RAFFLES’ REPORT. 85 tion, in which the drain of our specie has been great in an unprecedented degree, and when for the restoration of the precious metals among us, as a circulating medium, we are likely to be left in a great measure to our own resources. “ To dilate any further on these topics is unnecessary, as on yom* Lordship’s approach to Java, eveiy day will bring fonvard infonuation to which it is not now in my power to allude. The suggestions which I have already offered may perhaps have already appeared to your Lordship unnecessarily prolix ; but in putting you in possession of all the information which I have been able to obtain, and of all the views of the subject which I consider as meriting attention, I have only endeavoured to reply to that confidence which your Lordship reposed in me, in appointing me your Lordship’s agent to the Malay states. “ I have now only to congratulate your Lordship on the most splendid prospect which any administration has beheld since our first acquisition of India : the pacifi- cation of India completed, the tranquillity and prosperity of our eastern possessions secured, the total expulsion of the European enemy from the Eastern Seas, and the justice, humanity, and moderation of the British government, as much exemplified in fostering and leading on new races of subjects and allies in the career of improve- ment, as the undaunted courage and resolution of British soldiers in rescuing them from oppression. “ I have the honom* to remain, with the highest respect and consideration, f “ Your Lordship’s most faithful and devoted humble servant, (Signed) “ Thos. Raffles, “ Agent to the Governor-General with the Malay states.” Malacca, the \ 0lh June, 1811. CHAPTER IV. Lord Minto' s great anxiety as to the passage from Malacca to Batavia Naval men opposed to Mr. Raffles — Lord Minto confides in Mr. Raffles — Nerv passage attempted — Arrival off Batavia — Mr. Raffles gives a sketch of the events which led to his being employed in the expedition— ‘Establishment of the French power in Java — Sir Samuel Achmutif s account of the capture of Batavia, and of the battle of Cornells — Capitulation of the Island — Intercepted letters from Governor Jansens — Lord Minto’s opinion of the value of the conquest — Death of Dr. Leyden — Lord Minto places Mr. Raffles in the government of Java — Leading principles of the Dutch government — Projected change of system — English Residents apjjointed at the native courts — Ancient temples — First Colony of Hindus — Upas poison — Journey to the eastern district. Lord Minto, in his letter of the 11th of JVIarch, 1811, manifested gi’eat anxiety regarchng the route to be pursued by the expedition on quitting Malacca. Mr. Raffles deeply participated in this feeling. The difflculty was great of making a passage with a large fleet through an Archipelago, where the wind blows strongly from one point of the compass for several months, where the passage between the islands is often so narrow, that only one ship can pass at a time, and then so close to the land, that the sides of the vessel are shadowed by the luxuriant vegetation extending to the water’s edge. It was found impossible to obtain any positive information ; every account was obscure and contrachetory. The alternative of two routes presented itself : first, the direct route along the south-west coast of Borneo, which was represented as very difficult and uncertain, if not altogether impracticable. Secondly, the passage round the north and east coast of Borneo, and through the straits of Macasar — this, though supposed to be practicable, was considered eminently dangerous, as well as tedious. Mr. Raffles thought the difficulties of the south-west passage appeared to be greatly magnified ; it had been attempted, and succeeded as often as the attempt was made ; he therefore decided strongly to recommend the passage between Cara- mata and Borneo, and was so satisfied of the correctness of the information which he had obtained, and the eligibility of the course which he had selected, that, in his 7 ' LORD MINTO CONFIDES IN MR. RAFFLES. 87 own words, he “ did not hesitate to stake his reputation on the success which would attend the expedition, if the route he pointed out should be followed.” On the arrival of the expedition at Malacca, this point was to be instantly settled : but very considerable difference of opinion existed. The naval authorities were opposed to the attempt of a new passage ; but Lord Minto proved his confidence in the judgment and local infoiTnation of Mr. Raffles, by embarking vdth him in his Majesty’s ship the Modeste, commanded by Captain the Honourable George Elliott, on the 18th of June, 1811, and leading the way by the route marked out on Mr. Raffles’ sole responsibility. This route was followed with so much success, that in less than six weeks after quitting Malacca, the fleet, consisting of upwards of ninety sail, was in sight of Ba- tavia, without accident to a single vessel. Mr. Raffles often spoke in after times with animated expressions of the pleasure he felt on witnessing this happy termination of the voyage. The following memorandum on the subject, refemng to an intended work on the Eastern Islands, was found after his death, written in pencil by Mr. Raffles : Opinions as to the Passage, “ The northern route round Borneo w'as considered the only practicable one, especially for a fleet ; but no one could suggest any way of avoiding the dangers of the Bartabac passage, where only one ship could pass at a time with any chance of safety : neither could they demonstrate how it was possible to pass through the Sulu Archipelago, of which very httle w'as known, without being entirely separated ; nor, supposing this effected, how the Straits of Macasar could be passed at all, where the winds are proverbially variable, the currents strong, the Borneo coast covered with shoals, and the Macasar coast entirely devoid of soundings. Five weeks was the shortest round Borneo, saihng the 1st of June ; but it was just as hkely to be eight. “ On the northern passage being given up, no doubt existed, that if the passage could be made on the western side of Borneo, it would be best : the passage between Caramata and Borneo was at length adopted.” Lord Minto, after announcing that he had amved off the coast of Java, and that the passage was completed during the height of the south-east monsoon, by a fleet of upwards of ninety ships, adds, — “ The expectations which had been formed were verified in every part of the passage, and every thing turned out precisely as had been foretold and proposed, with the exception of finding less difficulty than had been looked for, and the voyage proving shorter than could have been hoped. The whole fleet had assembled on the coast of Java by the 30th of July, forty-two days, or exactly six weeks : the Modeste, if alone, would have done it a fortnight sooner. 88 ARRIVAL OFF JAVA. “ I have been the more particular in detaihng these circumstances, because this expedition must have been abandoned for the present year, (an earlier departing than actually took place fi'om India ha\ing been found totally impracticable,) if I had \ielded to the predicted difficulties of the passage.” The folloA\ing letter to an intimate associate of Mr. Raffies’ early years, was WTitten when the fleet reached the coast of Java, and shews his buoyancy of spirit even in seasons of the gi’eatest anxiety : “ You are, either from inclination or habit, so bad a correspondent, that I barely get an acknowledgment of my letters, much less an assm'ance that they are well received. However, coiite qiCil coiite ; be it as it may. I’ll speak to thee, call thee Friend, dear Ramsay, be thy intent wicked or charitable. You always said I was a strange wild fellow, insatiable in ambition, though meek as a maiden ; and perhaps there is more tmth than otherwise in wiiat you said ; hut with all, I will assure you this, that although, from want of self-confidence and ft-om natural shamefacedness, (for I will not call it modesty or bashfulness,) I am as unhappy at times as any poor wretch need be, I have times in which I am as happy as I think it possible for man to be ; and it is one of these life-inspiring moments that I now^ purpose passing with you a la distance ; and notwithstanding my inclination of hearing, rather than being heard, I must for once venture to be the historian of my owm tale. “ You shall have an account since I quitted Penang in June, 1810, and that in as few" words as possible. “ ]\Iy friend. Admiral Drury, our late naval Commander-in-chief, informed me by letter in June, last year, that he had exerted all his interest with Lord Minto, the Governor-General, to obtain for me the situation of Governor of the Moluccas. That his Lordship was most favourably disposed towards me ; and that, as far as it rested with Sir George Barlow", or the Governor-General, I might be satisfied they wished to avail themselves of my services. The expedition against the Isle of France w'as about to sail. On its success depended a still gi'eater expedition — the attack of Java. To the latter, therefore, I attached myself ; was admitted to the fullest and most unreserved confidence of the Supreme Government, and in due time proceeded on a political mission to the Eastern Isles, as the Avant Courier of the expedition. I fixed my head-quarters at Malacca, made the political impressions and intimations that w"ere necessary, and fiu'iiished the requisite infonnation. The expedition, consisting of about ninety sail, anaved at Malacca the end of May ; and on the 18th of June, having seen the w hole off, and haring been previously joined by the Governor-General, I embarked w"ith his Lordship in the iModeste frigate, acting in the capacity of his chief secretary. M e are now" off the coast of Java, haring come a-head of the fleet ; but we expect them to-moiTow", and the attack will be made in the course of the w"eek. SKETCH OF EVENTS WHICH LED TO MR. RAFFLES’ APPOINTMENT. 89 “ Of the importance of this conquest, the views that naturally present them- selves on such an occasion, and the share I have had in bringing the important point so near a conclusion, I need not speak ; you have the opportunity of seeing the government proceedings, which will be sufficiently satisfactory. “ I beg that you will write me to Batavia by any vessel coming direct, or by way of India or China — if you really knew the pleasing satisfaction I derive from ha\ing even three words from you, I think you would not decline ; at the same time, I must say, that you are the most famous hand for a short letter that I ever knew, and in truth this is hardly reasonable, for in comparison you cannot have much to do — I have, on the contrary, my hands foil at all times, witness the papers sent in by me on record, and reflect on the numerous papers and affairs that I get through which never reach England. “ I wish very much to hear what is said of my political ideas respecting the government of the eastward. Adieu, my dear Ramsay, for the present, my paper is out, and dinner is announced, so farewell — I will write you more fully after we are settled. Conquer we must. “ Your’s always. “ T. S. R.” Still further light may be thrown upon the views and motives by which Mr. Raffles was influenced in these important proceedings, and the feehngs of satisfaction which, at the interesting moment of his arrival off Batavia so powerfully possessed his mind, by the following letter from him to Dr. Raffles, though written after a lapse of several years. “ Some months had now elapsed, and it was to be feared that arrangements for the administration of the Malaccas were already in progress. Yet the chance of being in time, and the expectation of still further advancing my interests with Lord Minto, weighed with me in the resolution I took, of proceeding in person to Bengal. My attention had long been directed to the state of the Dutch possessions to the eastward, and as rumours were afloat of a projected armament going against the Isle of France, it occurred to me that the information I possessed respecting Java might be useful, and possibly turn the attention of our Government in that direc- tion. I accordingly left my family and proceeded to Calcutta in a small and frail vessel, the only one which offered, but in which all my future prospects had well nigh perished. On my arrival in Bengal I met with the kindest reception from Lord Minto. I found that though the appointment to the Maluccas had not actually taken place, it was promised to another. I in consequence relinquished all idea of it, and at once drew his Lordship’s attention to Java, by observing that there were other islands worthy of his Lordship’s consideration besides the Maluccas ; Java, for instance. On the mention of Java his Lordship cast a look of such scrutiny, anti- N 90 ARRIVAL OF THE FLEET OFF THE COAST OF JAVA. cipation and kindness upon me, as I shall never forget — ‘ Yes,’ said he, ‘ Java is an interesting island — I shall be happy to receive any information you can give me concerning it.’ This was enough to encom-age me ; and from this moment all my \iews, all my plans, and all my mind were devoted to create such an interest regarding Java as should lead to its annexation to our Eastern empire, although I confess that I had never the vanity to expect that when this object was accom- phshed, so important an administration would have been entrusted to my indi%vdual charge, that I should have been entmsted with what Mr. Marsden emphatically observes, was ‘ as great a charge as a nation could entrust to an individual.’ “ It is unnecessary to enter on the detail which followed — the fall of Bourbon, and the anticipation of success at the Isle of France, encom'aged a plan for the con- quest of Java. As it in a great measure originated with me, and as it was almost entirely on my information that the decision wus taken, I natm-ally took a conspi- cuous part, although httle or nothing met the public eye. Perhaps no secret wus ever better kept than the projected scheme against Java, for until it was publicly announced, and the intention of the Governor-General to proceed in person was made knowm, not a word was surmised or whispered on the subject. “ As an avant courier, and to prepare the way for the expechtion, I w^as appointed Agent to the Governor-General with the iSIalay states, and took up my head-quarters at Malacca, where the rendezvous was fixed. I remained here as representative to the Governor-General until Iris Lordship arrived, wLen, instead of the designation of Agent, I was styled Secretary to the Governor-General ; in this capacity I accompanied his Lordship to Java. Various doubts, difficulties, and I might say, insurmountable obstacles, had been started to prove the impossibility of the expedition proceeding to Java during the present season. The opinion of the naval Commander-in-chief, and indeed of all constituted authorities, w^as decidedly against it — it w'as in fact pronounced impracticable. Lord Minto alone stood finn, and placed his entire and unreserved rehance in the opinion which I had given him on the subject. I had ascertained the practicabihty by an experiment in a small vessel, ‘ the Minto,’ commanded by Captain Greigh, a most intelligent and zealous officer, who had been placed under my orders, and to w'hom I am indebted for the discover}^ of the passage by the coast of Borneo. At the period that the expedition sailed from Malacca, it was uncertain by which route it w'ould proceed. I really heheve no fixed route was determined on, and Lord Minto had too much judgment and precaution to interfere. He placed the information he possessed within the reach of the senior naval officer, and fortunately it was acted upon. On the 4th of August, 1811, the whole of the fleet, consisting of upwurds of ninety vessels, arrived off the coast of Java, without the loss of a single spar, or slightest accident, having passed by a route previously almost unknowm, and accomplished a passage declared to be impracticable. I wiU not attempt to say what my feehngs were on the occa- CAPTURE OF BATAVIA. 91 sion. We had separated from the fleet for a few days, and it was only when we again joined them that we saw all the divisions united, at the close of one of the flnest days I ever recollect, and this in sight of the land of promise. Lord Minto, while at Malacca, had communicated his intention of appointing me to the govern- ment, in case of success, and as I had nothing to do with the military operations, I now looked upon my part as completed ; perhaps so great a responsibility was never for so long on the head of a single individual, and the rehef which I felt was proportionate.” Before the expedition sailed from Malacca, it was ascertained that Marshal Daendels had been succeeded in the government and command of Java by General Jansens, who was making all preparations within his power to meet the expected invasion by the Enghsh. The following letter from Sir Samuel Achmuty to Lord Minto contains an ac- count of the capture of Batavia. To the Right Honourable Lord Minto, Governor-General, S^'c. S^c. 8^c. Head Quarters, Weltevreeden, August 3\, 1811. “ My Lord, “ After a short but arduous campaign, the troops you did me the honour to place under my orders, have taken the capital of Java, have assaulted and carried the enemy’s formidable works at Cornehs, have defeated and dispersed their collected force, and have driven them from the kingdoms of Bantam and Jacotra. This bril- liant success over a well-appointed and discipKned force, greatly superior in numbers, and in every respect well equipped, is the result of the great zeal, gallantry, and discipline of the troops, qualities they have possessed in a degree certainly never sur- passed. It is my duty to lay before your Lordship the details of their success, but it is not in my power to do them the justice they deserve, or to express how much their country is indebted to them for their great exertions. Your Lordship is acquainted with the reasons that induced me to attempt a landing in the neighbourhood of Batavia. It was effected without opposition, at the village of Shillinching, twelve miles east of the city, on the 4th instant. My intention was to proceed from thence, by the direct road to Cornehs, where the enemy’s force was said to be assembled in a strongly fortified position, and to place the city of Bata\da in my rear, from whence alone I could expect to derive supplies, equal to the arduous contest we were engaged in. “ As some time was required to make preparations for an inland movement, I judged it proper to reconnoitre the road by the coast leading to Batavia, and observe how far it would be practicable to penetrate by that route. I was aware that it was- extremely strong, and if well defended nearly impracticable. Advancing with part of the army, I had the satisfaction to find that it was not disputed with us, and the only N 2 92 CAPTURE OF BATAVIA. obstacle to our progress was occasioned by the destruction of the bridge over the Aujal river. I approached the river on the 6th, and obser\ing, dm*ing that evening, a large fire in Batavia, I concluded it was the intention of the enemy to evacuate the city, and ^rith this impression I directed the advance of the anny, under Colonel Gillespie, to pass the river in boats on the succeeding night. They lodged themselves in the suburbs of the city, and a temporary bridge was hastily constmcted on the morning of the 8th, capable of supporting fight artillery. On that day the Burghers of Bata\ia applied for protection, and surrendered the city \rithout opposition, the garrison ha\ing retreated to Welte’STeeden. “ The possession of Batavia Avas of the utmost importance. Though large store- houses of public property were bmait by the enemy prertous to their retreat, and every effort made to destroy the remainder, we Avere fortmiate in preserving some valuable granaries and other stores. The city, although abandoned by the principal inhabitants, Avas filled AAith an industrious race of people, Avho could be particularly useful to the army. ProAisions were in abmidance, and an easy communication preserved Avith the fleet. “ In the night of the 8th, a feeble attempt Avas made by the enemy to cut off a small guard I had sent for the security of the place, but the troops of the adA^ance had, unknoAAm to them, reinforced the party early in the evening, and the attack Avas repulsed. The adA*ance, under Colonel Gillespie, occupied the city on the 9th. “ Very early on the morning of the 10th, I directed Colonel Gillespie Avith his troops to move fi-om Batavia toAvards the enemy’s cantonment at WelteATeeden, supported by tAvo brigades of infantry that marched before break of day through the city, and folloAved his route. The cantonment Avas abandoned, but the enemy Avere in force a little beyond it, and about tAVO miles in adA’ance of their works at Cornelis. Then’ position Avas strong, and defended by an abbatis, occupied by 3000 of their best troops, and four guns of horse-artillery. Colonel Gillespie attacked it Avdth spirit and judgment, and after an obstinate resistance, carried it at the point of the bayonet, completely routed their force, and took then- guns. A strong colmnn fi*om these troops adA’anced to their support, but our fine being arriA'ed, they Avere in- stantly pursued, and diiven under shelter of their batteries. In this affair, so credit- able to Colonel Gillespie, and all the troops of the advance, the gi'enadier company of the 78th, and the detachment of the 89th regiment, particularly distinguished themselves, by charging and captming the enemy’s artillery. Our loss Avas trifling compared Avith the enemy’s, Avhich may be estimated at about 500 men, Avith Brigadier-General Alberti, dangerously Avounded. “ Though Ave had hitherto been successful beyond my most sanguine expecta- tions, our further progress became extremely difficult, and someAvhat doubtful. The enemy, greatly superior in numbers, AV'as strongly entrenched in a position be- tween the great river of Jacotra, and the Sloken, an artificial Avater-com-se, neither BATTLE OF CORNELIS. 93 oi which was fordable. This position was shut up by a deep trench, strongly palisadoed. Seven redoubts, and many batteries, mounted with heavy cannon, oc- cupied the most commanding grounds udthin the lines. The fort of Cornelis was in the centre, and the whole of the works were defended by a numerous and well organized artillery. The season was too far advanced, the heat too violent, and our number insufficient to admit of regidar approaches. To carry the works by assault was the alternative, and on that I decided. In aid of this measure, I directed some batteries to disable the principal redoubts, and for two days kept up a heavy fire from tw'enty eighteens, and eight mortars and howitzers. Their execution was great, and I had the pleasure to find, that though answered at the commencement of each day, by a far more numerous artillery, we daily silenced their nearest bat- teries, considerably disturbed every part of their position, and were evidently superior in our fire. At da\Mi of day on the 26th, the assault was made, the principal attack was entrusted to that gallant and experienced officer. Colonel Gillespie ; he had the in- fantry of the advance, and the grenadiers of the hne with him, and was supported by Colonel Gibbs, with the 59th regiment, and the 4th battalion of Bengal volunteers. They were intended to siu'prise, if possible, the redoubt constructed by the enemy beyond the Sloken, to endeavour to cross the bridge over that stream with the fugitives, and then to assault the redoubts within the lines; Colonel Gillespie at- tacking those to the left, and Colonel Gibbs to the right. Lieutenant-Colonel M’Cleod, with six companies of the 69th, was directed to follow a path on the bank of the great river, and when the attack had commenced on the Sloken, to endeavour to possess himself of the enemy’s left redoubt. IVIajor Yule, with the flank troops of the reserve, reinforced by two troops of cavalry, four guns of the horse-artillery, two companies of the 69th, and the grenadiers of the reserve, was du-ected to attack the troops at Campong Malayu, on the west of the great river, and endeavour to cross the bridge at that fort. The remainder of the army, under Major-General Wetherall, was at the batteries, where a colmnn under Colonel Wood, consisting of the 78th regiment, and the 5th volunteer battalion, was directed to advance against the enemy in front, and at a favorable moment, when aided by the other attacks, to force his way, if practicable, and open the position for the hne. “ The enemy was under arms, and prepared for the combat, and General Jansens, the Commander-in-Chief, was in the redoubt where it commenced. Colonel Gillespie, after a long action through a close and intricate country, came on their advance, routed it in an instant, and with a rapidity never surpassed, and under a heavy fire of grape and musketry, possessed himself of the advanced redoubt. He passed the bridge with the fugitives, under a tremendous fire, and assaulted and carried with the bayonet the redoubt, after a most obstinate resistance. Here the 94 BATTLE OF CORNELIS. two dinsions of this column separated. Colonel Gibbs turned to the right, and Avith the 59th, and part of the 78th, who had now forced their way in front, carried the redoubt. A tremendous explosion of the magazine of this work (whether acci- dental or designed is not ascertained) took place at the instant of its captm-e, and destroyed a number of gallant officers and men, who at the moment were crowded on its ramparts, which the enemy had abandoned. The redoubt, against which Lieutenant-Colonel M^Cleod’s attack was directed, was carried in as gallant a style ; and I lament to state, that most valiant and experienced officer fell at the moment of victory. The front of the position was now open, and the troops rushed in from every quarter. “ During the operations on the right. Colonel Gillespie pursued his advantage to the left, caiTying the enemy’s redoubts towards the rear, and being joined by Lieutenant-Colonel IVLCleod, of the 59th. With part of that corps, he directed him to attack the park of artillery, which that officer carried in a most masterly manner, putting to flight a body of the enemy’s cavalry, that formed and attempted to defend it. A sharp fire of musketry was now kept up, by a strong body of the enemy, who had taken post in the lines, in front of Fort Cornelis, but were soon driven from thence, the fort taken, and the enemy completely dispersed. They were pursued by Colonel Gillespie with the 14th regiment, a party of Sepoys, and the seamen from the batteries under Captain Sayer, of the Royal Navy ; by this time the cavalry and horse-artillery had effected a passage through the lines, the former commanded by Major Travers, and the latter by Captain Noble ; and, with the gallant Colonel at their head, the pursuit was continued till the whole of the enemy’s army was killed, taken, or dispersed. “ Major Yule’s attack was equally spirited ; but after routing the enemy’s force at Campong Malayu, and killing many of them, he found the bridge on fire, and was unable to penetrate further. I have the honour to enclose a return of the loss sustained, from our landing on the 4th to the 26th inclusive. Sincerely I lament its extent, and the many valuable and able officers that have unfortunately fallen ; but when the prepared state of the enemy, their numbers, and the strength of their positions are con- sidered, I trust it will not be deemed heavier than might be expected. Theirs has greatly exceeded it ; in the action of the 26th, the numbers killed were immense, but it has been impossible to form any accurate statements of the amount. About 1000 have been buried in the works ; multitudes were cut down in the retreat ; the rivers are choked up wth the dead, and the huts and woods were filled with wounded, who have since expired. We have taken near 5000 prisoners, among whom are 3 general officers, 34 field-officers, 90 captains, and 150 subaltern officers. General Jansens made his escape with difficulty during the action, and reached Buitenzorg, a distance of thirty miles, with a few cavalry, the sole remains CESSION OF JAVA. 95 of an army of 10,000 men. This place he has since evacuated, and fled to the eastward. A detachment of our troops is in possession of it. “ The superior discipline and invincible courage, which has so highly distin- guished the British army, were never more fully displayed ; and I have the heartfelt pleasure to add, that they have not been clouded by any acts of insubordination. " I have the honour to enclose a copy of the orders I have directed to be issued, thanking the troops in general for their services, and particularizing some of the officers, who from their rank or situations w'ere more fortunate than their equally gallant companions, in opportmrities of distinguishing themselves, and serving their sovereign and their country. “ But I must not omit noticing to your Lordship, the very particular merit of Colonel Gillespie, to .whose assistance in planning the principal attack, and to whose gallantry, energy, and judgment in executing it, the success is gi’eatly to be attri- buted. To the general staff of the army, as well as my ovm staff, I feel myself particularly indebted. The professional knowledge, zeal, and activity of Colonel Eden, Quarter-Master-General, have been essentially useful to me ; but I cannot express how much I have benefited by the able assistance and laborious exertions of Colonel Agnew, the Adjutant-General, an officer whose active and meritorious seiwices have frequently attracted the notice, and received the thanks of the Govern- ment of India. “ It is with particular pleasure, I assure your Lordship, that I have received the most cordial support from the Honourable Rear-Admiral Stopford, and Commo- dore Broughton, during the period of their commanding the squadron. The former was pleased to allow a body of 500 seamen, under that valuable officer. Captain Sayer of the Leda, to assist at our batteries. Their services were particularly use- ful ; and I have the satisfaction to assure you, that both the Artillery and Engineers were actuated by the same zeal in performing their respective duties, that has been so conspicuous in all ranks and departments, though from the deficiency of the means at their disposal, their operations were unavoidably embarrassed with uncom- mon difficulties. I have the honour to be, with the greatest respect, “ Your Lordship’s most obedient humble servant, (Signed) “ S. Achmuty, “ Lieutenant-General.” The troops were landed on the 4th of August, 1811 ; the battle of Cornells was fought on the 26th; Lord Minto pubhshed his Proclamation on the 11th of Sep- tember ; but the final capitulation of the island was not signed till the 18th Septem- ber, 1811, by General Jansens and Sir Samuel Achmuty, at Samarang, whither General Jansens had retreated after his defeat at Cornehs. . 7 96 INTERCEPTED LETTER FROM GENERAL JANSENS. The followng is a literal copy of a letter from General Jansens to a Dutch gentleman employed in a pubhc capacity, wliich was intercepted, and is a cmious specimen of official correspondence : Samarang, le 2 Septemhre, 1811. “ Avec indignation, j’ai recu votre precedente lettre et la derniere du 30 d’Aoiit de Samarang. “ Si la Tresorerie du gouvernement, si celle des veuves et orphelines sera perdu, alors cela sera uniquement a attribuer a votre lache, des-obeissant, et infeme comportement. “ Vous avez aucun ami, jamais on ne rencontra personne, qui ne vous portat de haine ou ne vous meprisat, par experience j’ai su, mais, helas ! trop tard, qu’on vous a rendu justice, en vous detestant. “ Votre beau fi'ere repond avec actuate a ses devoirs, il am’a pour cela dans une ame calme, la recompense, mais cela sera toujours mr creve coeur, d’avoir un indigne frere comme vous. “ Que vous ayez peur pour des soldats sans subordination et pour des brigands, cela je ne prend pas de mal, mais vous sa\aez qu’il y avoit un centaine d’officiers en arriere de vous, et pom’ cela vous n’am'iez pas du abandonner contre votre serment et devoir, votre poste, mais rester dans le voisinage de ces officiers. “ Mon devoir m’appelloit perir ici, pour rassembler tous les ressom’ces qui existent encor, vous auriez du faire autant, dans votre situation et les chefs de I’interieur seroient certainement restes fideles. “ On se comptoit pom* le plus gi’and malhem* d’etre votre subordonne, il est aussi bien miserable de vous avoir eu pour subalteme. “ Le Gouverneur-General. “ A Monsiem* Vickens.” “ Signed, W. Jansens.” ( Intercepted at Cheribon, IKA September, 1811.^ Lord Minto announced the capture of Java to the authorities in England, in the following terms : ‘‘ An Empire, which for two centuries has contributed greatly to the power, prosperity, and gi’andeur of one of the principal and most respected states in Em'ope, has been thus vvested fi’om the short usui'pation of the French government, added to the dominion of the British crown, and converted from a seat of hostile machina- tion and commercial competition, into an augmentation of British power and pros- perity.” The government of this Empire was bestowed, with a feeling and confidence honourable to the giver, and no less gratifying to the person on whom such a high and noble trust was reposed. DEATH OF DR. LEYDEN. 97 Tlioiigh partly pledged to another, Lord Minto declared he could not con- scientiously -vvithhold it from him who had won it ; and, therefore, “ as an acknow- ledgment of the services he had rendered, and in consideration of his peculiar fitness for the office,” he immediately appointed Mr. Raffles to it, under the title of Lieutenant-Governor of Java and its Dependencies. The charge was of the most extensive, arduous, and responsible nature, compris- ing, on the island of Java alone, a population of six millions, divided into thirty resi- dencies, under powerful chiefs, who had been long desirous of throwing off the European yoke, and who were consequently by no means disposed to submit quietly to the rule of their new governors. Before the conquest of Java by the English, the Dutch had only subdued, un- conditionally, one of the four principal kingdoms into which the island was divided. The small kingdom of Jakotra, extending from Cheribon to Bantam, and in which the city of Bata\da, so long the admiration and dread of the Eastern States, is situated, alone acknowledged the sovereignty of the European power ; so that, in fact, the principal part of the island was still to conquer. An event occurred at this time to interrupt the satisfaction, and humble the heart that might have been too much elated at the success which had crowned the expedition. Dr. Leyden was seized with a fever a few days after he reached those shores, on which he hoped to slake his ardent thirst for knozviedge, and expired in the arms of his friend. This loss w'as deeply mourned by Mr. Raffles, who had anticipated the happi- ness of ha\ing, as an inmate of his family, one with whom he could take counsel both in public and private ; whose judgment would aid, whose affection would cheer, and whose society would brighten the care and troubles of the responsible situation he was about to undertake. Lord Minto remained in Java six weeks, and was incessantly occupied in arrang- ing the form of government, laying down the principles upon which it was to be conducted, forming plans for the suppression of piracy, and consulting with the futm'e Governor of the island on various points of anticipated difficulty. One of two courses was to be taken: either. to abandon the island to the natives after having plundered it, or to retain it in our own hands. It is difficult to imagine that the first-mentioned plan was ever agitated ; but truth requires it to be stated, that it was seriously contemplated, and checked only by the energy and determination of Lord Minto. It has been already said, that he took upon himself the responsibility of acting on a more benevolent principle, and determined to do all in his power to promote -the happiness of those whom the fortune of war had placed under his orders. Mr. Raffles communicated to Mr. Marsden his appointment to the government of Java in the following letter : o 9S LETTER TO MR. MARSDEN. From Mr. Raffles to Mr. Marsden. JVeltevreeden, {near Batavia,) Java, October 5ih, 1811. “ My Dear Sir, “ The press of public business at the present -moment is so gi*eat, that I am sure you Anil excuse me from entering at length into any subject. The pubhc prints will inform you of the great and invaluable conquest which we have made, and I shall only add that, after having been employed for above a year as agent to the Governor-General in obtaining information, fonning plans, and bringing to a focus the intentions of government against this place, I have now the satisfaction to be installed Lieutenant-Governor of the Island of Java and its dependencies. “ No man better than yourself can appreciate the value of this new acquisition to the British empire — it is in fact the other India. “ My time has been so completely taken up in pohtical operations, that I have been compelled for many months to leave my literary labours on the shelf untouched ; but my present situation, and our new conquest, afford such a vide and unparalleled field for research, that I should be worse than Goth or Vandal if I allowed it to remain untried even in the literary way. “ Lord Minto is now here, and Ave have it in contemplation to bring forAvard the BataAian Asiatic Society as soon as circmnstances admit. I do not knoAv AA^hether you haA'e heard that AA'e held a meeting of the Asiatic Society at Malacca on our A\'ay doAvn. I sent you from thence a paper of mine intended for the next volume of the Researches. “ If it AA^ere possible to get it copied in time I AA'ould send you by the present conveyance a copy of my last report to Lord jMinto on the eastAA-ard. I hope I shall be able to send it by the next ship, as it aaiU put you in full possession of the enlarged Aiews Avhich have lately opened to us in the East. “ You AAvll, I am sure, condole Avith me, as the friend of literature and Aartue, in the loss I have lately sustained in the death of my dear friend. Doctor Leyden ; — he (bed at this place on the 27th of August, of a fe\’er. We have lost in him a host of men. Had you knoAAir him, you Avould never have ceased to deplore his death. — Eastern hterature has lost in him its firmest support. ^ ^ ^ “ I am happy to inform you that I have large and valuable collections on A'arious points connected Avith your favourite studies ; these I shall, as soon as possible, put into some kind of form. “ I hope by the first arrival to receive your ueAv edition of Sumatra. Hoav goes on the Dictionary ? “ Your’s faithfully. “ T. S. R. LEADING PRINCIPLES OF THE DUTCH GOVERNMENT. 99 Lord Minto, during his stay in Java, made several arrangements for the suppres- sion of piracy ; and having, whilst he was at Malacca during the progress of the expedition, received ambassadors from the state of Banger Masing, courting the alli- ance of the English, his Lordship appointed Mr. Hare resident of this place, with the view of checking this destructive system of native warfare. In order to appreciate the difficulties of the situation in which Mr. Raffles was placed, the extent of the changes which it was requisite to introduce, and the views which he formed of the principles of government, it will be necessary to advert very briefly to one or two leading principles of the Dutch rule. One of the chief sources of the Dutch revenue was the monopoly by government of the grain and other produce of the land, which the cultivators were required to deliver at an inadequate and arbitrary rate, which articles were afterwards dealt out to the consumer at a far higher price, so that, in fact, the whole body of the people depended on the government for their very subsistence. The principle of encouraging industry in the cultivation and improvement of the country, by creating an interest in the effort and fruits of that industry, w^as wdiolly unknowm. The mode of collecting this revenue in kind remained with the Regent of the district, tearing the cultivators no security beyond the claims of usage and custom ; and although custom prescribed a certain portion only of the crop to be delivered* there w'ere no positive means of preventing a greater le\y. Thus, while the power and influence of authority could be successfully exerted to stifle complaints, the peasant, though suffering the greatest injustice, despairing of relief, would endure almost any privation and suffering rather than quit the land of his forefathers, to which he felt himself attached by the strongest ties of religion, of habit, and of affection. Feudal serrice was another of the grievances and oppressions under which the natives groaned. No means existed of affording a direct controul on the demands for labour. The public officers of the Dutch government universally employed the services of the people without regular hire. Their demands were unhmited. The native chiefs followed the same system. No check existed ; and thus the energies of the people were crushed, and their labom' frittered away, becoming productive neither to themselves nor to the state. In short, they were reduced to the lowest state of vassalage and subjection. To this ruinous system was to be added the pressure arising from the failure of external commerce. The Dutch government, forced to look within itself for relief, discovered the embarrassments to be daily increasing. Under this exigency, the funds of public societies were appropriated to the government treasury ; and the private property, of individuals was forcibly boiTOwed in the same manner. An arbitrary increase of paper-currency was issued, to provide for the daily expences of the State ; and this being fomid inadequate, the government were compelled to deliver a proportion of colonial produce in payment of these estabhshments, or, in other words, to pawn the o 2 100 PROJECTED CHANGE OF SYSTEM. produce in store, to satisfy the cuiTent demands upon the public treasury. Such was the financial state of the country at the period when the Enghsh assumed the admi- nistration of Java. It would be endless to notice the difficulties and obstacles which occurred in the establishment of a pure and upright administration. Not only was the whole system previously pm’sued by the Dutch to be subverted, but an entire new one substituted, as pure and liberal as the old one was vicious and contracted ; and this was to be accomplished and carried into effect by the very persons who had so long fattened on the vices of the former policy. Some few were sufficiently enlightened to perceive the advantages of the new system : two of these, Mr. Cransen and Mr. Muntinghe, on this account, were regarded by Mr. Raffles with the highest esteem. Those who know how difficult it is to carry on a government, even where the choice of agents is great, where each well knows the duty which he has to perform, and where the state of society is such, that every man acts as a check upon his neighboiu”, will be able to appreciate the labour and the anxiety which devolved on Mr. Raffles, when Lord Minto left him to aiTange the details of that system of which they had together formed the outline. Buoyant in spirit and firm in courage, when once he had adopted a right prin- ciple of action, Mr. Raffles was keenly alive to the difficult and arduous task which he had to perform ; responsible for all, at a distance from any superior authority, without one individual vith whose principles he was acquainted, and of whose abilities he had any experience ; yet forced to set the wheel of government in motion, and to watch its progress with unceasing attention, whilst all the details of every depart- ment were to be formed by himself ; nothing but the facility of arrangement which he possessed could have accomplished so much \vith so little assistance, and in so short a time. The manner and time of bringing about this change, however, required the most serious consideration ; and before he took any decided step in the new organi- zation, he instituted statistical enquiries in every district, and collected the most detailed information in every department ; the result of which convinced him that a thorough change in system was not only advisable and practicable, but indispensable, no less for the interests and honour of the British Government, than for the happi- ness and prosperity of the country at large. He examined minutely every depart- ment ; drew up himself every detail and instruction for the agents which he employed, and mth all the courage of a pure and ardent mind, commenced that thorough reform, which with unwearied assiduity he labom'ed to establish during the whole period of his administration. The result fully equalled the highest expectations and estimates which had been formed of its success ; and so judiciously was the change introduced, that not a single individual, high or low, felt aggrieved by it ; the native population, chiefs. ENGLISH RESIDENTS APPOINTED. 101 subordinates, and people, with one accord, hailed the new order of things as a boon conferred upon them by British philanthropy, and entered on the enjoyment of its advantages wdth confidence and improving industry. The first act of Mr. Raffles was to send English Residents to the native courts, and in the course of a month most of the expensive establishments of govern- ment were discontinued ; the departments of revenue, commerce, and judicature, were materially reforaied, and new arrangements adopted by the 1st of January, 1812. In connection with these important changes a general survey was made of the whole island ; and detailed information collected in most of the districts of the lands attached to each village, while a body of valuable statistics was compiled and arranged, as well for the immediate use of Government as for future historical reference. The labour attending the performance of such varied and extensive duties was naturally very great ; Mr. Raffles had, fortunately, at this time sufficient vigour of body as well as of mind to devote himself to them from daylight until midnight. The following is an extract from Captain Travers’ Journal : — The official documents, already published, give a full, clear, and satisfactory account of the zeal and ability evinced by Mr. Raffles in the administration of Java, whilst few, perhaps, are aware of the apphcation and attention which he devoted to his pubhc duties. With a constitution already impaired by climate, every one was astonished at the exertion and fatigue he underwent ; and the Dutch, who were altogether unaccustomed to witness such activity of mind and body, were unable to keep pace with him. “ The government of such an island as Java, with its dependencies, was a charge of no trifling responsibility, and not the less so during the time of war; but Lord Minto judged correctly when he told Mr. Raffles that it was not ‘ so much as an acknowledgment of his past services, as in consideration of his peculiar fitness for the office,’ that he appointed him to the charge of such a government. Mr. Raffles was fully aware of the trust, and with all the ardour peculiar to himself commenced the task. His mild, conciliating, and unassuming manners, obtained for him the respect and confidence of the Dutch, whilst the natives, who had been led to form the highest possible opinion of his character, looked with anxious hope for that amelio- ration in their condition which they afterwards experienced, and which will make his memory adored on the island of Java for ages to come. “ Soon after the capture of the island, and when Lord Minto had gone to Bengal, Mr. Raffles removed from Ryswick to Buitenzorg, the country residence of the former Governor, distant forty miles fi'om Batavia, and here he kept a most 102 LETTER TO MR. RAMSAY. hospitable table. He went to Ryswick every week to attend the council, consisting of General, then Colonel, Gillespie, Commander of the forces, with Mr. Muntinghe and Mr. Cransen, Dutch gentlemen, who had held high situations under the former government. At Ryswick he remained a day or two, according to circumstances, and occasionally saw company there ; but the climate at Ruitenzorg being so far superior, he was always anxious to return, and seldom lost much time on the road, perfonning the journey in four hours. He was most attentive to the members of the former government, who were constant guests at his table.” In a private letter dated Batavia, in March 1812, to his fiiend the late Mr. Ramsay, Secretary to the East India Company, Mr. Raffles touches upon the in- ternal arrangements connected with the government of Java. “ In this respect stand foremost the judicial and police arrangements. Previous to the establishment of the British government in Java, there was no distinction known between the police and the judicial administration of justice. At Batavia, however, there existed a Supreme Court of Judicature and a Bench or Court of Aldermen, called the College of Schepmen ; and at Sourabaya and Samarang inferior courts of justice had been established ; and in each district a court termed the Landrost, consisting of the Landrost, Regent, and Highpriest, exercised both the police and judicial jurisdiction ; the only distinction which existed was that all the Company’s seiwants should be amenable to the regular courts of justice, or to the Supreme ComT at Batavia, while all other persons of every description were under the jurisdiction of the Schepmen. A difference of persons was altogether so strongly against our principles of public justice, and public and individual right, and the principle on which such distinction might originally have been founded had so entirely ceased by the abolition of all distinction between the servants of the late Company, and all other individuals, that an entire change and separation of the police from the judicial authorities became necessary, and was directed by the mstructions left with me by the Governor-General. “ The copy of the proclamation published in om’ first government gazette will sufficiently explain the principles on which we proceeded ; and I flatter myself with the approbation, not only of the Governor-General, but of the authorities in England, of the measure taken by us of establishing the trial by jury, wiiich I am happy to say has given universal satisfaction here ; and although, with the other new arrange- ments, giving rise to new difflculties, is not likely to meet with any serious obstacle. The courts of justice and police, as new modelled, are now in full exercise ; and I hope this colony may receive all the advantages of British jurisprudence, without entailing on it the disadvantages of a judicial establishment from England, of all things the most to be dreaded for the general prosperity and happiness of the population. The British comis of justice fit with difficulty our permanent English PROCLAMATION TO THE PEOPLE OF JAVA. 103 establishments in India ; but here their introduction would only lead to anarchy, vexation, and trouble without end.* * “PROCLAMATION. “ For the satisfaction of the inhabitants and people of Java, the following provisions are made public, in testimony of the sincere disposition of the British Government to promote their prosperity and welfare. The refusal of their late government to treat for their interests, although disabled by the events of war from affording them any further protection, has rendered the consequent establishment of the British authority unconditional. But an English government does not require the articles of a capitulation to impose those duties which are prompted by a sense of justice and a beneficent disposition. The people of Java are exhorted to consider their new connection with England as founded in principles of mutual advantage, and to be conducted in a spirit of kindness and affection. “ Providence has brought to them a protecting and benevolent government : they will cheerfully per- form the reciprocal duties of allegiance and attachment. “ 1. His Majesty’s subjects in Java will be entitled to the same general privileges as are enjoyed by the natural-born subjects of Great Britain in India, subject to such regulations as now exist, or may here- after be provided, respecting residence in any of the Honourable Company’s territories. “ 2. They will have the same privilege and freedom of trade to and with all countries to the east of the Cape of Good Hope, and also with His Majesty’s European dominions, as are possessed by natural- born subjects of Great Britain. “ 3. Dutch gentlemen will be eligible to all offices of trust, and will enjoy the confidence of Govern- ment according to their respective characters, conduct, and talents, in common with British-born subjects. “ 4. The vexatious system of monopoly which is understood to have heretofore prevailed in some instances to an oppressive and inconvenient extent, will be revised, and a more beneficial and politic prin- ciple of administration will be taken into consideration as soon, and to such extent, as full information on the subject can be obtained, as established usage and habit may admit, and as may be consistent with a due regard to the health and morals of the people. “ 5. The Dutch laws will remain provisionally in force, under the modifications which will be hereinafter expressed, until the pleasure of the supreme authorities in England shall be known ; and it is conceived that no material alteration therein is to be apprehended. “ The modifications to be now adopted are the following : “ First. Neither torture nor mutilation shall make part of any sentence to be pronounced against criminals. “ Secondly. When a British-born subject is convicted of any offence, no punishment shall be awarded against him more severe than would be inflicted by the laws of England for the same crime. And in case of doubt concerning the penalty by English law, reference shall be made to the Honourable the Recorder of Prince of W’ales’ Island, whose report shall be a sufficient warrant for aw'arding the penalty stated by him to be' agreeable to the laws of England. No sentence against any British-born subject for any crime or misdemeanour shall be carried into execution until a Report shall have been made to the Lieutenant- Governor. » “ Thirdly. No sentence of death against any person whatever shall be carried into execution until Report shall have been made to the Lieutenant-Governor. “ Fourthly. The Lieutenant-Governor will have the power of remitting, moderating, or confirming all penalties, excepting inconsiderable fines, short imprisonment, or slight corporal punishment. “ Fifthly. British-born subjects shall be amenable to the jurisdiction of the Dutch tribunals, and to the Dutch laws, in all cases of civil complaint, or demands, whether they be plaintiffs or defendants. “ Sixthly. All British-born subjects shall be subject to the regulations of police, and to the juris- 1 104 LAWS OF JAVA. “ The Dutch law is directed by the proclamation of the Governor-General to be continued ; but, in explanation of this law, it is necessary I should state, that the law of Java is not so much the national law of Holland as a colonial law. The foundation of this law is certainly that of the twelve tables. The civil law, or Roman code, and some of the general laws of the States-General, are made to apply; but the ordinary statutes, and those which apply in most instances, are either the statutes passed in Holland, or by the Supreme Government from time to time ; these form a body of regulations and laws peculiarly adapted to the place, and if divested, as they are now directed to be, of cruelty and tortm-e, and modified in some instances wherein the punishment of death may be considered to exceed the offence, perhaps the best that could be de^ised for this place. Whatever, there- fore, may be necessary to be done in this respect, should be well considered and matured. The principle of the British law is acted up to in most cases, and it is only in local and provincial occiui'ences that this principle can be interfered with. In many instances the Dutch law, as it is termed, might be more properly called the common law, and at all events it is from its antiquity and long authority considered through the eastward as the law of the land. “ In the collection of the revenue, the obnoxious system of farming has been diction of the magistrates charged with the execution thereof, and with the maintenance of the peace, and with public tranquillity and security. “ Seventhly. All persons belonging to, or attached to tbe army, who are by their condition subject to military law, shall for the present be tried for any crimes they may commit only by courts martial, unless sent by the military Authorities to civil courts. “ Eighthly. It being necessary in all countries that a power should exist of forming regulations in the nature of legislative provisions adapted to change of circumstances, or to meet any emergency that may arise ; and the great distance of the British authorities in Europe rendering it expedient that the said power should for the present reside in some accessible quarter, it is declared that tbe Lieutenant-Governor shall have full power and authority to pass such legislative regidations as on deliberation, and after due consul- tation and advice, may appear to him indispensably necessary, and that they shall have the full force of law. But tbe same shall be immediately reported to the Governor-General in Council in Bengal, together with the Lieutenant-Governor’s reasons for passing the said regulation, and any representations that may have been submitted to him against the same ; and the regulations so passed will be confirmed or disallowed by the Governor-General in council, with tbe shortest possible delay. The mode in which the Lieutenant-Gover- nor shall be assisted with advice, will hereafter be made known ; and such regulations will hereafter be framed as may be thought more conducive to the prompt, pure, and impartial administration of justice, civil and criminal. “ Regulations respecting the paper-currency, as well as the relative value of coins circulating in Java, will be published in a separate paper of this date. “ Done at Molenvliet the 11th September, 1811. “ By His Excellency the Governor-General of British India. (Signed) “ MINTO.” FEUDAL TENURE OF LAND. 105 abandoned as much as possible, and regular custom-houses have been established at Bata\ia, Samarang, and Sourabaya. " A system of duties has been established, founded, in some measure, on the extent of the duties heretofore collected, and with reference to the support of the dependant situations of Penang, Malacca, Bencoolen, and the Moluccas, which sooner or later must fall under the immediate government of this place, if Java continues a British settlement. The gi*eat quantity of prize property, and particularly of coffee, which still remains on this island, renders any change in the present system of coffee culture, as recommended by Lord Minto, impracticable ; but I have great hopes that the accomplishment of the gi'and plan of amelioration in this and other respects, respecting the agriculture and cultivation of this island, is not far distant. I have an intelligent committee, of which Colonel Colin Mackenzie has done me the honour to be President, now sitting on the eastern part of the island, and fi-om the result of their labours I tmst to be possessed of such additional lights as may lead eventually to a complete change of the present system of landed property, without which little can he expected. With the exception of the estates in the neighbour- hood of Batavia, and of a few lately sold at Sourabaya, the whole landed property in Java is held on an acknowledged feudal tenure. The Soosoohonan and Sultan are the lords paramount in their districts ; and although the Company are literally so in the districts properly termed the Company’s provinces, the power is transferred universally to the Regents, who on condition of furnishing a certain quota or con- tingent of produce, and in some cases of money, and rendering with their people certain feudal service when required, are possessed of absolute authority within their respective districts, keeping the common people throughout in the most abject state of vassalage. A material change was however effected with regard to the Regents by Marshal Daendels. Previous to his organization of the eastern districts, the Regents had been supposed to hold their authority of right, and their agreement with government was considered as a contract ; but the Marshal, by a very laudable stroke of policy, rendered them immediately dependent on the European govern- ment, by giving them commissions and instructions as officers of government. This system has been followed up by the British government, and each Regent has received his commission, and taken an oath of allegiance to his Britannic Majesty, and of obedience to the government of Java. “ By the next opportunity I shall have the satisfaction of forwarding to the authorities in England several reports, from Dr. Horsfield and other scientific gentle- men, on the natural history of this island, and as the Batarian Literary Society have sohcited that I should take that institution under the protection of govern- ment, I trust that by uniting our efforts with those of the Asiatic Society in Bengal, very considerable hght may be shortly thrown on science and general knowledge. The nmnerous remains of Brahminical stmctures, in every part of the island, prove, p 106 LETTER TO MR. MARSDEN. beyond a doubt, that a colony of Hindus settled on this island about the first cen- tury of the Christian era ; and the materials of which they are constructed, induce the behef that this colony must have emigi'ated from the Coromandel Coast. “ The beauty and pm*ity of these stmctures are entirely divested of that redun- dancy of awkward and uncouth ornaments and symbols which are found in India. The interests of science and literature are by no means neglected on this island, and a valuable and highly interesting stock of information may be contemplated. A very extensive collection has been made by Dr. Horsfield, on account of government, of the objects in the animal, vegetable, and mineral kingdoms, which are pecuhar to this place ; and the museum at the India-house uill not be forgotten, as soon as occupa- tions of a more pressing nature afford adequate leism'e for an aiTangement of our collections. Mr. Raffles wTote at the time on the same subject to Mr. Marsden. From Mr. Raffles to Mr. Marsden. Buitenzorg, Java, 22d October, 1812. “ In one of your communications you desire to receive infonnation respecting the Bohun Upas, which appears to have, of late, been brought particularly to notice. I have now the pleasure to transmit to you a full and satisfactory report on the subject by Dr. Horsfield, a gentleman whose attention has long been devoted to botanical discoveries in the natural history of this island. “ Interested as you are in every thing which concerns the fuidher East, it i\ill be satisfactory to you to know, that by the present opportunity I have forwarded to the Court of Directors specimens of many of the plants of Java, as well as of many new animals. I have also fonvarded to them a short account of the medical plants of Java, as well as a general mineralogical account of the island by Dr. Horsfield. “ I find it difficult to procm’e copies of these papers for you, in consequence of the distress for copjfing-clerks ; but I hope you ivill be able to obtain the perusal of them. “ The Batavian Society of Arts and Sciences is revmng, and I hope in another year the world will be presented with an additional volume of its transactions. “ I am collecting for you a variety of inscriptions found in different parts of Java, and in Madura and Bali ; and, if possible, some of them shall be sent by the present conveyance. Drawings of all the ruined temples and images are in hand, and it will not be long before I shall have it in my power to communicate to you fully, after surveying the whole. Vocabularies in the Javanese, Madurese, Bali, and Bugis languages are already completed, and others in hand. “ Until I may be able to uvite to you more at length, the enclosed is a report of the small district of Pagitan, and affords a view of the habits and institutions of some of the Javanese.” .Wf" " :,. ' * /r-tija ,t t ' •a / t tm IVf' ? -r ' ♦ '■ ‘'M' c ^ I iiii^vi ■*^1. vs-' ^hr ': * I !^^-.'ii - 1 »*' ’jtf' '^/:' fe£ #•■•' r-* -%^-' "Ti#* . \ r*. :?» .M * H It. '• n V • • ACCOUNT OF THE UPAS. 107 A short extract from Dr. Horsfield’s account of tlie Upas may be interesting : “ The tree which produces the Upas poison grows in the eastern extremity of Java ; it belongs to the 21st class of Linnaeus, the Monaecia. The male and female flowers are produced in catkins (cementa) on the same branch, at no great distance from each other ; the female flowers are in general above the male. The characters of the genus are : male flower, calix consisting of several scales, which are imbricate ; corol none ; stamens, filaments many, very short, covered by the scales of the recep- tacle anthers. The receptacle on which the filaments are placed has a conical form, abrupt, somewhat rounded above. Female flower, catkins ovate, calix consisting of a niunber of imbricate scales, (generally more than in the male,) containing one flower ; corol, none ; pistil, germ single, ovate, erect ; styles, two, long, slender, spreading ; stigmas simple, acute ; seed-vessel an oblong drupe, covered vrith the cahx ; seed an ovate nut, covered with one cell. This tree is one of the largest in the forests of Java; the stem is cyhndrical, perpendicular, and rises, completely naked, to the height of sixty, seventy, or eighty feet. Near the surface of the ground it spreads obliquely, dividing into numerous broad appendages, or wings ; it is covered with a whitish bark : near the gromid this bark is, in old trees, more than an inch thick, and upon being womrded, jdelds plentifrdly the milky juice from which the celebrated poison is prepared. The sap is contained in the tree-bark (or cortex.) Tlie inner bark (or fiber) of young trees is employed by the poorer class of people in making a coarse stuff, which they wear when working in the fields ; but persons wearing this dress, on being exposed to the rain, are affected with an intolerable itching, which renders their flimsy covering almost insupportable. The deleterious quality of the poison exists in the gum ; the preparation of a poison from which is an exclusive art of the inhabitants of the eastern extremity of the island. “ In clearing new grounds near the tree, the inhabitants do not like to approach it, as they dread the cutaneous emption which it is knowm to produce when newly cut down. But, except when the tree is largely wounded, or when it is felled, by which a large portion of the juice is disengaged, the effluvia of which mixing with the atmosphere, affects the persons exposed to it with the symptoms just mentioned, the tree may be approached and ascended like the other common trees in the forests. Like all other trees in its neighbourhood, it is smrounded by shrubs and plants. “ One of the Regents had caps, or bonnets, prepared from the inner bark, which were stiffened in the usual manner with rice-water, and handsomely painted, for the pm’pose of decorating his attendants ; but they all refused to wear them, asserting that they would cause their hair to fall off. “ The following is a description of the mode of preparing this poison. About eight ounces of the juice from the tree, which had been collected dm'ing the preced- ing evening, and preserved in a joint of a bamboo, was carefully strained in a bowl. The sap of the follomng substances, which had been finely gi'ated and bruised, was p 2 108 MODE OF PREPARING THE UPAS POISON. carefully expressed and poured into it ; viz. aiTun, ammonium, common onion, and garlic, each about half a drachm ; the same quantity of finely-powdered black pepper is then added, and the mixtm'e stirred. A single seed of the capsicum fi'ucticosum was then placed on the fluid, in the middle of the bowl ; the seed began to reel round rapidly, now forming a regidar circle, then darting towards the margin of the cup, vith a perceptible commotion on the smdace of the liquor, which continued one minute. Being completely at rest, the same quantity of pepper was again added, and another seed of the capsicum laid on as before : a similar commotion took place in the fluid, but in a less degree, and the seed was carried round with diminished rapidity. The addition of the same quantity of pepper was repeated a third time, when a seed of the capsicrun being carefully placed in the centre of the fluid, remained quiet, forming a regular circle in the fluid resembling the halo of the moon. This is the sign that the preparation of the poison is complete.” The common train of symptoms, is a trembhng of the extremities, restlessness, erection of the hair, affection of the bowels, di'ooping and faintness, slight spasms and con^'ulsions, hasty breathing, an increased flow of sahva, spasmodic contractions of the pectoral and abdominal muscles, retching, vomiting, gi*eat agony, laborious breathing, violent and repeated convulsions, death. The action of the Upas poison is directed chiefly to the vascular system. The volume of the blood is accumulated in a preternatural degi-ee in the large vessels of the thorax. The circulation appears to be extracted from the extremities and thrown upon the viscera near its som'ce. The lungs in particular are stimulated to excessive exer- tions. The vital viscera are oppressed by an intolerable load, which produces the symptoms above described, while in the extremities a proportionate degree of toi-por takes place, accompanied by tremors, shiverings, and convuilsions. The natives of Macasar, Borneo, and the Eastern Islands, when they employ this poison, make use of an arrow of bamboo, (to the end of which they attach a shark’s tooth) which they throw from a blow-pipe or sompit. The Upas appears to affect different quadrupeds with nearly equal force, propor- tionate in some degree to their size and disposition. As soon as Mr. Raffles could command sufficient leisure he \isited the Eastern Districts, and gave the following short account of his journey to Lord Minto : — “ I shall only say I was most highly gratified and satisfied "with every thing I saw ; it is impossible to conceive any thing more rich than the country, both in culti- vation and scenery. I was happy to perceive that between Samarang and Sourabaya neither the country nor the establishments had suffered from the effects of the expedi- tion, and that every thing was going on as if nothing had happened. I left BataUa on the 28th November, 1811, and landed at Samarang, after a tedious passage, on the 4th December ; from thence I visited Sourabaya and Madura on my return, and JOURNEY TO THE EASTERN DISTRICTS. 109 reached Buitenzorg on the 1st of January. To give an idea of the high state of the roads, and of the facility of communication in every part of the island, it may be suffi- cient that I inform you, that fi'om Sourabaya to Samarang, 200 miles, I was only twenty-four hours on the road, and from thence to Buitenzorg only two days and a half, and this without any fatigue.” CHAPTER V. Expedition to Palembang — Arrival of the Troops — Gallantry of the attaek — Horrors of the seene — Colonel Gillespie's account of the Sultan — Measures adopted hy Colonel Gillespie — Sultan of Djocjocarta — Mr. Raffles collects troops, and proceeds to Samarang — Account of treaties with the Sultan — General confederacy of the native states — Unexpected and fortunate return of Colonel Gillespie — Assaidtand capture of Djocjocarta — European power frst jmramount in Java. The apparent tranquillity which followed the success of the British arms (1812) was but of short duration. The state of some of the native powers on Java, particularly that of Djocjocarta, and the proceedings of the Sultan of Palembang, a dependency situated in the island of Sumatra, soon called for prompt and decisive measures, as uill be seen by the following extract of a letter from Mr. Raffles to the Governor- General, dated the 7th March, 1812: “ I have the honom' of reporting to your Lordship, that on the 2d November last, finding that the season of the year afforded the probabihty of communicating with Palembang, I despatched a commission to that place, consisting of Captain Phillips, Mr. Wardenar,* and hlr. Hare,f for the purpose of taking charge of the Dutch factory there, in pursuance of the capitulation, and of delivering the same over to Lieutenant Jackson, whom I had appointed prortsionally to act as Resident. “ From a perusal of the documents now transmitted, your Lordship will observe, that the importance of the island of Banca and of the tin-trade occupied at an early period after your departure my most serious attention. Desirous of avoiding any unnecessary breach with any of the Eastern chiefs, I endeavoiued to attain the object which government had in riew by an amicable arrangement, on terms far more advantageous and liberal to the Sultan of Palembang than he had enjoyed under the Dutch government. The residency of Palembang, as a former depen- dency of Java, having by right of conquest, and by the express articles of the capitulation, fallen under the British dominion, the object of the commission was to have this right acknowledged by the Sultan, and the privileges stipulated by the * Late Member of the Supreme Council of Batavia, f Appointed by Lord !Minto Resident of Sambas in Borneo. EXPEDITION TO PALEMBANG. Ill former contracts transferred to the British government. This being effected, it was intended to grant more hberal tenns than ever were enjoyed by the Sultan, previous to the conquest of Java. “ The commission, however, instead of meeting with such a reception at Palem- bang, as from the nature of their appointment they were entitled to expect, found the Sultan not only averse to acknowledgmg any of the claims on which this nego- ciation was founded on the part of the British government, but in such a disposition as rendered all attempts to enter into a new contract with him fruitless and abortive. He not only treated with a kind of ridicule and neglect the claims of the British government to the contracts which subsisted with the former government before the conquest of Java, but rejected with disdain the new terms which were offered to him. The Sultan altogether disregarded the representations on the part of the British government, until he received authentic accounts of the fall of Batavia ; and then, instead of listening to the demands of my agents, Toonkoo Radin Mahomet and Syed Abu Bakir, that he should consider the Dutch property and inhabitants as under the protection of the Enghsh, who had conquered Java and all its dependen- cies, he declared in a haughty manner his intention of maintaining his entire inde- pendence of any power on earth. Struck, however, by the sudden, and to him certainly unexpected news, of the complete conquest of Java by the Enghsh, the Sultan became anxious for his future fate, and by threats and force compelled my agents to sign and seal false reports, forged by the Sultan and addressed to me, in which it was stated that the Dutch garrison had, agreeably to their request, been sent to Batavia, and the fort razed to the ground, long previous to the attack upon the island of Java by the British troops ; and to cover the falsehood of this report (on the faith of wliich he had laid the foundation of his future independence), he formed the diabohcal plan of destroying every witness who might hereafter appear against him, sending the Dutch inhabitants in small prows down the river, where they were murdered by order of the Sultan, and ordering my agents to appear before him, that they might share the same fate. “ Considering all these facts, the evident hostile manner in which the Sultan behaved to the acknowledged native agents from the British government; the treacherous and barbarous manner in which he destroyed the property and murdered the presumptive subjects of this government ; the arrogant and offensive manner in which he rejected the most liberal proposition for an amicable arrangement, which this government, ignorant of the events which had taken place, made to him by means of the commission, and the consequent certainty therefi'om that all further attempts for an amicable arrangement woidd be as vain in effect as they would be mibecoming in principle to the character of the British nation, it has been left for me to resolve upon some immediate and decisive measm’e, consistent with the dignity and interests of government. 1 112 EXPEDITION TO PALEMBANG. A commanding force under Colonel Gillespie will embark in two days, and I trust, in less than a month, that I may be in possession of satisfactory accounts of the result. I am aw^are that I have taken much responsibihty on myself in the adoption of hostile measures against Palembang, wthout previous reference to Bengal; but so many favourable circumstances concurred to induce the measiue, and so many obstacles in the wny of its final success appeared to present themselves in the event of delay, that I should not have felt myself justified to have lost the opportunity of so much larger a force than could ever have been subsequently left at our command. In fact, the expedition must either have taken place now or been delayed another year, and this consideration of itself was enough to outweigh every objection; the passage to Palembang from Bata^aa may at the present season of the year be effected in five or six days, and the returning voyage may be accomphshed during the same period. I have prorisionally appointed a Resident for Banca, and I trust my next letter will comimmicate favourable intelligence on this point. There is one thing I have never noticed regarding Banca, and that is, the harboiu of Klabbat, stated to be the most secure in India, and capable of every defence — the entrance to the harbour being between tw'o rocks or promontories, not half-pistol- shot from each other, and a bason within, with fine bottom and deep w ater, capable of containing, it is said, the navy of England. It is directly in the route for our trade through the China seas, and the situation of Minta, on winch it is projected to form the first settlement in Banca, is perhaps the most commanding that could be chosen for the Eastern Seas. If possible, I will forward more particulars, but the total w^ant of clerks w^ho can copy English legibly, forms at present a serious obstacle to the transmission of all papers.” An expechtion w^as accordingly fitted out under the command of Colonel Gillespie, who wns entinsted with the execution of the rieAvs of government, and wiio had the whole management confided to his inchridual judgment and direction. The fleet consisted of his Majesty’s ships Cornelia, Captain Owen; Bucephalus, Captain Drury; sloop Procris, Captain Freeman; the Honorable Company’s cruizer, Teignmouth, Captain Howitson; Mercury, Captain Conyers. Gun-boats: schooner Wellington, Captain Cromy; Young Barracouta, Captain Ljmch. Transports, Samdany, Minerva, Matilda, and Mary Ann. Captain Bowen, of his Majesty’s ship Phoenix, meeting it at sea, took the com- mand of the fleet as senior officer. Troops embarked. Detachment of His Majesty’s 59th regiment, three companies, rifle and flank companies. Ditto 89th regiment, five companies. Ditto, Madras horse-artillery and hussars dismounted. PASSAGE OF THE EXPEDITION. IVi Detachment of Bengal artillery ; detail and detachment of sepoys, 5th and 6th battalions. Ditto, Amboynese. A considerable number of guns and military stores, intended for the new set- tlement of Banca, were put on board the transports. Contrary winds and currents, which during the western monsoon are violent and unchangeable, still maintained their influence at this advanced season, and con- siderably retarded the progress of the expedition which reached Nanka Island on the 3d of April, 1812, where it continued a week at anchor. Tents were pitched on shore, and all the artificers were employed in the completion of the boats intended for the passage up the Palembang river, by constructing plat- forms for the field-pieces, and making coverings to shelter the troops as much as possible from the burning violence of the solar heat, and the inclemency of the noctmnal air. The fleet was supplied with water of a very good quality at this island, which is covered with wood, and inhabited by bears, monkies, and wild-hogs. Fish was in great abundance, and pirates frequently visit the place to take in water and fuel. The armament got under weigh on the 10th of April, and came to an anchor on the 15th at noon, opposite the west channel of Palembang river. The unavoidable delay which the expedition experienced, by encountering con- trary winds and currents in the straits, afforded ample time to the guilty Sultan to prepare either for resistance or flight. With a view to the latter course, he had re- moved his treasure and women, at a very early period, into the interior; whilst himself and his ministers sent message after message to the British Commander, filled with expressions of respect, and framed with apparent candour, but hypocritical in their language, and treacherous in their object. The continuance of the ebb tide during the whole of the 19th of April, obhged the fleet to remain stationary till about four in the afternoon, when a gentle sea breeze favouring its progress, enabled the flotilla to move, though it was only for a short distance, as the wind soon failed, and the flood tide being very slack, some of the vessels got entangled among the branches of the trees and bushes, which there- fore it was necessary to cut away. At the turn of the tide, which was about six on the following morning, the flotilla came to an anchor. In the early part of the day Pangarang Sheriff arrived from the Sultan of Palembang, begging to know the intention of the British Commander in thus ad- vancing with such a force; to which Colonel Gillespie returned for answer, that he must acquaint the Sultan in person with the propositions he was entrusted with on the part of his government, and the messenger returned immediately. At five in the evening the fleet proceeded on its passage ; but the tide becoming slacker every day in proportion to its chstance from the sea, and the wind being Q 114 ARRIVAL OF THE TROOPS. adverse, it did not gain above six miles all night ; the ebb tide occurring at six the next morning, the 21st of April, it anchored near the jimction of False River. Another messenger, Pangarang Pranah, arrived in the morning from Palem- bang, bringing vith him a letter from the Sultan, to whom he was related. In tliis epistle the crafty monarch congi-atulated the Commander on his andval in the river Soosang, professing at the same time to be the friend of the Enghsh, the design of which was too obrious to impose upon those who were acquainted with the VTiter’s character. Colonel Gillespie replied that he meant to be at Palembang in two days, where he expected to see the Sultan, having matters to disclose to him in person of the greatest consequence ; and at the same time assm'ing the inhabitants of Palembang of the protection of the British Government. Before the ambassador could receive this reply in writing, another messenger arrived mth a similar letter from the Sultan, requesting an immediate explanation. Both the Sultan’s agents, therefore, returned together, about five in the evening ; and as soon as the tide permitted, at seven, the flotilla got under weigh. At smi-rise, on the 22d April, the batteries at Borang were descried. In the com'se of the forenoon Captain Owen, of the royal na\y, with Major Thorn, Deputy Quarter-Master-General, reconnoitered the batteries and armed prows stationed there, which had been joined by a large Arab ship, armed for the occasion, and sent down fi-om Palembang by the Sultan to add to the defence of this post. These vessels, with the floating batteries, were moored across the river in echellon, raking with their guns the whole length of the passage, whilst the numerous artillery on the three fixed batteries bore across on the channel by which the advance was to be made, thus enabhng the enemy to bring the fire of their guns almost to a ray on any point in the line of advance. Nmnerous fire- rafts were placed on the fi'ont and flank of the batteries, ready to be set adrift to fire the shipping. Piles of wood didven mto the river defended the approach to the batteries, in boats, whilst a strong pahsade protected the rear and flanks. A gi'eat deal of bustle and activity was observable within the several defences, which appeared to be fully manned and prepared for resistance. The \dolent rain, which lasted all the afternoon, and continued dm*ing the night, proved of considerable annoyance, particularly to the men who were em- barked in boats. Great, indeed, and scarcely to be conceived, was the fatigue the sailors and soldiers had to midergo in a region where, dming the day they were exposed, while employed in laborious rouing, to the rays of a bmaiing sun, directly under the equator, and deprived in the night of the refi'eshment of sleep. But notwithstanding the excessive hardships which all ranks and descriptions of persons in the service were called to bear, and the privations they had to endure, nothing could shake their resolution or abate their ardour in the performance of their duty. 7 TAKE POSSESSION OF THE BATTERIES AT BORANG. 115 In the evening another messenger, named Pangarang Martoo arrived with a letter fi-om the Sultan, importing that he should be happy to see his friend, the Commander of the expedition, at Palembang ; but requesting that he would dispense >rtth so large an armed force, and visit the capital unattended, being fearful, as he pretended, that the appearance of so many troops would occasion serious disturbances among the inhabitants of Palembang. It was easy enough to perceive the insidious ch'ift of this proposition ; but the ti'eachery of the Sultan had already been too notorious to allow such fallacious decla- rations and hollow professions the slightest respect, or even a moment’s attention. Colonel Gillespie demanded of the messenger who last arrived, an unmolested passage up the river, and also a hostage as a security for their good behaviour ; to which Pangarang Martoo instantly assented, offering at the same time to give possession of the batteries, and to leave them entirely at the disposal of the Colonel ; the ship that was lying there w’as also to be made use of as the British Commander might please to direct. As a pledge of their sincerity, a person bearing the title of Commandant of the batteries, and who accompanied the messenger, remained behind for the purpose of conducting the troops to Borang. The proper arrangements being made to secure these objects on the following night Captain Meares, Malay interpreter to the Commander of the forces, was directed to proceed to Borang, accompanied by the officer who had been left as a hostage, and to demand a decisive answer whether or not they would let the bat- teries be taken possession of amicably, or whether they would resist the passage of the flotilla. No time was allowed for equivocation on the part of the Chief Panga- rang, and Colonel Gillespie followed close after, at the head of the small, but formid- able array of the British advance, composed of detachments of the 59th and 89th regiments, in light boats, supported by the gun-launches and field-artillery in the flat-boats. On their arrival at the dawn of day within half-gun-shot distance of the batteries, the Pangarang came off with Captain Meares, and offered to deliver up the works with all the other defences, which, in consequence, were immediately occupied by the British troops. The garrison, terrified at their sudden approach, and unmindful of the positive orders of the Sultan to defend the passage to the last, took themselves to flight, and escaped in some prows that had been kept concealed round the eastern part of Borang Island, and on the western side of Binting Isle. All the guns taken, to the nmnber of one hundred and two, were ready charged and primed. The large ship afforded quarters for a great portion of the soldiers, but the remainder were placed in huts and floating batteries which had coverings. In the evening the troops were all re-embarked, and proceeded on to a little distance. Fires now appeared in all directions, and several of the rafts were set in flames by the enemy, with the view of effecting, if possible, the destruction of the Q 2 116 GALLANTRY OF THE ATTACK. shipping, which had not as yet passed the batteries ; but though they were coming up at this time (8 p. m.) fortunately the exertions of Captain Owen with the crews of the light boats were successM in cutting the rafts asunder before they were thoroughly in flames, by which means a general conflagration was seasonably prevented. Several shots were fired from one of the Cornelia’s boats at the Malays, who were seen set- ting fire to the rafts which had the effect of instantly dispersing them. Early on the following morning, the 25th of April, an Arab arrived who stated himself to be the owner of the ship before mentioned, and begging that she might be restored, which request was granted. He brought information that the Sultan immediately fled from Palembang on learning that the defences at Borang, which had been considered such a formidable barrier, no longer obstructed the farther progress of the British troops. Colonel Gillespie, on hearing this, detennined to push forward with the light boats ; and whilst making this arrangement another Arab amved, the Pangarang Sheriff, who confirmed the account of the Sultan’s flight ; adding the afflicting intelli- gence, that the greatest confusion, plunder, and assassination prevailed, not only within the interior of the fort and palace, but in many parts of the city. Upon this Colonel Gillespie resolved to lose not a moment, but to hasten by the quickest pos- sible manner to put a stop to this scene of horror, and by his immediate presence prevent the execution of the massacre, which it was reported the Sultan’s adherents meditated to perpetrate the very next night upon the wealthy Chinese and other inhabitants, whose property was to become the prize of the assassins. The Colonel, therefore, proceeded instantly with the Ai*ab chief in his canoe, accompanied by Captain Meares and Mr. Villneruhy, a Spanish gentleman, who acted as Malay inteiq)reters. In that and another small canoe which accompanied them, were distributed seven grenadiers of the 59th regiment ; and these were fol- lowed by Captain Bowen, of the Royal Navy ; Major Butler, Deputy Adjutant-General ; and Major Thorn, Deputy Quarter-Master-General, in the gig belonging to the Phoenix, and ten more grenadiers of the same regiment, in the barge of the same ship, \vith Lieutenant Monday, R. N., and Lieutenant Forrest, of the 59th ; the remaining troops, under Lieutenant-Colonel jVPLeod, having orders to follow Avith all possible speed. The distance was twenty miles, so that it was dark w'hen the party arrived at Old Palembang. The canoes, in one of which the Colonel was, had gained much on the other two boats, and were now completely out of sight, when the report of a signal- gun, fired by the enemy, not a little alarmed them, and increased the anxiety for the rest of the party ; the more so, as every thing around tended to excite suspicion of some treacherous design being in agitation. A di'eadful yell and shrieking in all directions was next heard, and lights and conflagrations were seen throughout the whole extent of this large tract of population, which stretched along both banks of HORRORS OF THE SCENE, 117 the river for upwards of seven miles. By the redoubled exertions of the crews, the boats in the rear were soon brought up to the support of the little band, and thus happily formed in time an important junction. To paint the horrors of the scene that presented itself in their true colours, or to attempt an expression of the sensations it was calculated to excite, would be a diffi- cult task ; and the undaunted act which gained the possession of the fort, the palace, and its batteries, may be credited when the name of the leader is recollected. Un- dismayed in the face of numerous bodies of armed men. Colonel Gillespie boldly stepped on shore, at eight o’clock at night, and with those who had accompanied him in the canoe, and the seven grenadiers, he marched, with a firm step, through a multitude of Ai'abs and treacherous Malays, whose missile weapons, steeped in poison, ghmmered by the light of torches. Huge battlements, "with immense gates, leading from one area to another, pre- sented the fr-ightful spectacle of human blood stiU reeking and flowing on the pave- ment. The massive gates closed upon the rear, and the blood-stained court-yards through which the party were conducted, appeared as if they were the passage to a slaughter-house. A Malay, who had pressed through the crowd, approached the Colonel, and was walking by his side, when a large double-edged knife was secretly put into his hands by one of his countrymen. It was a dark stormy night, and a ray of lightening, at the very instant when the man was pushing the knife up his long loose sleeve to conceal it, discovered the weapon. The Colonel’s eye caught the object, and instantly tm'ning round, he had the fellow seized, totally regardless of the crowd ; thus fortunately fmstrating, by his firmness, the murderous design. The weapon was found as described ; but the man contrived to steal away in the crowd, and escaped. The palace exhibited a melancholy picture of devastation and cruelty. Murder had been succeeded by rapine ; and while the place was completely ransacked, the pavements and floors were clotted with blood. In every direction spectacles of woe caught the sight, and were rendered pecuharly awful by the glare of the suiTounding conflagration, accompanied by \ivid flashes of lightening, and loud peals of thunder. The flames, which continued to spread destruction, notwithstanding the rain that poured down in torrents, had reached the outer buildings of the palace, and threat- ened the part where the Colonel, with his party, had taken up their temporary abode. The crackhng of bamboos, resembhng the discharge of musquetry ; the tumbling in of burning roofs with a tremendous crash ; the near approach of the fire, in the midst of an immense hostile multitude and assassins ; altogether gave to their situation a most appalling prospect. The little band, consisting only of seventeen British grenadiers, vrith the officers naval and mihtary already mentioned, and a few seamen belonging to the gig and barge, had to secure possession of the fort, and to provide for their safety, in the 118 COLONEL GILLESPIE’S ACCOUNT OF THE DEPOSED SULTAN. detemiined resolution of selling their lives dearly, should any attack be made before the arrival of reinforcements. Ha^■ing carefidly reconnoiti'ed by the hght of torches the interior of the palace court, and ordered all the entrances except one to be shut and barricadoed. Colonel Gillespie stationed the gi'enadiers at the principal entrance, and the strictest guard was kept up. Soon after midnight they had the satisfaction of hailing the welcome arrival of Major Trench, with about sixty men of the 89th regiment ; and the remaining part of the ordered advance, under Lieutenant-Colonel McLeod, joined the little ganison early the next morning. Thus an act of daring enterprise, conceived with judgment and executed with intrepidity, gained possession of the fort and batteries defended by two hundred and forty-tw'o pieces of cannon, without the loss of a man. This formidable position could not have been canied under any other circumstances of attack, but by the sacrifice of many hves, and by hazarding altogether the safety of the little annament. The rapidity of the movement, and the sudden and unexpected arrival of the few British at that late hour in the evening, w^hose numbers were greatly magnified by the panic which seized the foe, caused the immediate dispersion of the Sultan’s adherents, who fled in confusion, and thus reheved the towm from the miseries with w^hich it w as threatened, of plunder and destruction. An American, w^ho was the supercargo of a large Chinese junk then lying at Palembang, gave a melancholy description of the fate with which they were threatened, and w'hich w'ould have burst on them that very night, had the English not arrived in time to prevent it. This junk, with all on board, had in fact been marked out as the first victims. The measm'es taken to restore order and maintain tranquilhty were so effectual, that the inhabitants assiuned confidence, and many wLo had fled into the w^oods returned to their homes. The gi*eat body of the people w^ere pleased at the change, and rejoiced in being relieved from the tjTanny of the Sultan, w^hich seemed to have attained its height. The following report made to the Lieutenant-Governor by Colonel Gillespie, when at Palembang, of the atrocious conduct of the deposed Sultan, is given at length for the purpose of shewing the strong appeal made on the ground of huma- nity to the British government to intei-pose in putting a stop to the dreadful scenes of cruelty and oppression wiiich w^ere daily occuning. To the Honourable T. S. Raffles, Lieutenant-Governor, Sfc. “ Honourable Sir, “ As I have been lately employed in acquiring every infonnation connected with the barbarous and cmel murder of the Dutch factory and garrison at Palem- bang, I have defeired the transmission of any official report to you upon this melan- choly subject, until I should have obtained the most accurate knowledge of all the CRUELTIES OF PANGERANG RATOO. 119 particulars, that the atrocity of the transactions enabled me to collect. In my inquiries, I have been occasionally so bewildered by falsehood, guilt, and prevarica- tions, that I have experienced considerable difficulty in selecting the evidences most worthy of attention. The choice, however, has been made with the greatest care, and I imagine the circumstances which I shall now relate to you, may be considered in every way deserving of belief. You are not ignorant that Pangerang Ratoo, the eldest son of the late Sultan, is one of the most abominable and unprincipled villains that ever disgraced humanity. The crimes committed by this barbarous and sanguinary assassin, since the period he has been enabled to indulge his abandoned inclinations, have been distinguished by circumstances of such aggravated cruelty and guilt, that the inhabitants of the kingdom have beheld him with one common sentiment of horror, hatred, and indig- nation. It is to the crimes of this iniquitous monster that the massacre of the Dutch may originally be attributed; to the indulgence of his vicious propensities that his father is now indebted for banishment and degradation. “ Among other pursuits that were followed by him with great avidity, was that of spearing the unhappy and defenceless wretches whom he accidentally encountered in his lawless excursions, or of sacrificing their wives and daughters to his aban- doned cmelty and passions. In one of these infamous adventures he became ena- moured of a Chinese woman, whom he was determined to obtain ; and, lest he should fail in support of his dark and diabohcal character, he resolved on com- pelhng the unfortunate husband to assist in the completion of his wife’s dishonour. The refinement thus exercised upon cruelty and rapine was more than the mifortu- nate husband could sustain without complaint. He knew himself to be in the neighbourhood of the Dutch garrison, and called loudly from his house for protec- tion and assistance. An armed party was detached to his aid, and pursued the Pangerang Ratoo to his prow on the river, without being sensible of the dignity they were so successfully routing ; the discovery of this unpleasant truth was made by himself before their separation. The boat was moored several yards from the shore, and in consequence he was compelled to swim a considerable distance before his escape was complete. No sooner, however, had he gained his canoe than he turned to his pursuers, and cried with the most callous effrontery, ‘ you are ignorant,’ said he, ' of the influence and power you have so audaciously defied ; know, to your confusion, that it is the Pangerang Ratoo himself, and rest assured that in three days you shall all of you be murdered, and your present habitations rendered such a scene of desolation, that they shall only be fit for birds to build their nests on.’ “ The accomplishment of this barbarous piu'pose was too successfrdly realized within the period specified by the Pangerang Ratoo. A message was sent to the Resident, the Commandant, and principal officers of the garrison, in which the Sultan requested them to appear in his presence for the transaction of some im- 1-20 CRUELTIES OF PANGERANG RATOO. portant business. The designing cowards took advantage of this treacherous manoeu^Te to introduce within the walls of the fort a multitude of anned Malays, as the followers of the great men who brought the message fi'om the Sultan. Tlie unwar\' and confiding Dutchmen, unsuspicious of ertl intentions, were speedily sun-ounded without the hope of escape ; the guns were all seized by parties on the ramparts, and the unfortimate ganison were dragged to a scene of cold- blooded cruelty, which can never be contemplated but ^^*ith sentiments of hoiTor and abhon-ence, proportioned to the enormity of such unmerited and unprovoked violence. “ Among the agents and instiaiments of this sanguinary transaction, there is no character so remarkably prominent as that of Tmnugung Lonong, the principal magistrate of the town. He was not only the harbinger of treachery and deceit in the first instance, but he was subsequently the promoter of the Sultan’s cruelty, and his adviser to destroy the fort, and leave no vestige of Dutch property remaining in Palembang, in order that they might for ever be exempted fi'om an alhance \\fith European nations. “ In considering the choice of an ambassador to our government, I cannot suf- ficiently express my astonishment at the boldness and audacity of the Sultan, who selected this infamous assassin as his agent and representative on Java. The very countenance of the rillain betrays the guilt of which he is capable, and the unwearied obstinacy with which, in spite of every proof, he denied all knowledge of the transaction, proclaims him, in my opinion, to have been deeply involved in the commission of the murder, and clearly meriting the most exemplary punishment. I have, therefore, stipulated most expressly wth Adipattie, that all the promoters and abettors of this inhmnan massacre shall be treated with great severity ; that their property shall be sequestered the moment they are known, and a portion of it laid aside for the support of the ^rives and oi*phans who have been so cruelly deprived of their natural protectors. “ There was one European woman among the imhappy rictims thus sacrificed by the Sultan. She was embarked on the boats, and after suffering every riolence and pollution her abandoned murderers were capable of offering her, she was in- humanly butchered and throwi into the river vith the rest of the ganison. The remaining women were sent as slaves up the country, and the relation of distress, stan ation, and misery they encomitered in their bondage, is calculated to excite such sentiments of horror and indignation against the whole race, that at times I can with difficulty hold intercourse \rith people allied to such monsters of bai'barity. “ There was no punishment too severe, no persecution too considerable, no degradation too humiliating for these unhappy women. The Resident’s ^rife was ^ pregnant at the time of her seizure, and although I should consider few men capable MEASURES ADOPTED BY COLONEL GILLESPIE. 121 of refusing pity and assistance to women thus situated, they were unmindful of her claims to compassion, and they left her in the jungle without nourishment, support, or shelter. “To detail the various miseries they suffered in slavery would occupy more time than I have at present in my power to bestow ; their food was always precarious, and during months they lived on beetle-nut, on the refuse of the dunghill ; in short, there was no refinement of oppression to which they were not subjected by this despotic tyrant. “ Their joy on emancipation is proportioned to the severity of their former sufferings, and their gi’atitude to the government is animated and sincere. Except the one previously specified, they are nearly all of them under my protection, and I shall take the earliest opportunity of either forwarding them to their friends on Java, or permit them to remain on the Island of Banca until some further arrange- ments may be made respecting them. “ I have endeavoured to ascertain, as correctly as I can, the primitive source of the Sultan’s inhumanity, which is clearly to be attributed to the unbounded indul- gence he has always bestowed on the vices of his son. He appears to have tole- rated him in the pursuit of every evil, and protected him in the accomplishment of every object to which his unruly passions or violent inclinations hurried him forward, and to have been but an instrument for the protection of his son’s wickedness. He has discovered too late, by his own overthrow, the melancholy consequences that ought always to attend so unprincipled a departure from every sacred law and moral obligation.” On the 29th May, Colonel Gillespie made his final report of the ulterior mea- sures adopted by him, in placing Sultan Ratoo Ahmed Nujm-ood-deen on the throne in the room of his brother, Mahmud Badruddin, who had been deposed : “ The British troops were paraded from the wharf to the hall of state, and sur- rounded at a distance the throne of the Sultan. The flag of the kingdom was saluted with twenty-one guns, and no mark of public attention was omitted that could possibly testify my confidence and respect. The Sultan himself was much affected dming the progress of the ceremony, and he was attended by an immense concom'se of people, who appeared sincerely to rejoice at his unexpected good for- tune. When he was seated upon the throne, the British officers passed in succession to pay him their respects, and they were followed by numbers of his subjects, who ried with each other in testifying their attachment and fidelity. “ I shall have the honour to forward to you all the pubhc documents that w'ere either proclaimed or ratified upon this important occasion. You will see by the stipulations of the treaty, how completely they have been dictated with a view to om interests, and you will perceive that the cession of Banca and Billiton is unhmited and complete. 122 GENERAL ORDERS. “ Although the Sultan was considerably disappointed at the failure of his wishes respectmg the British force, I had the satisfaction to leave him in the most confident assurance of his safety and strength. He expressed the most lively and grateful sense of all the benefits that had been conferred upon him by the British government, promised faithfully to use every exertion for the recovery of the Sultan’s treasures, and assured me the half of them should instantly be forwarded to Batavia according to a stipulation in the treaty between himself and the East India Company. “ In establishing the British authority at Minto (previously called Minta by the natives) I declared the Island of Banca to be named after his Royal Highness the Duke of York; the capital town after the Right Hon. the Governor-General of all India ; and the fort now building there after his Excellency the Commander-in- Chief. “ Your’s, &c. “ Robert Rollo Gillespie.” The general orders express the feehng entertained by Mr. Raffles of Colonel Gillespie’s service in this affair. Samarang, June Gth, 1812. “ The Lieutenant-Governor is happy to congratulate Colonel Gillespie on his return to Java, and on the full accomplishment of the objects of the late expedition. “ The successful termination of these operations, in a manner so highly benefi- cial to the interests of humanity, and to the security and adv^antage of the British possessions in those seas, must be entirely attributed to the prompt, judicious, and politic measures adopted under the personal direction of the Commander of the Forces. And although the applause so justly due on this occasion may rather fall within the province of a higher authority, to whom the proceedings will be submitted, it is gratifying to the Lieutenant-Governor that he is not precluded from bearing pubhc testimony to the services which have been rendered, nor of expressing his admiration of the superior talent and character which have been so conspicuous throughout. “ The Lieutenant-Governor requests Colonel Gillespie will accept his best thanks for the zeal, ability, and precision with which the service has been executed : and in recording his entire approbation and unreserv'ed confirmation of the whole of the arrangements made for the future security and advantage of the British interests, the Lieutenant-Governor is satisfied that he only anticipates the sentiments of the Supreme Governor. “ By order of the Lieutenant-Governor, (Signed) “ J. Eckford, “ Acting Secretary.” MR. RAFFLES COLLECTS TROOPS, AND PROCEEDS TO SAMARANG. 123 The following is an extract from Captain Traver’s Journal at the time. “ The native courts of Djocjocartaand Souracarta became troublesome soon after the establishment of the British power in Java, and Mr. Raffles determined on visiting them for the purpose of satisfying himself as to the merits of the complaints then made, and to enquire into the abuses which were known to exist. The distance was considerable, but his own personal convenience he never considered. The rapidity with which he travelled exceeded any thing ever known on the island before. The average rate was more than twelve miles per hour. Unfortunately he was but badly recompensed for the exertion, as the arrangements he then made, and the tranquilhty he established, were but of short duration, as a reference to the records of govern- ment will shew. Immediately after his return from the native courts he planned an expedition against Palembang, to punish the Sultan for a most barbarous act of treachery and cruelty in murdering all the Dutch residents there, the moment that intelhgence reached them of the capture of Java by the English. After the expedition to Palembang had sailed, Mr. Raffles’ attention was again directed to the courts of Djocjocarta and Souracarta, where disturbances were recom- mencing, particularly at the former place, and he, in consequence, determined on proceeding to Samarang, when he took his family with him. On his arrival at Sa- marang he obtained such information as led him to suppose that it would be difflcult to bring the Sultan of Djocjocarta to pacific terms. He accordingly deemed it prudent to collect such a force in the neighbourhood as would enable him to dictate such terms as he deemed advisable for the safety of the Island. At the time these operations were carrying on, Mr. Raffles was availing him- self of every opportunity of gaining local knowledge. The native chiefs were con- stant guests at his table, and there was not a moment of his time which he did not contrive to devote to some useful purpose. The only recreation he ever indulged in, and that was absolutely necessary for the preservation of his health, was an evening drive, and occasionally a ride in the morning. He was not, however, at this time an early riser, owing to his often writing till a very late horn at night. He was moderate at table, but so full of life and spirits, that on public occasions he would often sit much longer than agreed with him. In general the hour for dinner was four o’clock, which enabled the party to take a drive in the evening ; but on all pubhc days, and when the party was large, dinner was at seven o’clock. At Samarang the society of course was small in comparison with Batavia, but on pubhc occasions sixty and eighty were often assembled at the Government-house, and at balls from 150 to 180. Mr. Raffles never retired early, always remained till after supper, was affable, animated, agreeable and attentive to all, and never seemed fatigued, although perhaps at his desk all the morning, and on the following day would be at business at ten o’clock. In conducting the detail of government, and giving his orders to those immediately connected with his own office, his manner was most pleasing, mild, yet firm ; he R 2 12i MR. RAFFLES’ RETURN TO BATAVIA. quickly formed his decision, and gave his orders with a clearness and perspicuity which was most satisfactory to every one connected A\ith him ; he was ever cour- teous and kind, easy of access at all times, exacting but little from his staff, who were most devotedly attached to him. The generosity of his disposition, and the liberahty of his sentiments, were most conspicuous and universally acknowledged. “ As a pubhc servant, no man could apply himself with more zeal and attention to the arduous duties of his office. He never allowed himself the least relaxation, and was ever alert in the discharge of the important tmst committed to him ; and it is astonishing how long his health continued good mider such great exertions both of mind and body. “ 'W'hilst remaining at Samarang, a fleet aiTived at BataHa from England, bound to China, and at the same time a vessel was reported ready to sail from thence to Batavia, which detennined iMr. Raffles on proceeding there without delay, to receive the despatches ; on which occasion, Mr. Assey, Secretary to Government, and myself, accompanied him. We embarked on board a small vessel, the Hamston, and had a very quick passage of only seventy-two hours ; dming which time he di'ew up the Report on the capture of Djocjocarta, entering into a full and clear account of the circumstances which rendered this measure absolutely necessary for the preservation of peace on the Island. We landed at seven o’clock in the evening, when a gi*and pubhc ball was given at WeltervTeeden, to celebrate the anniversary of the Prince Regent’s birth-day. At this entertainment Mr. Raffles, to the astonishment of all present, attended, as it was supposed he was at Samarang. He was the life and spirit of the entertainment. Not less than three hundi'ed persons were assembled ; and, indeed, on all similar occasions, which were always duly celebrated under Mr. Raffles’ government, he contributed greatly to promote and encourage the gaiety and amusement of the party. After remaining a short time, he returned overland to Samarang, where he was most actively employed in completing the anangement attendant on the capture of Djocjocarta, which of course brought an accession of territory to the Government, and which called for local knowledge and personal observation, to render profitable and advantageous. After obtaining all the informa- tion ^^•ithin his reach, Mr. Raffles and his family returned to Buitenzorg, at the close of 1812, where, of course, some arrears of public business awaited his arrival, and to which he devoted the most zealous assiduity.” The Sultan of Djocjocarta, who was the most Holent and intriguing of the native princes in Java, entertained a rooted animosity against all the Europeans settled in the Island. Under the fonner government he had eHnced a degree of hostility which compelled Marshal Daendels to direct an anny against him, and to proceed in person to his capital. The plans of the Sultan not being then sufficiently matured on the one hand, and Daendels fearing the anival of the British expedition on the other, a compromise was entered into between them, by which the Sultan agreed to pay the TREATY CONCLUDED WITH THE SULTAN. 125 sum of 200,000 Spanish dollars to the Marshal. The Sultan the more readily acceded to this, as he cherished the idea of being soon enabled to carry into full effect his vengeful purposes. The turbulent spirit of this chief had shewn itself again, after the establishment of the British in the island ; in consequence of which, Mr. Raffles thought it necessary to proceed in person to the Sultan’s court, in the month of December, 1811, with the intention of fixing definitively the relation between the two governments by a treaty, which it was hoped would prove as binding on the one side, as he felt it would be strictly observed on the other. But the event soon proved the fallacy of such an expectation. Mr. Raffles set out for Djocjocarta, accompanied by a part only of the 14th Regi- ment, a troop of the 22d Light Dragoons, and the ordinary garrison of Bengal Sepoys in the fort, and at the Residency-house. This was all the force which, at the mo- ment, he could command, and circumstances did not admit of delay. The service was one of imminent peril ; the whole retinue were at one time in danger of being murdered. Mr. Raffles received the Sultan in the hall of audience. The Sultan was accompanied by several thousands of armed followers, who expressed in their behaviour an infuriated spirit of insolence ; and several of his own suite actually unsheathed their creesses, to indicate plainly that they only waited for the signal to perpetrate the work of destruction : had this been given, from the manner in which the English were surrounded, not a man could have escaped. Though at this time no act of treacherous hostility took place, the crafty and sanguinary Sultan drew from the circumstances which he observed, a confidence in his own strength ; and being thus persuaded that the expulsion of the Europeans from the Island of Java was become more feasible, he resolved at once to adopt means for accomplishing this favourite object of his ambition. Mr. Raffles, however, concluded a treaty with him, on terms which were con- sidered, at the time, equally advantageous to the British interests, and beneficial to the prosperity of the country which remained mider the administration of the Sultan. In this treaty, the sovereignty of the British over the Island of Java was acknow- ledged by the Sultan, who confirmed to the English East India Company all the pri- vileges, advantages, and prerogatives which had been possessed by the Dutch and French governments. To the Company also were transferred the sole regulation of the duties and the collection of tribute within the dominions of the Sultan, as well as the general administration of justice, in cases where the British interests were concerned. The Sultan on this occasion expressed his contrition for the atrocities which had been committed under his authority, and made professions of friendship, pledging himself in every way to fulfil the conditions of the treaty. 126 CONFEDERACY OF THE NATIVE STATES. The Sultan, however, only waited for a favourable opportunity to attempt the entire expulsion of the European power, and very judiciously conceived that the occu- pation of the troops on the expedition to Palembang, afforded a favourable moment to effect this object. He formed a general confederacy of all the native courts, con- stituting as it were the strength of Java, of which he was the head. Even the animosity which had subsisted between the Emperor of Sulu and the Sultan, and which it was supposed would have proved an insurmountable bar to their union, yielded in the present instance to other motives; and all family feuds were laid aside while the Chiefs combined their forces to effect the destruction of the English, as well as that of all the Dutch colonists settled along a coast in an ex- tended line of seven hundred miles, who natm-ally looked to the British government for protection. The magnitude of the threatened danger called for prompt and vigorous measures. Mr. Raffles made every preparation in his power, and determined to proceed to Samarang. The information which he obtained there, led him to suppose that it would be difficult to bring the Sultan of Djocjocarta to terms. He therefore collected such a force in the neighbourhood as would enable him to dictate those tenns which he deemed adHsable for the safety of the Island. At this moment of anxiety and danger. Colonel Gillespie returned from Palem- bang: he had embarked with his staff, in a small schooner, and after several narrow escapes from shipuTeck, arrived at BataHa on the 1st of June, 1812, and with the zeal which always animated him when danger was to be encountered, set out on the 6th overland for Samarang, to unite with Mr. Raffles in the contemplated operations. Matters were now come to such a crisis, that to have waited for the arrival of the troops from Palembang, (who from having made a circuitous route, were likely to be detained some weeks longer) would have been dangerous. It was, therefore, resolved to move such of the military force as could be collected, to Djocjocarta; and in the event of hostilities being unavoidable, to break at once that chain of combination which, if suffered to encrease and strengthen, would in all probability prove the absolute ruin of the European settlements in this part of the East. On the evening of the 17th of June, the Lieutenant-Governor and the Com- mander of the Forces arrived at Djocjocarta; and immediately on their arrival, the Sultan, who had long before prepared for active operations, sent out strong bodies of horse to intercept the communication in their rear, by burning and destropng the bridges, and laj^ng waste the country. Upon receiring this intelligence. Colonel Gillespie went in person, escorted by fifty dragoons, to reconnoitre the country; and after making several detours, fell in with a large body of the Sultan’s horse ; but as ASSAULT OF DJOCJOCARTA. 127 no final determination with respect to offensive measures had yet taken place, he was withheld by sentiments of honour from dispersing these people by force, and therefore endeavoured through Mr. Crawfurd, the Resident, who accompanied him as interpreter, to induce them by every amicable means to return peaceably to the palace. To all sohcitations, and even threats, however, they paid no regard for a long time; and some stones were actually thrown from shngs, which the Javanese use very dexterously. Still, amidst these provocations, forbearance was observed, and at last they consented to disperse ; but on a sudden avaihng themselves of the growing darkness, they threw their spears, and wounded a serjeant and four dragoons. This act was followed by several other attacks during the night upon the cavalry patrols, which obhged the dragoons to cut their way sword in hand through the surrounding multitudes, with the loss of one man killed and one wounded. The following day the Lieutenant-Governor being still anxious to avoid the effusion of blood, and if possible to bring matters to an amicable adjustment, sent a messenger with the final resolution of Government to the Sultan. But this chief continued deaf to every proposition that was made to him, and feeling confident in his accumulating force and the strength of his fortifications, he scrupled not to add threats to his insult, and dismissed the messenger. This unfavom'able result of the negociation, the particulars of which were instantly communicated by the Lieutenant-Governor to the Commander of the Forces, shewed clearly that every thing now depended on the issue of a battle ; and that any further delay from a principle of lenity would only serve to heighten the insolence of the enemy, and consequently to injure the colony. The result of the subsequent operations are briefly detailed in the following private letter from Mr. Raffles to Lord Minto, dated Samarang, 25th June, 1812. Necessity having compelled me to resort to actual hostilities against Djocjocarta, it affords me the highest satisfaction to communicate to your Lordship the successful and happy result of our operations. Having taken measures for concentrating the whole disposable force at Djocjocarta, I proceeded in person, accompanied by Colonel Gillespie, as far as Klatten on the 16th, and to Djocjocarta on the 17th instant. “ The Sultan refusing to comply with my summons, and several of our dragoons hanng been cut off in detail, decisive measures became necessary, and on the 18th, in the afternoon, we commenced a heavy cannonade from the Fort on his Craton or Palace ; it was immediately retmmed on his side, and although no further measure was taken by us during the whole of the 19th, no symptoms of concession were made by him. Our force was small, not exceeding 600 firelocks, and rather more than that number in Dragoons, Artillery, and Sepoys. A part of our ammunition w'as cut off, and nothing remained for us but an assault, which was attempted and carried in less than three hours. On the morning of the 20th, at nine o’clock, the 2 128 CAPTURE OF DJOCJOCARTA. Craton was ours ; the person of the Sultan, as well as that of the hereditary Prince secured, without plunder or harsh usage, and the country at our disposal, “ In order to estimate the services performed by the troops on this occasion, I should mention that the Craton was a regidar fortified position, about three miles in circumference, surrounded by a wade and deep ditch, wdth a w^all forty-five feet high, defended by w'ell constructed bastions, and forming ramparts all round, “ The approach to the Craton being further secured by lower walls without the ditch on the opposite side of the road, and the gates protected by drawbridges, after the Em-opean model, at the period of assault it w^as calculated that there could not be less than 11,000 armed men within the Craton, while large parties of one, two, three, and even fom' thousand, occupied positions without the Craton, blocking up the main roads, “ Gillespie was himself. The assault was made by escalade ; w^e soon got possession of the ramparts, and turned their owm guns upon them. The hereditary Prince took the first occasion to throw liimself on oiir protection ; the Sultan w^as taken in his strongest hold, and our plan throughout w^as most successful ; the loss on our side very inconsiderable, and comparatively nothing ; on the part of the enemy dreadful, I regret to say that Gillespie himself w'as wounded in the left arm, a flesh w'ound, and although serious not dangerous. Lieutenant Robinson, of the 78th, Lieutenants Paul and Maclean, of the 14th, were w'ounded, with no greater loss in non-commissioned and privates killed and wounded than about forty : Lieutenant Maclean since dead. Our loss, previous to the 25th, was principally in the Dra- goons, eighteen men and horses being killed and w'ounded, Lieutenant Hall among the latter. Captain Young and Lieutenant Hunter w^ere blown up and much burat, hut not dangerously, “ The steadiness with which the enemy received the attack, and the great mili- tary defences and resources within his power, have much enhanced the credit of our handful of troops, “ I may now congratulate your Lordship on the conquest of Java being sub- stantially accomplished, for although the great and valorous deeds w'hich WTested the colony from the hands of a hostile European power placed the prorinces on the sea-coast at our disposal, we never till this event could call ourselves masters of the more valuable provinces of the interior. Nay, our possessions on the sea-coast would always have been precarious, and had the military force been materially reduced, much eventual danger was to have been apprehended, Java will long have reason to remember with gratitude the efforts of the 20th June. “ The hereditary Prince has been raised to the throne ; all the principal chief- tains have submitted to his authority, and the country has every appearance of tran- quillity. I passed from Djocjocarta to this place in thirteen hours (about a hundi'ed EUROPEAN POWER FIRST PARAMOUNT IN JAVA. 129 miles), and accounts from every quarter confirm my expectations that the arrange- ments I had made would prevent the possibility of commotion. “ The European power is for the first time paramount in Java. We are now able to dictate the terms of the future connection with the British government and the native administration. A population of not less than a million has been wrested from the tyranny and oppression of an independent, ignorant, and cruel prince, and a country yielding to none on earth in fertihty and cultivation, affording a revenue of not less than a million of Spanish dollars in the year, placed at our disposal. The result at Djocjocarta is decisive at Souracarta, and that court must necessarily fall under the same arrangement. The population and cultivation of the Emperor’s dominions are not inferior to those of the Sultan’s, and this statement alone will convey to your Lordship an idea of what has been obtained in the short space of five days. I have not yet received Colonel Gillespie’s report, and consequently am unable to forward the official account. The Craton having fallen by assault, it was impossible to make any provision for Government to cover the expenses of the imdertaking, consequently the whole plunder became prize to the army ; it is considerable, but it could not be in better hands ; they richly deserve what they got. I cannot speak too highly of the con- duct of the army. “ By order of the honourable the Lieutenant-Governor, “ T. O. Travers, “ Assist. Sec. to Govt. Mil. Dept.” After the conquest of Djocjocarta, the military appropriated to themselves the plunder taken in the town. Mr. Raffles expostulated on their doing so, without first referring to him as the chief authority, and received the following letter upon the subject from Colonel Gillespie. ‘‘ My Dear Sir, “ Your letter of the 1st instant reached me at Djocjocarta, about four o’clock yesterday. I regret that any thing irregular or informal should have taken place ; but you are no doubt so well assured of my respect and esteem, that any breach of propriety or etiquette can only be attributed to the hurry and confusion so generally prevalent after a conquest of such magnitude and importance. I had myself suffered, and continue to suffer, so severely from the womid I received in the action, that I was almost incapable of attending to any arrangement that might require my approbation. “ The officers advanced so many precedents when Mr. Hanson submitted your s 130 LETTER FROM LORD MINTO. letter to them yesterday, that I am persuaded all their former resolutions were con- sidered at the time both regular and correct. “If your wshes had been received before the distribution had taken place, it is unnecessary for me to say, that every thing should have been immediately sus- pended, and the arrangements refeiTed to your authority ; but as this measure was adopted prior to the communication of your sentiments, I trust most sincerely you will acquit us of intentional impropriety, and afford us the sanction of your support and approbation. “ Upon maturely considering the distribution of the piize money, I clearly perceive that the subject should have been referred to your authority, before a measure of so much importance had taken place. The pain and agony I have suffered since the conquest of Djocjocarta will, I am certain, prove an adequate excuse in your mind for any miintentional informality ; and I have reason to rejoice at the entire support and cordiality experienced by me on every occasion that called for mutual participation. “ It affords me a proof of the dependence you have placed upon my anxiety and zeal for the public serrice, which can only be equalled by the respect and esteem with which I am, “ Robert Rollo Gillespie.” It will be seen by the following extracts, that Mr. Raffles had the satisfaction to receive from Lord Minto, the most unqualified approbation of all his measures. “ Calcutta, \5th Dec. 1812. “ My Dear Sir, “ I shall be impatient for the materials which are called for, because I am anxious to deliver, without reserve or quahfication, the very high and favourable \iew I now have of that whole series of measures, beginning Avith the expedition to Palembang, and ending with the arrangement of the tw'o courts of Solo and Djoc- jocarta, connected and combined with each other as those measures were. I consider the result of the latter proceeding as very glorious to your administration, during the short period of which more Avill have been accomplished for the security of the European power, the tranquillity of the island, and the solid improvement of general prosperity and happiness, than several centuries have been able to perform, when the superiority of European power was exerted, unencumbered by the scruples of justice and good faith. “ Nothing can be more excellent than all your arrangements in the eastern districts of Java. “ With regard to Palembang and Banca, your latest reports have enabled us to LETTER FROM LORD MINTO, 131 approve, without reservation, the arrangement formed at Palembang, and the an- nexation of Banca to the territories of the East India Company, our minds being satisfied upon the two points of justice and expediency. The sovereignty of the Sultan of Palembang in Banca is placed beyond question, and leaves that dependence of Palembang indisputably subject, both to the laws of conquest in so just a war, and to the effect of cession from the authority under which it is now held. ‘‘ Believe me ever, my dear Sir, most truly and affectionately your’s, “ Minto.” This private letter is so far of importance as it shews, in the most unreserved manner. Lord Minto’s anxious desire to record his opinion publicly before he quitted India — the delay in acquiring and transmitting the necessary materials unfor- tunately prevented his doing so, and to this unavoidable omission may be attributed much of the trouble and difficulty in which Mr. Raffles was afterwards involved. CHAPTER VI. Difference of opinion hetween Colonel Gillespie and Mr. Raffles — Re-estahlishment of Society of Arts — Im- portance of connection hetrvecn Java and China to the East India Company's interests — Consequence of a King’s government upon their monopoly — Lord Minto's anxiety to provide for Mr Raffles, in the pros- pect of the Island being transferred to the crown — Lord Minto’s approval of the measures of govern- ment— Calling in depreciated paper — Promise of an offlcial approbation — Account of the Colonies — Depreciated state of paper currency — Want of specie — Land rental — Revenues of government — Proposed literary work — Lord Minto’s return to England — His last letter on leaving Calcutta— Expedition to Sambas. Mr. Raffles always entertained a high sense of the military courage and character of General Gillespie, and lamented that on some points of government their views did not exactly coincide. The permanent mihtary force requisite to be maintained in the Island, after its conquest was completed, became necessarily a subject of discussion. Lord Minto foreseeing that this was a point on which a difference of opinion might occur, left positive orders, before he quitted Java, to keep it within certain defined limits. The following letter to ]VIr. Ramsay, Secretaiy to the Court of Directors, touches on this subject. '^January, 1813. “ Some difference of opinion has latterly occurred between the Commander of the Forces and myself, with regard to the mihtary estabhshments on the island. These appear to have arisen from a desire, on the part of the military Commander, to main- tain as large a force, and to render that force as efficient, as possible ; while, on the other hand, the directions and injunctions, which I had received from the Supreme Government, obliged me to keep the same within defined limits. The force prov^ision- ally fixed for this Island was intended and declared to be only for a defined and limited purpose — the maintenance of internal tranquiUity, and security against any predatory attack on the part of the enemy. The Commander of the Forces, on the contrary, has been always in expectation of attack from Europe, and would prepare accordingly. The uncertainty with which any decision can be formed, as to the future government of the colony, has naturally induced his Majesty’s officers to calculate upon Java be- coming a King’s colony, while the absence of all official information on the subject BATAVIAN LITERARY SOCIETY. 133 has weighed wth me in maintaining unimpaired, as far as possible, the provisional arrangements made by Lord Minto, with the view of Java becoming a permanent settlement of the Company. “ There are at present on the Island three King’s regiments, the 14th, 59th, and 78th, averaging about 800 men each ; two troops of his Majesty’s 22d Dragoons ; a detachment of the Royal Artillery from Ceylon ; and two troops of hussars raised on the Island, but not yet attached to either the King’s or Company’s army. The Sepoy battalions, of which there are five, are weak, but recruits to complete them to 800 men each are daily expected from Bengal, besides a coi'ps of native cavalry, raised ex'pressly for the ser\ice of the island : these, with a detachment of the Bengal artil- lery, Madras pioneers, and the two colonial regiments of Amboynese and Javanese, compose the regular force, which it falls on this government to maintain, independent of a few police corps. I should not, however, omit to mention the Bengal European regiment, the head-quarters of which are now on the Island, with about 350 men, principally recruits, but rapidly impro^^ng in discipline. “ Were the question at once decided, I apprehend that the whole of the King’s troops, with the exception of one or perhaps two regiments, might be removed ; and for the general service of the Island their place might be much better supplied by natives of India. The European troops are here upon much heavier allowances than in India, and on the whole bear too heavy on the finances of the colony. The natives have a much greater dread of the Sepoy than of an European, and the sa\ing would be immense. If possible, a Sepoy force should be maintained even in the event of this Island becoming a King’s colony. “ I forw^arded by the Java several reports from Dr. Horsfield on the natural history of the Eastern Islands ; duplicates of these, with specimens of plants, and a collection of quadrupeds, birds, &c., are transmitted by the Juliana, and I trust will be found acceptable, and worthy of a place in the Oriental Museum. The Literary Society of Bata\ia, which has been so long dormant, has been again revived, its con- stitution has undergone an entire change, and a spirit of inquiry and research is obvious among its members. An additional volume of the Bata\ian Researches is now com- pleting, and I trust it will not be long before the Society gives to the world a proof of the advantages it derives under the mild and protecting principles of the British government. “ Statistical accounts are nearly completed of the whole of the Island, and the proceedings of the commission of which Colonel Mackenzie is the President being about to close, I look forward to an early opportunity of communicating on every thing which concerns the happiness and prosperity of this colony, and of foiwvarding a detailed and accurate account of its resources, advantages, and capabilities, under any and whatever authority or system of government it may be eventually placed.” It was about this time that Mr. Raffles re-established the Society of Arts and 134 MR. RAFFLES’ ADDRESS Sciences in Bata\ia, to which he alludes in the preceding latter. This instiution had entirely declined in consequence of the difficulties to which the Island of Java had been exposed for many years. He hoped by this means to promote literary and scientific pursuits ; and it afforded him a som'ce of great pleasure and satisfaction to be the instimnent of giving new fife to the first institution of the kind, which had ever been estabhshed by Em-opeans in the East. This society continued to meet regularly under his watchfld care and superintendance, until the Island was restored to the Dutch. The addi’esses which he dehvered on the first meeting of the society, and at a subsequent one in 1815, tended to excite a warm interest in all the members, while they shewed that the performance of the arduous duties of a pubhc station are not incompatible, and may be combined with, an active pimsuit of hterary and scientific objects. “ A Discourse delivered at a Meeting of the Society of Arts and Sciences, in Batavia, on the Twenty fourth day of April, 1813, being the Anniversary of the Institution. By the Hon. Thomas Stamford Raffles, President. “ Gentlemen, “ Although I have naturally withheld my signature from the address to Lord IMinto, which now lies on the table, in consequence of the very pointed manner in which the framer of that addi'ess has noticed the protection and encou- ragement which I have personally afforded to the Society, I shall have much plea- sure in forwarding it, and in personally soliciting his Lordship to take the Society under his immediate patronage. I am satisfied that he wall entertain a due sense of the consideration which you have shewoi to his exalted talents, and I flatter myself that we may confidently count on his promoting the views and objects of the Insti- tution to the utmost extent. “ Elected as your President by the unanimous voice of the Society, and earn- estly sohcited by the most conspicuous of your Members to accept that station, I have not felt myself competent to dechne so marked a distinction ; but I must assure you that I feel very sensibly my entire inabihty to execute its important duties, either with benefit to you or with credit to myself. Far more preferable w^ould it have been to me had this honourable post devolved upon one of your more competent members, and that you had permitted me to have mixed with you as one of your ordinary though not least zealous associates. “ On the present occasion, how^ever, assembled as we are, in commemoration of the anniversary of the Institution of the Bata\ian Society, with such fair pros- pects before us of promoting the original design of its establishment, under the anti- cipated protection of so illustrious a Patron, I cannot refrain from taking a general though imperfect review^ of the progi*ess of the Society, from its first institution, nor TO THE BATAVIAN SOCIETY. 135 from indulging in the contemplation of the lights, which the future exertions of its active and zealous members may throw on man and nature in these remote regions. “ In common with other human institutions, the Batavian Society has been subject to many changes and vicissitudes ; but it is to the calamitous effects of a war which has desolated the finest countries in Europe, and which extended its baneful influence to this distant Isle, that we are principally to attribute its decline. Cut off from all communication with the mother-country, and distracted by internal jealousies and disputes, science drooped, and this Society, which at one time main- tained so distinguished a character, almost ceased to be known. “ The Batavian Society has, I believe, the honour of being the first institution of a literary nature established by Europeans in the East. Previous to its establish- ment, Mr. Radermacher, a gentleman of distinguished talents and a zealous pro- moter of the Christian Religion, and of science, with a few friends at Batavia, con- ceived the idea of assembling together a number of persons of consideration and ability, with the view of encouraging the arts and sciences in this capital and the other Indian establishments then dependant on Holland. They considered that in India, as in Europe, where for two centuries the reformation in letters preceded that in religion, a taste for the arts and sciences must be introduced previously to the general adoption of the Christian Religion in the East ; but they were aware of the difficulties to be encountered, under the circumstances in which the colonies of Holland were then placed, and a considerable period elapsed before the design was carried into effect. “ At length, in the year 1777, when Mr. Radermacher and his father-in-law, the Governor-General De Klerk, were newly elected directors of the Society of Haerlem, a Programma appeared, which contained the plan of extending the branches of that Society to the Indies. The distance and extent of the Dutch colonial possessions in the East did not, however, admit of this plan being realized, but the idea being thus brought forward to public notice, a separate Society was, by the unremitting perseverance of Mr. Radermacher, who may be called the founder of the Institution, established at Batavia. On the 24th of April, 1778, this Society was duly established, under the authority of government, and after the example of Haerlem, took for its motto. The Public Utilitij. On its first organization the Society consisted of 192 members, the Governor-General being Chief Director, and the members of the High Regency Directors. The ordinary members were elected from among the most distinguished inhabitants of Bata\ia, and the possessions of the Company ; and it was enacted, that as many as were present should annually hold a general assembly, in order to judge and decide upon the answers received to the different questions proposed, to propose new questions, and to make general regulations. In addition to this general direction, a Committee was nominated, consisting of eight members, with a presi- 2 136 MR. RAFFLES’ ADDRESS dent and secretary, who were charged with the daily occurrences, and with autho- rity to decide upon and carry into effect whatever might not admit of delay, report- ing their proceedings at the ensuing general assembly. “ The Society selected as objects of research and enquiry wliatever could be useful to agriculture, commerce, and the welfare of the colony ; it encouraged every question relating to natural history, antiquities, and the manners and usages of the native inhabitants, but expressly avoided entering upon any subject which might relate to the East India Company ; and in order the better to define the objects and contribute to their accomplishment, a programma was from time to time printed and circulated abroad. “ These programmas contain many important questions, as well general as par- ticular, relating to agiiculture, commerce, the means of remortng the insalubrity of Batarta, the diseases of the chmate generally, and other points which clearly mark the objects of the Society. Among these, the following question may deserve notice ; — “ ' Bij what means of finesse do the Preachers and Missionaries of the Moslem faith succeed, even at the present day, in converting Pagans to the faith of the Koran, and in establishing them in this faith Although it would seem that this question might either have been answered generally by stating ^ that the Mahomedans at the present day oxoe their success prin- cipally to their more intimate assimilation with those to he converted^ Or, perhaps, eventually by ‘ a philosophical and political view of the first establishment of the Maho- medan Religion on the islands and coasts of the seas lying east of the Straits of Malacca and Sunda.’ It does not appear to have been rephed to in any of the subsequent volumes. The view which I have just mentioned seems to fall peculiarly vithin the province of the Society, and to be highly deserving its attention ; it is a part of his- tory which seems hitherto to have been too little investigated, and a tract on the subject, while it discussed the question alluded to, would naturally introduce other important subjects. “ The Society was no sooner fully established, and its proceedings generally knowm, than it received from all quarters various acquisitions to its cabinet and library. Mr. Radennacher himself presented the Society udth a convenient house, and wth eight cases of valuable books, a collection of animals, fossils, minerals, musical instruments of the Javanese, and of the different coins current in the East ; and in the same year, by the liberality of Mr. Bartto, the Society was enabled to fonn a Botanical Establishment in a garden presented by that gentleman. “ In 1779 the Society undertook to print the first volume of its Transac- tions; the second appeared in 1780, and the third in 1781, but from the want of t^qjes and other unfortunate circumstances, a progi'amma only appeared in 1782. TO THE BATAVIAN SOCIETY. 137 In 1786 the fourth volume was, however, given to the public, but printed in Hol- land, by the commissaries of the Society, under the special privilege of the States General. “ After this period the Society observing that the questions proposed remained unanswered, set to work themselves, and published the fifth volume in 1790. In this and the sixth volume, which appeared in 1792, the essays are written exclu- sively by the members. “ In 1794 the first two essays, intended for the seventh volume, were printed; but no subsequent publication of the transactions of the Society appears to have taken place. “ Subsequent to this period, when the revolutions in Europe, the war and other circumstances of the times, continued to interfere with the prosperity of the Society, it was suggested by some of the members, that by adopting a more limited plan for its proceedings, the objects which the Society had in view might still be obtained ; and accordingly a resolution appears to have been taken to this effect, to which the approval of the High Regency was obtained, in May 1800. “ Under this new organization of the Society, the ‘ Public Utility’ was still the declared object of the Institution ; but the publication of questions, except at the particular suggestion of any member, was discontinued. The Society still continued to consist of men of ability and talent. The direction of the Society was placed in the hands of a Directory of nine persons, including the secretary, who were chosen fi’om among the members, each taking precedence in his turn for one month. Corresponding members were elected at the principal settlements and out-stations, and the general annual assemblies were abolished. In the hands of this Directory the Society appears to have deposited every thing ; and considering the distracted state of the country, such a conduct may perhaps have been essential for maintain- ing its existence during the convulsed period which ensued. “ Notwithstanding the exertions of the Directory to complete the seventh volume, it was found impracticable, and the only acquisitions which it appears to have obtained during the period in which the affairs of the Society were exclusively under its management, are the communications of Dr. Thomas Horsfield. This gentleman was proposed to the High Regency, and authorized to prosecute his botanical researches under the sanction of government. After several excursions in different parts of the island, he estabhshed himself at Souracarta with the view of forming a Flora Javana, forwarding to the Society from time to time reports of his progress, dried plants, and useful descriptions and accounts of discoveries made by him in natural history. “ Such was the state of the Society at the change of government, in 1811, when the dark perspective was illumined, and the talents and ambition of the T 138 MR. RAFFLES’ ADDRESS Society again shone forth from the obscurity in which pohtical circumstances had involved it. “ ^^'ithout noticing particularly the various essays which adorn the pages of the six volumes of the Transactions akeady pubhshed, I shall briefly observe, that as far as my limited knowledge of the language enables me to judge, they contain much useful and interesting information, particularly on economical subjects mate- rially connected with the interests of science and literatm'e. “ In the first vohune uill be found an interesting description of the Dutch possessions in the East Indies, and the transactions are replete with various valuable tracts on agiiculture, commerce, political economy, and natiual history, by Messrs. Radermacher, Van Hogendorp, Hoojunan, Van Iperen, Baron Van Wurmb, Cou- perus. Van der Steege, Titsing, Tessiere, Van Boeckholtz, and others. “ Having thus taken a retrospective \iew of the Society, from its first institu- tion imtil the period when it w^as new modelled under the regulations of last year, I shall proceed briefly to notice the contents of the volume, w^hich is now sent to the press, and to communicate such suggestions as occur to me with regard to our future proceedings. “ In various branches of natural history. Doctor Horsfield is eminently con- spicuous, and the papers wdiich Avill now come before the pubhc from his pen, are highly interesting to science. On the antiquities and native history of the Island, some light is thrown by Lieutenant-Colonel Mackenzie, Sinweyor-General on the Madras Estabhshment, in his interesting tract on the Ruins of Prambana, forming the capital of one of the early dynasties of this Island ; and on the Island of Borneo some interesting data are fm'iiished, on w'hich to found our further enquiries in that immense island, fi'om the pen of the late Dr. Leyden. The circumstances under W'hich this paper was written are stated in a note annexed to the paper itself. Had our late valuable secretary. Dr. Hunter, been spared but a few months, the present volume w'ould not have made its appearance without containing some highly interesting essay from him. His death is deeply deplored by us all, as must for ever be the unexpected and untimely fate of my departed friend Dr. Leyden, who, although not actually initiated as a member of this Society, came fi'om the other India panting after knowledge, and busy in the pm'suit of science. Had Providence ordained that he should have remained a few months on this Island in the exercise of the w'onderful powers of his ever active mind, I am con\inced, that from his extraordinary acquirements in all the languages of the East, his deep eru- dition, and his zeal in the cause, he would have found it no difficult task to have traced the connection which formerly subsisted betw'een the Eastern Islands and Western India, from a comparison of their languages and dialects only. His \iews were the most extended and comprehensive that a philosophic mind can conceive. TO THE BATAVIAN SOCIETY. 139 Ardent in the pursuit of knowledge in every direction, and rising with difficulties, his uncommon mind and rare talents must natiually have overcome every obstacle. A more convincing proof cannot perhaps be offered of the views which he contemplated in setting his foot in this capital of the Eastern Islands, than in the sketch of Borneo, which I have just noticed. This was prepared by him on his passage from Malacca to Batavia druing the progress of the expedition. It stands uncorrected by his masterly hand, but even in its present state, will, I have no doubt, be found to merit a place in your pubhcations. “ Irreparable as the loss of these inestimable promoters of our design and orna- ments of om' age must be, and deep as our regi'et may be felt, we are not to despair of what may hereafter be done; but rather, from the loss we have sustained, put our shoulders more firmly to the wheel, and exert om'selves more than under other more fortunate circumstances, would have been necessary. “ The first point which it appears to me essential to notice with regard to our future proceedings, is the necessity of encouraging and attaining a more general knowledge of the Javanese language. Hitherto the communication with the inhabit- ants of the country has been chiefly through illiterate interpreters, or when direct, through the medimu of a barbarous dialect of Malays, confounded and confused by the introduction of Portuguese and Dutch. Without a thorough knowledge of this language, it is impossible to form any accurate idea of the modes of thinking or acting among the people of this country. Much valuable information may be ex- pected to be found in their books, and when they are more generally known, an attempt may be made to develop the early history of the Island, which, uith the exception of some leading facts, remains, anterior to the introduction of Maho- medanism, involved in obscmlty and fable. “ I have already in my possession three detailed histories of the Island, stated to be taken from their own mitten accoimts ; but as they have passed through one, and in some cases two, intermediate languages, and the persons intrusted uith the first translation not perhaps understanding the subject, I cannot depend upon them. “ Vocabularies have already been collected of the different dialects of the Javanese, and also of the principal languages of the Eastern Seas ; and from the un- remitting and indefatigable exertions of Colonel Mackenzie, whose researches into the history and antiquities of Western India so eminently quahfy him for similar pursuits in this quarter, we are justified in the expectation that many of the doubtful points regarding the early connection of Java and the Eastern Islands with the continent of India \rill be cleared up. “ The collections of Colonel Mackenzie, who has personally risked almost every part of the Island, prove the zeal with which he has taken up the subject; and on his return to India, w^here an opportunity may be afforded of dec)q)hering several inscriptions found in different parts of Java, of which he has taken fac T 2 uo MR. RAFFLES’ ADDRESS s'nniles, we are promised that his exertions not be relaxed in endeavouring to illustrate whatever may be important. “ The opportunity afforded of increasing our stock of Javanese Manuscripts has not been lost ; and if the Government should be enabled to prosecute a plan, which is in contemplation, for fonning an establishment for the acquisition of the language, we may hope that translations of the most important will soon find a place on the shelves of our library. “ Dr. Horsfield still continues his pursuits in natural history, ^^'ith miabated zeal; and although he has been for a time removed from the immediate field of Java, he is prosecuting, in a neighbouring Island, pursuits of a similar nature. The Island of Banca, which has lately fallen into the possession of our Government, had never been explored by Europeans. Dr. Horsfield has undertaken the task, and from his talents, ability, and industry, the most sanguine expectations may he realized. “ Mr. Muntinghe also, whose enlarged Hews and extraordinary endowments so pecuharly qualify him to direct you in the paths of science and literature, will not be wanting in contributing his share to the general piu-poses of the Society. He has already collected many highly interesting tracts on the native Laws and Insti- tutions, as they are traced to have existed antecedent to the introduction of the Mahomedan faith; and when his information is more mature, and his collections more complete, we are justified in the expectation, that he will devote to the Society some portion of that extensive stock of literary acquirement and sound judgment for which he stands so eminently conspicuous. “To the learned Professor Ross, the Society, is ah'eady highly indebted, and while w'e cannot but consider our thanks as peculiarly due to this gentleman for his exertions in preserving the existence of the Society during a period of peculiar de- licacy and difficulty, I am satisfied that w'e may look to him and the other Dutch members for the most essential aid in future. To particularize many of these members would perhaps be invidious to the whole, but if I may be allowed to in- troduce the names of Engelhard, Couperus and Van Naersen, and to calculate on the adv'antages which must be derived from the investigations and communications of these gentlemen, I am sure there are fevv among us who will not readily admit their claim to pre-eminence and distinction. “ Without entering on the various subjects which offer themselv'es for enquiry on Java, and which, not to intrude on your time at present, may be more advan- tageously introduced in a list of desiderata, I shall confine myself to a few observa- tions on the present state of the countries in its vicinity which seem most to demand attention. “ The members of the Society must have been forcibly struck with the rapid progress made by the Asiatic Society in Calcutta; an institution of recent date, TO THE BATAVIAN SOCIETY. 141 compared with that established at Batavia; and however much the decline of the latter may be attributed to the political circumstances already stated, I am inclined to think, that its decay may in some degree have been accelerated by the nature of its constitution. A very essential change has lately been effected, and the regula- tions of the Batavian Society have been new modelled, nearly on the same principle as those of the Asiatic Society in Bengal. Although, therefore, we may not at the present moment boast of so many eminent literary characters as are to be found among the members of that Society, it is but fair to flatter ourselves with the ex- pectation, that under the fortunate change of circumstances which has taken place, with regard to this Island, and the new organization of the Society, our exertions may tend considerably to a better knowledge of this part of the world, and the general advancement of literature and science. “ The objects of the Asiatic Society in Calcutta are so fully explained in the discourses of Sir William Jones, that it is unnecessary to enter into any explanation of them here. The researches of that Society are not confined immediately to Western India; they extend throughout the whole regions of Asia. The whole circle of the sciences, and the wide field of Asia, are alike open to your observation, but it occurs to me, that the interests and object of the Institution will be more ad- vantageously promoted by its exertions being directed to what falls more immedi- ately within your reach. “ It is to what has been emphatically termed the “ Further East” that I would direct your more immediate attention; and here, if I am not mistaken, an ample field is afforded. The history of Sumatra, by Mr. Marsden, has thrown so clear a light on the country and character of the inhabitants, that I have but to refer you to that valuable work for all that is yet known respecting that interesting Island. Much, however, still remains to be done, even in this quarter, and our recent con- nection with Palembang, and the Southern Provinces of the Island, promises to afford every facihty to our enquiries. Of Banca, we shall no doubt possess the most accurate and interesting information, on the return of Dr. Horsfield, and as our recent establishment in that quarter forms a new centre, from which our enquiries may diverge, the various countries in its vicinity will no doubt be early explored. " Of the chain of Islands lying East of Java, and with it denominated generally the Sunda Islands, I shall only notice particularly that of Bali. This Island lies so close to Java that it is surprising so little is known of it. All accounts agree, that vestiges of the Hindu or B’hudist religion, perhaps of both, are still to be found. Some accounts go so far as to state, that in the interior of the country, the inha- bitants are divided into four tribes, termed Bramana, Sudra, Wazier, and Sutra; and it is certain, that on the final estabhshment of the Mahomedan rehgion in Java, the Hindus or B’hudists, who remained unconverted, took refuge in that Island. I will 142 MR. RAFFLES’ ADDRESS not venture further on this unkno-vra ground, feeling satisfied that another year \\ill not he allowed to pass by ^^^thout personal obser\'ation on the spot by some inquisi- tive enquirer. “ 'U'e have hitherto only adverted to the countries Ipng in the more immediate ncinity of Java, but in extending the prospect, and directing our views eastward to the other islands of the Archipelago, our attention is forcibly attracted by the great Island of Borneo, hitherto a blank on the chart of the world. From the best in- formation we have yet been able to obtain of this immense Island, greater in extent than any cinlized nation of Europe, and abundantly rich in the most valuable natirral productions, it would appear that the whole coimtiy was, at no very remote period, di^^ded under the three empires of Borneo, Sucadana, and Banjer Masin, of which the reigning princes of the two latter trace their descent from Mah’japahit in Java. “ Borneo or B’rni, now tenned by us Borneo Proper, having been the first port risked by Europeans, may have given rise to the name of Borneo being erroneously applied to the whole Island, which by the native mhabitants, and universally by the Eastern States, is termed Pulu K’lemantan. Its princes deduce their origin from the Sultans of Johore, but such is the vTetched state to which their country has fallen, that they possess little more than nominal authority, except on the immediate spot of their residence. “ Sucadana, though the most conspicuous in latter times, is now reduced to little more than a name. To the rise of Sambas, Pontiana, and other petty states on its numerous rivers, originating in grants and usurpations of various portions of the empire, the destmction of the seat of govermnent by the Dutch, and the general imbecility and want of entei'prize on the part of the reigning princes, may be attri- buted the state into which the present possessor of the title has latterly fallen. He resides entirely at iMatan, an inconsiderable place far up an adjacent river. This prince still possesses the large diamond which has been for eight generations in his family, but retains little other valuable appendage or consideration to support either his rank or authority. “ Banjer Masin, although not much indebted to the interference of the Dutch in promoting its internal improvement, still owes much of its remaining respectability as a State, to the protection afforded by the presence of the Em'opean authority. Deprived, however, latterly of that support, commlsed by the consequences of the measiues which closed the period of Dutch influence, and exposed to the inroads of piratical enterjmse, it was rapidly falling into decay, and in a short period its princes would perhaps have had little more to boast than those of Sucadana, had not the fostering care of the European power been again extended by the encom'agement given to the ^^’ishes and expectations of the reigning prince, whose conduct affords, amongst many others, a convincing proof how much the interests, welfare, and even TO THE BATAVIAN SOCIETY. 143 existence of the native states depend on the ability and character of the reigninj^ prince “ A more intimate acquaintance with Banjer Masin than with the other parts of the Island enables us to speak more decidedly with regard to the progress of civiliz- ation in the interior of the country, and the general state of the Southern Provinces. Something has already been written on the northern part, and the settlements formerly maintained by the English have thrown some light on the character of the country and habits of the population in that quarter ; the interference which has been found requisite, for the immediate suppression of piracy in the states formerly appertaining to Sucadana, will also afford the means by which much interesting in- formation will be obtained from thence. Banjer Masin, in common with Java, still retains some vestiges of Hindu antiquity, and among others it may not be uninteresting to notice the circumstance of the Sultan being in possession of a golden tortoise with several rings, on which are engraved the figures of Ishwara and other Hindu deities, and impressions of the cow and elephant f . “ Of the population of the Island, all that we are yet justified in saying is, that the Moslems appear to have estabhshed themselves in authority over the aborigines, who are generally termed Orang Dayak, in those parts of the country adjacent to settlements which they have formed on the banks of the many rivers with which the * The Factory of Banjer Masin was withdrawn, and the connection abandoned by the Dutch, early in 1809, the Sultan purchasing, for the sum of 50,000 Rix Dollars, the forts and buildings, on his being declared independent. ■f The manner in which the golden tortoise was discovered is thus related:— “In the reign of the former Sultan, a native of Banjer Masin, when at sea in company with a Kling, or native of the coast of Coromandel, ascertained from conversation that the latter, who was a Hindu, had a secret object in pro- ceeding to Banjer Masin, and at length discovered that object to be the recovery of property belonging to his ancestors, which appeared to lie buried in the earth at a place called Mirampiad. Stimulated by the expectation of gain, he dissuaded the Hindu from immediately prosecuting his object, and bent his own course directly to the spot, where, after digging to a considerable depth, he discovered several compart- ments inclosed by walls, in one of which he found the tortoise, with a pot of gold-dust on the back.” Intelligence being immediately carried to the Sultan, his further researches were prevented, in consequence of the spot being seized as a droit of royalty ; after which no further investigation appears to have taken place. The cow is said to be never seen among the emblems of Hindu or Vedantic Mythology ; but the Ox frequently. The elephant is introduced merely as an ornament, except when repeated in certain stories with other figures of the drama. The elephant exhibited on the seal-ring may have some allusion to the Calinga or Telinga state, the chief of which was denominated the Gaja Putty, or Lord of Elephants. In like manner as the Chief or King of the Carnatic was denominated Nara Patty, or Lord of Men, but the seal of Carnatic was a rvild-hog. Pillars and remains of buildings, evidently traces of a more enlightened population at a remote period, have been noticed a considerable way up the river ; but until that part of the country is visited by Europeans, it would be premature to offer any observation on their origin and design. 1 lit MR. RAFFLES’ ADDRESS Island is watered. These extend some distance inland, but the Mahomedan in- fluence has not spread far into the interior. Indeed, the mass of the population, which may have submitted to the Moslem Chiefs, still remains unconverted to the Mahomedan faith, and in the interior their habits are so barbarous as to prevent all intercourse, even with the Mahomedans most in their \'icinity. Those subjected to the Mahomedans appear to be mostly tractable and of mild disposition, but so wretchedly sunk in barbarous stupidity as to submit to every indignity without resistance, while those who still retain their independence, and who are to be con- sidered as the bulk of the original population, form innumerable ferocious tribes, constantly at variance with each other, and indi\’idually rejecting internal govern- ment and controul. “ It may be a question whether the present state of society, among the unsub- dued inhabitants, is to be attributed to any marked distinction between them and those who have submitted to the Mahomedan mle, or whether the barbarity, which now disgi'aces human nature, may not be traced in a great measure to the conduct obseiTed to those who have submitted to a foreign influence. Be this as it may, it is a lamentable fact not to be disputed, that at the present day, almost within sight of Java, the sacrifice of human beings at ceremonies and festivals is so common, that entei*prises are undertaken divested of every other object but the attainment of human beings for such occasions. “ Where such practices are prevalent, it is not to be expected that a country can boast extensive population ; indeed, under such circumstances, it may rather be matter of surprise that Borneo should be so populous as it is. Happily there is no state of human nature so debased as not to afford a field for improvement, and although the horrid custom alluded to would seem to check any sanguine hope of a rapid change being effected, there are some traits to be found, even in these savages, which afford an opening for intercourse and consequent improvement. They are not without industry, and when met by candour and kind treatment, are rather disposed than otherwise to a trading intercourse. From mild and judicious manage- ment much may be expected. “ From what has been said of the present state of Borneo, it follows, that we are not to calculate on any immediate addition to our stock of useful arts ; but as every untrodden path affords some new incitement to the inquisitive mind, we may look for much in the various branches of natural history ; — to the philosophic mind a wide and interesting field is opened, and while we contemplate, in a political point of riew, the advantages which must result from bringing forth, and directing in a proper comse, the latent energies and resources of so large a portion of the habitable globe, it must be a pleasing reflection to the philanthropist, that so many of our fellow-creatures are thus gradually retrieved from ignorance, barbarism, and self- destruction. TO THE BATAVIAN SOCIETY. 145 “ Proceeding east, our progress is arrested by the Celebes, an island as remark- able for its peculiar shape, as for the martial and commercial enterprise of a great portion of its inhabitants. Of this island, however, we yet know but little that is to be depended upon, except of the south-west limb, and the immediate neighbour- hood of the north-east point. “ Among the records of the Dutch government a very interesting map of the south-westeni limb has been found ; and from the minuteness and ability with which it appears to be executed, it promises to throw much light on the general nature of the country; and will, at all events, facihtate a more accurate survey whenever circumstances may admit of such an undertaking. “ The most prominent nations in this part of Celebes are the Bugis and Ma- casar or Mengasar, but hitherto we have only discovered one wiatten character, distinct from every other in the Eastern Islands. The Mahomedan religion prevails generally throughout this part of the island, but in the northern provinces, beyond Mandhar, and generally in every interior part of the island, human nature appears nearly in the same rude state as we have described it in the interior of Borneo. “ The people are, however, knoum under the general denomination of Alfur or Arafura, which term is extended to the same description of inhabitants in the islands further east ; these last do not appear to differ essentially from the Orang Dayak of Borneo, and may ^^^th them be considered as the aborigines of these islands. The Celebes, from its peculiar figure, seems admirably adapted for the purposes of commercial intercourse ; and although but a very small portion seems yet to have advanced to any degree of cirtlization, they are renowned among other eastern nations for the spirit of commerce and war. They have established various colonies on the opposite coast of Borneo, and on the shores of the adjacent islands, and even maintain an influence of no inconsiderable weight in the pohtics of the Malayan States west as far as the Straits of Malacca. The Bugis and Macasar nations, like the Javanese, are nations perfectly distinct from the Malays ; but we are not yet sufficiently acquainted with the native history, to assert how far they are entitled to be considered as the indigenous inhabitants of the country. “ We know pretty accurately the date of the introduction of the Mahomedan faith, and some leading circumstances relating to the conversion of the people ; but from the advanced state of their civilization compared with that of the Ai*afuras, it must be inferred, that at the period of its introduction, they had attained a con- siderable degree of improvement beyond the bulk of the population ; and indeed, we are borne out by tradition and bistory in the belief that, in this part of the island, there existed a powerful nation, long antecedent to the introduction of Maho- medanism. M e are not, however, prepared to say from what foreign quarter this portion of the native population was first civilized, and we are not yet informed whether, as in Java, any traces are to be found of Hinduism. On these points, u U6 MR. RAFFLES’ ADDRESS and in short on eveiy essential point, we have much to learn ; and the field is so important and interesting, that I flatter myself the period is not far distant, when the pages of our transactions may throw much fight on the subject, '^^'e have already, as I before noticed, obtained through the assistance of Captain Phillips, the Resident, very extensive vocabularies of the language, and the enquiries which have been set on foot by that gentleman, at the suggestion of the Society, promise the most interesting result. “ Further East lies the Island of Jelolo or Halamahira, which is situated between the Moluccas and the Papua Islands, as Celebes itself is situated between the Moluccas and Borneo. Jelolo has sometunes, fi-om its form, been denominated little Celebes. With the western coast of this Island we are less acquainted, but the inhabitants of the eastern coasts, especially those of Asa and Maba, are, from their connection on the jNIoluccas, well knoAvii. These, however, would appear to occupy so small a portion of the countiy compared vith the Alfurs, that we can liardly be said to be yet fully acquainted vith the bulk of the inhabitants. On this island, therefore, and the group of smaller islands in its neighbour- hood, including the Moluccas, the first object appears to be that of ascertaining coiTectly what is already known ; and after reducing the same to such a form as may funiish a basis, or at least determined points, fi'om which to proceed on fiuther enquir)' and investigation, to persevere steadily in the attainment of what is defi- cient. Om’ infoinnation on the natural history of the Moluccas is perhaps more complete than that of any region of the East, and it is not among the least dis- tinguished records of om’ Society, that we find a manuscript copy of an original work of the celebrated Rumphius. “ I fear I have already detained you too long in thus particularising the present state of these Islands, considering that however interesting and unportant they may be, as Ipng contiguous to the seat of our deliberations, they embrace but a small portion of the extensive tract which lays open to the Society, even within the range that I am desirous of defining. To enter upon the whole, othenrise than generally, would be foreign to the object of the present discourse, and I am far from being competent to undertake the task ; but while I hastily pass over New Guinea and New Holland, vith the numerous islands of the Southern Seas, reserring the observations which occiu' on these for a future occasion, I cannot refrain from noticing the rapid progress of the European settlements in the more Southern parts of New Holland, and anticipating the practicability of obtaining, in concert vith men of research in that quarter, early and interesting infoi’mation on many import- ant points which still remain doubtful. “ Much has been said and collected by Mr. Dalpunple on the Sulu Islands, and on the large Island of IMindanawi or Majindanau, but it must be confessed, that very little fight is yet thrown on the history of man in those regions — the mine is o TO THE BATAVIAN SOCIETY. 147 still unexplored, and from the notice in the writings of the Seignor Margarette and others on Luconia and the Philippine Islands, much may still be expected in aid of what has already been suggested. From the intimate political connection now opening with the Spanish posses- sions in both hemispheres, the period is, I trust, not far distant, when an inter- course between our Society and similar institutions existing at Manilla, may bring to light much interesting information. Under existing circumstances, it will naturally occur, that no time should be lost in opening correspondence, and in encouraging the most unreserved and cordial communication. Had I not already trespassed too long on your time, I should have been inclined to indulge at some length on the prospect which the projected enterprise to Japan affords in aid of our researches in that quarter. From the distinguished talents of Dr. Ainshe, the English Secretary to the Society, who proceeds as Com- missioner on the part of the English government, we have just grounds for antici- pating the acquisition of much that is to be learnt from these remote and interesting countries. “ I must however now apologise for the very unconnected and diffuse manner in which I have taken the hberty to address you. The occasion required that I should say something, and I have already stated how inadequate I felt myself to say any thing to the purpose. I cannot, however, conclude without offering to you my congratidations on the revival of the Institution under its present promising circum- stances, nor without noticing the hberal manner in which you have undertaken the pubhcation of a ^ New Edition of the Sacred Scriptures in the Malayan character.’ Allow me to assure you, that I am individually deeply interested in the success of the Institution, and that, while it may be in my power, from my official situation, or otherwise, to encourage and protect your laudable pursuits and undertakings, you may calculate on the most unreserved and liberal support of government.” “ A Discoiu'se delivered on the 11th September, 1815, hij the Honourable Thomas Stamford Raffles, President. “ Gentlemen, “ A series of domestic afflictions, alas ! but too well known to you all, have followed in such quick succession to the melancholy event which it has long been my duty to communicate, that, until the present hour, I have felt myself in every way unequal to the trying task of publicly announcing to you the death of om: noble and enlightened patron, the late Earl of Minto ; an event so unlooked for, and so painfully calamitous in its immediate effects, that, to use the energetic language of Mr. Muntinghe, it ^ obliged us,’ as it were, ^ to close our li^JS bef ore the Almighty !’ u 2 118 MR. RAFFLES’ ADDRESS For how difficult was it to be reconciled to our wishes, and to our natural conceptions of right and ^^Tong, that a man of such public and private worth should have been lost to his country, and snatched away from the embraces of his friends and family, at the very moment he was to receive the only reward which, in this world, could recompense his past labom's — a calm and placid recollection of the arduous, but successful career he had run ? How difficult was it to be reconciled to our ideas of remunerative justice, that the man who had so successfully served his country, should only live to see his triumphs completed, but not be allowed to enjoy them ; that he should not even have been allowed to live the necessary space of time to make the extent of his services known, and to describe the nature of the conquests he had made ? And if, in this instance, it may occur that the public and the nation is, if not more, at least as much, the sufferer as the indiHdual, how, again, is it to be reconciled to indiHdual desert, that a man so eminent in private and domestic rirtue ; who had been seen, descending fi*om the high station which he held, hastening in person to the pestilential shores of Bataria, administering on the way every aid and assistance to a sickly son ; and who, after this beloved son fell a sacrifice, knew how to tranquillize his mind by the most elegant and consoling reflection, that his death was the Jirst and only grievance which either this son or any of his children had ever inflicted on their parents ; that this father, blessed with such a family, and with such a sense of domestic felicity, should be snatched aw^ay by death, almost in sight of his home, and wffiile they w^ere stretching forth their arms to receive and embrace him ? “ If not so strong and intense in their feehng, yet of the same nature, and more extensive in their operation, WTre the ties which attached him to this colony — to the whole community of Java, and especially to our Society — a tender and parental care for the Island of Java was publicly avowed on different occasions ; the proofs of it were received ; the European community was saved and preserved by his humanity, and on his responsibility : for the native administration principles were laid dowm, on which the wffiole of the present stmcture has been raised ; and in every instance a wish w'as erinced of improving the successes of war, as much in favour of the conquered as of the conqueror. “ It would not be proper, on this occasion, to enter into particulars ; but who does not gi’atefully recollect the general tenor of his Lordship’s conduct and demean- our while on Java ? administering aid and assistance with his owm hands to the maimed and w'ounded of his enemies ; setting, in the midst of his successes, an ex- ample of moderation and simplicity of manner even to the vanquished — proceeding often in public without any other signs of gi-eatness and distinction, than wiiat the whole community, singly and jointly, w'ere eager to shew him ; never missing an opportunity of doing even a temporary good ; and conciliating, by these means, the minds of the public to such a degree, that enemies were rendered friends, and that the names of conqueror and subduer were lost in those of protector and liberator. J P?^ - 1^ ■'■>7 -T*, -- ,. , 5-rrv , ■■:’^:-y^ i^h i ■ A'f >i • ' * ■. ‘ St--‘W* ■ '.A.' .. ,■.>/« * -'s i / •', . A > '^.: ti ». ■% -,. •N fS.^ . . * _ ^ ‘ ’>■ ^ ‘ » • *-* • i ' -:• . W 1 . . '-..r WSE ,'l :^..*>'rt'j-,;,: ?*: c' .;j . a* 1 _ TO THE BATAVIAN SOCIETY. 1 19 How hard, therefore, was it for the befriended and protected to lose their protector and liberator ; and for the protector himself not to be allowed to see the fruits of his benevolence come to a proper maturity ! “ But, however deeply we may, from these reflections, be led to bewail this melancholy event, let us beware not to murmur against the ways of Providence ; nothing would be more unbecoming a literary and scientific society. Let us rather di'aw from all these circumstances the consoling reflection, that as Divine Justice will never fail, and fidl compensation seemed to be wanting on this side the grave, the deficiency will be amply filled up in another state, wLere life, bliss, and happiness will be everlasting. “ Having paid this humble tribute to the memory of our departed Patron, I pro- ceed to notice the result of those inquiries, which have either been set on foot by the Society, or have fallen under its immediate observation, in the various branches of its pursuits, since I had last the honour of publicly addressing you. At that period Dr. Horsfield had, under instructions from Government, just commenced his laborious exertions on Banca : we have since seen those exertions brought to a close ; and I have to report the collection of the most complete informa- tion regarding the position, constitution, and productions of that important island. The state of society has not been omitted in the investigation, and satisfactory data have been fmmished, on which to estimate the present condition of its inhabitants, as well as to contemplate plans for their progressive advancement in civilization and happiness. It is during the later periods only of the European establishments in the East, that Banca has attracted notice. The discovery of the tin mines about the conclu- sion of the last century, first gave it celebrity ; but we can only date the commence- ment of scientific investigation, or of European control, from the period of its ces- sion to the British Government in 1812. The Dutch government, it is true, set on foot various inquiries at different periods ; and some account of the population and produce of the country is contained in the earher volumes of our Transactions ; but those views being confined to commercial objects, and the despotic sway of the native government of Palembang still remaining absolute, but little was knowm of the comitry beyond the extent of the produce in tin which it could annually export. In explanation of the geographical description, and in order to point out the places referred to in the descriptions of the mines, and in the detail of the mineralo- gical and botanical remarks. Dr. Horsfield has constructed the outhne of a map, in wLich are laid down the principal rivers, the mountains and ridges of hills, ^vith the settlements of the Malays and Chinese, and the divisions adopted by the original inhabitants. After entering into a detailed geographical account of the Island, and furnish- ing statistic tables of the population and produce. Dr. Horsfield proceeds to a narra- 150 MR. RAFFLES’ ADDRESS live of the mineralogical appearances, as explanatory of the constitution of the mines, and of the geological histoiy of the country. “ On the mineralogical constitution of Banca, he observes, that ^ the direction of the Island being from North-west to South-east, it follows not only the direction of Sumatra and the Malayan peninsula, but the large chain of Asiatic mountains, one of the many branches of which terminates in Ceylon, while another, traversing Arakan, Pegu, the Malayan peninsula, and probably Sumatra, sends olf an inferior range through Banca and Billiton, where it may be considered to disappear.’ The elevated parts of Banca are observed to have the same constitution as the gi*eat con- tinental chain, being composed principally of granite. Next to these occurs a species of rock, which he terms ^ ?'ed h'on-stone,’ extensively distributed on situations of secondary elevation, in single rocks, or in veins of many united together, covering large tracts of comitry. Tracts composed of this stone are bounded by alluvial dis- tricts, which are again subdivided into such as are formed of waving hills, gi'adually rising on each other, apparently of prior fonuation, and of such as are low and level, of recent origin, and confining the discharge of rivers. Those districts which occur in juxta position of the primitive portions, filling the space between these and the veins of ‘ red iron-stone or, again, between those and the allmdal parts, are stratified, the strata being uniformly horizontally arranged. “ It is through these horizontal strata that the tin ore is represented to be dis- seminated ; and, as far as has hitherto been remarked, it appears to lie either imme- diately under the sm'face, or at no great distance below it. “ Another section of the report contains a view of the tin mines, exhibiting a general enumeration of those worked at present, or in former periods, with an account of the process of mining, and of the economy of the mines. “ The process of mining on Banca is remarkable for its simphcity ; it consists in an excavation, of a square or oblong form, made by digging perpendicularly to the beds, or strata, containing the ore, and in a proper application of the water, to facili- tate the labours of the miners and the washing of the ore. There is no necessity, as in other countries, where the metal hes concealed in deep veins, to have recourse to difficult operations, or expensive macliinery. The process, indeed, requires so little previous instruction, that it is mostly performed by persons whose only quahfi- cation is a robust constitution. A favourable spot being selected, the pit is sketched out ; a canal conducted from the nearest rivulet ; and the miners excavate until they arrive at the stratum containing the ore : this is then deposited in heaps near the water, so as to be conveniently placed for washing. The aqueduct is lined vrith the bark of large trees ; and a stronger current being produced by the admission of more water, the heaps are thrown in and agitated by the workmen — the particles of ore subsiding by means of their gravity, and the earth being carried away by the current. TO THE BATAVIAN SOCIETY. 151 “ When a sufficient quantity of ore is thus accumulated, the process of smelting commences : this is also very minutely and accurately described by Dr. Horsfield. It is unnecessary to observe, that almost all the operations connected with the pro- cess of mining and the refining of the metal, are perfonned by Chinese. “ In his botanical pursuits. Dr. Horsfield has been peculiarly successful ; his descriptions comprising a collection of upwards of five hundi-ed plants, of which sixteen appear to be of doubtful genera. “ An account of the inhabitants, their mode of life and occupations, the state of agriculture, and the history of the different settlements, is introduced into this valu- able report, which I hope will shortly appear in print, under the liberal patronage and support of the East India Company. In this expectation, and that I may not diminish the interest excited in its favour, or exceed the latitude with which I am vested, by more extensive drafts on the interesting information which it contains, I shall close these notices on Banca by a short account of the extent and character of the population, as it appeared to Dr. Horsfield at the early period of the establish- ment of European influence. The inhabitants of Banca consist of Malays, Chinese, Orang Gunung, or moun- taineers, and Rayads, (Orang Laut,) or sea people. The Malays are few in number, of a peaceable disposition, but indolent, and of little importance in the affairs of the Island. The Chinese preserv^e, on Banca, their original habits of industry, enter- prise, and perseverance ; they are the most usefid among the inhabitants, and indis- pensable in the labours of the mines. The general character of the Orang Gunung, or moimtaineers, the original and, perhaps, most interesting portion of the popula- tion, is Hide simplicity. Dispersed over large tracts in the interior of the country, they live nearly in a state of nature, but submit without resistance to the general regulations which have been established, and willingly perform the labours required of them, although their natural timidity and wandering habits render them, in a con- siderable degree, inaccessible to Europeans. The Rayads are the remains of a pecu- liar race of people so called, living with their families and household in small prows in the Bays of Jebus and Klabut, and obtaining a subsistence by fishing and adven- ture : particulars of the habits and dialects of both the mountaineers and Rayads, uill form a separate notice. “ On Borneo, if we have not derived the advantage of scientific inquiry, we have yet added considerably to our stock of information, in a more correct knowledge of the character and habits of the native population ; in the collection of vocabularies of many of the dialects of the country, and in the attainment of many interesting particulars regarding the extensive colonies of Chinese, by which the gold mines are . worked. “ Some notices have been received of ruins of temples, statues, and dilapidated cities, and of the existence of various inscriptions in different parts of the coimtry. 152 MU. RAFFLES’ ADDRESS in characters unknown to the Chinese, Malay, or Dayak ; but the information yet received is too vague, and, in some instances, too contradictory to be relied upon ; and the question whether this island, at any former period, rose to any considerable degi'ee of greatness, must yet remain undecided. Embanking, as it were, the navi- gable pathway between the eastern and western hemispheres, and lying contiguous to the most populous regions of the globe, China and Japan, there can be little doubt but, at one period, she must have risen far above her present state of degradation and neglect. That Borneo was \'isited, many centuries ago, by the Chinese and Japanese, is well estabhshed ; but whether the country was ever more extensively colonized by either of those nations, than it is at present from China, must be left to future inquiry. Porcelain jars, plates, vases, and earthen utensils of various descriptions, the manufacture of China and Japan, are frequently discovered in chfferent parts of the country ; and such is the veneration in which these articles, so found, are held, that a single jar of this description has been known to be piuchased by the Dayaks of the interior, for a sum not far short of two hundred pounds sterling : these jars are prized by the Dayaks as the supposed depositories of the ashes of their fore- fathers. “ I would here notice the information collected regarding the different tribes of Dayaks which have come under observation, did not the detail appear misplaced in the very general view which I am, of necessity, compelled to take of the subject. I will only observe, that from a comparative vocabulary of as many of their chalects as are at present attainable, they appear to differ but httle from the Malayan ; that of the numerous tribes described by name and peculiarities, several are represented as tattooed ; and that some are noticed with curled hair, and resembling the Papuas. “ In the vicinity of Banjar-Masing, no opportunity has been lost of improving our intelligence. Mr. Alexander Hare, the founder of the interesting colony estabhshed in the southern part of the Island, has himself penetrated across the south-westeni peninsula ; and as confidence increases, we may look to a more extensive intercourse with the rude and scattered tribes of the interior. “ In a former discourse, I took occasion to notice, that the most prominent peo- })le on Celebes were the Bugis and Macasar ; that, though speaking different lan- guages, they adopted the same peculiar written character; and that the Maho- medan religion prevailed generally in those parts of the Island, which might be con- sidered to have at all advanced from a state of barbarism. “ Confining our observations to the south-western limb of this whimsically- shaped Island, we may infer, that notwithstanding the country has greatly declined since its intercourse with Europeans, it may still be reckoned populous, compared with many of the islands of the East. The population has been roughly estimated at about a million ; but the data on which this estimate was formed, are not to be unreservedly relied upon. TO THE BATAVIAN SOCIETY. 153 “ About the period of the first anival of Europeans in the East, the Macasar and Bugis tribes were among the principal dealers in spices, and the Island of Celebes was nearly under the authority of a single Sovereign. On the breaking down of this great empire, several of the minor states submitted to Eiu'opean administration ; while the support given to the authority of Boni, and the monopoly of the spice- trade by Europeans, effectually reduced the pohtical influence of the ancient state of Goa. “ The most ancient state of which tradition makes mention on Celebes, is Luhu, or Luwu, situated in the inner part of the Bay of Boni ; and their galigas, or historical romances, are replete with the adventures and exploits oi^Sawira Gading, the first Chief of that country, and who is said to have extended his dominions to the Straits of Malacca. Next to Luhu, the empire of Goa has the greatest claims to antiquity ; and a period is mentioned when this state extended its influence to Acheen, Manda, Sulu, Ternate, and the whole of the Spice-islands. “ In 1663 Rajah Palaka visited Bata\da, and in 1666 co-operated with the Dutch government against the native states on the coast of Sumatra. From this period the authority of Boni advanced, until the recent arrangements by the British govern- ment. “ The Macasar and Bugis tribes are known to be the most bold, adventurous, and enterprising of all the Eastern nations. They were formerly celebrated for their fidehty and their com'age, and for this reason were employed as the Swiss in Europe, not only in the armies of Siam, Camboja, and other countries, but also as guards to their princes. The most singular feature in the constitution of society on Celebes, is that of an elective Monarchy, hmited by an Aristocracy, generally hereditary, and exercising feudal authority over the minor Chiefs and poprflation, at all times prepared to take the field; a constitution of society which, however common to Europe, is perhaps without parallel in Asia, where, from the influence of climate, rehgion, and pohtical institutions, we seldom witness any considerable departure from the despotic sway of one individual. The whole of the states on that portion of Celebes to which I have alluded, are constituted on this principle : the Prince is chosen from the royal stock by a certain number of counsellors, who also possess the right of subsequently removing him ; these counsellors are themselves elected from particular families of the hereditary Chiefs of provinces ; and such is their influence, that the Prince can neither go to war, nor, indeed, adopt any public measure, except in concert with them ; they have the charge of the pubhc treasure, and also appoint the Prime- minister. The Prince cannot himself take the personal command of the army ; but the usage of the country admits of a temporary resignation of office for this purpose ; in which case a Regent succeeds provisionally to the rank of Chief, and carries on the affairs of government in concert with the majority of the council. X 154 MR. RAFFLES’ ADDRESS Women and minors are eligible to election in eveiy department of the state, from the Prince down to the lowest Chief ; and when this takes place, an additional officer, haring a title which literally means support, or prop, is appointed to assist. Some variation is observable in the different states : in Boni, the Prince is elected by the Orang Pitu, or seven hereditary counsellors ; in Goa, the Prince is chosen by ten counsellors, of whom the first minister, termed Bechara Buta, is one. This last officer is himself first appointed by the comicil of nine, termed the nine farmers of the country ; but in the exercise of his office possesses very extraordinary powers ; he can even remove the Prince himself, and call upon the electors to make another choice. The inferior Chiefs, or Krains, who administer the dependant prorinces, are appointed by the government and not elected by a council, although, in the exercise of their office, their power is in like manner limited ; the number of the council vary- ing, in different prorinces, from two to seven. “ War is decided upon in the comicil of the state ; and so forcibly is the despe- rate ferocity and barbarism of the people depicted by the conduct they observe on these occasions, and in their subsequent proceeding towards their enemies, that, however revolting the contemplation of such a state of society may be, it fonns too striking a trait in their character to be omitted. War being decided upon by the Prince in comicil, the assembled Chiefs, after sprinkling their banners with blood, proceed to take a solemn oath, by dipping their criss in a vessel of water, and after- wards dancing around the bloody banner with frantic gesture, and a strange con- tortion of the body and hmbs, so as to give the extended criss a tremulous motion : each severally imprecates the vengeance of the Deity against his person, if he vio- lates his vow. An enemy is no sooner slain, than the body is decapitated, and treated with every indignity which the barbarous triumph of savages can dictate ; the heads are carried on poles, or sent in to the Lord Paramount. Some accounts go so far as to represent them devouring the raw heart of their subdued enemy ; and whatever shadow of doubt humanity may throw over this appalhng fact, it cannot be denied that their favourite meal is the raw heart and blood of the deer. This repast is termed Lor Dura, or the feast of the bloody heart, which they are said to devom*, as among the Battas, in the season when limes and salt are plenty. “ This, however, is viewing them on the worst side of their character, with immediate reference to their conduct in war, and to practices found to prevail among that portion of the population labouring under the restrictions on foreign commerce ; there are other points of view in which it may be more favom*ably considered. “ The inhabitants of the Wad ju districts, in particular, are celebrated for their enterprise and intelligence ; extending their commercial speculations, with a high character for honourable and fair deahng, from the western shores of Siam to the eastern coast of New Holland. Women, as before observed, take an active part in all pubhc concerns, and are in no instances secluded from society, being on a perfect TO THE BATAVIAN SOCIETY. 155 equality with the men. The strongest attachment that is conceivable is felt for ancient customs, and relics of antiquity are held in the highest possible veneration. They are slow and deliberate in their decisions ; but these, once formed, are final. Agreements once entered into, are invariably observed on their part : and a Bugis is never known to swerve from his bargain. That natural pohteness which charac- terizes the various nations and tribes distinguished by wearing the criss, is no where more forcibly exhibited than among the inhabitants of Celebes. Their minor asso- ciations are held together by all the attachment and warmth which have distinguished the clans of North Britain. The same bold spirit of independence and enterprise distinguishes the lower orders ; whilst the pride of ancestry, and the romance of chi- valr)% are the delight of the higher classes. Attached to the chace as an amuse- ment, rather than as the means of subsistence, the harvest is no sooner reaped, than each feudal Chief, with his associates and followers, devotes himself to its pursuits. The population being equally at the command of the feudal Lord, whether in time of peace or war, agricultural pirrsuits, beyond what may procure a bare subsistence, are but little attended to. The usual share of the crop at the disposal of the Chief, is a tythe termed Sima ; this, with a few imposts in the Bazars, and the services of the people, constitute the revenue of the state. “ The languages and literature of the Celebes require a more extended and detailed view than it is possible to take of either on the present occasion. I shall, therefore, only briefly obseiwe, that the language prevalent throughout these states appears, at no very remote period, to have been the same ; but that the various revolutions which first raised the power of Goa, and subsequently elevated that of Boni to a still higher importance, have, in separating the states under two distinct authorities, given rise to two prevaihng dialects, now assuming the appellation ol' tw^o distinct languages — the language of Goa or Macasar is peculiarly soft, and is considered to be the most easy of acquisition, but not to be so copious as that of the Bugis — whether the Bugis language contains any portion of a more ancient language than either (of which traces are said to exist in some old manuscripts of the country), or, from commercial intercourse with other states, has adopted more foreign terms, is yet to be determined — the written character is nearly the same ; the Macasars, however, using more consonant sounds than the Bugis — the same practice of softening the abrupt or harsh sound of a word ending in a consonant, by attaching a final a or o, so general in almost every tongue of the Archipelago, is common to, and, I beheve, invariably observed in both these languages. “ The possible existence of a language distinct from and anterior to those now in use, is a subject w^ell deseiwing enquiry — the Bugis trace back to Sawira Gading, whom they represent to have proceeded in immediate descent from their heavenly mediator, Bitara Guru, and to have been the first Chief of any celebrity on Celebes — he reigned, as I before observed, over Luhu, the most ancient kingdom on X 2 156 MR. RAFFLES’ ADDRESS Celebes, and a lapse of time equal to seven descents, is said to have taken place before the establishment of Boni — both this Chieftain, and the founder of the empire of Goa, are represented to have been great navigators and foreigners, or, according to the romance of native tradition, deities sent fi'om heaven to govern and take care of them. The inhabitants of Macasar have no idea by what means, and at what period, the present form of government, of the nine Glarang, and the Bichara Buta of Goa, was established. “ Literary compositions, in both the iSIacasar and Bugis languages, are nume- rous ; these consist principally of historical accomits of the different states, since the introduction of Mahomedanism, which is represented to have taken place so late as the early part of the sixteenth century ; of Galigas, or collections of ti*adi_ tions, regarding more early times ; of romances and poetical compositions, in which love, war, and the chace, are the favourite theme. They possess a paraphrase of the Koran, and several works eridently translated from the Javanese and Arabic, and many in common with the ^Nlalajm — works on judicial astrology, collections of institutions and customs which have all the force of law, — and each principal state adopts the practice of duly recording every public event of importance as it occurs. “ I shall not longer detain you with notices on our external relations, while so wide and interesting a field attracts attention at home ; on Java, and that range of islands which modern geographers have classed under the denomination of the Sunda Islands. I have hitherto refi'ained from noticing the extensive traces of antiquity, foreign intercom'se, and national gi’eatness, which are exhibited in the numerous monuments of a fonner worship, in the ruins of dilapidated cities, in the character, the institutions, the language, and the literature of the people, in the hope that abler pens would have attempted a more correct sketch than either my humble abihties or limited infoiTnation enable me to contemplate or embrace ; the subject is so extensive, so new, so highly interesting, that I must claim your indul- gence, if, in aiming at conciseness in representing the appearances and facts which have most forcibly struck my attention, many still more important particulars pass unnoticed. “ On the peculiar proAunce of Dr. Horsfield, to whom I am indebted for what- ever infoiTnation I possess on the natural history of the Island, I shall not fiirther trespass than by adverting to the extensive and almost endless variety which these regions present, in every branch of his pm’suits. One observation, however, as con- nected with the earlier history of Java, in explaining the high fertihty of its soil in comparison irith that of the Malayan Peninsula and Sumatra, may deserve notice in this place. From the result of every investigation yet made, the constitution of Java appears to be exclusively volcanic, without any admixture whatever of the primitive or secondarj’^ mountains of the Asiatic continent ; while, on the contrary, Sumatra, with Banca, as before noticed, appear to be a continuation and termina- TO THE BATAVIAN SOCIETY. 157 tion of the immense chain of mountains which pervades great part of Asia, and runs off finally in a direction North-west to South-east. Java deviates from the direc- tion of Sumatra and the Peninsula of Malacca, in striking off directly West and East ; in this direction it is followed by the larger islands of Bali, Lombok, Sum- bawa, Endi, Timor, and by many smaller, which contribute to constitute an exten- sive series — this direction, as well as the constitution of all the islands enumerated, . indicates the existence of an extensive volcanic chain in this part of the globe, running many degrees almost parallel with the equator. The consequences of Java being exclusively volcanic are, that while Sumatra abounds in metals, Java, gene- rally speaking, is destitute of them * ; that while on Siunatra there are many exten- sive tracts, sterile and unfavourable to vegetation, Java, with few exceptions, is covered with a soil in the highest degree fertile, luxuriant, and productive of every species of vegetation. “ Referring to the ample details on the mineralogy of Java, which the scientific and persevering exertions of Dr. Horsfield have enabled us to include in our present volume, I shall, on this branch of our pursuits, only observe, that catalogues and collections of the varieties in the mineral, vegetable, and animal kingdoms, as they have been found to exist on Java, have been formed by this gentleman, who is at present engaged in exploring the districts lying to the East and South of Souracarta, with the view of completing materials for the natural history of Java — his Flora Javana is already far advanced ; the geography of plants is a subject to which he has particularly directed his researches. From the extensive range of the thermo- meter between the high and the low lands, Java presents to the botanist, at the least, six distinct associations of plants or floras, indigenous to as many chmates, defined by their comparative elevation above the level of the seaf. • All the indications yet discovered confirm the assertion that the constitution of Java is unfavourable to metals. The only notice as to the existence of gold or silver is contained in the first volume of the Transactions of the Batavian Society; and the attempts on Gunung Parang in 1723, and on the Mege Mendung in 1744, were soon abandoned. Iron pyrites is found in small quantities in several districts, as well as red ochre, which, however, often contains so little iron as scarcely to serve for the common purpose of a paint. The existence of mercury in the low lands of Damak, where it is distributed in minute parti- cles through the clay of the rice-grounds bounding one of the principal rivers in that district, cannot be considered as an indication of a mine, or of ores of that metal. •f The height of the principal mountains on Java is estimated at from seven to eight thousand feet above the level of the sea. Several of them have been ascended, and measures are now in progress for ascertaining the elevation with some degree of accuracy. Lieutenant Heyland, who has several times ascended Sindoro, observes “ that on reaching the summit on the 20th May, 1813, the sun had set, and the thermometer of Fahrenheit, stood at 36°. During the night the thermometer varied between 36°. and 44° ; and as the day broke on the morning of the 21st, it was at 26°. a second thermometer at 30°. He imme- diately proceeded to the lake, and found it covered with ice of the thickness of about two Spanish dollars. A piece of double this thickness, found some distance from the edge on the same lake, induced a belief that it 158 MR. RAFFLES’ ADDRESS If to the naturalist Java exhibits these extensive and wonderful varieties, to the antiquarian, the philologist, and the philosopher, she in like manner offers sub- jects of equal novelty, and even of higher interest, whether we investigate the splendid remains of her temples and her cities, her languages and her literature, or the character, institutions and customs of her inhabitants. “To attempt any satisfactory description of the various momunents of anti- quity and of a fonner worship, which are to be foimd in almost every district of the Island, would be impracticable on the present occasion, and, \nth the exception of a few notices, I must content myself vith assming you, that however deficient we may be in scientific infonnation, or in a knowledge of the mythology sacred to which these monuments may have been reared, measures have been taken that a record, to be depended upon for exactness at least, should exist of the actual remains of Hinduism on Java — I am indebted to Captain Baker, who is now actively engaged in these piu’suits, for the most accurate sketches of the present appearance of the most important of these laiins, as well as for gi*ound-plans and elevations of the principal temples, ^rith notices of much valuable information which is to be collected of their origin, object and history. “ You are aware that the most splendid of these momunents are to be found at Prambana, Boro Bodo and Singa Sari ; — of the fonner an interesting description is given in the last volume of our Transactions, by om* highly esteemed friend Colonel Mackenzie — circmnstances have since admitted of a more minute investigation, and our information, as far as regards their present state, is much more complete-^these extensive niins hold claim to the highest antiquity, and considering the ricinity of the temples to have been the seat of the earliest monarchy on Java, I may be per- mitted, in the words of Captain Baker, to lament the contrast of the present times, with ‘ times long since past.’ ^ Nothing,’ he observes, ‘ can exceed the air of melan- choly, desolation, and min, which this spot presents ; and the feehngs of every risitor must be forcibly in unison with the scene of suri'ounding devastation, w^hen he reflects upon the origin of this once venerated, hallow'ed spot; the seat and proof of the perfection of arts now no longer in existence in Java ; the t}q>e and emblem of a rehgion no longer acknowledged, and scarce knowm among them by name ; w hen he reflects upon that boundless profusion of active, unwearied skill and patience, the noble spirit of generous emulation, the patronage and encourage- ment which the arts and sciences must have received, and the inexhaustible w^ealth and resources w'hich the Javanese of those times must have possessed.’ had remained unthawed on the day preceding, and had now received the addition of a second night’s frost. The water in the soup-plates which had been used as hot-water-plates the evening before, was completely frozen throuorh, and the ice the thickness of an inch.” On another excursion, in October, 1814, the ther- mometers fell to 36 and 38, and the ice formed on them after they had been immersed in water and exposed to the air. TO THE BATAVIAN SOCIETY. 159 “ In attempting to describe the Chandi Sewo, or Thousand Temples, which form a principal part of these ruins, he laments his inability to convey any adequate ideas, satisfactory to his own mind, even of the actual dismantled state of this splendid seat of magnificence and of the arts. ‘ Never,’ he observes, ‘ have I met with such stupendous, laborious, and finished specimens of human labour, and of the pohshed refined taste of ages long since forgot, and crowded together in so small a compass, as characterize and are manifested in this little spot ; and though I doubt not there are some remains of antiquity in other parts of the globe more worthy the eye of the traveller, or the pencil of the artist, yet Chandi Sewo must ever rank with the foremost in the attractions of curiosity or antiquarian research.’ I have preferred giving you the words of Captain Baker, while the subject was fully impressed on his mind, and while in the midst of the objects which he contemplated ; there is a feeling excited at such a moment that gives a colouring to the picture, which is weakened in the faded tints of a more distant view. “ Next to Prambana the ruins of Boro Bodo may be ranked as remarkable for grandeur in design, peculiarity of style, and exquisite workmanship ; this temple is in the district of Boro, under the residency of the Kadu, whence I presume it takes its name, Bodo being either a term of contempt cast upon it by the Mahomedans, or erroneously so pronounced, instead of Budlio, which, in its general acceptation in the Javanese language, is synonymous with ancient or heathen ; it is built so as to crown the upper part of a small hill, the summit terminating in a dome ; the build- ing is square, and is composed of seven terraces rising one within the other, each of which is enclosed by stone walls, the ascent to the different terraces being by fom- flights of steps leading from four principal entrances, one on each side of the square. On the top are several small latticed domes, the upper part terminating in one of a larger circumference. In separate niches, or rather temples, at equal distances, formed in the walls of the several ten*aces, are contained upwards of three-hundred stone images of devotees, in a sitting posture, and being each above three feet high. Similar images are within the domes above ; in compartments on the walls, both within and without, are carved in relief, and in the most correct and beautiful style, groups of figimes containing historical scenes and mythological ceremonies, supposed to be representations of a principal part either of the Ramayan or Maha- borat — the figures and costumes are evidently Indian, and we are at a loss whether most to admire the extent and grandem* of the whole construction, or the beauty, richness, and correctness of the sculpture. “ The name and resemblance of the images which surround this temple to the figure of Buddha, has induced an opinion that it was exclusively confined to the worship of that deity : but it should be noticed that in the immediate vicinity of this large temple, and evidently connected with it, are the remains of several smaller temples, constructed much after the fashion of the temples at Prambana, and con- 7 160 MR. RAFFLES’ ADDRESS taining a variety of sculptui’es and images of the Brahminical worship. A large but mutilated stone figure of Brahma was found in a field hard by, and as there are images similarly resembling Buddha to be found at Prambana, it would seem that if they are ascertained to represent that deity, these buildings must have been erected at a period when the worship was not separated. “ Although the general design of this temple differs from those at Prambana, a similar style of sculptm*e and decoration is observable, and the same may be also traced to the laiins at Singa Sari, situated in the Residency of Pasaiaian, where are still to be found images of Bralima, Mahadewa, Ganesa, the Bull Nandi and others, of the most exquisite workmanship, and in a still higher degree of preservation than any remaining at Prambanan or Boro Bodo. One of the most extraordinary monu- ments in this quarter, however, is an immense colossal statue of a man resting on his hams, of the same character as the porters at Prambanan, lying on its face, and adjacent to a terrace, on which it was originally placed ; this statue measures in length about twelve feet, breadth between the shoidders nine feet and a half, and at the base nine feet and a half, with con’esponding dimensions in girth, cut firom one sohd stone ; the statue seems evidently to have fallen from the adjacent elevated teiTace, although it is chfficult to reconcile the probabihty of its having been elevated to such a station, with reference to any traces we now have of the knowledge of mechanics by the Javanese — to have raised it by dint of mere manual labour would appear, at the present day, an Herculean task ; the terrace is about eighteen feet high. A second figure of the same dimensions has since been discovered in the vicinity of the above ; and wiien the forest is cleared, some traces of the large temple to which they formed the approach, may probably be found. Not far from Singa Sari, which w^as once the seat of empire, and in the district of Malang, are several interesting ruins of temples, of similar constmction, and of the same style of ornament. These buildings must have been raised at a period wJien the highest state of the arts existed, and constructed at no very distant date fi'om each other ; considered in this view they serve very forcibly and decidedly to coiToborate the historical details of the country, wJiich are found to exist in the different wTitten compositions and dramatic entertainments. “ In noticing the more prominent remains of antiquity, as they are to be traced from the architecture and sculpture of former days, I should be wanting in attention, and indeed in a due respect to the popular tradition and the still received opinion of the Javans, did I not notice Gunung Prahu, a mountain, or rather a range of mountains, for there are no less than twenty-nine points, which have distinct names, situated on the northern side of the Island, and inland between Samarang and Pacalongan, the supposed residence of Arjuno, and of the demi-gods and heroes who distinguished themselves in the B’rata Yud’ha, or Holy War — here the ruins of the TO THE BATAVIAN SOCIETY. 161 supposed palace of the Chief, the abode of Bima, his followers and attendants, are exhibited, and so rich was this spot in relics of antiquity, that the village of Kali Babar, situated at the foot of the mountain, is stated to have from time immemorial paid its rents in gold melted down fi’om the golden images here discovered ; so great indeed has been the desire to meet the courtly thirst for these interesting relics, that I regret to say many of the buildings composed of materials less in demand, have suffered premature dilapidation on this account. Several interesting remains have recently been discovered by Major Johnson, Resident at the cortrt of the Susunan ; among these the ruins at Suku deserve particular notice ; but I have already trespassed on a subject which it is impossible to treat well except in detail, and with reference to drawings of the extensive variety of erections, deities, and attri- butes w^hich abound throughout Java. “ As connected with these early and splendid monuments of the former high state of the arts in Java, and illustrative of the history of the country, are to be noticed the gi*eat variety of inscriptions found in different parts of the island ; fac similes of most of these have been taken, and I am happy to add that we have suc- ceeded in dec}q)hering some of the most interesting. The character on the stone found at Prambanan, is no doubt one of the Dewa Nagri characters of India, and with the exception of a few characters discovered at Singa Saii on the back of stone images, the only specimen yet discovered of this peculiar formation. “ From the \icinity of the former kingdom of Jong’golo, not far distant from the modern Surabaya, have been brought several large stones of the shape of Enghsh tomb-stones, covered with inscriptions in the ancient Javanese character, and in the Kawi language ; translations (or rather paraphrases, for they principally contain prayers and invocations to the Deity, in a language, the meaning of a few words only of wiiich are retained, while the idiom and grammatical construction has long been lost,) have been made and will be found on the pages of om* Transactions ; it has fallen to my lot to succeed not only in decyphering the MSS. recently dis- covered in Cheribon, but also the inscriptions on the copper-plates so long deposited among the records of our Society as unintelhgible ; the results will be communi- cated to the Society in another form, and the subject will be more particularly ad- verted to, when speaking of the languages and literature. “ These inscriptions, which in general contain dates, are of the first importance in enabling us to trace the source whence the language and literature may have flowed, and to satisfy our minds of the prevailing worship at any particular period. It is only by an assemblage of as many data as can be collected from this source, from the remains of the arts, from the language, literature, and institutions of the people of the present day, compared with the best information we can procure of other countries of the East, which may have been civilized at an earlier period, that w-e can come at any fair and just result ; the question is too extensive, too Y 162 MR. RAFFLES’ ADDRESS important to be lightly treated, or to be decided upon from any preconceived opinion or partial views. “ Did not other striking and obvious proofs exist of the claims of Java to be considered at one period far advanced in civilization, it might be sufficient to bring forward the perfection of the language, the accession which that language must in early times have received from a distant, but highly cultivated source, and the ex- tensiveness for which it stands so pecuharly and justly distinguished. “ On the Island of Java, two general languages may be considered as prevalent. The Sunda language, which prevails in the western, and the Javanese, which is the language of the districts east of Cheribon — the former is a simple dialect accom- modated to all the purposes of the mountainous classes who speak it, and perhaps differs from the Javanese, not so much in its construction, as in the portion of ori- ginal and of Malayan words which it contains; one fomth of the language, at the least, may be considered to be the same as the Javanese, another fom*th is, perhaps, original, and the remaining half JNIalayan. At what period this extensive portion of the Malayan was adopted, or whether any part or the whole of this portion may not originally have formed the conunon language of this part of the country is yet to be decided. In the Javanese, or language of the eastern division of the Island, and also of the lower parts of Bantam and Cheribon, the natural or vernacular language, in like manner, contains a considerable nmnber of words in common with the Malayan, and the general principles of construction are found to have a striking accordance. We thus find strong proofs in support of one common origin of the prevailing languages of the Archipelago — notwithstanding, a large portion of the Malayan words now used on Java, may be ascertained to have been received at a comparatively recent date, and in the course of long and continued intercourse with the neighbouring countries. “ The Javanese language, properly so called, is distinguished by a division between what may be considered as the vernacular language of the coimtry, in use by the common people among themselves, and which is adopted when addressing an inferior, and what may be considered as a second, or court language, adopted by all inferiors when addressing a superior. The same construction, as well as the idiom of the language, is, I believe, pretty generally preserved in both the languages ; the latter, however, consists of a more extensive class of foreign words, which would appear to have been picked and culled for the pui'pose ; where different words have not been found from the common language of the country, an arbitrary variation in the sound of the word belonging to the common language is adopted, as in changing the word progo into pragi, dacli into dados, jawa into jawi, &c., and the more ef- fectually to render the polite language distinct, not only are the affirmatives and negatives, as well as the pronouns and prepositions varied, but the auxihary verbs and particles are in general different. 2 TO THE BATAVIAN SOCIETY. 163 So effectually, indeed, does this arbitrary distinction prevail, that in the most common occurrences and expressions, the language that would be used by a superior bears not the slightest resemblance to what, with the same object, would be used by an inferior ; thus, when a superior would say to an inferior — It is a very long time that you have been sick,” — he would in the common or vernacular language use the words “ Lawas temdn goni loro,” while an inferior, using the court language, would to the same purport, say “ Lami terns gemjmn sakit” — If the former would ask the question, Your child, is it a boy or a girl?” he would use the words “ Anak kiro wadon opo lanang?” the latter would express himself Putro hyang’an diko, estri punopo again, would the former observe, “ that the people of Java, both men and women, like to preserve the hair of the head,” — he would say, Wong pulu Jawa lanang wadon podo ng'ing'u rambut,” — while the latter would use the words, “ Tetiang heng nusa Jawi estri jalar sami ng'inga remo,”kc. “ It is not, however, to be supposed that these languages are so separated that the one is studied and attained exclusively of the other, for while one is the language of address, the other must be that of reply, and the knowledge of both is indis- pensible to those who have occasion to communicate with persons of a different rank with themselves. In the polite language, Kawi words are frequently introduced by the party, either to shew his reading, or evince a higher mark of respect — the Kawi is, however, more properly a dead language, the language of literary composi- tions of the higher class, and is to the Javanese, what the Sanscrit is to the lan- guages of Hindustan, and the Pali is to the Burman and Siamese ; how far it may assimilate to either, must remain to be decided by more accurate comparison and observ^ation, than we have yet had opportunity to make. It is in this language that the more ancient and celebrated of the literary performances of the country are written, and it is probable it will be found that, while the general language of Java possesses, in common with all the more cultivated languages of the Archipelago, a considerable portion of Sanscrit terms, the court language is still more replete with them, and that the Kawi, and particularly that which is reckoned most ancient, and which is decyphered from inscriptions on stone and copper-plates, is almost pure Sanscrit; the construction and idiom in these inscriptions is no longer comprehended by the Javanese, and there are but few whose intelligence and acquaintance with the terms used enables them to give even a faint notion of their meaning. Examples of these languages, taken from the B’rata Yud’ha, and from some of the inscriptions alluded to, will appear in the present volume. To facilitate the acquirement of a language in its nature so extensive and varied as that of the Javanese, a method is adopted similar to what I miderstand is known in India, of classing the synonymes in such a manner as to connect them in the memory, by stringing them in classes according to the natural chain of our ideas ; the collection or vocabulary so composed, is termed doso nonio, literally, ten Y 2 164 MR. RAFFLES’ ADDRESS mmes, and in point of fact, there are but few words in the language which have not at least as many spionymes ; an example of this mode of instmction, and of assisting the memory, is also included in the present volume, as illustrative not only of the method alluded to, but of the great delicacy and variety of the language. “ I am happy to report that very extensive vocabularies, not only of both di\’i- sions of the Javanese, including the Kaui, but of the Sunda, and of the dialects of Madura and Bali, with notices of the varieties in particular districts and moimtain tribes, have been collected ; and that whenever our more intimate acquaintance with the written compositions of the country may afford the test of some experience in aid of what has already been done, the gi'and work of a gi-ammar and dictionary may be accomplished ; this has long been om* first and gi'and desideratum *. “ In both the Sunda and Javanese languages, the same uvitten character is in use — and it has not yet been traced whether the fonner ever had a separate VTitten character or not : at a place, however, called Batu Tulis, on the site of the ancient capital of Pajajaran, is preserved an inscription on stone in veiy rude characters — and several similar inscriptions in the same character have been recently discovered at Kwali in Cheribon, whither some of the descendants of the Princes of Pajajaran took refuge ; this character, till lately, appeared widely different fi'om any other yet noticed in Java, but is now found to contain some of the letters and vowel marks in common vith the Javanese. The date inscribed on the stone at Batu Tulis has fortunately been dec\q)hered, and the character was doubtless used by the Simda people at the period of the destruction of the western government of Pajajaran. “ No less than seven different characters are represented to have been in use at different periods of Javanese history — and although those at present adopted ap- pear at first sight, to be very different from the more ancient, on examination the one may Arithout much difficulty be traced to the other, by obserring the gi'adual alterations made from time to time ; — specimens of these different characters, with the periods in which they were respectively used, are submitted to the inspection of the Society, and I regret that the absence of an engi’aver precludes them from ap- pearing in the present volmne of transactions. “ The literature of Java, however much it may have declined in latter days, must he still considered as respectable — the more ancient historical compositions are mostly Amtten in the Kawi language, to which frequently the meaning of each word, and a paraphrase of the whole in Javanese, is annexed ; of these compositions those most highly esteemed are the B’rata Yud’ha or Holy War, and a volume en- titled Romo or Rama, the former descriptive of the exploits of Arjuno, and the principal heroes whose fame is recorded in the celebrated Indian poem of the “ * Considerable progress has been made since our last meeting in the acquirement of the Javanese language : the Rev. Mr. Trout, in particular, is prosecuting his studies at Samarang with great success ; and arrangements are in progress for procuring from Bengal a fount of Javanese types.” TO THE BATAVIAN SOCIETY. 165 Mahabarat, the latter of those who are distinguished in the Ramayan — these poems are held by the Javanese of the present day in about the same estimation as the Iliad and Odyssey of Homer are by Europeans. Until translations are made, and can be compared with the more extensive works in India, it would be premature to form any judgment on their relative excellence — the B’rata Yud’ha is contained in about two hundred verses, but in rendering the Kawi into Javanese, it is found ne- cessary, in order to convey any thing like the meaning, to render one line of Kawi into at least three of the modern Javanese, and I should not omit to mention that the belief is general among the Javanese that the seat of this celebrated romance was on Java — they point out the different countries which are referred to, such as Hastina, Wirata, and others in different districts of the Island, which have since assumed more modern names, and the supposed mansion of Arjuno, as before no- ticed, is still to be traced on Gunung Prahu. “ These works in common with almost every composition in the language, are composed in regularly measured verses, and as far as we can judge from the partial translations which have been made from them through the medium of the Javanese, they do credit to the power of the language and the genius of the poet. “ Historical compositions are divided into two general classes, termed Pakam and Bahat ; under the former are considered the Romo and B’rata Yud’ha : institu- tions and regulations for Princes and the Officers of State and Law, entitled Kopo Kopo, Jogol Muda and Kontoro ; works on astronomy and judicial astrology, termed Wuku; and works on moral conduct, regulations and ancient institutions, termed Niti Sastro and Niti Projo ; under the Babat are classed chronological, and other works on modern history since the establishment of the Empire of Mataram. There are in use for ordinary and popular compositions five different kinds of regular measured stanzas, termed Tenibang, adapted to the subject treated of, whether heroic, amorous, or otherwise ; these are termed Asmoron Dono, Dandang Giila, Sinom, Diirmo, and Pangkur. In the higher compositions, and particularly in the Kawi, these measures are still more varied, and in number upwards of twenty, twelve of which correspond in name with the stanzas used in the poetry of continental India. In repeating these compositions, they are chaunted, or rather drawled out in regular metre according to rules laid down for the long and short syllables. Dramatic representations of various kinds form the constant recreation of the higher classes of society, and the most pohshed amusement of the country ; these consist of the Waxjang Kulit or Scenic Shadows, in which the several heroes of the Drama, repre- sented in a diminutive size, are made to perform their entrances and their exits behind a transparent curtain ; the subjects of these representations are taken either from the more ancient works of the B’rata Yud’ha or Romo, and then denominated Wayang Purwo, or from the history of Panji, the most renowned hero of Java story, and then termed Wayang Gedog. The Wayang W ong, in which men personify the heroes of 166 MR. RAFFLES’ ADDRESS the B’rata Yud’ha and Romo is also termed Waijang Purwo ; they have also the Topeng, in which men, wearing masks, personify those immortalised in the history of Panji, and the W ayang KUtic or Koritcliil, not unlike a puppet-show in Europe, in which diminutive wooden figures personify the heroes of Majapahit. “ These dramatic exhibitions are accompanied by performances on the Gamelan, or musical instruments of the Javanese, of which there are several distinct sets ; the Salindro, which accompanies the performances fi*om the B’rata Yud’ha and Romo, as well as the Topeng ; the Pelog which accompanies the Wayang Gedog, the Kodok Ngokek, Chara Bali, Senenan and others; the Javanese music is peculiarly harmo- nious, but the gamut is imperfect. “ Whatever portion of astronomical science may have in former times been communicated to Java, the people of the present day have no pretensions to dis- tinction on this account ; it is true they possess the signs of the Zodiac, and still preserve a mode of calculating the seasons, the principles of which must have been discovered by a people well acquainted vdth the motions of the heavenly bodies ; they also possess several works on judicial astrology, but in this they follow only w'hat is laid do^vn for them in the few pages of a book almost illegible, and in the tradition of the country “ It was my intention, in this place, to have attempted some sketch of the interesting and peculiar features of the Javanese character, vdth reference to those admirable institutions which distinguish the constitution of society among this people ; but I have already trespassed too long upon your kindness — and there are two subjects which have recently attracted my particular attention, and which, on account of their novelty, I am desirous of bringing to your notice. During my late tour through the Eastern districts, I rfsited the Teng’gar mountains, on which it had been represented to me that some remains of the former worship of Java were “ * The signs of the Zodiac, as represented in the ancient MS. discovered at Telaga, in Cheribon, compared with the Indian Zodiac, are as follow : the figures being very correctly drawn, and the names, with the explanation, annexed to each. Indian. Javanese MS. Mesha — the Ram Misa. ' Vrisha — the Bull M’risa. Mithuna — the Pair M’ri Kogo (a butterfly.) Carcata — the Crab Calicata. Sinha — the Lion Singha. Cunya — the Virgin Canya. Tula — the Balance Tula. Vrishchica — the Scorpion Privata. Danus — the Bow Wanu. Macara — the Sea Monster Macara (Crawfish.) Cumbha — the Water Jug Cuba. Mina — the Fish Mena.” TO THE BATAVIAN SOCIETY. 167 still to be found, and accident threw me on the shores of Bali, while attempting to reach Banynwangi ; the simplicity of the people who inhabit the Teng’gar moun- tains, and the fact of such remains being still in existence on Java, is entitled to record, and I am aware that whatever information I may be able to communicate respecting Bali, however imperfect, will be accepted. “ To the eastward of Surabaya, and on the range of hills connected with Gunung Dasar, and lying partly in the district of Pasuruan and partly in that of Probohngo, known by the name of the Teng’gar mountains, we find the remnant of a people still following the Hindu worship, who merit attention not only on account of their being the depositaries of the last trace of that worship discovered at this day on Java, but as exhibiting a peculiar singularity and simphcity of character. “ These people occupy about forty villages, scattered along the range of hills in the neighbourhood of the Sandy Sea, and are partly under Pasuruan and partly under Probolingo. The site of the villages, as well as the construction of the houses is pecuUar, and differs entirely from what is elsewhere observed on Java. They are not shaded by trees, but built on spacious open terraces, rising one above the other, each house occupying a terrace, and being in length from thirty to seventy, and even eighty feet. The door invariably in one corner, at the opposite end of the building to that in which the fire-place is built. The building appears to be first constructed with the ordinary roof, but along the front is an enclosed veranda or gallery of about eight feet broad, with a less inclined pitch in the roof formed of bamboos, which are so placed as to shde out either for the admission of air, or to afford a channel for the smoke to escape, there being otherwise no aperture except a small opening of about a foot square, at one end of the building above the fire- place ; this is built of brick, and is so highly venerated that it is considered a sacri- lege for any stranger to pollute it by the touch ; across the upper part of the building rafters are run across, so as to form a kind of attic story, in which they deposit their valuables and instruments of husbandry. “ The head of the village takes the title of Petingi, as in the low lands, and he is generally assisted by a Kabmjan, both elected by the people from their own village ; there are four priests, who are here termed Dukun, having charge of the sacred records. “ These Diikuns, who are in general intelhgent men, have no tradition when they were first established on these hills, from whence they came, or who intrusted them with the sacred books, to the faith contained in which they still adhere — these they concur in stating were handed down to them by their fathers, their office being hereditary, and the sole duty required of them being to perform the imja according thereto, and again to hand them down in safety to their children — these records consist of three compositions written on the hontar leaf, describing the origin of 168 MR. RAFFLES’ ADDRESS the world, the attributes of the Deity, and the forms of worship to be observed on different occasions. Copies were taken on the spot, and as the language does not essentially differ from the ordinary Javanese, I hope at an early period to place the Society in possession of translations. “ In the mean time some notices of their customs, and of the ceremonies per- formed at births, marriages and funerals, may be interesting. “ When a woman is delivered of her first child, the Dukun - takes a leaf of the Alang Alang gi-ass, and scraping the skin of the hands of the child and of the mother, as well as the ground, pronounces a short benediction. When a marriage is agreed upon, the bride and bridegroom being brought before the Dukun within the house, in the first place, bow with respect towards the South — then to the fire-place — then to the earth, and lastly, on looking up to the upper story of the house where the implements of husbandry are placed, perform the same ceremony — the parties then submissively bowing to the Dukun, he repeats a prayer commencing with the words, ^ Hong ! Gendogo Bromo ang’gas siwong'go nomo siwoho sanifijang g'ni siro hang, &c.’ * while the bride washes the feet of the bridegroom. This ceremony over, the friends and family of the parties make pre- sents to each of crises, buffaloes, implements of husbandry, &c. ; in return for which the bride and bridegroom respectfully present them with betel leaf. “ At the marriage feast which ensues, the Dukun repeats two Puja, wiiich will be found in the collection — the marriage is not, however, consummated till the fifth day after the above ceremony — which delay is termed by them undaiig inantu — a similar delay is, in some cases, still observed by the Javanese in other parts of the island, under the term undoli mantu. “ On the death of an inhabitant of Teng’gar, the corpse is lowered into the gi'ave, the head being placed to the South (contrary to the direction observed by the Mahometans,) and bamboos and planks are placed over, so as to prevent the earth from touching it. When the grave is closed, two posts are planted over the body, one perpendicular from the breast, the other from the lower part of the belly ; between these two a hollowed bamboo is inserted in the ground, into which, during seven successive days, they daily pour a vessel of pure water, placing beside the bamboo, two dishes also daily replenished with eatables. At the expiration of the seventh day, the feast of the dead is announced, and the relations and friends of the deceased assemble to be present at the ceremony, and partake of the entertain- ment— which is conducted as follow'^s. “ An image of leaves, ornamented with variegated flowers, made to represent the human form, and of about a cubit high, is prepared and placed in a conspicuous “ * Tliese prayers will be found at length in the Transactions of the Society — the word Hong, used by the Javanese at the commencement of their invocations to the Deity, is doubtless the Mystical Om of the Hindus. TO THE BATAVIAN SOCIETY. 169 place, and supported round the body by the clothes of the deceased ; the Dukun then places in front of the garland an incense-pot with burning ashes, and a vessel containing water, and repeats the two ]mja to fire and water, the former com- mencing with ‘ Hong Kendogo Brorno gangsi wong'go yo nomo siwoho,' &c. the latter with ‘ Hong, hong gong'go moho terto roto mejel saking hati,' &c. burning dnpn or incense at stated periods during the former, and occasionally sprinkling the water over the feast during the repetition of the latter. “ The clothes of the deceased are then divided among the relatives and friends, and the garland burned — another p?(Ja commencing, ‘ Hong! awigno mastu nomo sidam, hong! araning^ &c. is then repeated while the remains of the sacred water is sprinkled over the feast, after which the parties sit down to the enjoyment of it, invoking a blessing from the Almighty on themselves, their houses and their lands. Nothing more occurs until the expiration of a thousand days, when, if the memory of the deceased is beloved and cherished, the ceremony and feast is repeated — otherwise no further notice is taken. “ On questioning them regarding the tenets of their religion, they replied that they believed in a Dewa, who was all-powerful, and that the term by which the Dewa was designated, was Biimi Truko Sangyang Dewoto Bator ; that the particu- lars of their worship were contained in the book called Panglawa, which they pre- sented to me. “ On being questioned regarding the adat against adultery, theft, and other crimes, their reply was unanimous and ready — that crimes of the kind were unknown to them, and that consequently no punishment was fixed either by law or custom — that if a man did wrong, the head of the village chid him for it, the reproach of which was always sufficient punishment for a man of Teng’gar: this account of their moral character is fully confirmed by the Regents of the districts under whose authority they arc placed, and also by the Residents. They hterally seem to be almost without crime ; they are universally peaceable, interfere with no one, neither quarrel among themselves ; it may be unnecessary to observe, that they are unac- quainted with the vices of gaming and opium-smoking. “ The aggregate population amounts to about twelve hundred souls ; they occupy, without exception, the most beautifully rich and romantic spots on Java; the thermometer is frequently as low as forty-two ; the summits and slopes of the hills are covered with Alpine firs, and the vegetation common to a European climate generally prevails. “ The language does not differ much from the Javanese of the present day, though more gutturally pronounced — from a comparison of about a hundred words of the vernacular Javanese, two only differed : they do not intermarry or mix with the people of the low lands, priding themselves on their independence and pmdty in this respect. z 170 MR. RAFFLES’ ADDRESS Passing from this last vestige of the Hindu worship now acknowledged on Java, (for the Bedui, though descendants of the fugitives of Pajajaran, scarcely merit notice in this respect,) I proceed to notice some of the leading observations which I made on Bali. The notices regarding the prevalence of Hinduism on Bali, and of the nature of the government and country have hitherto been so scanty, that on such interesting gi'ound I may be pardoned for entering into some detail, without which it is impossible to convey a just notion of the subject. “ The Island of Bali is at present divided under seven separate authorities, each independent of the other, and of this heptarchy the state of Klongkong is acknowledged to be the most ancient, its princes tracing their descent from the princes of Java, and having once possessed authority over the whole Island. In the regalia of this state are reported to be still preseiwed the Cris of Majapahit, the celebrated Gong named Bentiir Kadaton, and although the other governments do not at the present day admit of any interference on the part of this state, they stiU e\dnce a marked respect and courtesy to this family as the Asal Rajah Bali, the stock from which they sprung. ‘‘ The population is roughly estimated by the number of male inhabitants whose teeth have been filed, and whose serHces each prince can command — these amount to upwards of 200,000 ; the female population is understood rather to exceed the male, and as it may be considered that only the active and able-bodied men are included in the above list, an average of four to a family may be fairly taken, giring a total population for the whole Island exceeding 800,000 souls. “ The mode of government, institutions, and prevailing habits, are represented to be the same throughout the Island, and the following sketch of Bailing may afford a just notion of the whole. “ The government is despotic, and vested in the Prince alone — he is assisted by a head Perhakal in all affairs relating to the internal administration of the coun- try, under whom are immediately placed the heads of Hllages, and by a Radin Tiimung' gang, who conducts the details of a more general nature, of commerce and foreign intercourse ; the constitution of each \illage is the same, the head or chief is termed Perbakal, and the assistant Kalian Tempek. These officers are invariably selected from among the people of the village, the son, however, gene- rally succeeding the father, if competent to perform the duties ; — under the head Perhakal, who has the designation of Perhakal Rajah, are several inferior Perhakals for general duties and commimications with the rfllages, and under the Radin Tuniun'gung a similar establishment, bearing the rank and designation of Kalian Tempek — among the heads of villages are many whose famihes have formerly distin- guished themselves in the wars of Bali, and who are termed Gusti — the command of the military is at present vested in a Chief of the Bramana cast, and who seems to receive honours and respect next to the Prince himself. TO THE BATAVIAN SOCIETY. 171 “ Whatever may at former periods have been the extent and influence of the Hindu religion, Bali is now the only Island in the Eastern Seas, in which that religion is still prevailing as the national and established religion of the country ^ that high spirit of enterprise which burst the bounds of the extensive conflnes of India, like the dove from the ark, rested its weary wing for a while on Java, till driven from thence it sought a refuge in Bali, where even among the rudest and most untutored of savages, it found an asylum. The four grand divisions of the Hindus are here acknowledged, and the number of Bramana (Bramins) attached to the small state of B'liling exceeds four hundred, of whom about one hundred are termed Pandita. “ Without entering into the particular tenets of the prevaihng Hinduism of Bali, which can only be treated of with propriety and correctness after a more thorough acquaintance with the practical duties, and some knowledge of what is contained in their sacred records, it may be affirmed without hazard, that Hinduism as it exists at the present day on Bali, is rather to be considered as the nationalized Hinduism of Bah, in which a large portion of the native institutions and customs are admitted, than Hinduism as it is understood to prevail on the continent of India. The Bramins are, however, held in high veneration, and on being ques- tioned as to their doctrines, and to what sect they belong, they answer, invariably, they are Bramana Siwa. They have the same appearance as Bramins wherever they are met with, and the Indian features at once distinguish them as descended fi’om a foreign race. The town and small temples which we occasionally observed, have the appearance of a Mahratta village, and the eye is struck with every thing strictly Hindu, forming a most unexpected contrast with the present style of build- ing and appearance of the country on passing through Java and the other Eastern Islands. “ On enquiring into the relative rank and importance of their deities, they in- variably described Bitara Guru as the first in rank, then Bitara Bramah, the spirit of fire, Bitara Wisnu, the spirit of the waters, Bitara Siwa, the spirit of the winds. “ Besides these, they describe numerous subordinate deities to whom they pay adoration, as Dewa Gid’e Segara, the divinity of the great sea, — Dewa Gid’e Dalam, the divinity who presides over death, — Gid’e Bali Agung, the great and popular deity of Bali, — Dewa Gid’e Gunung Agung, the great deity of the mountain, which last is the deity of most general worship. “ Bitara Guru, though considered as the highest object of worship, is declared to be subordinate to, and only the mediator with the divinity, whom they designate by the expressive and appropriate term of Sang Yang Tunggal, The great and ONLY ONE. “ The bodies of the deceased are invariably burnt, and the wives and con- cubines of the higher classes perform the sacrifice of Satia. A few days previous z 2 172 MR. RAFFLES’ ADDRESS to my landing on Bali, nineteen young women, the wives and concubines of the younger Rajah, who was lately put to death, sacrificed themselves in this manner. “ The wTitten language of Bali differs but httle from that of Java, but the character has a more ancient form ; Kawi is the sacred language, and understood, or pretended to be understood, by the Bramins — the common language is a mixture of the original language of the country, and that of Java, in which the latter predominates. Deferring until another occasion, a more particular review of the religion, in- stitutions and habits of this people, I will for the present confine myself to such observations as occur on the contemplation of the pecuhar and extraordinary cha- racter they present, for the Balinese differs widely, both in appearance and character, from the Javan, and indeed from every other nation of the Archipelago. “ The natives of Bali are about the middle size of Asiatics, larger and more athletic than the Javans or Malays, and carry an air of independence different al- together from the appearance of their more pohshed neighbom-s on the opposite coast of Java, — the women in particular are well-proportioned, they seem to be on a perfect equality with the men, they are not secluded from society, and their general intercourse with strangers, even Europeans, is frank and cheerful — they are fairer than the women in Java, and wearing no covering above the waist, the natural beauty and symmetry of their shape is neither restrained nor concealed. “ There are two kinds of slavery existing at Bali, and sanctioned by the laws of the country; the first is termed Paniak, by which is understood a perfect state of slavery : the second Rowang, which resembles the condition of the slave-debtor in Sumatra, and the Malay peninsula. Paniak is synonymous with Humba among the Malays, and signifies a slave — the master has complete possession of his person, and may lawfully transfer and punish with death according to his \rfll and pleasure, it being contrary to usage for the Prince to interfere. In the mode of acquiring this absolute property, there appears to be but little restriction. Prisoners taken in war, or families carried off from their countries, are daily sold and transferred, the deed of transfer, called in Bali Padol, being authenticated by the Tumunggung. In cases where an outrage occurs in a neighbouring state in alliance, application from the in- jured party, transmitted through the proper Chief, will cause the persons to be re- stored, and the perpetrators of the outrage are liable to the punishment of death ; but in cases where the countries are not immediately in alliance, or when the parties carried off from a friendly state, happen to want friends to make application in their favor, no notice is taken of such occurrences. If a free man wishes to many a female slave, he may obtain her by purchase, provided he can agree with the pro- prietor, otherwise he may be admitted to marry her on condition that he becomes a servant with her — this second degree of slavery comes under the title of Rowang. Persons convicted of offences not of the first magnitude, are generally sold for TO THE BATAVIAN SOCIETY. 17.} slaves by the Prince, or taken to serve him as such. The term Rowang, is used to express the second or modified degi'ee of slavery. If a man happens to be indebted, and without the means of payment (the debt exceeding ten dollars) he may be sold by the Jaxa, and the amount for which he is disposed of is appropriated to repay his creditor, the surplus being divided between the Prince, the Jaxa, and the Cre- ditor, as a recompence for their trouble; the man sold in this manner becomes a Rowa?ig: this state of servitude embraces every feature of slavery, excepting that the Rowang cannot be sold, put to death, or sent out of the country — if a Rowarig wishes to marry, he may do so on receiving his master’s consent, but the woman becomes a Rowang also. But the Rowang possesses this advantage, that he may redeem himself at any time by paying the amount of the debt, or the money may be advanced for him, so that his condition becomes that of a debtor bound to serve his creditor until the amount of his debt is discharged. In the event of the debt not amounting to ten dollars, the party cannot be sold, but the Jaxa will order the goods and property of the debtor to be disposed of, and an obligation to be given for the payment of the remainder, whenever his circumstances may admit. A person in- debted to another, and unable to pay, may make over his wife and children to the creditor, who in such case will become Rowang, and on payment of his debt, eventually, he may demand back his family. In marriage, the dowry established by custom for all persons of equal rank, is forty dollars, to be paid to the parents of the bride * ; but as it happens in many cases, that the husband is unable to pay this sum, he becomes indebted to the parents for the amount, and this constitutes a third branch of slavery under the term Tatung' gon — the man and wife reside in the house of the bride’s father, and the man performs service in attendance on the family, or in assisting in the cultivation of the land — when the husband is enabled to pay the dowry, he is then at liberty to quit the father’s house, and to maintain an independent establishment, under the term of Orang Merclika, or free man. If the new-married man, however, behaves to the satisfaction of his wife’s family, it often happens that after a certain time the father-in-law consents to remit the whole or part of the dowry, according to the cir- cumstances of the parties. “ The punishments for crimes are death, confinement, and selling into slavery, neither torture to obtain confession, mutilation, nor even corporal punishment are used — theft and robbery are punished with death — and for mirrder, treason, and gang-robbery, in aggravated cases, the punishment of death is inflicted by breaking the limbs with a hatchet — this, though it assimilates to the manner of breaking on the wheel, does not appear to have been adopted from Europeans, the practice being of ancient date — the party is left to finger, sometimes for several days before “ * In Bali, as well as on Java, the term used for this payment signifies a purchase.' 174 MR. RAFFLES’ ADDRESS death ensues — all executions are in public — other capital punishments are usually performed with a Cris — open robbery by dayhght is punished by death, but stealing by confinement only; robbery by night invariably by death. All offences are jjunished in the Jaxa’s Court, which consists of two Jaxas and two Kancha or Registers, the Perbakal being the prosecutor — the sentence of the Comt must be confiiTned by the Prince, previous to execution, whose warrant, or Lontar, is ne- cessary in all cases. In civil cases the confirmation of the Prince is only required when persons are sold into slavery — a regular table of fees, in civil as well as criminal cases is exhibited in Court, and the amount divided between the members and the Prince. In criminal cases, when the punishment is capital, the property is confiscated and divided in like manner, but in other punishments, the parties retain their property. Adultery is punished with death to the man, and the woman becomes a slave to the Prince — theft is the most prevalent crime, and adultery is uncommon, perhaps not twenty cases in a year — the husband has the power' by law to kill both parties at the moment, if he detects them in the fact, but not otherwise. “ In their domestic relations, however, the conduct of the Balinese appears un- exceptionable, and there is indeed a superior delicacy to what might be expected, and the tenderness towards early age speaks strongly in favor of their natural dis- position. The parental authority is exercised with such tenderness, that it is pecu- liarly striking when taken in the same view with the apparently rude character of the people — they seem to evince a careless indifference to the rod of despotism which hangs over their head, and an air of good-humour and general satisfaction prevails throughout ; temperate in their diet, and strangers to drmikenness, the ruling passion is gaming, from cock-fighting to an inordinate and unprincipled desire for conquest — such is the energy of the character that it must find some powerful vent, something on which to discharge itself — and not being subject to a fonn of government calculated to repress their energies, they evidently feel no inclination to stand still in the scale of civilization. As a nation they are certainly invdncible to any native power in the Eastern Seas ; still maintaining a high and noble inde- pendence of character, they perhaps exhibit in a concentrated spot as much of human nature, checked by regulation, and yet not lowered or refined by it as is to be found in any part of the universe. “ If we contemplate the various nations and tribes which inhabit the Southern Peninsula of India, and the innumerable islands composing that portion of the globe comprehended within Polynesia and Australasia, our attention is arrested by the striking uniformity in habits and language which prevails throughout, inducing the inference either of one common origin, or of early and very general intercourse. “ Such customs as the singidar practice of filing the teeth and dyeing them black, noticed by the authors who have vvTitten on Pegu, Siam, Camboja, and Ton- cjuin, and prevailing generally throughout the whole Malayan Archipelago ; the 1 TO THE BATAVIAN SOCIETY. 175 practice of distending the perforated lobe of the ear to an enormous size, noticed in like manner to exist in the same parts of the Peninsula, and prevailing throughout the Archipelago in a greater or less degree in proportion with the extension of Islamism ; the practice of tattooing the body, noticed among the Burmans and people of Laos, common to many tribes on Borneo, and particularly distinguished in some of the islands in the Pacific Ocean ; if it is observed that this custom, as well as that of plucking the beard, was noticed in South America, the question may arise in what course or direction the tide of population may have flowed. In a recent pub- lication an idea has been started on the similarity of the languages, that the popu- lation of the Philippines and of the islands in the South Sea originally emigrated fi'om America It will not be required of me to go into any description of those singular appendages to the virile member, noticed by the writers on Pegu, Siam, and Camboja, and adopted among many tribes of Borneo and the Moluccas ; what- ever may have been the origin of this very singular custom, traces are to be found even on Java of the veneration in which it once was held. The practice of triumph- ing over a subdued enemy may be common to the barbarous state in general, but the deliberate system of man-hunting, in order to procure heads as a trophy of man- liness and military gallantry, however it may have originated in this feeling of uncivilized nature, may be ranked among the peculiarities of this portion of the globe. “ The language of the different tribes of Borneo is ascertained to bear a strong “ * This author notices that observing the proper names of places about the middle of the continent of South America were very similar to those of the Philippines, he endeavoured to procure a vocabulary of the country, and to examine the few words of the language of Chili, which ErciUa mentions in his Arau- cana, and found them perfectly conformable to the language of Tagala. ‘ In examining the structure of the two lan;Tuages,’ he observes, ‘ we are compelled to conclude that they flow from one and the same source, and I dare to affirm that the Indians of the Philippines are descended from the aborigines of Chili and Peru, and that the language of these Islands derives immediate from the parent source, those of the neighbouring Islands being dialects of this — that there are many reasons, and one in particular, for supposing that the Islands in the South Sea could not be peopled from the westward, viz. that in all the torrid zone the east wind generally prevails, which being in direct opposition to the course from Malacca and the adjacent Islands, it is fair to conclude the inhabitants of all the Islands in the South Sea came from the East, sailing before the wind, for we have seen it often happen, that the Indians from the Palaos have arrived at the Philippines precisely under these circumstances. On the contrary we have no instance on record of any of the Philippine Indians having been, even by accident, carried by the winds to the Islands to the Eastward.’ “ ‘ Here, therefore,’ he concludes, ‘ we appear to have formed the most probable solution of our diffi- culties, that is, that the first settlers came out of the East, we may presume from the coast of South America, and proceeding gradually to the westward through the Pacific Ocean, studded as we find it with islands and clusters of islands, at no very great distance from each other, and of course of easy access before the wind ; it follows that to whatever point in an eastern direction we trace the Tagalic language, we may conclude that at that point emigration must have commenced.’ ” — Description of the Philippine Islands, by Martiner de Tuniga. — Marns. Trans, p. 30. 176 MR. RAFFLES’ ADDRESS resemblance to that of the scattered tribes of Camboja, Champa, and Laos. The position maintained by Mr. Marsden, that the Malayan is a branch or dialect of the widely extended language prevailing through the Islands of the Archipelago, to which it gives name, as well as those of the South Sea, appears to be estabhshed and confirmed as our infonnation advances, and if we except the Papuas and scat- tered tribes ha\ing curled hair, we find the general description given of the persons of the Siamese and the nider population of the adjacent countries which have not admitted any considerable admixture from the Chinese, to come very near to the inhabitants of the Ai'chipelago, who may, in fact, be said to differ only in being of a smaller size, and in as far as foreign colonization and intercourse may have changed them. ‘‘To trace the sources fi’om whence this colonization and consequent chilization flowed, and the periods at which it was introduced into different states, is a subject new to the historian, and not uninteresting to the philosopher. “ If we admit the natural inference that the population of the Islands originally emigrated from the Continent, and at the same time the probability that the country l}ing between Siam and China is the immediate source fi-om whence such emigra- tion originally proceeded, the history of the Eastern Islands may, ^rith reference to that of Java in particular, in which a powerful Hindu government was, without doubt, early established, be dirided into five distinct periods. “ The first division would include the period commencing with the earliest accounts of the population down to the first estabhshment of a foreign colony in Java, of which the ^viitten annals of the country make mention ; the date of this is pretty accmately ascertained, and may be fixed at about the commencement of the sixth century of the Javanese era, or A.D. 600, when only the period of authentic history can be considered to coimuence. “ The origin of aU nations is buried in obscurity, and unless we may succeed ill obtaining new lights from Siam or China, we shall have but httle to guide us during the early part of this dirision, beyond conjectm'e and such general inferences as may be di'ami from a similarity in person, language, and usages, still found to pre- vail among the less cirilized tribes. According to the dirision of Sir William Jones, the original population of the Islands were doubtless of the Tartar race, and pro- bably from the same stock as the Siamese. The Javans date the commencement of their era from the arrival on Java of Adi Saka, the minister of Prabu Joyo Boyo, Sovereign of Hastina, and the fifth in descent from Arjuno, the favourite of Krisna, and the leading hero of the B’rata Yud’ha. This epoch coiTesponds \rith that of the introduction of a new faith into China and the further Peninsula by Saka, Shako, or Sakia, as he is differently termed, and with the chronology of the Hindus, as explained by Sir Wilham Jones, in which Saca is supposed to have reigned seventy- nine years subsequent to the commencement of the Christian era; but whether TO THE BATAVIAN SOCIETY. 177 Saka himself, or only some of his followers assuming this name, found their way to Java may be questionable, and it is not impossible that the Javanese may have subsequently adopted the era, on a more extended intercourse with the further Peninsula *. A connection would at any rate appear to have existed between Java and Siam, as this Adi Saka is not only represented to have founded the present era of Java, but to have introduced the original letters of the Javanese alphabet, by a modification of the letters used in Western India and in Siam. It does not appear that either he or his followers established themselves in any authority, and we can trace but little with certainty dmdng the following five centuries ; some of the Java- nese accounts refer to the arrival of various settlers during this period, but we find no traces either of a government having existed, or of the estabhshment of any extensive colony, until the commencement of the sixth century. I should observe in this place that the Javanese year corresponds pretty nearly with the Hindu year of Salivarna, and that the word Saka, in Sanscrit, means an epoch or era, and is apphed to the founder of an era. “ The Javanese occasionally use the numerals for recording dates, but more generally and particularly in dates of importance, they adopt an hieroglyphical inven- tion termed Chondro Sangkolo, in which the different numerals from one to ten are represented by particular objects ; this is either effected, in buildings and sculpture, by the actual representations of these objects, or in writing, by the insertion of their names, the meaning frequently having some allusion to the fact which the date records, thus the date of the destruction of Majapahit, in the Javanese year, 1400, is recorded as follows, the order of the numerals being reversed — Sima — Hang — Kertaning — Burni Gone — gone — is the work — of the land 0 0 4 1 “ Anterior to this supposed arrival of Adi Sacha, the two most eventful periods in the history of these countries, of which tradition and history make mention, are, first, that which includes the incursions of the far-famed race who have been sup- posed to have peopled South America f, and, according to Sir William Jones, ‘ im- ported into the furthest parts of Asia, the rites and fabulous history of Rama and, secondly, that which includes the consequences of the invasion of India by Alexander the Great. That the fabulous history of Rama, as well as the exploits of Alexander, have been current in the Malayan Archipelago from time immemorial, cannot be questioned ; and it may be remarked, that while the Javans use the term Rama for “ * The present (1815) Javanese year is 1742 : that of Bali 1733.” “ t See a former note on the similarity between the languages of South America and the Philippines, and the recent works of Humboldt, on the existence of Hindu remains still found in America, in support of this assertion.” A a 178 MR. RAFFLES’ ADDRESS father, the Malays universally attempt to trace their descent from Alexander, or his followers. Sumatra was long considered to have been the Taprohdne of the ancients ; and when we advert to the single circumstance that this was said to be a country in which the North Polar Star was not visible, or only partially, we must still doubt the correctness of the modern conclusion in favour of Ceylon. The Eastern Islands furnish that pecuhar kind of produce which has, from the earhest times, been in demand by continental nations ; and the same avidity with which, in modern days, Europeans contended for the rich products of the Moluccas, in all probability actu- ated, at a much earlier period, adventurers from Western India. Traces of intercourse with Ethiopia may be found at this day in the scattered tribes of the wooUy-haired race peculiar to Africa, which are to be found on the Andamans, on the southern part of the further Peninsula, and throughout the Archipelago ; and that the Hindus were, at one period, an enterprising and commercial nation, may, I think, be esta- blished with little difficulty, from the incontestible proofs which at this day exist on Java, and the traffic which still exists in native vessels, and on native capital, between the Coromandel coast and the Malayan peninsula. If any country, therefore, in the Archipelago lays claim to this distinction more than another, it is Java; but pro- bably it was rather to the Eastern Islands generally, than to one island in particular, that the appellation was given. Both Ptolemy and the Arabians would seem to have designated the Islands by one general name ; by the one, they were termed Jabadios Insulce ; by the others, Jau, or Jawa: hence, probably, the confusion in the Travels of Marco Polo, and the still disputed question between Java Major and Java Minor *. “ The second division would include the period between this first regular esta- blishment from Western India, and the decfine and fall of the first Eastern empire of Java, which may be fixed, with tolerable accuracy, at about the Javanese year 1000, or A.D. 1073. During this period, by far the most eventful in the history of Java, we shall find colonies of foreigners estabhshing themselves not only on Java, but on various other Islands of the Archipelago ; that the arts, particularly those of architecture and sculpture, flourished in a superior degree ; and that the language, literatm*e, and institutions of the continent of India were transfeiTed, in various directions, through the Oriental Islands. It was during this period that the principal temples, of which “ * If we reflect upon the extent and nature of the recent volcanic phenomena on Sumhawa, and the effects which may have been produced by similar convulsions of nature, we are led to conclude that the present appearance and form of the various islands of the Archipelago may be very different from what they were two or three thousand years ago. At that period these Islands may have formed part of the main land, or have been themselves united in one continent. An authentic account of this extraordinary phenomenon, as far as it can be collected from information yet received, is submitted to the Society, and will be found in the subsequent pages of its Transactions. I can vouch for the correctness of the state- ments, and the raw materials may be found useful in the hand of the natural historian.” TO THE BATAVIAN SOCIETY. 179 the niins now exist on Java, were built; and besides the concurring testimonies of tradition, and the written compositions of the country, the numerous inscriptions and dates on stone and copper, the characters of which we are now able to decypher, as well as the ancient coins, would lend essential aid in estabhshing a correct chrono- logy. On the one hand, we should have to direct our inquiries to the history of the various continental nations from whence these foreigners might have proceeded ; and, on the other, to the nature and extent of the establishments, intercourse, and civihzation introduced by them into the different islands. “ This period will commence from the anival of Awap, the reputed son of Balia Atcha, Sovereign of KudjirM, who came in search of a celebrated country described in the writings of Saka, and under the name of Sewelo CJiolo established the first regular monarchy of which the Javanese annals make mention; and include the adventm'es of the celebrated Panji, the pride and admiration of succeeding ages. Our attention would also be directed in a particular manner to the intercourse be- tween Java and the other Islands, and the nature and extent of the foreign establish- ments formed by Java. Tradition and the popular romances of the country repre- sent not only the kingdoms of Goa and Luhu on Celebes, but even the kingdom of jNIenagkabu, on Smnatra, to have been established about the conclusion of this period by Princes from Java. The third division would include the period from the above date, till the final overthrow of the second Eastern Empire, in the Javanese year 1400. Some idea may be formed of the power and opulence of this second empire established at Maja- pahit, from the extensive ruins of that city still extant : these I took an opportunity of risiting dming my late tour ; and I believe I am within the mark, when I repre- sent the walls to have enclosed a space of upwards of twenty miles in circumference. “ Within this period will be included the establishment of the Western Empire at Pajajaran ; the subsequent di’sdsion of the Island under the Princes of Majapahit and Pajajaran ; the eventual supremacy of Majapahit ; and the final overthrow of the government and ancient institutions of the country, by the general establishment of the Mahomedan faith. “ It was dm'ing this period that Java may be said to have risen to the highest pitch of her civilization yet known, and to have commanded a more extensive inter- course throughout the Archipelago, than at any former period. Colonies irom Java were successively planted on Sumatra, the Malayan peninsula, Borneo, and Bali, the Princes of which countries still trace their descent from the house of Majapahit ; and that adventurers from Western India, from Siam, from Champa, from China, and fr'om Japan, frequented Java in the greatest number ; but the object of first import- ance will be to trace the introduction, progress, and final establishment of the Mahomedan faith in the various countries where it now is acknowledged as the esta- blished religion; and particularly on Java, where we find that, notwithstanding A a 2 180 MR. RAFFLES’ ADDRESS attempts to make proselytes were made as early as the commencement of the twelfth century, such was the attachment of the people to their ancient faith and institutions, that they did not effectually succeed, till the latter end of the fifteenth century of the Christian era. “ The fourth di\ision would commence uith the establishment of the Maho- medan government on Java, and might be brought do^^^l to the estabhshment of the Dutch in the Eastern Seas, say A.D. 1600 ; and a fifth, and by no means uninterest- ing period, might include the history of the Em-opean estabhshments, dowrn to the conquests by the British arms in 1811. “ The fm-ther prosecution of this extensive inquiry would lead me beyond the limits at present prescribed ; and I must, therefore, conclude with di-a\\ing yom- atten- tion to the striking similarity between the early state of Greece, and that of the Malayan Islands : change but the names, and the words of Mitford’s Introduction to his History of Greece, vdU be found equally apphcable to tliis more extensive Archi- pelago. “ ‘ Thus,’ he observes, ‘ Greece, in its early days, was in a state of perpetual marauding and piratical warfare. Cattle, as the great means of subsistence, were first the great objects of plunder ; then, as the inhabitants of some parts by degrees settled to agriculture, men, women, and children were sought for as slaves. But Greece had nothing more peculiar than its adjacent sea, where small islands were so thickly scattered, that their inhabitants, and in some measure those of the shores of the sun’ounding continents also, were mariners by necessity ; W'ater-expeditions, therefore, were soon found most commodious for carrying off spoil. The Greeks, moreover, in their more barbarous state, became acquainted with the precious me- tals ; for the Phoenicians, whose industry, ingenuity, and adventurous spirit of com- merce, led them early to explore the further shores of the MediteiTanean, and even to risk the dangers of the ocean beyond, discovered mines of gold and silver in some of the Islands of the ^Tigean, and on its northern coast they fonned establishments in several of the Islands ; and Thasus, which lay convenient for communication ^^dth the most productive mines, became the seat of their principal factor)'. Thus was offered the most powerful incentive to piracy, in a sea whose innumerable islands and ports afforded singular opportunity for the practice. Perhaps the conduct of the Phoenicians towards the uncirihzed nations, among whom the desire of gain led them, was not always the most upright or humane ; hostilities would naturally ensue, and hence might first arise the estimation of piracy, which long prevailed among the Greeks as an honourable practice.’ “ Java has long been advanced beyond that state, in which piracy and robbery are held to be honourable in the eyes of men ; but the picture wll be found pretty correct of those Islands strictly denominated ^Malayan. “ The superior and extraordinary fertility of the soil may serve to account for TO THE BATAVIAN SOCIETY. 181 the extensive population of Java, compared with that of the other Islands ; and when to the peaceable and domestic habits of an agiicultural life are added the facili- ties for invasion along an extensive line of coast, accessible in every direction, it will not be surprising that she should have fallen an easy prey to the first invader. She appears to have lost by these invasions much of that martial spirit and adventurous enterprise which distinguishes the population of the other Isles ; but, at the same tune, to have retained not only the primitive simphcity of her own peculiar usages, but all the virtues and advantages of the more enlightened institutions which have been introduced at different periods from a foreign source. At all events, when we consider that her population cannot be less than four millions ; and when we witness the character and hterature of the people as it is even now exhibited, we must admit that Java had attained a far higher degree of cirilization than any other nation in the southern hemisphere. “ You will, however, expect from me some notice regarding Japan, ‘ that cele- brated and imperial Island,’ which, to use the words of Sir William Jones, bears ‘ a pre-eminence among Eastern kingdoms, analogous to that of Britain among the nations of the West and however slender may have been the information procured, such as it is I venture to submit it to you, nearly as I received it from the verbal comniunications of Dr. Ainslie. “ It may be satisfactory and gratifying, in the first place, to obser\^e, that every information which has been obtained, tends to confirm the accuracy, the ability, and the impartiality of Kasmpfer, whose account of Japan is, perhaps, one of the best books of the kind that ever was written, considering the circumstances under which he was sent. I am assured that there is not a misrepresentation throughout. He was a man of that minute accuracy, and that habitude of talent, which saw every thing as it stood, and not through the mist or medium of any preconception. The Japanese obseiwe of him, that he is in history ‘ the very apostle of their faith,’ and from whose works alone they know even their owti country. Their first inquiry was for a copy of Kaempfer ; and, endeavouring to evince the estimation in which this author was held by them, their observation was literally that ^ he had drawn out their heart from them, and laid it palpitating before us, with all the movements of their government, and the actions of their men.’ ‘‘ Referring you, therefore, to the works of Kaempfer for an account of their histor)', institutions and acquirements, as genuine data on which this interesting people may be appreciated, I need only offer a few notices on the character which they appeared to Dr. Ainslie to display, during a residence of four months, and as far as he had the opportunity of judging. “ They are represented to be a nerv’ous, \dgorous people, whose bodily and mental powers assimilate much nearer to those of Europe, than what is attributed to Asiatics in general. Their features are masculine, and perfectly European, with the 182 MR. RAFFLES’ ADDRESS exception of the small lengthened Tartar eye, which almost universally prevails, and is the only feature of resemblance between them and the Chinese. The complexion is perfectly fair, and indeed blooming, the women of the higher classes being equally fair with Europeans, and having the bloom of health more generally prevalent among them than is usually found in Europe. For a people who have had very few, if any, external aids, the Japanese can- not but rank high in the scale of civihzation. The traits of a vigorous mind are dis- played in the sciences, and particularly in metaphysics and judicial astrology. The arts speak for themselves, and are deservedly acknowledged to be in a much higher degi'ee of perfection than among the Chinese, with whom they are, by Europeans, so frequently confounded. The latter have been stationary, at least, as long as we have known them ; but the slightest impulse seems sufficient to give a determination to the Japanese character, which would progressively improve, until it attained the same height of chilization mth the European. Nothing, indeed, is so offensive to the feelings of a Japanese, as to be compared, in any one respect, with the Chinese ; and the only occasion on which Dr. Ainslie saw the habitual politeness of a Japanese ever surprised into a burst of passion, was upon a simihtude of the two nations being unguardedly made, when he laid his hand on his sword. “ The people are said to have a strong inclination to foreign intercourse, not- withstanding the political institutions to the contrary ; and perhaps the energy which characterizes the Japanese character cannot be better elucidated than in that extra- ordinary decision which excluded the world from their shores, and confined them- selves within their own limits : a people who had before served as mercenaries throughout all Polynesia, and who traded with all nations — themselves adventurous navigators. “ There is by no means that uniformity among them which is observed in China, where the impression of the government may be said to have broken down all indi- viduality, and left one Chinese the counterpart of another. Unlike the Chinese, the women here are by no means secluded ; they have a society among themselves, as the ladies of Europe. During the residence of Dr. Ainslie, frequent invitations and entertainments were given ; on these occasions, and at one in particular, a lady from the court of Jeddo is represented to have done the honours of the table with an ease, elegance, and address that would have graced a Parisian. The usual dress of a Japanese woman of middle rank costs, perhaps, as much as would supply the ward- robe of an European lady of the same rank for twenty years. “ The Japanese, with an apparent coldness hke the stillness of the Spanish cha- racter, and derived nearly from the same causes, — that system of espionage, and tha principle of disunion, dictated by the principles of both governments, — are repre- sented to be eager of novelty and wann in their attachments ; open to strangers ; and, bating the restrictions of their political institutions, a people who seem inclined 2 TO THE BATAVIAN SOCIETY. 188 to throw themselves into the hands of any nation of superior intelligence : they have, at the same time, a great contempt and disregard of every thing below their own standard of morals and habits, as instanced in the case of the Chinese. “ This may appear to be contradicted by the mission from Russia in 1814, under Count Kreusenstern ; but the circumstances under which that mission was placed should be considered. From the moment of their arrival they were under the influence of an exclusive factory, who continued to rain upon them every possible ignominy which can be supposed to have flowed from the despotism of Japan, through the medium of an interested and avaricious factor, who di'eaded competition, or the pubhcation of his secret. The warehouse in which the Russian mission had been lodged, was pointed out to Dr. Ainshe, who observes, that ‘ as the rats were let out, the Count and his suite were let in, where they remained for six long months, with scarce room to turn ; the mark of obloquy to the Japanese, and the laughing- stock to the European factory.’ So hvely, indeed, was the impression of the occur- rence, that the chief Japanese officer asked the Enghsh commissioner if he, too, would condescend to play the part of the Russian count ; the officer answering to his omi question, ‘ No, I trust not.’ The mistaken idea of their ilhberafity in religious matters, seems to have been fully proved ; and the late mission experienced it in a degree hardly credible, and little expected by themselves, from the representations previously made to them. The story of the annual test of trampfing on the crucifix at Nangasaki and the other important cities is a story derided by the Japanese priesthood. On \dsiting the great temple on the hills of Nangasaki, the English commissioner was received with marked regard and respect by the venerable patriarch of the northern pro\inces, eighty years of age, who entertained him most sumptuously. On shewing him round the courts of the temple, one of the English officers present heedlessly exclaimed in surprise, ' Jasus Christus.' The patriarch, turning half-round, with a placid smile, bowed significantly, expressive of * We know you are Jasus Christus well ; don’t obtrude him upon us in our temples, and we remain friends ;’ and so with a hearty shake of the hands these two opposites parted. This leave-taking reminded Dr. Ainshe very forcibly of the story Dr. Moore tells so well of the Duke of Hamilton and himself taking leave of the Pope. The Pope, who had conceived a regard for the young Duke, on the latter making his conge, said, ‘ I know you laugh at the benediction of a Pope ; but the blessing of an old man can do you no harm ;’ and laid his hand on his head, and blessed him. “ The massacre of Samebarra is, by the Japanese, attributed to European in- trigue ; and even Kaeempfer notices that the European ships of war formed the prac- tical breach through which the Japanese entered, and perpetrated that massacre, to which, it would appear, they had been originally prompted by others. That the negociations from England, on a former occasion, should not have 181 MR. RAFFLES’ ADDRESS been more successful than the late attempt from Russia, may easily be accounted for, when we reflect on the possibility of the favoured factor ha\ing said to them. Forty years ago your throne has been all but overturned by the intrigue of these heretics ; this embassy comes from the King who has married the daughter of the head of that cast, and fi'om whom you can expect nothing less than an irruption still more fatal to your tranquillity.’ Such an argument, pushed by a narrow-minded and interesting factor, could not but carry weight with the Japanese, accustomed to respect, and to place all confidence in their western visitors. " They are not averse to the indulgence of social excess, and on these occasions give a latitude to their speech, which one would hardly suppose they dared to do in Japan. " It is an extraordinary fact, notwithstanding the determination of the empire not to enter into foreign commerce, that for seven years past, since the visitation of Captain Pellew, the English language has, by an edict from the Emperor, been culti- vated with considerable success by the younger members of the College of Interpre- ters ; they were, indeed, anxious in their inquiries after English books. “ While the commissioner was at Nangasaki, there arrived a large detachment of officers of rank, who had been out nearly four years, and not yet completed one- fourth of a survey on which they were engaged. These officers were attended by a numerous and splendid retinue, and were employed in making a practical survey of every foot of the empire and the dependant isles. The survey appeared to be con- ducted on a scientific principle, to be most minute and accurate in its execution, and to have for its object a regular geographical and statistical survey of the country. “ In a word, the opinion of Dr. Ainslie is, that the Japanese are a people with whom the European world might hold intercourse without compromise of character ; for the Japanese themselves are wonderfully inquisitive in all points of science, and possess a mind curious and anxious to receive information, without inquiring from what quarter it comes. “ In the same spirit let us hope that now, when ‘ That spell upon the minds of men Breaks, never to unite again’ — no withering policy may blast the fair fruits of that spirit of research which has gone forth from this Hall ; nor continue, under any circumstances, to shut out one-half of the world from the intelligence which the other half may possess.” While thus occupied in the encouragement of every object calculated to promote the good of the people whom he governed, and to enlarge our knowledge of their institutions, habits, and character, not only Mr. Raffles but his superiors also in Bengal remained entirely ignorant of the intentions of the Government at home. UNSETTLED TENURE OF JAVA. 185 or of the East India Company, as to the future condition of the Island. Years had elapsed, and still nothing was decided on its fate. One of the chief difficulties with which Mr. Raffles had to contend, and which indeed affected every measure, arose from this uncertainty. He had to administer the government of the Island without kno^^^ng whether it was to belong to the King or the Company, which led to embarrassment, and created differences of opinion, as the wishes and interests of indiHduals were likely to be affected by the decision. Mr. Raffles wrote to Mr. Ramsay, Secretary of the East India Company, on this subject. To W. Ramsaij, Esq. from Mr. Raffles. Batavia, Jan. 8, 1813. “ There is perhaps no point of view in which the possession of Java deserves to be more seriously considered, than in its connection with China, and its influence on the Company’s interests and prospects there. It is of the first importance to them, that in any arrangements which may be made for the future government of this colony, or for throwing the trade of India open to individuals, the nature of this connection, and the extent of this influence should be fully known, in order that the Company’s interests at Canton, and their exclusive trade to China may not be interfered with. “ It seems to be the general opinion that the government of Java will be assumed by the Crown ; and if this is the case, it is probable that a free trade will follow. Batavia may become the mart, from whence America and the Continent will be supplied with the products of China ; and, from its central situation, become an emporium, which, in the hands of any other powder than that of the Company, must be destructive of its best interests in China. The trade between Europe, India and Bata\ia, and between Batavia and Chind, will fall into the hands of indi- viduals, against whose interference restrictions would be vain. “ The balance of trade, under the existing circumstances of the European market, is heavily against Java, both from Europe and from India, there being no actual produce of Java to afford a return that is saleable ; and, consequently, the greater extent to which this trade is carried, the greater the demand for silver and gold, and the greater the difficulties and distresses of the Government. China, however, offers an advantageous mart for almost all her productions, as well as those of the Eastern Islands in general ; and it is to this market only that we can look. A great proportion of this trade is now carried on by Chinese capitalists, trading direct to Batavia from Amir and the northern ports of China, with which a constant intercourse is kept up ; and it woidd be impossible to restrict a trade which appears to have been so long established, and which proves so essential and advan- tageous to all concerned in it. “ The state of the Company’s finances in China has already induced the super- B b 186 TRADE OF JAVA AND OF CHINA. cargoes to open a commmiication on the subject. They represent the deficiency of their funds, and ask for consignments from hence, offering the advantage of di*a\v- ing bills on the Supreme Government for the amount. This arrangement is exactly what the colony stands in need of. The drain which woidd otherwse exhaust Java from Europe and India will be avoided by the circulation of bills on Bengal, wiiich will be gi'anted to the amomit of the consignments to China ; and the supercargoes in China w ill be furnished in the most advantageous manner possible with funds for the homew^ard cargo, without requiring that export of specie wiiich must otherwise become essentially necessary. If Java remains in the hands of the East India Company, this arrangement may be earned to any extent, and Java and China thus mutually assist each other, while the Company’s finances w^ould derive an obvious benefit. If Java becomes a King’s government, and the trade to the Eastern Islands is thrown open, it will be difficult to impose restrictions, and impossible to prevent an intercourse with China, which, under such circumstances, would prove highly disadvantageous to the Company. “ As far as my experience goes, it will be impossible for a British government to exist on Java with a respectable estabhshment, without avaihng itself of the resources within its reach. Java cannot be held on the same footing as Ceylon. It is by extending its trade, and not by confining it, that the interests of its local government can alone be secured. Another point of moment is the extent to which printed-cottons may be introduced into Java fi'om England. I am most sanguine in my expectations of success, provided strict attention is paid to the patterns and sizes as well to the other suggestions w'hich accompany the musters ; the consignments, however, should in the first instance, be considered rather as an experiment ; and, afterw'ards, if the cloths are once generally and advantageously introduced, there will he no difficulty in increasing the quantity to an unlimited extent. The extent to which other staples and manufactures may he imported with advantage, I have stated in a Report ^ ^ ^ ^ * On the prospect of the Island of Java being transferred to the crown, and the probability of a King’s officer being appointed to the government. Lord Minto displayed a generous concern to promote and secure the interests of his friend, to whom he wTote as follows : — February 22d, 1813. ^ ^ I have already written to you concerning the operations of this event (the arrival of General Maitland) upon your situation ; and I need not repeat my former • The inliabitants of Java are now, 1829, principally supplied with the cotton and woollen manufac- tures of England. GOVERNMENT OF JAVA. 187 communication on a subject which is, however, deeply and sensibly interesting to my "wishes and feelings. “ But I have to acquaint you with an honourable retreat, if your present office should pass into other hands. Mr. Parker has been compelled by ill-health to quit Bencoolen. If any obstacle should arise to the view's which I suppose you might entertain on Java, in the event of a change of government, or if you should prefer the Residency of Fort Marlborough to any other situation that might be open for you in the East, my resolution is to appoint you to succeed Mr. Parker. It must not be forgotten, at the same time, that the orders of the Court of Directors are to place a civil servant of the Bengal establishment in that office. That circumstance will not prevent me from appointing you, because I flatter myself the claims which made so strong an impression on me w'ill be admitted by others ; and I am unwil- hng to doubt the Court’s confirmation of the measure, and the many w^eighty and forcible considerations wffiich certainly recommend it. “ If there should be any hesitation on the subject, I should feel some reliance on the early exertion I shall have an opportunity of making, in person, at home, my departure from hence being fixed for next January. ^ ^ ^ “ My opinion now is, that in military questions affecting especially the economy of your government, you should adopt and carr}' into effect firmly, the measures wffiich, after every proper reference to the Commander of the Forces, and with every due deference to his sentiments, you ultimately judge to be either expedient in them- selves, or conformable to our instructions. To give way on the spot, and refer to us to reverse the measures, which have been conceded merely in a spirit of con- ciliation, is a very slow and dilatory process, considering the distance and length of time required for communication betw'een Java and Bengal. It might, perhaps, be admissible, if the instances were rare; but opposition on such points being not only frequent but uniform, an exercise of the powder vested in you on the spot becomes indispensable. Pray let me know your wishes on the subject of your appointment to Ben- coolen as soon as possible. But I shall take care to make the office accessible to you by an actual appointment, subject to your owm option, as soon as I know with certainty that the present government of Java is to be changed. You have had, and will still have many competitors here, and some of the very highest rank, merit, and pretensions in India ; but so far as the power of this government can avail, you may consider the affair as decided.” From Lord Minto to Air. Raffles. “ Calcutta, May \0th, 1813. “ Although nothing is certain, I should think, on the whole, that Lord Moira will arrive in Bengal in July, or say by the 1st of August. B b 2 188 APPOINTMENT TO BENCOOLEN. “ This expectation occasions a great embarrassment and anxiety about you ; for the final decision concerning Java may not be known in the country during my government, and there will consequently be a difficulty in appointing you to Ben- coolen, if that should be the case: for I presume you would not wish to renounce Java definitively until the necessity of doing so should be positively ascertained. What I can do at present is to keep Bencoolen open. If I should learn, while I am in office, that you are certainly to be relieved at an early period, I shall make your appointment to Fort Marlbro’, and send it to you at Batavia, that you may go at once from Java to your own station. All that can be said is, that I shall be watchful for your interest, and shall omit nothing that depends on me to accomplish what I think due to your merits and services, as well as to evince the esteem and affection which I have sincere pleasure in professing towards you.” Extract of a Letter from Lord Minto to Mr. Raffles. “ June 22d, 1813. “ I cannot safely wait longer for authentic accounts of the resolution taken in England concerning Java ; and I have, therefore, adopted the measure of at once appointing you formally to Fort Marlbro’ ; to take effect on your being relieved from your present office or resigning it ; the allowances to commence from the time of your departure from Java. The letter which I have just addressed to you as President of the Literary Society of Batavia, leaves little for me to add to the very gratifying proof of their kind recollection and regard furnished by the address which you enclosed to me, and I shall only say, in the sincerity of private correspondence, that I have derived from it very particular satisfaction. I hope you will ply your labours — the field is extensive, and to a great portion even of the learned world new — diligence has not been wanting, and ability has been abundant in your era — for which, certainly, much is due to you, as you are truly told. I am very grateful for the great stone from the interior of your Island; in w^eight, at least, it seems to rival the base of Peter the Great’s statue at St. Petersburg!!. “ I shall be very much tempted to mount this Java rock on our Minto craigs, that it may tell eastern tales of us long after our heads lie under smoother stones. “ Your Twelve Caesars* are placed on handsome pedestals in the marble hall at Calcutta, and you would be pleased to see how well they suit that fine room, and how ornamental they are to it. An inscription on the pedestal of Julius Caesar is to Busts formerly in the Government Hall of the Dutch Governor-General at Batavia, and sent by Mr. Raffles to Lord Minto. CALLING IN DEPRECIATED PAPER. 189 make him tell his own history and that of his successors, and how they all came there. He will (prophetically it must be) introduce your name into this chapter of liis Commentaries. ******* “ I learnt with great pleasure that you have determined to accept the Resi- dency of Fort Marlbro’. When I first made this proposition I was not aware that I might soon lose the power of making the appointment. I have since felt con- siderable uneasiness lest I should be overtaken by an event which cannot be distant, and disabled fi'om accomphshing an object which I have so much at heart. I wrote you by the Hussar under that apprehension, and before I had entirely determined the course I should pursue. Fro?n Lord Minto to Mr. Raffles. “ Calcutta, June 24. >t ,^v . Jr t-i*'-' •H,» .♦ * < *.’,* t' „* ’ V ' >•:* f. rr m ti\ V^ -.V<.Sy* iV 1 OM l DEPRECIATED STATE OF PAPER CURRENCY. 191 imagined ; and while they remain under my administration, no exertions shall be wanting to bring forth their resources. Under existing circumstances, it is essential they should be inquired into ; and few questions are likely to excite more interest than those you have noticed. They cannot be considered without reference to the state of the colony ; and, as connected with its eventual prosperity, they demand a considerable share of my time. “ Until the revolution in Holland, and the discontinuance of communication between this colony and Europe, large sums in silver were annually sent out to pay the establishments and purchase the investments ; and, generally speaking, the importations in bullion were the most considerable. The specie, also, when sent by the Batavian government to British India, either procured a return of silver, or the proceeds by which opium, cloths, and the principal importations required by Java, could be purchased. For the last ten years, Java lost these advantages ; and the only supply of bullion was received from the Americans, who purchased colonial produce. The blockade giving rise to extraordinary measures of defence, the whole Island was by Marshal Daendels forced to submit to military exactions ; and, inde- pendant of the forced and voluntary loans obtained from the inhabitants, upwards of four millions of Rix Dollars and Paper Currency was thrown into the market. At the period of the establishment of the British government, this Paper had fallen in the market to the rate of six and a-half Rix Dollars for one Spanish Dollar silver. The public service required that, in the first instance, a supply of cash should be throum into the Island for the pay of the troops ; and, for a certain time, while the government were accumulating a small capital, a large proportion of this was kept on the Island. The restrictions on commerce which had heretofore existed being gradually withdrawn, the value of the silver in the market was soon ascertained. From Europe the importations of silver no longer existed. The specie, with which we might have purchased the valuable articles of Indian produce required here, were no longer at our disposal, the Moluccas being a separate establishment, dependant immediately on Bengal : — and the consequence was natural, that the silver should disappear. The small quantity imported in the first instance by the British govern- ment was soon soaked up in so thirsty a soil ; and the circumstances above stated, added to the total want of demand for the produce of the colony, may account for the present very imfavourable balance of trade and exchange. The coffee alone, had the American war not broken out, and the Orders of Council been revoked, would have afforded us an importation of specie of nearly two millions of Spanish Dollars annually. At present it is literally rotting in the stores. The above may give you a general idea of our present situation; but, as Paper Cm’rency is the point on which we are speaking, it may be interesting to you 192 DEPRECIATED STATE OF PAPER CURRENCY. to be infoiTned of an important measure which has been undertaken here. The Paper Currency of Batavia, which was originally issued at par, amounted to about 8.500.000 Rix Dollars (£2,125,000 at par). At our first establishment it was respected and guaranteed by Lord Minto at six and a-half for one ; but, in the course of a year, and not^nthstanding it continued to be received in the government treasury at the rate originally fixed by Lord iNlinto, it fell to twelve and thirteen for one, — making a difference of near one hundred per cent, in its actual current value in the market. It followed, that government must either retain it in the Treasury, or if they issued it in papnents, do so at the cmTent market price of the day, at a loss of one hundi'ed per cent. ; — for the proclamation of Lord Minto required that they should receive it at six and a-half; and to the troops, or any of the fixed estahlishments, it could not be issued except at its value in the market. If purchases were to be made, or agreements entered into, it mattered little whether the rate of six and a-half or that of thirteen were stated, as individuals would take care to regulate the amount according to the current value. “ It may not be necessaiy to go -into all the causes of this suiquising depreciation. The general state of the Island, and the demand for silver, ^rill, in a gi’eat measure, account for it ; and something may be attributed to the speculations of indiriduals, who were considerable debtors to public Institutions, and to government, and, con- sequently, interested in the depreciation. “ Under such circmnstances, you may easily conceive that property was ver\' insecure ; and that very little public confidence was to expected : — but how was it to be altered ? “ I resolved to \rithdi'aw the whole from circulation by a partial sale of lands, and by such other means as were ^ritliinmy reach ; and I succeeded in securing the whole in the coin*se of three months. The principle on which this measure was adopted, is as follows, — the amount of Paper Currency could be considered in no other light than a colonial debt, the amomit of which was due by government to the public. It is true it was not incurred by the British government ; but Lord Minto had guaranteed it to a certain extent ; and whatever might be the eventual fate of the colony, the burden arising from the depreciation must fall upon us. The question, therefore, ^vas, whether we shoidd ^rithdi'aw this paper hy means of British capital, or by means of Colonial capital ; or, in other words, whether we should draw on Bengal for 1.300.000 dol. (£325,000 at par,) or whether other means might not be devised, that would eventually fall upon the colony. The heavy demands on the Bengal treasury for the supply of cash to Europe, the assm*ances I had given on the capability of the Island to maintain itself, and the necessity of preventing the possession fi'om becoming a ch'ain upon our more permanent possessions, induced me to devise means witbin my immediate reach : and I conceived it was impossible to adopt a more justifiable plan than to sell a portion of the domains of the colony for the liquidation of the debt. I WANT OF SPECIE. 193 have accordingly done this ; and about one-fourth of the debt may already be consi- dered as extinct. The same principle followed up will reduce the whole in a few years ; and in the mean time, an issue of the Treasury notes has been made, bearing an interest of 6 per cent., and payable at pleasure, which retain, and are likely to continue to retain, their original value. To meet the demand for circulation, which the withdrawing of so large a floating medium occasioned, the Lombard bank has been authorised to issue promissory notes or obligations to a certain extent, payable in nine months ; which notes are issued to indhiduals on the security of real and personal property redeemable at the expiration of six months fi-om the date of the loan. “ These last mentioned notes, with a small quantity of certificates issued from the Treasury, to enable the public to settle outstanding accounts in the old Batavian currency, have, generally speaking, maintained their credit ; that is to say, they have never been at a discount with silver of more than 20 or 25 per cent. ; and no extra- ordinary means have been taken by government to keep them up ; they have literally been left to find their level in the market. “ From these circumstances you will be able to judge of the state of public credit. “ The quantity of silver is however daily becoming less. Gold has disappeared altogether ; and copper is the only metal in general use among the population. A general demand exists for a more extended currency ; and many of the most wealthy indi\iduals are threatened with ruin from the want of means to pay their debts. In a few months, if a change does not take place, silver mil not be procurable at any price ; and in establishing a colonial currency, it becomes a question what shall be considered the standard ; if silver, its price will be so high, that we may expect to pay 100 per cent, addition to our fixed expences ; and if copper is made the standard, we at once declare our poverty among the nations with whom we hold commercial intercourse. “ I am happy that you concur in the propriety of the Probolingo sale. Our proceedings in this, as well as in every other measure, have met the approbation of the supreme government. “ Whilst adverting to this, I ought to notice a very important arrangement which is now in progress, and one which I consider by far the most important of my administration, and that is the establishment of a land rental, and the entire aboli- tion of the farming system, and of the forced deliveries and services at inadequate rates, which heretofore existed. “ A system of internal management, similar to that established in Bengal, has been introduced throughout the whole of this fertile and populous Island ; and the revenue and police regulations have been placed on a footing to ensure to the cul- tivator the fruits of his industry, and to the government its just dues for the sup- port of the state ; the whole system of native management has been exploded, and c c 19t REVENUE OF JAVA. the mass of the population are now no longer dependent on a Regent or other Chief- tain, but look up direct to the Em-opean power which protects them. To enter into an account of the natm-e of landed tenm*e in Java, or of the state of society, would require more time than I can at the present devote to the purpose, and a partial or imperfect \dew of the subject can only lead to error. “ Hereafter, when I may have more leisure, or when I may make up my mind to uTite a book on Java, I shall go fully into these important points ; for the pre- sent, it may be sufficient for you to know, that under the Dutch government the revenue was almost entirely derived from the profits of commercial monopoly. After the loss of the Spice Islands, and all communication with Europe being cut off, some attempts to raise a territorial revenue were made by Marshal Daendels ; but the amount realized, and the principle on which it was raised, deserve little comment or approbation ; \rith the exception of the country in the immediate neigh- bourhood of Bataria, the internal management was confided entirely to native Chiefs, termed Regents ; who, on condition of furnishing to government a certain quantity of rice, &c., and a small recognition-money annually, udth all the labour and neces- saries which government might from time to time require, were left to do uith the bulk of the population pretty nearly as they pleased. They were, in short, the lords of the country, and while they complied with the requisitions of government, and were ciril to the Resident, their conduct was little enquired into. The abuses and oppressions attached to such a system were eveiy where apparent, every where felt. The Dutch themselves, to whom such a lazy system of management might seem most congenial, were, in a great measure, ashamed of it. Commissions upon com- missions were appointed to propose a better system of government and internal administration ; but either these commissioners were misled by those in office, who fattened upon the vices of the existing system, or they themselves wanted courage or ability to propose a radical change. All their partial changes had no effect either in improving the revenue or in alleriating the condition of the inhabitants. It was left to the British government to confer that boon on the Island, the establishment of which Arill fonn a bright era in the page of her history. In the first instance, the lands are let, generally speaking, to the heads of villages, as this description of people appear to me to he the resident superintending farmers of the estate. In so extensive a population, there will naturally require some deviations in different districts : — but the plan of \fillage rents will generally prevail. After the experience of one year, — leases for three years wll be gi'anted ; and, at the conclusion of that period, the leases may either be made for seven, or for ten years, or the lands granted to the actual possessors in pei*petuity. “ You will thus see, that I have had the happiness to release several millions of my fellow creatures fi'om a state of bondage and arbitrary oppression. The revenue of government, instead of being wrung by the gi'asping hand of an unfeeling farmer PROPOSED LITERARY WORK. 195 from the sa\’ings of industry, will now come into the treasuries of government direct, and be proportioned to the actual capability of the country. A system of check and control can now be introduced into every department; and in a more extensive political view, we may contemplate that the mass of the population will for ever re- main attached to the British power, under whatever circumstances the Island is placed. You must pardon the hasty and unconnected account of this important measure. “ I have already, in my official letters, wi'itten so much on the subject, that I have exhausted all I had to say ; and now that I sit down to wi'ite to you on the eve of the departure of the ships, I am too much fatigued to enter fully into it. I will only add, that, connected with this change, all the internal tolls and imposts, which heretofore checked cultivation and internal trade, have been abolished; that all the ports of the Island have been thrown open to shipping, with a remission of almost all export duties ; and that every obstruction in the way of free cultivation, and free trade, is gradually remoring. “ The spm* which must thus be given to industry and speculation is, at any rate, calculated to assist in reducing the unfavourable balance of trade, by increasing our exports: — and, at all events, the individual interests and energies of millions, who can have no views beyond the Island, is better calculated to effect this object than any monopoly in the hands of a temporary and foreign power. “ I observe wffiat you mention respecting the advantages attending a literary w^ork, such as a statistical account of Java ; — and, although I am fidly sensible of my incapacity to appear before the public as an author, I feel some inclination to the undertaking. In my present situation, the demands on my time are so heavy, that any attempt of the kind would be fruitless. The most that I can do, is to collect materials; and, in this respect, I feel myself tolerably well prepared for an essai, whenever I may have sufficient leisure to devote to the subject. Should a change take place in this government, which is more than probable, I shall have plenty of time on my hands. I believe there is no one possessed of more informa- tion respecting Java than myself: — but how far I maybe able to put it together, and to bring it before the public, I know not.” The time was now arrived when Lord Minto was to take his departure from Calcutta, on wffiich occasion he WTote to Mr. Raffies the following letter, expressive of the fiiendship he felt, and the warm interest he continued to take in his w^elfare. Calcutta, November, 1813. “ In taking leave of my pubhc relation with you, as I must in this letter, I am at a loss how to proceed. On the one hand, there are so many points, or rather extensive subjects, on which a free communication of my sentiments is due to you, that every hour wffiich remains of my residence in India would be too few to acquit myself of that debt, in a manner entirely satisfactory to myself or you. On the other c c 2 196 LORD MINTO’S LAST LETTER TO MR. RAFFLES. hand, the last, or I may say more properly, the posthumous duties of my station in India, added to the preparations for my departure, and the very interesting offices of society and friendship which belong to the occasion, leave only moments, when days would be wanted, for the demands still outstanding against me. You uill, therefore, not impute to me want of interest in the matter I have now before me, if I aim at conciseness and brertty in a greater degree than I am accustomed to do. My official authority, and, therefore, my personal interj3osition in public business, was to end somewhere ; and the arrears which the excess of labour required in this government beyond the powers of human diligence, must unavoidably cause, at the close of my Indian administration, have carried my demise a little higher than the nominal termi- nation of my office, in such a manner as to leave the formal decision of several affairs which arose in my own period, to the authority which succeeds me. “ You will accept, therefore, what I am now able to offer, as only the friendly suggestions of the deep and lively interest I can never cease to take in all that con- cerns your public trust, and your personal reputation and welfare. In this I may be less careful than I might otherudse be, to separate my pubhc from my private senti- ments in this letter. * ^ ^ “ On the financial operation of uithdi'audng the depreciated paper from circu- lation by a considerable sale of lands, the resolutions of this government must be con- veyed to you by my successor ; but I am unuilling to withhold from you my indi- vidual sentiments on a measm*e of so much importance. “ I begin, therefore, by assenting without reservation to the absolute and exi- gent necessity which was the motive, and is the justification, of the proceeding. The revenues and all the demands of government were paid in paper which could not be re-issued ; there was, therefore, a rtrtual suspension of receipt at the public treasuiy. To avoid this total loss, the paper must have been issued again, at the discount of the day, which \vould have discredited the cm-rency still more, and would have involved an enormous and constantly-recun’ing loss. This state of things left you no option but to withdraw the paper, to make room for some better medium of circulation, and the operation of the ertl w'as too rapid to admit of delay. “ The only plan for the redemption of the paper which could be found, appears very clearly to have been precisely that to which you had recourse — the sale of public property ; and it must be deemed fortunate that this resom-ce existed, and proved to be immediately available. “ I consider, therefore, your measure to have been an able expedient in a case of great emergency. “ At the same time I conceive the necessity of a prompt remedy to fonn the essen- tial, and, indeed, the indispensable ground of the resolution that was taken, for I should not, I confess, have thought an extensive alienation of the public domains LORD MINTO’S LAST LETTER TO MR. RAFFLES. 197 ad\isable in itself, under the particular circumstances of the colony at the time. First, it was too important a measure to he adopted dm'ing a provisional government, the duration of which is more than precarious. Secondly, it ought (and naturally would, without the pressure of immediate necessity) to have received the previous sanction of the supreme government. Thirdly, although my views, as you know, lead to the transfer of public territory to the management of individual industry, and the creation of a genuine landed interest, with all its immediate benefits and amelio- rating tendencies, in the room of the deplorable system of vassalage and dependence under which land is now held in Java ; yet I have felt that this change could not be brought about suddenly, partly from the very nature of all extensive changes, partly from the circumstances of the colony, which contains at present neither capital nor capitalists enough to afford a comparison between the value in the market, of land and money, either fair or at all approaching to fair. I should have inclined, there- fore, to small and partial sales of land, if alienation in perpetuity should have been thought advisable at all, proportioned in some degree to the disposable quantity of money in the hands of individuals. But the general course to be recommended I conceive to be short leases, followed by longer, and ultimately by perpetuities. I touch upon these points the more willingly, for the purpose of conveying to you a caution on the subject, founded on our knowledge of the sentiments which appear to be the most prevalent at home, but which you may not be apprized of. There is a great division of opinion on the question of permanent settlements, and the extension of that system to the newly acquired provinces under the Presi- dency of Bengal, which has in a great degree been carried into effect during my administration. The introduction of that system has been gradual in those provinces, but yet more sudden than is approved at home. But Java is in a state infinitely less favour- able to perpetual alienations, and you may depend upon such measures, unsupported by particular exigency, being disapproved, and, indeed, disavowed and annulled by the authorities in England. “ There are many other points of public business, indeed much too many, in which I am in your debt, but, as I have already said, I must break my staff somewhere. “ I have had an early communication with Lord Moira * concerning your ap- pointment to Bencoolen ; and I have the happiness to say, that he acquiesced en- tirely in the arrangement that was made, and specifically in the propriety of your con- tinuing to administer the government of Java, until the future destiny of that Island should be fixed by the government at home. “ I ought not to conclude without congratulating you on the success of the Sambas expedition. ****** His Lordship had just arrived in Calcutta as successor to Earl Minto. 198 SALE OF LANDS. “ Your measures at Palembang, you will have seen, have had our entire concur- rence. * * * * * ^ ^ My picture was far advanced before I received yoiu* intimation that the smaller pictm'e formerly sent would be accepted as an anticipation of the request contained in the address. I think you wiU be glad of this, as the full-length, as large as hfe, which is now ready, is one of the best works I ever saw, and every way worthy of the respectable body at whose command it has been executed. " I propose, when that picture amves at Batarta, to request that you will accept and keep the latter for my sake. “ I must close here, but not take leave, for I hope for one more opportunity. " Believe me, ever most faithfully and affectionately yom'S, “ Mixto.” The sale of lands alluded to in the foregoing letter, it will be seen, was highly approved by Lord Minto as an able expedient in a case of great emergency ; and of his ability to judge from local knowledge, as w'eU as general experience, no one doubt. It was, in fact, the only expedient that could be devised to support the credit of the new government, at a time when it was most important to create a favorable impression upon the population, on the change of their rulers. Yet it was strongly condemned by the Comd of Directors ; perhaps because they did not possess either the local knowledge or the experience which were necessary to form a right judgment. The sale of lands was no new measure ; it had been resorted to at different periods under the Dutch government, and more especially in the administration of Marshal Daendels, w'hen not only large estates, but whole districts, had been thus disposed of. The English government succeeded in a moment of the greatest public distress, when the Dutch had been unable to pay even their lowest establishments, when the funds of the public charities had been appropriated to the necessities of the state, and the finances of the colony were bankrupt. The Enghsh government succeeded also to the existing colonial laws and usages, by which they were borne out in the right of alienating such lands as might be found necessary for the support of the state, and as a partial sale of lands had been estimated among the available resources for the expenses of the cm’rent year, and had passed mthout comment by the supreme government, a tacit consent might be implied that the measure in itself was justifiable. The expedition to Sambas, also alluded to in the foregoing letter, originated in a report brought by a trading vessel of the loss of the ship Coromandel, and the encreasing depredations of the piratical Chief of Sambas. This report was sent to Captain Bowen, then senior officer of his Majesty’s navy on the station, with a EXPEDITION TO SAMBAS. 199 request that he would direct his attention to that quarter. Captain Bowen in con- sequence expressed his intention of proceeding to Sambas, and requested a hundred men to act as marines, his ships being short of their complement. General Gil- lespie ordered the men to be supplied ; but the expedition was purely a naval one, and the supply of these men the only concern the Java government had in it. CHAPTER VII. General Nightmgall appointed to relieve General Gillespie — General Gillespie brings charges against Mr. Raffies — Decision of the Court of Directors on them— Ancient characters on stones from the temples — Establishment of the improved system of government — Principles on which it was founded — Institu- tions of Majapahit, his division of society into classes — Mr. Raffles’ reasons for introducing the change in the tenure of the land — His anxiety and fatigue during its progress — Support of General Nightin- gall — Eventual fate of Java — Hesitation of supreme government to give any rule for the guidance of the government — Forced to act in every measure of importance, in consequence, on his own responsibility — Suppression of piracy — Slave-trade declared to be felony, by a Colonial Law — Can only be repealed by the mother country — Leading inhabitants concur, and registered their slaves — Mission to Japan — opening of trade with it — Disapproved by the Bengal government — Approved by the Court of Directors. The difference of opinion before alluded to with General Gillespie involved Mr. Raffles in great trouble, and augmented the cares and anxieties connected with the administration of his extensive government. Owing to some misapprehension, and to other causes, which it is needless now to enumerate, tw^o months after the departm'e of Lord Minto, General Gillespie conceived it his duty to represent to the Governor- General in council at Calcutta, that certain parts of Mr. Raffles’ administration were neither so purely nor so wisely conducted as the public service required. Of course the Bengal government required specific charges to be framed, which, when received, were forw'arded to Mr. Raffles for his replies. The charges embraced such a variety of topics, indeed almost the wfflole extent of his government, that, had Mr. Raffles not been perfectly master of his subject, or had he been less correct in every branch of his duties, the severity of this scrutiny would have been fatal to his public character, even had it not touched wiiat every upright man is still more punctilious in protecting from the breath of slander — his own private fair fame. But the result in Mr. Raffles’ case w'as highly beneficial ; for the inquiry rendered it imperative upon him to enter into many discussions, which delicacy w'ould otherwise have prevented his making public ; and, in fact, compelled him to lay bare the whole system of his administration, with a minuteness wiiich, under any other circumstances, would hardly have been allow'able ; but wiiich in his case, under these circumstances, was an absolute duty. GENERAL NIGHTINGALE APPOINTED TO RELIEVE GENERAL GILLESPIE. 201 In those distant regions, where the means of communication with Europe are few and uncertain ; and where, even on the spot, the intervals which elapse between the dispatch of letters and the receipt of answers, are often of gi'eat duration ; it requires a long period before such misunderstandings are cleared up. Nevertheless, the clouds which at first threatened to obscure Mr. Raffles’ hard-earned renown gradually cleared off ; and, one by one, his enemies, if, indeed, he ever really had enemies, gradually admitted, not only the purity of all his motives and conduct, but perceived and acknowledged the sagacity of his public measures. So irresistible, indeed, was the force of truth, as exemplified on this occasion, and so universal its effect in Mr. Raffles’ favour, that there seems no reason to doubt, had General Gillespie not fallen into an honourable and early grave, he, as well as others, would have borne a willing testi- mony to the unsullied reputation of his former colleague ; when, upon the minutest acts, as well as the most extensive measures of his administration, being exposed to pubhc investigation, all of them were able to bear the scrutiny. The following letter from Lord Minto to Mr. Raffles, dated Calcutta, the 22d May, has reference to the foregoing subject, and was written previously to General Gillespie’s quitting Java ; “ Sir George Nugent proposed appointing General Nightingall to take the com- mand in Java, and place General Gillespie on the staff in Bengal. This plan com- bined so many advantages, that I instantly conveyed to the Commander-in-Chief my hearty, and, I must joyful, concurrence in every part of the proposition. “ The first benefit, afforded by this measure, will be to relieve your government from obstacles Avhich it has become next to impossible to surmount, and yourself from personal vexation, very difficult to live under. On the other hand, a good retreat, or rather an honourable and advantageous station, is prepared for Gillespie, whose military character and services I shall always admire and venerate ; and I shall always rejoice in the opportunity of testifying those sentiments, by contributing, as far as my power goes, to confer upon him those honours and advantages to Avhich, notwithstanding his civil defects, he is so eminently entitled as a soldier. “ Another desirable consequence of this exchange, I hope, may be the super- seding the necessity of investigating and pronouncing upon his pohtical conduct in Java. “ I shall now say a word of General Nightingall ; of his military qualifications I am not able to speak, of my own knowledge, but he has seen a good deal of service, and has, I understand, served with distinction. This I can say, however, that he is a man of honour, and a gentleman in the highest degree ; his manners, in all respects, as amiable as I really believe his conduct to be.” The following letter will shew that, in the midst of the storm of public affairs, D d 202 GENERAL GILLESPIE’S CHARGES AGAINST MR. RAFFLES. Mr. Raffles retained all the kindliest affections of private life. It is addressed to the son of his early friend and protector, the late Mr. Ramsay : To W. B. Ramsay, Esq. “ Buitenzorg, March 2\st, 1814. “ While you are quietly ghding on in the smooth and sunny stream of private life, it is my lot to be tossed on boisterous billows, and to be annoyed with all the clouds and erils which ensue from party spirit. “ Without family pretensions, fortune, or powerful friends, it has been my lot to obtain the high station which I now fill ; and I have not been without my due proportion of en^y in consequence. “ After this, you ^rill not be sui*prised at what follows. You are aware of the differences which occurred between me and Major-General Gillespie, and that he, in consequence, apphed to be reheved from the military command. Arriving in Bengal after Lord IVIinto had left it, he found the new Governor-General unacquainted with all that had preriously passed, and succeeded, to a certain extent, in impressing him favourably in his behalf. He was committed, in the course of some of om* chffer- ences, by assertions which he had made ; and finding that he had succeeded in directing the current of public opinion a good deal against me, he has brought regular charges against both my administration and character. The whole are, I thank God, easily to be repelled ; and the closer the investigation, the pm*er my con- duct will appear. Lord Minto is fully aware of the violent faction which has taken up arms against me, and will defend me in England. In India I have possession, and a clear character to maintain it ; let Satan do his worst. ^ ^ For myself I will declare, that so far fi'om time and distance having quenched a single spark of the friendship I once bore you, I am at this moment more animated with affection towards you than ever. I think of you, and feel for you, as I w'ould for a In'other ; and the anticipation of once more meeting with you, brightens the prospect of my return to my native country. My enemies have said much, and written much ; but, in the end, truth and honesty must prevail. “ T. S. R.” The charges reached Java at a period when Mr. Raffles was engaged in draw- ing out his plans for the change of system, which he was about to introduce into the Country. Nothing can more strongly mark the facihty and the despatch with which he replied to them all on the moment, than the circumstance of his having at the time his house filled with company, and that he never absented himself fi'om the hours of social intercourse, or neglected his usual and regular routine of business. GENERAL GILLESPIE’S CHARGES AGAINST MR. RAFFLES. 20.‘} The minute which he drew up and recorded on this occasion, and wliich, wlien printed, filled a quarto volume of moderate thickness, is a lasting monument of the powers of his mind. It would be foreign to the object of this work, and to the principle stated in the preface, to enter into a minute detail of these proceedings ; but the Reader can- not be otherwise than interested by the perusal of the following extract from a letter of Mr. Raffles, referring to the period of General Gillespie’s departure from Java, when the differences which had occurred between them had seemingly ceased to exist, and a complete reconciliation had appeared to take place. “ The reconciliation was brought about by Captain Elliott. I had no motive for wishing to withhold my consent; the public interest would, undoubtedly, be benefited by it. My differences of opinion, and the discussions that had arisen in consequence, were before the Supreme Government, and in no instance had I stated a personal or private accusation, or one, the nature of which was not apparent in my coirespondence with the General himself. As soon, therefore, as it was understood that no reference was to be made to what had passed, and could not be altered, I hesitated not to meet the proposal. “ There could be no personal consideration in this mode of procedure, because, whatever mischief our mutual references could produce had already been produced ; the references were gone, and could not be recalled. I therefore confided in the honour of the General as a man and a soldier, that nothing had passed on his part inconsistent with our becoming friends ; concluding that General Gillespie would no more profess a friendship for a man, whom he had accused of base and corrupt acts, than I would have condescended to accept the hand of one whom I knew to have accused me of them. “ It is further to be observed, that General Gillespie, in frequent conversations with me, declared his regret at what had passed, and his fixed resolve to support the measimes of my administration ; nor was it to me alone that this was said, it was repeatedly stated to the gentlemen of my family ; even his last letter contained the same, imputing to the misrepresentation of some persons about me, the occasions on which we had formerly differed. My cause, my honomr, my public reputation and private character, are now before the Supreme Government. I ask only a patient hearing. Errors in judg- ment may be found in the complicated administration with which I am entrusted ; measures of policy depend in a considerable degree on opinion, and there may be some difference of opinion, perhaps, with regard to those which have been adopted by this government ; but the accusations against my moral character must be deter- mined by facts, and on this ground I will challenge my accusers to produce any one act of my government, in which I have been actuated by corrupt motives, or guided by views of sinister advantage to myself. D d 2 204 DECISION OF THE COURT OF DIRECTORS. “ I have thus deliberately discussed the present charges, and endeavoured to do so without anger or violence, but, my Lord, my feelings of the injury I have sus- tained are not the less acute. I have been denied the means of knowing the charges until all the influence of a first and ex parte statement could be exerted, and the current of public opinion continued to flow unrestrained, until the reports ob- tained an unmerited credit from the very want of contradiction.” \\'hen this business was laid before the Court of Directors, they expressed their decision in the following letter to the Bengal Government ; but before this period the fate of Java had been decided ; its restoration to the Dutch had been agreed upon, and Java and its dependencies had ceased to be of any interest to the public authorities of Great Britain. “ We have received your letter in this department of the 8th December, 1815, in which you draw our attention to your proceedings relative to the charges vvhich were preferred by the late Major-General Gillespie and Mr. Blagrave against Mr. Raffles, late Lieutenant-Governor of Java, and communicated the judgment you have formed and recorded, as the result of a deliberate investigation of those charges. ‘‘ After a scrupulous examination of all the documents, both accusatory and ex- culpatory, connected with this important subject, and an attentive perusal of the minutes of the Governor-General, and of the other members composing the Council, when it was under consideration, we think it due to Mr. Raffles, to the interests of our service, and to the cause of truth, explicitly to declare our decided conviction, that the charges, in as far as they went to impeach the moral character of that gentle- man, have not only not been made good, but that they have been disproved, to an extent which is seldom practicable in a case of defence. “ It is not our intention now to discuss the expediency of the leading measures of the administration of Java, while Mr. Raffles presided over the government of the Island. The policy of these measures is not only separable ft'om the motives which dictated them ; but there are cogent reasons why they should be kept altogether dis- tinct and separate on the present occasion. “ Before pronouncing upon the financial operations of that government, we are desirous of fuller information and further time to deliberate on their tendency and effects, as well as on the circumstances under which they were adopted. “ Were their unreasonableness, improvidence, and inefficiency clearly established, this would only indicate error or defect of judgment, or, at most, incompetence in Mr. Raffles for the high and, in many respects, exceedingly difficult, situation which he filled. “ But the purity, as well as the propriety, of many of his acts, as Lieutenant- Governor, haring been an'aigned, accusations haring been lodged against him, which LETTER TO MR. MARSDEN. 205 if substantiated must have proved fatal to his character, and highly injurious, if not ruinous to his futm-e prospects in life, his conduct having been subjected to a regular and solemn investigation, and this investigation having demonstrated to our minds the utter groundlessness of the charges exhibited against him, in so far as they affected his honour, we think that he is entitled to all the advantage of this opinion, and of an early and public expression of it. “ Mr. Edmonstone, in his elaborate and able minute, has taken so comprehen- sive and just a view of all the acts which constituted the grounds of imputation against the personal character of Mr. Raffles, that it is quite unnecessary for us to enter into a detailed scrutiny of the matters, either of charge or refutation. On most, if not all of the points at issue, we concur with Mr. Edmonstone, both in his reasonings and conclusions ; and whatever judgment may be ultimately passed on the various measures of the late government of Java, which underwent review in the course of the investigation into the conduct of its head, we are satisfied, not merely that they stand exempt from any sordid or selfish taint, but that they sprung from motives perfectly correct and laudable.” Mr. Raffles wrote the following letter to Mr. Marsden about this time, on the various subjects to which his attention was then directed. To Mr. Marsden. “ Buitenzorg, Jan. 12, 1813. “ My Dear Sir, “ I had the pleasure to write to you about six weeks ago, since which nothing very important has occurred in this part of the world. ‘‘We still remain without official information respecting the future government of this colony, although the public opinion seems decided in favour of its being transferred to the crown. “ It will, I am sure, afford you satisfaction to know, that every thing goes on prosperously ; and that the resources of the colony, during the last year, have fully equalled my most sanguine expectations. The unfortunate state of commerce in general, and the distressed condition of the Island, at the period of its capture, have been much against us ; but the happiest results have followed the decisive blow which I found it necessary to strike at Mataram : and the country throughout is in the most perfect state of tranquillity. “ Had it not been for the uncertainty which exists respecting the future govern- ment of the Island, it was my intention to have effected an entire new system and settlement of the revenue. The Dutch appear to have been terribly behind-hand in every arrangement of the kind ; the principal resources of the government were 206 BATAVIAN SOCIETY OF ARTS. received in kind ; and the contingents or quota of the different Chiefs fixed without reference to their means or ability. " In the pro\inces lately transferred to the European government, the whole of the uncertain revenues collected by the native princes has been reduced to a fixed land-rent, payable in money half-yearly : and, if circumstances had admitted, I should have carried the same system through the comitry. In all changes, however, some difficulties are in the first instance to be encountered ; and unless I felt satis- fied, that I could fjilhj establish the new system before I attempted its adoption, I might, by a imrtial interference, hamper and annoy the government which is per- manently to rule over the Island. No exertions are wanting in collecting the most useful and extensive information ; and we are already far advanced in a statistical account of each district. You are aware that we have the advantage of Colonel Mackenzie’s abilities; and that a commission of the best-informed colonists has long been dehberating on the best means for improving the country, and ame- liorating the condition of the inhabitants. That we are not altogether idle will be evident, from the honourable notice which Lord Minto has been pleased to take of our proceedings; and as his Lordship’s last address to the College of Fort William pays so high and grateful a tribute to the memory of my departed friend. Dr. Leyden, I enclose you the Gazette. “ The Juliana takes home a very compact collection of quadrupeds, birds, and insects, prepared by Dr. Horsfield for the Oriental Museum at the India House. A large collection of dried plants is also sent. Any observations which you may offer on this first attempt will be veiy usefiil. “ In my last letter, I apprised you of the general state of the Batavian Society of Arts and Sciences, and of my exertions to rerive it. You will now learn -with pleasure, that this Society is once more in full rigour. The former regidations were by no means calculated to keep alive a spirit of enquiry or research ; on the conriary, they seemed to shut the door against every thing new, as an innovation ; and it, there- fore, became necessarv to remould the constitution. With the celebrated Rudema- cher the Society seems to have lived and died ; at least, it has been nearly in a torpid state ever since. The lethargy', with which all the members seemed to be oppressed, when I first started the subject, gave me but little hopes of success ; and the jealousy, with w'hich they w^ere apt to look upon any interference, at first discouraged me ; but a more liberal spirit bas at last prevailed ; and, I trust, will soon pervade the wiiole body. The new' regulations are simple ; and, I think, you will approve of them on a consideration of how' much has been effected against prejudice and colonial notions, which, I am sonw' to say, are miserably contracted. “ Colonel Mackenzie has visited Majapahit, and every part of the Island ; and a large stone, weighing several tons, with a long inscription in ancient cha- racters, has been brought from the ruins to Sourabaya. The characters on this REVENUE OF JAVA. 207 stone are, I believe, somewhat different from those found at Brambana ; and there is an old man at Sumanap who pretends to decypher the character. I have seen some of his translations of similar inscriptions in Madura ; and they appear to record vol- canoes and battles ; but I must hesitate in offering an opinion, until I have time to examine the whole personally. While on the subject of ancient monuments, it will be interesting for you know, that we have not failed to take drawings of all that have been found, at least of the principal. I have one drawing of the temple at Bram- bana, representing the edifice as it originally stood in its most perfect state ; and it makes a most splendid appearance. “ The undivided and unremitting attention, which the duties of my present situation require, deprives me of the time which I should be happy to devote to hterary pm’suits and scientific research ; but I have made very considerable collec- tions ; and a few leisme months, at any time, wiU enable me to put them in some sort of order. The field is so extensive and untrodden, that I am cautious how I venture to form an opinion, or even communicate information on any particular point. “ I hope it will not be long before the Batavian press produces a Javanese Vocabulary, with some idea of the construction of the language. I have at present materials enough to undertake it ; but I would much rather induce some abler hand to come forward. You must excuse the hasty and careless style of this letter. I am obhged to snatch a moment now and then from public business to get through it as it is. “ As a copy of the Malayan Bible, printed at Batavia, may form an addition to your hbrary, I have the pleasure to send you one.” Reference has been already made to the change which Mr. Raffles introduced, especially with regard to the revenue in Java; but, before entering in the details on this subject, it may be well to state his ovra opinions of the country and the people. ‘‘ Six milhons in Java, as many more in its dependencies, established on one of the richest and most fertile soils in the world, happy in their original Institutions, were subjected to the arbitrary demands of the European authority to deliver the produce of their soil either gratis, or at such nominal rates as that authority thought fit to bestow as a boon, and to give their personal services on all occasions of public or private call without any reward or return whatever, the demand on each district depending on accident, or the convenience of the local or commanding-officer for the time being. As it affected the general prosperity of the colony, the system was one which closed every avenue to general commerce, repressed every energy, and de- stroyed every incitement to industry and improvement. In its results to the Euro- pean power, it had reduced the Government to beggary, while it vitiated and cor- rupted all its officers, and all its departments. “ Under these circumstances, it was determined to take a comprehensive view of the revenue and resources of these possessions, and of the various and important 1 208 IMPROVED SYSTEM OF GOVERNMENT. interests involved in them, and to consider whether the introduction of a system of administration more analogous to that of our more permanent possessions in India might not be both adnsable and practicable. That it was most advisable there seemed to be little doubt, for the Dutch themselves had for many years declared the advantage of some such change ; their deplorable condition abundantly proved its absolute necessity, and the result of every inquiry that was made proved that the interests of all concerned must be benefited by such an arrangement. “ That the existing system was vicious and niinous, all good men were agreed, commission after commission hanng been appointed by the Dutch government nith a view of effecting a change ; that authority at last came to the resolution that it was impracticable and unsafe : impracticable, because the difficulties to be surmounted and the corruptions to be put down were too formidable to be opposed; and unsafe, because it considered that any attempt to interfere with the existing order of things amongst the natives would lead to certain disorder and bloodshed, and endanger the supremacy of the European power.” Mr. Raffles introduced what is called the village system, founded upon that of the Hindus; for though the natives had fi'om compulsion adopted the religion of their Mahomedan conquerors, they were strongly attached to their ancient Hindu institutions. To accomplish this introduction, he rfsited each district, in person made arrangements with the several Chiefs, and in heu of the contingents and arbitrary exactions of the European government, established a peimanent money revenue direct from the land, which afforded the means of defraying the expenses of the public establishments with regularity and certainty, instead of learing the government dependent on the state of a foreign market for the irregular and un- certain sale of its produce. All the ports on the coast were opened to the general trader, and Cultivation and Commerce rapidly improved. In the judicial department and police, independently of the regulations for the interior of the country, which formed part of the revenue and judicial system, es- sential reforms were required in the several European courts of justice established at Bataria, Samarang, and Sourabaya; Mr. Raffles introduced the trial by jury, and a clear and simple code was compiled, containing the rules for the different courts, and instructions for their officers. These rides were printed in English and Dutch ; they shew that the practice of the Dutch courts was revised and modified on the mild and just principles of the British constitution; and the fact of its continuing in force under the Dutch government, will be sufficient proof that it was applicable to the circumstances of the settlement. It would be needless to dwell on the research, labour, and caution which such an undertaking required; those who are acquainted with the difficulties and responsibilities of government under ordinary circumstances, will estimate the difficulties and responsibilities of these changes, in the miserable state to wiiich Java had been reduced. CAPTAIN TRAVERS’ ACCOUNT OF MR. RAFFLES. 209 The following extract from the Journal of Captain Travers describes Mr. Raffles at this period of anxiety and trouble. “ At the time Major-General Sir Miles Nightingall arrived to take command of the troops in Java, Mr. Raffles was busily engaged in his favourite plan, and making suitable arrangements for the introduction of an improved system of internal manage- ment, and the establishment of a land-rental on the Island, a measure which has given to his administration a lustre and widely-spread fame, which never can be for- gotten. The measure is so fully explained, the necessity for its adoption so clearly pointed out in the public records of government, that 'I shall confine myself to the private circumstances connected with its introduction. “ When first this measure was proposed, it met, if not with opposition, with at least such a cold and cautious approval from the members of council, some of whom spoke from long experience, and a supposed knowledge of the native cha- racter, as would have damped the ardoiw of a less zealous mind than Mr. Raffles possessed, and indeed it was the opinion of almost every Dutchman \rith whom he conversed, that such a system would never succeed, and that the attempt to intro- duce it would be attended with very bad consequences. But Mr. Raffles had formed a very different opinion, founded upon the soundest principles of reasoning, and vrith a philanthropy peculiar to his character, he made himself perfectly acquainted with the reception which such a change of system would experience generally throughout the Island, and the result justified the opinion he then gave. It was in 1813 Mr. Raffles first acquainted the council of his intention to amend the system of land-revenue on the Island, and the minute which he then recorded, clearly and distinctly develops the just and liberal, as well as very able and enlightened view which he then took of the subject. “ In obtaining the necessary information to enable him to frame such a system as, whilst it abohshed the ^dcious practice hitherto pursued on the Island, would strengthen the resources of the government, and by doing away feudal servitude, encourage industry in the cultivation and improvement of the land, the greatest exertions were required on Mr. Raffles’ part, and he devoted himself with his accustomed enthusiasm to the task ; night and day he worked at it. To satisfy himself upon all local points, to obtain personal intercourse and become acquainted with the character of the native Chiefs connected with, or in any way affected by, this new system, Mr. Raffles deemed it adrisable to proceed to the eastern parts of the Island, wdiere he remained a considerable time, and visited every place, often undergoing the greatest personal exertions and fatigue, which few accompanying him were able to encounter ; indeed, several were sufferers from the very long journies he made, riding sometimes sixty and seventy miles in one day, a fatigue w'hich very few constitutions are equal to in an Eastern climate. To give effect to the measure he was aw'are that his personal presence W' ould afford an influence and E e •210 CAPTAIN TRAVERS’ ACCOUNT OF MR. RAFFLES. energy not otherwise to be obtained, whilst all delay for official reference would be avoided. He therefore did not return to Bata\ia till he had the satisfaction of see- ing the complete success of this measure, which gave to his administration the credit of abolishing the most vicious and barbarous system, and of introducing one which gave to a most deserving and industrious population a freedom which had been hitherto most cruelly withheld from them. “ Mr. Raffles returned to Batavia in good health and high spirits, naturally elated with the complete success of all his plans, and finding in General Nightingall a cordial supporter. I consider that at this period he felt more enjoyment than at any other during his administration in Java. “ The most friendly intercourse subsisted between the Governor’s and General Nightingall’s families ; they were constantly together ; and to the purest feelings of friendship and attachment which General Nightingall felt towards Mr. Raffles, he seemed to add the highest opinion and admiration of the shining talents and abilities which he found him to possess. At Buitenzorg the house was constantly filled with visitors, and I well remember at the time when Mr. Raffles was di'awing up the minute of council which he recorded on the 11th of February, 1814, we had a large party at breakfast, dinner, and supper, from which he never absented himself, but on the contrary, was always one of the most animated at table, and yet contrived to find time sufficient to write that minute, which in itself would establish him to be a man of considerable ability and acquirement ; and this was written and composed so quickly, that he required three clerks to keep up and copy what he wrote, so that, in fact, this minute was vvTitten with the gi'eatest possible haste ; Mr. Raffles’ object being to have a copy made and sent home by a vessel then under despatch in the roads at Batavia, and this he accomplished. “ But Mr. Raffles’ quickness at composition was reiuarkable. He wrote a very fine, clear, legible hand ; and I have often seen him write a letter at the same time that he was dictatiirg to two assistairts. “ Immediately after recording the minute herein alluded to, despatches were received froirr Bengal, coirrmunicating to Mr. Raffles the unlooked-for, and very un- expected intelligence of Major-Geireral Gillespie haviirg preseirted to the Supreme Govermrreirt a list of charges against his administratioir in Java. These charges were of a most grave and serious irature ; but Mr. Raffles met them like air innoceirt man. On the first perusal of them, his plan of reply was formed ; and he answered every charge in the most clear, full, aird satisfactory inamrer, as will be seen on refereirce to the book printed at Batavia, contaiiring these charges aird reply. But it is well worthy of remark, that when Mr. Raffles had finished his answer to the charges, he handed the whole to General Nightingall to peruse, who having gone through them, declared that although (as he declared on his first assuming the command of the forces in the Island) it was his fixed interrtion to have avoided all interference with 7 CAPTAIN TRAVERS’ ACCOUNT OF MR. RAFFLES. 211 past occurrences, and to have kept clear of any differences which had taken place previous to his arrival ; yet after a careful perusal of the documents which had been laid before him, and with a full and firm conviction on his mind of the entire innocence of Mr. Raffles of all and every charge brought forward by Major-General Gillespie, he could no longer remain a quiet spectator, and therefore in the handsomest, because altogether unsolicited, manner, he came forward to offer Mr. Raffles all the support and assistance in his powder to give. “ Nothing could he more gratifying to Mr. Raffles’ feelings on such an occasion than to have the support of an officer of General Nightingall’s respectable character, obtained solely by a confidence in the rectitude and purity of the conduct he adopted since the commencement of his administration, every act of which was known to and most carefully examined by General Nightingall previous to his making this kind and friendly offer ; and indeed it will only require a momentary look at the charges, to feel convinced of their unfounded nature. “ At the time when these charges were received, and their reception was a sur- prise to every person, the Government-house at Buitenzorg was quite filled with strangers. A large party, composed of Dutch and English, had been invited to wit- ness the performance of a play, which was got up chiefly by the members of the Governor’s staff. During this anxious time, when Mr. Raffles had so much upon his mind, not a visitor could perceive the slightest alteration in his manner ; he was the same cheerful animated person they had always found him ; at dinner, and in the evening, he appeared perfectly disengaged, and only seemed anxious how best to promote and encourage the amusement, and contribute to the happiness and enjoy- ment of all around him. “ When the clear and satisfactory reply was drawn out, repelling every charge brought against Mr. Raffles, a proposition was made in council, and was recom- mended by General Nightingall, that confidential friends should be sent in charge of copies of these despatches to Bengal and to England, to meet the ex parte statements which were known to be in circulation in both places. Mr. Assey, then secretary to government, was selected to proceed to Bengal, and as a vessel was then under despatch for England, it was deemed advisable to send me in charge of those despatches, together with a copy of the charges, and the reply sent to the Supreme Government. Before the vessel reached England the fate of Java had been decided ; its restoration to the Dutch had been agreed upon, and consequently Java and its dependencies ceased to be of any interest to Great Britain.” Before proceeding to a detail of the effects produced upon the civil and pohtical situation of Java by the introduction of so entire a change in the government, a riew of those reasons which induced the opinion so strongly urged by Mr. Raffles may not be unacceptable. Under the guidance of the enlightened and benevolent views of Lord Minto, means were adopted to obtain every information, and to E e 2 212 CHANGE IN THE TENURE OF LAND. institute that local inquiry, so essential to the success of the measures proposed. His Lordship, in his instructions on the establishment of the government, expresses himself thus : — “ Contingents of rice, and indeed of other productions, have been hitherto required of the cultivators by Government at an arbitrary rate. This also is a vicious system, to be abandoned as soon as possible. The system of contingents did not arise from the mere solicitude for the supply of the people, but was a measure alone of finance and controul, to enable government to derive a high revenue from a high price imposed on the consumer, and to keep the whole body of the people dependent on its pleasure for subsistence. “ I recommend a radical reform in this branch to the serious and early attention of government. The principle of encouraging industry in the cultivation and improvement of land, by creating an interest in the effort and fruits of that industry, can be expected in Java only by a fundamental change in the whole system of landed property and tenure. “ A wide field, but a somewhat distant one, is open to this great and interest- ing improvement ; the discussion of the subject, however, must necessarily be delayed, till the investigation it requires is more complete. I shall transmit such thoughts as I have entertained, and such hopes as I have indulged, on this gi’and object of amelioration ; but I am to request all the information and all the lights that this Island can afford. On this branch nothing must be done that is not mature, because the exchange is too extensive to be suddenly or ignorantly attempted. But fixed and immutable principles of the human character and of human association, assure me of ultimate, and I hope not remote success, in \iews that are consonant wth every motive of action that operates on man, and are justified by the practice and experience of every flourishing country of the world.” In pursuance of these objects, the first subject which offered itself to the con- sideration of Mr. Raffles was as to the actual right of property, so far as it could be ascertained ; it being with him a principle, “ that nothing should be done to injure the existing rights of any class of the people, or to break down the barriers which prescriptive usage or actual institutions had authorized in the possession of property.” It appeared, from the most deliberate investigations, that in Java there existed no actual right of landed property between the Sovereign and the cultivator : the several officers, whether at the heads of districts, divisions, or towns, were nomi- nated by the chief authority, and removable at his pleasure. It was not unusual to find the descendants of those, who had once been high in office, reduced to a state of poverty among the lowest classes of society. Policy and justice required that some provision should be made for those actually in office at the time of the intro- duction of that change, which would at once deprive them of all their privileges. It appeared that, under the late Dutch government, no communication what- DUTCH SYSTEM IN JAVA. 213 ever was held with the people. Through their Resident, living at the principal town in the district, all orders were conveyed to the Regent, who nominated the inferior officers, and from whom the amount of revenue was received, the mode of collection remaining in his hands, unchecked by the controul of any legislative measure whatever. The service of the people was also required by the officers of the govern- ment, without any compensation being afforded : the example was naturally followed by the native Chiefs ; and thus were the industry and energies of a people crushed by a system of feudal ser\ice, as destructive in its operation as repugnant to humanity — rendering the efforts of the cultivator hopeless to himself and unproductive to the state. Justice, humanity, benevolence, policy, and necessity, called for that change, the beneficial effects of which were so speedily and so gratefully realized. The Dutch government looked for their revenue only in their commercial mo- nopoly. The resources of the eastern districts were sacrificed to the exclusive com- merce of Batavia, the capital; and prerious to the administration of Marshal Daendels the whole amount of monies collected from those districts did not exceed 150,000 Spanish dollars per annum (j£37,500 at par). Some improvements were effected in 1803 by Marshal Daendels, but the system of monopoly and of farming the public revenues being permitted to remain, no essential or permanent advantage was derived, either to the government or the people. At the period of the capture of Java by the British, some partial and temporary relief was afforded to the poverty of the country, by a large sum of money brought with the army and circulated in the country. The military disbursements of govern- ment in cash, the increase of commerce after the removal of the blockade, together with the fi-iendly intercourse estabhshed with Western India, contributed to alleviate some portion of the distress : but as the system of farming the revenue to the Chinese, and of collecting the rental from the Regents only, excluded the peasantry from any immediate connexion with government, the specie thus circulated from the public treasury fell into few hands ; the suiqjlus w^as exported or hoarded, without benefit to government or advantage to the people. Remoring the banier w'hich existed to indiridual industry, giving to the cidtivator security for his crops, abolishing the feudal service and transit duties, and at the same time affording a hberal compensation to the Chiefs and other officers for the loss of that authority, of which they were in actual possession, formed the leading features of that change which was, with such unparalleled celerity and success, introduced by Mr. Raffles. That no difficulty might arise in the execution of Mr. Raffles’ well-matured designs, such instmctions were given, conformable to the pecuhar circumstances of the various districts, as precluded almost the possibility of error on the part of the 214 INSTRUCTIONS TO RESIDENTS. executive authorities ; although those authorities were not at all times disposed to concur in the principles laid down. The follo\nng is an extract from instructions to Mr. Hopkins, who was appointed a commissioner for settling the revenue in those districts which were transferred from the Chinese, and similar instructions were circulated to the other Residents in the eastern districts, as far at least as local circumstances admitted. “ The internal management of the districts is to be taken into the hands of go- vernment, and to be administered mthout the intervention of native authority. The lands are to be rented for an annual payment in money, on the following general principles. “ It has been deemed advisable, on the first introduction of these arrangements, to enter generally into such a detailed system of management as w'ould include an immediate consideration of the rights and interests of each individual cultivator ; and in the instructions given in the other districts, it has been directed that the lands be in the first instance rented to the chief local authority in each village or community, whether recognised under the designation of Petingi, Bakal, Sm'ah, or other title. But as the state of society and cultivation in the districts, lately held by the Chinese, may admit of an exception, and a more detailed settlement than elsewdiere, you are authorized to introduce the same, to such an extent as may appear safe and practi- cable, with a due attention to the prejudices of the people and the tranquilhty of the countiy. “ The heads of villages or communities being thus considered, leases are to be granted in the Javanese language. “ In fixing the amount of rent, you wiU ascertain, as far as practicable, the extent of all existing brndhens, imposts, and serrtces wJiatever, and endeavour to determine the amount these have hitherto borne to the produce of the soil ; which amount, after an equitable and hberal allowance for any oppression hitherto felt, is to form the basis of the rental to be demanded as the dues of government. “ As far as my personal information extends, I am inclined to consider that these dues may be generally commuted, one district with another, for a payment in money equivalent to about two-fifths of the annual gross rice produce of the soil. “ That the government and the country may receive the full benefit of the arrangements now in rtew, and that the principle may be clearly defined, it has been resolved to abolish all internal taxes, contributions, deliveries at inadequate rates, and forced serrices, whether to the European or native authority ; and hence- forward, whatever produce or laboiu* may be required for the service of govern- ment, is, in every case and without exception, to be paid for at the cm'rent market rate. “ As the first settlement to be made can only be considered as preparatory to a INSTRUCTIONS TO RESIDENTS. 215 more accurate and permanent arrangement for the assessment of the lands, it is not deemed advisable that the leases should exceed the period of one year. “ It being essential and just that a liberal provision should be made for the Regents and other Chiefs, and there being no objection to their retaining a certain portion of land, the Regent of Passaruwang is to be allowed lands which will afford him an annual revenue of 2,000 rl. battoo ; and an equitable pro\dsion, in propor- tion, is to be made for the Regents of Poegar and Banjo wangy. “ In order, however, that these appropriations may not interfere with the general system, these lands are to be regidarly assessed in common with the other lands of the district, and entered upon the general rent-roll ; but the rent is to be remitted, and considered as the amount of the respective pensions or salary of each individual. “ With these exceptions, and such other as political reasons may dictate, the whole of the lands are to be rented out to the Chiefs of the villages, on the principles already laid down. “ An entire separation is to be made between the judicial and revenue depart- ments ; and you will, as early as practicable, and as the existing system may be superseded by that now directed, forward a list of such permanent establishment of officers, writers, &c. for each, as may be necessary for the efficiency of the pohce and the dispatch of business. “ The Regents are, in futm’e, to be considered as the chief native officers in their respective districts ; but it will be obvious, that by the new arrangement they must be effectually deprived of all political or other undue influence : and as the tranquillity of the coimtry is an essential and necessary object in estabhshing the new order, it is presumed they may be most advantageously employed in the depart- ment of police, while it must not be forgotten, that the watchfid attention of the Resident must ever be directed to their conduct in the execution of this duty. “ On this account, and as compensation for further emoluments foregone by the introduction of the new system, in addition to the advantages derived from the appropriation of land already directed, the Regent of Passaruwang is to be allowed a salary of 3000 rl. battoo ; and the Regents of Poegar and Banjowangy in propor- tion, and to the extent that their services may be useful or available under the new arrangements. “ The whole arrangements now directed are in no way to interfere with the payment of the contingent, recognition, or other dues to the government or the Regent, up to the present period, from which date the new organization is to be considered as entered upon. “ This, however, being the middle of the Javanese year, and as inconveniences might result therefrom, in determining the amount of arrears to be paid on the old system, it is considered that the line may be equitably drawn, by fixing the same at 216 LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR’S PROCLAMATION. one lialf-year’s amount of the whole, a principle which you will observe in balancing the accounts of the Regents with government, and to be attended to in determin- ing the demands to be made by them on the people. “ That the country may feel the effects of the new system immediately, the free ex]5ortation of rice and paddy to eveiy part of Java has been authorized.” The principles thus laid down in these instructions were further confirmed by the following proclamation, dated Bataria, 15th October, 1813 : “ The Honourable the Lieutenant-Governor in Council has, after the most minute consideration, deemed it advisable to establish an improved system of poh- tical economy throughout the Island, Arith the intention of ameliorating the condi- tion of all its inhabitants, by affording that protection to individual industry, which will ensure to every class of society the equitable and undisturbed enjo}Tnent of the fi-uits of labour ; and while it is confidently expected that private happiness and public prosperity will be advanced under the change of system, such alterations and amendments will be hereafter adopted as experience may suggest, or the improv- ing habits and manners of the body of the people may require. The following principles fonn the basis of the new aiTangements, and are made public for general information. “ 1. The undue influence and authority of the native Chiefs have been restricted ; but government avails itself of their services in the important department of the native police, which will be arranged upon fixed principles, adapted to the habits and original institutions of the people. “ A competent proHsion in lands and in money has been allotted to such Chiefs ; and it therefore becomes both their duty and their interest to encourage industry, and to protect the inhabitants. “ 2. Tlie government-lands will be let generally to the heads of villages, wiio will be held responsible for the proper management of such portions of the country as may be placed under their superintendence and authority. They will re-let these lands to the cultivators, under certain restrictions, at such a rate as shall not be found oppressive ; and all tenants under government w ill be protected in their just rights, so long as they shall continue to perfonn their correspondent engagements faithfully ; for it is intended to promote extensive industry, and consequent improve- ment, by giving the people an interest in the soil, and by instituting amongst them an acknow ledged claim to the possession of the lands, that they may be thus induced to labour for their own profit and advantage. “ 3. The system of vassalage and forced deliveries has been abolished gene- rally throughout the Island ; but in the Batavian and Preangu regencies such a mo- dification of the former arrangements has been cari’ied into execution as it w'as found practicable, under existing circumstances to introduce ; and provisionally the Blandong system will be continued to a certain extent in the central forest districts. LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR’S PROCLAMATION. 217 “4. To encourage the cultivation of so important an article of export as coffee may become, when the trade of Europe and America may be thrown open to free competition, government have stipulated to receive any surplus quantity of that commodity fi’om the cultivators, at a reasonable and fixed rate, when a higher price cannot be obtained for it in the market. “5. To extend free trade and commerce, and to promote a spirit of enterprize and speculation amongst the inhabitants, the Bloom Farms have been abolished, the duties upon the principal articles of export have been taken off, and it is intended to modify and amend the custom-house regulations before the 1st of January. The toll-gates and transport duties of the interior have been diminished as much as pos- sible, and in the gradual progression of improvement they will be finally abolished. “ 6. Every facility will be afforded towards obtaining teak timber for the con- struction of small craft, and of such additional tonnage as, upon the improved system, wiU be imdoubtedly required. “ 7. Government have taken upon themselves the exclusive management of the salt department. It appears that the inhabitants in most parts of the Island paid a very irregular and exorbitant price for this necessary article of consumption ; while the system adopted by the farmers was radically vicious, and equally oppressive and vexatious to the people, as it was detrimental to the immediate interests of government. “ Such an improved system for the supply of salt will be immediately adopted as may appear advisable; and in this and every other arrangement, the government propose the advancement of the interests and the happiness of the people at large, and the promotion of the public prosperity of this colony. Given at Batarta, this loth day of October, 1813. By me, the Lieutenant- Governor of the Island of Java and its dependencies, T. S. Raffles.” “ By order of the Honourable the Lieutenant-Governor in Council, “ C. Asset, Sec. to Government. “ Council Chamber, Oct. 13, 1813.” In order to convey a still more clear idea of the efficacy of these measures, a shght sketch of the peculiar circumstances imder which many of the provinces were placed, may not prove unacceptable. At the conquest of Java, it appears that the extensive tracts of the beautiful and fertile country of Bantam, at the north-western end of Java, were in the hands of a rebellious subject; revolt, universal anarchy, and distraction had for many years deflowered its fertile plains, and bhghted its fairest hopes ; all idea of raising a revenue on the part of government had been abandoned, and the utmost that could be looked for was a tranquil settlement of the country under European au- F f •218 DISTURBED STATE OF THE COUNTRY. thority. A land-rental was introduced, and a revenue settlement was effected for one year. The result was, that in one year the territorial revenue amounted to 100,000 rupees (£12,500 at par), while an increasing confidence and tranquilhty on the part of the people held out the prospect that, at no far distant period, this country, once the richest in Java, would again afford a revenue proportionate to its extent and population.” The district of Cheribon was also found in a state of tumult and confusion. The lands had been for the greater part faiTned out to Chinese. In proportion as the Chief raised the fann or rent, their extortions increased, and the share due to the common people became less, or they were deprived of the whole. Tranquillity was not restored to this district until the new system was intro- duced; the effect of which will be at once seen by referring to the abstract statement which follows of the land-rental and revenue, and where is also shewn the improved state of other districts, as compared \rith their impoverished and devastated state under the Dutch government. European power in Java, previously to the occupation of the Island by the En- glish, appears to have been exercised only to invade and to destroy the property of the natives. "NMioever has riewed the fertile plains of Java,” says Mr. Raffles, in a minute on the introduction of the new system of government, “ or beheld with astonishment the sm-prising efforts of human industry, which have canied cultivation to the sum- mit of the most stupendous momitains, will be inclined to consider that nothing short of a permanent interest in the soil could have effected such a change in the face of the country ; and it ought not to be forgotten, that anterior to the establishment of the Mahomedan religion in Java, the cultivators of the soil were considered to rank as the first class in the state; for, according to the institutions of Majopahit, it w^as ordained, ‘ that, next to the Sovereign, shall be considered and respected the culti- vators of the soil ; they shall be the first class in the state below the Sovereign ; next to them shall follow the other classes ; first, the artists ; secondly, the warriors ; and, thirdly, the merchants.’ “ Who will not pause for a moment, to contemplate the peaceful, the beneficent influence of such institutions. The cultivators of the soil shall be the first class !” How do we find these wise institutions of iMajopahit supported and protected ? — forced servitude — taxes so numerous as to become difficult of enumeration. Not one article of produce, manufactiu'e, or consumption, which passed through the comitry, but what some tax was leried upon it, and that too by corrupt and ex- tortionate agents. In every district a different mode of taxation existed — and, in general, these taxes w^ere fanned out to Chinese. As a proof how far these vexations were carried, in many instances, on goods passing from one toll towards another, when the gi'ant- DEBASING EFFECTS OF THE DUTCH SYSTEM OF GOVERNMENT. 219 ing of something like a certificate of the last duty paid became necessary for the interests of the farmer, the chop or stamp was not marked on the goods to be transported, but on the body of the man who conveyed them, and who, on exhibit- ing the stamp at the next toll, had it effaced, and a new impression made, to pass him onward in his miserable journey. ^^^hen such expedients, where human ingenuity must have been almost tortured in the invention, were resorted to, was it astonishing that the Javanese should hold the Chinese in utter abhorrence ? and yet, these were the only class of people entnisted by the government with the collection of their revenues. The banefid influence of this system was but too clearly developed in the debasement of the popular mind, and in that hstless and apathetic feeling which appeared to characterize the Javanese nation. Whilst the rich and powerful were living in pampered luxury, the poor provincials laboured under all the horrors of penury and want : but blessed with a fruitful soil and an humble submissive mind, they were enabled to bear up under all these accumulated deprivations and mis- fortunes. The administration of justice in the courts of circuit partook ahke of this dread- ful intolerance. The jury required did not exceed five in number, and these were chosen from a class of men who could have no common feehngs — no common rights ; who, being Eirropeans, were in no way whatever the equals of the person tried. The law was the law of Europe. The jury, under their best prejudices, were influenced by that law ; and its meanings and penalties were apphed to a people who reasoned in a manner so entirely different, and who often, for the first time, became acquainted with those laws when denounced as their victims. How different were the principles adopted by Mr. Raffles, and so ably seconded by many of the local authorities, among whom, none appeared to hold a higher place in his esteem than Mr. Hopkins, whose sentiments upon this subject deseiwe to be recorded in his own words : — “ If law,” says this gentleman, “ be a rule for the conduct of mankind, derived from the authority which the particular nation to which it is apphed considers as sacred, the people of Java are yet without a code of national laws, and labour under the dangers of foreign legislation and irreconcileable prejudices. Yet the Javanese have a law, which, though not equal in its pm'ity to the code of the Dutch, is yet better adapted to their habits, and is that which the general system of British pohcy would extend to them. “ I confess my inabihty,” continues Mr. Hopkins, “ to reconcile with the com- mon principles of British justice the subjection of the inhabitants of Java to the laws of Europe, in what regards any other description of crime than murder, against which the hand of Providence has written the sentence of death, in the language of all nations, and confirmed the judgment in the feelings of all mankind.” F f 2 220 EFFECTS OF THE ENGLISFI SYSTEM OF GOVERNMENT. The Koran, with the commentaries upon it, forms the general law of Java, and every sentence against a prisoner, not to offend the prejudices of the faith, should be supported by some texts of that sacred book, or some gloss of the orthodox commentator. A procedure instituted conformably to this rule, would be compre- hended by the understanding, and approved by the judgment of the people. It has been the principal featime in the British policy, it has been the brightest decoration of the British government in India, to secure to the inhabitants, whether Hindus or Mahomedans, the possession of their own laws, and a trial conformable to the practice of their own courts. The experiment has been successful beyond measure : the example invites imitation. There is nothing which can be alleged against it ; while every thing in practice, analogy, and humanity, urges to its imme- diate adoption.” So entirely did Mr. Raffles concur in this view, that in order to provide for the prompt and due administration of justice amongst the natives, in a manner the most consistent with their notions of right and wrong, one member of each of the courts of justice was appointed a judge of circuit, to be present in each of the Residen- cies, at least once in every three months, and as much oftener as found necessary. The formalities of the Roman law were avoided. A native jury, consisting of an in- telligent foreman and four others, decided upon the facts ; the law was then taken down as expour.ded by the native law-offlcers, and the sentence, with the opinion of the judge of circuit, upon the application of the Dutch and colonial law on the cases, was forwarded for the modification or confirmation of the Lieutenant-Governor. Enough has been said, it is hoped, to convey some idea of the extent of that change, which the enlarged policy of its Governor introduced into the Island of Java ; and this portion of his life may be closed with a few observations of his own upon the effects which the change had produced, and was in the act of producing. “ If I look forward,” observes Mr. Raffles, “to the effects of the change of system as it may contribute to the happiness of the people, the improvement of the country, and the consequent increase of the public revenue, the result is incalculable. Let the present wretched state of the Dutch metropolis of the^ East be contrasted with the flourishing state of the British establishments, wherever they have been formed, and it will speak a volume in favour of the change. Desolation and niin would seem to have tracked the steps of the Dutch power wherever it has extended ; indi\idual prosperity and national riches have accumulated under the English. The principles of government are radically different, and with such experience before us, can it be a question on which side w'e shall rely ? “ The mass of the population, snatched as they are, at a favourable moment, from the destructive grasp of Mahomedan despotism and indefinite exaction, and established in the possession of property, to be secured by impartial justice, adminis- tered to them in a simple and prompt mode, adapted to their peculiar sentiments REASONS FOR CHANGING THE TENURE OF LAND. 221 and institutions, afford a wide scope to the philosopher as well as the statesman. A new people, still advancing in civilization even under the former restraints, with what accelerated progress will they not proceed, when their natural energies have fair play ? It was but a few months ago, when the lower class of Javanese were appa- rently lost to every idea of their own advantage, governed by apathy, and almost in- sensible to the value of property ; so strongly prejudiced in favour of their Chiefs, so simple and so unenlightened, that the least breath of disaffection could blow up the flames of rebellion. Mere machines in the hands of designing artifice, they could be rendered subservient to promote the views of ambition, or the frenzy of religious fanaticism. They looked not up to the superior power, but to the intermediate authority : they knew little of the European character, and Europeans were still less acquainted with their habits and customs. The former government had seldom con- sulted the advancement of their interests, and the result was what might have been anticipated. “ On the part of the Javanese I am justified in asserting, that they feel the present interference in favour of the cultivators of the soil, as a revival of that due consideration of the interests of this important class of the community, which has not existed since the days of Majopahit ; and I have the satisfaction to believe, that nothing will be found to have been done, or to be in progress, but what will be useful, and a necessary preliminary to any more permanent or approved system which may be ordered, and which may have for its object justice for individuals, the improvement of mankind, and the prosperity of the government, founded on the mutual advantages of the people.” The reasons for introducing the change in the tenure of the land are given by Mr. Raffles to Lord Minto, in a letter dated January, 1814. “ These measures took their first rise when the province of Bantam fell under our administration. It then became essential that the principles for its future government should be defined without the least practicable delay. Fully aware of the great importance of those measures, I determined to postpone their adoption until the sentiments of the Supreme Government could be received. A reference was accordingly made as far back as 1st May, 1812. But to this no reply was received, and a much longer period having elapsed than was requisite for its trans- mission, it was concluded, from the silence of the Supreme Government, that no objections existed to the arrangements proposed. Acting on this inference, and the increased necessity of adopting some measures, a system of land-rental was ordered to be introduced into that province according to the plan first suggested. This also was communicated to Bengal, and I have since received the sentiments of the Supreme Government on it, expressed in the strongest terms favourable to the change. “ The arrest of Bugis Rengin, and the restoration of tranquillity in the pro- NECESSITY OF ABOLISHING FEUDAL SERVICE. ’2’2’2 vince of Cheribon, placed the resources of that extensive and valuable country' once more in the hands of the European power. The disturbances which had so long distracted it were traced to the pnnciples on which its administration under the fonner government had been fixed, and it became indispensable to establish a better order of things ; an object that was only to be effected by the abolition of all those oppressive regidations which had existed under the Dutch government. Nor would the exigency of the circumstances admit of the slightest delay : to have postponed such a measure woidd have been perhaps to have thrown the country back into that anarchy from which it was just recovering. “ The rich and populous districts of the Cadoe, with the other possessions transferred by the late treaty, were to be taken possession of by the European power ; this act could not but be accompanied with the establishment of some system of management, and it could not be a question whether that should be introduced w'hich in every \iew stood universally condemned, or one w^hich was more congenial to the principles of the British administration in India. “ I am happy to add, that w^hat was done in this respect met with the entire approbation of the Supreme Government. “ An unfortunate occurrence in Probolingo led to the resumption, on the part of government, of the valuable lands sold to the Chinese in the eastern districts by Marshal Daendels, and the state of these districts rendered it indispensable that w'hatever measures w'ere adopted should be without the slightest delay. With the experience before us of w^hat had so recently taken place, and impressed with a conriction that while feudal service existed the tranquillity of the country might alw^ays be endangered, there was evidently but one line of proceeding to be adopted in these districts. “ Thus, in the natural course of events, as a necessary consequence from them, the introduction of the new system of management had become indispensable in several parts of the Island, and the inquiries which had been long on foot in the others, and in wiiich the Regents had been employed, had prepared them for the reception of a similar change. “ It had happened that in the arrangements for Bantam and Cheribon, the Sultans had resigned all authority and interference, and in the prorinces transfen'ed by the native Chiefs and Chinese there were no Regents to be provided for. These officers, therefore, in other districts, ignorant of what provision might be made for them, and inferring that a similar mode to what had already been followed wmuld be adopted eveiy w^here, without regard to local circumstances, might naturally have been alanned, in contemplating the progress of the change, lest they should not be personally considered, and this alarm may have been heightened by the knowiedge of the unreserved opinion of the reformists under the former government, that they should be expressly excluded. In point of fact, I have reason to know that such an 2 INTRODUCTION OF THE LAND-RENTAL. 22li alarm did exist, and it was not until I was confidentially informed by the Resident, Mr. Hope, that delay would occasion danger, that I directed any decided measures in the Eastern districts. These circumstances, added to those detailed in my minute of the 11th, on the introduction of the land-rental, and the happy result of the measures in the peace and prosperity of the country, and the unqualified satisfaction of every class of its inhabitants, will, I trust, remove from your Lordship’s mind any unfavourable impressions regarding any apparent haste on the part of the government, and tend to prove that the change which was effected was one of those great political mea- sures only to be attended with success if adopted at the moment, and that the e.xigency which dictated it was sufficient to justify the responsibihty taken by the local authorities. It was never in contemplation to diminish the emoluments of the Regents, or to deprive them of their rank ; in the settlement which has been effected, the whole of them have been hberally provided for. The only real difference, indeed, between the former and present system in this regard has been, that in lieu of their precarious, confined, and frequently taxed emoluments under the Dutch administra- tion, has been substituted a certain, clear, and equitable allowance, which I can confidently assert has proved agreeable to every one of them. The principle which I adopted in settling the amount to be paid to each, was as follows : I visited each district in person, explained myself to the Regent the nature and object of the system to be introduced, and desired him to state the amount of his then emolu- ments in every shape. I then fixed what he should in future receive, always at a sum exceeding what he stated, and proportioned the payment in money or lands, at his option. By this arrangement the emoluments of no one could be diminished, and as they were still to be employed as the chief native officers in each district, their rank and authority are fully upheld. In such districts where it has not been thought necessary to separate the collection of the revenues from the general administration, the Regents are employed under the Resident, not only in the collection of the revenues, but are also placed at the head of the judicial and police departments. Where this separation has been made, there are both a Collector and Resident in the same district.” This amended system was not one hastily digested and introduced, but was originally arranged with Lord Minto previously to his quitting Java; it was deh- berately considered for two years before it was introduced, and its practicability and justice formed a principal point of enquiry in a commission, at the head of which was Lieutenant-Colonel Mackenzie ; and so far from having subverted the just rights and authority of individuals, or ahenated the minds of any class of the people from the British government, it placed the rights of all classes on a foundation which they never before possessed; and the tranquillity of the country, the increase ol LETTER TO LORD .MINTO. '2'2i industry, improvement of revenue, and known attachment of the Javanese to the system, proved that it was equally beneficial to the interests of government, and conclusively tenchng to the industry and happiness of the extensive population of the Island. Extract of a Letter from Mr. Raffles to Lord Mhito. “ Buitenzorg, Febrmry \^th, 1814. * ^ “ Y om- Lordship is aware of the entire change of management which was con- templated by me some time pre^^ous to your quitting India ; and although no official notice has yet been taken of my minute on the subject transmitted to the Supreme Government in July last, I have been able to collect a general opinion on the nature of the settlement you would most approve, from the obser\'ations contained in your confidential letter of the 22d November, in which you enter fully on the question of the sale of lands, and the decided objection to perpetual settlement. “ I had already completed my airangements for the land-rental when that letter arrived ; but before I had put the finishing stroke to the judicial regulations, and the general instructions to the Collectors, the Fifth Report of the House of Commons fell into my hands : and you ^^^ll be happy to hear that on comparing what I had done and what I had in contemplation, mth what seemed most approved by the authorities in England, I found that I had exactly hit on a settlement which, wlfile it was peculiarly applicable to Java, was considered the most advantageous one for India generally. The principles of the rijotxoar settlement had suggested themselves, ^vithout my knoAvdng that they had been adopted elsewhere ; and although I may not easily gain credit for the original design, the promoters and supporters of that set- tlement will, no doubt, find a strong argument in its favour, from the circumstance of its having been so early and so easily adopted in a foreign and distant colony. The principles of the settlement which I have effected, as well as their apphca- tion, are so fully stated in a minute which I have recorded on the subject, that I cannot do better than forward it to you. In that minute I have first attempted to prove the necessity and policy of the measure, which being established, an abstract statement of the settlement which has been effected is considered ; and I have con- cluded by observing on the tenures of land and the principles of the detailed system of management which is in progress. May I request your Lordship’s opinion on what has been done, and your suggestions on what ought to be attended to in future. Whether Java remains under my control or not, yom* sentiments on the subject will be most interesting to me. You \\ill observe that I have throughout considered my- self as the agent acting under your Lordship’s instructions ; and I can assure you that my ambition ^^^ll be gi'atified by an assurance that I have not failed in acting up to your original design. ■ .-C‘ I • ^ ■'l''0'‘ ' * '■ ■ ’ ' ! ■' : ’ , *•' '■%■■ 1 ■■ .'‘ 'V'.tifc" i- Vi MA ' 7 .’i<5,-^' • Mia. - «r - A.- vV / • • - • . ; - — ■ •»/, ' Mki ;'•■'■ ’ 'Ai,f *• . * i , ' . •« 1 • * ‘ ; I ■^ »l . LETTER TO LORD MINTO. 225 “ I have said so much on the effects of the change, and they are so obvious on general principles, that I should but intrude on your time by enlarging upon them here. I cannot but look upon the accomplishment of this undertaking as the most conspicuous and important under my administration ; and in its success or otherwise I am willing to stand or fall. I need not tell your Lordship, that while it was in agitation I had many an uneasy hour, and I suffered no small share of mental anxiety and bodily fatigue while it was in progi'ess : but now that it has been happily accomplished I am amply repaid for all. It was my lot personally to superintend the settlement in every district ; the necessity of that personal superintendence obliged me to leave Batavia at three several times, and during the last to be absent for three months fi-oni the capital ; but my immediate presence in the different parts of the Island could alone have concluded the settlement in so short a period, and it has had the advantage of rendering me intimately acquainted with every thing. I have been able to judge for myself throughout, and although I have not failed to avail myself of all the talent and experience I could find, I may safely say that I have in no case decided without a conviction brought home to my own mind that I was right. The arrangements for the interior of the country being completed, my next object wll be to simplify and modify the unwieldy establishments of the towns, par- ticularly those in Batavia. “ I have gone on as long as it was possible from day to day in the expectation of a change of government, but I shall not feel myself satisfied in longer delaying those radical reforms, so essential for the health and character of our government. Much odium has already attached from the continuance of the Dutch institutions so long, and I owe it to my own character, and to your Lordship, to render my admi- nistration ‘ not only without fear, but without reproach.’ “ Next to the internal administration of the colony, I have to request your at- tention to the interests of the Eastern Islands generally ; the kind caution which you sent me regarding our pohcy,' induced me to think very seriously on all I had done, and to weigh well the principles which I had laid down for my guidance. I became the more confirmed in the first view which I took on the subject. “ On the reception of the principles which I have in some cases adopted, and in others recommended, on the two great points of our home and foreign administra- tion, must depend the character of my government; to you, my Lord, I submit them, in full confidence that they will be riewed with an indulgent eye. “ These great questions being submitted to your Lordship’s judgment, I feel myself relieved from all the anxiety which attached previous to my putting them to paper. I consider them as now fairly before an impartial judge. I shall, unless otherwise directed by a superior authority, continue to be guided by the principles which I have laid down, and which have appeared to me, after the most deliberate consideration, to be just and right. G g 226 LETTER TO LORD MINTO. I must now proceed to a point which I ought first to have adverted to. I allude to the firm support which I have invariably received from Major-General Nightingall. He is open and candid in his sentiments; regular and economical in all his public plans, particularly the mihtary. I have reason to believe that he is now planning a general revision and reduction of the military establishment ; he sees the necessity of it, and I am led to hope that the period is not far distant when all our financial difficulties will be removed. “ The expenses in the military department do not fall short of three lacs of rupees in each month. This must be paid in silver, and silver is not to be obtained on any terms, except by bills on Bengal, and these with difficulty. “ The great changes in Europe promise to create a demand for our colonial produce, particularly the coffee ; but it will be some time before that belonging to the government, or the produce under British administration, will come into play. The larger quantity belonging to the capital must first he shipped off. The prize agents have at last sold the whole, but it wiU be a long time before tonnage can be obtained to carry it off : the coffee alone exceeds 150,000 piculs measures in pounds still in store. Silver is as scarce as ever, if not decreasing in quantity: the colonists are crying loudly for paper, but as they would no sooner possess it than run it down to a discount, it cannot be issued; it will, therefore, be some time before Java is able to support an extensive /orcigw military establishment. “ I am happy to inform your Lordship that Banca thrives well under the administration of Captain A’Court. A report upon the Island by Dr. Horsfield will be sent to the Court of Directors by this opportunity, accompanied by specimens of the mineralogy of the Island. “ The intercourse with Japan has been opened, and we have received a very advantageous retiwn in copper and camphor. I look forward to the possibility of estabhshing a permanent British interest in that quarter; but I will reserve this subject for another letter. “ I am, &c. &c. “ T. S. R.” Extract of a private Letter from Mr. Raffles to the late Sir Hugh LigUs. “ Feb. 13, 1814. ***** “ Whatever may be the eventual fate of Java, whether it is decided that the colony be attached to the Company’s possessions, or even given up at a peace to a foreign power (which God forbid), the inhabitants of Java will have the happiness to bless the day which placed them under such a system of government. “ I trust that the subject will receive an indulgent consideration; and that I may he honoured with the Court’s instructions for my future guidance. LETTER TO SIR HUGH INGLIS. 227 In every reference which has latterly been made to the Supreme Government, a hesitation in forming an opinion for the guidance of this government has been evinced, arising from the uncertain and provisional tenure of the government as it now stands ; and it is possible that the same hesitation may still exist with regard to the two great questions now submitted, and it is on this account particularly that I am induced to seek early instructions from Europe. “ I have been forced to act, in every measure of importance, on my own responsibility, not from the superior authorities being ignorant of the real interests of the colony, but from a hesitation on their part to involve themselves with the government which might be finally fixed. “ I have invariably invited and courted the commands of the superior authori- ties on questions which I considered of moment ; and necessity alone, and the con- viction that the favourable moment for action might otherwise be lost, has induced me to act expressly from my own judgment. Those only who have been in similar cases, can feel the weight of responsibility which attaches.” Referring to the suppression of piracy, Mr. Raffles writes thus to W. Petrie, Esq. Governor of Prince of Wales’ Island: — “ The principles of my suggestions for the suppression of piracy throughout the Archipelago have been, that nothing can tend so effectually to the suppression of piracy, to the encouragement and extension of lawful commerce, and to the civilization of the inhabitants of the Eastern Islands, as affording a steady support to the estabhshed native Sovereigns ; and assisting them in the maintenance of their just rights, and authority over their several Chiefs, and along the shores dependant upon their dominion. “ It appears to me that the adoption of this principle, and the estabhshment of British agents accordingly at the leading ports, would gradually change the bar- barous and uncivilized life of the people who inhabit the shores of these Islands ; and, united with the beneficial effects of the abohtion of the slave-trade, would, by its effect of lessening the means of plunder, and securing the exertion of legal superior authority, gradually tend to agricultural improvement, and to the pros- perity and interior trade that naturally must follow.” * * “ Yoms, &c. &c. « T. S. R.” Mr. Raffles was anxious to diffuse the blessings of freedom throughout the whole of the varied populations under his charge ; and, as the British Parhament had at this time passed an act, which declared the slave-trade to be felony, he esta- G g 2 228 TRANSFER OF JAVA TO THE DUTCH. blished it as a colonial law : and it continues in force to this day, since it cannot be repealed without express authority fi'om the mother-country. The leading inhabitants possessing slaves, concurred with him in his efforts to abolish this dreadful e\il throughout the Dutch possessions, the whole of the slaves in the Island were registered, according to the forms of the West India Islands, — with the ^^ew of giving them their liberty. The Bengal authorities, however, refused their sanction, because, as they alleged, it had not been determined whether the go- vernment of Java was to be -permanently administered by the King, or by the Company. Soon after this determination was received, the face of public affairs entirely changed in Europe ; the Dutch colonies were to be restored without reserve, or con- dition in favor of this unfortunate class of beings. As a last struggle in their behalf, Mr. Raffles effected the establishment of a society termed the Java Benevolent So- ciety,” in the hope of interesting in this effort those who succeeded him. In a letter to Lord Minto, dated July 2, 1814, Mr. Raffles, referring to the transfer of the Island to the Dutch, says, “ If I were to believe that the Javanese were ever again to be nded on the former principles of government, I should, in- deed, quit Java with a heavy heart; but a brighter prospect is, I hope, before them. Holland is not only re-established, but I hope renovated; her Prince has been edu- cated in the best of all schools — adversity; and I will hope the people of Java will be as happy, if not happier, under the Dutch than under the Enghsh. I say happier, because Java will, in importance, be more to Holland than she could ever be to England ; and the attention bestowed by the one country must naturally be gi-eater than that likely to be afforded by the other. “ Mr. Muntinghe has often reminded me that, when conversing with your Lordship on the judicial regulations, you observed, it was not certain whether Eng- land would retain permanent possessions in Java; hut in the mean time let ns do as much good as we can. This we have done, and whatever change may take place, the recollection can never be unpleasing. “ While Java exists, the name of Minto will be revered, and thousands bless the day on which you landed.” The Dutch would appear never to have knowm, and certainly, as a nation, never to have availed themselves of, all the advantages of this fine Island; and yet Java was for many years the queen of the East, and the gi*eat financial support of Holland. The hopes of Mr. Raffles upon this subject are thus given by himself : — “ For- tunately for Java, a new era has arisen, and I have reason to expect that even in the first years of the British possession, more will be known of its resources, and more actually done for ensuring its permanent tranquillity and prosperity, than has been effected throughout the whole period of the Dutch dominion.” In all the attempts to introduce a better order of things, Mr. Raffles received the warmest support from Mr. Cransen and Mr. Muntinghe, two Dutch gentlemen TRADE WITH JAPAN. 229 of Batavia. In the first period of the British administration, necessarily attended with many difficulties, the active penetration, the clear understanding, and the sound judgment of Mr. Muntinghe, afforded most substantial and essential support. In the introduction of the land-rental, Mr. Muntinghe took a distinguished part, and his intimate acquaintance with the native character and institutions rendered his assistance and co-operation of great value. Mr. Muntinghe, as well as Mr. Cransen, although they both approved of and supported the measure ultimately, were ai first alarmed, and apprehensive that it would not succeed. The view taken of the subject by Mr. Raffles, the information which he had collected, much of which was new even to Mr. Muntinghe, led him eventually to form the sanguine expectation which he afterwards expressed, but it will appear on reference to the minute which he recorded at the time, that his opi- nion was given with great caution at first. Mr. Raffles had long considered an intercourse with Japan an object of great importance to the English nation. The peculiarity of the China trade — the mono- poly of the tea — and the uncertainty with which it was attended, made him desirous of opening the trade with Japan to the British merchant. To establish a British Factory in Japan, and furnish a population of not less than twenty-five millions with the staple commodities, and with the manufactures of Great Britain, was in itself a great national object ; but it was of more particular consideration from its relative importance to China, and the apparent facility of eventually superseding the commerce which exists between that country and Japan. From the year 1611, when the Dutch established commercial relations with Japan, till 1671, (a period of sixty years) their speculations were unrestricted, and their profits enormous. This they called their golden age of trade; they opened a mine of wealth, and they thought it inexhaustible, as well as easily wrought. In 1640, the Company obtained a return in gold which yielded a profit of upwards of a million of guilders. For some time previous to 1663, they procm'ed a return of silver to the extent of two hundred chests, of one hundred pounds each, and it was suggested that it would be desirable for as many chests of gold of the same weight to be sent in future. These gold and silver ages of Japan commerce passed away, and in the latter part of the seventeenth century commenced what the Dutch called its brazen age, that is, its export in copper, which has ever since continued the staple of the Japan market. Mr. Raffles resolved, therefore, to send a mission for the purpose of transferring to the British government the trade exclusively enjoyed by the Dutch (but which even with them was confined to two annual ships from the port of Bata\'ia, and this had ceased for four years), and for opening to the manu- facturers of Great Britain the supply of that extensive empire, in exchange for the valuable commodities that might be received in return. Two gentlemen were united in the mission : one of these had formerly resided MISSION TO JAPAN. 2.J0 in the country as director of the Dutch factory, On their arrival they found the Dutch commercial Director averse from acknowledging the British government, (the transfer of Java being then made known to him,) and he even refused to dehver over the Factory. But the commercial objects of the voyage were accomplished, the con- tinuance of the trade to Japan was provided for, and ai-rangements were entered into for putting matters in train to secure the introduction of the Enghsh, and the preju- dices against them were in a great measure done away with. These had been very much excited by an unfortunate occurrence with the Phaeton frigate in 1808, in consequence of wiiich the Governor of Nangasaky and five principal officers to the Prince of Tisung, who commanded the Imperial Guards, w'ere ordered to rip them- selves up and die, an order that was usually obeyed, and the Prince himself was spiked up for one hundred days in his house, without leave to have his beard shaved ; fi-om this cause not only the Prince, but many of the principal Japanese, had sworn to kill every Englishman that fell in their way. Few opportunities were afforded of communicating with the natives, for which they appeared anxious, and which was a matter of some importance, Nangasaky being the sole point of contact of Japan with foreign nations, and the sentiments entertained of foreigners being communicated directly to the capital through the established official course, might be presumed to influence the opinion of the Gover- nor of Nangasaky resident at Sulu, an officer wiio possesses the entire control of the department, wiiich comprises every description of foreign relations, and who has a considerable personal interest in the advantages derived fi'om the foreign trade of the kingdom. The Emperor w'as considered to have bestowed a very unusual mark of favour, in condescending to accept the w'hole of the presents for his own use ; this was looked upon as a veiy flattering testimony of regard. The character of the Japanese, it was evident, had been subject to the misre- presentation which the jealousy of the Dutch had industriously spread over the whole of their Eastern possessions. They appeared to the Commissioners to be a race of people remarkable for frankness of manner and disposition, for intelligence, inquiry, and freedom from prejudice. They are in an advanced state of civilization, in a climate wJiere European manufactures are almost a necessary comfort, and w^here long use has accustomed them to many of its luxuries. The limited extent of the trade latterly carried on by the Dutch was owing, in no trifling degree, to the conduct of their officers, in sacrificing the pubfic interest to a regard for their owm private emolument, which was effectually consulted by narrow- ing the trade : as on that contracted footing, their means of advantage bore a greater proportion to the whole extent, and the smaller number of officers required m con- ducting it afforded them every advantage of concealment. At such a distance from control, and himself the channel of communication to 1 LETTER TO LORD MINTO. 2.31 his superiors, the Dutch Resident, in common with the other public officers of the Dutch government, receiving but a very limited salary, was left to his own discretion to improve the advantages, of whatever nature, his place could be made to yield him, a situation little calculated to command or obtain respect ; and the spectacle of the representative of his nation, scrambling for every petty advantage, degraded the cha- racter of his countrymen in the eyes of the Japanese, endowed as they are with no common share of intelligence and discernment. While Mr. Raffies was directing his attention to this subject, he addressed the following to Lord Minto : — “ Buitenzorg, Feb. 13, 1814. “ My Lord, “ I now proceed to detail to you the result of our communication with Japan ; in which if we have not obtained complete success, we have at any rate opened the door for future intercourse ; and, I trust, at no distant period, for the permanent establishment of the British interests in that quarter. “ Your Lordship wdU recollect the arrangement made for sending Dr. Ainslie, and the very little hope of success entertained by the Supreme Government. Had my views been confined to the continuance of the trade with Batavia on its former footing, that object would have been without difficulty accomplished ; but I had considered the subject more extensively, and as it might affect our interests perma- nently. I was too well informed of the corruptions, and of the degraded state of the Dutch factory, to suppose for a moment that it would be either creditable or advantageous to carry on the trade on its former footing, or through Dutch agents. The information we have now obtained is conclusive on this point ; and the very peculiar circumstances, in which we find ourselves placed, dictate the necessity and advantage of a more enlarged policy. “ I shall enclose for your Lordship’s information some papers on the subject : from these you will perceive the difficulties which attended the first communication, and what has been done with a view to our future intercourse. “ It is made clearly to appear, that the trade heretofore carried on with Bata- via forms no criterion by which the extent and value of the trade is to be judged, when a more liberal and upright policy is pursued. It was just as extensive as it suited the personal interest of the Resident to make it ; but on a different system it may be contemplated, that its importance will not fall short of that 'which is now attached to China. The restrictions which exist do not arise so much from the limitations and institutions of the Japanese, as from the nature and constitution ot the Dutch factory : the degraded state of which would appear to have sunk the Dutch character very low in estimation. The Japanese are a highly polished people, considerably advanced in science, highly inquisitive and full of penetration. “ There seems no reason to doubt the estimate of the population (twenty-five 232 LETTER TO LORD MINTO. millions) ; nor the high character given of the country, and of the people, by the early voyagers ; and on the score of religion and its prejudices, on which so much has been industriously circulated by the Dutch, they are found to be simple and inoffensive. Perhaps on further acquaintance, it may be found that the Dutch were not inactive agents in the dreadful massacre of the Catholics. The inter]Dreters do not hesitate to throw out insinuations to that effect akeady. The ceremony of walking' over the cross, and the degrading ceremonies to which the Dutch have represented themselves to be subject, are in a gi'eat measure fictitious ; and, \rith the exception of the ceremony of obeisance by prostration to the emperor, imne- cessaiy. The Dutch are only despised for the ceremonial which they perform to the inferior Chiefs. “ A British Factory once established, that of the Dutch would be superseded for ever ; and all their misrepresentations and collusions would but serve to complete the destmction of their interests, and the detestation with which their character must be ^'iewed, when compared nith that of those who succeed them. The demand for woollens and hardware, the staple manufactures of Great Britain, would be unlimited. No prejudices are to be surmounted ; the climate and habits of the people create a want Avhich it would be our interest to supply ; and the returns might either be made in those articles which we now receive fi’om China, such as tea, silk, and cloths, or in copper, corn, or oil, the staples of Japan. In a word, Japan can furnish in retimi every article that is now obtained from China, of better quality, and at a lower price. The fact of the principal export from China to Japan being woollens speaks for itself ; and the observations of Dr. Ainshe tend to prove that it would be an easy matter to supersede the ten Chinese junks now allowed to trade annually. “ Whether, therefore, we consider Japan separately, as affording an extensive field for the commercial capital of Great Britain, as affording a copious outlet for oiu staple manufactures, or in a political riew, as it may tend to the security of the China trade, it is most important. “ In Japan we should find all the advantages that could be derived from China without any of the humihations, any of the imcertainties, any of the tricks, impo- sitions, and difficulties, with which we are now hampered. As connected with the present China trade, would not a knowledge of our influence at Japan render the Chinese more humble ? they look up to the Japanese as a most superior race of people, and the Japanese, in return, treat the highest Chinese \rith the greatest indignity. Or should any accident put a stop to the trade at Canton, either par- tially or m toto, would it not be of essential importance to be able to have recourse to Japan ? “ In every point in which I can view the subject, it appears to me most import- ant; and as the acquisition of the trade, and the pennanent establishment of our LETTER TO LORD MINTO. 2R3 interests, is almost \vilhin my gi'asp, I should consider it a dereliction of my public duty did I not strain every nerve to effect the accomplishment of an object in every way so inviting and so interesting. We are now no longer amused with the speculative dreams of what Japan is supposed to be ; we have the evidence of a British agent to speak to every fact ; and when his detailed Memoir is completed, in which he purposes taking an historical review of the trade and intercourse with Japan, I am confident it will be found that, in no instance, have we advanced what cannot be clearly proved. “ The question is of too much importance for your Lordship not to take a deep interest in it. I acknowledge that I am anxious to accomphsh the task which I have undertaken, and I appeal with confidence, but with the utmost sohcitude, to your Lordship to assist me, by urging a quick reply, and an immediate and parti- cular attention to my requisitions. “ Java, my Lord, is yours, and every act of mine in its administration has been considered as springing from your parental direction ; the British influence is now spreading into every quarter of the Archipelago ; the civihzation of so large a portion of the human race will, I hope, emanate from the just and wise principles on which you established the British empire in the Eastern Seas. Japan is yet uncon- nected with this conquest, and I have only to entreat that I may be empowered to act as your agent.” Mr. Raffles was disappointed in this hope. The Bengal Government did not consider it a matter of importance, hut the subject was referred to the Court of Directors. The Court, indeed, approved of Mr. Raffles’ plans, but by the time their answer was received, Java was no longer under British authority ; and the favourable moment, once passed over, could never be recalled, and it is believed the attempt has never been renewed. CHAPTER VIII. Domestic affiictions — Tour of the Island for the benefit of his health — Native companions — Malay cha- racter— Origin of their race — Their literature — Civilization — The Moluccas — Celebes — Expedition to Bali and Macasar — People of Bali — Casts — Funeral ceremonies — Wives burning — Account of erup- tion of Tomboro mountain — Prospects of the Restoration of Java to the Dutch — Letter to Lord Buck- ingham on advantages of retaining it — Value of the Moluccas — Banco — Character of the East insular tribes — New government proposed for Java — Merits of the individuals employed — His own labors — Javanese language — Ancient sculpture and remains — Intention to write the History of Java — Review of his administration in Java — Close of it. At this period (1815) it pleased God to deprive Mr. Raffles of some of his nearest and dearest connections as well as of many of his earliest and most intimate friends ; and whilst he was mourning the death of these, he heard, to use his owm words, “ that Lord Minto was snatched away from the embraces of his friends and family, at the very moment he was to receive the only reward which in this world could recompense his past labours — a calm and placid recollection of the successful career he had run,” To an ardent enthusiastic mind, warmly alive to the brightest feelings of friendship, and dehghting in all the closer ties of domestic life, such a rapid succession of melancholy events, added to the anxiety and uncertainty of public duty, was most trying ; and even Mr. Raffles’ buoyant spirit yielded to the pressure. For a long time it was feared his life would fall a sacrifice to the keenness of his feehngs. The moment he was able to attend to any business, he was recommended to make an excursion over the Island, in the hope that change of scene would dispel the weight of grief with which he seemed to be overwhelmed. During this tour he found employment for his active mind, in visiting all the remains of antiquity in the country, and collecting information connected with its early history, with which Em-opeans were previously unacquainted. These materials were, at a future period, published in his History of Java. But though his mind was thus occupied, his health derived no material advan- * Death of Mrs. Raffles. Mr. Raffles married, in the year 1805, the widow of W. Fancourt, Esq. of Lanark, North Britain. MALAY CHARACTER. 235 tage from the journey*. It was thought advisable that he should leave Buitenzorg, and remove to Ciceroa, a more elevated situation. He took with him several of his staff, and a party of natives, whose good sense and intelligence had attracted his notice, and whom he had brought with him from the eastern part of the Island. With these last he passed the greater part of every morning and evening in reading and translating, with the greatest rapidity and ease, the different legends with which they furnished him, particularly the Brata Yudha. His translation of this singular and curious poem will be found in his History of Java. It was a work requiring considerable labour and time ; but it was a common remark with him, that if a man were fully and seriously determined on accomplishing any undertaking 'within human power at all, he would succeed by diligence and attention. At this time he rose early, and commenced business before breakfast ; immediately after this he went through the official duties of the day ; after which he devoted the remainder of the morning, till dinner-time, to the natives who were living with him. He dined at four o’clock, and took a walk for the sake of his health in the evening ; and, until he retired to rest, he was occupied in reading, translating, and compihng. But his strength and health did not return, perhaps from his not being able to amuse his mind without over-exertion and too much application. The foDowing are letters which he wrote at this period : To Mr. Marsden from Mr. Raffles. “ January Is#, 1815. “ My Dear Sir, 5ie Jif ije * * * “ The Malays are a people by no means far advanced in civilization ; nor in their traditions, regarding their origin, do they trace back to a far distant date. In common with other nations in a similar state of civilization, their ideas may not be very numerous, nor their abstract notions very correct ; but their meaning and their attention to passing events are remarkable. Their generally wandering and preda- toiy life induces them to follow the fortune of a favourite Chief, and to form them- selves into a variety of separate clans. They may not be inaptly compared, as far as their habits and notions go, to some of the borderers in North Britain, not many centuries ago. The traditions regarding their early history are far less blended with the marvellous than the mighty feats of Fingal ; and if in their attempts to account for their origin, we find a mixture of mythological fable, this surely is not of itself sufficient to invalidate what may otherwise be considered as matter of fact. “ In relating any event which has recently passed, a Malay is always peculiarly simple and clear. The following character of a Malay, as a man, will be found tole- rably correct : H h 2 236 MALAY CHARACTER. “ ^ The Malay, living in a country where nature grants (almost without labour) all his wants, is so indolent, that when he has rice, nothing will induce him to work. Accustomed to wear arms fi’om his infancy, to rely on his own prowess for safety, and to dread that of his associates, he is the most correctly polite of all savages, and not subject to those starts of passion so common to more civihzed nations. But with all his forbearance, he is feelingly ahve to insult ; submits with a bad gi*ace to the forms to wiiich, in a civilized life, he finds himself obhged to conform ; and w^hen these are either numerous or enforced with supercilious contumely, or the delays of office, he flies to the w^oods, where, with a little rice boiled in a bamboo, eaten with sprouts of the suiTounding trees as a leaf, he feels he is free. “ Example will gradually generate w^ants ; and w'ants, industry, and a sense of safety supersede the use of arms, and generate other manners. “ That strong predilection w hich has been observed in the natives of the Malay peninsula and suiTOunding countries, for the English, will soon cease on their more intimate connection, if treated with the contumely common in India. This results from the independant spirit of the people, who value that independance beyond any consideration of advantage, if accompanied with what they deem insult. “ The consequence of such behaviour is first felt by individuals who interest their famihes, a number of families interest a clan, a number of clans a nation, and in their revenges they await with patience for years, when they seldom fail to re- taliate, and that often on the innocent. “ As a scholar, it is allowed that the only knowledge of which he is inclined to boast, is derived from the Arabs. That literary compositions should bear the stamp of Mahomedan direction will, therefore, not be surprising ; but it will be observed, that in poetry, and in every essay from the heart, allusion is only made to natural objects, and the earlier fables of Hindu mytholog)^ ; while in historical and diy com- positions of the head, these more natural feelings usually give way to Mahomedan notions. This distinction is easily discernable by any person in the least acquainted with Malayan literature, for literature I must call it. “To prove that the traditions and historical notices of the Malays are not alto- gether devoid of interest, would require little more than the publication of a fair translation of some of their more popular performances. I hope, at no very distant date, some of these may appear. “ The Indian Islands appear to have been veiy fertile in alphabets ; they are all, with the exception of the characters now used by the Malays, of Hindu origin. It was long the idea that Sumatra was the Tapro Bana of the ancients. “ The general opinion entertained regarding the origin of the different native establishments in the Indian Archipelago, and which is supported by tradition and native history, and by the traces of character, language, and habits discernable among the different nations at the present day, is, that the Indian Islands were first ORIGIN OF THE MALAY NATIONS. •237 peopled from the continent of Asia ; and the country lying between the Gulf of Siam and China was, in all probability, the main-land from whence the first settlers emigrated. “ This probability is supported by the contiguity of this part of the continent to the Islands ; its extensive population ; the intimate connection which appears in the earliest time to have existed between tbe principal states of the Archipelago and the comitries of Siam, Laos and Champa ; the similarity which still exists in many of the customs and usages, and in the languages of the less civilized tribes in the Eastern Seas. ‘‘ At what period this emigration first took place, is at present beyond rational conjectiu'e ; but a more intimate acquaintance with the Eastern Peninsula of India may hereafter throw some light upon the subject. If the original inhabitants are thus admitted to have issued from this part of the Continent, it will be no difficult matter to account for the resemblance of the Malay to the Tartar, and the similarity which is found to exist in all the genuine languages of the Islands. “ The next point is to trace from whence those rude and savage tribes received their first rudiments of civilization ; whether from Egypt or the colonies established by that power, or at a subsequent period from an Indian country, may be matter of doubt, but that they were early visited by traders from the west of India seems established on incontrovertible evidence. “ The Javanese annals do not trace the first coming of the people from Western India much beyond a thousand years back, but tradition justifies us in believing, that long before Java was civilized, the inhabitants of the more Eastern Islands, and particularly the Moluccas, had considerably emerged from a state of barbarism. This tradition is strongly confirmed by the probability that the rich productions of the Spice Islands would have been the first to excite the cupidity of Indian traders, in the same manner as they were subsequently the first to attract the attention of European speculators ; and by the circumstance of the acknowledged antiquity and superiority, even at this day, of the language spoken in the Moluccas. “ It is an extraordinary fact, that while the question regarding the country from whence the Malayan tribes first issued, should be confined almost exclusively to Smnatra and the Peninsula of Malacca, the highest Malay is admitted to be spoken in the Moluccas ; in proof of this fact, it is only necessary to refer to the Malayan version of the Scriptures, printed by the Dutch government, which is universally allowed to be composed in the best language, and in the language of the Moluccas, but to be scarcely intelligible to ordinary readers belonging to the more Western Isles. When the intercourse between Western India and the Eastern Islands ORIGIN OF THE MALAYAN NAME. •23vS declined, or when it was first replaced by the traders from Arabia, we are not cor- rectly informed. “ In Java the Indians would appear to have established their principal colony : hut traces of their communications \nth the other Islands may be easily found, par- ticularly in Sumatra, and in the Celebes, where the written characters now in use bear the e^ddent stamp of Sanscrit origin. From this intimate connection between Western India and all the Islands of the Archipelago, we may easily account for the extensive introduction of Sanscrit teiTns into the languages of the Islanders, and to the estabhshment of the earliest independent states of which tradition makes mention. Thus the sovereignties of the Moluccas, of Celebes, of Java, and of Sumatra, may have been first established, while colonies from these, in process of time, ex- tended the habits of cirilization to the coasts of Borneo, the adjacent Islands, and the Peninsula of Malacca. “ Before the Eastern Seas were visited by European navigators, the Moluccas had fallen under the sway of the Chieftains of Celebes, and the people had lost much of that importance of character for which in earlier times they had been distinguished. Yet there is reason to believe that many of the petty states in the Eastern part of the Archipelago and in the South Seas were first planted by colonies fr'om the Moluccas. “ But it was principally from the Island of Celebes at a subsequent period that colonies were throv\Ti out : these peculiar and enterprising people appear to have ex- tended their infiuence at one period, so as to have included within the range of their authority the Philippines on one side, and the countries in the Straits of Malacca on the other. Acheen and the Peninsula of Malacca were early visited by adventurers from Celebes ; audit was in one of these distant expeditions that the people of Celebes are said to hav^e established the kingdom of Menangkabu in Sumatra, and to have given the designation of Malaya to the people now so called. “ The people of Celebes have a tradition that when their celebrated Chief, Sawira Ceding, was exploring the Western countries, he put into one of the rivers in Sumatra, where a considerable part of his followers deserted him, and mnning into the interior, connected themselves with the people of the country, and established the kingdom of Menangkabu. These people were for the most part of the lowest class, employed by Savrira Ceding in cutting fire-wood and procuring water for his fieet, and are represented by him to have been captives from the Moluccas, or savages from the interior of Celebes, and have the term Malaya, fr'om Mala, to bring, and aya, wood : Malaya, a wood-bringer, or as we should say a woodcutter, and to this day the people of Celebes look down with the greatest contempt on a Malaya, and are in the habit of repeating the origin of the name. 2 MALAYAN LANGUAGES. 239 “ The people of Celebes have from time immemorial, been distinguished among the Eastern nations, for their spirit in commerce in maritime enterprise, at a period when the more peaceable inhabitants of Java were diligently cultivating the soil, and confining their \dews to domestic concerns. This entei-prising people will be found to have established themselves in almost every other part of the Archipelago. “ The tradition above noticed regarding the origin of the Malays, is supported by the very great similarity of language, of features, of character, of dress, and of habits, as observable at the present day : the Malay resembles the inhabitant of Celebes very closely, both in his features, and fonn, in his moral character, his dress, and his occupations; but in every thing he is his inferior — a lower caste of the same character and people. “ It was probably during this period, that the Malay countries first imbibed that portion of Javanese literature which is to be found in their books; but the principal accession which the Malay and other languages derived from the Sanscrit, was in all probabihty received direct at a much earlier date ; and this supposition will account for the Sanscrit words which are used by the Malays being, in some in- stances, much purer than those forming part of the Javanese language. The higher language of Java is almost entirely Sanscrit ; but the termination of the words would appear in many instances to have assumed an arbitrary form. In the Malayan language, the Sanscrit words are not subjected to this arbitrary or pecu- liar form, and when words of this description, of which there are many, are engrafted on the jVlalayan, the Malays invariably term them B'husa Java, or the Javanese language. “ At the period when the influence of Java was thus extending itself over the Archipelago, it was arrested in its progress, by the rapid establishment of the rehgion of Mahomet, and Java itself had scarcely recovered from the shock of conversion to this faith, when the Europeans found their way round the Cape of Good Hope. “ To bring forward aU the evidence that could be adduced in support of the above general conclusions would swell this,” &c. &c. * * * * * * ^ To Mr. Marsden, “ Buitenzorg, Feb, 7, 1815. “ My Dear Sir, I have first had the pleasure to receive your kind letter of the 21st of August, and lest any attempt to bring up the long arrears standing against me, might delay my reply beyond the period fixed for the departure of the Alcyon, I proceed at once to notice the points alluded to in this letter, without particular re- ference to your former communication. “ I am ashamed to acknowledge that the accusation of not wnting oftener hes EXPEDITION TO BALI AND MACASAR. •210 against me. I can only plead in my excuse, the heavy and unremitting duties of my public situation, and recently afflictions which have befallen me in private life. I have not, however, been inattentive to your kind suggestions ; and although my communications have been sparing, my collections have been gradually increasing. ^ ^ ^ * “ I have lately sent an expedition under General Nightingall, to Bali and Ma- casar ; the information obtained from Bali is briefly as follows : — The natives are divided into four castes, Braniana, Satriga, Wisya, and Sudi’a. “ The Bramanas are of two classes, Bramana Sava and Bramana Budu ; the former prevails. The Budus eat of all food, even dogs, and it is said by the Bra- manas (their enemies) that they eat rice off a coi'pse which has been kept several months. The Bramanas do not perform pubhc religious offices, the Sudras have charge of the temples ; there are rude images among them and in these temples, they worship chiefly tutelar deities of places; a Bramana is respected according to his age and learning, he cannot eat from the hands of a younger. The Bramana does not worship idols. They say the four castes issued from the mouth, breast, l)elly, and feet of Brahma. “ A Bramana may marry into another caste, the offspring are called Bujanga, a distinct class. There are outcasts called Chandalas — potters, dyers, distillers, butchers, and sellers of toddy. “ The Bramanas have care of law and religion ; they try the sovereign ; can order a second trial, but not alter the decision. They cannot serve in any mean condition, nor are they bound to make obedience to any other caste or class. “ The Siva Brahmins say nine-tenths of them originally emigrated from Java, about the time of the destruction of INIujapahit. “ The Budus, who are very few, occupying only three districts, reckon the commencement of their era (which is 1735,) corresponding \rith the year of Christ 814, as the period at which they came. “ The Rajahs are Sadrayas or Wisayu ; after death the coi*pse is kept a long time, by the higher classes above a year, by the lower at least two months ; the dead bodies are preserved by daily fumigation with benzoin, &c. ; they are then bm’ned, except children who have not shed their teeth, and persons dying of small- pox, who are buried immediately. The widow of the Sadraya and Wisayu classes generally burns herself with her husband’s coi’pse, this, however, is voluntary, and not the wives only, but concubines, and female slaves also, sacrifice themselves on such occasions. The father of the present Rajah of Balibing was burned with seventy- four women. It is customary with some classes to throw the dead bodies into the sea. “ The era is denominated Isahia, each month has thirty-five days, the year four hundred and twenty. ACCOUNT OF THE ERUPTION FROM THE TOMBORO MOUNTAIN. 241 “ The Brahmins do not eat beef, or drink milk, the latter, however, is not pro- scribed. Hogs-flesh is the common food of the Buluse. “ The Bali language is written in the Javanese character, but the language is different. Balinese books of law and religion are numerous. I have set further enquiries on foot. I entirely concur with you in thinking a grammar and dictionary of the Javanese language an important desideratum, and at one time I was in hope works of the kind would have been attempted. I can, however, assure you that however reluctantly I may attempt a work of the kind, I shall go home, whenever I leave this, prepared with the materials for breaking the ice. My vocabularies are extensive, and I have some idea of the gram- matical construction, but the words are so numerous and the phraseology so various, that it is one of the most difficrdt languages I ever met with ; but I wall, at all events, keep sufficient materials by me to work upon, should no other better qualified person undertake the task. “ In my late affliction I found it necessary to take a trip to sea, and if the wea- ther had permitted, it was my intention to have made an incursion into the Lampong country. We were, however, prevented from landing, and all I could do for you was to correct the names of places in the map ; a copy also of the best Dutch map of Sumatra is now in hand for you, and shall be forwarded by an early opportunity. General and Mrs. Nightingall still remain with us, his appointment for Bombay not having arrived ; they are now residing with me at Buitenzorg, and I shall part wdth them with a heavy heart whenever it may be necessary for them to leave Java.’’ Mr. Raffles gives the following account of the eruption from the Tomboro Mountain, in the Island of Sambawa, which took place at this time, (the 11th and 12th of April, 1815,) one of the most violent and extraordinary of such explosions yet knowm. "To preserve an authentic account of the violent and extraordinary eruption of the Tomboro Mountain on Sambawa, in April last, I required from the several Re- sidents of districts on this Island a statement of the circumstances that occurred within their knowledge, and from their replies, the following narrative is collected ; it is, perhaps, incomplete until some further accounts are received of the immediate effects upon the mountain itself; but the progress is sufficiently knovm to render in- teresting a present account of a phenomenon which exceeds any one of a similar description on record. The first explosions were heard on this Island in the even- ing of the 5th of April, they were noticed in every quarter, and continued at intervals until the followang day. The noise was, in the first instance, almost universally at- tributed to distant cannon ; so much so, that a detachment of troops were marched from Djocjocarta, in the expectation that a neighbouring post was attacked, and along the coast boats were in two instances dispatched in quest of a supposed ship in distress. 'U2 ACCOUNT OF THE ERUPTION FROM THE TOMBORO MOUNTAIN. “ On the following morning, however, a slight fall of ashes removed all doubt as to the cause of the sound, and it is worthy of remark, that as the eruption con- tinued, the sound appeared to be so close, that in each district it seemed near at liand; it was attributed to an emption from the ISIarapi, the Gunung Kloot or the Gunung Bromo. “ From the 6th, the sun became obscured : it had every appearance of being enveloped in fog, the weather was sultry, and the atmosphere close and still ; the sun seemed shorn of its rays, and the general stillness and pressure of the atmosphere foreboded an earthquake. This lasted several days, the explosions continued occa- sionally, but less \'iolently, and less frequently than at first. Volcanic ashes also began to fall, but in small quantities; and so slightly as to be hardly perceptible in the western districts. “ This appearance of the atmosphere remained with Kttle variation, until the 10th of April, and till then it does not appear that the volcano attracted much ob- servation, or was considered of greater importance than those which have occa- sionally burst forth in Java. But on the evening of the 10th, the emptions were heard more loud, and more frequent from Cheribon eastward; the air became dark- ened by the quantity of falling ashes, and in several situations, particularly at Solo and Rembang, many said that they felt a tremulous motion of the earth. It is uni- versally remarked in the more eastern districts, that the explosions were tremendous, continuing frequently dmdng the 11th, and of such \dolence as to shake the houses perceptibly ; an unusually thick darkness was remarked all the following night, and the greater part of the next day. At Solo, on the 12th, at four P.M., objects were not visible at 300 yards distance. At Gresie, and other districts more eastward, it was dark as night the greater part of the 12th of April, and this saturated state of the atmosphere lessened as the cloud of ashes passed along and discharged itself on its way. Thus the ashes, which were eight inches deep at Banyuwangi, were but two in depth at Sumanap, and still less in Gresie ; and the sun does not seem to have been actually obscured in any district westward of Samarang. “No description of mine, however, can so well express what happened, as the extracts from the reports at several places ; the remarks there made are appli- cable also to all the other districts, only in a lesser degi'ee, as the same became more distant trom the cause of the phenomena.” Extract of a Letter from Gresie. “ I woke on the morning of the 12th, after what seemed to be a very long- night, and taking my watch to the lamp, found it to be half-past eight o’clock ; I immediately went out, and found a cloud of ashes descending ; at nine o’clock no day-light ; the layer of ashes on the terrace before my door at the Kradenan mea- sures one line in thickness ; ten A. INI. a faint glimmering of light can now be per- 2 ACCOUNT OF THE ERUPTION FROM THE TOMBORO MOUNTAIN. 243 ceived over-head : half-past ten, can distinguish objects fifty yards distant ; eleven, A.M. breakfasted by candle-light, the birds begin to chirrup as at the approach of day ; half-past eleven, can discover the situation of the sun through a thick cloud of ashes ; one, P.M. found the layer of ashes one line and a half thick, and mea- sui'ed in several places with the same results ; three, P.M. the ashes have increased one-eighth of a line more ; five, P.M. it is now lighter, but still I can neither read nor ^\Tite without candle. In travelling through the district on the 13th, the appearances were described with very httle variation from my account, and I am universally told that no one remembers, nor does their tradition record so tremen- dous an eruption. Some look upon it as typical of a change, of the re-estabhshment of the former government ; others account for it in an easy way, by reference to the superstitious notions of their legendary tales, and say that the celebrated Nyai Loroh Kidul has been man’^dng one of her children, on which occasion she has been firing salutes from her supernatm’al artillery. They call the ashes the dregs of her ammunition.” Extract of a Letter from Sumanap. “ ^ On the evening of the 10th the explosions became very loud ; one in parti- cular shook the town, and they were excessively quick, resembhng a heavy can- nonade. Towards evening, next day, the atmosphere thickened so much, that by four o’clock it was necessary to light candles. At about seven, P.M., of the 11th, the tide being about ebb, a rush of water from the bay occasioned the river to rise four feet, and it subsided again in about fom* minutes ; the bay was much agitated about this time, and was illuminated from a northerly direction. On the Island of Sahotie, fire was seen distinctly at a short distance to the south-east. The uncom- mon darkness of this night did not break till ten and eleven, A.M. of the 12th, and it could hardly be called day-hght all day. Volcanic ashes fell in abundance, and covered the earth about two inches thick, the trees also were loaded with them.’ ” Extract of a Letter from Banyuwangi. “ ^ At ten, P.M. of the first of April, we heard a noise resembling a cannonade, which lasted, at intervals, till nine o’clock next day ; it continued at times loud, at others resembling distant thunder; but on the night of the 10th, the explosions became tndy tremendous, fi'equently shaking the earth and sea riolently. Towards morning they again slackened, and continued to lessen gradually till the 14th, when they ceased altogether. On the morning of the 3d of April, ashes began to fall like fine snow ; and in the course of the day they were half-an-inch deep on the gi’ound. From that time till the 11th the air was constantly impregnated with them to such a degi'ee, that it was unpleasant to stir out of doors. On the morning of the 1 1th, the opposite shore of Bah was completely obscured in a dense cloud, which gradually I i 2 24 i ACCOUNT OF THE ERUPTION FROM THE TOMBORO MOUNTAIN. approached the Java shore, and was dreary and ten-ific. By one, P.M. candles were necessary ; by four, P.M. it was pitch-dark ; and so it continued until two o’clock of the afternoon of the 12th, ashes continuing to fall abundantly : they were eight inches in depth at this time. After two o’clock it began to clear up ; but the sun was not visible till the 14th, and during this time it was extremely cold. The ashes continued to fall, but less violently, and the greatest depth, on the loth of April, was nine inches. “ All reports concur in stating, that so violent and extensive an eruption has not happened within the memory of the oldest inhabitants, nor within tradition. They speak of similar effects in a lesser degree, w'hen an eruption took place from the volcano of Carang Assum, in Bah, about seven yeai-s ago ; and it was at first supposed that this mountain w^as the seat of eruption in the present instance. The Balinese attributed the event to a recent dispute between the tw'o Rajahs of Bah Baliling, which terminated in the death of the yomiger Rajah, by order of his brother. “ The haziness and heat of the atmosphere, and occasional fall of volcanic ashes, continued until the 14th, or, in some parts of the Island, until the 17th of April; they were cleared away universally by a hea\y fall of rain, after w'hich the atmosphere became clear and more cool ; and it w^ould seem that this seasonable relief prevented much injury to the crops, and removed an appearance of epidemic disease, which w'as beginning to prevail. This w^as especially the case at Bata^aa, w'here, for the two or three days preceding the rain, many persons w'^ere attacked with fever. As it w^as, how^ever, no material injury w'as felt beyond the districts of Banjniw'angi. The cid- tivators every w^here took the precaution to shake off the ashes from the growing })addy as they fell, and the timely rain removed an apprehension very generally entertained, that insects would have been generated by the long continuance of the ashes at the root of the plant. At Rembang, where the rain did not fall till the 17th, and the ashes had been considerable, the crops w'ere somew'hat injured. In Gresie the injury was less ; but in Banymvangi and the adjacent part of the Island, on which the cloud of ashes spent its force, the injury was more extensive : 126 horses and eighty-six head of cattle also perished, chiefly from want of forage during a month from the time of the eruption. “ The local effects of this emption have been ascertained by Lieutenant Owen Phillips, who proceeded to Sumbawa for this purpose, and was charged to distribute to the sufferers a supply of rice, dispatched by this government on hearing of the extreme distress to which the inhabitants of Sumbawa had been reduced. The Noquedah of a Malay prow from Timor had reported that on the 11th of April, while at sea, far distant from Smnbawa, he was in utter darkness ; that on his passing the Tomboro mountain at a distance of five miles, the low^er part of it was in flames, and the upper part covered with clouds ; he went on shore for water. ACCOUNT OF THE ERUPTION FROM THE TOMBORO MOUNTAIN. 215 and found the gi'ound covered with ashes to the depth of three feet, several large prows thrown on the land by a concussion of the sea, and many of the inhabitants dead from famine. On lea\ing Sumbawa, he experienced a strong current to the west- ward, and fell in with gi*eat quantities of cinders floating on the sea, through which he with difficulty forced his w^ay ; he was surrounded by them the whole of the night of the 12th, and says they formed a mass of two feet thick, and several miles in ex- tent. This person states that the volcano of Carang Assam in Bali, was in com- motion at the same time ; and it appears from the several reports, that a greater rumbling than usual w'as heard in the mountains in the Rembang district, as w^ell as in the Gunnug Gede in the Preanger Regencies, but after a strict enquiry, it does not appear that any simultaneous movement or connection could be traced on this occasion along the chain of Volcanic Mountains running east and west in Java.’” The Honorable Company’s ciaiizer Benares, was at this time at Macasar, and the following official report, received from the Commander of this vessel, con- firms the circumstances ah'eady related. “ ^ On the 5th of April, a firing of cannon was heard at Macasar, continuing at intervals all the afternoon, and apparently coming from the southward: — towards sun-set the reports seemed to have approached much nearer, and sounded hke hea\y guns, with occasional slight reports between. Supposing it to be occasioned by pirates, a detachment of troops was embarked on board the Honorable Company’s ciaiizer Benares, and sent in search of them, but after examining the neighboming Islands, returned to Macasar on the 8th, without having found any cause of the alarm. During the night of the 11th, the firing was again heard, but much low er, and tow'ards morning the reports were in quick succession, sometimes like three or four guns fired together, and so heavy that they shook the ship, as they did also the houses in Fort Rotterdam. Some of them seemed so near, that I sent people to the mast-heads to look out for the flashes, and weighed at day-dawn, proceeding to the southward to ascertain the cause. The morning of the 12th was extremely dark and low'ering, particularly to the southward, and S.W., the wind light, and from the east- wm*d. At eight A.M. it w^as apparent that some extraordinary occurrence had taken place ; the face of the heavens to the southward and westward had assumed a dark aspect, and it was much darker than before the sun rose ; as it came nearer it as- sumed a dusky red appearance, and spread fast over every part of the heavens ; by ten it was so dark that a ship could hardly be seen a mile distant; by eleven the whole of the heavens were obscured, except a small space near the horizon to the east- w^ard, the quarter from which the wind came. The ashes now" began to fall in show"ers, and the appearance was altogether truly awful and alarming. By noon the light that had remained in the eastern part of the horizon disappeared, and complete darkness covered the face of day. This continued so profound dirring the remainder of the day, that I never saw any thing to equal it in the darkest night ; 246 ACCOUNT OF THE ERUPTION FROM THE TOMBORO MOUNTAIN. it was impossible to see your hand when held up close to your eyes. The ashes fell ^\^thout intermission throughout the night, and were so light and subtile, that notmthstanding the precaution of spreading awnings fore and aft as much as pos- sible, they per\'aded every part of the ship. “ ‘ At six o’clock the next morning it continued as dark as ever, but began to clear about half-past seven; and about eight o’clock objects could be faintly dis- cerned upon deck. From this time it began to get lighter very fast. “ ‘ The appearance of the ship when day-hght returned was most singular ; every part being covered with the falling matter : it had the appearance of calcined pumice stone, nearly the colour of wood-ashes ; it lay in heaps of a foot in depth in many parts of the deck, and several tons weight of it must have been thrown overboard ; for though an impalpable powder or dust when it feU, it was, when compressed, of considerable weight ; a pint measure of it weighed twelve ounces and three-quarters, it was perfectly tasteless, and chd not affect the eyes with painful sensation, had a faint burnt smell, but nothing like sulphur ; when mixed with water it fonned a tenacious mud difficult to be washed off. ^ By noon of the 12th, the sun made his appearance again, hut very faintly, through the dusky atmosphere ; the air being still charged with ashes, which con- tinued to fall hghtly all day. “ ‘ From the 12th to the 15th, the atmosphere remained thick and dusky, the rays of the sun scarce able to penetrate through it, with httle or no wind the whole time. “ ‘ On the morning of the 13th left Macasar, and on the 18th made Sumbawa; on approaching the coast passed through gi'eat quantities of pumice-stone floating on the sea, wiiich had at first strongly the appearance of shoals, so much so that I sent a boat to examine one, which, at the distance of less than a mile, I took for a dry sand-bank, upwards of three miles in length, with black rocks in several parts of it. It proved to be a complete mass of pumice-stone floating on the sea, some inches in depth, with great numbers of trees and logs, that appeared to be burnt and shivered as if by lightning. The boat had much difficulty in pulling through it, and until we reached the entrance of Bima Bay, the sea was literally covered with shoals of pumice and floating timber. “ ‘ On the 19th arrived in Bima Bay, in coming to an anchor grounded on the bank of Bima Town, shoaling suddenly from eight fathoms ; hove off again as the tide was rising. The anchorage at Bima must have altered considerably, as where w^e grounded the Ternate cruizer lay at anchor in six fathoms a few months before. The shores of the bay had a most dreary appearance, being entirely covered with ashes.’ “ From the account of the Resident of Bima, it appears that the eruption proceeded from the Tomboro mountain, situated about forty miles to the westward ACCOUNT OF THE ERUPTION FROM THE TOMBORO MOUNTAIN. 217 of Bima. On the night of the 11th, the explosions he represents to have been most terrific, and compares them to the report of a heavy mortar close to his ear. The darkness commenced about seven in the morning, and continued twelve hom-s longer than it chd at Macasar. The fall of ashes was so heavy as to break the Resident’s house in many places, and render it uninhabitable, as well as many other houses in the town. The wind was still during the whole time, but the sea greatly agitated, its waves rolled in upon the shore, and filled the lower parts of the houses wfith water a foot deep. Every prow and boat was forced from the anchorage and driven on shore, and several large prows are now lying a considerable distance above high-water-mark. ‘ On the 22d, the Dispatch country ship arrived in the bay from Amboyna. It appears that this vessel had mistaken a bay to the westward, called Sampo or Sangin Bay, for Bima, and had gone into it ; the Rajah of this place informed the officer that the whole of the country was entirely desolated, and the crops destroyed. The town of Sangin is situated about four or five leagues to the S. E. of the Tom- boro mountain ; the officer found great difficulty in landing in the bay, a consider- able distance from the shore being completely filled up with pumice-stones, ashes, and logs of timber ; the houses appeared beaten down and covered with ashes. “ ‘ Understanding that messengers had been sent into the interior, I waited till the evening of the 22d, and as they had not then returned, owing, as was sup- posed, to having found the country impassable, I left the bay at eleven o’clock that night, and the next day was off the Tomboro mountain ; in passing it at the distance of six miles the summit was not visible, being enveloped in clouds of smoke and ashes. The sides were smoking in several places, apparently from lava which had flown down them not being cooled, several streams had reached the sea ; a very considerable one to the N.N.W. of the mountain, the course of which was plainly discernible, both from the black colour of the lava contrasted with the ashes on each side of it, and the smoke arising from every part of it. The Tomboro Moun- tain in a direct line from Macasar is about 217 nautical miles distance.’ It has been ascertained that these eruptions of the Tomboro Mountain were heard through the whole chain of the Molucca Islands. The Honourable Com- pany’s cruizer Teignmouth was lying at anchor at Ternate on the 5th April ; between six and eight, P.M., several very distinct reports like heavy cannon were heard in the S.W. quarter, which was supposed to be a ship in the offing, in conse- quence of which the Resident sent a boat round the Island to ascertain if it was so. The next morning, however, the boat returned without seeing any vessel in the offing, and the conclusion then drawn was that it might be occasioned by the bursting of some volcanic mountain in that quarter. Ternate Island 5° 0' N. 127° 30' E. •218 ACCOUNT OF THE ERUPTION FROM THE TOMBORO MOUNTAIN. “ The easterly monsoon, however, had at this time distinctly set in, and con- sequently the sounds would not be heard so loudly and distinctly in the Moluccas, as from the relative distance would otherwise have happened. They extended, in the opposite direction, to Fort Marlbro’, and several parts of Sumatra, as appears from the following extract from thence. “ ^ It is an extraordinary fact, that precisely the same noise (taken by all who heard it to be a cannonade) occun'ed at several stations along this coast at the same time, ^'iz. the morning of the 1 1th April several gentlemen heard it in Marlbro’, the people from the interior came domi with accounts of it, and those from the higher Dusuns spoke of a kind of ash-dust which had covered the herbage and the leaves of the trees. Reports to the same effect, (not mentioning any fall of ashes how- ever,) were received fi'om Moco-moco, Laye, Salumah, Manna, Padang Guchee, Croee, and Semanka. From some of these stations the hill-people came down armed, to assist against attacks which they imagined might be made upon the head factories.’ “ It has not appeared that any noise of this kind was heard at Padang, or much further north than Moco-moco. I have since heard that the same noise was heard at Trumon in about 2' 40' N. lat. and at Aver Bungi in about 0' 15' N. lat. at aU on or about the 11th April last. “ From Sumbawa to the port of Sumatra, where the sound was noticed, is about 970 geographical miles in a direct line ; from Sumbawa to Ternate is a distance of 720 miles; and the existence of the S. E. monsoon at the time may account for the difference of distance to which the sound was heard in the westerly and easterly directions ; the distance also, to which the cloud of ashes was carried, so thickly as to produce utter darkness, is clearly pointed out to have been the Island of Celebes, and the districts of Gresie on Java. The former is 217 nautical miles distant from the seat of the volcano — the latter in a direct line more than 300 geographical miles distant. “ I shall conclude this account with an extract of a letter from Lieutenant Owen Phillips, ^\Titten from Bima on the 23d ultimo. It has been mentioned in a former part, that on receiring intelligence of the extreme distress that had been occasioned by this extraordinary event, I dispatched a supply of rice to their relief, and Lieu- tenant Phillips was desired to proceed and adjust the delivery thereof, with instruc- tions, at the same time, to ascertain, as nearly as possible, the local effects of the volcano. His report is as follows : ‘ On my trip towards the western part of the Island, I passed through nearly the whole of Dompo, and a considerable part of Bima. The extreme misery to which the inhabitants have been reduced, is shocking to behold ; there were still on the road side the remains of several corjises, and the marks of where many others had ACCOUNT OF THE ERUPTION FROM THE TOMBORO MOUNTAIN. 249 been interred ; the \dllages almost entirely deserted, and the houses fallen down, the sur\iving inhabitants ha\dng dispersed in search of food. “ ‘ In Dompo, the sole subsistence of the inhabitants for some time past has been the heads of the different species of palm, and the stalks of the papaya and plantain. “ ^ Since the eruption, a violent diarrhoea has prevailed in Bima, Dompo, and Saugar, which has carried off a great number of people. It is supposed by the natives to have been caused by drinking water which has been impregnated with the ashes ; and horses have also died, in great numbers, from a similar complaint. “ ‘ The Rajah of Saugar came to wait on me at Dompo on the 3d inst. The sufferings of the people there appear, from his account, to be still greater than in Dompo. The famine has been so severe, that even one of his own daughters died from hunger. I presented him with three coyangs of rice in your name, for which he appeared to be truly gi’atefnl. “ ‘ As the Rajah was himself a spectator of the late eruption, the following account which he gave me, is, perhaps, more to be depended upon than any other I can possibly obtain : “ ^ About seven, P.M. on the 10th of April, three distinct columns of flame burst forth, near the top of Tomboro mountain, all of them apparently within the verge of the crater; and after ascending separately to a very great height, their tops united in the air in a troubled confused manner. In a short time the whole mountain next Saugar appeared like a body of liquid fire extending itself in every direction. “ ^ The fire and columns of flame continued to rage with unabated fury, until the darkness caused by the quantity of falling matter obscured it at about eight, P.M. Stones at this time fell very thick at Saugar ; some of them as large as two fists, but generally not larger than walnuts. Between nine and ten, P.M. ashes began to fall, and soon after a violent whirlwind ensued, which blew down nearly every house in the village of Saugar, carrying the tops and hght parts along with it. In the part of Saugar adjoining Tomboro, its effects were much more violent, tearing up by the roots the largest trees, and carrying them into the air, together with men, houses, cattle, and whatever else came within its influence (this will account for the immense number of floating trees seen at sea.) The sea rose nearly twelve feet higher than it had ever been known to be before, and completely spoiled the only small spots of rice-lands in Saugar, sweeping away houses and every thing within its reach. “ ‘ The whirlwind lasted about an hour. No explosions were heard till the whirlwind had ceased, at about eleven, A.M. From midnight till the evening of the 1 1th, they continued without intermission ; after that, their violence moderated, and they were only heard at intervals ; but the explosions did not cease entirely until the K k •250 LETTER TO MR. MARSDEN. 15th of July. The mountain still throws out immense volmnes of smoke, and the natives are apprehensive of another eruption dm'ing the ensuing rainy season. “ ‘ Of the whole of the villages of Tomboro, Jempo, containing about forty inhabitants, is the only one remaining. In Precate, no vestige of a house is left. Twenty-six of the people who were at Sambawa at the time are the whole of the population who have escaped. “ ‘ From the most particular inquiries I have been able to make, there were certainly not fewer than 12,000 individuals in Tomboro and Precate at the time of the eruption. “ ^ The trees and herbage of every description along the whole of the north and west sides of the Peninsula, have been completely destroyed, with the exception of a high point of land near the spot where the village of Tomboro stood ; on it a few trees still remain. In the night of the eruption, two men and two women, I am informed, escaped to this point, and were saved. I have sent in search of them, but have not yet been able to get hold of them ; no person has yet been along the eastern side of the hill. “ ' A messenger who returned yesterday from Sambawa, relates that the fall of ashes has been heavier at Sambawa than on this side the Gulf, and that an immense number of people have been starved: they are now parting with their horses and buffaloes for a half or quarter rupee’s worth of rice or corn. The distress lias, however, I trust, been alleviated by this time, as the brig, with sixty-three coyangs of rice, from Java, arrived there the day he was leaving it.’” “ Batavia, September 28, 1815.” To Mr. Marsden. “ Buitenzorg, Aug. 6, 1815. “ My Dear Sir, “ I have only time to thank you for your very kind letter by Captain Tra- vers, and to retm’ii you my grateful acknowledgments for the warm and steady support which you have given to my cause. Magna est veritas et 'prcevalehit. “ The wonderful events in Europe still leave some hope that Java may remain pennanently English. I have, therefore, addressed the Earl of Buckinghamshire direct, both officially and in a private letter. The letters were written in haste, but I hope are to the point, and not being very long they may probably be read. You will observe with satisfaction that the cloud which overhung our finances has been dispersed, and that the complete success of our land revenue arrangements, and the fruits of that new order of things, which could not be established without labour, expense, and risk, are beginning to shew themselves. " A severe domestic affliction has banished for a time the hope I once enter- tained of an early retirement — activity and the cares of public responsibihty are now LETTER TO W. B. RAMSAY, ESQ. 251 almost necessary for my existence. I trust, however, that a few months more will restore that serenity of mind which will admit of my looking on the past with calm- ness. You will see that although I do not like to stand in the way of the arrange- ment I have suggested for the government of this Island and its dependencies, I am by no means indifferent or disinclined to act, and to continue to act in any capacity in which my employment may not injure the public interests. “ I have just returned from a three months’ tour through Java, and I have visited Bali. It is impossible to enter upon the subject at the present moment of confusion. I have much to say; so much that is altogether new, and perhaps unex- pected, that I really know not where to begin, and it will require some arrangement and consideration how to bring the extent of matter within the limits of a letter. “ I entreat of you to advocate the cause of Java, if there is a possibility of its remaining under the British protection.” To W. B. Ramsay, Esq. from Mr. Raffles. “ Buitenzorg, Aug. 5, 1815. ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ “ The wonderful and extraordinary change in the politics of Europe, by the re-appearance of Buonaparte, has, with all its horrors, shed one consoling ray on this sacred Isle ; and Java may be yet permanently English. In this hope I have addressed Lord Buckinghamshire, both officially and privately. You will learn with satisfaction that the measures introduced by me for establishing a better system of internal administration have succeeded, even beyond my most sanguine expecta- tions ; that the amount of the estimated land revenue has been more than realized ; and that the detailed settlements and surveys have been nearly completed. What- ever may have been said of former disappointments, facts now speak for themselves, and facts you know are stubborn things. * I have no idea of returning to Europe while any thing is to be done here- about. I am really too tired to write you fully ; my back aches from sheer hard writing for the last two days. “ Pay a little attention to my dear sister Marianne, and her child, when you can. I am glad Flint has come out again. * “ I should wish to remain in the country until a decision on this reference was known, until time had been given to my successor in office to appreciate and report on the character of my administration, and until a sufficient lapse occurred in Europe between the effects of the stigma passed on my conduct, and the change of K k 2 252 LETTER TO THE EARL OF BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. opinion which a subsequent better knowledge of the true state of things must occasion.” The following is an extract of the letter to the Earl of Buckinghamshire, to which Mr. Raffles alludes : — “ Buitenzorg, Java, August 5, 1815. “ My Lord, “ The appearance of Napoleon at the head of the French nation, and the declaration of the Allied Sovereigns at Vienna, of wiiich intelhgence too authentic to be doubted has just reached us, so completely deranges every plan connected with the pacific arrangements about to have been concluded, that it is impossible to hazard a conjectm'e when and on what basis the peace of the w orld may be even- tually estabhshed. If there is to be neither peace nor tmce with him, and he con- tinues successM in maintaining his sceptre, England must doubtless hold wfflat now she has, and gain w’hat more she can. Holland, too w'eak even in the past time of peace to equip an adequate force for the repossesion of her colonies, must at all events forego every attempt of the kind dming the existing power of Buonaparte, and should the fate of Europe remain undecided six months longer, the question must arise — ‘ what is to be done with Java and the Dutch possessions in the Eastern Seas V “ For the last twelve months we have been in the constant expectation of the Dutch fleet, and every measure of precaution preparatory to the delivering up of the colonies has been taken ; and a faint hope is again revived that Java may still be pennanently English. It can alone arise from the contemplation of the possible issue of the desperate contest into wfflich England is again thrown. In the expecta- tion that a plain statement of facts, and some suggestions from the spot, in as few words as possible, may be useful to the authorities at home, under any circum- stances, I venture, my Lord, on the hberty of addressing you. “ The bankrupt state of the Dutch Company in fonner days, and the bad appearance of our own finances in later times, may have induced an unfavourable impression with regard to the real value of these possessions ; but the causes of both are so obvious, that they cannot fail to have struck yom* Lordship’s observation. Neither the one nor the other is to be attributed to the wnnt of resources in the countiy. The Dutch empire ownd its fall principally to the connption of its ser- vants, w'ho filled their own pockets with that treasure wdiich should have flowed into the coffers of the state. The causes of distress and disappointment in our own times were of a temporary nature, and those attributable to events wfflich cannot w'ell recur. “ If it was mortifying to my feelings to be told, after all the labour, all the LETTER TO THE EARL OF BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 25,‘i anxiety, all the responsibility I had incurred in changing the whole internal manage- ment of the country, ‘ that my calculations were flattering, but that they were not to be depended upon it is now as consolatory and satisfactory to those wounded feel- ings to know that these calculations have proved, on the unerring testimony of ex- perience, to be just and correct. In support of this I do myself the honour to request your Lordship’s perusal of the enclosed minute, with the several abstract statements which accompany it. You will therein perceive not only that the amount of the revenue actually collected under the new system of internal management equals the estimate, but that the grand work of establishing the detailed system has been per- fected ; that every acre of cultivated ground has been measured, assessed, and brought to account ; that a body of information the most complete, the most valu- able, perhaps, that any government can boast of, has been collected ; and that the revenue has been considerably enhanced, whilst the most hberal consideration has not only been paid to the rights, but to the feelings, the vanities, the vrishes of those, whose interests might be affected by the change. “ I shall stand excused from the narrow views of personal interest when I declare, that I should have no inchnation to accept, were it offered, the charge of such an administration as I shall venture to propose ; it will require a person of high rank, either noble or mihtary ; and I have had too much experience already of the injuries which accrue from the want of that high rank. These injuries, as far as they might affect private comfort, or what may be termed the state of domestic mind, are little heeded, for I feel myself superior to them ; but the pubhc interests suffer when exalted rank does not accompany exalted station. I am far, however, from the want of a nobler feeling of interest ; it fell to my prorince in some way first to point out the object, then to direct the course of measures which led to its attainment ; it was in consideration of this, and of some favourable impressions of personal ability on the indulgent mind of the late Earl of Minto, that induced him to select me for my present charge ; that charge I have administered with steadiness and uprightness : and, after encountering all the storms of contending interests and unparalleled diffi- culties, I have the pleasure to find my vessel tight and trim, and fit for any voyage. She has long been at the mercy of the waves, and like an anxious pilot, I shall anti- cipate with delight the hour when I may dehver her over to her duly appointed Com- mander. In October, 1816, I shall have been Governor of these colonies five years, the usual period for which such a post is held. My health is delicate, and having completed twenty years’ service in anxiety, fatigue, and constant appfication, I would indulge the hope of some relaxation. My inclination would lead me to revisit my native land, but a want of the pecuniary means would dictate the advantage of accept- ing the honourable retreat which has, with a \iew to such event, been kept open for me at Bencoolen. “ Before I proceed to notice the value and importance of these colonies, and 7 251 LETTER TO THE EARL OF BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. the great interests involved in their eventual fate, allow me to draw your attention to some circumstances with reference to the disadvantages under which they have hitherto been placed — it is necessary I should do so, to account for any disappoint- ment that may have been felt, in a partial failure of expectations at first held out, and to remove the shade which such failure may have cast on the authority and cor- rectness of my representations. “ To meet wliat I conceived to have been a very unfair attack upon the cha- racter of my administration, I felt myself called upon to take a general review of all the leading measures of my government which appeared to have excited displeasure. I am told that so little is the interest taken in Leadenhall-street, that the Directors uill not even read dispatches from Java. “ It is not possible for your Lordship to conceive the real injury to the public serrtce, to the public character, and to the national interests, by the state of suspense, the indecision, which has been connected uith every thing concerning Java affairs. Circumstances have thrown Java udthout the pale of the Company’s exclusive juris- diction, the late charter has reduced their power. “ It uill be found that on the first establishment of the British dominion in these seas, it was contemplated to place the Moluccas and the general control of the Eastern Archipelago in the hands of the Java government. Acting under this im- pression, our attention was directed to the re-estabhshment of the out-stations, the general suppression of piracy, and the introduction of that system of wholesome control which had of late years been wrested from the hand of our predecessors. Military expeditions became necessary ; and expences for the benefit of trade and the British interests in general, and altogether foreign from what would have been demanded for the internal management of Java alone, were of necessity incurred. “ The advantages of the Moluccas are easily stated : they consisted in one or two annual cargoes of spices for the Eiuope market. The disadvantages and dis- grace whicli attaches to the existing government of them is great. Nutmegs which ought to be as cheap as betel-nut, and cloves no dearer than pepper, are by the pre- sent system confined to the consumption of the rich alone. But this is not the main evil : did the unfortunate people by whose industry these spices are produced, and on whose soil they grow, benefit in any way by this high price, an excuse might be found ; but to the disgrace of humanity, the original inhabitants of these miserable Islands are nearly extinct : the wretched remains are in a state of the most abject poverty. The gardens of Banda, where all the nutmegs are produced, are worked by slaves, and the public duties carried on throughout by forced services. The inhabitants of these remote Islands as yet know nothing of the principles of the British government, and the British government knows still less of its unfortunate and suffering subjects. If on commercial principles it may be deemed advisable that these spices shall be collected into few' hands, let tlie gardens or their produce be farmed out ; let the LETTER TO THE EARL OF BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 255 East India Company, or any association of Europeans, enter into the speculation — but let the British government preside — let the people derive some advantage from tlieir industry and toil — and let them have an appeal against injustice — leave the produce to fair and open competition, and allow the cidtivators to serve or supply those who will pay them best. There is nothing intricate in this, or in the manage- ment of the Moluccas on this principle ; and I believe, if the people were freed, and the gardens let out to individuals, with free permission to sell the produce when and where they pleased, every just end would be answered, and every pecuniary advan- tage obtained. “ The Island of Banca will produce upwards of 2000 tons of tin in the year — let the mines be rented out for a period of years, or sold to the Chinese miners on payment of a duty on the exportation, or of an annual quit-rent. " The great Island of Borneo, as rich perhaps in the precious metals as Mexico or Pern; possessing in one convenient spot a population of nearly 100,000 Chinese, who work on the gold mines of their owm accord, and for their own benefit ; but who would gladly submit to, and have invited British regulations ; and affording in com- mon with all the Islands in the Malayan Archipelago, abundance of that peculiar kind of produce, which in all ages, in all times, and which from the infancy of navi- gation to the present day, has always been in request on the continents of Europe and of Asia, opens a wide and interesting field. These Islands, my Lord, are doubtless the real Taprobana of the ancients — the sacred isles of the Hindus ! “ Who that has mixed with the East insular tribes, who that has become in the least acquainted with their ways of thinking, that will not bear ample testimony that their character is as yet unknown to Europe ? Even their piracies and deadly creeses wLich have proved such fertile sources of abuse and calumny, have nothing in them to affright; nay, there is something even to admire in them — their piracies are but a proof of their spirit and their enterprize, and the regulation of good government is alone wanting to direct this spirit and this enterprize in a course more consonant with our notions of civihzation. And now, may I ask what was the state of Scot- land two hundred years ago ? In the last prints from Europe I observed the parti- culars of the trial of some mffortunate people of these Islands, who were subsequently executed for attempting to cut off the ship Governor Raffles on her voyage to Eng- land. No doubt a general horror was excited by the atrocity of their conduct ; but if it is considered that these men were in all probabihty cajoled on board the ship in the expectation of her going only a short voyage, and within their own latitudes, some allowance may be made for their feehngs when they found themselves deceived, and hurried into a cold, tempestuous, and bitter climate, of which, judging from their own seas, they could have formed no previous conception. Suffering under the acuteness of bodily pain and mental anguish, thinking on their families and their 256 LETTER TO THE EARL OF BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. homes, which they were daily lea\dng further behind, perhaps never to %isit again, and seeing no end to the increase of their miseries — may not some allowance be made for them ? I am far from ^^ishing to insinuate discredit or censm-e on the parties connected with this particular instance. I doubt not that every thing was done that could be done by the oumers and captain ; but I know that, generally speaking, such is the way that sailors in this country are procured for long voyages. If even they were apprized of the length of their voyage, and promised payment ac- cordingly, uill not their case, in some degi'ee, resemble that of the first adventurers to the new' world ? The creeses is to the Malay what the practice of duelling is to European nations. There are certain points in the composition of every man’s notions which cannot be regulated by courts of law ; the property, the life, the cha- racter of the European is protected by law ; but yet there are some points, and these are the very points on which all society hinges, which are not protected. In sup- port of these he contemns the law which stigmatizes him as a mm-derer, and the very men who made the laws still say he is right. Neither the property, the life, nor the character of the Malay is secured by law — he proudly defends them with his own hand whenever they are endangered. The readiness with which an injury is thus redressed has a wonderful effect in the prevention of injuries ; and except in warlike entei-prize the Malay is seldom known to di'aw his criss, unless perhaps in defence of w'hat he considers his hojiour. The certainty of resentment has produced that urbanity and consideration for the feelings of each other, that they are habitually well-bred, and if they are to be termed savages, certainly they are the most pohte of all savages ; but in truth they are very far from being savages. With regard to the establishment for the general administration, it will first be necessaiy to decide on the principles which should guide the conduct of the local authority. And here twn questions present themselves ; first, in wdiat manner are the Dutch inhabitants and Dutch institutions to be considered ? and secondly, what system of policy is to be obseiwed towards the native inhabitants and states of the Archipelago ? The first question wdll, I fancy, be easily decided ; the second not without some difficulty, as opinions may vary. “ It is not necessary for me to inform your Lordship of the light in wiiich the Dutch inhabitants and their institutions have hitherto been rtewed by the local government ; it has been in strict accordance with the benevolent principles which induced the Earl of Minto to depart from the instructions wffiich required him to deliver up the colony to the natives ; but I am ready to add, that it has been the cause of immense expense, and not the least of the difficulties we have had to encounter. “ The Dutch government certainly, for the last fifty years, derived no advan- tage from this colony, and as rapidly as rice and corruption increased abroad, the profits to the government at home declined, for one was the natural cause of the LETTER TO THE EARL OF BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 257 other. This state of affairs, added to the disorders of the revolution, ended in the ruin of public prosperity in Holland, and the loss of private character in Java ; and I am reluctantly obliged to say, after the experience I have had, that it is as hopeless to attempt any improvement in the morals, habits, and principles of a great proportion of the European colonists, as it is to purify their institutions. There is a large portion of the Island in the neighboiu-hood of Batavia in possession of these colonists as private property : from this the majority and the most respectable obtain a handsome independence. The liberality of the British Government will, no doubt, be extended in pensions to such as want, and the Dutch population in general \\ill be entitled to all the advantages of British subjects. Thus far, I should think, we are bound to go, and there are individuals among the mass entitled to still higher consideration — to respect, to confidence ; but the main point is, how far a conside- ration for these few, and very few they are, would justify us in continuing the seat of government at Bata\ia. The nature of the administration, and the success of the whole aiTangement, appears to me so peculiarly to turn upon this last point, that it is deserving of the first and most particular attention. “ The unhealthiness of Batavia would, of itself, be conclusive with many, with- out the additional consideration of the clog which would be fastened upon our admi- nistration by the Dutch institutions. It is as vain to attempt rendering the town and sea-coast of Bata\ia salubrious, as it is to restore those institutions to any thing like a sound and sane state. “ The British Government will doubtless commence its operations without being fettered and dishonom'ed by the petty speculations of commercial profit, and it is alone on account of its convenient station for commerce, and from the store- houses and public-buildings which it contains, that Batavia has any advantages what- ever over other parts of the Island. “ I would at once propose that the seat of the new government should be fixed in the neighbourhood of Samarang. A Commissioner or Resident may be entrusted with the affairs of Batavia, where the Dutch court of justice and the Dutch institu- tions may he pro\isionally continued, and where a revenue equal to their expenses will easily be derived. At Samarang there is already a Government-house on a large scale ; it is in the neighbourhood of the native courts, and being about the centre of the Island, great advantage will be obtained in quick communications east and west. The Dutch inhabitants would, I am confident, in the end, benefit by this arrangement, although perhaps some might, in the first instance, be interested in the probable reduction of the value of their fixed property. If the British Government was once firmly established in Batavia, the whole of the Dutch institu- tions must be rapidly broken down and abolished, and the inhabitants themselves would soon lose that influence and consideration which they have hitherto been allowed to enjoy ; for my own part, I woidd make them a present of Bata\ia and L 1 258 LETTER TO THE EARL OF BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. its en^^rons if they required it, to administer in their oum way under a political Agent or Commissioner : they could not call this ilhberal, and the British Govern- ment would lose no revenue by it, while it would be fi'ee to introduce and estabhsh its own principles elsewhere, without apprehension of disquieting or anno\dng those who, from having been educated in a different school, never can or will think in the same manner as we do. Batavia might then be to Java what Chinsurah is to Bengal. “ The British Government being thus relieved from the necessity of attending to long-established forms, may in its immediate establishments be extremely simple. A principal secretary uith good assistants, a treasurer, an accountant and auchtor, and a legal adriser, will be the leading men. There will be no necessity for the establishment of any British court of justice, at any rate in the beginning, for the Dutch uill be subject to their own laws, as modified by our regulations, and the jurisdiction over the native inhabitants is already, and far better, provided for by the prorincial courts of the Residents. “ Concluding that the arrangements for the general administration and collec- tion of the revenues will continue nearly on the same footing as at present, I enclose an abstract of the existing establishments, from which your Lordship will perceive, that besides the two native courts there are fourteen principal Residencies, two Col- lectors of land-revenue, and three Collectors of customs required on Java. Besides these officers, a Superintendent of the forests, who may also be Resident of the forest districts, and a Superintendent of marine will be reqimed, and these are all the ap- pointments which appear to me necessary to be adverted to or filled up by authority from home. There are several gentlemen now on the Island who would do honour to his Majesty’s serv ice, and whose talents and information would be essential in the first establishment of the government : these I have named in a separate memo- randum enclosed. “ The second question, namely, M'hat system of policy is to be obseix'ed to- wards the native inhabitants and states of the Archipelago, must be decided before any plan for the administration of the dependencies and out-stations can be offered. If the principle which I have attempted to lay down in my minute on the Eastern Islands is adopted, and the British Go’S’ernment resolves to wash its hands of the iniquities of the existing order of affairs in the jSIoluccas, the administration will be simple : a Resident for the Moluccas, with three or four able assistants, a mihtary Commandant for Celebes, a Resident at Banjarmasing, with subordinates at Pon- tiana and Sambas, and a Resident at Banca, with subordinates at Lingen and Billi- ton, will complete the nmnher required. The inferior arrangements to be attended to are numerous, but these are, perhaps, best left to settle themselves, under the superintendence of the local au- thorities. The above are, I befieve, all the main pomts necessary to be considered LETTER TO THE EARL OF BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 259 at home, as far as the civil establishment is concerned. With respect to the military, the particulars of the force now maintained on the Island, and its present depen- dencies, with an opinion on what would be requisite on the change, are contained in the memorandum regarding establishments in general. “ This last-mentioned opinion is given with all deference to professional judg- ment, but in the decided conviction that while the principles of the administration are just, and established rather with a view to protect and exalt the native character than to debase it, we need never for one instant doubt the attachment of our East insular subjects and allies. There are no people more capable of appreciating a benefit or of forming an attachment; they have no prejudices of moment, or which stand in the way of civilization, and they will readily assimilate with Europeans in as far as Europeans are inclined to assimilate with them; they will identify them- selves as British subjects whenever they feel the benefits of British principles, and the permanency of Britisli power. “ I will say nothing of the Eastern Islands in general, but of Java and of its inhabitants I can speak plainly and decisively ; they have felt the advantage of British principles, they acknowledge the benefit, and feel grateful for our inter- ference. I have just returned from a three months’ tour throughout the Island, and I can safely say, that regret, apprehension, and dismay precede the expected return of the Dutch ; that the native population, feeling and profiting by the arrange- ments of the British Government, are decidedly attached to it ; that they will not, for they cannot, understand the wisdom of that policy which, after the price of so much blood and treasure, would transfer them to their former task-masters, and deliver them up unconditionally to their vengeance. “ Before the establishment of the British power in Java, the Dutch held but a disputed sovereignty. The native princes of Souracarta and Mataram allowed them no interference within their dominions, which then comprised the richest part of the Island. The Sultans of Bantam and Cheribon were still the nominal heads of the people ; while both those provinces were in a continued state of insurrection, the tranquillity of the Island and our interests required a reduction in the power of the native princes. The British arms were carried to the Craton of Djocjocarta, and to defray the expenses incurred, and as a security for future attachment, they by treaty transferred into our hands some of their richest provinces, and disbanded all their military in return for our protection. They are now, consequently, completely within the power of the European government ; but seeing no advantages taken or contemplated by the British Government beyond what the treaties stipulated, they are still respectable, and place such unreserved confidence in our good faith, that they are without apprehension. It may be a question, on the transfer of the colony, in what fight are these treaties to be considered ? And the reflection will naturally occur, that if we transfer the princes and the provinces as they now stand, will they L 1 2 260 LETTER TO THE EARL OF BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. not, by being left bare and unprotected, and stripped of the means of defending themselves, on being thro^^^l at the mercy of a power perhaps less just and con- siderate than ourselves, have some grounds to complain of the injury we have done to them ? “ The rebellious pro\dnces have been brought into order, universal tranquillity prevails, and confidence is every where established. The Sultans of Bantam and Cheribon, witnessing and admiring the principles of our Government, have vohm- tarily transferred the direct administration into our hands. Are we not, in some measure, bound to the native population, to secure to them, by every means in our power, the enjoyment of that liberty and independence we have allowed them to taste, or is the cup to be dashed from the lip as soon as it is touched ? “ When I assumed the delegated administration of Java, humanity dictated consideration and respect for its European inhabitants, but policy required and jus- tice demanded protection to the native population. This protection has been given, and is felt in the cottage of the peasant; he acknowledges, and is proud of the benefit, and in one word, the Javanese are decidedly Enghsh; give but the other word, and Great Britain produces not more faithful adherents to the crown than Java may afford. “ In September 1815, Lord Minto w^ent home fully prepared to explain the principles on wJiich he had estabhshed the provisional government of Java, and also to support all my measures, wJiich to the last met his unreserv^ed approbation. I have the honour to remain, &c. “ T. S. R.” It is e\ident from what has been stated, that during the whole period of his administration, i\Ir. Raffles had constantly been occupied with the varied and exten- sive duties of his situation, wdiich had required from him incessant labour and atten- tion ; every thing, in fact, rested upon himself. He was unacquainted, or but slightly acquainted, with the principles or characters of most of those whom he had to employ ; he was compelled to instmct, direct, and confide in all ; and these, untried and unknown, w^ere to be suiTounded by temptations and examples of peculation, bribery, and corruption. It is to the honour of the individuals so employed and so chosen, that, under all succeeding circumstances, so few were found to fail in their duty, and so many proved themselves worthy of the confidence reposed in them. Mr. Raffles was occupied constantly from four in the morning until eleven and twelve at night ; and the weight of this heavy duty was much increased by his being under the necessity of acting entirely upon his own responsibihty in all the great measures of his government. Such a state of anxious uncertainty would have made a less conscientious person refrain from such constant and unremitting action ; but it was one of his LETTER TO MR. MARSDEN. 2G1 principles in public as well as private life, to do good to the utmost of his power ; and in the accomplishment of this object, no labour was too severe, no responsibility too burdensome to be borne. The deep interest which Mr. Raffles took in the happiness of the Javanese, induced him to exert every faculty of his mind to instruct and improve them ; and this was to him comparatively easy, even in the pressure of all the more direct and ordinary business of his station ; he was gifted with a power of such rapid decision, his discrimination was so clear, and his arrangements so immediate and perfect, that he was able to effect more business, of every kind, than any single person of those around him could have thought possible. It is stated by some of those who were in the habit of observing him at this time, that they have seen him write up- w^ards of twenty sheets of minutes, orders, &c. &c. without any correction or even alteration being necessary. It has already been stated, that he required three clerks to copy and keep up with what he wrote ; and that he frequently dictated to two persons whilst engaged in writing letters himself. The following letter to Mr. Marsden is on literary and scientific subjects : To Mr. Marsden. “ Java, September 18, 1815. “ My Dear Sir, “ In my last I promised you a long account of the discoveries we had made on Java, and of our progress in the collection of materials for a Grammar and Dictionary, as well as for an historical account of Java. I have been compelled to read a discourse to the Batavian Society, which, however general and vague, will in some measure reduce the extent of the particular communications I now sit down to make, and I therefore enclose you a few copies, which have been struck off in haste. I also take this opportunity of enclosing an authentic account of the violent and, I believe, unparalleled convulsion of nature, which has recently occurred in these regions, and I hope you will approve of my having taken measures for preserving a proper record of the event ; it wall appear, nearly in its present shape, in the next volume of our Transactions ; but as the press is going on but slowly, and the subject may be interesting in Europe, you have my free permission to communicate the sub- stance to the Royal Society, or even more extensively, if desired. ‘‘ I have not failed to notice what you observe on the paucity of information respecting the Javanese language, and I trust our next number will not be liable to the same objection. I have attempted to break the ice, but further, as yet, and until I can communicate with those who are acquainted with the more ancient languages of Western India, I dare not go. Of the ancient Kawi, I have ventured to pro- nounce that it is almost pure Sanscrit ; but in doing so, I have been rather gmded by the general opinion, and the probabilities, than by any knowledge of my own, or reference to Sanscrit authority : I do not even possess the Dictionary of Dr. Wilkins. 262 LETTER TO MR. MARSDEN. I enclose you a fac-simile of the inscriptions on the brass plates, together with the alphabetic character and version in Roman letters : it is probable that Dr. Wilkins may throw some light upon them. Fac-similes of the several alphabets to which I have refeiTed in my Discourse are also enclosed : these I propose should, at some future period, he engraved. “ Of the present language, or rather languages, of Java, my collection amounts to upwards of seven thousand words, and is daily increasing. Nothing is more remarkable than the extent and delicacy of these languages ; for independent of there being almost two distinct languages in constant use by one people, the w^ords themselves, especially in the court, or polite tongue, are expressive of such nice distinctions and shades, that it is almost impossible to ex-plain them in English without much circumlocution. This evinces a degree of civilization beyond what was to be expected ; and the people ■who could devote so much time and study to the improvement and acciuacy of their language, must have had something of a literary turn. * * * * ^ * “ The Grammar may be formed on the principle of the Malayan, and the words of a Dictionary arranged in alphabetical order, shewing the vernacular and pohte dialects opposed to each other, ■with examples, on the plan of yoiu* incomparable Dictionary, which, with the Grammar, is a model for whatever may be fiu-ther attempted in this line. “ I have visited nearly all the remains of sculpture to be found on the Island ; they are far more extensive than at first I had any idea of, and drawings of the different images, as well as gTound-plans, elevations, &c. of the different buildings, are in great progress. Many of the Hindu deities have been found in small brass and copper casts; of these I have a collection containing nearly every deity in the Hindu mythology. We have also discovered some very ancient coins with dates, in the Chando Sangkolo, and from the Discourse you will perceive that I have succeeded in dec)T>hering nearly all the inscriptions, with the exception of that found at Bramhana ; the stone has been removed to Solo, where a fac-simile has been taken roughly from the stone, a copy of it, or indeed the original, if a favourable opportu- nity offers, shall be sent to you. It is rather a curious circumstance wiiich the Javanese historians relate regarding inscriptions at Brambana ; these they say were left by Adi Soko, and recognized 500 years after by Sew^olo Cholo, at a period when none of the inhabitants of the Island could read them. Shoidd this Adi Soko be the same with the founder of the Budhist religion in China, &c. it is not improbable that as soon as the new faith w^as established on the Continent, emissaries Avere sent into the different Islands to extend its influence ; perhaps the Brambanan inscription may relate to this event, and at all events the inscription has a particular interest. “ I have ventured to offer some notions on the plan of a history of Java and the Eastern Islands, rather with the view of inviting observation and discussion, than as 7 LETTER TO MR. MARSDEN. 263 binding myself to any preconceived opinion. It was necessary to say something on the subject, and at aU events I can answer for its general correctness as far as Javanese data can be depended upon. “ You will not fail to notice a hint thrown out regarding the establishment of Menangkabu, during what I have termed the first Eastern Empire of Java, and at the period when the states of Wahar and Koripan were in all their glory. “ It is related that about the Javanese year 800, the Prince of Angrawan, on Java, had a son, who, when an infant, was carried off by a celebrated Bramin, by name Bromono Sacondo ; the Bramin substituting his own son in his place. Bro- mono Sacondo originally came from Sabrang, under which general name all the opposite Islands are included, and when he had succeeded in the object of his visit, he fled again to Sabrang, carrying with him the young Prince. Under his tuition the Prince attained matm'ity, and assuming the title of Klono Tanjung Pura, car- ried his arms with success throughout the Malayan Islands, finally establishing him- self at Goa, on Celebes. He did not, however, remain there long, but hke many of his Malayan descendants, again shifted his quarters to Sumatra, where his authority was said to be acknowledged in the country inland and to the northward of Palem- bang, probably Menangkabu ; from thence he waged war against the celebrated Panje, and the Javanese romances are full of his adventures and achievements ; they are the subject of constant dramatic exhibition, and in these he is termed the Rajah of Musa Kanchono, the Golden Island. He was continually defeated hy Panje, but as constantly saved by the advice and assistance of the Bramin, who always appears to carry him off just he is about to fall. These are the adventm'es alluded to in the Malayan compositions, which refer to the beautiful Princess of Dahar, &c., and I strongly suspect that the Sun da Empire, or what may be called the Western Empire of Java, which was estabhshed about the year 1000, was founded in con- nection with this authority on Sumatra ; the investigation into the extension of the sovereignty of Bantam over the southern provinces of Sumatra, would, on this accomit, be very interesting — this is an object which I have not forgotten, and at present I will only mention that the celebrated Kris of Bantam, and which is in my possession, is understood to have been obtained from Menangkabu ; it has, on the blade, the impression of a Bramin, or figure with a long flowing dress hke that of India. “ This Klono is sometimes called Si Malayu, and Klono and Malayu Suon, synonymous terms for a wanderer. “ The above anecdote has no connection whatever with the subsequent colo- nization of Palembang by Ario Damar, in the time of Majapahit ; there was a lapse of above 500 years between the two events. “ I have taken measures for collecting vocabularies of the Papua, or woolly- haired race. I was at first inchned to think them distinct from the Afiican, but I 2Gi LETTER TO MR. MARSDEN. now apprehend there is little difference beyond what may be easily reconciled by the effects of long separation and change of chmate. We find them in considerable numbers on Siimbawa, and if they have not all been destroyed by the volcano, I expect to obtain extensive information from this quarter. “ I have procured from Bali copies of all the written compositions of the coun- try, and of many of those common on Java, in the hope that they may be purer than those found at this day on J ava ; but it is deser^^ng of remark, that although the Javanese are all Mahomedans, and that every man of the least respectability studies the Arabic, it has as yet made no inroad whatever into either the wTitten or spoken language of the country. “ As the time draws nigh when the fate of this colony must be decided, and when it is probable I may either proceed to Bencoolen, or close my administration in these seas by visiting some of the out-settlements, I shoidd feel very much indebted by your directing my attention, either by a list of queries or otherwise, to such points as may appear to you of most importance. My object, as you know, is rather to collect the raw materials, than to establish any system of my own ; and notwithstanchng I have in some instances assumed something of an h\q)othesis, I am by no means wedded to it or bound to support it. I have no idea of publishing until I go to Europe, and even then I would rather see the materials worked up by an abler hand, than inciu' the risk and responsibility of undertaking the task my- self. I am afraid it will hardly he possible to do justice to Java in one volume, and it would require the powers of the steam engine to compress into so small a compass the vast variety of material which has been collected. “ My plan in such a work woidd be, after giring a sketch of the natm'al his- tory and geography of Java, to enter on an abstracted statistical account of its present population and produce ; then to give the native history down to the date of the establishment of the British Government, introducing between each grand divi- sion a supplementary chapter on the other Islands, and the inferences to be drawn during each period ; an account of the European establishments would necessarily follow ; and here the ground on which I should rest would principally be the collec- tion which I have made of the treaties entered into by the Dutch wth the different Eastern States, and deductions regarding the progress made in civihzation ; a few chapters would then be required on the language — the literature — the agiiculture — the commerce — the character of the people, &c. ^rith a general concluding view of the whole subject embraced. Considering the intimate connection which appears at all times to have existed between Java and the Eastern Islands, it will not be possible to enter into the history of the one without continual reference to the other ; but while the narrative is exclusively relating to Java, and the commentary only adverts occasionally to the other Islands, it will not I hope be thought that I extend my views too far. The colonies planted by Java, though themselves deserving a STATISTICAL ACCOUNT OF JAVA. 265 separate history, cannot be thrown off until some historical record of the mother country gives her the credit of having established them. “ I should be most happy to receive your candid and unreserved opinion on this plan. An accirrate map, principally from actual survey, would of course accom- pany the work, and a supplementary volume might contain engravings of the re- mains of antiquity, and Hindu worship, with the inscriptions, alphabets, &c. “ I have lately made a very considerable addition to my Malayan, as well as Javanese library; and I have set, not only the Regents, but the Susuhunan himself, at work in compiling historical accounts of their respective divisions of the country; these will be of use in checking the general account which I had previously collected ; and at all events, it has given a fashion to literary pursuits which cannot fail of being highly advantageous to all parties in the long run. A taste for letters is now the sure passport to preferment ; and an old MS. or Indian relic, is found to have more influence now-a-days than all the golden profusion of former times. The Dutch colonists accuse us of folly ; and the only answer I can make to them is, that I am ambitious of the title of Bitara in after days. Objects have a different appear- ance when received by the rising sun, to what they may present under one that is setting. I feel that I have not yet redeemed my pledge, and yet hope I have said enough to prove that we are not altogether idle. “ Believe me always, my dear Sir, Most sincerely yours, “ T. S. Raffles.” To William Brown Ramsay, Esq. “ Buitenzorg, October 18, 1815. * * * * * You will be anxious to know my determination as to proceeding to England ; my character — my future happiness— require my presence in England. The im- pression on my mind is, that I shall quit this country at the close of 1816 ; but this depends upon circumstances not within my control. I may go earlier — I may go later. Your ad^dce will, I think, be for the best, and I am inclined to concur in it : for here I am a lonely man, like one that has long since been dead ;’ and should any thing keep me away for one year, from fidends who I am sure would be glad to receive me with open anns ! I want leisure to recover from the effects of that weight of responsibility which has almost weighed me down ; yet I am high and proud in my own integrity. I thank you for the warmth and attachment which breathe through every line of your letter now before me ; it has roused the finest M m 266 REVIEW OF THE GOVERNMENT OF JAVA. feelings in my breast ; and in the test of friendship, where is the heart that would not be glad ?” Before lea^^ng Java, ^Ir. Raffles addressed the following letter to the Court of Directors : “ Batavia, March 11, 1816. “ At the close of an arduous and extensive administration, which will be ad- mitted to have commenced at a moment of peculiar financial difflculty, and to have been attended with embaiTassments unusual to a new government, in consequence of the bankruptcy of the preceding government, and of a necessity having neverthe- less existed of respecting, in some degree, the forced and imperious measures to which that government resorted, in order to carry on their ordinary details ; I am anxious to place in yom- possession a rtew of the present financial state of this colony. This rertew I shall foimd, not on estimates, but on actual records ; and I confidently trust it wll prove to the satisfaction of your Honourable Court, that my ideas on the value and importance of this colony have not been raised too high, but that time only was wanting, and a perseverance in principles of liberal and extended policy, to render it equal to all the extent that has either been contemplated or reported. “ I shall not detain your Honourable Court by any rertew of the past financial arrangements adopted at different periods of my administration. The opinions which have been passed upon them by the Supreme Government in India, and the explanations which we considered ourselves enabled to offer, are already before your Honourable Court; and my letter of the 5th of August, 1815, wll have explained the foundation of our present revenue and resources, and prepared you to expect that the general result would be more favourable, since the system of administration which it has been my object to introduce into this Island, in accordance with the principles laid down by the late Earl of Minto, began to have effect. “ I now request to lay before you further documents, illustrative of the pro- gressive improvement that has taken place. ^ ^ if! ^ ^ “ By these it will be perceived, that the revenues of the Island of Java itself have gradually augmented during the three years therein mentioned, the revenues of 1813-14 ha\ing exceeded the former year in the sum of 42,273,729 rupees, and those of 1814-15 shewing a further excess of 1,130,871 rupees. On the other hand, it will appear that the expenses of the year 1813-14 were less than the pre- ceding year, in the sum of 1,173,873 rupees, and those of the year 1814-15 exceeded only in the sum of 539,058 rupees, which gives a clear balance in favour of the com- parative receipts and disbursements of the Java government, at the expiration of the IMPROVEMENT OF THE REVENUES OF JAVA. 267 years 1814-15. This fact will speak more forcibly than any comments I could offer upon it. In this dociunent your Honourable Court will further be able to trace the rapid increase of the revenue of this colony, in comparison with what it was under the preceding Dutch government ; and as it is sufficiently obvious, from former reports and documents, that the increase of revenue has resulted, in a very principal degree, from the introduction of land-rental, which now amounts to nearly one-half of the whole revenues of the Island, it is a fan* conclusion to draw, that the improvement thus effected is rendered permanent ; and that a very short time only has been required to repay, in a pecimiary point of view, those temporary and partial sacri- fices which, in the introduction of a radical change, that had equally in view the amehoration of the condition of the people and the interests of the government, could not be avoided. “ Another enclosure gives fm-ther proof of the improving state of the public treasuries in this Island, on the one hand, and of a diminution of the public debt on the other, by a decrease in the amount of government securities in circulation. Yom* Honourable Court \rill observe, that as soon as the arrears of the troops had been paid up to the date which is usually done at the Presidencies in India, we appropriated the funds derivable from the improved state of oiu' treasuries, towards the discharge of these securities ; and by a gradual progress of this procediu'e, the public debt, arising from this cause, is now completely at command. Thus it will be found, that at the expiration of the years 1814-15 the amount of government securities which had been in circulation was 288,126,166 rupees. On the 1st of January last it amounted, as appears by the accountant’s report, to 196,819,615 rupees, and at the present date it is reduced to 122,734,224 rupees, while by the opposite columns of assets in the balance of government treasuries, it is erident that the amount of cash in hand considerably surpasses the extent of the outstanding debts. “ It would occupy too much time to enter fully into all the inferences that might be di*awn fi'om these documents; and on the present occasion my object is rather to place facts before you, than to draw inferences from them : but your Honourable Court will permit me to observe, that as this improvement has arisen fi'om ordinary causes, and is solely attributable to the establishment of that system, \rithout which it always appeared to me that the government of Java could not be administered but under heavy loss to the mother-country, there is every reason and ground to expect, that a perseverance in this system will continue, and even encrease the benefit that has resulted from its introduction. The difficulty in short is re- moved ; and the pohtical tranquillity that has continued throughout the Island is a guarantee, that the change is equally advantageous in whatever point of \iew^ it be considered. “ Thus far my remarks have been confined to Java only, but the inclosures will Mm2 •268 REVENUE AND GOVERNMENT OF JAVA. also shew, that the expence of the dependencies has, of late, become much lessened, or in other words, that the surplus profits derived on the sale of the produce of Banca make good the expences of maintaining that chain of possessions which is undoubtedly necessary to secure the tranquillity of the coasting-trade of those seas. “ The possession of Banca is now complete, and its resources brought forward. The revenue derivable from them will continue undiminished, as far as can be foreseen, since the tin has a ready and certain sale, and there is no necessity for any considerable increase of establishment, unless the opening of new mines gives a cor- responding increase of revenue. The settlement of Banjemiassing also continues on the footing already brought to the notice of the Governor-General in August last ; and Macasar, though at all times burdensome, and maintained, not for its intrinsic value, but from fonner usage, and the necessity of holding a check on the native establishment, as well as for the suppression of piracy and for the protection of the spice monopoly, cannot in any way incur an expence equivalent to the surplus revenue accruing in Java, under the present system of internal administration. “ On the whole, therefore, I feel considerable confidence in the report which I am now enabled to present to your Honourable Court. The outlay on the first esta- blishment of this government was great, and unavoidably so ; it was, in fact, a com- plete purchase of every necessary article, even to the furniture of the public offices, and it is in this manner that the accounts with the prize agents became so exten- sive ; but on the other hand the particulars and the returns of that outlay will, in a great degi'ee, be shewn at the transfer of the colony, in the amount of stock which then will either be taken over by the succeeding government, or be disposable to be converted into money. By the account enclosed you will perceive there remains a surplus of 37,84,10,416 mpees to the credit of the government of Java. The quan- tity of coffee also now in store, and which has long been waiting the necessary tonnage to be conveyed to Europe, is 60,000 peculs, which at the present market- price at Bataria is equal to 13,20,000 rupees.” CHAPTER IX. Mr, Raffles hears he is to be relieved in the Government — Residency of Bencoolen secured to him — Forced to return to England by ill health — Arrival of Mr, Fendall — Reception of him— General regret at Mr. Raffles' departure — Presentation of plate — Endeavours by a last memorial to secure justice to the native princes and people — The objects of their treaties with the English — Objects neglected by the English Government — Island restored without conditions to the Dutch — ■Embarkation — State of mind on quitting Java — Extract from Captain Travers' Journal during the voyage — St. Helena — Interview with Buona- parte— Arrival at Falmouth — Mines in Cornwall — Journey to London. Mr. Raffles was at Ciceroa when he heard that he was to be reheved from the charge of the government. Though the mode in which the intelhgence was conveyed was most imexpected, it did not affect his equanimity and composure. Lord Minto had secured to him the Residency of Bencoolen, as a provision in case Java had been transferred to the Crown, when of course a Governor and Council would have been sent out fi-om England. This appointment was now offered to him, but his health was so impaired, his strength so exhausted, that his medical advisers considered it absolutely necessary for the preservation of his life, that he should proceed to Europe without delay. As soon as it was ascertained that Mr. Fendall was appointed to succeed to the government, and was actually on his way to Java, Mr. Raffles determined to leave Ciceroa, and return to Buitenzorg, in order to be ready at the shortest notice to proceed to Batavia for the purpose of recemng his successor. He felt himself ag- giieved, but he well knew his being so was in no way attributable to Mr. Fendall; and he wished to pay the respect and attention which he thought due to the station that Mr. Fendall was about to fill. Mr. Raffles was alarmingly reduced at this time by the joint action of illness, and of the violent remedies which had been applied; but his spirits rose superior to his bodily strength, and he could not be persuaded to allow any personal consideration to interfere with a public arrangement. He ex- acted httle himself, but he was most scrupulous in his attentions to others. Accord- ingly, the moment the report reached Buitenzorg, that Mr. Fendall had arrived in Batavia Roads, Mr. Raffles was ready to proceed, and although he had been confined 270 ARRIVAL OF I\IR. FENDALL. to the liouse for several days before, he left Biiitenzorg at 3 o’clock in the morning, and arrived at Ryswick in time to make the necessary an'angements for recei^dng the new Governor ^^^th suitable honors. Mr. Raffles introduced Mr. Fendall to all those who had been usehd whilst em- ployed under his government, \\ith some private recommendatory^ tribute of praise, or some public acknowledgment of their merits. The scene was an interesting one ; from the total absence of all selfish consideration which marked Mr. Raffles’ con- duct ; he was entirely absorbed in the desire of promoting the welfare of others, and if possible, securing to them any advantages which they might have derived from his presence. The exertion, however, as may be supposed, was too great for him in his debilitated state, and at the close of the day, he was obhged to retire. Haring pre- viously made every arrangement, he quitted the Government-house in the evening for Mr. Cransen’s, where he remained mitil his embarkation. When it became generally knowm that Mr. Raffles was obliged to proceed to England as the only hope of preserring his life, the European and native inhabitants united in expressing their deep regret at his departure, and in acknowledging in the warmest terms their gratitude for the benefits which he had conferred upon them during his administra- tion. A magnificent serrice of plate was given to him by them on liis arrival in England; and his own immediate staff, besides uniting in this noble gift, presented him with a separate and exclusive piece of plate, as a testimony of their affection and gratitude for the kindness which he had shewn to them, and the interest that he had taken in their welfare. The delay preparatory to embarkation gave Mr. Fendall an opportunity of looking into the public proceedings, and of forming an opinion on the principal acts of the government. He frankly avowed his approbation of them all ; and without one alteration continued Mr. Raffles’ personal staff in their former situations, and expressed his determination to attend to all Mr. Raffles’ vishes. Mr. Raffles did not depart from Java without making an effort to induce those who succeeded him to secure justice to the people whom he was learing. He gave a memorial to Mr. Fendall, of which the following is an extract : — “ 1st. Either the existing treaties between the British Government and the native coiuts of Solo and Djocjocarta should be guaranteed, or their princes should be placed as nearly as practicable on the same footing as they stood towards the European authority previously to those treaties being entered into. Under the Dutch government there was no limitation regarding the number of troops that might he maintained by these princes ; and uith the exception of some monopolies, they enjoyed the direct receipt of all the revenues of their states. “ By the treaties entered into uith the British Government they have con- sented to disband these troops, and to make over a portion of their revenues, on 7 ENDExWOURS TO SECURE JUSTICE TO THE NATIVES. 271 condition of our affording them protection, and allowing to each an annual stipend for their support. On reference to the evidence brought forward in the late investigation at Solo, it is apprehended that the Dutch Government may not continue to pay their stipend as hitherto ; and that, taking advantage of the present defenceless state of these powers, they may bear heavy upon them. The question therefore arises, in how far the British Government might not be subjected to reproach, were they uncondi- tionally to hand these princes over, thus reduced, to the mercy of their former rulers. On withdrawing om’ protection, are these treaties to be considered to have ceased, or is the succeeding government to be assisted by us in occupying the present commanding influence possessed by the European authority in these provinces? It appears to me that either the Dutch should consent to guarantee the existing treaties in all their conditions, should the native courts assent thereto, or that the native princes should be allowed to place themselves in the same position as they stood at the close of the Dutch and French administration in 1811. The point, however, should be decided upon before the Dutch are allowed to supplant us, otherwise these princes will not have the means of regaining this position. “ In the last case, a further question will arise regarding the provinces ceded to the British Government by these treaties, and from which provinces the princes derived their principal strength and resources. It is true that some of these pro- vinces had been nominally ceded by the court of Djocjocarta to the former govern- ment, but they had never been actually transferred ; and in the Kedu, for instance, the Susuhunan still retained, unshaken, his right to at least one-half of the population and revenues. In endeavouring to replace the native princes in the situation in which they stood under the Dutch, are these provinces, or is any, and what portion of them, to be given back ? The court of Solo has sufficiently evinced its conviction of the justice of some arrangement on our part ; and as the British Government is the guardian and trustee for the young Sultan, they are bound [to defend his just rights from inva- sion. This is a question in which the national character is so deeply concerned, that I conceive it deserves the most early, and at the same time, the most serious consideration.” The rest of the memorial relates to measures of finance. Unfortunately Mr. Raffles’ appeal in behalf of those for whose welfare he had so anxiously laboured, was not attended to ; and the Island was transferred to the Dutch without one sti- pulation in favour of the natives, who had in justice a right to expect that some pro\isions would have been made for their interests. The events which followed the re-occupation of the Island by the Dutch afford a melancholy proof of the sad effects of this neglect. Mr. Raffles engaged his passage in the Ganges, a fine vessel in Batavia Roads, 272 EMBARKATION. at that time preparing for England. Lieutenant-Colonel, then Captain Garnham, Captain Travers (two of his Aid-de-camps) and Sir Thomas Sevestre, his medical attendant, with all the disinterestedness of devoted zeal and friendship, determined to accompany him. The natives and Europeans, Dutch as well as English, erinced a strong feeling of interest and regret. The inhabitants had experienced, from his administration, benefits which were fresh in their memory; the welfare of all had been watched with a parental solicitude ; and perhaps no conquered country had ever been so quickly restored to tranquillity, or so strictly preserved in quietness and good order as Java, during the period of British rule. There were also many amongst the respectable Dutch inhabitants who attributed, and perhaps -with justice, to Mr. Raffles, the hue of conduct adopted by Lord Minto on the first capture of the Island. If, in addition to this, it is remembered how warmly he devoted himself to the improvement of the people, the information which he collected on every point con- nected with the Island, the total ignorance that previously prevailed, the assistance which he rendered to literature, the zeal with which he promoted all objects of science, of which a more detailed account, by Dr. Horsfield, \rill be found in the appendix, the charts and maps which were executed under his superintendance for the general benefit of the inhabitants, it will be no matter of surprise that he established a name and character which will not be soon forgotten in the Island of Java. On the morning of ]\Ir. Raffles’ embarkation, the Roads of Batavia were filled with boats, crowded with people of various nations, all anxious to pay the last tribute of respect within their power to one for whom they entertained the most lively affec- tion. On reaching the vessel, he found the decks filled uith offerings of eveiy de- scription— fruits, flowers, poultry, whatever they thought would promote his com- fort on the voyage. It is impossible to describe the scene which took place when the order was given to weigh the anchor ; the people felt that they had lost the greatest friend whom Java ever possessed ; and perhaps they anticipated, as too near, their re- delivery to the Dutch power, and the consequently too probable revival of the scenes of misgovernment, from which, under the administration of Mr. Raffles, they had been relieved for five years, and ought to have been reheved for ever. Tlie following extract of a letter to INIr. Edmonstone at this time will shew the temper of mind in which INIr. R.affles relinquished his authority. To N. B. Edmonstone, Esq. (then one of the members of the Supreme Council in Bengal, and now one of the Court of Directors of the Honourable East India Company.) On hoard the Ganges, off Bantam, March 26, 1816. “ My Dear Sir, I cannot quit Java without returning you my warmest acknowledgments LETTER TO N. B. EDMONSTONE, ESQ. 273 for the consideration which you have always evinced for me, and in particular for the kindness and protection ^vith which I am confident you have endeavoured to shield my public as well as my private character, in discussions in which both have been most violently and wantonly attacked. * * * * * “ Of the public measures of my administration, it is, perhaps, improper for me to speak; and probably it may be as well that they are left to speak for themselves. All I ask, and all I urge, is, that the results of my administration be not partially considered; these cannot be fairly understood, nor duly appreciated until the close of the British Government, and, as the Dutch authorities are now on the way out, a delay in the decision will not occasion inconvenience. “ The Court of Directors appear to me to have formed a very hasty judgment on questions regarding which it was impossible for them at the time to possess full information. The apprehension that, by the introduction of the land-revenue system, I have alienated the affections of the people, is absurd, and hardly deserves refutation. In the whole arrangements I have carried the Regents along with me ; and I leave it to others to inform you of the feeling which has existed among the native population on the occasion of my quitting the government “ I sincerely trust, however, that on this question, as well as on that which relates to the conduct of the Java government at Palembang, the explanations af- forded by us will have induced the Supreme Government in their subsequent com- munications with Europe, to relax the severity of their censure, and in some degree remove the unfavourable impression which the earlier despatch has made. “ The statement of quick stock some time since forwarded to Bengal, and closed up to the end of the official year 1814-15, will have placed you in possession of the state of our finances; and when the accounts of the present year 1815-16 are closed, I am justified in assuring you that you will observe a still more favourable result; for our finances have been rapidly improving, and time was only wanting to prove by the unerring testimony of figures, that the revenues and resources of these colonies were never over-rated by me. Should the Dutch Commissioners be dis- posed to accede to the very reasonable demands which it becomes our duty to make upon them, previous to the transfer, I still hope that the close of the British administration will be as satisfactory as its commencement was honourable and gratifying. * The Dutch have annulled the leases of lands in the territories of the native Princes to Europeans and Chinese, and declared them to be illegal, with the view of obtaining for Government the monopoly of the produce of the whole Island; they have also laid heavy restrictions upon merchants and travellers wish- ing to visit the native provinces, which were open of access to all during Sir Stamford’s government. To the first of these measures in particular is attributed, by those who have the best means of judging, the present distracted and ruinous state of the Island. N n 274 EXTRACT FROM CAPTAIN TRAVERS’ JOURNAL. I leave the character of my administration in general to be appreciated by my successor; and I look forward with confidence to a period when it will be proved that I have not been found wanting in the discharge of the high, arduous, and responsible trust committed to my care. * * * * * ^ ^ “ My pubhc letter will inform you of the necessity which drives me to the Cape, and eventually to Europe; and unfortunate as this unexpected circmnstance must be considered, I must hope that the necessity of proceeding to Europe, and of consequently gi\dng up a lucrative employment, occasioned as it is by an illness brought on by great exertions, by anxiety, and a sense of injustice, will not weaken any claims which I may possess on the consideration and justice of the higher authorities. " Into the hands of Mr. Fendall I have resigned my charge without reluct- ance. * * ^ ^ ^ An extract from Captain Travers’ Journal will give an account of the voyage : — “ Our voyage commenced under the most favom'able circumstances ; the weather was mild, the wnd fair. On the third day after leaving Bata\ia Roads, being en- trusted with the address to Mr. Raffles from his own immediate staff, to present to him after our getting out to sea, I waited upon him in his cabin with it ; and the scene wiiich ensued was the most distressing I had ever witnessed. After perasing it, he became so completely overcome as to be unable to utter a word : but the moment he began to recover a little, he took up his pen ; and wfflilst the feehng and impression was fresh, he ^vrote the beautiful and affectionately-expressed reply, which was afterwards printed by his friends, and is attached to the addresses and replies presented on the occasion of his leaving Java. ‘‘ The presentation of this address was altogether unexpected on Mr. Raffles’ part ; and as it was meant to convey to him the sentiments of cordial and heartfelt esteem and affection of those who had the best opportunity of judging of the spot- less integrity and amiable qualities which shed a lustre over his private life, as well as the purity and uprightness of his pubhc conduct, it was but natural to suppose that such a testimonial must have been most gratifying at such a moment, and he certainly prized it very highly. “ As w^e proceeded on our voyage the change of climate and the pure sea air seemed to be of great sen ice to Mr. Raffles, w'hose general state of health began visibly to improve. He employed his time on board ship chiefly in assorting his papers, for the first part ; and until his health began to get better, he read for amusement, and paid strict attention to medical advice, and no doubt derived much benefit from so doing. “ As we approached St. Helena, Mr. Raffles expressed much anxiety to touch 1 EXTRACT FROM CAPTAIN TRAVERS’ JOURNAL. 275 there, in the hope of seeing Buonaparte ; and Captain Falconer, ever ready to meet the wishes of one for whom he seemed to entertain the highest respect and esteem, determined on going there for the avowed purpose of taking in a fresh supply of water, and we accordingly made the Island at three o’clock, A.M., on the 18th May, 1816; and meeting with no opposition, notwithstanding our having heard of vessels being stationed to windward, as well as leeward, of the Island, to speak all vessels as they approached, we stood in, and actually came close to one of the batteries before we were discovered; but immediately on being seen we were brought to, and soon after a boat came off from the Admiral’s ship to take charge of the Ganges, inquire into om wants, and communicate by signal with the flag- ship. “ At this moment all our hopes of seeing Buonaparte, or indeed of being per- mitted to land, were destroyed, by the naval officers who came on board informing us that we would not be allowed to land ; and as our vessel could be quickly watered from the flag-ship, no communication with the shore would be allowed. “ The disappointment occasioned by this intelligence I never can forget. After so long a voyage, to come within the reach of shore, and not to be allowed to land, appeared to us, at the moment, to be one of the most disappointing and vexatious occurrences in our lives. Mr. Raffles, who shared with us all our disappointment, but with more com- mand of himself, endeavoured to reconcile us to our fate ; and in place of looking from the deck at a spot which we could not reach, and the sight of which would only tend to excite our chagrin and annoyance, suggested that we should retire to our cabins, and commit to paper our feelings at the moment, which would amuse us during our detention. To this we all assented ; but I believe the only person of the party, who was sufficiently collected to write any thing appropriate was Mr. Raffles himself ; all the rest entertained a hope that permission would be granted to land, when the Admiral knew who was on board, and I had written to the Secre- tary by the Lieutenant who had come from the flag-ship. “ In this we were not mistaken, as, in a very short time after the Lieutenant left us, a signal was made from the flag-ship to anchor in a particular place, and this was quickly followed by Colonel Mansel, of the 53d, and Captain Le Blanc coming on board, with permission from the Admiral to land. “ When the boat was close to the Ganges, I went into Mr. Raffles’ cabin to inform him of the circumstance, and was just in time to save the following verses from destruction, which he had written as quickly as it was possible to write, and had not read it over, or corrected a word ; — on my telhng him that we should cer- tainly be allowed to land, he was just going to destroy the paper, when I entreated him to allow me to read it, with which he complied, and I immediately copied it N n 2 276 INTERVIEW WITH BUONAPARTE. verbatim, as it was written, and returned the original ; but know not whether Mr. Raffles ever looked at it again, nor did I ever see it afterwards. * » irf * * * “ On our landing we were most kindly received by the Admiral, Sir George Cockburn, who requested us to call at the to\Mi-major’s and peruse the garrison orders, to which he directed our particular attention. After which we paid our respects to the Governor, Sir Hudson Lowe, who imited us to dinner, and promised to send horses for us. We then solicited permission to visit Buonaparte, which was granted, on condition that during our interview we were not to address him as Em- peror, but simply as General, and in the event of our being received by Buonaparte with his hat on, we were not to continue in conversation uncovered ; to all which we willingly assented, and after passing a very pleasant evening at the Government- house, we commenced our journey to \isit Buonaparte immediately after breakfast in the morning. Our first object was to see Marshal Bertrand, whom we found in a miserably poor habitation, together with his charming Countess. The Marshal received us nith the easy air of a well-bred gentleman, and the Countess ^vith gi'eat affability and good humour, contrasting her present abode \Hth that which she lately occupied in France. “ The Marshal seemed to feel anxious that we should not be disappointed in the object of our Hsit, but expressed some fears, in consequence of his royal master having signified his intention not to receive any visitors for some days ; he, however, kindly offered us letters to Count Las Casas, entreating him to use every exertion to obtain an interview for us. With this letter we proceeded to Longwood, and were most kindly and politely received by Count Las Casas, with whom we enjoyed some very agreeable conversation. “ On our informing him that we were to leave the Island in the evening, he seemed anxious that his royal master should see us, and he left us for a short time, and on returning informed us that the Emperor would dress in an horn*, and although he could not say for a certainty, yet he hoped, and thought, he would see us. With this we took our leave and went to Dead Wood, about a mile distant, where the 53rd regiment were stationed. Whilst we w^ere taking refreshment with Colonel Mansel, Mr. Raffles received a note from Count Las Casas, sa}ing that the Emperor would see us, and we accordingly returned to Longwood ; where, before being intro- duced, we found this once great man in earnest conversation with Countess Bertrand, who was walking v\ith him in the garden ; General Gourgaud preceded. Marshal Bertrand, Count Las Casas, Captain Poniatowusky, and a page followed, all un- covered. On our arrival being announced, we were quickly informed that the Em- peror would receive us in the garden ; and Count Las Casas added, that although it had been the Emperor’s intention not to see any person for some days, yet on being EXTRACT FROM CAPTAIN TRAVERS’ JOURNAL. 277 told that it was Mr. Raffles, late Governor of Java, who wished the interview, he im- mediately consented to see us. " On our approaching, Napoleon turned quickly round to receive us, and taking off his hat, put it under his arm. His reception was not only not dignified or grace- ful, but absolutely vulgar and authoritative. He put a series of questions to Mr. Raffles in such quick succession, as to render it impossible to reply to one before another was put. His first request was to have Mr. Raffles’ name pronounced dis- tinctly. He then asked him in what country he was born? how long he had been in India? whether he had accompanied the expedition against the Island of Java ? who commanded? and on being told Sir Samuel Achmuty, he seemed to recollect his name, and made some observations to Las Casas respecting him. He was par- ticular in asking the extent of force, and the regiments employed, and then enquired if Mr. Raffles delivered up the Island to the Dutch, or was relieved by another Governor. He appeared to be acquainted with the value and importance of the Island, but put some strange questions to Mr. Raffles, such as how the King of Java conducted himself. On Mr. Raffles explaining, he seemed most attentive, and then asked whether the spice plantations at Amboyna were doing well, and whether the Spice Islands were to be also restored to the Dutch. He then asked the name of the ship in which we were going home, with what cargo laden, and which was best. Bourbon or Java coffee; all these questions were put with great rapidity, and before replied to he turned round to Captain Garnham and myself, asked our names, and what ser\dce we had seen ; whether we were ever wounded, or were ever taken pri- soners ; how long we had been in India, and several other similar questions. He then again addressed himself to Mr. Raffles, and seemed interested with his remarks on Java. He conversed with Sir Thomas Sevestre, and put similar questions to him with those he had put to Garnham and myself. On his making a slight inclination of the head, we prepared to take our leave, and on our making our bow we parted, Napoleon continuing his walk, and we returning to the house. During the whole time of our interview, as Napoleon remained uncovered, common pohteness obhged us to keep our hats in our hands ; and at no time was it found necessary to give him any title, either of General or Emperor. “ Las Casas returned with us to the house, where a cold collation was prepared. He was most pohte and attentive, and seemed much pleased with Mr. Raffles, with whom he conversed most freely. Of Napoleon he spoke in terms of the highest possible praise, and seemed to lament most bitterly his present situation. After our interview with Bonaparte, we made all possible haste to get on board the ship; and as we descended from Plantation-house were much surprised to see the Ganges was under weigh ; but, on reaching the beach, we found that the Admiral, Sir George Cockburn, on ordering the vessel to get under weigh, had kindly sent his own barge to attend Mr. Raffles, and take his party to the ship, which we 278 SCENES ON THE VOYAGE. did not reach till dusk. We immediately proceeded on our voyage, delighted at our visit to St. Helena, which afforded a fine subject for conversation for many days afterwards. “ Our weather was delightful, although the winds were light and baffling, and so much retarded our progress that we did not make the Island of Ascension for six days after lea\dng St. Helena, which is considered a long passage. “ We did not, as is customary, send a boat on shore for turtle, as the wnd springing up favourable we did not wish to lose a moment, and so proceeded on our voyage, and soon began to experience the benefit of a fine brisk trade-wind, which swept us along most pleasantly, at the same time at a most rapid rate. “ With the retmm of health Mr. Raffles’ spirits greatly improved. He used often to amuse us with translations of different papers connected with the ancient history of Java, and would often read aloud for us in the evening. In conversation he was fond of alluding to, and explaining, the several acts of his administration in Java, which he thought would ultimately tend much to the improvement of the Island, and the amelioration in the condition of the Javanese, whom he always seemed to feel a gi'eat interest for. In these conversations he never spoke with severity or harshness of those whom he knew to be the cause of his removal from a government, which established for the British name a character and credit in the Eastern Seas which wiU ever be respected and revered. He seldom touched upon the annoying circumstance of liis supercession, except to express a hope that justice, however late, would not be altogether denied to him ; and he felt conrinced that on being heard at home aU possible amends would be made him by the Court of Directors. “ In this most agreeable way we continued our voyage without interruption or annoyance of any kind till the 17th of June, when a most extraordinary circumstance occuiTed. The Auspicious, a country ship, laden like ourselves with coffee, and l)ound from Batavia to London, wfflich had been keeping company with us from the day of sailing, was close along-side the Ganges within speaking distance, in the evening, when the breeze increasing the Auspicious went a little ahead. The night w^as fine and bright, and we all remained on deck longer than usual, enjoying it, and admiring the brisk rate at which both vessels w^ere going, each having royals, and as much sail as they could carry. About three o’clock we were alarmed at hearing a shot from the Auspicious, and on looking tow'ards her it would be impossible to describe our dismay and surprise at finding that she had lost her three topmasts, fore, main, and mizen, and seemed a perfect wreck. As morning dawmed, and w'e could discern more distinctly, nothing coidd look more miserable than she did ; how strikingly different from wfflat she w'as the preceding evening, when with swelling sail she seemed to cut the waves, wfflilst now a perfect WTeck she lay com- pletely at their mercy. LETTER TO W. B. RAMSAY, ESQ. 279 “To account for this sudden squall injuring the Auspicious so very much, and not reaching the Ganges, only a few hundred yards distant, was more than any one on board either vessel could do. The sailors called it a white squall, desperate for the moment but of short duration. During the night, on board the Ganges, we had not experienced the shghtest increase of breeze, nor was there the appearance of a squall observed by any one on board ; and all remarked that we had not passed a smoother or more tranquil night during our voyage. We remained with the Auspi- cious for a day or two, to render all assistance in our power ; and it is astonishing how soon she repaired her injuries and became fit to join company again. We made all sail on the third day after the accident, and then proceeded with fair weather and favourable winds. “ The 6th of July was Mr. Raffles’ birth-day, when he had completed his thirty- fifth year ; and the weather being mild and favourable. Captain Falconer invited our compagnon de voyage, Captain Nesh, to dine on board the Ganges, and do honour to the day ; when we passed a most agreeable and happy one, dehghted to see the health of him whose birth-day we were thus celebrating, holding forth such fair prospects of our being able to celebrate many such anniversaries. We drank toasts in bumpers, and made speeches without number, and concluded the day as we had commenced it, with rejoicings ; not a httle increased, perhaps, by the prospect before us of so soon touching the blessed shores of old England once again, from whence w^e had been so long absent.” The following is an extract of a letter to his friend Mr. W. B. Ramsay, written on the voyage : — “ To be plain, I must tell you, my dear friend, that after suffering severely from an illness brought on in consequence of great anxiety and personal fatigue, I embarked on the 25th March last from Batavia, and am now looking out for the Enghsh coast. My party consists of three gentlemen and my family, among whom I have to reckon your friend Travers, who, if not too lazy to write, ought to tell you a great deal more about the matter ; for myself, although I am considerably reco- vered, I yet remain wretchedly thin and sallow, with a jaundiced eye and shapeless leg. Yet, I thank God, my spirit is high and untamed, and the meeting of friends \vill, I hope, soon restore me to my usual health. “ I retm*n to you, however, a poor solitary wretch ; and the rocks of Albion, which under other circumstances would have met my eye ■with joy and gladness, will not now present themselves without reflections which I cannot dwell upon. “ If the Alcyon has arrived, you will have been apprized of the result of Lord Moira’s proceedings. His Lordship deemed it advisable to postpone any decision on Gillespie’s charges ; the Supreme Government, however, have declared my character unaffected by these charges, and further stated that they considered it but an act of 280 LETTER TO W. B. RAMSAY, ESQ. justice to leave my reserve appointment to Bencoolen mishaken, this being the test by which the Court judged of my having explained my conduct satisfactorily. But the manner in which my removal from Java was effected, and the whole course of proceedings adopted towards me by the Governor-General has been such, that it was impossible for me to rest satisfied \rith tliis tardy and incomplete judgment. I therefore resolved to appeal to the authorities in England, and in the mean time quietly to go to Bencoolen ; but the shock was too severe, my health had been undermined, and this injustice threw me on my back. It was the opinion of the faculty that remaining longer in India was dangerous, and I took the resolution of proceeding to the Cape, and eventually to England. “ My successor anived on the 11th, and in thirteen days after I quitted Bataria, in the Ganges, leaving my appointment to Bencoolen untouched. It would appear to have been the opinion of Mr. Edmonstone, that the orders of the Court left a latitude for the Supreme Government to exert themselves in my favour ; but this opinion was over-iaded by the influence of Lord Moira. A struggle, how- ever, was made, and I am left to hope that even in the proceedings of the Governor- General in Comicil I have fomid something like justice, and acknowledgement for my ser\ices recorded. “ It is my intention to appeal most forcibly to the Court against the whole course of measures. I feel confident I shall obtain justice from them ; this is all I shall ask for. I have a cause that will carry conviction. I am prepared for every member being prepossessed against me, but I have dociunents uith me that will prove they have been imposed upon. I am prepared to prove that so far from haring been a burden to the finances of Great Britain, that in the uind-up there is every chance of a sm-plus ; that in the affair of Palembang I acted according to the principle laid down by the Governor-General in Council, and received the full and unreserv'ed approval of the Governor-General in Council ; but this was while Lord Minto was at the head of affairs. That in my land-revenue arrangements the rights of no one had been subverted, and the just rights of all have been placed on a footing more advantageous than was ever before felt by them. I come prepared to meet every one of my enemies, but with a determination to turn them into friends. “ You will have to pay many a sixpence for this letter, yet I hope you will not grudge it, considering that it comes fr'om one, who although he brings back with him from India but a sorry carcase, and wants the blazonments of power, returns with a heart and soul as purely and devotedly attached as it w'as on the day of parting; neither time, nor distance, nor the coldness of silence itself, which by the bye I have sometimes experienced, has quenched that flame in my breast which was once lighted by the torch of true and generous friendship ; and it is with these feelings I still subscribe myself your devoted and affectionate friend. T. S. R.” EXTRACT FROM CAPTAIN TRAVERS’ JOURNAL. 281 Continuation of Extracts from Cajitain Travers' Journal. “ On the 11th of July, we made the Scilly Isles, the announcement of which soon brought all hands on deck. We quickly approached Falmouth, when several boats came off to take us on shore, all most exorbitant in their demands, and whilst I was arranging some reasonable bargain, Mr. Raffles agreed to go with the first man who made the vessel, giving him his own terms, as a consideration for the exer- tions he made in reaching our assistance first. We quickly prepared for the boat, and were ready about noon, when we took om' leave of Captain Falconer, but not without some expressions of what we felt, and ever would gratefully acknowledge for his unremitting kindness and attention, his great hospitality, and liberal conduct, during the long time we were on board his ship. His anxiety to study the comforts, anticipate the wants, and in every possible way meet the vrishes of Mr. Raffles, had at an early period of the voyage attracted our admiration, and his subsequent steady adherence thereto, added to his agreeable manners and accommodating dis- position, had rendered him a favourite with all on board. Not a want was experi- enced by any during the voyage, and I believe no vessel ever yet made the trip from India to England under more happy or agreeable circumstances than the good ship Ganges. On leaving the vessel. Captain Falconer, ever anxious to evince his high re- spect for Mr. Raffles, fired the salute due to his rank as a Governor, which was im- mediately repeated by one from the Auspicious, when both ships, although with native crews, gave us three hearty cheers, and I am very sure accompanied them with sincere good wishes, as we could distinctly hear in passing the vessels the terms of praise in which they were speaking of Mr. Raffles. “ Our party in the boat consisted of Mr. Raffles, and his faithful servant Lewis, a native of Malacca, who had lived wdth him many years ; Captain Garnham and myself, aides-de-camp; Sir Thomas Sevestre, who accompanied him as his medical attendant, a Mr. Graham, a passenger from Batavia, a gentleman well known to us all, of high respectability, who, during the time of Java being in our possession, had made a very large fortune by trading as a merchant in Batavia, and RMen-Rana- Dipura, a Javanese Chief. “ The day was beautiful, the sun shining bright, the sea smooth, being but little agitated by the gentle breezes. The land, as we approached, had to us the most delightful appearance, the fields looking so green, and the country so luxu- riant, so that our trip from the ship, though long, was not tedious, but, on the con- trary, most agreeable. We reached shore about four o’clock, when we were im- mediately examined by the custom-house officers ; first, as to the state of our health, and next, whether there was any infection on board the ship, or at the port we had o 0 282 EXTRACT FROM CAPTAIN TRAVERS’ JOURNAL. sailed from. These questions were easily answered, but methought the officer seemed rather doubtful as to the positive assurances our mouths were giving, in direct opposition to the strong e\ddence of our cheeks, which, ^vith the excei>tion of Captain Garnham’s, were of the most pale and emaciated caste : however, we got through the examination, and were permitted to land, and afterwards had a hearty laugh on communicating to each other our fears and apprehensions at the exami- nation, wliich we were in no way prepared to meet or expect. We had not, how- ever, yet done with examination, for we had no sooner landed than our baggage was taken to the Custom-house : but this took httle time, as we had only a small trunk each, and nothing seizable about us, Mr. Raffles ha\ing strongly recommended us, and indeed given us the example himself, of putting every article, even of the smallest value, into the ship’s manifest. “ After these several delays we proceeded to the inn, where we ordered the best dinner procurable at the place, to be got ready as quickly as possible, and passed a most joyous, agreeable evening. “ Having seen all we wished of Falmouth before dinner, we determined on going early to Truro next morning, and reached there to breakfast at nine, Mr. Raffles being anxious to avail himself of the opportunity whilst in Cornwall of reviewing some of the mines, and enquiring into the nature of the ores, for the pur- pose of comparing them with the products of those which, mider his directions, when in the government of Java, had been brought into full power and force at Banca. “ Immediately after breakfast IMr. Raffles had an inter\dew with a gentleman at Truro, who was well acquainted with mining business. He seemed a sensible, inteUigent, well-informed gentleman, and afforded Mr. Raffles much useful and satis- factory information. After some delay at Truro, employed as I have mentioned, we proceeded to Welbesy, distant from Truro about five miles, close to Chesswater where we were informed one of the best copper-mines was to be seen, and here we were much pleased with all we saw. The gentleman to whom we had been intro- duced at Truro accompanied Mr. Raffles, with the Hew of rendering every assistance in his power, and was very kind and useful. “ The appearance and working of this mine astonished us, and the wonderful power of the steam-engine was no less a novelty. IMr. Raffles, Captain Garnham, and Sir Thomas Sevestre went down, which I was afiaid to do, not being very strong at the time ; but nothing could dissuade Mr. Raffles’fi'om descending, although, in his then dehcate state of health, we were most anxious to prevent him from doing so ; but his reply was that he never would forgive himself if he were to lose such an opportmiity, and accordingly he went dorni and made himself quite master of the whole routine, and did not seem to suffer in the least. “ From what he had seen at Falmouth, Truro, and Welbesy, of the different EXTRACT FROM CAPTAIN TRAVERS’ JOURNAL. 283 specimens of the ores, he appeared quite confirmed in his original opinion of the superiority of the Japan ore. “ We experienced the greatest possible civility and attention during the time we were inspecting this mine, and Mr. Raffles was gi’eatly pleased with the anxiety and wllingness evinced to afford him inforaiation on every point connected with mining in all its branches.” Mr. Raffles reached London on the 16th of July, 1816, and the next morning he announced his arrival at the East India House. He looked with the greatest confidence to the Court of Directors for ample justice, when they were in possession of the facts of his case. The serenity of his temper, the buoyancy of his spirit, and the joyous feehng of returning health, absorbed the recollection of past misery and disappointment, in bright anticipations of future reward and happiness. o o 2 CHAPTER X. Mr. Raffles appeals to the Court of Directors — Their opinion — Writes his History of Java — Princess Charlotte — Visits the Continent — Meditates the establishment of a Society on the principle of the Jardin des Plantes — Is appointed Lieutenant-Governor of Bencoolen and its dependencies — Em- barks for India — Death of Princess Charlotte — Arrival in Sumatra — Description of the Settlement — Dispute with the Dutch Government — Earthquakes — State of Bencoolen — His opinion of the effects of former government — Emaneipates the slaves — Cultivation of p>vpper declared free — Murder of Mr. Parr — Instructions from the Court of Directors to Sir Stamford to watch the jjroceedings of the Dutch — Lord Hastings’ opinion of the conduct of the Netherlands' Commissioners — Sir Stamford’s view of the state of affairs — Recommends a line of stations for the protection of trade, and the command of the Straits of Sunda — Appeals in favour of the native population — Prince of Wales’s Island the only spot between the Maurit ius and China where the Br itish flag could be raised — His habits of intercourse with the natives. As soon as Mr. Raffles reached London, he addressed the Court of Directors. He liad laboui'ed for ten years with unwearied zeal to promote their best interests, and he therefore claimed a revision of his services. A short summary of the principal events connected with his government, will explain the circumstances under which he made his appeal. After the captm'e of .lava, a system of government was drawn out by Lord Minto, upon which he was at liberty to enlarge as he saw fit. Java itself afforded no pecuniary means. It was absolutely necessary to main- tain a considerable force, as military operations had not ceased ; it was equally ne- cessary to relieve the public credit from the pressure of the debts of the former government. Drafts on Bengal became the only resource, and until the new system should be in full operation, and yield (which it afterwards did) the advantages con- templated at its introduction, that was the only channel of relief left open. These drafts were to a considerable extent, and anived in Calcutta at a period of all others the most inconvenient to the Bengal treasury ; whilst the demands fi'om India on the home treasuiy of the Court of Directors became a source of embarrassment and led to the formation of a most unfavourable opinion of the newly acquired possession, which, unable to bear its own expenses, became for a short time a weight on the APPEALS TO THE COURT OF DIRECTORS. 285 British Govemment. These circumstances added to the doubtful tenure of the Island, and the impression created by charges which were preferred against him, totally ^vithout foundation, led to his recall. It is not intended here to animadvert upon the judgment which the Court of Directors passed upon that occasion. It was the duty of Mr. Raffles to bow with submission to their authority, although such decision deeply involved his personal interests, and even placed his succession to Bencoolen contingent with his refutation of those charges. To have remained in India, even if his health would have permitted it, subject to the prejudices and misrepresentations which had arisen against him was impos- sible. He owed it no less to the memory of his friend and patron, (whose death he had then most deeply to deplore) than to his own honour and character, to seek at the hands of the Court of Directors that justice which he felt he deserved. With reference to the policy of the public measures he adopted, they were in accordance with the policy of Lord Minto, and were calculated for a permanent state of things. The results of this policy were extensive revenue and judicial arrangements, affecting both European and native inhabitants ; the reform of courts of justice, and establish- ment of a magistracy; the institution of trial by jury, and of laws for the abolition of slavery ; the passing a code of regulations for the Dutch courts, the prosecution of statistical sm'veys under a committee, by which a knowledge was obtained of the value and importance of the Island, till then unknown, even to the Dutch, who had been there for three centuries. The revival of the Batavian Society, and researches and collections in Natural History now deposited at the India House. The importance attached by the Netherlands Government to these measures, as well as the improved state of the colony itself, clearly shewed that time alone was required to develop the advantages which were contemplated at their introduction into Java. The highest revenue that had ever been raised by the Dutch in Java, did not exceed four millions of rupees, in any one year. Before Mr. Raffles left it, the receipts into the government treasury were not less than thirty millions, and on the restitution of the Island to the Dutch, not a pensioner was thrown as a burden on the Company, not a complaint was preferred by a single Dutch or native inhabitant against the British Government. In his appeal to the Court, he took a general \iew of his ser\dces from the period of his first acquaintance with Lord Minto. His arrangements for the capture of Java; the unreserved approval of all the measures of his government during the administration of that nobleman, which approbation embraced all those measures, for which he was afterwards deprived of his government ; the totally opposite view that was taken by Lord Moira of all that had been done ; the hardship of never ob- taining from the Bengal Government any reply or notice of his answers to the 286 OPINION OF THE COURT OF DIRECTORS. charges of General Gillespie, until an order for his removal from the government of Java, on distinct grounds, was sent to him. The removal he felt to he unjust, because it was grounded on measures, all of which had been approved by Lord Minto, and he therefore felt assured that the Court of Directors would take into consideration the unexampled time during which he was kept in suspense, the painful anxiety to which that suspense natm*ally gave rise, to the injury of his health, as well as to the disadvantage of his administration ; the serious nature of the original charges, and the loose and unsatisfactory manner in which the decision had been communicated ; and if any doubt still existed affect- ing his character, he begged that an immediate investigation might take place ; but if, on the contrary, the Court should think the case was one of peculiar hardship, then he prayed that the Court would consider the manifest injury done to his cha- racter by the particular circumstance of Lord Hastings not haHng allowed him to proceed to Calcutta, or come to any decision until an order for his recal on distinct grounds had been received ; and after thus considering, grant him some pubhc acknowledgment of his services. In reply to this Memorial, the Court of Directors dechned giHng any opinion on the measures of his government ; but, as has been before stated, (page 204,) expressed their conviction, that they sprung from motives perfectly coiTect and laudable. Mr. Raffles’ health was so much impaired by his residence in India, that his friends strongly urged the necessity of his rehnquishing all thoughts of returning to that country, but to this adHce it was unfortunately not in his power to attend ; previously to leaving England, however, he was anxious to record the infonnation which he had collected regarding Java. The Island had been transferred by the English Government in total ignorance of its value to the Dutch. The presence of Mr. Raffles in England created an interest in the subject as far as his personal iifflu- ence extended. To diffuse this interest more generally, and to make the coimtry sensible of the loss sustained by the relinquishment of so flourishing a colony to a foreign and a rival power, he determined to Avrite his History of Java, which he com- pleted with his usual quickness. A few sheets were rapidly written off every morning for the printer, and corrected at night on his return from his dinner engagements. It was commenced in the month of October, 1816, and published in May, 1817*, It was at this time that Mr. Raffles was presented to His Majesty, then Prince Regent, and received the honour of Knighthood. During this period Sir Stamford enjoyed the pleasures of society with a zest which may well be imagined, when the vigour of his mind and the variety of his tastes are * Early in this year Mr. Raffles married Sophia, daughter of T. W. Hull, Esq. of the county of Down, Ireland. VISITS THE CONTINENT. 287 considered. He left England, indeed, at an age when he had no opportunity of judging of the attractions of its best society ; but whilst he was occupied in his public duties in the East, he seized eagerly every opportunity to gratify his thirst of know- ledge, and to improve the talents with which God had blessed him ; he, therefore, in every station surrounded himself with all of every class from whom he could derive information ; and he returned to England with talents ripened, and with a taste formed for all the intellectual enjoyments of life. During the fifteen months which he thus passed he had the happiness to obtain the friendship of many, whose sym- pathy in after scenes of anxiety and sorrow with which it pleased God to visit him, proved a source of comfort and consolation. He had also the high gratification of being one of those whom Their Royal Highnesses Princess Charlotte and Prince Leopold honoured with proofs of regard. He was a frequent guest at Claremont. His last dinner before he set out on his last expedition was there, and the Ring which, on that day, the Princess gave to him, was the gift which, of all such gifts, he prized most. In the month of June Sir Stamford Raffles visited the Continent for the pur- pose of obtaining an interview with the King of Holland, and making some repre- sentations to his Majesty in behalf of the native and some of the Dutch inhabitants of Java. — The following letters give an account of this toim. To her Grace the Duchess of Somerset. “ Brussels, July \4ith, 1817. You will have had cause to call me a very bad correspondent ; I have neither kept my word nor kept my journal ; and as it is now too late to attempt bringing up ari’ears, I must hasten back to London, and make the best apology I can, and trust to my personal influence for forgiveness. “ I send you, within, a ‘ Forget me Not,’ or, as the Swiss call it, ‘ Rose ne m'ouhliez pas,’ from the Alps. “ Your Grace will expect that I should say something of the countries I have passed through, and yet what can you expect from one who knows so little of the Em'opean world, and is scarce in one place before he flies to another. Of France you have so many accounts that it would be presumptuous in me to offer an opinion ; of Switzerland and the Alps your Grace knows every thing ; and to attempt to extol the banks of the Rhme, or the fertility of Belgium, would be like giving you an account of the banks of the Thames and the fields of England. I was certainly surprised and dehghted with the appearance of agriculture in France, not that the fiolds were as highly cultivated as in England, nor that any thing hke an advanced state of agriculture was to be seen. I was pleased to observe two things, which I 288 VISITS THE CONTINENT. know are highly condemned by agriculturists, the smallness of the properties, and the cultivation of the fruit-trees in the grain and hay-fields. Agriculturists maintain that capital is essential to improvement ; that when the properties are so small there can be no capital ; this I grant to be good diction where the soil is poor and requires much improvement, but when it is rich, and wants httle or no improvement, capital is unnecessary. For the greatness of a country it may be an object that the gi'eatest possible quantity of produce should be brought to market ; and those who are for raising a nation maintain that this can only be effected by large farms and the outlay of capital. The philanthropist, however, and even the philosopher, will hesitate before he sacrifices every thing to the gi'eatness of the nation ; unless its happiness goes hand in hand - with its greatness he will think the latter but of little value. Now when I see every man cultivating his own field, I cannot but think him happier far than when he is cultivating the field of another ; even if he labours more, that labour is still lighter which is his pride and pleasure, than that which is his burden and sorrow. In France there seems to be so much good land that it can be hardly managed amiss, and in the provinces through which I passed it struck me that the crops were full as good as those I have seen in England. Throw the people out of these little properties and they lose their independence of character, their pride, and when only accustomed to daily wages are soon fitted for the army, the manufactory, or the poor-house. But you will say how is it that in France, where the government is so despotic, that the people are happier than in England ? Many causes may have contributed to the present state of agricultiue in France ; the revolution abohshed the feudal rights and serAice, with ten thousand vexations under which it had pre\iously laboured ; and the land in general fell into the hands of the actual cultivators, and the people who were seen to cultivate it with so much pleasure. It did not suit Buonaparte’s policy to giind the peasant ; from the low'er class he wanted men and took them, but this only left the more for those who remained ; it was from the rich that he took money, and the demands of his government gave employment to all ; all the energies of France were exerted at his command ; but however dearly it cost his subjects to maintain his authority, the bm'den seems to have fallen so lightly on the agi'iculturist that he even benefited by it. I Hke to see fruit-trees gro\ring among the corn, because it not only affords a refreshing and beautiful scenery, but because it reminds me of those patriarchal times, those days of simphcity, when the son and the grandson, and even the great grandson, honoured the trees that their forefathers planted. Upon the whole, I cannot but think that, notwithstanding agriculture as a science may be almost unknown in France, and that France as a nation has been greatly impoverished both in men and money, there is a foundation in the present INTRODUCED TO THE KING OF THE NETHERLANDS. 289 state of her land and peasantry to support a much greater nation than France ever yet was ; all now depends upon the wisdom of their government and the fortune of her pohtics. So much for the agiiculture of France. * * * * * “ S\vitzerland seems to have felt the weight of French influence, and is certainly very different to what it is represented to have been some twenty years ago ; but the valley of Chamouni, the Alps are the same ; that troubled sea which seems to have been in a moment stayed and fettered by an icy hand, still shines in all its majesty; nor has all the vice nor all the blood which has stained the lower world, cast one spot to sully the heavenly purity of Mont Blanc. The Rhine, with its hundred castles which hne the heights along its banks, still flows in its ancient course to delight the traveller, enrich the land, and spur the industry of man. Of this place, and its politics, I have seen but little.” * * « * Sir Stamford Rafiles reached London from Holland on the 26th of July, and on the following day he wrote his friend Mr. Marsden, “ Berners Street, July 27th, 1817. My Dear Sir, “ I have the pleasure to enclose you a letter from Mr. Langles, which re- lates, I believe, principally to a copy of Marco Polo in the Royal Library, that he conceives may be useful for you to refer to. “ We arrived yesterday evening, after a very pleasant tour of seven weeks, ha\ing crossed France from Dieppe through Rouen, Paris, and Dijon, to Geneva; passed through the valley of Chamouni, along the foot of the Alps, and returned by Lausanne and Berne to Basle and down the Rhine to Cologne, whence we traversed the Low Countries to Brussels and Ostend. We had fine weather throughout, and met wdth neither delay or difficulty to render the journey unpleasant. At Paris and Brussels we remained from eight to ten days, which enabled us to see all the lions ; to have seen more would have taken months, and these I could not spare. “ I met with very great attention in the Netherlands, and had the honovu* to dine with the King last Monday; they were very communicative regarding their eastern colonies; but I regret to say that, notwithstanding the King himself, and his leading minister, seem to mean well, they have too great a hankering after profit, and immediate profit, for any hberal system to thrive under them. They seem to be miserably poor, and the new government in Java have commenced by the issue of a p p •290 ESTABLISHES THE ZOOLOGICAL SOCIETY. paper cun-ency from every bm-eau throughout the Island; formerly, you will re- collect, that paper money was confined to Batavia, it is now made general, and will, I fear, soon cause all the remaining silver to disappear. The King complained of the coffee culture having been neglected, and expressed anxiety that he should soon have consignments ; and while he admitted aU the advantages hkely to arise from cultivation, and assured me that the system introduced under my administration should be continued, maintained that it was essential to confine the trade, and to make such regulations as would secm-e it and its profits exclusively to the mother- country. I had an opportunity of expressing my sentiments to him very fi-eely, and as he took them in good part, I am in hopes they may have had some weight. We shall remain in town about three weeks, and I hope to embark in September. “ Tout’s, &c. &c. T. S. R.” The period was now approaching when it became necessary to make the requi- site arrangements for retmming to India. Sir Stamford was incessantly occupied in scientific and literary enquiries, and formed his plans for stiU fui'ther contributing to the valuable and interesting collections he had sent home from the Eastern Islands. At this time he meditated the establishment of a Society on the principle of the Jardiii cles Plantes at Paris, which finally, on his last return fi-om the East, he suc- ceeded in fonning, in 1826, under the title of the Zoological Society of London. He was also deeply engaged in the duties and pleasm'es of private fi-iendship. He \isited Liverpool, Manchester, the Lakes of Westmoreland, Edinburgh, Glasgow, Dubhn, and Wales ; travelhng with his usual speed, sixteen hours in the day. In October, 1817, Sir Stamford, with his family, embarked for Bencoolen at Portsmouth, on board “ The Lady Raffles.” The Court of Dhectors “ in consideration of the zeal and talents displayed during the period he filled the office of Lieutenant- Governor of Java, conferi'ed upon him the title of Lieutenant-Governor of Ben- coolen, as SijjecuUar mark of the favourable sentiments which the Court entertained of his merits and services.” The following are extracts of letters written to the Duchess of Somerset. “ October Uth, 1817. “ Oh ! that this leave-taking was at an end ; my heart is sad, and yet what avails it to repine ? I must go, and the sooner I am off the better ; my house is filled with those w’ho all are determined to say good-bye, and make me more miserable when it requires all my fortitude to keep my spirits calm and uniform.” EMBARKS FOR INDIA. 291 “ Falmouth, October 20th. “ We had a fair wind down the channel, but had hardly got to the Land’s End when a heavy gale came on from the westward with a tremendous sea ; this we stemmed for three days, but at last finding we were losing gromid, and every one being tired out, some with severe sickness, others with severe duty, we were com- pelled to seek shelter in this friendly port. Lady Raffles has suffered severely from the motion of the ship, and for the last four days refused every kind of nourishment, even u glass of cold water, so that I cannot help thinking it fortunate we have an opportunity of recruiting her. Often, very often, I might say always, do we regret it is Falmouth and not Plymouth, we might then have hoped once more to have said good-bye \ * * * * ^ “ I am going into the country to descend a tin mine, and I hope to be quite learned in the mineralogy of Cornwall.” Falmouth, November Qth, 1817. “ Last night I was gratified by the receipt of your kind letters : this morning we are gi'eeted with a fair wind, and summoned to embark within half an hour. God gi*ant we may be fairly off — as we must go — the sooner the better.” ******* “ November 7th. We sailed yesterday, and by the pilot I sent a few hurried lines — to say fare- well— but alas ! the wind soon after changed, and we are again driven into port. We were obliged to run in quickly, otherwise we should have been driven back to Ply- mouth. I cannot say I should have regretted this, but it would have been a very bad way of commencing a voyage. How long we may remain here seems uncertain : the wind now blows what the sailors call ^ great guns,’ and perhaps it will expend its fury, and change about to a more favourable quarter. We are now detained on board on account of the violence of the wind, but we hope to have a boat off in the evening.” “ Falmouth, November 0th. “ We landed this morning, and if the wind continues equally unfavourable to- morrow, we have it in contemplation to set off post for Plymouth. ***** “ What a melancholy and unexpected event has occurred, it has shocked me beyond measm'e — I dare not dwell upon it * The reader has already supplied the event, — the death of Her Royal Highness Princess Charlotte. The kindness which Sir Stamford received from this noble-minded Princess, and from His Royal Highness p p 2 •292 ARRIVES AT BENCOOLEN. “ Off Falmouth, November \ 9th. “ Once more we are off, and as we must go, God gi’ant it may be for good ! We left PljTUouth after smiset yesterday, travelled all night, and are now many miles from Falmouth on our watery way. “ And now then I must say good-bye in earnest, for the wind is decidedly fair, and promises to continue so.” “ //i sea, December l5f, 1817. “ The die is now cast, and we are at last fairly off. We have just weathered the Bay of Biscay, and hope, in the com-se of next week, to reach Madeira. We are at present harassed by contrary winds, but the weather is fine, and we are already sensible of a warmer chmate. Lady Raffles has suffered very much, and has not yet left her couch. “ The concerns of om* little community are of too monotonous a natm*e to deserve detail, and as yet the heavens and the ocean have been our only prospect from without. You will be glad, however, to hear that all the indi\iduals of the ark are well and thriving. The cows, dogs, cats, birds, the latter smging around me, and my nursery of plants thriving beyond all expectation ; the thermometer is at 76°. What a w^aste of waters now lies between us, and yet the distance daily \videns, and will widen still until half the world divides us.” It is by many considered impossible to occupy the mind and time steadily and usefully, under all the discomforts and disadvantages of a sea voyage ; but Sir Stamford never relaxed his occupations — he regularly devoted his mornings to study — and only allowed a small portion of the day to be occupied in the idle exercise of walking on the deck. He spent most of his time in the retirement of his cabin — read and WTote on serious subjects till the evening, when he read aloud some books of poetry or light work ; and thus, though never well at sea, he had the satisfaction of feeling that the time, if not agreeably, w^as not unprofitably spent. The passage was long and tedious — five months without any object to vary the scene, relieve the eye, or divert the mind from the contemplation of wdiat has been compared to one great monotonous idea. “ The Lady Raffles” reached Bencoolen, without touching at any port, on the 22d of IMarch, 1818. Sir Stamford found the settlement in a state of great confusion ; the Govern- ment-houses were deserted ; there was no accommodation for any of the party, and Prince Leopold, was returned by him with the most devoted attachment. Those who remember the uni- versal feeling of grief, when the whole nation was humbled under this calamity, with which it pleased God for an all-wise purjjgse to afflict them, will not wonder that Sir Stamford mourned her early and unexpected death with far more than a subject’s sorrow. ARRIVAL AT BENCOOLEN. 29R he was obliged to put his family into a habitation which was so impaired by the shocks of earthquakes, that the inhabitants would not trust themselves in it. His letters to his friends describe his feelings on his first arrival. To William Marsden, Esq. “ Bencoolen, April7, 1818. “ My Dear Sir, I have only time to advise you of our safe arrival here. " We had a very tedious passage of more than four months, exclusive of our detention at Falmouth. Lady Raffles presented me with a beautiful little girl, when to the southward of the Cape ; fortunately we had moderate and fine weather, and both mother and child did wonderfully well ; neither of them suffered from the pri- vations attending a protracted voyage. At the suggestion of the Radin *, my daughter has received the name of Tunjong Segara, (the Lily of the Sea,) in addi- tion to those of Charlotte Sophia. “ This is, without exception, the most wretched place I ever beheld. I cannot convey to you an adequate idea of the state of ruin and dilapidation which surrounds me. What with natm*al impediments, bad government, and the awful visitations of Pro\ddence which we have recently experienced, in repeated earthquakes, we have scarcely a dwelling in which to lay our heads, or wherewithal to satisfy the cravings of nature. The roads are impassable ; the highways in the town overrun with rank grass ; the Government-house a den of ravenous dogs and polecats. The natives say that Bencoolen is now a tana mati (dead land.) In truth, I could never have conceived any thing half so bad. We will try and make it better ; and if I am well supported from home, the west coast may yet be turned to account. You must, however, be prepared for the abolition of slavery ; the emancipation of the country people from the forced cultivation of pepper ; the discontinuance of the gaming and cock-fighting fanns ; and a thousand other practices equally disgraceful and repug- nant to the British character and government. A complete and thorough reform is indispensable, and reductions must be made throughout. “ As soon as I have effected some essential changes here, I mean to go to Croee by land, afterwards to Padang ; from the latter place I shall go by sea to Tappanooly, and thence most probably to Acheen, where there wll be much to do. I must not omit to tell you that it is my intention to visit Menangkabu fi-om Pedang. Mr. Holloway seems haK afraid, but, nolens volenSy as he is Resident, he must accom- pany me. “ I am already at issue with the Dutch Government about their boundaries in the Lampoon country. They insist on packing us up close to Billimbing, on the Raden-Raaa-Dipura, a Javanese Chief, who had accompanied Sir Stamford lo England. 294 EARTHQUAKES AT BENCOOLEN. west coast. I demand an anchorage in Simangka Bay, and lay claim to Simangka itself. If we obtain this, we shall have a convenient place for om* China ships to water ; and should we go no further nithin the Archipelago, be able to set up oiu* shop next door to the Dutch. It woidd not, I think, be many years before my station in the Straits of Sunda would rival Batavia as a commercial entrepot. If I have time, you shall have copies of my dispatches, and I hope to have your support wdth Mr. Canning on this point. You vdW at once see the immense importance of what I am standing out for, both for this coast and our interest generally. ‘‘ Another point which occupies my attention is, the command of the northern ports, from Acheen do^\^l to Tappanooly. I wish to form a small factory of tumpat tuan at Pulo Dera, and to fix Mr. Holloway there. My object in the reference, however, is to procure direct orders, and in this I shall hope for your assistance. “ We are beginning to make ourselves comfortable — happy we always are. Our kindest regards to Mrs. Marsden.” To the Duchess of Somerset. “ Fort Marlborough, April 8th, 1818. What an age has passed ! what a distance are we apart ! fifteen thousand miles on the opposite sides of the world h? * * In my last I gave you a diy detail of om* voyage. IMy arrival was not hailed by the most auspicious of omens, for the day preHous to it, a violent earthquake had nearly destroyed every building in the place, and the first communication which I received from the shore was, that both Government-houses were rendered useless and uninhabitable. These earthquakes are said to occiu every five or six years, and they have now lasted from the 18th of the last month up to the present period, the shocks occuiTing within short intervals twice or thrice a day. The most riolent shock happened on the 18th, before our amval ; it occm*red dming the night, and by the accounts given, it must have been truly awful. Every building has suffered more or less ; some are quite ruins, others hardly deserving repair : the house which I now occupy is rent from top to bottom, there is not a room without a crack of some feet long and several inches wide ; the cornices broken and every thing unhinged ; fi'om some houses many cart-loads of nibbish have been cleared away, and still they are inhabited, notwithstanding they rock to and fro with every breeze. “ This you will say is but a bad beginning for my Eastern Empire, but as we are not inchned to make difficulties, or murmur against Prortdence, we shall, I have no doubt, contrive to make ourselves very happy. The earthquake might have been worse, for in the accounts of a shock felt on this coast in 1797, it is stated that the vibratory shocks continued for three minutes, and recurred at intervals dming the space of three hom’S, till the shock completely ceased. At Padang the houses of the TRADE OF BENCOOLEN. 295 inhabitants were almost entirely destroyed, and the public works much damaged. A vessel lying at anchor was thrown by the sudden rise of the tide upwards of three miles on shore. The number of lives lost there amounted to above three hundred ; of these some were crushed under the ruins of falling houses, some were literally entombed alive by the earth closing upon them, and others were drowned by the sudden irruption of the waters of the ocean ; but after all, this is nothing to our Java volcanoes ; there is nothing here half so grand and magnificent, and from what I have seen of Sumatra, I would not give one Java for a thousand such Islands. “ I have been here so short a time, and have had so little opportunity of looking about, that I have not much to say of the further East. “ I am now preparing for a tour overland to the Southern Residencies, as far as the straits of Sunda, and on my return shall go northward as far as Acheen, and inland to Pageruyung or Menangkabu, the capital of the Malays.” * * To William Marsden, Esq. “ Bencoolen, April 28, 1818. “ My Dear Sir, “ There have been no less than nineteen Americans at the northern ports this season, and they have taken away upwards of sixty thousand pekuls of pepper at nine dollars ; there are five or six at the different ports even now. It is quite ridiculous for us to be confined to this spot in order to secure the monopoly of five hundi’ed tons, while ten times that amount may be procured next door, without any establishment at all. ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ “ Our best regards to Mrs. Marsden. “ Your’s very faithfully, « T. S. R.” Although Bencoolen was one of the first establishments formed by the Com- pany in the East, it had benefited less than any other part of the country under their controul. This may be accounted for from the different circumstances and condition of the place, compared with the Company’s possessions on the continent of India. There they found a cultivated country, and a redundant population. At Bencoolen an establishment was formed, (solely for the purpose of procuring pepper) in a country deficient in population, and in a new and almost unappropriated soil which could only be rendered productive by the introduction of capital and foreign industry. The expenses of the establishment were <£100,000 per annum, the returns for this were only a few tons of pepper. The Company, on first forming settlements on the coast of Sumatra, bound down the native Chiefs to compel their subjects, each, to cultivate a certain number 296 PERNICIOUS SYSTEM AT BENCOOLEN. of pepper vines, the produce to be delivered exclusively to the Company’s agents, at a price far below the value of the labour employed in the cultivation. For a certain time, while the influence of the Chiefs continued, the stipulated quantity of pepper was cultivated and dehvered to the Company, the Chiefs ha\dng an allowance granted to them on the quantity of pepper delivered ; but it could not be long before the oppression was felt ; the cultivators held back their labours, and tlie Chiefs, destitute of a sufficient influence to enforce it, left to the agents of the Company the task of (having the people to their w'ork. While an efficient esta- blishment was kept up, the stipulated number of \anes was still cultivated, and the usual consignments made to Europe. In the year 1801, the Court of Directors sent orders to reduce the esta- blishment to a Resident, four Assistants, and four Writers ; and to with(h'aw from what were termed the out-residencies (these extended from Padang to Croe, at the southern extremity of the Island, and a civil servant was at the head of each establishment.) On carrying these orders into execution, instead of leaving the people to the fi’ee emplo)Tnent of their labour, the command of their service was secured for a time, on a system of contracts ; by which, in return for a certain quantity of pepper to be delivered to the Company at a given rate, the out-residencies were literally given over in farm to those gentlemen who made the most advantageous offers. That system had terminated, but its effects were still experienced. That the Resi- dent might have an interest in forcing the people to cultivate pepper, he was allowed one dollar per cwt. on the quantity he dehvered to Government. Besides this there was in the neighbourhood of Bencoolen what were termed free gardens. An advance of 79,000 dollars, (<£19,750 at par) had been made to induce the natives to cultivate pepper ; in the course of sixteen years, 24,000 dol- lars, (£5,999 at par) were repaid, leaving 44,000 dollars, (£11,000 at par) still unpaid. Many of those to whom the money was advanced had either emigrated or died. But by the Malay law the chilch’en in the first instance, and after their death, the village to which they belonged, are liable for the debt. Thus not only the original contractors were rendered slave-debtors, as they were termed, but their offspring, and eventually the people in general, were reduced to the same hapless state. There were also at this time (1818) in Bencoolen upwards of two hundred African slaves, most of them born in the settlement, who were the children of slaves, originally purchased by the East India Company; they were considered imhspens- able for the duties of the place, and it was asserted that they were happier than free men. They were employed in loading and unloading the Company’s ships, and other hard work. No care ha\ang been taken of their morals, many of them were dissolute and depraved, and the chilth'en in a state of nature, vice, and Avretchedness. PERNICIOUS SYSTEM AT BENCOOLEN. 297 As the chief revenue of the government was derived from the gaming and cock-fighting farms, there was but little check to the natural \ices of the people. Of the desolating effects of such a state of things, it is scarcely possible to convey an idea. Public gaming and cock-fighting were not only practised under the eye of the chief authority, but publicly patronized by government ; and as might be expected there was no security for person or property to be found. Murders were daily com- mitted, and robberies perpetrated, which were never traced, and profligacy and im- morality obtmded themselves in every direction. In remarking upon the sad state of the settlement, in a letter to the Comt of Directors, Sir Stamford added : ‘‘ It has been but too common, and I regret to say the authorities which sanction the opinion are most respectable, that the Malayan character is too despicable to be entrusted with personal freedom, and that the de- gree of restraint, exercised over them, on this coast, is not only wholesome, but necessary. That indolence and rice prevail among the Malays on this coast, and to a considerable extent I am not prepared to deny, but I apprehend they are rather to be attributed to the effects of the system hitherto prescribed than to any original defect of character. “ My own experience of twelve years, in different parts of the Archipelago, en- ables me to assert that there is no radical defect in the character of the common people, however bad their Mahomedan government may be. They are alive to the same incentives, have the same feehngs, and, if once allowed, would as rapidly ad- vance in cirilization as their fellow men; once reheved from the oppression and dis- abilities under which they labour, and placed under an honourable protection, there would be no want of energy or enterprise; the temptations to rice by which they are surrounded, once removed, they would be amiable and trustworthy. Of some of the oppressions and disabilities under which they labour I have already spoken ; of the temptations to rice by which they are surrounded, I need only observe, that the principal local revenues of government both at Bencoolen, and at the different Residencies, are in the gaming and cock-fighting farms. Of the first, I shall not at present speak, as it is connected with the revenues of Bengal, but of the latter, which are entirely local, it is incumbent on me as chief magistrate to point out, that the continuance of the farms is destructive of every principle of good government, of social order, and the morals of the people. “ The forced services and forced deliveries at inadequate rates must be abolished. The labourer must be allowed to cultivate pepper or not at pleasure, and such radical changes made throughout, as will enable the people to distinguish the political influence of the British Government from the commercial speculations of the Company and their agents. I am aware that the task is difficult, if not in- vidious ; but imder the confidence placed in me, and having at heart the honour and Q q 298 PROPOSED REFORMS. character of the nation, and of the East India Company, I shall not hesitate to undertake it. My first pubhc act must be the emancipation of the unfortunate Caffre slaves: when I have done this, and abolished the gaming and cock-fighting farms, I may with some conscience call upon the Chiefs to assist me in the general work of ' refonn, amelioration and improvement. But there is another class of people that call for immediate consideration ; since 1797, a number of persons have been transported to this place from Bengal, for various crimes of which they had been found guilty. “ The object of the punishment as far as it affects the parties must be the re- claiming them from their bad habits, but I much question whether the practice hitherto pursued has been productive of that effect. This I apprehend to be in a great measm'e, in consequence of sufficient discrimination and encoirragement not haring been she^vn in favom* of those most inclined to amendment, and perhaps to the want of a discretionary power in the chief authority to remit a portion of the punishment and disgi'ace which is at present the common lot of all. It frequently happens that men of notoriously bad conduct are liberated at the expiration of a limited period of transportation, whilst others w^hose general conduct is perhaps un- exceptionable are doomed to seiwitude till the end of their lives. As coercive measures are not likely to be attended mth success, I conceive that more advantage would arise from affording inducements to good conduct by holding out the prospect of again becoming useful members of society, and of forcing themselves from the disabilities under which they labour. There are at present above five hundred of these unfortunate people. However just the original sentence may have been, the crimes and characters of the different individuals of so nume- rous a body, must necessarily be very unequal, and it is desirable that some discri- mination should be exerted in favour of those who show the disposition to redeem their character. I would suggest the propriety of the chief authority being vested with a discretionaiy power of freeing such men as conduct themselves well, from the obligations of service, and permitting them to settle in the place, and resmne the privileges of citizenship. The prospect of recovering their characters, of freeing themselves fi-om their present disabihties, and the privileges of employing their industry for their owm advantage, would become an object of ambition, and supply a stimulus to exertion and good conduct which is at present wanting. “ It rarely happens that any of those transported have any desire to leave the country; they form connections in the place, and find so many inducements to remain, that to be sent away is considered by most a severe punishment. “ While a convict remains unmarried and kept to daily laljour, very little con- fidence can be placed in him ; and his services are rendered with so much tardiness and dissatisfaction that they are of httle or no value ; but he no sooner marries and STATE OF BENCOOLEN. 299 forms a small settlement than he becomes a kind of colonist, and if allowed to follow his inclinations, he seldom feels inclined to return to his native country. “ I propose to divide them into three classes. “ The first class to be allowed to give evidence in court, and permitted to settle on lands secured to them and their children ; but no one to be admitted to this class until he has been resident at Bencoolen three years. “ The second class to be employed in ordinary labour. “ The third class, or men of abandoned and profligate character, to be kept to the harder kinds of labour, and confined at night. “ In cases of particidar good conduct, a prospect may be held out of emanci- pating deserving convicts from further obligation of services, on condition of their supporting themselves and not quitting the settlement. “ Upon the abstract question of the advantage of this arrangement, I believe there will be little difference of opinion. The advantage of holding out an adequate motive of exertion is sufficiently obvious, and here it would have the double ten- dency of diminishing the bad characters, and of increasing that of useful and indus- trious settlers, thereby facihtating the general police of the country, and diminishing the expenses of the Company.” These intentions were acted upon afterwards, and the good effects of the regu- lations were soon apparent ; a large body of people, who had been hving in the lowest state of degradation, soon became useful labourers, and happy members of society. So grateful were they for the change, that when they were sent round to Penang, on the transfer of Bencoolen to the Dutch in 1825, they entreated to be placed on the same footing as they had been at Marlborough, and not reduced to the state of the convicts at Prince of Wales’ Island, who were kept as a government gang, to be employed wherever their services might be thought most desirable. It is a matter of individual regret to the Editor, and perhaps of reproach to others, that the plans of Sir Stamford Raffles, equally wise and benevolent, were discontinued as soon as these people were transferred to that settlement ; and the system of retaining them in bodies, ready to be employed in all government work, a temptation always to those who are governors, was resumed. Sir Stamford gave the following account of the state in which he found the establishment on his arrival at Bencoolen, in a letter to William Marsden, Esq. “ Fort Marlborough, Jpril 27, 1818. “ In consequence of the reduction of the number of civil servants which took place in 1818, and the non-appointment of writers by the Court for several years, the local authorities at Bencoolen would appear to have availed themselves of the services of different gentlemen resident on the spot, and to have appointed many of them to offices of trust ; subsequently as the number of civil servants became still Q q 2 300 EMANCIPATION OF SLAVES AT BENCOOLEN. less from the death or departure of the Company’s ci^^lians, nearly all the offices of tmst fell into the hands of these gentlemen. Some years since, however, the Court of Directors ha\'ing, on the repeated applications of the late Resident for additional assistance, resolved to appoint eight regularly covenanted writers to this estahhshment, those young gentlemen who came out from England naturally looked fonvard to holding offices of tmst, and to advancement in the service, on the same principle as at the Presidencies of India. “ At the date of my arrival only two of them could be considered as holding offices of any trust, and the salary of one of them only amounted to 150 dollars a month. Some had either quitted the place in disgust, or returned to England, and the remainder were posted as assistants under the other description of servants, with an allowance of 150 dollars per month, a salary which in this place is most certainly not equal to the subsistence of a gentleman. “ If a cine for the erils that have been depicted is to be found, it is not to be sought in the simple prorisional reduction of establishment. An inadequate salary given to the Overseer by Government, creates the greater motive to draw his advan- tage from the people subjected to him. A subsistence, and even a hberal one, he expects, and will obtain, if not by open, certainly by clandestine means. The evil is in the system of management, and a thorough change is indispensable.” Sir Stamford assembled the whole of the Company’s slaves before an assembly of the native Chiefs, and explained the riews of the British Government with regard to the abolition generally ; a certificate of freedom was given to each, a measure which made a considerable impression, and promised to be foUow^ed by the most favourable results *. The next step was to ascertain the sentiments of the native Chiefs, and, if prac- ticable, to enter into such agreements \rith them, as might leave it in the power of Government to effect any change that might be deemed most adrisable in the mode of management. Finding them reasonable on the subject, he entered into a provisional treaty uith them, whereby, 1 st. All former treaties were annulled. 2dly. Authority was given to the Company to administer the comitry according to equity, justice, and good policy ; and. * The children of these poor people were at the same time assembled at the Government-House ; and as a considerable degree of prejudice existed against them, the Editor at the moment selected one of them, a little bright-eyed girl about eight years old, whom she put under the charge of her European nurse. She proved a most docile, affectionate little attendant ; and the Editor, on leaving Sumatra, had the pleasure of giving her a dower on her marriage. MURDER OF MR. PARR. 301 3dly. The cultivation of pepper was declared free, the people being at liberty to cultivate that article or not at pleasure. The Chiefs represented the disgrace attached to the native character by the re- gulations which prohibited the inhabitants from wearing their crees and other weapons in the town of Marlborough, according to the custom of the country, and the usages of nearly a century, in consequence of the unfortunate murder of Mr. Pan*. The rescinding of this regulation, the dismissal of the body-guard in attendance on the chief authority, and the general reduction of the military sentinels, by shew- ing the confidence placed in the inhabitants, seemed to raise them in their own estimation, and, in some degree, to reheve them fi*om the state of hstlessness into which they had sunk. And when the gaming and cock-fighting farms were discon- tinued, and an idea gone abroad that every one might reap the fruits of his own in- dustry, there was reason to hope the Malayan character might appear in a different light to that in which it had for many years been \dewed. The murder of Mr. Parr, a fomier Resident, had created a strong feeling of distrust among the Em-opean inhabitants, and was one cause of the general appear- ance of desolation that prevailed. The house he inhabited was immediately after the unfortunate event deserted, and allowed to fall into ruin, though its beauty and situation were both conspicuous. The fiaiit and ornamental trees were all cut down, and no one would venture beyond the precincts of the settlement. The circumstances which led to this singular event were gradual. In 1801, the original establishment of Fort Marlborough was reduced, and it became a depen- dency on Bengal. The private-trade of Bencoolen, anterior to this period, was car- ried on by the Governor and Council, and the servants of the Company, to an extent which made the port respectable, and contributed to the improvement of the settlement. This trade consisted in the importation of articles from Western India, a small portion of which were sold on the spot ; but the principal part were for export to the Java market. The restrictive policy of the Dutch Government, and the corruption of thefr serv'ants, had given rise to an extensive contraband trade, of which a large portion, particularly in opium and piece-goods, was can’ied on through the medium of Bencoolen. But from the period of the arrival of Mr. Parr, when a more strictly economical and purer system of administration was enforced, and the support of the Company’s capital, and the influence of the chief authority was withdrawn, this commerce smik into an insignificance from which it never emerged. Connected with the forced cultivation of pepper, Mr. Parr endeavoured to force the cultivation of coffee, which w^as considered as one of the causes that led to his un- fortunate death. The true causes of this melancholy event perhaps lay deeper than in the enforcement of a single order. On the arrival of Mr. Parr, great reductions took place in all the public estabhshments, by which numbers of people were sud- denly thrown out of employ, and many reduced to starvation. Trained in the strict 302 MURDER OF MR. PARR. practical forms of Bengal, and accustomed to unlimited obedience from a submissive and subjugated people, Mr. Parr unintentionally gave great disgust by carrying the same arbitrary ideas and principles among a people who require an opposite mode of treatment. He made great alterations in the native courts, without the concur- rence or adrice of the Chiefs, and occasionally assumed an arbitrary and independent authority in it, which made them fear for their ancient institutions and customs. It is mmecessary to go into much detail on the causes w’hich led to the unfor- tunate assassination ; it was not occasioned by a single act, but by a long series of offensive measures, which at length roused the people to rebellion. In carrying into effect his plans of economy, he certainly proceeded with too much haste, and wth- out due consideration ; insults offered on various occasions to some of the principal Chiefs, produced a deep sensation in men of violent and rindictive tempers, and the attempt to coerce the cultivation of coffee appears to have brought the discontent to a crisis. The circumstances under which the murder was peiq)etrated are strongly illustrative of the peculiar character of the people. They appear to have fully dis- cussed among themselves the measures of Government, and finding reasons to be dissatisfied, to have deliberately resolved on vengeance ; and to satisfy that vengeance, the head of Mr. Parr was required. Meetings were held, oaths administered, and every inhabitant of the to\vn was apprized of the danger. The country was in a state of revolt ; but Mr. Parr was bhnd to the danger with which he was threatened. The Govemment-house was suiTounded, the guard ovei*powered, Mr. Parr mur- dered, and his head carried off. It may give some idea of the state of lawless inde- pendence to which the people must have been accustomed, w'hen they could thus plan revenge on the Governor of a British settlement without intending further mischief, and expect that such an act could be considered by the English in the same light that they themselves \iew^ed it. In further illustration how inapplicable the ordi- nary ndes of cirihzed society must be to such a people, it may be added, that when rew^ards were subsequently offered for the apprehension, dead or alive, of the assas- sins, it w'as considered by them merely as an offer to pay the hangoon, or compen- sation for murder, and considering this payment fully to authorise the act, expressed no surprise, except that the Company should so readily pay the bangoon for the heads of the conspirators, and not exact the same in return for Mr. Parr’s head. The measures that followed were of a doubtful cast. As soon as it w^as dis- covered that the designs of the people w^ere confined to the assassination, and not directed against the settlement generally, search was made for the perpetrators of the act. It was thought unsafe to touch the Chiefs. Several of the people were blown fi'om the mouths of guns. As the danger diminished, the spirit of indignation and revenge seems to have increased. An order was given to burn and destroy every rillage within a certain distance, and the work of devastation was carried on as if it were intended to place the future secm'ity of the settlement in surrounding it TRADE OF THE EASTERN SEAS. 303 with a desert. The fi'uit-trees, venerable by their age, that surround a Malay vil- lage, are the protecting deities of the place, and are regarded with reverence and respect ; their destruction is looked upon as little less than sacrilege ; yet the axe was laid to their roots, and whatever could afford shelter or protection was levelled with the ground, and the whole population of the suspected villages turned loose upon the countiy *. Some of the villages were partially rebuilt; but never rose to their former flourishing condition. The people of Dusun Besar, estimated the damage they then sustained at more than 3000 dollars in houses burnt and fruit-trees cut down, and that they lost about three-fourths of their buffaloes, which were either shot, stolen, or dispersed on the occasion. At that time they had 1000 head, in 1820 they had only 300. No wonder the people were poor — the country a wilderness. It is necessary to remind the reader, that dming Sir Stamford’s administration in Java, the Enghsh powder was paramount in the Eastern Seas. Holland had ceased to be a nation. But Avith the rehnquishment of Java the English relinquished every possession in those seas, except Penang and Bencoolen. Previous to Sir Stamford’s leaving England, very strong apprehensions were entertained by those interested in the trade of the Eastern Archipelago, that the Dutch would succeed in re-establishing the supremacy w^hich they possessed in that quarter of the globe ; and as their jealousy of the English was well known, they would natm*ally take every means of debaning their rivals from participating in a trade from which they had derived such considerable benefit. It was conceived that Sir Stamford might be enabled, from time to time, to afford information on the subject to the authorities at home, and the following particular instructions on the subject were given him from the Court of Directors : — “ It is highly desirable that the Court of Directors should receive early and • The following details of this sad and singular catastrophe were related by an old inliabitant of Ben- coolen. The Chiefs having issued their decree, took every means in their power to prevent the destruction of the Europeans. Warnings were sent to them, and a general impression prevailed that some crisis was approaching. At last the day arrived, and notice was given to keep at home. Mr. Parr unfortunately refused to listen to any suggestions of danger, and could not even be prevailed upon to have his usual sen- tries doubled ; the only means of defence within his reach was a hog-spear, taken to his room by Mrs. Parr. A little before midnight a loud shriek was heard, and “ The Malays are come !” was echoed through the house. They had, indeed, assembled and concealed themselves around the house, and it is said watched until Mr. Parr retired to rest. The guard was soon cut down, and three men entered Mr. Parr’s room, and dragged him from his bed, for he was at the time much reduced from illness. Mrs. Parr struggled to defend and shield her husband by throwing herself upon him. The men entreated her to keep away lest they should unintentionally injure her ; and finding that they had wounded her in the hands, they took her and threw her under the bed. They then executed their dreadful orders, cut off the head of Mr. Parr, and retreated without doing further injury. Mrs. Parr afterwards perishe.d off the Cape, with her children, on her voyage to England. 7 30 i SYSTEM OF THE DUTCH IN THE EASTERN SEAS. constant information of the proceedings of the Dutch and other European nations, as well as of the Americans in the Eastern Archipelago. The Court, therefore, desire that you will direct your attention to the object of regularly obtaining such informa- tion, and that you will transmit the same to them by every convenient opportunity, accompanied by such observations as may occur to you, whether of a political or commercial nature. You will furnish the Supreme Government with copies of these commmiications. In the event of any such communications appearing to you to be of a natm-e to require secrecy, you will address your letter to the Secret Com- mittee.” On arriving at Bencoolen Sir Stamford found that the Dutch had sent over a Commissioner, with the \-iew of re-estabhshing their authority in the Lampung country, on the southern part of Sumatra. The object of the Dutch by the re-occupation of this territory being to exclude English vessels from a right to anchorage and refreshments in any part of the Straits of Sumatra, except at their pleasure. Sir Stamford felt it his duty to resist what he considered an undue pretension on their part, pending a reference to the authorities in Europe, adopting such preparatory measures, in the mean time, by sm-ve)dng the coasts and harbours as might facilitate any aiTangement eventually decided upon. That the occasion really required interference there could be no doubt. Lord Hastings stated as his opinion, “that the proceedings of the Netherlands authorities, since the arrival of the Commissioners-General to receive charge of the Dutch colonies, had been actuated by a spirit of ambition, by riews of boundless aggrandizement and rapacity, and by a desire to obtain the power of monopolizing the commerce of the Eastern Archipelago, and of excluding the English from those advantages which they had long enjoyed, and which they only \rished to share in common with other nations of the earth ; and that this spirit of aggi’andizement, and their manifest endeavom’s to establish an absolute supremacy to om' exclusion, made it necessary for us to adopt precautions with the rfew to arrest the injury and de- gradation which could not fail to ensue, from a listless submission to the unbounded pretensions displayed on the part of the Netherlands authorities.” The Dutch, at one period, assumed the absolute sovereignty of the whole of the Archipelago, which they enforced by a rigid system of exclusion of all other European powers, until the commencement of the last century. From that period, and more particularly during the sixty years prerfous to 1818, as their power declined, and this system became weakened by its injustice, conmptions, and enormi- ties, the influence of the English found its way into the Archipelago, and in 1795 the Dutch authority only extended to the states of Java, Madura, Malacca, Padang, Banjier, on Borneo ; Macasar, on Celebes ; Bema, on Sumbawa, and the Moluccas. All the rest of their establishments had been abandoned or cut off by the natives, and the rest of the Archipelago had resumed its independence. SIR STAMFORD’S VIEWS ON THE PROCEEDINGS OF THE DUTCH. 305 From 1795 until the peace of Amiens, Malacca, Padang, and the Moluccas, remained in the hands of the English ; of these the Moluccas alone were resumed by the Dutch before the breaking out of the war again. The system pursued by the Dutch in these establishments was to consider them as so many central points whence their influence might extend on all sides, so as to connect with each other through the Archipelago. Thus Malacca extended its in- fluence north towards Prince of Wales’ Island and Acheen, and south to Lingin and Rhio, including the opposite coast of Sumatra from north to south. Long, however, before the reduction of Malacca by the English, this influence had ceased, and nearly all the native Chiefs in its neighbourhood had resmned their independence, and by constant intercourse and alhance with the British establishment at Prince of Wales’ Island, had again risen into some importance. The most southern, however, of the Dutch out-stations connected with Malacca, which was at Rhio, was cut off by the natives about this time ; and on the English taking possession of Malacca they did not form any establishment at Rhio, but publicly declared, and invariably considered the native Chief, although on terms of friendly alliance, altogether independent of Em’opean authority, and so he has ever since been held. On Borneo, the native states of Borneo Proper, Sambas, Pontiana, Cooti, Passir, &c., had long previously been altogether independent of European authority ; and these ports, with Rhio, were the principal marts, some of them for the last fifty years, and some longer, for the opium and piece-goods brought by country ships from the continent of India, and the iron, woollens, printed cottons, &c., sent to Prince of Wales’ Island and Bencoolen. Sir Stamford’s view's on these points are developed in the following letters : To “ Air'll 14, 1818. “ Prepared as I was for the jealousy and assumption of the Dutch Commis- sioners in the East, I have found myself surprised by the unreserved avowal they have made of their principles, their steady determination to lower the British cha- racter in the eyes of the natives, and the measures they have already adopted towards the annihilation of our commerce, and of our intercourse with the native-traders throughout the Malayan Archipelago. Not satisfied with shutting the Eastern ports against our shipping, and prohibiting the natives from commercial intercourse with the English, they have dispatched commissioners to every spot in the Archipelago where it is probable we might attempt to form settlements, or where the independ- ence of the native Chiefs afford any thing like a free port to our shipping. Thus not only the Lampong country has been resumed, but also Pontiana and the minor ports of Borneo, and even Bali, where European flag was never before hoisted, are R r 306 NECESSITY OF A BRITISH AGENT IN THE EASTERN SEAS. now considered by them subject to their authority, and measures taken for their subjugation. A commissioner also long since sailed from Batavia for Palembang, to organize, as it is said, all that part of Sumatra ; and every native prow and vessel is now required to hoist a Dutch flag, and to take out a Dutch pass from Bata\da for one of the ports thus placed under their influence ; so that whatever trade may still be carried on by the English with the native ports of the Archipelago, must already be in violation of the Dutch regulations, and at the risk of seizure by their cmizers, who have not hesitated repeatedly to fire into English ships. “ The Commanders of the country ships look to me to protect their interests, and even to support the dignity of the British flag ; and it is to be hoped some imme- diate notice will be taken by oiu' Government of these proceedings. “ The native Chiefs of the independent ports have looked in vain for the protec- tion of the English ; they feel themselves deserted by us, know not how to act, and from necessity are gradually falling under the influence of om' rivals. “ The Dutch possess the only passes through which ships must sail into this Ai'chipelago, the Straits of Smida and of Malacca ; and the British have not now an inch of ground to stand upon between the Cape of Good Hope and China ; nor a single friendly port at which they can water or obtain refreshment. The question is not now, whether we are to give back to the Dutch the possessions they actually possessed in 1803, according to the late convention ; but whether the British Government and British merchants will be contented to be excluded from the trade altogether, in the same manner as they were before the last century ; nothing less will satisfy the Dutch authorities who are now at Bataria ; they make no secret of it, and openly avow the exclusion- of the English, except from Bataria, as the first principles of their pohcy. “ It is absolutely necessary, therefore, that the conditions of the convention should be clearly understood, and that the authorities at Batavia should be in- structed by their government in Europe how far they are authorized to act. It is clear that it could never have been the intention of the British Government to give back to the Dutch more than they had taken from them, nor more than they had kept, as it were, in trust for them, and consequently that the right now as- sumed by the Dutch to extend their influence over the ports in which we did not maintain any European establishments, and this before they resume their acknow- ledged possessions, is supererogatory and unjustifiable, and may be disputed by us ; that as the new establishments they are thus forming in the Archipelago can have no other view than the extension of a pohtical influence for the purpose of com- mercial restriction, we have a right to prevent any which interfere ^rith the free and undisputed trade we enjoyed before the breaking out of the war, and that at all events we are bound to declare publicly to the native Chiefs of these independent ports, that it is not with our concurrence, or the sanction of our authority, that the 7 NECESSITY OF A BRITISH AGENT IN THE EASTERN SEAS. 307 Dutch are now so acting towards them ; that our desire is to prevent all restrictions on trade, and that while we do not interfere with the internal management of the Dutch possessions, or with the ports where they have establishments, more than they are inchned to allow us, we are ready to maintain the free navigation of the Archipelago, and our right to an unrestricted intercourse, trade, and alliance with the native independent ports. “ It is on this point that every thing hinges : if we have no right to interfere, the sooner we abandon our Eastern possessions the better ; if we have such a right, it must be immediately declared and acted upon, or the evil will have advanced too far to be removed. The Chiefs of the Island of Bali have always maintained their independence of European authority, and consequently have never, at any period of their history^ been subjected to the Dutch. It was through their ports that for several years our opium and piece-goods found their way into Java, in spite of the Dutch restrictive regulations. If the Dutch succeed in reducing them, this important neutral port will be lost to us. “ It is indispensable that some regular and accredited authority on the part of the British Government should exist in the Archipelago, to declare and maintain the British rights, whatever they are, to receive appeals, and to exercise such whole- some control as may be conducive to the preservation of the British honoiu- and character. At present the authority of the Government of Prince of Wales’ Island extends no further south than Malacca, and the Dutch would willingly confine that of Bencoolen to the ahnost inaccessible and rocky shores of the west coast of Sumatra. To effect the objects contemplated, some convenient station within the Archipelago is necessary; both Bencoolen and Prince of Wales’ Island are too far removed, and unless I succeed in obtaining a position in the straits of Sunda, we have no alternative but to fix it in the most advantageous situation we can find within the Archipelago ; this would be somewhere in the neighbourhood of Bintang. An establishment of this kind once fonned would soon maintain a successful rivalry with the Dutch, who would be obliged either to adopt a liberal system of free trade, or compelled to see the trade collected under the British flag ; in either case our object would be answered. Our establishment within the Archipelago would be expressly for the objects stated, and have no reference to the undisputed possessions of the Dutch, in which we desire no interference. All that they can in justice, nay in liberality, demand, under the recent convention, let them have ; and yet there \vill be a great and important commerce left to us, independently of the advantages it will afford to the secirrity of our China trade. “ It will be my duty to ascertain how far our proposed position in the Straits of R r 2 NECESSITY OF A BRITISH AGENT IN THE EASTERN SEAS. ] ;(08 Sunda will answer the pm*j:)Ose, and if this should be found inadequate, to select some other more advantageous situation. “ At the present period, when the most rigid economy is demanded in every de- partment of the British service, I should perhaps hesitate to propose this measure of extending our positions, were I not satisfied that it was absolutely necessary. Our object is not territory nor temtorial influence; it may be confined to a simple com- mercial station, at which a controlling authority and two or three assistants would perform all the duties, with a military guard just sufficient to protect the flag, and the property of individuals from predatory attack. “ The line of stations which I contemplate, should the view I have taken be adopted, would commence from Acheen, and, with the single break of Padang, extend down the west coast of Sumatra to the Straits of Sunda, influencing the whole coast. Another station at Rhio or its vicinity would thus form the connecting link between the establishments on the west coast and Prince of Wales’ Island, and check the Dutch influence from extending uninterruptedly in a chain from Batavia to Banca, and Malacca, as certainly it will soon do without such an establishment on our part. Hereafter a station at Sambas to command the rich mines and produce of the interior of Borneo may be adrisable, and certainly profitable ; and more particularly if the Dutch obtain a footing at Pontiana, as they are indeed said to have done already, it will then be indispensible ; otherwise the independence of those ports may perhaps answer all the pui'poses of a free trade. “ In establishing these stations it will be advisable to proceed with gi’eat caution, and gi'adually ; the footing, how ever, once obtained in the Straits of Sunda, I appre- hend all the rest will follow^ without difficulty. “ In the defence of our positions, as w'ell as for the maintenance of our respec- tability and influence, I am of opinion we should look more to a naval than a mili- tary force. One or tw^o of the Company’s cmizers regularly relieved, and the occasional risit of his Majesty’s ships w^ould answ^er every purpose, and be far more consistent with our commercial and political character, as w^ell as afford more real security than battalions of soldiers. “ A decision should be formed by the authorities in Europe on the appeal made by the Sultan of Palembang before the British authorities left Java. “ The late Sultan*, anxious to get rid of the European authority altogether, allowed the Dutch officers to he murdered and their factory to be destroyed. The circumstances attending this catastrophe called for a British force from Batavia. The late Sultan fled and w^as dethroned, and the present Sultan elevated in his place. On this occasion the present Sultan ceded to me, for the East India Company, the Islands of Banca and Billiton for ever, on which no European flag had ever been See page 121. NECESSITY OF A BRITISH AGENT IN THE EASTERN SEAS. 309 hoisted, and neither of which had ever in any way previously fallen under the influ- ence or sway of the Dutch. The Dutch connexion with Palembang was simply by a contract, that the Sultan would deliver to them a certain quantity of tin and pepper annually ; but they had no political influence or authority whatever, and certainly no control over Banca. “ Our object in obtaining the Island of Banca was to place the tin mines under the influence of Great Britain for the protection of the Cornish mines ; and as the English had been at considerable expense in the expedition, which could not other- wise be repaid, there w^as no difficulty in obtaining it ; but a further equivalent was required by the Sultan, who stipulated that he should be maintained in his dignity and independence by the British Government, without the interference of any Euro- pean authority in the domestic concerns of Palembang. “ The Dutch, not satisfied with the possession of Banca, as ceded to us and by us again ceded to them, insist upon re-establishing their factory also at Palem- bang ; thus the Sultan loses the only equivalents of value to him ; namely, our sup- port and the independence of his port, for though the Dutch had by right no political infiuence at Palembang, they always contrived, as they will still do, if they re-establish themselves there, under the plea of protecting their monopoly of tin and pepper, to subject the port entirely to their restrictive regulations. “ The only right by which the British nation could cede Banca to the Dutch was by virtue of this cession from the Sultan of Palembang ; it was one of the con- ditions of his elevation ; but in return for so great a sacrifice, he was assured that he would be maintained in his independence, and have our protection. The Dutch, therefore, in receiving Banca, as a special cession, cannot be allowed to disturb the title by which we felt authorized to cede it. That title was obtained from the pre- sent Sultan of Palembang, but on an express condition which surely we are bound to see fulfilled. “ Palembang must consequently be considered as a free port, and we are bound, in honour and in justice, to maintain it as such, as long as the Sultan is unwilling to admit the Dutch, which he never will do but by constraint or our desertion of his cause. “ This point should be cleared up without delay, and definite instructions sent from Europe on the subject. “ As in some measure connected with this subject is the claim they have made to the Island of Billiton, which is still British to all intents and purposes ; this Island, which may eventually prove of importance to oiu interests, was ceded to us by the Sultan of Palembang at the same time as Banca ; but it is quite distinct from that Island, never was dependant upon it, and has always been kept foreign and sepa- rately from it. It is admirably situated, and its retention by the English is an object of too much importance to be lost sight of. .310 NECESSITY OF A BRITISH AGENT IN THE EASTERN SEAS. “ I regi'et to say, that the colonial authorities seem to be actuated by a very different spirit from that which animates the authorities in Holland. In the present policy of Batavia, there appears to be much of the bad principle of the old colonial regime, far different, I am confident, from what are the udshes and feelings of the enlightened authorities who preside over the destinies of the mother-country. “ At the same time that I have thus felt it my duty to express my sentiments on the measures and character of the Dutch colonial Government in these seas, I have with difficulty refrained from the expression of that honest indignation which every Briton must feel on such an occasion. “ Before I conclude I must refer to the interests of the extensive and interest- ing native population wffiich are involved in the questions I have agitated. But a few years ago they looked upon the British nation as all-powerful, magnanimous, and benevolent. It is morally impossible that they can so look upon them just now ; every day, every hour, weakens the influence and character of the British name. It has gone abroad that the Dutch Commissioners have some idea of obtaining Ben- coolen in exchange for Malacca, and to make the equator the boundary between the Dutch and the Enghsh possessions ; but wffierever the idea originated, or whatever expectations on this subject may be entertained by the Dutch, they are thought by the natives so commanding, that they may have whatever they ask for ; their object in obtaining Bencoolen is of course to regain, if possible, the spice monopoly. Pa- dang and Malacca are both stations of importance to us ; but they will not compen- sate for our exclusion from the Archipelago, and never tmai to account, unless the produce of the west coast has an outlet in the Straits of Sunda, and some more southerly port is fixed upon than Malacca itself. Under this arrangement, therefore, the establishments suggested by me would be equally valuable. Again, it must not be forgotten, that however desirous we may be to main- tain the Dutch in the possessions of Java and its dependencies ; and however de- termined we may be to avoid all intercouse with their native subjects which might weaken their influence, it is impossible not to foresee, that unless the Dutch adopt a very different policy to what they are now pursuing, Java must eventually either become independant of European authority, or, on some future occasion of hostili- ties, again fall under the dominion of the English. The seeds of independence have been too generally sown, and the principles of the British administration too deeply rooted, to be eradicated by a despotic order. In such an event, calculating upon the bare possibility of its occurrence, fifty or a hundred years hence, we shall equally feel the advantage of the measures I have now suggested. We shall not make any extensive outlay; our object is merely to keep a footing sufficient for general com- mercial purposes during peace, but which may, if necessary, be found equally con- venient for political purposes during w’ar.” Bird Island ^ S<-a/f of' t! M//<- . '//ro "Uv .< /Utsr A/i<* N «»j- «i«>y#/>/A/r mm.’-'in't'ti triih >m nhtWt n// the nnt//fs utTY fithen . T7ie nirr o/' the Tule is nhoul ^ tret on the Sprintf.t niHKl'TIONS KOU SAlI.lN(i INTO TIIK IIAUIUU'K Itk the X.W. J/onsoon . enter hv the l•■r.ttem fms.nnfe . hetn een 1\hUoo C'l.tppa nnti the XoHh /*! eni/et( Tanjoiij;- Xapal ■ /// the S£. Monsoon . enter hetoeen I’ooloo t'lappn o$fl Pooloo Eovoo. u von hove »» stetui* hree^v. The etistern /•ttssot/e. hetiveen i\toloo ond the Mtiin . is oniv .rti/r tor s/no// vesse/s. /loth the Is/onds t/re /to/d . /u/rinti ’/“/ e/i>.ee to t/ie/n . /I'heri tthret/sf ot' Pooloo Clappa . the .\‘onth I‘- ot Pooloo la- booluu) s/kou/ei hr hept ivr// open to the sotit/ikvtirti ot Pouloo <’Iappa, tt/ni o it/i t/ns t/tnrh . steer tn fi// Oogxjorou I*! heors Xorfh , t/krtk t/tnhor itk ft or 20 /’’?'■' /t/tu/c /nm/ ; hikt ktk o// po/^s of' t/kv /ior/>otit' tk s/ktp /////•• sot eh tk/kvhor, t/tere heitko no t/tk/n/er thot y> y//r . y'fr// y/ / //r////r.j LlEtrT tiov’f 0F FOMT M.UeLmti). K-e.K-r.K-r Tins CHART. til'' VAl.,OOM lliYAN il]lAHBOf’'K. O.y/ //y ///Y/ttY/Z/y/ . //Y.j y'/yy/yy yy/ • Ay / y/yy/.j^ y' /LmrT-'’' tvM.imi,i.:,Aisr.u> miLJOFysTm-, ./if. ,/yy/Yy . /S/H. 1., j„h» Villay< Taiijoug’ A apal / .o Soutli P‘ t/f ' / ft/t/fit/t/>vti/i J/(tph(>tt/\ /fiAfti pom /oo/ot> / /t/ppfi Pooloo ( lappa /^xwo.ted liaitsrv^ — ^ POOLOO EEVOO Caloomlwui Had>oiu*. tienriv rio/n the .Xo/ih en/' Saraang-ra Uav. Suridn Slfiiit, is snuk// hut safe, tvktJt .yn/fieie/kt t/ept/k o/' tvi/Pr' for htrt/r s'hips', .r/ie/ft’ret/ frortk (i/i kvindx , ttnd »*■reett here os hv toue/iint/ at Jintovio . 77ie inner Hort’o, trot/e, tts sftnn// * esse/s t'lkJi fotie/ tt/ni utk/ottt/ o/o/itf .rn/e or the ifeeieh , tint/ t/te t'i//ttefe is A ot' o nti/e titmt the /tine/i/ief p/nee , situet/te/ in •< rn/Zev, np/Kirr/kth- n /ten/t/^y spot, T/nrre is n pieee ot' t/e/t e//'tot/ni. ne/i ae/nptet/ for .Ttore /lottses, titni f/tis I2tl/'l‘o//r wo/f/ti />e /ern/ereet .petv/re t/efti/nsf t/ie stro/ie/est to/X'e /ty n fe*y t/nn.e ptt/iei - ou.r/v piturt/ upon Pooloo C'lapp« . Pooloo Kc^'oo. t/tu/ the Sottfh point or' the //ttrhour. I’titthit/krii /if .f./iorslnmih. l/vtlroi/ropher to the Jif huiio t'otnponv .httfost JlWi . oerorthnij to de/ of J'iirho/nt/>t r POPULARITY OF SIR STAMFORD RAFFLES IN THE EASTERN SEAS. 311 5, 1818. “ When I look around, and feel that by the last treaty with Holland, we are left with only one spot upon which we can raise the British flag, as a mart for com- merce between the Mauritius and China, and that spot Prince of Wales’ Island, to which port but a veiy small portion of the trade of the Ai’chipelago can be brought ; when in the instance of Palembang, I find the Dutch choose to re-instate the man on the throne who has been guilty of treacherously murdering, in cool blood, the Dutch factory at that station, rather than permit the Sultan whom the English raised, in consequence of the atrocity of his predecessor, to continue on the throne ; when I likewise discover that they lay claim to all the territory in the Lampong comitry, and oppose our forming any settlement in Samangka Bay, for the purpose of afford- ing succour or refi'eshment to om* ships passing through the Straits of Sunda ; and that they even object to the continuance of the post station between Java and Sumatra, by which alone communication can be kept up wth the Eastern Islands and Europe ; I feel it to be my duty to submit to the Governor-General a statement of the injury which must necessarily arise to us from tacitly submitting to such a course, not only as affecting our interests in Siunatra and its neighbourhood, but also throughout the whole of the Eastern Archipelago and China. My knowledge of the previous principles which actuated the Dutch in Java, and of the vast benefit to be derived to British enterj^rise in so extensive a field, leads me to hope that I shall meet with approbation for the line of conduct I pursue.” ^ « From this sketch of the state of affairs, it will be infen-ed that Sir Stamford found sufficient occupation for his active mind. He devoted his whole time, on his first arrival, to the examination of the Records of the settlement, the state of the country and people in its immediate neighbourhood, and endeavoured to collect the European inhabitants and the native Chiefs around him, that he might become per- sonally acquainted with their habits and manners. The same system of excluding the natives from the society of Europeans had been pursued in this settlement as in most other parts of India. Sir Stamford at once broke down this barrier, and opened his house to the higher class of natives on all occasions. During the whole period of his residence in Sumatra he had some of them present during the hours of social intercourse. The result of this change it is needless to dwell upon. The Chiefs and people considered him as their best friend and adviser, yielded to his opinion upon all oc- casions, and harmony and good-will prevailed throughout the settlement. With regard to the Dutch, so active had they been in their endeavours to regain their Empire in the East, and to depress the native power, that the re-appearance of 312 POPULARITY OF SIR STAMFORD IN THE EASTERN SEAS. Sir Stamford in the Archipelago was hailed with joy and hope on the one side as a deliverance, and with fear and jealousy on the other, as an invasion. The effect of his return to a scene of action in which he had home so conspi- cuous a part, might have been foreseen. It was impossible to expect tame submis- sion from those who were oppressed, when there appeared a hope of rehef, or to suppose that Sir Stamford could with indifference look on, and take no part in the stmggle. A different character might have acted differently ; but in sending him into such a field of action, the experience of his government in Java was sufficient e\idence of what w^as to be expected from the Governor of Bencoolen. CHAPTER XL Sir Stamford Raffles determines to penetrate into the interior of the country — First excursion to the Hill of Mists — Account of journey to Passumah — Discovery of gigantic florver — Vegetation of Malayan forests — Reason for visiting Pasumah — Ceremony of a funeral — Traces of ancient Hindu mythology — Descrip- tion of the people — Small-pox — Fatigue of the journey — Descends in rafts — Return to Masna — Proceeds to Can oor — Success of first attempt to cross the Island of Sumatra — Extract from Mr, Presgrave’s Journal — Description of the sacred mountain — Disappointment in not reaching the crater — Return to Manna — Mountain' s temperature — Large lake — Sufferings of the people for rvant of salt, prohibited by the Dutch Government — People of Pasumah Lebar — Descendants of the Javanese — Villages — Language — Religion. Sir Stamford considered it to be his duty, as it was his inclination, to obtain some general knowledge of the Island, as well as of that particular portion of it, over which he was appointed to preside. The East India Company, indeed, had confined their rule to a naiTOW strip of sea-coast, but it was desirable that some intercourse should take place with the people of the country beyond, since a mutual exchange of good offices would, it was natural to suppose, prove beneficial to both parties, A general impression prevailed, that it was impossible to penetrate the range of hills which run from north to south throughout this great Island. All those who were appfied to declined making the attempt ; and Sir Stamford was obliged to come to the determination, that he would go himself, and visit the interior and more fertile parts. His first excursion was a short distance immediately inland from Bencoolen. The second dowm the coast by the sea-beach, for about eighty miles, to Manna, and from thence, some days’ journey into the interior ; and after returning to Manna, still further dowm the coast, to Cawoor ; from this last place back to Bencoolen. He gave an account of these exclusions to his friends in letters, wTitten at the time, from which the following are a selection. s s 314 FIRST EXCURSION TO THE HILL OF MISTS. To the Duchess of Somerset. “ On hoard the Ladij Raffles, off Sumatra, July Wth, 1818. “ That yom* Grace may not think me unmindful of my promise, I must now send you some account of our proceedings since I troubled you with my letters by the Northumberland. “ I will not, however, trouble your Grace with any details of the immediate changes w'hich have been effected at Bencoolen, nor with what are in contemplation ; the place is too insignificant for general interest, and my subjects too uncultivated for pleasing description. A "wider field is open in the Archipelago generally, and in my proceedings with the Dutch your Grace might find more amusement ; but even on these I shall be silent at present, and proceed to what more immediately relates to me personally. At the time I wrote by the Northumberland, w'e had just taken up our abode in a crazy dweUing, called the Government-house, full of cracks and fissiues ; of the country I had seen nothing, and of the general character and condition of the people I then knew httle. My first inemrsion into the interior was immediately east of Ben- coolen ; here I found the country in a wretched state, and very thinly peopled. I ascended the first range of hills, and having taken up a position on the Hill of IMists (Bukit Kabut), which commands a most extensive \iew of the suiTounding country, and on which no European had before set foot, I determined to make it om- country residence, and accordingly gave orders for clearing the forest, &c. In this I have already made considerable progress, a comfortable cottage is erected, and, as far as we can yet judge, the thermometer is at least six degrees lower than at Bencoolen. The only inconvenience will arise from the tigers and elephants, which abound in the ricinity; one of the rillagers told me that his father and grandfather w^re canied off by tigers, and there is scarcely a family that has not lost some of its members by them. In many parts the people would seem to have resigned the empire to these animals, taking but few precautions against them, and regarding them as sacred ; they believe in transmigration and call them their nene or gi'andfather. On the banks of one of the rivers of this coast upwards of a hundred people w' ere canned off by tigers during the last year. When a tiger enters a village, the foolish people frequently prepare rice and fruits, and placing them at the entrance as an offering to the animal, con- ceive that, by giring him this hospitable reception, he will be pleased with their atten- tion, and pass on without doing them harm. They do the same on the approach of the small-pox, and thus endeavour to lay the evil spirit by kind and liospitable treat- ment. I am doing all I can to resume the empire of man, and, haring made open war against the whole race of wild and ferocious animals, I hope w^e shall he able to reside on the Hill of Mists without danger from their attacks. ACCOUNT OF JOURNEY TO PASSUMAH. 315 " Our next excursion was on a tour through the southern Residencies, in which Lady Raffles accompanied me. We were absent about three weeks, and visited the districts of Salumah, Manna, and Cawoor, which your Grace will see noticed in the map. Our road lay principally along the sea-beach, and mostly on the sands. From Manna, however, we penetrated into the interior, and visited the Passumah country ; and, as our journey was very interesting, I shall give you a more particular ac- count of it : — We left Manna on the morning of the 19th of May, and proceeded on horse- back as far as the village of Tanjung Agung, on the Manna river, where we halted during the middle of the day; the distance about twenty miles. In the afternoon we walked through the woods to a place called Merambung, about ten miles further up. The road, a mere pathway, very steep in many parts, and not passable on horseback. We remarked at Merambung that the houses were larger and much better constructed than on the coast, and that, in the middle of the village, there was an erection resembling a pigeon-house. This was termed a Lang'gar, or place appropriated to penance, in which the party remained during the time. As this is inconsistent with Mahomedanism, we concluded it to be a remnant of the more ancient faith of the country, a conclusion we found fully confirmed from what we subsequently observed further in the interior. The villagers were very hospit- able, and my reception by the Chief was truly patriarchal. On the next morning (the 20th), at half-past five, we commenced our jour- ney towards Passumah on foot. The party, consisting of myself. Lady Raffles, Dr. Aimold, and Mr. Presgrave, the Resident of Manna, with six native officers, and about fifty coolies (porters) carrying our food and baggage. Our journey lay near the banks of the river during the whole day, but frequently over high cliffs, and almost entirely through thick forest. On approaching Lebu Tappu, where a village had once stood, we first fell in with the tracts of elephants ; they were very nume- rous, and it was evident they had only preceded us a short time. We here passed over much ground which at one period must have been in cultivation, but which had long been in a state of nature. After breakfasting at Lebu Tappu, under the shade of the largest tree we could find, we proceeded on to a place called Pulo Lebar, where it was arranged we were to sleep. This also had been the site of a village, but no trace of human dwelhng or cultivation was to be found : we reached it at half-past four in the afternoon, having walked for upwards of eight hours. We immediately set to work and erected two or three sheds to sleep in, collecting the materials fi'om the vegetation around us. The river here was broad, but very rocky : the scenery highly romantic and beautiful. During the night we were awakened by the approach of a party of elephants, who seemed anxious to inquire om‘ business within their domains ; fortunately they kept at some distance, and allowed us to s s 2 316 DESCRIPTION OF A GIGANTIC FLOWER. remain unmolested. The natives fancy that there are two kinds of elephants ; the gaja berliampong, those which always go in herds, and which are seldom mis- chievous, and the gaja salunggal, or single elephants, which are much larger and ferocious, going about either singly or only two or three in company. It is probable the latter kind are only the full-grown males. “ I must not omit to tell you, that in passing through the forest we were, much to our inconvenience, greatly annoyed by leeches; they got into om' boots and shoes, which became filled with blood ; at night, too, they fell off the leaves that sheltered us from the weather, and on awaking in the morning we found ourselves bleeding profusely — these were a species of intruders we were not prepared for. “ The most important discovery throughout our journey was made at this place; this was a gigantic flower, of which I can hardly attempt to give any thing like a just description. It is perhaps the largest and most magnificent flower in the world, and is so distinct from every other flower, that I know not to what I can compare it — its dimensions wall astonish you — ^it measured across fi'om the extremity of the petals rather more than a yard, the nectarium was nine inches wade, and as deep ; estimated to contain a gallon and a half of water, and the weight of the whole flower fifteen pounds. ‘ The Sumatran name of this extraordinary production is Petimun Sikinlili, or De’val’s-Siri (betle) box. It is a native of the forests, particularly those of Pas- sumah Ulu Manna. ‘ This gigantic flower is parasite on the lower stems and roots of the Cissus Angustifolia of Box. It appears at first in the form of a small round knob, wiiich gradually increases in size. The flower-bud is invested by numerous membranaceous sheaths, wdiich surround it in successive layers and expand as the bud enlarges, until at length they form a cup round its base. These sheaths or bracts are large, round, concave, of a firm membranaceous consistence, and of a browm colour. The bud before expansion is depressive, round, with five obtuse angles, nearly a foot in diameter, and of a deep dusky red. The flower, when fully expanded, is, in point of size, the wonder of the vegetable kingdom ; the breadth across, from the top of the one petal to the top of the other, is three feet. The cup may be estimated capable of containing tw^elve pints, and the w^eight of the whole is fi'om twelve to fifteen pomids. The inside of the cup is of an intense purple, and more or less densely yellow', wdth soft flexible spines of the same colour: towards the mouth, it is marked with numerous depressed spots of the purest w^hite, contrasting strongly with the purple of the surrounding substance, which is considerably elevated on the lower side. The petals are of a brick-red, with numerous pustular spots of a lighter colour. The whole substance of the flow’er is not less than half an inch thick, and of a firm fleshy consistence. It soon after expansion begins to give out a smell of /.lull ■' f'i .1/// ■ ^ 9.. 317 VEGETATION OF MALAYAN FORESTS. t decaying animal matter. The fruit never bursts, but the whole plant gi-adually rots away, and the seeds mix with the putrid mass “ If I am successful in obtaining a draftsman, yoiu* Grace shall have a perfect representation of it. I have made a very rough sketch of it myself, but it is not in that state that I could venture to present it. It seems to be a flower unknown to most of the natives, as well as to naturalists ; its colours red, yellow, and purple, and most brilliant. The chemical composition being fungous, it would not keep ; and not ha\ing sufficient spirits, we could not preserve it entire. A part of it, with two buds almost as big as a child’s head, will be sent home. “ There is nothing more striking in the Malayan forests than the grandeur of the vegetation : the magnitude of the flowers, creepers, and trees, contrasts strikingly nith the stunted and, I had almost said, pigmy vegetation of England. Compared with oiu' forest-trees, yom largest oak is a mere dwarf. Here we have creepers and vines entwining larger trees, and hanging suspended for more than a hmidred feet, in girth not less than a man’s body, and many much thicker ; the trees seldom under a hundred, and generally approaching a hundred and sixty to two hundred feet in height. One tree that we measured was, iu circumference, nine yards ! and this is nothing to one I measm'ed in Java. I must, however, proceed to relate our jom’iiey. “ From Pulo Lebar we started at half-past five, and halted at eight to breakfast. At eleven we reached the Sindangare river, where we took some refreshment, and in the evening, about half-past five, reached Barong Rasam. The day’s journey being most fatiguing, and not less than thirty miles, entirely through a thick forest, and over stupendous mountains, one of which, called the Sindangan Mountain, could not have been less than between four and five thousand feet high. Neither on this nor on the preceding day was there a vestige of population or cultivation ; nature was throughout allowed to reigu undisturbed ; and from the traces of elephants in every direction, they alone of the animal kingdom seemed to have explored the recesses of the forest. “ \Ve got on, however, very well ; and though we were all occasionally much fatigued, we did not complain. Lady Raffles was a perfect heroine. The only mis- fortune at this stage was a heavy fall of rain during the night, which penetrated our leafy dwelling in every direction, and soaked every one of the party to the skin. AVe were now two days’ march beyond the reach of supplies ; many of our Coolies had dropped off; some were fairly exhausted, and we began to wish om' journey at an end. We, however, contrived to make a good dinner on the remaining fowl, and having plenty of rice and claret, did not complain of our fare. * Through the kindness of Mr. Lambert, the Vice-President, the Editor has obtained permission from the Linnaean Society to have impressions of this singular production, which was engraved for their Trans- actions. 318 REASON FOR VISITING PASSUMAH. On the next morning we started in better spirits, having been met by one of the Chiefs of Passumah, who came to welcome our approach, and to assure us, if we walked fast, we should reach a ^^llage in the afternoon. For the first part of the day our road was still over stupendous mountains, sometimes in the beds of rivers for miles, and at all times difficult ; but, about noon, we came into a country that had once been cleared, and again fell in with the Manna River, which we crossed on a raft pre\iously prepared for the purpose, many of the Chiefs and people of Passu- mah hanng assembled to meet us. We had still, however, a very steep ascent to encounter ; but no sooner had we attained the summit, and bent our steps down- ward, than our \iew opened upon one of the finest countries I ever beheld, amply compensating us for all the dreariness of the forest, and for all the fatigues we had undergone ; perhaps the prospect was heightened by the contrast ; but the country I now beheld reminded me so much of scenes in Java, and was in every respect so different to that on the coast, that I could not help expressing myself in raptures. As we descended, the scene improved ; we found ourselves in an immense amphi- theatre, sm-rounded by mountains ten and twelve thousand feet high ; the soil on which we stood rich beyond description, and vegetation luxuriant and brilliant in every direction. The people, too, seemed a new race, far superior to those on the coast — tall, stout, and ingenuous. They received us most hospitably, and conducted us to the rillage of Nigri-Cayu, where we slept. “ I should not omit to inform you, that the immediate occasion of my visiting Passumah was to reconcile contending interests which had long distracted the country. For the last ten years these people had been at war with us, or rather we had been at war with them, for we appeared to have been the aggressors throughout I w^as assured that my person would be endangered, that the Passumahs w^ere a savage ungovernable race, and that no terms could ever be made with them, and I w^as not a little gratified to find every thing the reverse of what had been represented to me. I found them reasonable and industrious, an agiicultural race more sinned against than sinning. “ In the ricinity of Nigri-Cayu w^ere several hot springs, and we soon succeeded in making very comfortable warm baths. “ On the next day we proceeded to Tanjung Alem (the point of the w^orld,) another village in the Passumah country, which w^e reached in about six hours’ walk, through one of the finest countries in the world, haring before us nearly the whole way the volcanic mountain called Gunung Dempu, from which the smoke issued in large volumes. “ At Tanjung Alem we remained two nights. We found the villages in this part of the country most respectable, many of them haring more than five hundred inha- bitants ; the houses large, and on a different plan to those on the coast, each rillage, which may rather be considered as a small town, has a fosse or ditch round it with CEREMONY OF A FUNERAL. 319 high palisades. We passed the site of two or three towns which were represented to have been destoyed by the petty hostilities between the Chiefs. ‘‘ During our stay at Tanjung Alem, the Chiefs entered into a treaty, by which tliey placed themselves under the protection of the British Government, and thus all cause of dispute and misunderstanding was at once set at rest. I must also note ano- tlier occmTence of moment : an old woman of rank died, and we witnessed all the ceremonies ; they commenced by all the females of the village repairing to the house of the deceased, and setting up a squall something like the Irish howl for an hour or two. After this the body was removed to the Bah, or hall of audience, where we were to dine ; we, however, preferred dining in another place, but in the evening it was expected that we should be present at the ceremony, which consisted of dancing and singing, in the presence of the whole village assembled in the hall where the body lay. On the next morning the head of the village killed a goat and sprinkled the blood about the house of the deceased, and all the maidens within hail attended at the Bali, contending with each other who should exclaim loudest : ‘ oh mother ! come back, mother, come back ! ’ This continued till they concluded the body would keep no longer, when it was hurried off, and quietly carried out of the village to a gi'ave, in which it was interred without further ceremony. The people, though professedly Mahomedans, seem more attached to their ancient worship and superstitions than I expected. I clearly traced an ancient my- thology, and obtained the names of at least twenty gods, several of whom are Hindus. In each of the villages we found a Lang’gar, similar to that noticed at Merambung, but generally better constructed. “ The utmost good-humour and affection seemed to exist among the people of the Hllage ; they were as one family, the men walking about holding each other by the hand, and playing tricks with each other hke children ; they were as fine a raee as I ever beheld ; in general about six feet high, and proportionably stout, clear and clean skins, and an open ingenuous countenance. They seemed to have abundance of every thing ; rice, the staple food of the country, being five times as cheap as at Bencoolen, and every other article of produce in proportion. The women and children were decorated with a profusion of silver ornaments, and par- ticularly wth strings of dollars and other coins hanging two or three deep round the neck. It was not uncommon to see a child with a hundred dollars round her neck. Every one seemed anxious for medicine, and they cheerfully agreed to be vaccinated. The small-pox had latterly committed great ravages, and the population of whole villages had fled into the woods to avoid the contagion. “ We now thought of returning to the coast, and on the 24th set off for Manna by a different route to that by which we had arrived. Our first day’s journey was to Camumuan, which we reached a little before six in the evening, after 3-20 RETURN TO BENCOOLEN. the hardest day’s walk I ever experienced. We calculated that we had walked more than thirty miles, and over the worst of roads. Hitherto we had been fortunate in our weather ; but before we reached this place, a heavy rain came on, and soaked us completely. The baggage only came up in part, and we were content to sleep in our wet clothes, under the best shade we could find. No wood would burn ; there was no moon ; it was already dark, and we had no shelter erected. By persever- ance, however, I made a tolerable place for Lady Raffles, and, after selecting the smoothest stone I could find in the bed of a river for a pillow, we managed to pass a tolerably comfortable night. This is what is here called the Ulu Pino Road ; and we were encouraged to undertake long marches in the hope of only sleeping in the woods one night, and in this we fortunately succeeded.” This was, perhaps, the worst day’s journey that the party experienced. The route was very imperfectly known, and a hea^^ rain rendered the forest dreary, and the walking more than usually irksome. Sir Stamford and Dr. Arnold took the only guide, and hastened forward in the hope of reaching the river, and preparing a fire. It was soon discovered that the remainder of the party had lost their way ; the peo- ple dispersed to endeavour to trace the steps of those who were gone before, all anxiously listening to catch the sound of water, that most delightful of all sounds to the weary traveller, in a strange country and a hot climate. At last Mr. Presgrave and the Editor were left entirely to themselves, and whilst debating what to do, and pursuing their walk in no little anxiety, the duskiness of the night, the pouring rain, and their wet clothes not adding to their comfort, Mr. Presgrave met with an acci- dent which had nearly proved serious, and caused some alarm. He sunk into a large pit, (which was covered over and concealed with leaves,) and disappeared entirely, and with him sunk the hope of concluding the day’s journey, and his com- panion’s spirit. He fortunately succeeded in extricating himself, and after continu- ing their walk some time longer, the rippling of water was plainly distinguished, and the busy voices of those assembled on the banks of the river soon obliterated the slight troubles they had been under. A happy night succeeded, and after a few hours’ rest, the journey was pursued. “ The next day we reached Merambung, where we got upon a raft, and were wafted down to the vicinity of Manna in about seven hours. The passage down the river was extremely romantic and gi'and ; it is one of the most rapid rivers on the coast : we descended a rapid almost every hundred yards. “ After proceeding from Manna to Cawoor, we returned by the coast to Bencoo- len, where we ari'ived on the 3d of June, to the no small astonishment of the colonists, who were not inclined to believe it possible we could have thought of such a journey. “ My attention was now directed to crossing the country to Palembang. The Sultan haring applied for the protection of the British Government, I dispatched a MODE OF DESCENDING THE RIVERS ON RAFTS. .321 party to ascertain the practicability of the communication. Before I left Bencoolen I had accounts of their safe arrival. They reached the navigable part of the Palem- bang river in twelve days’ march fi*om Bencoolen ; the party were about four hun- dred strong. This is the first time the Island of Sumatra has ever been crossed by an European, much less by troops. I am now on my way to Padang to see whether I cannot reach Menangkabu before the Dutch arrive, who claim the place under the convention. “ Your Grace shall have the particulars of the tour to Menangkabu, the an- cient capital of the Malay Empire, in a separate letter; and I will conclude this hasty journal with assurances of the respect, esteem, and affection with which I have the honour to remain, &c. “ T. S. Raffles.” The pleasure of this journey was great to Sir Stamford, as it opened to him a field of future usefulness. He saw that it was not only the barren coast which he had to improve, but a country rich in all the bounties of nature, and a people ready and willing to profit by his influence and advice. One old Chief, on taking leave, actually fell on his neck and wept ; and soon after walked the whole way from Tanjungalum, the most distant place \dsited, to see him again at Bencoolen. Such simple un- civilised people are soon won by kindness ; they are like children, easy to lead, hard to drive. It was Sir Stamford’s extreme simplicity of mind and manners that rendered him so peculiarly attractive to them, as they are always ready to be kind and atten- tive, provided they meet with encouragement and sympathy, thus affording a proof that the heart is the best teacher of true politeness. The Editor on reaching Merambung, laid down under the shade of a tree, being much fatigued with walking : the rest of the party dispersed in various directions to make the necessary arrangements, and seek for shelter ; when a Malay girl approached with great grace of manners, and on being asked if she wanted any thing, replied, “ No, but seeing you were quite alone, I thought you might like to have a little bichara (talk) and so I am come to offer you some siri, (betel) and sit beside you.” And no courtier could have discussed trifling general subjects in a better manner, or have better refrained from asking questions which were interesting to herself only ; her object was to entertain a stranger, which she did with the greatest degree of refinement and politeness. The rafts alluded to in descending the Manna river, were formed by a few bamboos fastened together with cords. The Editor had wandered with some of the people out of the direct course through the forest, and hearing a noise of voices approached the spot, where it happened the rafts were making. On enquiry, the task which ought to have been finished was only just commencing. As these rafts were to have been at a spot much lower down the river, in readiness to carry the party back to Manna, the Editor, knowing Sir Stamford’s anxiety to proceed, waited T t RETURN TO MANNA. 322 till one was completed ; but the raft was too slight, the rapids too dangerous at this part of the river, for more than three people to venture : accordingly, a pole was fastened to the centre by which she was to hold, and stand firm. A guide at each extremity then took their station, each provided with a long pole ; and the raft glided down the river, which was overhung with high rocks projecting in various places. One man, on nearing the sharp turns that continually occurred, and against which the rushing of the river propelled the raft, prepared his pole, and just on coming in contact struck it on the rock with such force as to turn off the raft, which darted down the fall until it would have come in contact with the rock on the opposite side, when it was again struck off, and proceeded on to the next rapid. The dashing of the raft through the water, the roaring noise, the complete immersion in the spray, the momentary danger, the degi'ee of exertion which is necessary to preserve hold, the perfect silence of each person, — combined to create a degree of excitement not easy to be described. The raft reached Merambmig in safety ; when, the descent being comparatively easy, two chairs were fastened in the centre, and the passage was a continued scene of pleasure, in admiring the beauty of the surrounding country ; until the men suddenly stopped, and said they would not venture further in the dark, but that there was a village on the banks of the river, where shelter might be found. It was still early, but no inducement could prevail upon the inhabitants to venture out of their houses, for fear of tigers ; and it was only by desiring the Chief of the place to order a party, that messengers were dispatched with lighted flam- beaus, to procure horses from Manna to conclude the journey. Sir Stamford rested at Manna one day, and proceeded down the coast to Cawoor : this part of the journey was very trying ; it was performed on horseback, principally on the sea-beach, and in the middle of the day, on account of tigers ; the glare from the sea, the heat of the sand on the beach, the vertical rays of a tropical sun, without any shade, either natural or artificial, after the fatigue and exposure already experienced, were distressing to all, and proved fatal to one of the party. Dr. Arnold, on arriving at Cawoor, was seized with a fever, where no medi- cine could be procured. After remaining there one day with him. Sir Stamford hastened back to Bencoolen to obtain medical aid ; this journey was again neces- sarily performed on horseback, as the route was impassable for any carriage, and nearly proved fatal to the whole party : in endeavouring to pass a projection of rock called by the natives the jylace of death, the tide rose so rapidly, and the surf was so high, that the horses began to stagger, the people from the top of the rock screamed in despair, and it was with the utmost difficulty the horses were turned, urged back, and a longer route piu'sued through the forest. A cir- cumstance occurred here, which marks the superstitious fears of the natives. The Coolies, in passing through the forest, came upon a tiger, crouched on the path ; they immediately stopped and addressed him in terms of supplication, assuring EXTRACT FROM MR. PRESGRAVE’S JOURNAL. 323 him they were poor people carrying the Tuan Basar, great man’s luggage, who W'oulcl be very angry with them if they did not arrive in time, and therefore they implored permission to pass quietly and without molestation. The tiger, being startled at their appearance, got up and walked quietly into the depths of the forest ; and they came on perfectly satisfied that it was in consequence of their petition that they passed in safety. In October, 1818, Mr. Presgrave, Resident of Manna, performed nearly the same journey, with the intention of visiting the volcano on the summit of Gunung Dempo, one of the highest mountains in that part of the Island, and gave the fol- lowing adchtional particulars of this part of the Island. “ The first part of the journey was perfonued on horseback over beautiful plains : our party consisted of Mr. Osborn (whose object was the dissemination of the benefits of vaccination), myself, and four Bugguese soldiers for the escort of our baggage, canied by twenty-five coolies or porters. Whilst resting at Gunung Ayu, ,our attention was suddenly roused by a great noise in the village, the people running in all directions ; we soon learned the meaning of this tumult. A man from a dis- tant \illage, whose father was shot when the Sepoys under Colonel Clayton were sent, after the murder of Mr. Pan-, to destroy the villages in Pasumah Ulu Manna, having arrived at the nllage, and heard that we were there, drew his sword, and in a transport of rage and fury w-as proceeding to the door crying out for the white men, when he was stopped by the people, disarmed, and conveyed by them away. So bent was he on revenge, that he vowed he would yet accomplish his purpose, for nothing but the blood of an orang puti (white man) would satisfy the manes of his deceased father. The people are particularly affected with goitres, some of which grow to an immense size, and render the person a disgusting object. Among them- selves they do not look upon these monstrous excrescences as deformities, nor do they seem to experience any pain or inconvenience from them ; the inhabitants on the plains are entirely free from the disorder, while as you approach the hills almost every individual is affected with it. The natives attribute it to drinking the water of some particidar stream. The latter part of the journey was principally over plains of a fine black loam of very considerable depth, the horses’ feet sinking in as they passed over it. We approached the great mountain on the fifth day, winding round the east side of it. On our arrival here, we found one of our horses had died suddenly, by its having eaten some noxious herb which grows amongst the grass. The natives ate part of the carcass, pillaged the bones, and even before death robbed it of all its mane and tail. As this was the first time a horse had been in this part of the country, it excited much curiosity. The people did not seem to entertain any favourable idea of our persons and colour. On entering a village to-day, a tall spare figure, more resembhng a spirit broken loose from the infernal regions than a human being, with one of the largest wens in his throat I have ever seen, came up to us; T t 2 324 VISIT TO THE SACRED MOUNTAIN. and after sun'eying us with an attentive eye for some time, at length exclaimed aloud, ‘ These are the white men we have so often heard of ; here they are hke de\ils.’ For this remark he received a rebuke fi'om his countrymen, and slunk away ashamed. “ W e now began to suffer from want ; we had only two bottles of uine left ; we found considerable inconvenience in procuring fowls and other supplies, not from any scarcity of these articles, for they appeared to be in abundance, but on account of our rupees, which to om* daily loss we found were not current here. Spanish dollars were in great request ; the reason for this was that the people of Pasumah Lebar were dependent on Palembangfor salt and their piece articles of clothing. We announced our intention of visiting the summit of Gunung Dempo, or the Sacred Mountain, for in that light it is viewed by the natives themselves, who conceive that the guardian genius of the country has his abode in it, and that the Devas and infe- rior deities have also their residence there. Om* object was if possible to reach the Crater. M’ith this riew we called for Panghmo, who had been our guide from the coast, and whom we found on all occasions a most useful and faithful man. Panghmo was a man of desperate fortunes ; he had been banished by his relations, and his attachment to us he acknowledged arose from the pecuniary aid which he received. Since the Go- vernor’s journey to Pasumah, he said he had realized upwards of a hundred and twenty dollars, which had enabled him to discharge a large portion of his debts. He confessed himself to have been one of the greatest resaus (plunderer) in the whole country ; and, indeed, fi’om the countenance of the man, you would judge him to be capable of executing the most desperate deed : a few dollars would induce him to take away the hfe of his nearest relation. Panghmo was the only man in all Pasumah who would undertake the arduous task of conducting us to the top of the mountain. Twenty dollars were to be the amount of his reward for performing this serrice. Not knowing the road, he succeeded, by the promise of five dollars, in procuring a man who professed to be acquainted uith it to accompany him. This man was an Imam (priest,) whom, fi’om the sanctity of his character, Panghmo considered necessary to ensure success, as he would deprecate the wTath of the deities, and render them pro- pitious to om* undertaking. This was to be accomphshed by prerious sacrifice and fasting, and the day before we set out the Imam performed this part of the ceremony by kilhng a fowl. Oct. 27. — The Imam having announced this as a lucky day (for we were obliged to give way to his prejudices,) we set out uith our fearless guide, our party, including Coolies and attendants, amomiting to eighteen persons. We chd not think it necessary to acquaint the Chiefs with om* design, anticipating that they would, in consequence of their superstitious prejudices make objections, raise difficulties, and perhaps finally hinder us from accomplishing our object. We therefore told them that ■vve were going to the foot of the mountain, but did not acquaint them that we intended ASCENT OF THE SACRED MOUNTAIN. 325 to attempt to ascend to any height. We set forward on our expedition on the morning, passing through several of their villages before we came to the foot of the mountain. At a small elevation from its foot we saw several of the magnificent flowers found by the Governor on his tour to Pasumah Ulu Manna, (Rafflesia Ar- noldi.) Some were fidl blown, others in the bud, and the buds of others were just emerging from darkness. We continued our ascent, marking the spots where the flowers grew, in order that we might take some of them with us as specimens on our return. Night was now drawing on, and finding ourselves fatigued, we began to look out for a convenient spot on which to raise our huts. Hearing the rushing of water below us, we were induced to descend, in hopes of obtaining a good supply of water, which appeared to be scarce in this place. On descending a deep ravine we found ourselves on the banks of the river Salangis. This river runs through the whole of the Pasumah Lebar'country, in an easterly direction, and at last empties itself into that of Palembang. In this place the river is very narrow ; its banks are formed of a black sand, resembling, except in colour, that of the sea-beach. The silence of the stream is here interrupted by an abrupt cataract, over which the water is precipitated with great impetuosity ; this was the cause of the noise we heard for the greater part of the afternoon. We at first pitched our tent opposite to the cataract, but the rushing of the water caused a draft of air which pierced so keenly, that we were obliged to remove it to a greater distance. At times there was such a strong smell of sulphur, that it became almost intolerable. The water was also so impregnated with this mineral as to render it undrinkable, and we were obhged to make use of what we could catch from the side of the rock. On examining our provisions, we found the steward had laid in so scanty a stock as would serve the whole of oim party only another day ; we therefore sent back several of our followers, taking with us only such as were absolutely necessary. The number of our party thus curtailed, consisted of eleven, viz. Mr, Church, Mr. Cudlipp, myself, three servants, three Coolies, and the two guides. “ Oct. 28. — Early in the morning, after partaking of a slight breakfast, not dar- ing to indulge lest our stock should fail us before we had completed our undertaking, we ascended from this singular spot, and made another effort to gain the summit of our ambition. We reached the top of the ravine, and bending our course W.N.W., proceeded through deep forests, in which no human traces were to be discovered. Our only path was one that had been opened to us by the passage of elephants : the traces of these masters of the desert were visible in every direction. We passed through what is called by the natives the region of tigers ; the superstitious inhabi- tants of the surrounding country imagine that there is a stream in these parts, which when passed over by a human being, possesses the virtue of transforming him to that ferocious animal, and on his return, of restoring him to his original shape. From this fabulous story we expected to find the woods infested with tigers ; but to our 326 ASCENT OF THE SACRED MOUNTAIN. astonishment we discovered nothing that could lead us to suppose, that these animals had deserted the plains to take up their abode in the mountain. During the day we remarked the footsteps of the rhinoceros and the ^^ild goat. Our two guides were employed as we proceeded in cutting the small and low branches, and notching the tmnks of trees which grew in our path, in order to serve as marks on our return, to prevent the possibility of our wandering from the right course. Oirr ascent during the day was pretty gi-adual and regular; at intervals however this regularity was in- terrupted by abrupt acclivities of one hundred feet; and haring gained the top of these the ascent became less steep, and in some places almost subsided into a plain. We passed over four of these Tanga Gunung* to-day. Towards evening we found ourselves beyond the deep wood. The tall and majestic trees of the forest seemed suddenly to have vanished fi’om our riew, and those of a smaller and more sickly growth to have taken their place. The road became almost impassable on account of thorns and briars, which were so thickly interwoven as to present an almost insur- mountable obstacle to our progress. The poor and exhausted Coohes wth the gi'eatest difficulty di'agged their bm’dens through these formidable opponents : in- deed we, who were not encmnbered vith any thing extraneous, could scarcely pass ; the naked bodies of our servants gushed ^rith blood in every part, and our own clothes were torn off our backs. We ate nothing diuing the day excepting some of the fruit of the forests, called by the natives buzvaJi salak. Night now came on apace, and we looked for a stream of water to enable us to prepare our evening fare, but none could we discover ; so we were obliged to content ourselves nith a small quantity of muddy water, found in a hollow place made by some animal, which, from the traces in the neighbom’hood, we supposed to be the rhinoceros. “ Haring rested a httle from the fatigues of the day, in vain we looked for the plains we had left yesterday morning ; the face of the earth below was concealed from oiu sight ; clouds and darkness rolled under om* feet. e found ourselves above the summit of the surrounding mountains ; and, for the first time in oiu lives, heard the thunder roll beneath us. The heavens above fromied, as in anger at the presumption of man daring to enter these aerial abodes ; and the roaring of tlie volcano at intervals, impressed us with a kind of sacred awe, as if we had in reahty approached the habitation of celestial beings. These were the only forerun- ners of the deluge which was to follow. The gloomy spot in which we were doomed to pass the night far surpassed the power of description. On the one side, the steep acclirity of the mountain ; on the other, a deep precipice ; not a tree to afford us a covering or protection from the threatening storm, and scarcely a bit of dry Avood to light a fire. In this situation we were enveloped in total darkness. The thunder grew louder, the hghtning more ririd, while the volcano above us continued So called by the natives ; the term signifies ladders of the mountain. ASCENT OF THE SACRED MOUNTAIN. 327 its frightful roarings. At length the storm burst upon us in all its fury ; our light and fire were suddenly extinguished, and we were necessitated to eat in the dark a half-prepared meal. We then sat down to wait the holding up of the rain, but we soon lost all hope of a calm interval. The storm continued with unabated violence until near day-hght. Fatigued by the arduous task of the day, and with little to eat, we would fain have reheved our troubles by sleep ; but to sleep in our condition was certain death. Besides the rain which poured in at every part of om’ hut, the tor- rent which rushed down the mountain threatened to sweep us below. We wrapped ourselves up in blankets, but these were very soon soaked through ; indeed we appeared to be sitting in the bed of a river, rather than on firm ground. The air was bitterly cold ; our shivering people murmured loudly : we had never felt it so cold since we left England. If we attempted to talk or laugh, our guide, the Imam, in a tremulous voice, begged we would be silent, and not provoke the already angry gods. We asked whence proceeded the roarings we heard above us. Panglimo told us they came from the telago, or crater of the volcano, and desired we would ask no questions about this frightful place. Towards morning the rain in some degree abated, when Messrs. Church and Cudlipp very imprudently went to sleep in the wet condition in which they were. Day-light at length made its appearance, and again the men attempted to hght fires, which were most desirable ; for, from the un- comfortable manner in which we passed the night, our followers were half dead with hunger, cold, and wet ; and, indeed, although two of us had been accustomed to the severities of an Em’opean winter, we were all most happy to enjoy the comfort of a fire-side, even in the heart of Sumatra. “ Oct. 29. — Having partaken of a little unsavomy rice, without even salt or chilies to render it palatable, we prepared for another day’s labour. From the diffi- culty we experienced yesterday in bringing the baggage as far as this, we conceived that greater obstacles lay before us. We therefore resolved to leave the Coolies and baggage in the hut, and proceeding unencumbered to the summit of the mountain, retmm if possible to the place where we slept the last night, before the close of the day, which orrr guide told us could be accomphshed. We did not proceed far before we found that we were correct in regard to the difficulties we had anticipated ; for now the ascent was steep, and the briars became thicker and more closely entwined toge- ther, so that it was an absolute impossibihty to penetrate through them. Here we began to look on our object as unattainable : we unsuccessfully sought for some sort of path along which we might pass. The same insurmomitable obstacles beset us on all sides, and no choice appeared to be left but to retrace our steps to the hut : yet when we turned our heads and beheld the lofty summit above us, and volumes of dark smoke rolling on its dusky and naked top, we felt an irresistible desire to sur- mount every difficulty, and face every danger. Our progi'ess being thus impeded, w'e could not help noticing the strange aspect of the scene aroimd us ; the grand 7 328 ASCENT OF THE SACRED MOUNTAIN. majestic trees of the forest, whose venerable tmnks had withstood the shocks and storms of ages, no longer struck our eyes, but in their stead thorns and briars, and trees of a diminutive gi'owth, '\^'hat was most singular, all around us were seen the dead trunks of trees, some of which had attained to a large size and considerable height, standing erect without a single branch. All these tmnks being black, as if burnt by lightning, we conceived it probable that some ^^olent shock of nature, not far back, had reduced the former flourishing wood to its present blasted condition. Perhaps some recent eruption from the volcano might have produced this effect ; or might not noxious exhalations arising from the crater have checked, and nearly destroyed vegetation in this part ? We were sensible of a very strong smell of sulphm*. “ It was now for the first time that we saw the stout-hearted Panglimo shrink from difficulty. The man who seemed calculated to perfonn the labours of Her- cules, and who ever made it his boast that he had encountered danger in eveiy shape, was the first to sound a retreat. ' You see,’ said he, ^ the gods are not propitious to our undertaking : — they have shut up the road against us : — they will bewilder us in this desert place ; — we cannot proceed.’ We all appeared to inchne to this ad\ice, but each felt ashamed of a defeat. Again we endeavoured to penetrate the thick briars ; again Panglimo turned pale : ‘ It is vain to contend against the gods,’ he said, and sat down. I rallied him, and taking the sword, which now served as a pruning-hook, from his hand, endeavom-ed to cut through the brambles ; but their stems were so tough and closely interwoven that it made no impression. This was sufficient for Panglimo, who started up, and mounting with his naked feet upon the thorns, instead of forcing a passage through them, walked on the top ; we all fol- lowed him, and in this way proceeded, by slow degi'ees, for an hour or two. HaHng surmounted this formidable obstacle, we met with another not less discoiuaging. Instead of thorns and briars, we now had to walk over the tmnks of trees, that were thrown down and piled on each other. They appeared to have lain in this state for a long time, for some were decayed, others decajdng, and the whole covered over with a sort of vegetation which sprang from their moiffd. e were two or three hours walking over these weeks of the forests, at the imminent hazard of slipping through the interstices of the trunks, and thus of being buried alive, or else of breaking our bones. During the whole time we did not once set our foot on Arm ground, or see the soil over which we were walking, nor by putting our sticks through could we reach the bottom. The vegetation of ages appeared to be piled up here in a widely-extended and confused mass ; and we seemed to have approached the brink of general destruction and desolation. We found that we were on a ridge of tlie mountain ; on each side of us was a precipice of immense depth. The ridge gi*ew narrower at every step. The day was bright, and looking down, the country immediately subjected to our Hew was beyond ima- ASCENT OF THE SACRED MOUNTAIN. 329 gination beautiful ; extensive plains, scattered over with smoking villages : pools of water reflecting the rays of the sun ; to the north the Musi river, called by these people the sea of Musi. Having stayed a short time to contemplate this scene, we again set forward, and made another effort to gain the top of the mountain. Our path was now comparatively smooth, but steep of ascent ; we no longer found any of our former obstacles. The only vegetation on this part is a sort of shrub, very much resembling the box-tree ; the natives call it Kayu umur panjaiig, or the tree of long life, and say it is only to be met with on the top of this mountain. The shrub is about six feet high, and appears to be checked in its growth. Its branches and leaves were covered with a kind of dust, which being shaken off as we passed along, proved very troublesome and disagreeable, almost choaking us. We thought this rather singular, as the rain which fell the preceding night, if it had reached this part, ought to have entirely washed away the dust, but the earth appeared as dry as the trees. Although we had not, as I have just noticed, our former difficulties to encounter, we were not less affected by feelings of a different nature. Our path had now become less than two fathoms wide, bounded by deep precipices, the bottom of which the eye could not penetrate, and whose naked sides filled us with terror, and narrowing at every step, we were threatened -with being ingulphed in these unfathomable depths. We had now gained the summit of this narrow ridge; and disappointment was the only recompense we found for our troubles and difficulties, for our guide told us we had ascended the wrong ridge, and could not get to the crater, which was the grand object we had in view when we undertook the task ; nor were we even on the highest part of the mountain, for the place where we stood was overtopped by Gunung Berapi ; this was entirely bare, and might be three or four hundred feet above where we stood. Gunung Berapi is another peak of this great mountain. There are in all three, to which the natives give separate names, \dz. Gunung Dempo, Gunung Lumut, and Gummg Berapi. Gunung Lumut we did not see, it being on the other side of Gunung Berapi ; this last, as its name points out, is the one connected with the volcano. We were still doomed to disappoint- ment ; for the brightness of the day became overclouded, and nothing could be seen from this elevated situation but the tops of surrounding mountains, and a white mist at our feet, which, like a sheet, veiled from us the face of the earth. We now consulted whether we should make any farther attempt to attain our object, but all agreed in the impossibility of succeeding ; besides, we had not a grain of rice or other food with us, and only another scanty meal left at the hut, which we must reach before night. “ Oct, 30. — If any thing, we passed a worse night than the one we have already described. We awoke at day-fight, or rather did not sleep all night, on account of the wet and cold. Boat-cloaks and blankets were of no use ; they were wet through in a few minutes, and only made our bodies more chilly. Having partaken of a u u 380 EXTRACT FROM MR. PRESGRAVE’S JOURNAL. half breakfast, we set forward on our return, retracing our footsteps, which were easily found by the marks and cuttings of the trees, which were made on our ascent. The spot where we spent the last two nights is situated rather more than two-thirds up the mountain. Being tired of the woods, we resolved to make a forced march and reach the village of Sawah Batuhan before night. We stopped to take three specimens of the Krabut flower (Rafflesia Arnoldi ), two full-blown, and one bud. As I have noticed before, the spot on which these extraordinary flowers grow is rather elevated. No part of the plant is seen above ground except the flower, which, decked in all the splendour of nature, bursts forth to light from a root which i*uns horizontally on the gi’ound. The natives appeared not to be well acquainted with it, and gave us a confused account of it, from which we collected that there are two species of the krabut, one of which springs up into a shiaib and bears flowers rather different from those which we now saw ; in the other, no part except the flower makes its appearance above ground, without leaves and \vithout stem. — About two o’clock in the afternoon we reached the villages, thankful that we had once more extricated ourselves from such frightful wilds. “ As the above extracts from my jornmal Avill afford a pretty good idea of the sort of people we were among, and the difficulties we had to encounter, I shall not detain you with the details of our journey back to Manna, but attempt a general sketch of the country and inhabitants which we \dsited ; noting only by the way that on our arrival at Tanjung Alam (the end of the world), many inquiries were made after Tuan Adam. Having no acquaintance with Adam, we were surprised at the entreaty and earnestness with which the inquiry was made ; and it was some time before we found that Tuan Adam was no other personage than Madam Besar, or Lady Raffles, the name by which she is known to this people. Madam it appears was metamorphosed by them into Adam, a very pardonable mistake, considering that they look upon Adam as some very extraordinary person, and Lady Raffles as no less so, in ha\ing overcome such difficulties, and being the first Em'opean lady who had visited their country. “ The chief mountains in this neighbourhood, in the western range, are Gunung Dempo, Gunung Lumut, and Gunung Berapi, which form one great mountain, by far the highest in this part, being conspicuous over all the rest, and visible from Fort Marlborough, bearing from Manna, N.N.E. and from Padang Guchei, N. With re- gard to the height of this mountain, it would be but mere conjecture if I were to estimate it at twelve or thirteen thousand feet above the level of the sea; but the eye is easily deceived, and not having been accustomed to judge of heights, I may be far from correct. We may perhaps judge something from the time we were ascending. We commenced about ten o’clock on the 27th of October; about half- past four we stopped for the night ; at seven the next day we set forward again, and travelled till five o’clock; the following morning we recommenced at seven, and EXTRACT FROM MR. PRESGRAVE’S JOURNAL. 331 reached as far as we were able to go about half-past one o’clock, making altogether twenty-four hours. Allowances must be made for the badness of the roads, and the many impediments we met with in the last third part of our journey. Although we were so long in ascending, we were not more than ten hours in descending, having started at six from our hut, which we guessed to be two-thirds of the height of the mountain, we reached the foot at about four o’clock or past. The highest peak (Jambul Baniul) of the ranges which we passed over between the coast and Passu- mah Ulu Manna, did not occupy more than three or four hours, or scarcely so long. The temperature of the atmosphere on the top of this mountain was very low; al- though we discovered neither snow nor ice, yet from what some of the natives told us, we were led to think that both have been seen there. They related a story of three persons who were frozen to death, ^ matt ka krasan,’ stiffened or hardened to death. I cannot state the precise degree of temperature for want of a thermometer, though I should think Fahrenheit’s would have been as low as thirty-five degrees before sun-rise. We were informed by some of the natives, that within their me- mory the volcano, which now appears to be extinct, had been known to emit flames, covering the trees and lands of the adjacent country with white ashes. This emis- sion was accompanied with a loud noise, that filled the whole country with alarm. The singular appearance of the trees near to the top of the mountain, mentioned in another place, gives some colour to this report; hence we may probably account for large trees being deprived of every branch, and the outer part of their trunks, the whole being too solid a substance to be entirely consumed, being burnt black as a cinder. But from the best information we could collect on the subject, it appears highly pro- bable that the thick smoke seen to issue from the side of the mountain, is an aqueous vapour arising from a hot spring, situated in the crater of the volcano. The water of this spring has a constant motion, sometimes greater and sometimes less, alter- nately rising and sinking, and when this agitation is greatest, it is attended with the emission of a dark volume of smoke ; this is immediately preceded by a loud noise resembling thunder, only of shorter duration. I have myself observed the smoke issuing forth at intervals of a few minutes, as if repeated explosions had taken place within the crater. — Dempo is the only mountain in this part that is honoured with the epithet of Gunung, all the rest being called Bukit or hill. We made inquiry respecting the large lake said to be situated somewhere in these parts, but could not learn that one existed. Perhaps the jealousy of the people might take care to conceal the knowledge of it from us. “To the N. W. of Sawah Batuhan lies the country of Passumah Lambah, about a day and a half, or two days’ journey. Lintang or the Ampat Lawang country, divided into Lintang Kanan and Lintang Kidow by the river which flows through it, lies N. W. by W. ; to the north is Kikim ; N. E, Lamatang and Palembang. The former is only one day’s journey thence. The latter we were informed could be u u 2 332 EXTRACT FROM MR. PRESGRAVE’S JOURNAL. reached in eight or ten days, though it requires a much longer period in return. In going to Palembang from this country, you pass through Lamatang, and at iSIuaro Milang take water, and are conveyed in boats or rakits to Palembang. The face of the country is beautifully diversified by hill and dale, and has much the same undu- lating appearance as on the coast. The ra\nnes in general are very deep, and prove a great impediment in mo\nng from place to place. The soil has a fine black loamy appearance, and could with very little labour, produce almost every thing that grows within the tropics, while from the variety of chmates which are to be found here, many foreign productions, I make no doubt, might be brought to perfection. At present rice, tobacco, and the plant called kalawi, are almost the only articles of cultivation. The sawah grounds are \ery extensive. The price of rice just after harvest is fifty bamboos coast measure, or one hundred Kulah-ulu, for the Spanish dollar, and not unfi-equently cheaper than this. I beheve none is grown for exportation. The tobacco is considered inferior to that of Lintang, but the pulas superior. The pulas, or twne, is made the medium of exchange in many of their bartering transactions, and sells in their country at the rate of ten or twelve ticals to the dollar. It is usually exchanged with Palembang or Lamatang people for their salt, for which article of general con- sumption they are entirely dependent on Palembang. The pulas is also disposed of to the people of the coast, with whom it is in great requisition, and is principally used by them in the manufacture of their fishing nets, for which purpose it seems to be well adapted, as it receives little or no injury fi'om the water. Might not this be made an useful and valuable article of commerce ? IMight it not in time rival the hemp ? Indigo is cultivated in small quantities for the purpose of dyeing their cotton. Cassia was also brought to us ; — they demanded an exorbitant price for it. If properly sought after and taken care of, I make no doubt large supphes of it might be ob- tained. The people took care to impress on our minds that there were two articles which their country would not produce, the kapu (cotton) and pepper. For the former article they are indebted to Pasisir ; the latter is of no use to them, and I can easily account for their saying the pepper plant will not grow. They knew this was the only article cultivated at the Pasisir, and they were fearful should their soil and climate be thought adapted to the gro^\1;h of it, that the Company might be led to enforce its cultivation : but why the former article should not thrive here, unless the sea air be necessary for it, I cannot conceive. One would imagine that self-interest would induce them to turn their thoughts to the cultivation of the kapu, as they greatly stand in need of it for the manufacture of their coarser wearing apparel : but as they told me, they had this on the faith of their ancestors (nenek poyang,) I doubt whether they have made the trial in latter days, and as they infoiTned me both the kapu and the pepper plants were invariably destroyed by tigers before they came to perfection, I was led to consider some superstitious prejudice might prevail, especially with regard to the growth of the kapu. EXTRACT FROM MR. PRESGRAVE’S JOURNAL. 333 “ The chief of this latter article is supplied to them by the Padang Guchie and Kadiuang people, though fi-equently the natives themselves remove to the latter place and cultivate it, and as soon as they have gathered the cotton, return with it to their country. As it requires but a few months from the first planting of the kapu to the time of gathering the fruit, this can be done without much inconvenience. The cocoa-nut tree does not thrive well here, though it is more productive than at Pasumah Ulu Manna, where the climate is much colder. Cocoa-nut-oil is not to be procured, instead of which they burn damar, which they procure from the woods west of Pasumah Ulu Manna. The betel trees are numerous and seem to fiourish. Fruit of every description, except plantains, is scarce : we saw scarcely any. The orange-tree is not to be found in the country. “ I have noticed before that these people are dependent on Palembang for their salt and finer clothing ; and since they procm*e their cotton from Pasisir, they are dependent on their western neighbours for their coarser cloths also. The men, when at home, and employed in their Ladangs, usually wear a coarse white cloth, reaching from the waist to the knee, sometimes with a jacket, and a cloth for the head of the same sort, all of their own manufacture. The women are all habited with clothes of their own weaving ; but the young unmarried women, who find it necessary to be a little finer when they appear at Bimbangs, in order to attract the attention of the young men, sometimes wear a silk scarf of Palembang manu- factm’e, though more frequently it is the work of their own hands. They breed the worms in order to supply themselves with silk for this purpose. At this time the people were suffering greatly from the want of salt, a prohi- bition on the importation of this article having been laid by the Dutch Government since its return to Palembang, and heavy duties imposed on all boats and merchan- dize coming into the interior of that place. This has created much inconvenience to the inhabitants, who express a desire to be supplied with salt from Manna. Although they have not the advantage of water-carriage in their communication with the western shore, they would gladly resort thither to supply their wants, if any thing certain could be secm'ed to them. They prefer an intercourse with the English to one with the Dutch, towards whom they express a great aversion. From a rough estimate, made by the assistance of the Chiefs, I calculated that fifty or sixty koyans of salt would be annually consumed by them. They object to going to Bencoolen, on account of the great distance. If regular and well-supphed markets, free from the spirit of monopoly, were established at stated periods throughout the interior of Manna, I make no doubt the whole population of this part of the interior would resort thither for the purpose of supplying themselves with many of the necessaries and even the luxuries of life. Salt, kapu, the finer sort of Malay clothing, piece- goods, &c. would be always in demand. These would be changed for tobacco, pulas, rice, and other articles. 334. EXTRACT FROM MR. PRESGRAVE’S JOURNAL. The people of Pasumah Lebar have traditionary reports of their descent from the Javanese. They relate that in the time of the prosperity of the kingdom of Majapahit, two persons, a brother and sister, vith several followers, whose names and title they told me, but which I have now forgotten, left that kingdom, and landing on the eastern shores of this island, the female settled at Palembang, where, in a short time, she became a powerful princess ; but the brother, travelhng more inland from that place, settled himself in the fertile valley of Pasumah. In this way the country was first possessed and peopled ; and hence the origin of the pre- sent race, which in many respects, I conceive, bears considerable analogy to the people of Java. ‘‘ In their persons the inhabitants of Pasumah Lebar, generally speaking, are not so tall and robust as those of Pasumah Ulu Manna. This may be attributed to the difference of the climate, and moimtainous situation of the latter, as more adapted to form a strong and robust frame of body, than the level plains of the former. Their deportment is sedate and grave. The higher class are respectful and courteous in their manners. Their wtues are, perhaps, of a higher order than we meet with on the coast. Their hospitahty to strangers is unbounded, and a viola- tion of its law, in their estimation, would be httle less than a crime of the greatest magnitude. “ The lines are almost as applicable to them as to the Scottish Highlander : — And stranger is a holy name, Guidance and rest, and food and fire. In vain he never must require. “ They are open and generous, and appear to be not destitute of that delicacy of feehng usually termed honour. Insult would be instantly repelled, and injury revenged, not by the secret dagger concealed under the screen of darkness, but pub- licly and in the face of day. They are chaste and temperate, of a bold and daring disposition, but passionate and hasty, with a strong attachment to their ancient cus- toms ; they look upon all innovation as a departure from truth and justice ; they are extremely independent, and jealous of any infringement of their ancient liberties. They are industrious, and less infected ^vith the vice of gambling than the Com- pany’s subjects. Opium smoking is unknown among them ; they look upon that dmg as poison. On the other hand, they have little regard for truth, and think but lightly of the violation of an oath. They have no regard to honesty or fairness of dealing in their transactions, but make a merit of cheating. They are more warhke than the inhabitants of the coast, and are extremely dexterous in the use of their weapons. They cannot bear to hear the term Coolie applied to them, and abso- lutely refused to assist us in carrying our baggage under that name. “ They are very temperate in their diet, and seldom eat fiesh of any kind. The EXTRACT FROM MR. PRESGRAVE’S JOURNAL. 335 Buffalo, not being a native of their plains, is slain only on occasions of importance. Goat’s flesh, although more plentiful, and fowls, which are abundant, are seldom eaten, except in their offerings to the gods. Swine’s flesh is not eaten ; but, besides this, they have few prejudices with regard to food. They are by no means dehcate this way ; and the entrails of the fowls killed for our dinner were eagerly picked up, and, after midergoing some preparations, greedily devoured. For this purpose they attended the cook daily in his culinary operations, to carry off every thing he threw away. They do not even scruple to eat the carcass of an animal found dead, although they know not how it came by its death : thus the carcass of the unfortunate horse that died in one of the villages, was almost wholly devoured by them, and some declared they had made a hearty meal from it. “ The only inebriating drink made use of by them, is a fermented liquor, pre- pared from rice, and termed hrum : this is drunk only at festivals. They have the same aversion to milk, and every preparation from it, as the Javanese and other Eastern people. A Chief being asked whether he would take milk with his tea, rephed that he was not an infant. “ The villages are in general neat and clean, the houses well built, and not ill adapted for convenience. They are tolerably commodious and airy ; many of them are constructed of plank, particularly those of the Chiefs, and are ornamented with carved work. “ Their language is not so much peculiar to themselves as the manner of pro- nouncing it : except in this, it differs little from that spoken in the interior of Manna. It has no words not to be found in languages of the neighbouring countries ; in other respects it is the same as that spoken by the people on the coast from Sellibar to Kawa, where another dialect, and different usages, are found to commence, bear- ing a near resemblance to those of Lampung. The dialect of Serawi is also called Sambilan Lura, and includes the rivers of Sillabar, Angalum, Salumah, Tallo, Alas, Pino, Manna, Beneannon, and Padang Guchie, throughout which the same language and customs prevail. This last may be considered almost distinct from the Malayan. About one-fifth of it may consist of Malayan words, but the remaining four bear no afflnity to that language. A native Malay previously unacquainted with it, would not understand a conversation earned on between two persons in the Bhasa Serawi ; but from the frequent intercourse between the people of the districts already men- tioned, and the Malays, the language of the latter is mutually understood. But to retm'n to the Pasmnahs, it is difficult even for a Serawi man to understand clearly what they say ; this arises chiefly from the peculiar utterance given by them to their words, their sounds being more guttural. All the words, which, by the natives of the coast, are made to terminate in a simple o, by these people have a sound almost hke eu or euh, as in the last syllable of dieii, but pronounced much longer and more forcibly ; e. g. the Malay word kuda, or, as pronounced by the natives of this Island, 1 336 WRITING— SUPERNATURAL BEINGS. kudo, is by the Pasumahs called kudeuh, and kata or kato, kateuh; maro, or marah, mareuh. These people are not ignorant of wTiting. They use the characters which Mr. Marsden calls Rejang, but which are not pecuhar to those people. The mode of miting is on pieces of split bamboo, on which they cut or scratch the letters with the point of a knife or sewar. They seldom use it but to send a message to a distant person, or to acquaint him with any piece of news ; thus for instance, a de- spairing swain inscribes his love verses (pantuns), and conveys them to his mistress. They have no written memorials of past transactions or events, nothing in the form of history, popular tales, or writings of any other kind, with the exception of a few forms of prayer used in their religious ceremonies. “ In travelling through their villages, the first thing that strikes the eye of a stranger is the temple, a small square building, erected always in the centre of it. This proves, not only that they have a rehgion, but that they possess a consider- able degree of attachment to it. This rehgion is undoubtedly Hindu, with a slight admixture of Mahomedanism, which seems, at some time or other, to have made some progress among them. Circumcision is universally practised, and they mani- fest the same prejudice to swine’s flesh that the professors of the Mahomedan reh- gion do ; but it is chiefly, nay almost entirely, in these particulars, that the cere- monies and institutions of the one bear any resemblance to those of the other. It is rather remarkable that one tribe, called Anak Semundo, more strictly adheres to the tenets of the rehgion of Mahomet. They read the Koran, pray at the stated periods of the day, practise charity, which, according to the Mahomedans, con- sists entirely in giving alms, keep the puaso, or feast of Ramazan, with other observ^- ances of that rehgion. The head of this tribe is called Nabi Panghulu. Both the jujur and ambil anak marriages are very rare among them, the Semundo mode being almost exclusively adopted. But to return, although the greater part of the inhabi- tants of this country, as I have already said, are Pagans, they nevertheless worship neither idols nor external objects, neither have they any order of priesthood. They have no idea of one eternal Supreme Being, who made all things ; although they frequently make use of the expression Allah Tuah, the term by which the Arabians express that idea, and, borrowing from the latter, which the Malays use to express the same idea ; but the more ignorant Pasumah affixes no such meaning to it. Ask him what he means by it, and he replies, it is one of the Dewas. In the my- thology of these people, Dewas are the highest order of beings, whom they regard with superstitious reverence. They are looked upon as benignant spirits, whose influence is beneficial to the human race. These divinities listen to the prayers, and are pleased with the sacrifices offered to them by mortals. They know all that passes on earth ; they have a general superintendence over mankind and all mun- dane affairs ; the destinies of men are in their hands, and all events are at their dis- posal. To these benignant beings man is indebted for the principle of life, and this POPULAR SUPERSTITIONS— INVISIBLE MEN. 337 debt is continually increasing through every instant of his existence, for the preserva- tion and maintenance of that principle within him. There appear to be orders and gi'adations of these beings ; they are not all of the same importance to man. They have their abodes on the earth, and choose different parts of its surface for their habitations ; some resort to the deepest and most gloomy woods and forests ; some to hills and mountains ; some preside over the rushing torrent, while others, dehghted with the gentle mimmurs of the hmpid stream, retire to its shady banks. Particular trees are devoted to these deities : thus the sacred bringin tree or the venerable banyan, spreads forth its shade in a peculiar manner, in order to shelter the sacred habitation of a Dewa ; even the kalapo gading, (a variety of the cocoa-nut tree), in the opinion of these superstitious people, is under the benignant influence of a holy Dewa, who resides in its branches, and produces a more excellent sort of fruit. “ But besides these there is another order of beings, whose influence is far less benignant. They are called Jins, or e\dl spirits, and are considered to be the authors of evil. All the misfortunes and calamities attendant on human life proceed from them. They likewise have their residence on different parts of the earth ; and should a man by accident approach the unhallowed spot, he usually feels the anger of these resentful spirits. “ There is still another class of beings, who, in regard to the quahties and attributes ascribed to them, appear to possess a middle rank between the Dewas and the Jins, approaching much nearer to the nature of the former. They are termed Orang Alus, that is, fine, impalpable, or invisible men. I do not know the precise office or natme of this fairy tribe. They seem to be a mixture of material and immaterial beings, partaking of the nature of men and spirits. I have seen a man who, it was said, was wedded to one of these Orang Alus. I concluded his children partook of the nature of their mother, for although he had a large family, nobody had ever seen one. The name of the man was Dupati Rajo Wani; in appearance he much resembled a wizard. Such are the ridiculous ideas of this people ! But are they more gross than those entertained by the Greeks and Romans with regard to their deities ? “ The manes of their ancestors are held in the highest veneration, and are esteemed not inferior to the gods themselves. They suppose them to take con- cern in the welfare of their posterity, over whom they are always watchful. They have a strong regard and attachment to the spot where their forefathers were interred ; and if Alexander the Great had penetrated into this quarter of the globe, and attempted to molest the natives in their woods and forests, they would have sent him the same reply that the ancient Scythians did. They have a strong per- suasion in the doctrine of the metempsychosis, though, I beheve, it is only par- ticular animals which are allotted to the reception of the souls of the dead : nor need these, in temper and disposition, bear any resemblance to those of the persons X X .338 TRANSMIGRATION— SACRIFICE TO THE MANES. while living, whose souls are transfused into them. The tiger is the animal they look upon as most generally animated by a human soul. This is the reason why they regard that ferocious beast almost as sacred, and treat it with so much unde- served mildness and respect. Even when its jaws are polluted with human gore, a man cannot be prevailed on to kill it in order to prevent it from repeating its bloody feast. If a near relation have fallen its victim, he will perhaps be roused to revenge his death ; yet sometimes, even in this, his superstitious prejudices and fears get the better of his ardent thirst for revenge. “ When a man finds himself plunged in distress, and the dark clouds of adver- sity gathering over his head, he repairs to the temple or kramat, there to propitiate the Dewas, and to invoke the manes of his ancestors to assist him under his sufferings. This is done by sacrificing a buffalo, a goat, or even a fowl, according to the urgency of the occasion, and by prayer and fasting. I have been told that some have remained in a state of fasting for fourteen days, during the whole of which time they have tasted not a morsel of food ; a little quantity of water was allowed. Others have supported it for seven days, but two or three is the general period for this sort of holy penance. At this time they cannot be said to pray ; part of the time being spent in silently lamenting their distress, and uttering a few words, the purport of which they do not understand. But the chief merit of this ceremony consists in calling upon their Dewas by their proper titles, and in due order ; for each has its particular title and rank. They then repeat the names of their nenek puyang, or forefathers, and entreat them to deliver them from their existing difficul- ties. In the language of the country this mode of invoking the deities is termed hertarak, but it is chiefly in cases of the most pressing calamity that they have re- course to it : for instance, in the time of war, they frequently go through this austere ceremony in order to ensure success. As I have somewhere remarked, Gunung Dempu is looked upon as the sacred abode of the Dewas, and the souls of their ancestors occupy the regions of the mountains.” CHAPTER XII. Sir Stamford Raffles at Bencoolen — Proceeds toPadang — Appeal of the native Chiefs against the Dutch — Is anxious to go to Menangkabu — Considered impracticable — Dangers represented — Determines to make the attempt — Difflcultyof the road — Beauty of the country — Course up the river — Thermometer — Height of the mountain— Description of the Tiga Blus country and people — Cattle — Horses — Clothing of the people — Houses — Vierv of the Lake of Sincara — Description of it — Town of Simawang — Country compared to that of Java — Arrival at Suruasa — Discovery of an inscription in the Kawi cha- racter— Description of Menangkabu — Hindu image similar to those of Java — Height of the city — Return to the Lake — Description of crossing it — Minerals — Vegetables — Agriculture — Return to Ben- coolen— Death of Dr. Arnold. A MONTH was passed at Bencoolen in attending to the duties of the settlement. The only event which occurred was a successful attempt to cross the Island from Bencoolen to Palembang. The following details are contained in the extract of a letter to jNIr. Marsden : “/w/y, 1818. “ My Dear Sir, “ I thought it would not be long before we found our way across the Island. Finding it necessary to send a mission with a detachment of Sepoys to Pa- lembang, I marched them across the hills, and have the pleasure to infonn you, that the party reached Muara Bilhti on the Palembang river, where boats were in readi- ness to take them to Palembang in nine days from their leaving Bencoolen, without difficulty or casualty ; not a sick man or a single want the whole way. They expected to reach Palembang in two days more, making eleven from their departure. As a satisfactory document, I enclose you Mr. Bogle’s report, just received by a messenger, who is only five days fi*om Muara Bilhti : you shah hereafter have a copy of the journal, &c. Captain Sahnond, after detaihng his route to Palembang, adds : ‘ We thus reached Palembang in twelve days from leaxing Bencoolen, being the first Europeans who had crossed the Island in any direction. We found the difficulties much fewer than we expected ; and though we occasionally experienced fatigue, we were abun- X X 2 VISIT TO PADANG. ,‘}40 dantly compensated by the variety and novelty of the scenery we passed through. The banier range of hills appear to be more easily passed in this part than in most other places ; and the rich and fertile districts of Musi are, in consequence, much more accessible from Bencoolen, than has generally been supposed. The inhabit- ants are partly Rejangs, and consider themselves more dependant upon Bencoolen than Palembang, From Muara Bilhti, where we embarked, the Palembang river is deep and navigable for native craft of considerable bm*then, and nothing seems want- ing but good government and fi'eedom of intercourse, to raise the importance and prosperity of this part of Sumatra.’ “ I should not omit to inform you, that all the old pepper-contracts, &c. are cancelled, and that in theu* new treaties \vith the Chiefs, it is clearly stated that the Company shall govern the comitry ; the fines and fees of the court go to govern- ment ; the sugar lowered to one-fourth of its amount ; and every article of pro- rision full thirty per cent cheaper than when we landed : rice twelve bamboos the dollar. “ I have, with Lady Raffles and Dr. Arnold, visited the Pasumah countr)", which is equal to any thing in Java. We had the pleasure of spending three nights in the forests, and of sometimes walking thirty miles in the day ; but we are now so accustomed to exploring, that we are not sensible of the fatigue. “ I am building a bungalow on tbe first range of hills at the back of Bencoolen, on Guniing Kabut, the Hill of Mists, where we have a cool climate. “ The trade in pepper has been thrown open, and my next excursion is north- ward. “ I shall mite you more fully by ‘ The Lady Raffles.’ In the meantime, accept our united mshes for yom' health and happiness, and with kindest regards to Mrs. Marsden, believe me, “ T. S. Raffles.” In the beginning of the month of July (1818), Sir Stamford embarked fi-om Bencoolen to risit Padang, and if possible to obtain some information regarding the situation and circumstances of the ancient Malay city of Menankabu, which, from his love of Eastern hterature, was an object of great interest to him. On his arrival at Padang, the Chiefs approached with consternation, apprehen- sive that he was the herald to proclaim the coming of the Dutch ; and when he told them that it was his duty to transfer the settlement to the Dutch, they made the strongest remonstrance. They stated that twenty-five seasons (years) had elapsed since the Dutch had quitted the place ; that when the English first came many of the inhabitants were childi’en, some indeed were yet unborn ; they had during the whole period looked upon the English alone as their protectors ; that their engage- ments had long been exclusively with them ; and that, were they now transfeiTed to APPEAL OF THE NATIVE CHIEFS AGAINST THE DUTCH. the Dutch, they would be punished and degraded for every act of duty and good faith towards the English. The Chiefs, in the course of their representations, respectfully stated that Padang did not belong to the Dutch ; that the Dutch were not sovereigns, but trus- tees only upon a friendly agreement, paying tribute to the Sultan of Menangkabu. To ascertain the nature of their footing a reference was made to the public records, and the oldest inhabitants ; from these it appeared that the treaties of the Dutch were entirely of a commercial nature ; that the sovereignty was legally vested in the Chiefs of the Tigablas country, of which Padang formed a part ; and that the Tigablas country itself was under the superior control and general authority of the Sultan of Menangkabu, forming one of the independent states still belonging to that empire. The capital of Menangkabu, the jurisdiction of which in ancient times extended over the whole of Sumatra, was understood to be situated about eighty miles inland of Padang, beyond the western range of high mountains, and nearly in the centre of the Island. No European had ever visited the country, and but little was known of its constitution. From his observations, and the information he collected at Padang, Sir Stam- ford was led to anticipate that in this inland government, whence all the Malayan states acknowledge to have derived their power, much civilization was to be disco- vered. The origin of the Malayan nation was of itself a question of interesting inquiry. The present state and condition of the seat of empire promised to throw light on the subject ; and as it was uncertain how long Padang, the key to Menang- kabu, might remain in the possession of the English, he was determined to attempt the enterprize. Menangkabu had been famed since the earhest periods of history for the riches of its gold mines, its iron ores, and its mineral productions in general. It was from Menangkabu, and principally down the Siak, Sudragiri, and Sunda rivers that the gold which traders found at Malacca in remote periods was carried. It was to the gold of Menangkabu that Malacca owed its designation of the golden Chersonesus, and navigators even distinguish in their charts to this day two mountains in its \dcinity, called Mount Ophir, one in Sumatra to the west, the other on the peninsula of Malacca, but nearly in the same degree of latitude with the capital of Menangkabu, that is to say, under the equinoctial line. Sir Stamford wrote an account of this journey to his friends in England. To Wm. Marsden, Esq. Pageruyung, at the foot of Berapi, July 2ith, 1818, long. E., lat. 10° »S'. “ My Dear Sir, “ I have the satisfaction to send you a few lines from this noted spot, to prove to you that I have not been idle since my arrival. Dr. Horsfield, who is with 342 LETTER TO THE DUCHESS OF SOMERSET. me, will carry home an account of our discoveries ; and in the mean time it may be sufficient to inform you that at Sumasa I yesterday discovered t\vo inscriptions in the Kawi character, and at Pagemjomg, ten minutes ago, I met with a regular Hindu idol w’ell sculptured in stone. Lady Raffies is by my side, and desires her kindest remembrances.” Extract from a Letter written at sea to the Duchess of Somerset. “ Sept. 10, 1818. “ On my arrival at Padang, I found, that notwithstanding the previous in- structions I had given, no arrangements whatever had been made for facihtating the proposed jornaiey into the interior. Here, as in a former instance at Manna, wiien I proposed proceeding to Pasumah, the chief authority had taken upon himself, on the advice of the good folks of the place, to consider such an excursion as altogether impracticable, and to conclude that on my arrival I should myself be of the same opinion. I had, therefore, to summon the most intelligent European and native inhabitants, and to inforai them of my determination. At first all was difficulty and impossibility. Besides physical obstructions, the whole of the interior w'as re- presented to be under the sway of Tuanku Pasaman, a rehgious reformer, who would undoubtedly cut me off without mercy or consideration : but wffien they found me positive, these difficulties and impossibihties gi'adually v’anished ; distances were estimated, and a route projected; letters were immediately sent off to the principal Chiefs of the interior, informing them of my approach, and in three days every thing was ready for the jornmey. “ Om* first object was to send the baggage and provisions a-head. This party, which consisted of about two hundi'ed CooHes, or porters, each man carrying his separate load; fifty military as an escort, and all our personal servants, left Padang on the afternoon of the 14th of July, by beat of drum, forming a most ridiculous cavalcade, the interest of which was much heightened by the quixotic appearance of my friend Dr. Horsfield, who was borne along on the shoulders of four of the party, in order that in preceding us he might gain time for botanizing. ‘‘ Thursday, the 16th, at daylight, was fixed for om* departure, hut the rain dm'ing the whole of the night had been violent and incessant, and continued to fall so heavily that no one could move out of the house till after ten o’clock ; the clouds then broke, and the native Chiefs who were to accompany us appeared ; one and all declared the impossibility of our proceeding on that day ; such had been the quantity and the violence of the rain, that the river of Padang had overflowed its banks ; the bazar or native towm was three feet under water ; all communication with the countiy was cut off ; the long-boat of the Sunburry and another native boat had been lost in attempting to get out of the river ; but as the weather cleared up by noon, and every thing was arranged for departing, we were not inclined to be disappointed. At half- JOURNEY INTO THE INTERIOR OF SUMATRA. 31.*} past twelve, therefore, we left the Residency, under a salute from the fort, accompa- nied by the Tuanku, or native Chief of the place, two Princes of Menangkabu, the principal native merchants, and about 300 followers. ‘''For the first part of the road we proceeded on horseback, but were soon obhged to dismount. We had scarcely passed the bazar of Padang, when we had to swim our horses across a rapid stream, and in the course of three hours we had suc- cessively to cross at least twenty streams of the kind : over some we were carried in small canoes, over others we were borne on men’s backs, and through some we boldly waded, for it was impossible to think of remaining free from wet. At length, we struck across the country to the northward, over a fine plain of rice fields, which, fortunately for us, were not in a state of cultivation. We had hardly got over our difficulties in crossing the numerous rivulets, when a heavy shower drenched us completely, and as there was every prospect of a wet night, we thought it best to look out for shelter, and accordingly, at half-past four, put up in the village of Campong Bam, where we remained housed for the night. We at first expected to have reached Lemau Manis, a small village at the foot of the mountains ; but the rain coming on, we were content to satisfy ourselves with having got thus far, and accomplished the great object of breaking ground. Although we had been four hours on the road, we did not estimate our distance from Padang, in a direct line, at more than six miles. The country through which we had passed was populous, and generally well culti- vated ; many herds of cattle and buffaloes straying near the road ; an appearance of plenty and content throughout ; the villages appearing to occupy a very considerable extent, and to include orchards and plantations of various kinds. I notice these ap- pearances, because they are not found to exist within the same distance of Bencoolen. “ Just before reaching this village, I received an express from Dr. Horsfield, which, on account of its encouraging tenor, I shall transcribe. “ My Dear Sir, “ Your servants, Covrington and Siamee, have just arrived at Gedong Beo, with a report that one of the Coohes was earned away by the stream, in attempting to cross the river ; we have had continued rain for twenty-four hours, by which the rivers are all greatly swelled. Covrington thinks it impossible that Lady Raffles can pursue the route. As for myself, I came in just before the rain. I must inform you that there are many difficult passages ; I should not, however, despair of your progress, as far as relates to yourself, but as for Lady Raffles, I almost doubt whether, in favourable weather, she could come on, as in many places a lady cannot he carried; if it rains, doubtless, communication is stopped. The road passes through the bed of a stream, which rapidly swells after rains ; and if the rains con- tinue, the natives are positively of opinion, that the progress forwards or backwards is impeded. I do not wish to discourage you in the attempt, but it is my duty to LETTER TO THE DUCHESS OF SOMERSET. 3U infonn you of what your servants have communicated to me, mth a request to make it knoNNTi to you as early as possible. “ Your’s, &c. (Signed) “ J. Horsfield.” " P.S. — The further route towards Tiga bias is reckoned worse than that hither by far, and large packages, as a table, &c., cannot be transported. “ Wednesday night.” “ This letter was poor comfort, considering that it continued to rain during the whole of the night. Fridatj \1th. — As the sun rose the clouds dispersed, and, fully determined to overcome every obstacle, we started from Campong Baru at seven ; at half-past eight we reached Leman Mauls ; about two miles from thence entered the forests, and at half-past eleven overtook Dr. Horsfield and the advanced party, at the Ge- dong Beo, or toll-post of Ayer Malentang, where we halted for the night. The first miracle m'ought was to bring the dead to life, in the re-appearance of the Coolie, who was reported to have been lost ; this poor fellow had truly enough been carried away by the flood, but haHng had the good sense to lay hold of the branch of a tree which overhung the river, he afterwards regained the rocks. “ Our route fi*om Campong Baru to Lemau IManis, and for about a mile beyond it, lay over a rich plain of sawas, or rice-fields, alternately rising above each other, till we brought the top of Padang hill on a fine with the horizon ; the soil extremely rich, and the country intersected by numerous streams; every indicatiorr of an extensive and industrious population ; sheds, or warongs, as they are tenrred in Java, erected for the accommodation of travellers, at convenierrt distances; and here and there the vestige of a road, once passable for wheel-caniages. The ricinity of Lemau Manis affords several beautiful and cornrnarrding situations for the residence of Europeans ; and should Padarrg rernairr perrrranently under the English flag, they would doubtless be immediately resorted to. The village itself is elevated above the sea about four hundred feet; this is called the Pau country, in which an interesting ceremony is understood to attend the annual inurrdation of the rice-fields, by opening the embankments of the principal river. Lerrrau Manis is a long straggling village, or rather plantation, on the romantic hanks of a rapid river, which discharges itself into the sea at Ujurrg Kararrg, arrd up the stream of which om* further course lay. Here, as well as in several rillages we had passed, Ave obsei^'ed a considerable quantity of coffee gr'owing under the shade of the large fniit-trees, and contiguous to the houses. Our arrival was welcomed by the beating of the gr-eat drum, or tabu, which has a place in ever)' large Hllage. 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IvJiS* >-4assing scene, be assured I hsten with no common interest to all that is said of and about him. “ I have told you that Lady Raffles has presented me vith a son and a daughter : from the circmnstance of the latter haring been born on the voyage, the Javans, wfflo are a poetic people, wished her to be named Tuujung Segara, meaning lotos of the sea ; and a more appropriate name for purity or innocence could not have been conceived. I gi-atified then* wsh, but at the same time my own, by prefixing a more Christian and a more consecrated name, “ Charlotte.” My son has been christened Leopold ; and thus will Leopold and Charlotte be commemorated in my domestic circle as names ever dear and ever respected ; and that of my daughter, while asso- ciated with the emblem of piuity, handed down in remembrance of one whose virtues will never be forgotten. SIR STAMFORD’S OCCUPATIONS AND VIEWS. 381 “ I must not close this letter without giving you some account of my occupa- tions and \iews, as far as they are of a personal nature : I am vain enough to hope that these will interest you more than all I could write of a pubhc or political nature. “ Notwithstanding the serious demands on my time, arising out of my public station, and the discussions I have naturally had with the Dutch authorities, I have been able to advance very considerably in my collections in natural history. Suma- tra does not afford any of those interesting remains of former civihzation, and of the arts, which abound in Java : here man is far behind-hand, perhaps a thousand years, even behind his neighbour the Javan ; but we have more originality, and the great volume of nature has hardly been opened. I was extremely unfortunate in the death of Dr. Arnold, who accompanied me as a naturalist from England : he fell a sacrifice to his zealous and indefatigable exertions in the first journey which he made into the inte- rior ; but not until he had immortalized his name by the discovery of one of the greatest prodigies in nature which has been yet met with, a flower of great beauty, but more remarkable for its dimensions ; it measures a full yard across, weighs fifteen pounds, and contains in the nectary no less than eight pints, each petal being eleven inches in breadth, and there being five of them. I sent a short description of this plant, with a dl•a^\^ng, and part of the flower itself, to Sir Joseph Banks, from whom, or some of the members of the Royal Society, you may probably have heard more particulars. I have now with me, as a botanist. Dr. Jack, a gentleman highly qualified ; and we are daily making very important additions to our herbarium. We have recently dis- covered at this place some very beautiful species of the Nepenthes, or pitcher plant, which, in elegance and brilliancy, far surpass any thing I have yet seen in this quar- ter : the plant is very remarkable, and though the genus has been generally described, but little is knowm of the different species. We are now engaged in making drawings of them, and with a few other of the most remarkable and splendid productions of the vegetable world which w^e have met with, propose forming them into a volume, to be engraved in Europe. This w'ill be an earnest of w^hat we propose to do hereafter ; and you will oblige me much by informing me whether His Royal Highness would have any objection to their being dedicated to him : there will not be above six or eight engravings, but they will be on a large scale. “ Besides our botanical pursuits, I have in my family two French naturalists? one of them step-son to the celebrated Cuvier ; their attention is principally directed to zoology, but we include in our researches every thing that is interesting in the mineral kingdom. Our collection of birds is already very extensive, and in the course of tw'o or three years w^e hope to complete our more important researches in Sumatra. We shall endeavoirr to include the Malay Peninsula, Borneo, and wherever the Dutch, who are the Vandals of the East, da not estabhsh themselves to our ex- 382 SIR STAMFORD’S OCCUPATIONS AND VIEWS. elusion. I hope the plants, &c. by Dr. Horsfield reached Claremont in safety and tolerable preservation. On the west coast of Sumatra we abound in great varieties of corallines and madrapores, but few of these are known in England, and collections are rare ; I am preparing a few for Claremont, and shall be happy to hear from you if they are likely to be acceptable, or what would be more so. I beg of you to present my respects to Prince Leopold, \vith every assurance of deep regard, affection and esteem, which it may be res^ectfid for me to offer. “To the Duke of Kent I will thank you also to present my respects, and my congratulations on his marriage. * * * » “ Allow me to add my kindest remembrances to Sir Robert Gardiner, the Baron, and Dr. Stockman, and to assure you, my dear friend, that I am with sin- cerity and truth, “ Your obhged and very faithfully attached friend, “ T. S. R To Dr. Wallicli. “ Singapore, June\7, 1819. “ Our friend Dr. Jack will keep you so regularly informed of our proceedings, that I shall not attempt to give you any account of our collections and dis- coveries. You \rill be happy to hear that we are at last on the wing for Bencoolen, wiiere we shall commence operations on a more determined plan. We have, how- ever, no right to complain, and Singapore would have recompensed all our pains, had "we found in it nothing but the new species of nepenthes, which are splendid beyond description, and for novelty, size, and effect, certainly rank amongst the beauties of the East.” To her Grace the Duchess of Somerset. “ Singapore, June llih, 1819. “ We are, at last, on our return home, and hope to leave this for Bencoolen in about a week. Poor Lady Raffles ! do you not pity her, to have been so long separated from her little girl, at such an interesting age, and to have been again confined among strangers, and with no one about her in wiiom she could confide ? * The beautiful plant alluded to in the foregoing letter has been named Nepenthes Raffiesiana, and has since been engraved by Mr. Lambert, whose liberality in patronising any new discovery in his favourite science is well known. INCREASE OF POPULATION AT SINGAPORE. 383 “ To add to our misfortunes, I was myself compelled to leave her only four days before the event. On my return, however, to Penang, I found her quite well, and one of the most beautiful boys that eyes ever beheld. Both have done well ever since, and all are in doubt which is the most beautiful, Leopold or his sister Char- lotte : he is three months old this day. Our troubles are not yet quite over, as we have a sea voyage of at least a month before us. “ My new colony thrives most rapidly. We have not been established four months, and it has received an accession of population exceeding five thousand, principally Chinese, and their number is daily increasing. “ It is not necessary for me to say how much interested I am in the success of the place ; it is a child of my own, and I have made it what it is. You may easily conceive with what zeal I apply myself to the clearing of forests, cutting of roads, building of towns, framing of laws, &c. &c. “ T. S. Raffles.” To “ Singapore, June \5th, 1819. “ I am happy to inform you that every thing is going on well here. It bids fair to be the next port to Calcutta ; all we want now is, the certainty of permanent possession, and this, of course, depends on authorities beyond our control. You may take my word for it, this is by far the most important station in the East ; and, as far as naval superiority and commercial interests are concerned, of much higher value than whole continents of territory. Sophia and young Leopold are in high health and spirits ; our darling girl is running about and talking, but it is now eight months since we saw her. What an age !” To W. Marsden, Esq. “ My Dear Sir, * “ Singapore, June 11, 1819. * “ I am now about to return to Bencoolen by the way of the Straits of Sunda, after an absence of nine months, three of which were spent at Acheen. At some future period I hope to give you an account of the information collected at the last- mentioned place. Our political negociations were eventually successful, and al- though I had much anxiety and annoyance, I have no reason to regi'et my employ- ment on the mission. Our government were nearly committed on the worst side of a very troublesome question; and it required no common degree of assiduity and perseverance to persuade authorities, who had previously declared opinions, that they were wrong. My colleague. Captain Coombs, however, at last saw the question 384. TEAK FORESTS IN ACHEEN. in the same light in -which it always appeared to me, and we had the satisfaction to conclude a treaty with the legitimate sovereign, by which all our objects were ob- tained, \nthout the necessity of inrohing om'selves in any way. I have sent a copy of our report to Mr, , and you will obhge me by perusing it when at leisure; it is not very long, considering the voluminous nature of om- detached proceedings, which occupy upwards of 1000 pages. * * * “ The most important discoveries we made were in the existence of extensive teak forests near the northern coasts, and the general prevalence of mutilated Hindu images in the interior; of the former I obtained specimen branches of the trees, and undoubted eridence; and of the latter the accounts given were of a nature which left httle doubt in my mind \rith regard to the fact : I have set further inquiries on foot, and in the com'se of time I hope to obtain much interesting in- formation on this subject. I have obtained several copies of their annals, and much information regarding their constitution and customs, but I have not time at this moment to enter on the subject. Their line of Mahomedan kings appears to have commenced in 601 of the Hegira, and from that period until the reign of Seconder Muda, or Macota Alem as he is more generally called, Acheen is said to have been tributary to Rmn; it then obtained Maa^ or exemption from tribute. The crown and regalia appear to have been brought from Rum shortly after the estabhshment of Islamism, and I think it probable that Acheen was the first and most important footing obtained by the Mahomedans to the eastward, and whence their rehgion was subsequently disseminated among the Islands. “ There is a fine harbour on the northern side of Pulo Way, the best in the Achenese dominions, and until this period unknown to Europeans. It wll be long, I fear, before Acheen will be restored to a state of complete tranquillity and confidence. ^ ^ ^ * * To Sir Robert Harry higUs. “ Singapore, June \2tfi, 1819. “ My Dear Sir, “ It is now nearly nine months since I left Bencoolen for Bengal, and during the whole of this period, as well as preriously, my mind and time have been so continually devoted to the pressing and embarrassing duties of the responsible situations in which I have been placed, that the more satisfactory and comfortable duties of private friendship have necessarily been too often neglected. Among these I accuse myself of not haring written to you, and I tiaist in your kindness to admit this general excuse as a sufficient apology. “ From the warm and kind interest you take in all that concerns us, I am sure LETTER TO SIR ROBERT HARRY INGLIS. S85 you Avill hear with })leasure that both Lady Raffles and myself have in general con- tinued to enjoy the blessing of health, and that we are the happy parents of two most lovely children : our little girl was born at sea on the passage out ; the boy at Penang about three months ago ; on both occasions the circumstances in which Lady Raffles was placed were very distressing. It is easy to conceive the anxiety and privations attending such an event on board ship ; and at Penang, independently of our not being in the least prepared either with a nurse or otherwise, I was myself compelled to leave her only four days before the event took place. All, however, has gone on well, and we are truly thankful to the Great Author and Disposer of all events, for the mercies and blessings we enjoy. “ I know not how I can better fulfil my promise to you, than by giving you a general, but, as it must necessarily be, a hasty account of my proceedings, plans, and prospects, since I left England. I will endeavour to do this in as few words as possible, but it must be without order or arrangement. I will begin with Bencoolen, and the immediate interests of that settlement. “ Before I left England I was prepared for the necessity of very essential changes in the mode of management. The encouragement given to slavery, gaming, and other vices, and the system of forced services, and dehveries at inadequate rates, appeared to me incompatible with the general principles of good government, and inconsistent wdth the character which the British nation has latterly assumed. “ I accordingly endeavoured to procure an authority for reforming these evils ; and although I did not succeed to the extent I wished, I believe an impression was made on some of the more enlightened of the Directors, and on the President of the Board of Control, (Mr. Canning,) that some change was necessary and indispensable ; under these circumstances I assumed charge of the settlement, and a more reduced and wretched place than I foimd cannot well be conceived ; recent neglect and an awful visitation of Providence, had contributed to render the scene even more miserable than it might otherwise have been ; but under any circumstances, Ben- coolen would have struck me as more insignificant and unimportant than any one of the twenty-two Residencies lately under my authority as Lieutenant-Governor of Java. “ The natural disadvantages of the place are so great, and the effects of mis- rule so deeply and extensively felt, that whilst I had every inclination to commence a new order of things, I was not very sanguine in the result ; the country had already been too far impoverished and destroyed, the people too long deprived of all motive for energy and improvement, and the coast too long abandoned by the native trader, and too inhospitable to invite his return. In this state, *1 had to determine whether I would undertake the thankless office of reformer, without the means of shewing any immediate advantage, or continue in the course of my predecessors, and eat the bread of idleness. My decision was in favour of the former, and among the first acts 3 D 386 LETTER TO SIR ROBERT HARRY INGLIS. which I had the satisfaction to perform, were the emancipation of 300 slaves belong- ing to the Company, and the abolition of the gaming and cock-fighting farms, whence the principal local revenues had pre\’iously been derived. “ These and other changes declaratory of the new system of government which was about to take place, only paved the way to more essential changes ; and before I proceeded to Bengal, the system of forced sendees and deliveries was abolished, new agreements entered into with the Chiefs, the courts of justice regulated on some fixed principle, and an active police estabhshed. All has been quiet since, and on my return to Bencoolen, the experience of the last twelve months will afford some data on the eventual effects. “ Before, however, I proceeded to this length, I endeavoured to make myself well acquainted with the people and the country, and with this riew visited the interior of the Island, not only immediately inland of Bencoolen, but to the southward, inland of Manna, and to the northward inland of Padang. “ My journey inland of Bencoolen, though not more than between twenty and thirty miles, seems to have exceeded any thing attempted by any former Resident ; the other journies were of course declared absolutely impracticable. It would swell this letter to an unreasonable length were I to attempt any detailed account of them ; they were highly interesting, and though attended with fatigue and exposure, fully repaid us for the trouble and anxiety. To the southw^ard of Bencoolen, and inland of Manna, is situated the country of the Pasumahs, at a distance of three days’ jour- ney entirely through primitive forests, abomiding in elephants and tigers. No roads are cut, and continued wars haring taken place between the Pasumahs and people of Manna, the few passes through the mountains were unknown, or with difficulty traced. These mountains are Rom three to five thousand feet high, and in some places much higher, and run in a connected range of two or three ridges almost the whole length of Sumatra, at an average distance of about twenty miles from the coast. It is inland of these mountains that the more fertile districts are to be found, those on the coast and to the westward of the mountains being for the most part sterile, and very thinly inhabited. The Pasumah country is on the eastern side of the mountains, and independently of the advantage of settling in person the long-existing disputes between those people and what are called the Company’s districts on the coast, I had an additional inducement to visit the interior, in the hope of discovering something in Sumatra more valuable and attractive than I had yet seen ; and I was not disappointed, for I found in Pasumah a fine race of people, in physical appear- ance far superior to those on the coast, \vith ingenuous manners, and comparatively industrious habits ; a soil richer even than the most fertile lands in Java, well culti- vated, and a climate in every way congenial, the thermometer being as low as 65°, till after eight o’clock in the morning, while on the coast at the same hour it usually exceeds 80°. LETTER TO SIR ROBERT HARRY INGLIS. 387 “ Lady Raffles accompanied me on this as well as on my subsequent journey to Menangkabu, and you may form some idea of the fatigue we underwent when I tell you, that for the three days we had to pass in the forest and mountains, the paths were so narrow and precipitous, that it was absolutely impossible to relieve her from the fatigue of walking, except by occasionally carrying her for half-an-hour on a man’s shoulders. We walked from before day-light, sometimes till nine at night, and then we had to prepare our leafy dwelling from the branches of the surrounding trees. We carried a cot and bedding with us, but sometimes this did not come up ; and I had to select the smoothest stone from the river to serve as a pillow. “ Every thing ha\ing succeeded at Pasumah to my wishes, a treaty of friendship and alliance was entered into, and we returned to Manna by a different route, though with equal fatigue and danger. Manna is situated about eighty miles from Ben- coolen ; to this place we had proceeded in a buggy along the sands in a journey of two days. We then continued our route southward as far as Cawoor, keeping the sea-shore, and proceeding on horseback ; the distance about forty miles. “ On our retiwn to Bencoolen, which was accomplished by the 4th of June, new cares commenced. A Commissioner, uith a party of troops, had arrived in a Dutch frigate, for the pm-pose of taking charge of Pedang, by far the most important, and indeed the only valuable station on the west coast of Sumatra. “ I had pre\dously mitten to the Governor General of Batavia, that there was an out-standing account between the two governments to the amount of 170,000 dollars, incmTed by the British Government on the faith of its being repaid by the Dutch, whenever the place might be transferred, and according to the terms of the capitulation of the place, I had requested His Excellency would depute some person to examine the accounts, and give me some acknowledgment before the actual transfer. I ac- cordingly called on the Commissioner for adjustment, but to my surprise, he informed me, that he had explicit orders not to enter upon any discussion of the kind ; that it was his duty first to hoist the Dutch flag ; and that afterwards the subject might be considered. As we had woeful experience of such a procedure in Java, where after we had once allowed them to hoist their flag, they treated all our claims with indif- ference and disregard, I was satisfied that unless we had some acknowledgment of this debt before the actual transfer, and while the Enghsh flag remained, the amount would be irrecoverably lost, and the subsequent claims laughed at ; I there- fore persisted in my demand, and the resrdt was the return of the Commissioner to Batavia, for further orders. The Dutch government refused to waive the point. I remained resolute ; and the discussion ended in a reference to Bengal. In the mean time I was anxious to make myself acquainted with Padang, but more so to attempt a visit to Menangkabu, the ancient capital of the Malayan empire, of which Euro- peans in these seas had heard so much, but which no European had yet seen. The difficulties which were opposed far exceeded those we had met with at Pasumah, but 3 D 2 388 LETTER TO SIR ROBERT HARRY INGLIS. determined to overcome them, we accomplished our object, and during a journey of fifteen days, principally on foot, we passed over a distance of, at least, 250 miles, which no European foot had before trodden, crossing mountains not less than 5000 feet in elevation ; sometimes whole days along the course of rapid torrents, on others, in highly-cultivated plains, and throughout the whole, in a country in the highest degree interesting. We here found the wreck of a great empire hardly known to us but by name, and the evident source whence all the Malayan colonies now scattered along the coasts of the Archipelago first sprung, a population of between one and two millions, a cultivation highly advanced, and manners, customs, and productions in a great degi'ee new and undescribed. I can hardly describe to you the delight with which I first entered the rich and populous countiy of Menangkabu, and discovered after four days’ journey through the mountains and forests, this great source of interest and wealth. To me it was quite classical ground, and had I found nothing more than the ruins of an ancient city, I should have felt repaid for the journey, but when, in addition to this, I found so extensive a population, so fertile a country, and so admirable a post whence to commence and effect the cmlization of Sumatra, the sensation was of a nature that does not admit of description. Instead of jealousy and distrust on the part of the natives, they received us with the utmost hospitahty, and though their manners w^ere rude, and sometimes annoying, it was impossible to misunderstand their intentions, which were most friendly. They had but one request, namely, that I w'ould not allow the Dutch to come to Padang — ^ for the tw^enty-three years that the place had been in our possession, great changes had taken place, new interests had arisen, children then unborn had become men, and those who had been friends to the Dutch were now no more.’ I pacified them by receiving an ad- dress, w hich they WTote in public to the King of England, soliciting his attention to their interests, and as I found on subsequent enquiry, that the Dutch influence had never extended inland beyond the mountains, but had been expressly limited to the w^estern side of them, I did not hesitate to enter into a conditional treaty of friend- ship and alliance with the Sultan of Menangkabu, as the lord-paramount of all the Malay countries, subject of course to the approval of Lord Hastings. “ The state of agriculture in the Menangkabu country is far higher than I ex- pected to find it; not in any respect inferior to what it is in Java, and in some respects superior. Water-w'heels and sugar presses being common throughout Menangkabu, while they are almost unknown in Java, shews that in this point of view they are at least equal. In manners and civilization, however, they are very far behindhand. Some traces of a former higher state of ciHlization are discernible, but in general the people are little beyond wfiiat they are found to be in other parts of Sumatra. The Sovereign of Menangkabu has little or no authority, and the popu- lation seem to have relapsed into the ancient divisions of tribes so general throughout Sumatra. LETTER TO SIR ROBERT HARRY INGLIS. 389 “ On our return from Padang to Bencoolen, my discussions with the Dutch Government had gone to considerable length. The first unfriendly and unneigh- bourly act on their part was to discontinue the regular post which had been esta- blished between Bencoolen and Batavia ; this afforded me an additional necessity of obtaining a station in the Straits of Sunda, where our China ships might refresh in passing to and fro. The coast of Sumatra from the south-western extremity to Bencoolen is in general subject to a high surf and want of anchorage, and to bring forward Bencoolen at all, it was essential that we should have some convenient port for communication with shipping, and it occurred to me that the present was a favourable opportunity to estabhsh our claim to an anchorage in Lampoon Bay. The Dutch, however, would not hsten to it, and as the boundaries were not defined, I hoisted our flag at the extremity of the bay to which I thought we had a just claim. We discovered and surveyed an excellent harbour, and had the plan been supported by the higher authorities, I am convinced that much might have been done. “ It was evident the Dutch were determined to keep us out of the Archipelago altogether, and that unless we immediately occupied some station for the security of our own commerce, it would be in their power without direct acts of hostihty to in- terfere with it, and seriously embarrass our future intercourse. “ As however I am now getting into a more general question than the local politics of Bencoolen, it will be necessary to give you some general idea of the pro- ceechngs of the Dutch authorities, and of the measures which I have contemplated to meet them. Much as the affairs of Bencoolen occupied my attention in the first instance, they were sunk into insignificance when contrasted "with the higher objects to be obtained by opposing the Dutch. Bencoolen has so little in itself that much can never be expected from it. The only chance was by the establishment of a port in the Straits of Sunda, or by the retention of Padang, and the extension of our influence in the interior. Had the latter been practicable, I am inclined to think the period would not have been distant when the whole of Sumatra would have acknowledged our authority, and a settled and enlightened government been estabhshed throughout. Under existing circumstances, and the orders I have re- ceived to withdraw from Padang and the Straits of Sunda, all that has been left to me has been to correct abuses, estabhsh a more rational kind of government in the immediate vicinity of Bencoolen, and to reduce our expenses as much as possible. But to proceed to the Dutch. “ The circumstances in which the British interests and character have been placed by the recent convention with Holland, and its consequences, are most dis- tressing, and certainly call loudly for the interference of the authorities in Europe. I will endeavour to explain them to you as briefly as possible. “ From the period of our first establishment in India, our interests and policy have been opposed to those of the Dutch. We found them in possession of the 392 LETTER TO SIR ROBERT HARRY INGLIS. all events respect our claims, seemed to prevail, and nothing was done. It was in vain that I represented, while in England, that our settlements of Bencoolen and Penang were both too inconveniently situated to answer any useful pui^iose : the eA"il had not arisen, and it was conceived the Dutch would be as slow as usual in their movements, and that at all events we had abundance of time. All that I could effect was to obtain instructions to watch and report their proceedings, and on these in- stmctions I have not failed to watch them narrowly, and to place before the higher authorities the dangers to which our interests are already subjected. “ On my arrival in India I found my apprehensions realized : the Dutch were not only steadily pm-suing the policy for our absolute exclusion, of which I complain, but they were openly and avowedly doing so, and they were not very particular as to the means. “ It had been an object of our policy to admit and preserve the independence of the Bornean states. At the period of the conquest of Java, no Em’opean authority was estabhshed in any of them, but the ports were open to the general trader. Many of the princes of these states had risen into authority and independence subsequent to the decline of the Dutch power ; and, with the exception of Banjar Masing, during the administration of Marshal Daendels, the Sultan had fairly bought the Dutch out, who withdrew, learing him, by a uTitten declaration, independent, on condition of his purchasing the fort'and other buildings from them. This condition he fulfilled; and while Lord Minto was at Malacca, on his way to Java, he received ambassadors from that state, courting our alliance. His Lordship was pleased to listen to their proposals, and an agreement or treaty was entered into, one of the first articles of which was, that we should never transfer the place to the Dutch. Our treaty was made with an independent Prince, who was then acknowledged as such by the Dutch, and \rithout reference to the conquest of Java. This place the Dutch commissioners claimed under the convention, and it was in vain we urged the impossibility of making the transfer. They were, however, determined, and our Government not thinking it a place worth contending for, and being further displeased with the local authority, and perhaps ignorant of the value of the position, uithcfrew, on which the Dutch sent a commanding force, took possession, entered into a nominal treaty uitli the Chief, by which they secured to themselves the exclusive trade and control, and of course shut us out from further intercourse, the first and most important article in all their agreements with these states being the exclusion of the English. “ As our Government were content to abandon Banjar Masing, and the Dutch had already effected their pm-pose in that part of Borneo, it only remained for me to endeavour to maintain the independence of Pontiana and Sambas on the western coast, Rhio and Lingen at the southern entrance of the Straits of IMalacca, and Pa- lembang and Acheen on Sumatra. “ I received information at this period of extensive expeditions fitting out at LETTER TO SIR ROBERT HARRY INGLIS. 393 Batavia for the purpose of taking possession of all the most commanding positions in the Archipelago, and as no time was to be lost, I communicated my sentiments very fully to the Supreme Government, urging a request to be permitted to proceed there in person for the piu'pose of more particularly representing the dangers which threatened us. Lord Hastings was at this time up the country, and it would have been useless for me to have proceeded to Calcutta, until I knew he was on his return to the Presidency. “ In acknowledgment of my communication to the Sultan of Palembang, which was sent overland (the territories of Palembang and Bencoolen being adjoining,) ambassadors arrived, stating the apprehensions of the Sultan, that the Dutch were about to invade the place with a large force, to dethrone him on account of his haHng been raised by the English, and to throw the whole country into confusion. “ To understand the Palembang question, it is necessary to revert to former proceedings, and as it is a subject that will probably excite interest at home on ac- count of Banca, you may be desirous of knowing some of the particulars. “ While acting as agent for the Governor-General, and before the conquest of Java, I had authority to treat with Palembang, and the Sultan being desirous of our alliance, it was necessary to make it a condition that he first separated himself from the Dutch. This he hesitated to do, and the negociation dropped. “ The conquest of Java followed, and a Dutch establishment being still stationed at Palembang, we conceived ourselves, according to the capitulation, entitled to the fidl benefit of the Dutch existing treaty with the Sultan. A commission was, there- fore, sent for the arrangement of our interest in that quarter. When they arrived at Palembang, they found the Dutch fort and establishment deserted, and on enquiry were told by the Sultan that the Dutch authorities had some time before quitted the place. The Sultan then said he was willing to treat with us as an independent Prince, but his conduct to the Commissioners was very unsatisfactory, and excited considerable suspicion, and they returned without any advantageous result. Shortly after, authentic intelhgence was received that the Dutch Resident and garrison had been murdered in a most treacherous manner by the Sultan’s permission or autho- rity, and that the story of their having quitted the place of their own accord was all a fabrication. The event was stated to have taken place on the Sultan’s receiving intelligence of the conquest of Java. He then seems to have seen his error in not having accepted our previous offer, and actuated as well by a spirit of hatred to the Dutch as by his own interest, which he conceived would be best consulted by setting himself up as an independent Prince, the idea of massacring the Dutch and of keep- ing the fact secret was discovered. “ An expedition was immediately fitted out to punish the party. Gillespie commanded, and had full authority to investigate and act according to circum- stances. The fact of the murder was proved beyond doubt. The Sultan fled into 3 E 394 LETTER TO SIR ROBERT HARRY INGLIS. the hills and was dethroned, and his brother raised to the throne in his stead. To compensate us for the expense of the expedition, the new Sultan ceded to us the Islands of Banca and Bilhton in perpetuity, and it was a condition that we should no longer interfere in the domestic affairs of Palembang. He, however, required from us a military guard pro\dsionaUy, to protect him from his brother, who still remained in the interior. All these arrangements were unreservedly approved of and confirmed by the Supreme Government, and all went on quietly, until Major Robmson, an officer in whom confidence had been placed, abused his rfust, and it is strongly sus- pected for a valuable consideration, entered into an agreement with the old Sultan, to re-establish him in authority, on condition of his paying 200,000 dollars to the British Government. This agreement was of course disavowed by me. Major Robin- son removed and disgraced, the old Sultan put off the throne, and his brother again raised ; the money being returned, and the old Sultan permitted to reside at the capital of Palembang, mider the guarantee of the British Government that he did not interfere with the just rights of his brother. “ In this state affairs stood when the convention was signed in Europe, by one article of which his Britannic Majesty agrees to cede the Island of Banca to the Dutch, but no mention is made of either Palembang or Bilhton. As soon as intelh- gence was sent to the Sultan that we were about to withdraw, he strongly urged the condition of the cession of Banca, namely, that the European power was not further to interfere with Palembang, and called upon us to prevent the Dutch from interfer- ing nith his authority, by requiring them to guarantee the treaty. This they refused to do ; and no sooner had we quitted Bataria, than they commenced their machinations against the unfortunate man, which ended in his brother being again called to the throne, for a payment of 400,000 dollars, and himself being con- veyed to Batavia as a prisoner, after his seal had been surreptitiously applied to a mock treaty, which transfers all the Palembang territory to the Dutch. The officer who was deputed by me to Palembang, Captain Salmond, brother to Colonel Salmond of the India-House, was seized by the Dutch, and, with his suite, sent to Batavia as prisoners. The circmnstances attending this seizure are fully detailed in a protest entered by me, and sent to the Dutch authorities, and evince a disregard of character greater than could well be conceived in any cirilized nation of the present day. “ The Palembang question, as politically considered, appears to stand thus : Banca was not considered as natm’ally accming to the Dutch, under the general terms of the convention, otherwise a specific article, ceding that Island to them, would not have been necessary ; and his Britannic Majesty, by so specifically trans- ferring his rights in it to the Dutch, confirms, of course, the treaty by which these rights were obtained, at the same time that his Netherlands’ Majesty, by receiving possession of the Island under this specific article of the treaty, in like manner f LETTER TO SIR ROBERT HARRY INGLIS. 395 acknowledges the full title of Great Britain to cede it. Now the terms on which the Island was ceded to us were, that we would guarantee the independence and rights of the Sultan, who ceded it, and that we would no further interfere with the internal affairs of Palembang. The Dutch, however, not satisfied with Banca, require first their factory at Palembang also, and afterwards the dethronement of the very Prince from whom we first obtained the cession. Thus acting upon two principles incon- sistent with each other, and destroying the only title by which we could legally cede Banca, they claimed Palembang imder their ancient rights, and Banca under those newly acquired ; and because the Suitan whom we raised required of them to guarantee the existing treaty, and expressed his attachment to the power to whom he was in- debted for his throne, they soon contrived to fabricate charges against him, to banish him from his country, and to admit four lacs of substantial excuses (the sum said to have been paid on the occasion,) as a sufficient retribution from the old Sultan, who had murdered their countrymen, and whom they have again raised to the throne. I fear, however, that if I go into further particulars, I shall never make an end of my letter, and therefore I shall break off here with the account of affairs before I proceeded to Bengal. In August I received accounts of the probable return of the Governor General to Calcutta, and on the 1st of September proceeded there with Lady Raffles in a small brig. “ Lord Hastings had arrived, and my reception was very gratifying. I found every unfavourable impression which had formerly existed, removed from his Lord- ship’s mind, and that the Supreme Government were wilhng to enter on the con- sideration of our interests to the eastward. “ On a deliberate consideration, a moderate line of policy was decided upon, and the relative advantages of the Straits of Sunda and of Malacca being considered, the latter seemed to be more important to us. It would have been too much to have kept the command of both, and as the west coast of Smnatra was comparatively un- important, it was resolved to sacrifice our establishments there, in order to obtain a more substantial advantage elsewhere. My plan for occupying the port of Rhio, and which I had mentioned to the authorities in Europe, was adopted, by which we ex- pected to obtain the command of the southern entrance of the Straits of Malacca ; and it was determined to secure the command of the northern entrance by bringing our long-pending discussions with Acheen to a close. While in Bengal I received accounts that Colonel Bannerman, the Governor of Prince of Wales’ Island, alarmed at the approach of the Dutch so near to Malacca, had deputed an agent to proceed to the neighbouring states, including Rhio, for the purpose of entering into commercial treaties for the security of our trade, on the re- estabhshment of the Dutch at Malacca. In the Bornean states, however, this agent was refused admittance by the Dutch, who had previously taken possession. But at Rhio, Siak, and other minor states in the Straits of Malacca, he had met with every 3 E 2 396 LETTER TO SIR ROBERT HARRY INGLIS. success ; the native princes being anxious to render their connexion with the English peiTuanent. In their treaties, however, no stipulation for the exclusion of the Dutch was made, but the parties bound themselves not to act upon any obsolete or inter- i*upted treaties ^^'ith them, and our acknowledgment of their independence was all that they required. The Dutch, however, no sooner obtained possession of Malacca, than, notwithstanding our treaties, which were cominmiicated to them for their in- formation, they sent an overpowering force to Rhio, &c., declared the Chief to be their vassal, treated our negociations A\ith contempt, and dictated a treaty which excluded our trade from the port, &c. “ The decision, however, of the Supreme Government was taken before intelli- gence to this effect was received, and it was hoped I might yet be in time to secure our interests at Rhio and Acheen. “ As a proof of the confidence now placed in me by the Governor General, his Lordship was pleased to appoint me his agent and representative, to effect the objects he had in view to the eastward. In October I received authority to prosecute the negociation commenced at Rhio, by the establishment of a British port at that place, and to act as senior commissioner wth the agent of the Penang Government, for adjusting all affairs at Acheen. “ Contemplating the practicability of our fonning an establishment at Rhio, I was authorized to place Major Farquhar, formerly Resident of Malacca, in charge of it, and although our interests to the eastward were thus proWsionally decided under two authorities, namely, those at Penang and Bencoolen, and my establish- ment at Rhio would border verj' closely on the Straits of jNIalacca, it was conceived that whenever Colonel Bannerman might vacate Penang, my succession to that government would be the means of uniting all our interests, and a good understand- ing in the meantime prevent inconvenience. “ I will not tire you with details, but it is necessary you should know that in forming our estabhshment at the place from which I write this letter, I was opposed in the strongest manner by local authorities, but have received the unreserved ap- probation of the Governor General. Of the grounds on which I felt myself justified in taking up this position, as well as of the advantages of the position itself, I shall hereafter speak. In the meantime I would wish to give you some account of my proceedings at Acheen, a place which at one period attracted more attention in Em'ope than most Eastern countries, but which has long declined in importance. “ For the last four years the country of Acheen had been a prey to disorder and anarchy. A rich merchant of Penang, Syed Hussain, patronized by the late Mr. Petrie, taking advantage of the misettled state of the capital, set up claims to the sovereignty, and haring expended an immense sum in briberies and corniption, contrived by means of his superior naval force, and the advantage of equipping his vessels from Penang, to command the trade of the Achenese ports, and to invest LETTER TO SIR ROBERT HARRY INGLIS. 397 one of his sons with the title of Sultan. The Penang Government taking part with this side of the question, strongly recommended the support of it by the Supreme Government, and a force of a thousand men was actually applied for with proper equipments in order to establish the newly created king thoroughly on his throne. Captain Coombs, a protege of Mr. Petrie’s, and who had been employed as the Agent of the Penang Government, was in Bengal at the time of my arrival, and Lord Hastings asked my opinion. I had no hesitation in giving it as far as it was then formed, and the Supreme Government were induced to pause. I was subse- quently joined in a commission with Captain Coombs for the purpose of finally ad- justing the question. After my arrival at Penang, I was informed that Colonel Bannerman had protested against my interference at Acheen, and had written in such terms to the Supreme Government that it was incumbent on me to await the answer. I comphed with this request, and while this question was pending, proceeded to this place, effected my object, and returned to Penang in time to receive the further instructions of the Supreme Government. These only tended to confirm what I had formerly received, and Captain Coombs and myself accordingly proceeded to Acheen. We remained there nearly seven weeks, during the early portion of which we were directly opposed in our politics, but at length after a paper war which actually oc- cupies above a thousand pages of the Company’s largest sized paper, he came round to my opinion, and was satisfied that in justice and honour there was but one course to pursue, namely, supporting the cause of the legitimate Sovereign. The spurious claims set up by Syed Hussain were proved to be unfounded, and it was clear he had grossly deceived our government. We therefore concluded a treaty, and effected all the objects we required, namely, the right of having a Resident and establishment at Acheen, and to exclude all foreign European nations from having a fixed habitation. All that we had then to do was to require the Governor of Penang to restrict Syed Hussain from further interference, and troops and equip- ments of course became unnecessary. “ I never had a more disagreeable duty, and consequently was highly satis- fied to bring our mission to so desirable a conclusion. It was an object of great importance to take the right side of the question, and had our government been once committed on the other, and troops introduced, we should soon have been so deeply involved that a worse than Candyan war might have been appre- hended. In a country like Acheen by military operations we had every thing to lose and nothing to gain. “ After the conclusion of our mission to Acheen, I joined Lady Raffles at Pe- nang, and retm-ned to this place on my way to Bencoolen. I must now give you some account of Singapore, our title to the place, its present condition and advantages, as well immediate as prospectively. The Dutch 398 LETTER TO SIR ROBERT HARRY INGLIS. in occupying Rhio had considered the Sultan of Lingen as the legitimate Sovereign of Johore. We found, however, that there was an elder brother, who by the laws and usages of the monarchy laid claim to this distinction, and that in consequence of these disputed claims, neither of them had been regularly installed, and that con- sequently since the death of the father, which happened about six years ago, there had been actually no regular constituted King of Johore. The elder brother’s claims were admitted to be just, and the cause of his not being regularly crowned attri- buted to the intrigues of the Vizier or Rajah Moodah of Rhio, who had nearly usurped all authority, and who of com'se prefeired a nominal superior to a real one. The empire of Johore was once the most extensive of this part of the world, even in its most limited extent : it included the southern part of the Peninsula, and all the Islands which lay off it. The Bandahara of Padang, and the Tumungung of Johore ai*e the principal officers and hereditary nobles, and the acknowledgment of these two is essential to the establishment of a new Sovereign. When I amved off Sin- gapore, I received a visit from the Tumungung, who represented to me the recent conduct of the Dutch, and stated that as the Dutch had treated with an incompe- tent authority, it was still left for us to establish ourselves in this division of the empire, under the sanction of the legitimate Sovereign. This Sovereign soon made his appearance, and though not yet formally installed, was recognized by us in that capacity, on his being acknowledged as Sovereign by the Bandahara and Tumungung. Fortmiately also w^e discovered at Singapore a harbour more convenient, and a port more commanding than Rhio itself, and as no European authority had ever set foot on the Island, and the land was the property of the Tumungung, w^e did not hesitate to treat for the occupation of the port, and to establish ourselves pending the refer- ence to Bengal. I have just received letters from Lord Hastings, conveying his entire approval of my proceedings, and an assurance that he is too well awnre of the importance of the position, and of the necessity of opposing the encroachments of the Dutch, not be deeply interested in the success of the establishment. “ Ha\ing succeeded in all the objects wJiich were contemplated by the Su- preme Government, as within the reach of the authorities in this country, it remains for me to inform you of the further objects recommended for adoption at home. The fi'ee and uninterrupted command of the Straits of Malacca having been obtain- ed, it is conceived that the Dutch Government will readily cede to us the settle- ment of Malacca, now useless to them, and with it Rhio and the Islands lying off the southern entrance of the Straits ; and this obtained, our object will be to gain Banca. The Dutch are indebted to us in nearly a million sterling, for actual pro- perty and disbursements, and we are willing to forego this claim, and to set every question at rest between the two governments, provided they will restore Banca. This would, of course, settle the Palembang question at once ; and as our ministers can no longer be ignorant of the intrinsic value of Banca to the British Government, LETTER TO SIR ROBERT HARRY INGLIS. 399 on account of its mines, and the question is thus one in which not only the national honour, but the national interests, are deeply concerned, it is to be hoped the best endeavours will be made, “ This is the policy recommended by the Supreme Government, and the de- tailed sentiments of Lord Hastings to this effect were forwarded to Europe by Mr. Ricketts, who left Bengal in January last. ‘‘ The Penang Government seem inclined to think any settlement further east as injurious to the interests of that Island ; but this is taking a very narrow view of the subject, and will not, of course, be hstened to. “ The ports of Borneo ought to be considered independent, or the Dutch might be hmited to the southern provinces connected with Banjar Masing. If such an arrangement as this is made, I should suppose that our principal station on the west coast of Sumatra should be at Padang, and that all our arrangements should have in view, the eventual estabhshment of one united and respectable government to the eastward. “ I will now conclude this long and irregular history of my public proceedings. I think you will give me justice for not having been idle in the cause of honour and humanity since my return to this country. I say humanity, because it is perfectly clear, that in the proportion that we extend our influence, that cause is promoted, while it is necessarily checked and perverted under the influence of our rivals. I have now Borneo on the one side and Sumatra on the other, and were the Dutch not estabhshed at Pontiana and Sambas on the one, and at Padang and Palembang on the other, a free intercourse would be estabhshed, and civilization extended. Sambas and Pontiana command the rich and populous districts of the interior, in which upwards of 100,000 industrious Chinese are estabhshed, while Padang is the key to Menangkabu, whence all Sumatra might with facility be brought under control and regulation. All our hopes are now from England : more cannot be done in this country, and what has been accomplished, has been almost entirely on my own anxious responsibility. An additional clause to the convention, declaratory and ex- planatory of the footing on which the British and Dutch interests in the Archipelago, both political and commercial, are to stand, is indispensable ; and, of course, the more favourable this can be made to us the better. We have to expect nothing short of commercial hostility on the part of the Dutch, and unless we take care of om-selves, they will impress the natives with a behef that we have not the power to do so. “ I did intend, in this letter, to have entered at some length into other subjects, which have attracted my attention since my return to India, but it is so unreason- ably long, that I must bring it to a close, with an apology for the extreme haste and inaccuracy with which it is written, and for taking up so much of your time on subjects which are probably of little interest to you. iOO LETTER TO SIR ROBERT HARRY INGLIS. “ You have heard, that shortly after my an'ival at Bencoolen, I had the satisfaction to establish a Bible Society. This was followed by the estabhshment of schools, and recently, on the \isit of the Bishop of Calcutta to Penang, we formed a District Committee of the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, entitled the Prince of Wales’ Island and Fort Marlborough Committee. “ I have now with me, on board the ship on which I proceed to Bencoolen, a printing-press, \nth types in the Roman and native characters, and have just gi’anted permission to the Extra Ganges Mission to estabhsh a college at Singapore, for the study of the Chinese language, and the extension of Christianity. “ The state of society, even among the Europeans at Bencoolen, was very bad on my arrival. I tmst it is improving. An instance has occured which will, I hope, impress upon the higher authorities the necessity of attending more closely to the rehsious and moral character of their establishments. “ I am afi'aid the progi’ess towards improvement will be slow. I hope it will be sure, and, as soon as I can give you a good account, you may rely upon hearing from me. I did intend to write to Mr. Wilberforce, but I find I have not time, as the ship sails to-day. I shall, therefore, defer writing to him till my return to Bencoolen, when I hope to have much new matter. In the meantime you will oblige me much hy presenting my respects, and assuring him that w^e are doing all we can in the good cause. I wish he were fully aware of what might be done here. “ On the voyage from England, the attention of Lady Raffles and myself w'as principally devoted to natural history. We had with us Dr. Arnold, an eminent na- turalist, and an amiable man, and, wdth his assistance, w^e studied most of the elemen- tary wmrks. Our poor friend. Dr. Arnold, has since fallen a sacrifice to his exertions, and w e have lost him ; but w^e have supplied his place by Dr. Jack, a young man of ver}' superior talent, and excellent disposition. His time is almost exclusively de- voted to botanical pursuits, and our collections are already veiy interesting and exten- sive. I have also in my family two French naturahsts, one of them step-son to Cuvier. They undertake the zoological department. We collect a few^ stones wLere- ever w^e go, and chemistry may be added to the list of our studies. “ These pursuits w'e selected as the most amusing and usefid w^e could follow. I was well aw^are that Sumatra afforded nothing in language, literature, science, or the arts, to interest. The great volume of nature, however, is laid open before us ; and, in the absence of political objects, w^e foresaw enough to occupy our attention during the period of our hanishment. We are vain enough to hope, that wdth the means we at present possess, and continued application for the next five years, w'e shall be able to do much towards describing the natural history of Sumatra and the adjoining islands. “ Thus you will see that we do not depend entirely upon public or political ob- jects. I have done what I conceive my duty in these ; and if my projects fail, I shall still have enough to interest me at home. OPINIONS ON THE ADVANTAGES OF SINGAPORE. 401 “ Lady Raffles unites in the most affectionate regards to Mrs. Inglis and yourself, and we beg that you will offer our kindest respects to Sir Hugh and Lady Inglis. To Sir Hugh I would write, had I not already informed you of all that is likely to prove interesting to him. My next letter shall, however, be to him ; but it must be delayed until I have more leisure and time to condense what I would wish to say. I should not feel myself authorized to convey my sentiments in the same loose and unguarded manner to him that I do to you. I rely upon your friendship and kindness, and remain always. Most sincerely your’s. “ It may be satisfactory to Sir Hugh to know that Lord Hastings has made the amende honorable ; expressed in the handsomest terms his regret that he should ever have ■viewed my proceedings in Java in another light, and his approbation and ap- plause of the general principles which regulated my Government, which he is pleased to say were as creditable to me as honourable to my country.” The following opinion of two professional men, who had derived much expe- rience in the trade of the Eastern Islands, evinces the estimation in which Singapore was held even at this early period. “ The settlement of Singapore, lately established by Sir Stamford Raffles, being, in my opinion, of the utmost importance both in a pohtical and commercial point of view to the British empire, particularly in the event of a war with France, Holland, or America, the Dutch Government will no doubt strongly remonstrate against that measure, and endeavour to make us relinquish it ; but I think every possible argu- ment, founded on truth and experience, should be brought forward in order to secure to us that valuable settlement. “ The Bugguese prows from Celebes and other parts of the Eastern Islands, will resort to the settlement of Singapore with their goods, and barter them for our manu- factures, in preference to going to Malacca or Batavia, and it will soon become a depot for the Eastern traders. “ The Straits of Sunda and Malacca are the two gates or barriers leading into the China Sea for all the commerce of British India, Europe, and the Eastern coasts of North and South America, which gates the Dutch fully command, if we do not retain the settlement of Singapore ; for our settlement of Prince of Wales’ Island being situated far to the northward and on the coast of an open sea, it affords no protection to our China trade, nor to ships passing through Malacca Straits, whereas the possession of Malacca and Rhio by the Dutch, also of Java and Banca, gives them the complete command of the Straits of Sunda, Banca, and Malacca. “ If we retain the settlement of Singapore, great security will be afforded to our China trade in the event of war ; for by possessing a naval station at the en- trance of' the China Sea, no enemy’s cruizers will ever dare to wait off Puloaor to 3 F i02 OPINIONS ON THE ADVANTAGES OF SINGAPORE. intercept oui' ships from China, Avhich Admiral Linois did with the Marengo line-of- battle ship and two frigates, when he attacked the valuable fleet under the com- mand of Captain Dance : and it was fortunate for the Company and the commerce of British India, that Linois had not a larger force. “ I trust you will excuse the hberty I have taken in addressing you on this subject ; but considering it of great importance, I thought it right to do so, in case you deem, it proper to coimnunicate it to Mr. Canning, or any others of those concerned. “ J. Horsburgh.” “ Penang, July 2, 1819. “ The Bengal Government in January last sent dovii Sir Stamford Rafiies to see and pick out some good place for a settlement east of Malacca, and after looking at several, he laid hold of the flne Island of Singapore, near the mouth of Johore River : from St. John’s Island it bears N.N.E. five miles, in latitude 1“ 16' N. M e now become again masters of the Malay peninsula, and all the Rajahs up to Padang consider themselves under our protection, our Sultan is the head of all the Malay states north of Palembang, being Sultan of Johore. He resides on the Island of Singapore with Major Farquhar, and the town is on the site of the old Malay capital of 1550. It is a most capital situation, as the Islands cover the Archipelago from the N.'NV., S.'NV., and N.E. vinds ; in short, in my opinion it is much better than Malacca. We have a flag on St. John’s, and in war time, a few hea\y guns on St. John’s will give us complete command of the Straits of that place. Sir Stamford Raffles has also made a treaty with the old King of Acheen, which excludes all other Eiuopeans and Americans. “ I have a letter from Sir S. Raffles of the 17th ultimo from Singapore, inforai- ing me that there are now five thousand souls there. Mlien we got possession of it in the end of January, there were only five hundred; they are the inhabitants from Malacca and Rhio that are gone there. Our ships of war can ride there in war time, and run out off Pulo Auro, and see the coast clear, and back again in a week. “ Carnegie.” Sir Stamford returned to Bencoolen, and the only event that occurred on the voyage was, the vessel striking on a bank in the Straits of Rhio during the night. It was feared she would not be got off, and a small boat was prepared to endea- vour to caiTy him back to Singapore, uath the Editor and their child, an infant four months old ; but just as they were leaving the vessel, hopes were entertained that by throwing all the water overboard to lighten the ship she might be got olf, and before morning the attempt succeeded. It was then considered fortunate that the accident occurred so near an Em'opean settlement ; but on stopping at Rhio and sending in a i SCENERY OF THE ARCHIPELAGO. 403 boat, stating what had happened, and requesting a supply of water, the Dutch Resident refused all intercourse, asserted that Sir Stamford went as a spy, and would not give the assistance solicited ; it was, therefore, with considerable anxiety that the voyage was continued ; fortunately in passing through the Straits of Banca, a good Samaritan appeared in one of the beautifid American vessels, so numerous in these seas, when the Captain generously, and at considerable risk, for the wind was strong and in his favour, stopped his course, and \rith gi'eat difficulty, by means of ropes, con- veyed some casks of water, and went on board himself to inquire into the cause of distress ; the Captain’s name is forgotten, but his kindness has often been acknow- ledged with gratitude and praise. It is difficult to convey an idea of the pleasure of sailing through this beautiful and unparalleled Archipelago, in which every attraction of nature is combined ; the smoothness of the sea, the hghtness of the atmosphere, the constant succes- sion of the most picturesque lake scenery. Islands of every shape and size clustered together, mountains of the most fanciful forms crowned with verdure to their summit, rich and luxuriant vegetation extending to the very edge of the water, httle native boats, often with only one person in them, continually darting out from the deep shade which concealed them, looking like so many cockle-shells wafted about by the wind. Altogether it is a fairy scene of enchantment, deserving of a poet’s pen to describe its beauties. 3 F 2 CHAPTER XIV. Sir Stamford arrives at Bencoolen — Endeavours to induce the inhabitants to take an interest in the improve- ment of the country — Irregularities which formerly prevailed — School for the children of the Slaves — Its success — Missionaries — Religion of the people — Effect of an institution for the Education of the higher orders — Anxiety for Mr. JVilberforce’s assistance — Bible Society — Schools — Sir Stamford re- solves to j)roceed again to Calcutta — Billiton — Lord Hastings on the subject of Eastern arrangements — Leaves Calcutta to return to Bencoolen. The immediate concerns of Bencoolen engrossed Sir Stamford’s attention on his return from Singapore. He was anxious to excite an interest in the Europeans for the improvement of the natives, and to induce them to find occupation and amuse- ment in a place where they were obliged to pass so many years of their lives. Of pubhc duty there was little for them to perform; and it was always a subject of regret to him, that so many young men were doomed to spend their days in idleness, with- out any stimulant from the hope of future promotion or success, to rouse them to energy and activity. Committees were appointed to inquire into various subjects ; societies were formed for bettering the condition of the people, and for promoting the agiiculture of the country. The appearance of the Settlement was gi'eatly changed. On Sir Stamford’s first aiTival in 1818, he found that every tree and shrub had been cut down (from fear of the natives) around the residence of the chief authority, which had in consequence a most desolate appearance : he immediately formed a garden, and surrounded the Go- vernment-house with plantations. As a proof of the luxuriance of vegetation in these Islands, it may be stated, that during his absence of eleven montbs, the casuarina trees had gi'own to the height of thirty and forty feet ; and he had the pleasiwe, on his retm-n, to see the house encircled by a shrubbery of nutmeg, clove, coco, and cassia trees, and of dri^ ing through an approach of alternate nutmeg and clove trees ; the place seemed to have been converted almost by magic from a wilderness into a garden. The nutmeg tree is exceedingly beautiful ; it bears in profusion, spreads its branches in a wide circle, and the fruit is perhaps the most beautiful in the ANXIETY TO IMPROVE THE MANNERS OF THE INHABITANTS. 405 world ; the outside covering, or shell, is of a rich cream colour, and resembles a peach ; this bursts, and shows the dark nut, encircled and chequered with mace of the brightest crimson ; and, when contrasted with the deep emerald green leaf, is dehghtfully grateful to the eye. Sir Stamford wrote to Mr. Wilberforce at this time on various subjects con- nected with his plans for the general improvement of the people around him. To W, Wilberforce, Esq. “ September, 1819. My Dear Sir, I have delayed wiiting to you thus long in the expectation of leisure, which I have never found ; but I cannot longer dechne the duty of giving you some information regarding the state of our population, and the means which are in pro- gress for its amelioration and improvement. My pubhc duties have called me to dif- ferent and distant countries, and a large portion of my time has necessarily been devoted to political objects ; but in the course of these, neither the cause of the slave, nor the improvement of those subjected to our influence, has been forgotten. In Sumatra I had, in many respects, a new field to tread ; its population, for the most part, is many centm'ies behind that of Java ; and before any rational plan for general improvement could be adopted, it was necessary not only that much detailed informa- tion should be collected, but that the principles and extent of our political authority and influence should be clearly understood and established. " I shall not attempt to sketch even the outhne of the picture which presented itself at Bencoolen, a settlement which has been in our possession upwards of a cen- tury ; but in which, I am sorry to say, I found as many vices and defects, pohtical as well as moral, as were usually exhibited in the worst of the Dutch settlements. To attempt any improvement in the existing order of things, without changing the prin- ciple, appeared to me more Hkely to increase the evil than remove it, and a thorough and entire reform became indispensable. This I found it necessary to introduce, and to effect on my personal responsibility ; but I have since had the satisfaction to receive the approval of the higher authorities, who have admitted that these changes appear to have been ‘ founded on sound principles of economy, expediency, and hmnanity.’ Thus encom'aged, I have not hesitated to prosecute my plans with ardour and deci- sion, and the results, as far as they have yet been seen, have fully answered my expec- tations. As much has been done as the time and the peculiar circumstances of the coimtry and people have admitted, and the foundation has at least been laid on which a better state of society may be estabhshed. “ Among the more striking irregularities which I found to prevail, was the encouragement and countenance given to slavery, by the entertainment on the part of Government of a gang of negroes, in number between two and three hundred. This 406 ESTABLISHES NATIONAL SCHOOLS AT BENCOOLEN. appeared to me so opposite to the Company’s general practice and principles in India, and so prejudicial to their character, that I did not hesitate to take upon myself the measure of emanci})ating the whole, and by this my first act to give an earnest of the principles on which my future Government would be conducted. A pro^^sion was continued for the old and infirm, as well as the children ; and as the latter were nu- merous, no time was lost in affording them the means of obtaining such an education as might fit them for the new state and condition to which they had been raised. An institution for the education of the Caffre children was accordingly established, and placed under the immediate superintendence of our chaplain ; and from this small beginning, originating in the abolition of slaveiy, may be traced the progress we are now making on a more extensive and enlarged scale throughout the Archipelago, and to which I am now to draw your attention. “ The success of this little institution was soon manifest — an aptness and capa- city in the children to receive instruction, and the unexpected talent displayed by some of them, excited general interest ; in the mean time our information and ex- perience of the native character became more extensive, and it was found that no serious obstacle stood in the way of generally educating the whole of the rising generation subjected to our influence. In my visit to Bengal I had obtained the aid of the Baptist missionaries, and one of these young men, well acquainted with the principles and practice of our national schools, accompanied me on my return, bringing with him a small fount of types in the Roman and native character. With this experience and aid I lost no time in giving effect to a plan I had long contem- plated, and the unprovement which had already taken place in the tone and taste of our small European society, seemed to second my efforts. In our chaplain, the Rev. Charles Winter, I found every disposition to extend the sphere of his useful- ness, and by associating him in a committee of gentlemen w'ho had formerly been in my family in Java, and on wdiose principles, zeal, and devotion I could rely, I readily found the means of effective superintendance. The enclosed printed copy of the proceedings of this committee will place you in full possession of the principles on which WT have proceeded, and of the particulars of what has been done tow^ards the establishment of schools at Bencoolen. In the last report of the committee with wdiich this paper concludes, you will perceive some interesting observ'ations on the condition of society, the character and usages of the people, and the facihties wJiich are afforded for more generally extending the plan of educating the wdiole of the native population. On this report I shall only observe, that in estimating the cha- racter of the people, the committee have rather taken a general opinion for granted, than gone themselves into the investigation of that character, or the causes which may have tended to deteriorate it. On this subject they are professedly superficial : in other respects you will find much to interest you, and I am confident they will have your full support and approbation in the general conclusions and anticipations 1 APPOINTS COMMITTEES TO ENQUIRE INTO THE STATE OF SOCIETY. 407 which they form. Among the older inlmbitants I found an inveterate prejudice against the natives, although by their intimacy with them I might have expected a different opinion. Much of this, however, is already wearing off, and I have at least introduced into this superintending committee enough of the new leaven of charity and benevolence to prevent the institution from running aground on the rocks of illiberality and prejudice. “ While this committee have confined themselves to things as they are, and to objects of immediate and practical usefulness, another committee have directed their undi\dded and particular attention to the causes which may have produced the pre- sent state of society — to the origin and root of the evil, and the means which in a more extensive and enlarged view it may be proper to contemplate for its counter- action. I had myself paid much attention to this subject, and in my different ex- cursions into the interior of the Island had collected abundant information. The various reforms and alterations which I have introduced had been adopted on a thorough knowledge of the state of the country and people ; but as yet I stood alone. It was on my undivided conviction, and on my personal representations alone, that the necessity and propriety of these , amendments were upheld ; and as the interests of some were affected, and the doubts and malignity of others might be injurious, I thought it advisable that such a body of information should be collected by an independent committee, as would give weight and security to my own measures, and at the same time enable a distant authority to form a correct judgment of the real state of the case. The condition of society at Bencoolen is so peculiar, and it has been influenced by so many extraordinary and unaccountable circumstances, that it is difficult to convey any adequate or just idea of it in a few words. The first report of this committee is therefore of high interest, and I am confident it will be perused by you with attention. You will find depicted in it a state of society very different from what is usually met with, but you will observe with pleasure that, in the character of the people, we still find the rudiments and basis of a better order of things. “ It is at present exclusively an official paper, and you must consider its com- munication as expressly private. Some severe strictures are necessarily passed in it on the general system of European administration, which it might not be pleasant to lay before so severe a tribunal as the public, although I am myself of opinion that it is far better openly to acknowledge our errors, where we know we have done wrong, and thus to bind ourselves to a different course for the future. “ I am in a particular manner indebted to a member of my family, Mr. Jack, for the zeal, ardour, and ability which he has infused into the researches and proceed- ings of this committee ; and, I think, you will find more information in a small com- pass, on the subject on which it treats, than is elsewhere to be met with. The labours of the committee are by no means closed ; they will prosecute their inquiries 408 PROPOSES A COLLEGE FOR THE NATIVES. into the inmost recesses of Sumatra, and endeavom' to exhibit, in a clear and com- prehensive \iew, the real resources of the country, and the true character, feelings, and capacity of its population. Of this large Island, the districts immediately de- pendent on Bencoolen are, perhaps, the least important ; but, as the seat of oiu* authority, they have necessarily attracted our first attention. We have opened our ports to a free and imrestricted commerce, and have foregone all prospect of revenue from the country, at least in its present impoverished state ; and it is to the improve- ment of the people in their minds and their morals, that we now alone look for our pubhc prosperity. “ I must now carry you to a more extensive field, and endeavour to obtain aU the aid of your powerful patronage and support for an institution, which is to operate on a more enlarged and still more important scale, and which is intended to com- plete the design I had in view : it is the key-stone to the arch, and when once this is constructed and well cemented, holier and better men may raise upon it such a superstructure as their duty to God may require. All that I attempt is to pave the way for better things ; and, although I am far from lukewarm towards higher ends, I am content to confine all my views to the enlargement of the hmnan mind, and the general spread of moral principles. In the present state of these coimtries, these are the first to be attended to — to prepare the mind for rehgious truth and Christian chscipline. It is true the people of these Islands are distinguished by the absence of that spirit of intolerance and bigotry, which prevails on the continent of India, and that they place the fullest confidence in the benevolence and liberality of our govern- ment and institutions ; but we as yet only see them as the sea in a calm. I write these remarks to you, my dear Sir, without reserve, knowing that in your kindness and liberality they will meet udth every indulgence. I am far from opposing mis- sionaries, and the more that come out the better ; but let them be enhghtened men, and placed in connection with the schools, and under due control. “ I must, however, return to my institution, w^hich is intended to be a native college, for the education of the higher orders of the natives, and to afford the means of instruction to ourselves in the native languages, and of prosecuting our researches into the history, literature, and resources of the further East. AVhen I tell you that the effect of this institution is intended to be felt among a population of not less than thirty millions, and that its influence may eventually, and perhaps at no very distant date, extend over ten times that number, it is not necessary to say more on the extent and importance of the field ; of its natm’e and interest, I need only refer you to the map of the w^orld, and request you to consider all those countries lying to the east and south of the Ganges, as included within our range. It is from the banks of the Ganges to the utmost limits of China and Japan, and to New Holland, that the influence of our proposed institution is calculated to extend ; and of these extensive countries, no portion lias a higher and more pecuhar interest ANXIETY FOR MR. WILBERFORCE’S ASSISTANCE. 409 than the Eastern Islands. I dare not, however, trust myself to descant upon them, or to enter upon so extensive and important a field at the close of a private letter, which has already exceeded its proper limits ; but I regret this the less, as I am enabled to forward to you, in a more connected form, a copy of the leading argu- ments and reasoning which have weighed with me on the occasion. “ This paper has been drawn up to be submitted to the Marquis of Hastings, in the hope of obtaining his Lordship’s powerful support ; but if it can be rendered in any way useful in your hands in aid of the objects contemplated, or in furtherance of the enlightened views which are always present to your philanthropic mind, you are at liberty to circulate it as you may think proper. We shall require all the aid of powerful support at home ; and as you were kind enough to take so warm an in- terest in the fate of our Java Benevolent Society, I am inclined to hope that the views and principles of the African Institution will not be considered to have been less attended to in our present proceedings, which promise to have a far more immediate and extensive operation. “ I am particularly anxious that the lamp we have lighted should not be allowed to shine with a dim or imperfect lustre ; the spark has been struck with enthusiasm, and while I remain in this countiy, the flame shall be fanned with ardour and perseverance ; but we must look to a higher Power for the oil which is to feed and support it, and, above all, to the protecting and encouraging influence of tme principles and British philanthropy, to shield it, not only against the blasts of adversity, but the no less destructive vapours of indifference and neglect. “ However anxious I may feel to devote the best portion of my life, and how- ever much my fortune might justify a longer residence in this country, I have reason to feel that my health is not likely to carry me through more than five or six years’ continuance in these Islands : and it is, therefore, necessary that I should look for- ward to a period when the influence of my personal presence and exertions will be withdrawn. I am now endeavouring to lay the foundation as broad as possible, and have already selected fit instruments for the furtherance of my plans in several of the most important stations ; but that I may raise more labourers for the field, it is of importance that they should have a high and steady superintending and encou- raging authority to look to ; such an authority and support at home as the labourers in the African cause at aU times found. Can you not take us under your parental wings, or coidd you not make the Eastern Islands a branch of the African Institution under some other designation ? If our objects and our principles are the same, and the field for improvement is at least as wide and important, why should this fair and interesting portion of the globe, superior by far in the extent of its population, and equal in its resom'ces, and so pecuhar in its character, be left to slumber in igno- rance, while the wilder shores of Africa, and the more distant isles of the South Sea alone invite the attention of the philanthropist? Hitherto it has been left at the 3 G ilO ANXIETY FOR MR. WILBERFORCE’S ASSISTANCE. mercy of the jVIoor and the Dutchman, and it might be difficult to decide which has been the most injurious ; for my own part, I am inchned to prefer the fonner, but perhaps my prejudices against the Dutch may caiTy me too far. Be this as it may, we are now independent of both ; the station which has been estabhshed at Singa- pore, at the southern extremity of the ISlalayan Peninsula, has given us the com- mand of the Archipelago as well in peace as in war : our commerce will extend to every part, and British principles will be knomi and felt throughout. “ I ought to apologize for the length of this letter, knowing how much your time is occupied, and how httle of it can possibly be devoted to an object which appears to me so important as the present. I w ill not say I en\7' the mifortunate Afilcan because he enjoys so much larger a portion of your thoughts and attention, but I cannot help adding that I wish they were, even for a short time, directed to the Malay, the Javan, the Sumatran, the Bornean, the Avanese, the Siamese, the Chinese, the Japanese, and the miUions of others with whom I am in daily commu- nication, and to w'hom the name of William Wilberforce, if not entirely unknowm, is only coupled with that of Afilca. I know, my dear Sir, that the boundless goodness of your heart, and the noble stretch of your mind embraces at once the good of all mankind; but perhaps from an impression that individual exertions are best directed to one particular focus or object, or more probably from the absence of correct information of the importance and necessity of your influence in these seas, the subject may not have sufficiently attracted your attention. “ I have observed it noticed in a late pubhcation, ^ that it is upon Asiatic soil only that the advocates of the slave abolition are to gain their final victory — that upon the British Asiatic pohcy in the development of the mibomided resources of Asia depends the ascendancy of the British character.’ The wilter most probably drew his conclusions from very different premises, and they are so strikingly illus- trative of what I would impress upon you, that I could not omit noticing them. You must remember also that we have many of the woolly-headed race scattered over these Islands from the Andamans to New Guinea, and that there have not been wanting persons who consider them as the aborigines of the country — that the Malay language extends w^estward as far as Madagascar, and that, however remote these Islands may be from Africa geographically, and distinct from it politically in the present condition of the world, there are traces of a more intimate connection in former times. I mention this to shew that we have even claims upon you as the friend of Africa — for I am far from concuning in the opinion regarding the aborigines of these Islands, and rather consider the Caffres w^e now find in them to have been brought by traders in remote periods as slaves — as such they are generally considered and treated w^henever entrapped. “ The same political objection which might be started to the interference of your Society in Bengal, and where we have an extensive dominion, and an efficient Govern- BIBLE SOCIETY. 411 ment to pro\dde for all its wants, does not apply to the countries beyond the Ganges. With these our intercourse is entirely commercial, and our object is to raise the na- tive Governments into consideration and importance ; the stronger and more enlight- ened these are, the safer our communication, the more extensive our commerce, and the more important the connexion. There is hardly one of these states whose his- tory, resources, and population, is knoAvn to the European world. A part of my plan is to encourage the collection of all interesting details on these subjects, and I could wish that the persons who devote their time to these objects should possess the means of communicating the information to the pubhc. An annual report to the African Institution, or to you individually, with such occasional tracts as may be interesting, might be forwarded. But I leave to you to point out what had best be done. You wiU perceive that we are not idle, and that the spirit which has gone forth only requires to be properly directed and supported to lead to results of the most promising nature. I must now conclude with my kindest regards to Mrs. Wilberforce, in which Lady Raffles unites most cordially, as well as in every assurance of respect, esteem, and veneration, with which I am, very obediently, T. S. R. I should mention that I caused your present of a seal to be duly dehvered to the Penambahan of Samunap *, and that I have in return received his acknowledg- ments through the Governor General of Bata\ia, together with a handsome crees, which I am requested to forward to you as a mark of respect and attention on the part of that Chief.” Extract from a Letter to Sir R. H. Inglis, Bart. “ Bencoolen, October 5, 1819. * iif ^ “ I have much to communicate to you on the subject of our Bible Society and Schools, of the latter particularly ; but as our proceedings will probably be * A native Chief, who had inherited in his family domestic slaves. When it was proposed that all the slaves on the Island should be registered, he proudly said, “ I will not register my slaves ; they shall be free : hitherto they have been kept such, because it was the custom, and the Dutch liked to be attended by slaves when they visited the palace ; but as that is not the case with the British, they shall cease to be slaves ; for long have I felt shame, and my blood has run cold, when I have reflected on what I once saw at Batavia and Samarang, where human beings were ex])osed for public sale, placed on a table, and exa- mined like sheep and oxen !” The slaves in Java were the property of the Europeans and Chinese alone : the native Chiefs never required the services of slaves, nor engaged in the traffic of slavery. Whilst in England Sir Stamford had a seal made, and Mr. Wilberforce’s name engraved on it, which he took out, and sent to this Chief as a token of acknowledgment for this liberal act. 3 G 2 412 DEATH OF COLONEL BANNERMAN. printed, a communication of them in that form will perhaps be sufficient until I can write you more at length. My attention during the last two months has been very closely directed to the moral conchtion of our population. Schools on the Lancas- trian plan have been adopted with success, and I am now proposing the establish- ment of a native college at Singapore. I mean to submit my plans, in the first instance, to the Government of Bengal, and, if possible, to carry Lord Hastings with me. Some aid from the Company is indispensable, and his Lordship has e\inced a general desire to support similar institutions. I can assure you w'e are not idle, and if w^e do not make more noise about what we are doing, it is because we are more intent on the real object, than the acquisition of credit for what w^e do ; it is for the pleasure and satisfaction w'hich the labour itself affords, and the gi-atification a favourable result may ensure, that we w'ork, and not for the uncertain praise and applause of the day. I enclose the first Report of our Bible Society ; it says little, but to the purpose, and it may be interesting as the first production of a small press, which I have established at Bencoolen. “ Lady Raffles unites with me in kindest respects. “ I remain, “ T. S. Raffles.” To “ October 7, 1819. “ Sophia enjoys the best health, and our two children are of course prodigies. The boy even excels his sister in beauty and expression, and our only anxiety is to take them to England before the climate makes an inroad on their constitution. Till they ai’e six, seven, or eight years old, they may remain with safety ; but after that period both mind and body will be injured by a longer residence within the tropics. “ Such portion of my time as is not taken up in public business, is principally devoted to natural history. We are making very extensive collections in all depart- ments ; and as Sophia takes her full share in these pursuits, the children will, no doubt, easily imbibe a taste for these amusing and interesting occupations. Char- lotte has her lap full of shells, and the boy is usually denominated ‘ le jeune AristoteJ “ T. S. R.” Whilst happily employed in these more domestic but not less interesting occu- pations, intelligence was brought of the death of Colonel Bannennan. This event, melancholy in itself. Sir Stamford thought likely to afford an opportunity for urging upon the consideration of the Supreme Government, his Hews for the general admi- nistration of the Eastern Islands. He therefore resolved to proceed again to Calcutta. The season was far advanced, the vessel w'hich brought the report was the only one likely to touch at Bencoolen for many months; and he w'as obliged to separate SIR STAMFORD’S COMMERCIAL VIEWS. 113 himself from his family on account of its total want of accommodation, as the captain when offered any sum he would name to make room for the Editor, proposed to aiTange a part of the hold of the vessel ; public duty seemed to require his pre- sence in Calcutta, and therefore Sir Stamford determined to proceed there, and be contented with part of the only cabin. The following are extracts from the letters written during the voyage, or during his residence in Calcutta. To . “ On hoard the brig Favourite, October 20, 1819. “ I am once more at sea, on my way to Calcutta. On deliberate consideration I resolved to proceed to Bengal for the advantage of personal communication, the object at stake being important. The size of the vessel, and the season of the year, about the change of the monsoon, have weighed with me in leaving Sophia at Ben- coolen ; and distressing as the separation must be, I do not regret that I am alone, for we have experienced very bad weather, and it is as much as I can do to stand up against all the privations and annoyances of the vessel. “ My views regarding the Eastern Islands are extensive, and, I think, important to our commercial and political interests. The field is large, new, and interesting ; and, in spite of all your advice. Self, I can assure you, is never viewed or reflected upon by me with any other feelings than those of patriotism, benevolence, and duty. Hitherto you have not had a word of my commercial plans ; these I have kept back, as they did not require the immediate attention that those of a political nature did ; but they are not less important, for they include the whole trade of the Archipelago. I will, how^ever, give you some account of what we have been doing at Bencoolen. Here, at any rate, my measures have met with general approbation. They are admitted by the Supreme Government to be founded on sound principles of economy, good government, and humanity. “ My absence from the seat of government, with little or no communication for upwards of eleven months, during which the charge of the place necessarily de- volved on a person who did not comprehend the principles on which I acted, has afforded the means of proving that there was nothing in the nature of those prin- ciples calculated to create commotion, or to occasion dangerous consequences ; that, in fact, such an apprehension was a mere bugbear, created in the confused noddles of those who w^ere ignorant or afraid of their advantage, and supported by those who knew no better ; that innovation and reform are attended with difficulties and dangers, no one will deny, but it is for him who carries them into effect to be pre- pared to meet and subdue them as they arise. I wish, however, those who were so ready to declare the impossibility of the change would now admit they were mis- taken, and state the grounds of their misconception. They could not resist giving 414 MEASURES FOR IMPROVEMENT OF NATIVES. me at least, credit for overcoming what they conceived impossible. I would then simply ask their opinion on the contrast betw'een what is, and what was? “ You will recollect a conversation we had previous to my embarkation, on a very serious subject. To prove to you that I am not inattentive to those im- portant interests on the hrgest scale, I refer you to what we have done towards the amehoration, ci^'ilization, and improvement of our popidation, the only rational steps which can be taken for eventually spreading advantages of a higher nature, which we derive from the comforts of revelation and rehgion. * « * » * “ Of the more immediate and practicable measures, however, I must refer you to the recent estabhshment of schools on the Lancastrian principle. A parent school has been established at Bencoolen, w'hence I hope to supply each \'illage with a tutor, and gradually extend the spread of knowledge throughout the whole Island. The march wdU be slow but sure, and while we are doing all we can to amend the present race, w*e are preparing to supply their place, in the rising generation, by a people in whom improvement and civilization may be more readily extended. ^ But still a more important and interesting report deseiv'es your attention, as containing a true pictme of the present state of society at Bencoolen, on the subject of the recent changes which have been effected. It has occured to me that this mode of exhibiting our real condition was adrisable. My indiridual opinion might be doubted, or supposed to be interested or biassed ; I have, therefore, availed myself of the support of others, and by placmg our clergyman at the head of the committee, given a degree of weight which could not attach to the same arguments used by me alone. As I have no council at Bencoolen, I make committees supply their place. Reflect that Bencoolen is the oldest estabhshment we have in India. It is folly to say I am doing the Company an injmy in exposing the rices of the system : they must be exposed in order to produce a thorough repentance, without wMch we cannot amend our w^ays ; or to use a more appropriate phrase, turn over a new leaf. No man, and no body of men, were ever condemned for acknowledging their errors, prorided they were resolved to depart from them ; it is by a perseverance in w'hat is bad, by an endeavour to conceal from ourselves and the w’orld, that things are as bad as they really are, that we do mischief. * » » » * “ I feel so satisfied that all I have done, and am doing at Bencoolen, is right, that I am only apprehensive on one point, and that is, the authorities in Europe crying out prematurely. The obstacles in my way, in the point of economy, are great ; while there is so large an estabhshment of ci\ilians for whom there is no em- plojTnent, and so many dependants on the Company’s bounty, what can be done ? Remove the former, and let the latter die off, and we shall get on. FINANCIAL REFORMS. 415 My health and constitution will not admit of my remaining many years in India, and I must endeavour, by an increased acti\ity, to make up for want of time. When do you think I shall get home ? Will seven years’ banishment be enough for all my sins ? or must I linger till I can sin no more ? “ You will be happy to hear that I have the advantage of a highly scientific friend in Dr. Jack, who supphes poor Arnold’s place. I have also two Frenchmen employed, and my collections are very considerable ; and both Sophia and myself pass many happy hours among the flowers, the birds, and the beasts, &c. * » « * “ I have revised the custom-house and port regulations, which was absolutely necessary, and declared the port free of all duties.” To the Duchess of Somerset. “ At sea, in the Bay of Bengal, Nov. 9, 1820. “ Behold me again at sea in my passage to Bengal. I had hardly arrived at Bencoolen, when events occurred which rendered this voyage indispensable ; but I have undertaken it alone, the smallness of the vessel and the adverse season of the year inducing me to insist on Lady Raffles remaining quietly at home. An opening seems now to be afforded for extending my views and plans to the Eastward, and this shall be the last effbrt I will make. If I succeed I shall have enough to occupy my attention while I remain in the East ; and if I do not, I can only retm’n to Ben- coolen, and enjoy domestic retirement in the bosom of my family. “ In this country, you will be happy to hear that we have completely turned the tables on the Dutch. The occupation of Singapore has been the death-blow to all their plans ; and I trust that our political and commercial interests will be adequately secured, notwithstanding the unhandsome and ungenerous manner in which ministers have treated me individually, or the indifference they have shewn to the subject. I was perfectly aware that they would not hke the agitation of the question ; but they ought to have been aware that it could not be avoided, and that however easy it may be in the Cabinet to sacrifice the best interests of the nation, there are spirits and voices engendered by the principles of our constitution that will not remain quiet under it. * * * * ^ ‘‘ But a truce to politics ; a few words on our domestic arrangements and plans wiU, I doubt not, be far more interesting than all my public speculations. You are already informed that Lady Raffles presented me with a son and heir while at Penang ; he is now a fine stout boy, and as bold as a lion ; the reverse of your god-daughter in almost every thing. She is the most gentle timid being in existence. It is now above a month since I left them, and two more will elapse before I see them again. 416 BIBLE SOCIETY. “ I have endeavoured to supply the place of Dr. Arnold by another botanical friend, and when other objects do not distract us, we always find abundant employ- ment among our plants and animals. The two French naturalists are indefatigable, and their collection is already very extensive. I am now preparing for transmission to Sir Joseph a full description of the Duyong, or mermaid of these seas. I am afi*aid, however, that the particulars will but ill accord with the accounts of fonner travellers, and that in this, as in many other cases, when we descend from imagination to simple facts, there ^nll be a wonderful falling off; were it not so in the present instance, I don’t know how I could detail to you the relish wth which I dined off the fiesh of one of these seducing animals. “ I intended to have sent your Grace a detailed account of my mission to Acheen, where I had to put the croum on the proper head ; but the subject is so mixed uith pohtical matter, that I fear it would have but httle interest ; for what can you care about a kingdom at the other end of the world, and where the people have no peculiar virtues to recommend them ? I was detained in the country for nearly two months, and to give you an idea of my employment, it may be sufficient to state, that our proceedings filled upwards of a thousand pages of the Company’s largest sized paper. This is the laborious way in which we are sometimes obliged to do busi- ness in India, and will perhaps account for my unwillingness to enlarge farther on a subject of which I must be pretty well tired. ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ To the Rev. Dr. Raffles. At sea, November 9, 1819, within three days sail of Calcutta, “ My Dear Cousin, “ As I know the w'arm interest you feel in our plans of improvement, I lose no time in enclosing, under a separate cover, a copy of the first proceedings which have been printed of our Bible Society, and a still more interesting account of our schools : the latter fonns but a part of a more general and extensive plan that I have set on foot for the spread of knowiedge, and the gi'owth of moral principles throughout the Archipelago. Much of my time has lately been devoted to these objects, and if I am able to cany my plan for the estabhshment of a native college at Singapore, the system will be complete. If you refer to the map, and observe the commanding position of Singapore, situated at the extremity of the Malay Peninsula, you will at once see what a field is opened for our operations. It is very probable that I shall print a few copies of a paper which I have di'awn up on this subject, in which case I shall not fail to send you a copy. “ The Baptist Missionary' Establishment have lately written to me on the sub- ject of sending out missionaries. My answ'er is encom*aging, and I have accom- NATIVE COLLEGE. 417 panied it by some general observations on the plan of conversion. We have already one young man, and a small printing press ; but we require active zeal, and I shall find enough to do for all you can send out ; but let them make haste — years roll on very fast. Two years have now elapsed since I left England, and in five or six more I hope to be thinking of returning. There is no political objection whatever to missionaries in this part of the East, and so far from obstructing, they may be ex- pected to hasten and assist, the plans which are already in operation.” To the same. “ Off the Sand Heads, Bengal, November 10, 1819. “ My Dear Cousin, * * “ I wish to bespeak your good offices, and the exertion of all your energies, in support of an institution I am about to form for generally educating the higher class of natives. The enclosed paper will place you in full possession of my views, plans, and anticipations in this respect, and I shall not detain you here by a repeti- tion of them. “ I have written to Mr. Wilberforce on the subject, and am anxious that he should take us under the parental wing of the African Institution. I promise glo- rious results, and all I ask is support and encouragement, not so much for myself, but to aid and foster a proper spirit in those who must practically assist, and on whom the immediate superintendance and labour must fall, when I am over the seas, and far away. All improvements of this nature must be slow and gradual, and we should look a good way forward. The short time that I may remain in India will only serve to set the machine in motion — and how uncertain after all is life ! Unless some permanent support is found in England, an accident to me might de- stroy aU my highest anticipations. * “ I am now on my way to Calcutta, in the hope of forwarding all my plans — and if I am successful, you shall soon hear further from me. In the mean time, and always, beheve me, most affectionately, “ T. S. Raffles.” Referring to this subject in a letter to another friend, of the same date, he says, “ The field is certainly extensive and interesting, and among so many good men at home, it is hard if we cannot find some friends to the Eastern Isles. If Mr. Wilber- force vnW take them up all will go right.” To the same friend he wrote again in the same month another letter, from which the following is an extract. 3 H 418 ISLAND OF BILLITON. * * * ife * “ I wish to di’aw your attention to an Island which has not hitherto attracted much notice. The Island of Billiton holds a remarkably commanding position between the China and Java Seas : it is situated nearly mid- way from the Malay Peninsula to the Island of Java, and is equi-distant from Sumatra and Borneo. It forms with Banca, and the numerous small Islands lying between, that passage into the China Seas known by the name of the Straits of Caspar, and has the Caramata passage on the east. “ Billiton contains an area of not less than four or five hundi’ed square miles ; it is for the most part mountainous and covered with forests ; and the native settle- ments which have been formed are mostly situated on the coast, and near the prin- cipal rivers. Its most valuable export is a particular kind of iron, in great request among the Malay countries ; but it furnishes tin, and most of the other raw products which are peculiar to these Islands. Cultivation does not appear to have been car- ried to any considerable extent ; but the soil is understood to be fertile, and the country throughout abmidantly watered. From the geological specimens which have been obtained, and the consideration of its position between Banca and Borneo, with both of which it is connected by chains of smaller Islands, it may be inferred to be of similar constitution, and when fidly examined, will probably be found equally rich in mineral productions. The pro\dnces of Borneo, to the southward of Succa- dana, and immediately opposite to Billiton, form part of the ancient kingdom of Mattan, still independent of Dutch authority or claims, and are considered particu- larly valuable, on account of the abundant produce of gold and diamonds, and the extent of native agricultural population in the interior. The restrictive policy of the Dutch has induced the Chiefs to close their ports, in a great measure, against general intercourse and trade ; but the mission lately sent to Singapore fi*om these states, sufficiently shews the desire of the Chiefs to re-open them, if assured of our affiance and the non-interference of the Dutch. Of the population of Billiton it is not easy, in the present state of our informa- tion, to form an estimate. It is composed of several small and independent esta- blishments, which have latterly considerably increased, particularly since the transfer of Java. It has been considered a place of refuge for those who were unwilling to submit to the severity of the Dutch restrictions, and has naturally become the resort of pirates and smugglers. The opinion generally entertained by the natives, that this is a British Island, and that they cannot be interfered with by the Dutch, has tended to increase the resort, particidarly of the smugglers. The opinion of the authorities in Europe is decisive in favour of our sove- reign right to this Island not having been affected by the convention with the Netherlands. ISLAND OF BILLITON. 419 “ Billiton lies in the direct track of the trade between Europe and China, pass- ing through the Straits of Sunda, and would afford a convenient port of refreshment for our China ships, and might be expected to become a most extensive entrepot between Europe and China. “ When the Islands of Banca and Billiton were obtained in cession to the East India Company, it was considered that a line drawn between Sumatra and Borneo, in the latitude of Billiton, woidd form a most advantageous boundary between the French and English authorities, in the possible event of the restoration of Java. This arrangement woidd still have left to the power in possession of Java, the unbroken and uninterrupted empire of that and the more eastern Islands. ‘‘ An establishment of the same nature as that at Singapore, would be sufficient for every immediate pm-pose. In connection ivith that settlement, it would form a most valuable and important link in our series of stations, and would always ensure to us every fair advantage in the trade of the Archipelago. “ Of the comparative view of Billiton and Singapore it may be observed, that the latter settlement was made solely with a riew to command the Straits of Malacca, and the protection of our trade passing to and from China in that direction. It has no influence or command whatever over the Straits of Sunda, an advantage which is possessed by Billiton. “ The two stations would mutually assist each other, and answer almost every object we have in riew, and the loss of either would not be easily supplied. “ The above observations are necessarily general, and it is much to be wished that more information should be obtained as to its harbours, population, &c., and what changes have taken place since it was considered to have fallen under the British rule, — what port offers the greatest advantages for a station, and what the immediate local facilities or difficulties of estabhshing the same. “ I send you a copy of Lord Hastings’ reply to a letter from me on the subject of our eastern arrangements. His Lordship is ready enough to act as soon as he possesses authority, and I know that the other members of Council concur in and approve of the plan I have proposed. His Lordship would perhaps incline more to the acquisition of territory, and a disposition towards Ava and Acheen is discernible ; but in this, I presume, he wiU be checked from home. Mihtary men and Bengal civilians are more favom-able to temtorial extension than the Court of Directors are likely to be, and, therefore, I calculate that some plan on the principle of that I have suggested, will be adopted. “ I hope the authorities at home will not be induced to give up Billiton, under an idea that it is of no value to us. If my proceedings have only saved this one spot from the \iTeck, I shall have done some good. I am just drawing up a memo- randum on the subject for this government, and will send you a copy of it. “ This appears to be the moment for a grand push. You may, in good con- 3 H 2 420 LETTER FROM LORD HASTINGS. science, put my personal interest out of the question, and believe that I am solely actuated by public ambition, to place our Eastern possessions on a respectable and permanent footing.” Letter from Lord Hastings. “ Calcutta, November 27th, 1819. “ My Dear Sir, “ The consolidation of our Eastern possessions into one government, subor- dinate to the supreme authority, would unquestionably be a desirable arrangement. I think it likely to strike the Court of Directors, in consequence of the various do- cuments which have within the last two years been transmitted to them. Their judgment possibly may not determine the point, for the consideration of the subject will be complicated with the result of discussions between the Com’ts of London and Brussels. I fear we shall have but a patched determination. Till a decision shall be signified to us, it would be premature to fashion, even pro\fisionally, any plan ; but it is always expedient to scrutinize, in the interval, all particulars, so as to be prepared to act upon the principle which may be dictated to us. “ I am, &c.” The state of Sir Stamford’s mind, in private as well as in pubhc, may be collected from the following letters written about this time. To the Duchess of Somerset. “ Caleutta, December \7th, 1819. ^ ^ ^ ^ “ I do all I can to raise myself above these feelings, in the hope that there is, even in this world, more happiness than we weak mortals can comprehend. I have had enough of sorrow in my short career ; and it still comes too ready a guest without my bidding ; but I drive it from my door, and do my best to preserve my health and spirits, that I may last out a few years longer, and contribute, as far as I can, to the happiness of others. “ But away with this melancholy strain. I fear I am getting almost as bad as those to whom I would preach, and in truth, I am at this moment heavy and sick at heart. I could lay me down and cry, and weep for hours together, and yet I know not why, except that I am unhappy. But for my dear sister’s arrival, I should still have been a solitary wretch in this busy capital. I left Lady Raffles and my dear children at Bencoolen three months ago ; and I have no one here of congenial feelings with whom I can communicate. DIPLOMATIC AGENT AT BATAVIA. 421 Of my public views and plans I have not much to say ; we remain quite neutral pending the reference to Europe. ^ vpT t|c “ It is said that Captain Canning will be appointed to reside in some diplomatic capacity at Batavia ; an accredited agent with the Batavian Government will be the surest means of preventing serious disputes. ^& * * * * * “ If there is time, I will endeavour to send your Grace a paper, which will explain to you more fully what my present views and wishes are. I do not, however, set my heart on them, or, indeed, on any thing else, except returning to England as soon as possible. I am almost tempted to say that this is becoming every day more and more the sole object of my desires, and I do yet hope that ere the fifth repetition of Christmas, we may be within reach of one of the Duke’s parks. On my return to Bencoolen, I shall probably be able to speak more decidedly on this point, and in the mean time, what I have now said will, I hope, convince you that I am beginning to turn my thoughts homewards. I must look out for some cottage or farm, and profiting by the distresses of the great landholders, endeavour to sell butter and cheese to advantage — do you think this would do ?” ***** To W. Marsden, Esq. '^Calcutta, December 28, 1819. “ My Dear Sir, “ I have the pleasure to forward to iyou, under separate covers, two or three papers connected with my views and plans to the eastward, which may, per- haps, be interesting to you. One of these is a paper suggesting the advantage of consolidating our eastern establishments under one government ; another, which is printed, suggests the advantage of affording the means of education to the native Chiefs of the Archipelago ; and a third is the copy of a report of a committee appointed to inquire into the state of society at Bencoolen, &c. I should he happy to receive your opinion, generally, on the arrangements proposed. “ The paper on the policy of uniting our establishments to the eastward, was of course drawn up for the meridian of Calcutta, where I have reason to believe the principles are most fully concurred in. In a more lengthened official report on the commercial resources of the Archipelago, which goes home in the present packet, I have of course not alluded to the abohtion of the present form of govern- ment at Penang. I believe it is the wash of Lord Hastings to establish Captain Canning as a resident Agent at Batavia, and that this forms part of the plan sug- gested for the consideration of the authorities in Europe. The idea is, I think. 422 APPROVAL OF SIR STAMFORD’S PLANS. good ; but I hope the duties of this Agent uill be strictly confined to communications with the Dutch, and that this appointment is not in any way intended to interfere with the government of the British settlements, in their connection and intercourse with the native states.” To “ Diamond Harbour, January, 1820. “ I have been delayed in Calcutta for a month longer than I expected, on account of a severe and trying illness, which has long confined me to my bed and room. I am happy, however, to say, that I am again convalescent, and in a fair way of recovery. I embarked yesterday. Sophia and the childi'en were well the beginning of December, but I have not heard from them since I sailed. “ Singapore, I am happy to say, continues to rise most rapidly in importance and resources. It is already one of the first ports in the East, and I doubt not you will receive very favom'able reports by every homeward-bound ship. I could write volumes in its favom*, but it may suffice to say, that it has in every respect answered beyond my most sanguine expectations. “ On leartng Calcutta, you will expect some opinion from me on the state of my interests, and generally of the opinions entertained respecting my views and plans to the eastward. Here, as in England, I find that my presence has served to dissipate many a cloud, and that opposition has receded as I approached. There is a very favourable disposition to me personally, but, I believe, still more so to my plans, which are now approved of, and upheld by all descriptions of persons, high and low. The followng extract from a note I have received from a very high and influencing authority, will speak for itself : — ' Your very interesting report, regarding the com- mercial relations of the Eastern Islands, is still in circulation with the members of government. It ^rtll not, probably, lead to any practical result in this country, but will, of course, be brought to the notice of the authorities at home. I should sin- cerely rejoice to see adopted the admirable scheme which you have sketched for the organization and management of our eastern possessions. I am surprised that the commercial men of Calcutta have not more distinctly marked their sense of the great advantages likely to accme to the commercial interests of India and England, from the successful prosecution of your plan.’ “ With regard to the commercial men, nothing can exceed the attention I have received fi*om them ; they gave me a public dinner, and made eveiy demonstration to me personally during my stay in Calcutta ; but they wait till I have left it to send in a \n-itten representation to Government, which, for many reasons, it is better should be done during my absence. “ I hope the Supreme Government will also forward, by the present ship, their 1 APPROVAL OF SIR STAMFORD’S PLANS. 423 sentiments upon my administration and proceedings at Bencoolen ; they fully approve and applaud all I have done, and their communications to me on the subject are most flattering. " Report says, the Dutch have been driven out and massacred at Padang. No- thing is more hkely, for their conduct was abominable. Oh that our politicians at home would act with a little common sense and firmness ; it is folly for them to procrastinate ; and unless they do what is just and fair, nature and circumstances will involve them in the eventual necessity of a still more unpleasant interference hereafter. “ It is my intention to write a defence of my conduct against the charge of Lord Bathurst, (of having exceeded my powers), and this will be forwarded through the Supreme Government. The public authorities at home seem never to have adverted to my being furnished with a commission as Lieutenant Governor ; and that it was by virtue of this commission, that I protested against the Dutch, and not as a sepa- rate or political agent. I maintain, and shall continue to maintain, that I was per- fectly authorized to make that protest ; and consequently, that however it may be condemned, it cannot be annulled. I had full right to make it, and my commission is my warrant.” CHAPTER XV. Sir Stamford did not succeed in introducing a more economical and simple mode of government for the Eas- tern Islands — Difficulties of altering established forms — Illness — Sight of Sumatra — Tappanooly — Battas — Population — Language — Manners — Civilized cannibals— Eating their prisoners in mar, cri- minals, and parents, alive — Description of eating a person as a punishment — Padries — Cholera Mor- bus— Camphor tree — Laws of the Battas — Succession of nephews — Mr. Ward’s opinion. Sir Stamford Raffles failed in his endeavour to prevail upon the Supreme Go- vernment to introduce a more simple mode of management for the Eastern Islands. It is, perhaps, not easy to break up large and old establishments, or to check the progi'ess of patronage and power. The government of Penang was admitted to be a cumbrous, useless machine ; for which no employment could be found. A Re- sident with two or three assistants at each, were acknowledged to be sufficient for all the duties at each of the three stations of Penang, Malacca, and Singapore, — the latter was so fixed by Sir Stamford ; but when Bencoolen was given up to the Dutch in 1824, the East India Company transferred all the civil servants from that estabhshment to these places, in two of which there were already more than it was possible to find employment for; and even since that event more young men have been sent out to Penang ; under such arrangements it is impossible to keep down expenditure ; and Singapore has in consequence gi'eatly increased in expense since Sir Stamford relinquished his control over it. In the month of February, 1820, Sir Stamford prepared to leave Calcutta and return to Sumatra, uith the consciousness of having, to the utmost of his ability, endeavoured to prevail upon those who had the power, to reform what was acknow- ledged to require reformation, and to lessen expense, where it was confessed that useless expenditure existed. The nature of his feelings, and of his occupations on his return to the scene of his public duties in Sumatra, is well described by himself in his letters to different friends, from which the following are extracts. They contain a curious and almost original account of some of the inhabitants of that great Island. DESCRIPTION OF THE BATTAS. 425 To the Duchess of Somerset. “ Off Smnatra, February 12, 1820. “ You will, perhaps, have condemned me for so long a silence, yet when you know the cause, I am satisfied you will cease to think unkindly. I have been ill — very ill — so much so, that for the last month of my stay in Calcutta, I was confined to my bed and forbidden to write or even to think. I was removed from my room to the ship with veiy little strength, but I am happy to say, that I am already nearly recovered ; the sight of Sumatra, and the health-inspiring breezes of the Malayan Islands, have effected a wonderful change, and though I still feel weak, and am as thin as a scare-crow, I may fairly say that I am in good health and spirits. “ I am beginning to turn my thoughts homew'ards, and shall very soon ask your advice on a thousand pursuits. * ^ * “ I have just left Tappanooly, situated in the very heart of the Batta country, abounding in Camphor and Benjamin, and full of interest for the natmahst and philosopher. If you have occasionally looked into Mr. Marsden’s History of Sumatra, you wll recollect that the Battas are cannibals. Now do not be sur- prised at what I shall tell you regarding them, for I tell the truth, and nothing but the truth. “ To prepare you a little, I must premise that the Battas are an extensive and populous nation of Smnatra, occupying the whole of that part of the Island lying be- tween Acheen and Menangkabu, reaching to both the shores. The coast is but thinly inhabited, but in the interior the people are said to be ‘ as thick as the leaves of the forest perhaps the whole nation may amount to between one or two milhons of souls. They have a regular government, deliberative assemblies, and are great orators ; nearly the whole of them write, and they possess a language and written character pecidiar to themselves. In their language and terms, as well as in some of their laws and usages, the influence of Hinduism may be traced, but they have also a religion pecuhar to themselves ; they acknowdedge the one and only great God, under the title Dihata Assl Assi, and they have a Trinity of great gods, supposed to have been created by him. They are warlike, extremely fair and honourable in all their dealings, most deliberate in all their proceedings ; their country is highly cultivated, and crimes are few. “ The evidence adduced by Mr. Marsden must have removed all doubt from every unprejudiced mind, that, notwithstanding all this in their favour, the Battas are strictly cannibals ; but he has not gone half far enough. He seems to consider that it is only in cases of prisoners taken in war, or in extreme cases of adultery, that the 3 I 426 DESCRIPTION OF EATING A CRIMINAL. practice of man-eating is resorted to, and then that it is only in a fit of revenge. He tells us that, not satisfied with cutting off pieces and eating them raw, instances have been known where some of the people present have run up to the \dctim, and actually torn the flesh from the bones uith their teeth. He also tell us, that one of om' Resi- dents found the remains of an English soldier, who had been only half eaten, and afterwards' discovered his finger sticking on a fork, laid by, but first taken wann from the fire : but I had rather refer your Grace to the book ; and if you have not got it, pray send for it, and read all that is said about the Battas. “ In a small pamphlet, lately addi'essed to the Court of Directors, respecting the coast, an instance still more horrible than any thing related by Mr. Marsden is intro- duced ; and as this pamphlet was written by a high authority, and the fact is not dis- puted, there can be no question as to its coiTectness ; it is nearly as follows. “ A few years ago, a man had been found guilty of a very common crime, and was sentenced to be eaten according to the law of the land ; this took place close to Tappanooly ; the Resident was invited to attend ; he declined, but his assistant and a native officer were present. As soon as they reached the spot, they found a large assemblage of people, and the criminal tied to a tree, with his hands extended. The minister of justice, who was himself a Chief of some rank, then came forward nith a large knife in his hand, which he brandished as he approached the \ictim. He was followed by a man carrying a dish, in which was a preparation or condiment, com- posed of limes, chillies, and salt, called by the Malays SamhuL He then called aloud for the injured husband, and demanded what part he chose ; he replied the right ear, which was immediately cut off with one stroke, and delivered to the party, who, turn- ing round to the man behind, dehberately dipped it into the Sambul, and devoured it ; the rest of the party then fell upon the body, each taking and eating the part most to his hking. After they had cut off a considerable part of the flesh, one man stabbed him to the heart ; but this was rather out of compliment to the foreign visitors, as it is by no means the custom to give the coup de grace. “ It was with a knowledge of all these facts regarding the Battas that I paid a \dsit to Tappanooly, with a determination to satisfy my mind most fully in everything concerning cannibalism. I had previously set on foot extensive enquiries, and so managed matters as to concentrate the information, and to bring the point within a narrow compass. You shall now hear the result ; but, before I proceed, I must beg of you to have a little more patience than you had with Mr. Mariner. I recollect that W'hen you came to the story of eating the aunt, you threw the book down. Now I can assure yom' Grace that I have fen times more to report, and you must believe me. “ I have said the Battas are not a bad people, and I still think so, nohvith- standing they eat one another, and relish the flesh of a man better than that of an EATING PARENTS. 427 ox or a pig. You must merely consider that I am giving you an account of a novel state of society. The Battas are not savages, for they write and read, and think full as much, and more than those who are brought up at our Lancastrian and National Schools. They have also codes of laws of great antiquity, and it is from a regard for these laws, and a veneration for the institutions of their ancestors, that they eat each other ; the law declares that for certain crimes, four in number, the criminals shall be eaten alive. The same law declares also, that in gi’eat wars, that is to say, one district with another, it shall be lawful to eat the prisoners, whether taken ahve, dead, or in then' gi'aves. “ In the four great cases of crimes the criminal is also duly tried and con- demned by a competent tribunal. When the e\idence is heard sentence is pro- nounced, when the Chiefs drink a dram each, which last ceremony is equivalent to signing and seahng with us. “ Two or three days then elapse to give time for assembhng the people, and in cases of adultery it is not allowed to carry the sentence into effect, unless the rela- tions of the wife appear and partake of the feast. The prisoner is then brought forward on the day appointed, and fixed to a stake with his hands extended. The husband or party injured comes up and takes the first choice, generally the ears ; the rest then, according to their rank, take the choice pieces, each helping himself according to his liking. After all have partaken, the chief person goes up and cuts off the head, which he carries home as a trophy. The head is hung up in front of the house, and the brains are carefully preserved in a bottle for purposes of witch- craft, &c. In devouring the flesh, it is sometimes eaten raw, and sometimes gi'illed, but it must be eaten upon the spot. Limes, salt, and pepper are always in readi- ness, and they sometimes eat rice with the flesh, but never drink toddy or spirits ; many carry bamboos with them, and filling them with blood drink it off. The assembly consists of men alone, as the flesh of man is prohibited to the females : it is said, however, that they get a bit by stealth now and then. “ I am assured, and really do believe, that many of the people prefer human flesh to any other, but norivithstanding this penchant they never indulge the appetite except on lawiiil occasions. The palms of the hands, and the soles of the feet, are the dehcacies of epicures! ‘‘ On expressing my surprise at the continuance of such extraordinary practices, I was informed that formerly it was usual for the people to eat their parents when too old for work. The old people selected the horizontal branch of a tree, and quietly suspended themselves by their hands, while their children and neighbours, forming a circle, danced round them, crying out, ^ When the fmit is ripe, then it will fall.’ This practice took place during the season of hmes, when salt and pepper w'ere plenty, and as soon as the rictims became fatigued, and could hold on no longer, they fell down, when all hands cut them up, and made a hearty meal of 3 I 2 128 DESCRIPTION OF THE BATTAS. them. This practice, however, of eating the old people has been abandoned, and thus a step in civilization has been attained, and, therefore, there are hopes of future improvement. “ This state of society you will admit to be very peculiar. It is calculated, that certainly not less than from sixty to one hmidi'ed Battas are thus eaten in a year in times of peace. I was going on to tell your Grace much about the treatment of the females and children, but I find that I have already filled several sheets, and that I am called away from the cabin ; I will therefore conclude, with entreating you not to think the worse of me for this horrible relation. You know that I am far from wishing to paint any of the Malay race in the worst colours, but yet I must tell the truth. Not- withstanding the practices I have related, it is my determination to take Lady Raffles into the interior, and to spend a month or two in the midst of these Battas. Should any accident occur to us, or should we never be heard of more, you may conclude w^e have been eaten. “ I am half afraid to send this scrawl, and yet it may amuse you, if it does not, throw it into the fire ; and still believe that, though half a cannibal, and living among cannibals, I am not less warm in heart and soul. In the deepest recesses of the forest, and among the most savage of all tribes, my heart still clings to those afar off, and I do believe that even w'ere I present at a Batta feast, I should be think- ing of kind friends at Maiden Bradly. What an association ! God forgive me, and bless you all. “ I am forming a collection of skulls ; some from bodies that have been eaten. Will your Grace allow them room among the curiosities ? ” To W. Marsden, Esq. “At sea off Anulaha, February \3th, 1820. “ My Dear Sir, “ Owing to my long absence from Bencoolen, and frequent change of residence, my Europe letters have seldom reached me without considerable delay, and then en masse. I have now before me your letters of the * * “ After thanking you generally for these kind proofs of your attention and friendship, allow me to express my particular obligations to you for Marco Polo, which I am happy to say has reached me in excellent condition. I have not had time to read it through, but I have devoted all my spare hours to it, and mean to go through it de suite as soon as I am once more settled at home. I am looking with anxiety for Crawdiu’d’s work, fr'om the time he has taken to arrange and pohsh, I feel no doubt of its value. I expect from him a somewhat new view of the lit^ratm'e, history, and antiquities of Java, as he appears in his ACCOUNT OF THE PADRIES. 429 review of my work in the Edinburgh to have thrown a cloud over that part of my story. I shall be happy to stand corrected where I am wrong, and to acknowledge my error ; but I hope he will give something more than assertion as to the dates which he disputed. I have obtained some new lights on these since my return to this country. “ I observe what you say in your last letter regarding the publication of my late journeys in the interior. Dr. Horsfield has sufficient materials. Should he not undertake it, I shall have no objection to draw up the account myself; but I con- fess I would prefer its being undertaken by some other hand than mine. I shall be most happy to receive your suggestions as to the best mode of giving the public an account of the kind. I have a good deal to say about the interior of Moco Moco, and Sambi-Acheen, and Palembang ; and if you purpose another edition of Su- matra, perhaps some of the information may be useful to you. I am not desirous of pubhshing, and yet I should be sorry if the information were lost for want of it. “ From the map you will receive, you will perceive an essential difference in the situation of Pageruyong. It is about thirty miles east of the west coast. From the distracted state of the Menangkabu country, it was difficult to obtain extensive infonnation. The question regarding the communication between the rivers of Siak and Indragiri, must still rest on the authority on which you received it ; as far as I could infer, and calculate distances and probabihties, I conceive it most hkely that no such communication exists. The Indragiri river appears to be narigable for sloops of fifty and seventy tons, as high as the Falls, and it is even said that boats of considerable burthen are to be found above them. These are situated in that part of the country usually called K’uantan, near which the Sultan of Pageruyong has recently fixed his residence. “ It occurs to me, that an account of the Orang Putis, or Padries, might be well introduced into the account of our journey to Menangkabu, and I have already col- lected some very interesting information respecting these people, who, in many par- ticidars, seem to resemble the Wahabees of the desert. They have proved them- selves most unrelenting and tyrannical ; but their rule seems calculated to reform and improve, inasmuch as it introduces something hke authority, so much wanted over aU Sumatra.” The following is an extract from the paper of information collected on the occa- sions to which Sir Stamford here alluded : “ The Padries are causing great alarm at om* northern stations, and seem to be rapidly increasing in power. The natives say, at first one of the Chiefs of the country, who was well-read in most rehgious books, had great sense and cunning, and much wealth and influence, consulted with some of his friends of the neigh- 430 ACCOUNT OF THE PADRIES. bouring districts, to endeavour to introduce some improvements among the people ; ^ for,’ he observed, ‘ not one-tenth of the population prayed, or seemed to have any fear of God, but, on the contrary, were totally addicted to cock-fighting and inebriety he was therefore determined to abohsh gambling, and to forbid the use of all intoxicating beverages. His friends wished him to go further ; they alleged that it was written, ‘ that he who did not pray, and refused to embrace the tenets of the Koran, merited death and confiscation it was then determined to enforce the tenets of the Mahomedan rehgion throughout the pro\'ince. The Chief then proclaimed that the religion of Mahomet consisted in four principal doctrines : faith, circumcision, seclusion, and the knowledge of God, and that prayer was the proof of religion ; and he entreated all people to unite with him m establishing these doctrines amongst themselves, and in every other country within their means ; that the tokens of union in the cause of God should be a beard for the males, and that the w’omen should conceal their faces ; that neither sex should bathe naked ; that the selling of strong drinks should be unlawful, and the use of tobacco for smoking or eating should be abolished. “ The people generally, as may be supposed, were not inchned to practise so much self-denial, and war w'as soon declared against all wiio refused to pray and receive the new tenets. The country was devastated, the people plundered, and fines levied upon the conquered. A council w^as appointed to see that prayers were regular, and that drinking, and eating tobacco were no longer practised. A man who shaved away his beard was to be fined. The filing of teeth w^as to be punished by the forfeit of a buffalo. If the faces of females were uncovered ; if w^omen quar- relled ; if a child W'as beaten, fines w^ere imposed : long nails on the fingers were reduced by cutting them and the flesh together, besides a fine. Repeated neglect of fast and prayers w^as punished with death.” “ I intended to have wiitten you very fully from Bengal, but I was attacked by a severe fever, and not allowed to use my pen for ten minutes together. I, however, forwarded to you from thence several papers, wiiich I hope may prove of some in- terest. One of these is the report of a committee appointed to assist in forming something like a statistical account of Sumatra. You are fully awm'e of my senti- ments respecting Bencoolen, and will not, therefore, be surprised to find them con- firmed in the report. Not having a council, I avail myself of the assistance and advice of committees whenever I find it necessary that my opinions should be ex- amined or confirmed, and I have already found considerable advantage from the plan. In a small place like Bencoolen, it is likely that such committees will gene- rally feel the influence of the superior authority ; but yet they may possess inde- pendence and talent sufficient to assist and protect that authority very essentially. 7 CHOLERA MORBUS. 431 “ Of my plan for a college at Singapore, I feel no doubt you will approve generally. The success of the undertaking will depend on the estimate I have formed of the character of the people ; if I am right, they are a very different people from those on the continent of India, and it is in this difference that the advantage exists. On this subject also, I hope, when you are at leisure, you will favour me with your sentiments. “ Of my own circumstances, plans, and expectations, I have not much to say at present. The result of my visit to Bengal has been a more intimate connection with that government, and a strong recommendation home from them in favour of all my plans, whether at Bencoolen, Singapore, or Penang, or of the whole collec- tively. “ You will be pleased to hear that Singapore has again become a great and flou- rishing city. The population is already more than three times that of Bencoolen, and is rapidly augmenting. I do not like to say much on the subject, because it is something like praising one’s own child ; but I may fairly say that it has in every re- spect exceeded even my most sanguine expectation, and this, you will admit, is saying not a little. With respect to the Dutch, every thing remains in great suspense pending the references made to Europe by both parties. The Governor General in council has declared his sentiments of their proceedings in much less qualified terms than I had previously done, and does not hesitate to tell the authorities of Batavia, that they have been actuated throughout by views of unbounded ambition, and an unfair and dis- honourable attempt to injure and degrade the English. “ I will not, however, detain you * * * * “ The cholera morbus has latterly committed dreadful ravages at Acheen, Penang, and Quedah ; it is now raging at Malacca, and I have great apprehensions for Singa- pore. From Bencoolen I have not heard for some months, but I am in hopes that the inhospitable natiwe of our coast, and the poverty of our inhabitants, may for once be in our favour, and that we shall neither receive so unwelcome a guest, or, if he does effect his landing, afford him sufficient subsistence for his support. We fell in with a brig yesterday from the Isle of France, where this fatal disease appears also to have arrived : God knows where it will go next ; whether eastward to Siam and China, or westward to Africa and Em'ope.” To William Marsden, Esq. “ Off Nattal, February 27, 1820, “ My Dear Sir, “ As I shall find an arrear of five months to get through at Bencoolen, it may be as well that I communicate to you, without loss of time, some of the particulars which I have ascertained in my late visit to Tappanooly. “ We had a fine view of the waterfall at Mansular, and I did not fail to approach 432 CANNIBALISM OF THE BATTAS. it in a boat near enough to ascertain that it does not fall into a great Danu, but into the sea. We landed on the Island, and collected a few plants of undescribed species. The rock of which the Island is composed is trap or basalt. “ A subject of greater interest was the camphor tree, and, as might be expected, I tried my luck, and was fortunate in procming a small quantity of camphor from the tree felled on the occasion. My friend. Dr. Jack, has now satisfied himself on all points, and a detailed description is in progress. You are already informed that the flowers have been examined, and found to be monadelphous ( monadelphia pohjgamia ); specimens have been sent home to Mr. Brown and Mr. Lambert. “ But my attention was still more attracted by the people of the country ; and though our stay was short, I was enabled to satisfy myself ftdly on several very inte- resting points. I have found all you say on the subject of cannibalism more than con- firmed. I do not think you have even gone far enough. You might have broadly stated, that it is the practice not only to eat the victim, but to eat him ahve. I shall pass over the particulars of all previous information which I have received, and endea- vour to give you, in a few words, the result of a dehberate inquiry from the Batta Chiefs of Tappanooly. I caused the most intelligent to be assembled; and, in the presence of Mr. Prince and Dr. Jack, obtained the following information, of the truth of which none of us have the least doubt. “ It is the universal and standing law of the Battas, that death by eating shall be inflicted in the following cases. “ 1st. For adultery. 2d. For midnight robbery; and, “ 3d. In wars of importance, that is to say, one district against another, the pri- soners are sacrificed. “ 4th. For intermanying in the same tribe, which is forbidden from the circum- stance of their having ancestors in common ; and, “ 5th. For treacherous attack on a house, \illage, or person. “ In all the above cases it is lawful for the victims to be eaten, and they are eaten alive, that is to say, they are not previously put to death. The \ictim is tied to a stake, with his arms extended, the party collect in a circle around him, and the Chief gives the order to commence eating. The chief enemy, when it is a prisoner, or the chief party injured in other cases, has the first selection ; and after he has cut off his slice, others cut off pieces according to their taste and fancy, until all the flesh is devoured. “ It is either eaten raw or grilled, and generally dipped in Sambul (a preparation of Chili pepper and salt), which is always in readiness. Rajah Bandahara, a Batta, and one of the Chiefs of Tappanooly, asserted that he was present at a festival of this kind about eight years ago, at the village of Subluan on the other side of the bay, not nine miles distant, where the heads may still be seen. When the party is a prisoner taken in war, he is eaten immediately, and on CANNIBALISM OF THE BATTAS. 433 the spot. Whether dead or alive he is equally eaten, and it is usual even to drag the bodies from the graves, and after disinterring them, to eat the flesh. This only in cases of war. “ From the clear and concurring testimony of all parties, it is certain that it is the practice not to kill the victims till the whole of the flesh cut off by the party is eaten, should he live so long ; the Chief or party injured then comes forward and cuts off the head, which he carries home as a trophy. Within the last three years there have been two instances of this kind of punishment within ten miles of Tap- panooly, and the heads are still preserved. “ In cases of adultery the injured party usually takes the ear or ears; but the ceremony is not allowed to take place except the wife’s relations are present and partake of it. “ In these and other cases where the criminal is directed to be eaten, he is seciu'ed and kept for two or three days, till every person (that is to say males) is assembled. He is then eaten quietly, and in cold blood, with as much ceremony, and perhaps more, than attends the execution of a capital sentence in Europe. “ The bones are scattered abroad after the flesh has been eaten, and the head alone preserved. The brains belong to the Chief, or injured party, who usually preserves them in a bottle, for pmposes of witchcraft, &c. They do not eat the bowels, but like the heart ; and many drink the blood from bamboos. The palms of the hands and the soles of the feet are the delicacies of epicures. “ Horrid and diabolical as these practices may appear, it is no less true, that they are the result of much deliberation among the parties, and seldom, except in the case of prisoners in war, the effect of immediate and private revenge. In all cases of crimes, the party has a regular trial, and no punishment can be inflicted until sentence is regularly and formally passed in the public fair. Here the Chiefs of the neighbouring kampong assemble, hear the evidence, and deliberate upon the crime and probable guilt of the party ; when condemned, the sentence is ratified by the Chiefs drinking the tuah, or toddy, which is final, and may be considered equi- valent to signing and sealing with us. “ I was very particular in my enquiries whether the assembly were intoxicated on occasions of these punishments. I was assured it was never the case. The people take rice with them, and eat it with the meat, but no tuah is allowed. The punishment is always inflicted in public. The men alone are allowed to par- take, as the flesh of man is prohibited to the women (probably from an apprehen- sion they might become too fond of it). The flesh is not allowed to be carried away from the spot, but must be consumed at the time. I am assured that the Battas are more attached to these laws than the Ma- homedans are to their Koran, and that the number of the punishments is very con- siderable. My informants considered that there could not be less than fifty or sixty 3 K 434- CANNIBALISM OF THE BATTAS. men eaten in a year, and this in times of peace ; but they were imable to estimate the true extent, considering the gi-eat population of the country ; they were confident, however, that these laws were strictly enforced, wherever the name of Batta was known, and that it was only in the immediate vicinity of om* settlements that they were modified and neglected. For proof, they referred me to every Batta in the vicinity, and to the number of skulls to be seen in every village, each of which was from a victiih of the kind. “ With regard to the relish with which the parties devour the flesh, it appeared that, independent of the desire of revenge which may be supposed to exist among the principals, about one half of the people eat it with a rehsh, and speak of it with delight ; the other half, though present, may not partake. Human flesh is, how- ever, generally considered preferable to cow or buffalo beef, or hog, and was ad- mitted to be so even by my informants. “ Adverting to the possible origin of this practice, it was observed that formerly they ate their parents when too old for work ; this, however, is no longer the case, and thus a step has been gained in civihzation. “ It is admitted that the parties may be redeemed for a pecuniary compensation, but this is entirely at the option of the chief enemy or injured party, who after his sentence is passed may either have his \dctim eaten, or he may sell him for a slave ; but the law is that he shall be eaten, and the prisoner is entirely at the mercy of his prosecutor. “ The law's by which these sentences are inflicted, are too well known to re- quire reference to books, but I am promised some MS. accounts which relate to the subject. These laws are called huhum pinang an, from depang an to eat — law or sentence to eat. “ I could give you many more details, but the above may be sufficient to shew that our friends the Battas are even worse than you have represented them, and that those who are still sceptical have yet more to learn. I have also a gi'eat deal to say on the other side of the character, for the Battas have many \'ii’tues. I prize them highly. However horrible eating a man may sound in Em'opean ears, I ques- tion whether the party suffers so much, or the punishment itself is worse than the European tortures of two centuries ago. I have always doubted the poficy, and even the right of capital punishment among cirilized nations ; but this once ad- mitted, and torture allowed, I see nothing more cruel in eating a man alive than in torturing him for days with mangled fimbs and the like. Here they certainly eat him up at once, and the party seldom suffers more than a few minutes. It is pro- bable that he suffers more pain from the loss of his ear than from what follows ; indeed he is said to give one shriek w'hen that is taken off, and then to continue silent till death. “ These severe punishments certainly tend to prevent crimes. The Battas are 2 LAWS OF INHERITANCE. 435 honest and honourable, and possess many more virtues than I have time to put down. ‘‘ I have arranged to pay a visit to Tobah, and the banks of the great lake, in the course of next year, and my plan is to go into the interior by the way of Bams, and to return by way of Nattal, taking the longest sweep where our influence will be most felt. Lady Raffles will, I hope, accompany me, and I shall endeavour to give up full six weeks for the trip. I am perfectly satisfied we shall be safe, and I hardly know any people on whom I would sooner rely than the Battas. In exa- mining your map it appears to me that you have carried the places mentioned in Miller’s journey much too far to the eastward ; for instance, Batangenan, which is inserted near the eastern coast. He certainly never penetrated half across the Island, and in my opinion hardly beyond the first range of low hills. It may be interesting to you to know, that it is not among the Battas that the nephew inherits the rank and title ; they invariably marry by jujur, and the eldest son succeeds. Personal property is divided, two-thirds to the eldest son, and one-third among the rest, boys and girls alike. Where there are more wives than one, the eldest son of the first wife succeeds. “ It is among the Malays that the succession of the nephew takes place. The Malays, as you are aware, trace their descent from Pati sa Batang and Kai Tu- mungung of Menangkabu. With the descendants of the former the nephew or kammanakan always succeeds. With the descendants of Kai Tumungung the eldest son or anak succeeds. The people of the Bander su Pulu, and nearly of all Padang, are of the tribe or division of Pati sa Batang, and this will account for the nephew succeeding with them. “ At Nattal the grandson inherits, unless the persons are married by jujur, when the son succeeds in preference. “ In my enquiries after books Rajah Bandara gave me the names and contents that foUow. “ 1. Dha’un. On medicine. ‘‘ 2. Pehi on Balangkahan Malay. On Astrology. 3. Tandong. On the Aii; of War. “ 4. Rumba. On Ditto, and which is referred to in cases of the last extremity. “ 5. Pangram bui. Rules for taking up proper positions, &c. in war, (Quarter- Master-General’s department.) “ The great god of the Battas is styled Debatta Assi Assi ; and he it is who is supposed to have created Batara Guru, Seri Pada, and Mangala Bulan, the inferior Trinity of their worship. It would also appear that they have also something like an ecclesiastical Em- peror or Chief, who is universally acknowledged, and referred to in aU cases of public calamity, &c. His title is Sa SingaJi Maha Rajah, and he resides at Bakara in the 3 E 2 i36 EXCURSION INTO THE BATTA COUNTRY. Toba district. He is descended from the Menangkabu race, and is of an antiquity which none disputes. My informants say certainly above thirty descents, or 900 years. He does not live in any very great state, but is particular in his observances ; he neither eats hog nor drinks tuah. They believe him possessed of supernatural powers. He can blight the paddy, or restore the luxuriance of a faded crop. Writing is said to have been first introduced among the Battas by two persons named Datu Dalu and Datu Labi. “ At Selindong is a stone image of a man, of great antiquity, supposed to have been brought from Pageruyong. “ Mr. Prince has recently discovered the mins of a temple, with an inscription on stone, in unknown characters, inland of Nattal. People are at present employed in obtaining fac similes, but it is at some distance, and until I can Hsit the spot myself, I do not calculate on much. The inscriptions obtained at Menangkabu have been translated by the Panambahan of Samanap into Javanese.” The following is an extract fmm a letter of Mr. Ward, a missionary, wLo after- wards made an excursion into the Batta coimtry. It is introduced here as a corro- boration of the truth of this extraordinary practice. “ Four days after my arrival at Tappanooly, I commenced an excursion into the Batta country with Mr. Burton. We entered at the old settlement of Tappanooly, and pursued a north-w^esterly course, with the \iew of penetrating as far as the great lake of Toba. The hills w^ere clothed with their native woods, and but thinly. At the distance of about tw^enty miles from the w^estern coast, wLere the country assumed a more even surface, the forests entirely disappeared, and gave place to cultivation and an extensive body of people. The district of Silindang so highly gratified us, that we were tempted to remain a few days preHously to prosecuting our journey to the Lake, a couple of days in advance. Three thousand people, who had never beheld a white face, received us in a manner perhaps similar to wLat we read of respecting the first appearance of the Spaniards in America. We w^ere kept for four hours, on an elevation of tw’elve feet, exhibiting our persons ; and not an hour passed for several days, during which we w^ere not surrounded with crow^ds fi'om various parts of the country. Some venerated us as gods ; all paid us much respect ; and in point of treatment, we had nothing to complain of. To an assembly of the Chiefs the objects of our mission w^ere explained ; several tracts were read, and the future introduction of books was proposed, to all of which they listened with interest and pleasm*e, and frankly invited Mr. Bmton to take up his abode with them ; and we may view the result as a pleasing prospect for his future labours. Our notions relative to the Batta character and habits have been much corrected. We found them quiet and harm- less, and much more under the influence of ciHl order than had been supposed. MISSIONARY ESTABLISHED AMONG THE BATTAS. 487 although their government appeared of a singular nature. The practice of canni- balism was general and frequent. Mr. Burton had soon an attack of dysentery, in which he exhausted his little store of medicine, and we were compelled to return without actually seeing the Lake. We gained some interesting particulars of it, which shall be duly mentioned. We discovered a hot mineral spring, depositing large quantities of lime. On the whole, I may say the Batta country, with regard to scenery, surpasses every thing I have yet beheld : it possesses a delightful climate, an extensive population, and extreme fertihty. “ At Sibolga I procured specimens for Batta types, and made arrangements for two native schools.” Mr. Burton, the Missionary who is named in the foregoing letter, had requested permission to leave Bencoolen, and settle in the Batta country, with his wife and chil- dren, for the purpose of estabhshing schools, and devoting his life to the education and improvement of a people whose character and barbarous customs excited general horror and detestation. He was exceedingly well received, and the people gladly availed themselves of the means of instruction thus offered them : but after having laboured dihgently for several years, and succeeded in establishing schools, both himself and his wife fell a sacrifice to the climate ; and the Editor cannot but bear her testimony to the brightness of faith, the humble trust in God alone, the total sacrifice of all per- sonal comfort, which they evinced when they went with their infant children amongst these people, with the determination there to live and die ; there to devote them- selves to their labour of love, in the hope of conveying the glad tidings of the Gospel to those who had yet to learn that the Son of God died for them. CHAPTER XVI. Sir Stamford devotes himself to his favourite pursuits, builds a house in the country — Collections in natural history sent home — Correspondence of Captain Flint with the Java Government — Colonel Far quhar's account of Singapore — Extract from Mr. Grant's letter — Improvement inBencoolen — PuloNias — Easy communication with Palembang across the Island — Sir Stamford's description of his children — His confidence that he has pursued a right course — His defence of his conduct — His opinion of the powers he was invested with — Arrival of missionaries — Mr. Burton settles in the Batta country — Sir Stamford not supported by the ministry — Introduction of British manufactures into China — Agricultural Society — Expense of Singapore — Manufacture of sugar — Colonization — Lake of Korinbie — Cultivation of rice — Nutmeg-trees — Malayan plants — Political speculation — Death of the Editor's brother. On his return to Bencoolen (March, 1820) Sir Stamford felt that, pohtically, he had done aU in his power to promote the best general and national interests of his coun- try in the Eastern Seas ; and from this time he devoted himself to the improvement of the Httle settlement, the more immediate scene of his residence and government ; and indulged in pursuits to which he was always passionately attached. He resolved to build a house in the comitry ; and as soon as one room was finished, took a part of his family, and occupied himself in cultivating the ground. He formed spice plan- tations to a large extent, and succeeded in introducing the cultivation of coffee. The labom' was performed by convicts, who were settled in a ^dllage, and soon became a useful community. The beauty, the retirement, the quiet domestic fife, which he led in this happy retreat, soon restored his health ; he rose at four in the morning, worked in his garden (in which he always planted all the seeds himself) until break- fast ; then wrote and studied till dinner ; after which he examined his plantations, always accompanied by his children ; and often walked about until a late hour of the night. But his manner of life at this period may be best known by a reference to the following selections and extracts from his coirespondence. To “ Bencoolen, March 12, 1820. “ You wiU be happy to hear that I am once more in the bosom of my family, and in the enjoyment of every possible domestic fehcity. We arrived here a few days SENDS HOME HIS COLLECTIONS IN NATURAL HISTORY. 439 ago, and found every thing going on well, and as it should do. The country is per- fectly quiet, the people satisfied, and Bencoolen, on the whole, improving ; so much so, that as far as our personal comforts are concerned, we shall regret whenever the order arrives that we must quit it. “ Charlotte and Leopold are in high health and spirits ; and in the course of two or three months, we hope to make up the trio. Sophia is quite well ; and, as you may well conceive, quite happy at my return, after an absence of five months : for myself, I never was in better health. “We are doing wonders in natm'al history, notwithstanding the want of support on the part of the Government. “ We have hterally nothing for the civil servants to do at Bencoolen, and idle- ness is the root of all evils ; they ought to be transferred to some other settlement, and not to be obfiged to waste their time, life, and health, here. “ The Sultan of Palembang stiU maintains his independence, having driven the Dutch out of the river with the loss of many ships and lives. To Mr. Marsden. “ Bencoolen, March 14, 1820. “ My Dear Sir, “ I shall have the opportunity of writing you very fully by the Mary in the com'se of a few days ; in the meantime it may be interesting to you to know that I purpose sending by her the whole of our zoological collection, among which are beau- tiful specimens of the tapir, rhinoceros, kijangs, &c. stuffed, in skeleton, and in spirits. It will, I think, be as important and interesting a consignment as was ever sent home. I have had, as you may suppose, a great deal of trouble. The term of their engagement is now concluded with my French naturahsts ; and they are pledged by duty and honour not to publish until the collections arrive and are noticed in England. “ I find the krabut, or great flower, to be much more general and more exten- sively known than I expected ; in some districts it is simply called ambem amhem, and it seems to spring from the horizontal roots of those immense climbers or limes which are attached like cables to the largest trees of the forest. It takes three months from the first appearance of the bud to the full expansion of the flower ; and the flower appears but once a year, at the conclusion of the rainy season. “ Further enquiries respecting the tunnu and babi-ala, induce me to believe that there is still some large animal in our forests not inferior in size to the tapir, marked with a narrow riband of white around the belly and back. The tapir having remained so long undiscovered, affords at least some grounds for concluding it possible that others may exist. The natives who describe this animal simply say, that the white 440 ANIMALS OF SUMATRA. band is naiTow, the feet three-toed, head truncated, and tail long. The chungkor of Palembang may be a third animal. “ I have a long list of animals, of which nothing yet is known beyond the name and native description. “ I have recently heard of several interesting remains of antiquity in the interior. " As the French gentlemen decline giving me the Linnaean descriptions I require, I shall set to work directly in framing a kind of catalogue raisonne, which shall be sent by the Mary, or the first ship that follows. In this I shall give a short descrip- tion of the most remarkable subjects, without reference to what the French artists may say on availing myself of their papers. “ The Duyong, which I sent to Sir Joseph Banks, will, I hope, have arrived safe. I have the skin and another complete skeleton here ; also one about four and a half feet long, preserved in spirits. In consequence of Sir Everard Home’s notice, I immediately tm'ned my attention towards it, and procured two specimens in a few months. “ With respect to the tapir, I am not sui’prised that an account was first pub- lished in France. IMajor Farquhar had sent a stuffed specimen and a head to the Asiatic Society, >\dth a paper descriptive of the animal, and ghing an account of the discovery. About the same time a HHng animal was sent from Bencoolen to the menagerie at Calcutta. “ It w^as fi-om the examination of these in Calcutta that the Frenchmen prepared their accounts ; and the omission on our part is attributable, in a gi’eat measure, to the dilatoriness in the pubhcations of the Asiatic Society. “ I have now several specimens, two male and female dried and stuffed, four in spirits, and four in skeleton. “ The Frenchmen maintain that the babi ala is one and the same animal vvth the tunnu : I suspect, however, that they are mistaken. The true babi ala is represented to be a very different animal : it is the chungkor of Palembang, and abounds parti- cularly in the district of Banguasin : the bones are preserved for medicinal purposes. “ If the description is correct, and you know how far reliance is to be placed on the unvarnished tale of the Sumatrans, this must be either a new' animal altogether, or the babi rusa. “ I should here mention, that I do not find the babi rusa to be know n as a native of Sumatra, and unless it should turn out to be the babi ala, which is at least doubtful, it cannot, I think, be yet considered as part of our fauna. What our future disco- veries may lead to, I will not say. Of the deer we have several specimens. “ The skins of our rhinoceroses are aU soft. As yet I can only trace the tw’o- CORRESPONDENCE WITH THE DUTCH GOVERNMENT OF BATAVIA. 441 horned animal in Sumatra. The white-handed animal, which I have provisionally termfed a rhinoceros, on account of the horn, must be an entirely new animal. “ I break off to give audience to no less than three Sultans, who have been wait- ing for me for the last hour, and a man this moment appears with a cobra capella winding round his arm ; it is not so large as the serpent of India, but has exactly the same description of hood. My tunjong segara expands rapidly, and is by far the brightest flowret of our Eastern Isle ; and my little boy Leopold is following quickly in her steps : in a few weeks Lady Raffles promises me a continuation of the series. To . “ Bencoolen. “ By the ship Mary I have sent a most valuable collection in natural his- tory. The greatest possible care has been taken to render the collection valuable, and an appropriate accompaniment to that from Java. All I ask is, that you will not be lukewarm in promoting the interests of science and general knowledge. I have thrown politics far away ; and since I must have nothing more to do with men, have taken to the wilder but less sophisticated animals of our woods. Our house is on one side a perfect menagerie, on another a perfect flora ; here, a pile of stones ; there, a collection of sea-weeds, shells, &c. I enclose you a curious correspondence, which has taken place between the authorities in Java, and my brother-in-law. Cap- tain Flint, who touched at Batavia on his way to Singapore : it will shew you the degree of personal feeling that still exists on the part of the Dutch. Frojn Mr. Brand, Resident of Batavia, to Captain Flint, R. N. Batavia, March 29, 1820. “ Sir, “ The Resident of Batavia having laid before his Excellency the Governor General your application for leave to proceed to Samarang, I am directed to inform you that, under existing circumstances, no person who may any ways be supposed to be connected with Sir Stamford Raffles and his views, either avowed or concealed, can be allowed a free ingress into the Island of Java, and that your request to be per- mitted to proceed to the eastern districts cannot therefore be acquiesced in. “ In regretting that public grounds should lead to a refusal which may, per- haps, be productive of individual hardships, it is, however, satisfactory to reflect, that the alleged object of your voyage to Samarang, viz. the adjustment of private concerns with Messrs. Deans, Scott, and Co., may be obtained with equal facility at Batavia, where a branch of that house is established. 3 L 442 CORRESPONDENCE WITH THE DUTCH GOVERNMENT OF BATAVIA. “ I retain the passport under which you proceeded to this place, and have the honoui* to be. Sir, your obedient servant, (Signed) J. E. Brand.” To J. E. Brand, Esq. Secretary to Government. “ Batavia, April Qth, 1820. “ Sir, “ In adverting to the general tenor of your letter of the 29th of iSIarch, I cannot but express my astonishment at so unexpected a commmiication ; and I should be wanting in duty to myself and to the rank I have the honour to hold in the seixdce of my country, did I allow it to pass unnoticed. “ The cause of my ^isit to Java was entirely of a private nature, which I con- ceive is sufficiently proved by my having brought out a passport from his Excellency the Dutch Ambassador in London, which I had the honour to enclose in my letter to the Resident, for the information of his Excellency the Governor General, and there- fore cannot, by liberal minds, be construed as in any w ay connected with the situation or Aiews of Sir Stamford Raffles : and allow me here to observe, that it is not con- sistent with the knoivn character of a Captain in the British na^y, to act so degrad- ing a part as that of a spy — a teiTn not absolutely expressed, but most distinctly implied by the whole tenor of your letter. “ My conduct, from the moment of my amval, will bear the strictest scrutiny. I landed in my uniform, and immediately called at the Government-house. The following day I had the honour to dine with his Excellency, in the same di'ess. I took that opportunity to mention my wish to proceed to Samarang. “ At that time the Governor General made no objection whatever, but, on the contrary, inquired if I wished to proceed over-land. This I declined in the most respectful manner, and on my quitting the Government-house, his Excellency referred me to the Resident, as the channel through which all public communications are made. I have wiitten my name in full on the cover of every letter I have sent through the post-office, or otherwise. “ This does not savour of concealment. That part of your letter negativing my being allowed, therefore, a free ingi'ess into the Island of Java, must have been written in total misconception of mine to the Governor General ; and my subse- quent letter to the Resident, if proof be w'anting, is sufficient of itself to show I had no wish or inclination to visit the interior of the Island. “ I have the honour to be. Sir, “ Your obedient servant, (Signed) “ Wm. Flint.” CORRESPONDENCE WITH THE DUTCH GOVERNMENT OF BATAVIA. US To W. Flint, Esq. “ Batavia, April Sth, 1820. “ Sir, " Ha\ing laid your letter of the 30th March and 6th instant before his Excellency the Governor General, I am now directed to give the following reply thereto : “ The communication which I had the honour to address to you on the 29th cannot, but by a studious misconstruction, be made subservient to inferences of the natiue alluded to by you. The tenor of that letter was frank and unequivocal, and sprung from no other motive but the very natural desire to restrain the admittance of all persons, who might be supposed to possess that same eagerness of disseminat- ing a hostile spirit towards the Dutch authorities, of which the late acts and attempts of Sir Stamford Raffles bear such decided and irrefragable testimony ; for although the aspersions here alluded to, in whatever form thrown out, have been met by the Government with the only feeling which they are calculated to excite, yet it cannot be a matter of astonishment, that the Government should be unwilling to admit, without restraint, persons in whom the same tendency to indiscreet and ungenerous censure may be expected. “ The tenor, however, of your last letter to my address has induced the Governor General not to apply to you personally, a measure in which, at first view, you appeared from a general consideration of your private and pubhc connexions wath Sir Stamford Raffles, to be included ; and relyingj therefore, in the most unre- served manner, and with all confidence due to the rank you occupy in the British navy, a corps so eminently distinguished for honom’able principles, on the assurance given by you as to the object of your \dsit to this Island, his Excellency is pleased to permit you to proceed to Samarang, for which purpose the necessary passport \\ill be issued to you on application to the Resident of Batavia. “ I have the honour to be. Sir, “ Your most obedient humble servant, (Signed) “J. E. Brand.” The following letter from Colonel Farquhar to Sir Stamford Raffles, describes the state of Singapore at this period. “ My Dear Raffles, Fro?n Colonel Farquhar. “ Singapore, March 31, 1820. “ As a vessel sails from hence this morning, bound for Batavia, touching at Rhio, I avail myself of the opportunity of sending these few lines to Mr. Skelton 3 L 2 444 RAPID IMPROVEMENT OF SINGAPORE. at Batavia, to be forwarded on to Bencoolen by any opportunity that may offer. The public accounts from January are all ready to be despatched, and I should hav'e sent them on by the Betsy, but as that vessel is quite at the disposal of the Com- mander, who may alter his voyage at Rhio or elsewhere, I have deemed it most expedient to wait a more certain conveyance, which we may daily expect from Bengal. We have now been nearly seven weeks without news of any kind from Cal- cutta. Your letters of the 3d of January are the latest that have come to hand. I hav^e written to you frequently by way of Java, Penang, and lastly via Palembang. " Nothing can possibly exceed the rising trade and general prosperity of this infant colony ; indeed, to look at our harbour just now, where upwards of twenty junks, three of which are from China, and two from Cochin China, the rest from Siam and other quarters, are at anchor, besides ships, brigs, prows, &c. &c., a per- son would naturally exclaim, smely this cannot be an estabhshment of only a twelve- month standing! One of the principal Chinese merchants here told me, in the course of conversation, that he would be very glad to give five hundred thousand dollars for the revenues of Singapore five years hence. Merchants of all descrip- tions are collecting here so fast, that nothing is heard in the shape of complaint, but the want of more ground to build on. The swampy ground on the opposite side of the riv'er is now almost covered with Chinese houses, and the Bugguese village is become an extensive town. Settlements are forming up the different rivers, and from the public roads which have been made, the communication to various parts of the country is now quite open and convenient. “ A trade direct with Japan will, I have no doubt, be opened very soon, and the advantages that are likely to result from such a commerce you are well aware of ; in short, this settlement bids fair to become the emporium of Eastern trade, and in time may surpass even Batavia itself. “ The Dutch Admiral has been at Rhio for some time, as has Mr. Timmerman, Dutch Resident at Malacca. They have been holding a consultation on various points : amongst others, how a reconciliation with the Bugguese can be best effected. This, I fancy, they will have a difficult measure to bring about, as the Bugguese appear to have lost all confidence in their system of government. “ Here we may expect a gi*eat accession of strength from the natives. I have transmitted to you Mr. Timmennan’s protest respecting Rajah Bellavva, who sought an asylum here with his family and followers, after being driven out of Rhio by the Dutch. I have likewise forwarded copies of the same to the Supreme Government. “ I have most reluctantly been obliged to assume charge of the military pay department, but sincerely hope that you may have succeeded in establishing some other arrangement than what was last received from Bengal. “ Our treasury is at present at a low ehb — the troops are now nearly two RAPID IMPROVEMENT OF SINGAPORE. 445 months in arrears. I have wTitten to Penang for cash, but as trade increases, we shall have now frequent opportunities of getting supplies fi'om the merchants for bills on Bengal. The httle capital at present here is employed on the spot. We are, as you may suppose, most anxious to hear from you again. I hope you have, long ere this, reached Bencoolen in safety. Pray present my best wishes to Lady Raffles, and give your dear httle ones a kiss each on my account. “ Beheve me, ever your’s, &c. “ W. Farquhar.” To “Bencoolen, April 3, 1820. " Singapore, I am happy to say, continues to thrive beyond all calculation, not- withstanding the ******* and the uncertainty of possession. The exports and imports even by native boats alone exceed four millions of dollars in the year. “ Sophia and our httle ones are quite well. I enclose you an extract from a letter I have just received from Mr. Grant : (the late Charles Grant, Esq. one of the Directors of the East India Company), his favourable opinion of what I have done is very satisfactory.” “ London, July 19, 1820. “ You will easily conceive that it has not been possible for me to enter fully with you into the various subjects of the letters and papers you have sent me. I have, however, done all that I beheve you expected from me, that is to uphold your view's of what our national pohcy ought to be with respect to the Eastern Archipe- lago— views, the leading principles of which I entertained before your return to India, as favouring not only the fair commercial interests of our country, and of a vast region of Asia, but the moral and political benefit of its immense population. “ You are probably aware of the obstacles which have been opposed to the adoption of your measures, and even threatened your position in the service. Your zeal considerably outstepped your prudence, and the first operations of it became known at an unfavourable juncture. It was thought that the state of affairs in Europe required that they should be discountenanced. “ The acquisition of Singapore has grown in importance. The stir made here lately for the further enlargement of the eastern trade fortified that impression. It is now accredited in the India House. Of late, in an examination before a com- mittee of the House of Lords, I gave my opinion of the value, in a moral, pohtical, and commercial \dew, of a British estabhshment in the locahty of Singapore, under the auspices of the Company. From all these circmnstances and others, I augur 446 EXPENSES OF THE GOVERNMENT OF SINGAPORE. well as to the retention and encom*agement of the station your rapidity has pre- occupied, Accept of these few hints instead of an elaborate letter. “ I have heard of your efforts for introducing religious improvement into Ben- coolen. I hope that disposition will follow you wherever you go. (Signed) C. Grant.” To Bcncoolen, April 7, 1820. “ The unexpected amval of the Borneo enables me to send you a few lines. “ Singapore continues to thrive and prosper beyond my most sanguine expecta- tions. Once permanently settled, it wll give advantages in commerce far beyond your contemplation. Major F'arquhar being anxious to return home, I have ap- pointed Travers to relieve him, and he sailed from hence for that purpose about ten days ago. The whole of the establishments at Singapore — civil, military, and poli- tical— do not exceed 5000 dollars, <£1200, a month. Of Bencoolen I have little to add, except that the place is improving. I should be sorry to find the place given to the Dutch, but if it must be so, I hope we shall have an equivalent. “ I hear the Dutch place all their hopes on being able to remove me from the Eastward. I have become so much identified wdth the question now pending be- tween the two governments, that they conceive their interests Avill be best secured by getting me out of the way. “ I have just received accounts of the Dutch left at Rhio and Banca. They must now regret the uild ambition which induced them to aim at such extensive sovereignty ; their empire is literally crumbling to pieces. “ The only loss in our family has been in the death of my favourite bear, whose demise I shall not fail to notice with due honour when treating on natural history.” To Mr. Marsden. “ Bencoolen, April \ Mh, 1820. “ My Dear Sir, I cannot allow a direct opportunity to pass without again thanking you for the kind interest you continue to take in oim welfare, and letting you know that we continue in excellent health, with as fair prospects as political circumstances at present admit. My two children expand daily, and are all and every thing we could wish them. Lady Raffles bears the climate better than I expected. “ In the political world I have nothing to communicate. In Java all remains cjuiet. The Dutch have wisely followed up the revenue system I established, and though I could say a gi-eat deal against particulars, I am on the whole tolerably satis- fied with what they have done in this respect. SIR STAMFORD’S OCCUPATIONS. 447 “ We are anxiously awaiting the final arrangements from home. My last ad\ices were in August, at which date the subject had been taken up. Java, and the Moluccas, with Macassar, or Celebes, is all that strictly ought to be left to the Dutch. Banca is of no further value to them. * iif * * To the Duchess of Somerset. “ Bencoolen, April \ ^th, 1820. I wrote you very fully about three weeks ago by the Mary, by which ship I sent Sir Joseph Banks a large consignment of prepared animals. I hope they have arrived safe, and proved that we are not idle. I have just now so little to do with politics, that I am able to devote a good deal of time to natural history ; and I think you would be amused to see the extensive collection I am making. I intend to send you a large consignment by the first favourable conveyance, of which I shall request your Grace’s kind care, until my retmai to England. This may serve as an indication that I am looking forward to the day when we may again meet. Two years have rolled away already ; three or four more will, I hope, accomplish all the objects I have in view in this country ; and then we shall I hope meet again, all parties a few years older, but in other respects neither colder nor less happy than before we parted. We must now begin to forget those hateful words, ‘ Good bye’ and to think of ' how do you do ; ’ — time flies fast, — where are the years that are past — and how short may those which are to come appear when once we have again met, and look back upon them ! Your Grace will, I doubt not, be happy to hear, that our prospects, even at Bencoolen, are improving ; the place no longer has that gloomy and desolate appear- ance of which I first complained. Population and industry are increasing ; the inland merchants begin to bring down the gold and cassia from the interior, and a stranger would hardly know the place again, so much is it changed from what it was two years ago. We have a good many comforts about us, and shall really regret any political ne- cessity which obliges us to remove from what has now become our second home. We have a delightful garden, and so many living pets, children tame and wild ; monkeys, dogs, birds, &c. that we have a perfect regne animale within our own walls, to say nothing of the surrounding forests now under contribution. I have one of the most beautiful little men of the woods that can be conceived ; he is not much above two feet high, wears a beautiful surtout of fine white woollen, and in his disposition and habits the kindest and most correct creature imaginable ; his face is jet black, and his features most expressive ; he has not the slightest rudiments of a tail, always walks erect, and would I am sure become a favourite in Park Lane. Not long ago I gave your Grace a short account of my Batta friends. I am 2 448 ACCOUNT OF THE PULO NIAS. now much engaged in obtaining particulars of a very extensive and interesting popu- lation in one of the larger Islands lying off Sumatra, Pulo Nias. “ The Nias people believe in one Supreme God, Lora Langi, but they do not pay him any kind of public worship. Below him is another God, called Batu Ba Danaw, who has charge of the earth, which they say is suspended from a stalk, or string, as an orange from the branch of a tree. This is, perhaps, as happy an idea as the double-headed shot of Lord Erskine, and perhaps his Lordship may avail himself of the hint in the next volume of Armata. The world they suppose to have seven stages, or gradations, inhabited by as many different orders of beings. The stage immediately under us is possessed by dwarfs. The heavens, or sky above us, (Hob Yawa,) are peopled by a superior order of men, (Bamcki,) of a most beautiful form and appearance. These are gifted 'v\dth mngs, and are imisible at pleasure, and they take an interest in all that passes on earth ; they are governed by kings of their oum : the one at present reigning is called Luo Mehuhana ; there were four kings who ruled before him, and from whom he is descended. “ ‘ The people of the earth,’ they say, ' had for a length of time continued in a state of the grossest ignorance and barbarism ; they neither hved in houses nor tilled the gi'omid, but wandered about, subsisting on what the earth spontaneously produced. At last, the wife of Luo Mehuhana took pity upon their miserable con- dition, and ordered one of her subjects to descend to the earth, and teach its inhabit- ants the arts of chilization. He accordingly descended on Pulo Nias, and instructed them how to till the ground, to live in houses, to cook their "victuals, and to form in societies. He taught them also to speak, for hitherto they had not possessed even this means of communication.’ “ Their laws are remarkably severe. It is death to touch any part, even the finger, of an mimarried woman, or the wife of another man ; but, notwithstanding this, I do not learn that they are particularly chaste. The wives are bought fr'om the parents, as in Sumatra ; and a man may have as many as he can afford to pay for. “ I will not, at present, trouble you with further particulars ; the above will be sufficient to shew that they are at least very original in their ideas ; and on this account, if on no other, they must excite an interest. “ I must not close my letter without a few words on the politics of this part of the w’orld, in which I hope your Grace still continues to take some interest. “ It will be satisfactory to you to know that the Dutch authorities in this coun- tiy have at length been brought to their senses ; and if wiiat has been done here is only supported and followed up with common pmdence and decision, w'e may at least save our commercial interests from the ruin w hich so lately impended. Singa- pore continues to rise as rapidly as all the out-stations of the Dutch dechne.” IMPROVEMENT AT BENCOOLEN, 449 The following extract of a letter from Sir Joseph Banks to Dr. Horsfield, will shew the high opinion he entertained of Sir Stamford, as well as of the botanical collections made in Java, and the encouragement he so liberally and generously extended to all those in pursuit of scientific objects ; it was written in the year 1817, when Sir Stamford was in England : “ The collections are interesting in the extreme, and will, when published, make very valuable additions to the science of botany. Your industry. Sir, in collecting them is praise-worthy in the extreme ; and the talent you have shewn in arranging them encourages a well-founded hope of much advantage to science being derived from your arrangement and observations on them. “ We are all here delighted with the acquaintance of Governor Raffles ; he is certainly among the best informed of men, and possesses a larger stock of useful talent than any other individual of my acquaintance. “ I beg. Sir, that you will be assured that I shall always be ready and happy to give you every assistance in my power, and that you will have no scruple in addressing questions to me. Gentlemen who, hke you, cultivate science in the wilderness of nature, where books are not to be found, have a right to call upon us inhabitants of hbraries for every assistance you stand in need of, which we have the power of affording. “ I beg, Sir, that you will believe me your obliged and obedient servant, Joseph Banks.” To Mr. Marsden. “ Bencoolen, April 20, 1820. As you may not possess a correct vocabulary in the Nias language, I send you a few words ; and you may, perhaps, be glad to learn, that I am at present directing my attention a good deal to that Island. I hope hereafter to give you a comparative vocabulary in the Nias and Batta languages, of not less than three thousand words. My object is to compare them particularly with the Malay and Buggis. I shall follow the same arrangement as adopted in the Appendix to my History of Java, in order to render it more con- venient for reference. “ My small establishment in the interior at Bukit Kabut has been of the greatest service in attracting traders and settlers from the interior ; and were the affairs of Palembang once settled to our satisfaction, the interior would soon be as well known as the coast. There is a very good horse-road from Marlborough to Muara Billiti, on the Palembang river, whence the passage by water to Palembang can be accom- phshed in less than three days. Were Palembang free from the Dutch, I should make it the usual route between this place and Singapore. 3 M 450 IMPROVEMENT AT BENCOOLEN. “ I have the pleasure to send Mrs. Marsden three boxes of spices, the produce of our own garden. We are now commencing plantations in the interior.” * To * * " Bencoolen, May 26, 1820. * * “ At Singapore our interests and influence are rapidly extending; all goes on just as I could wish ; and I think that you will be happy to hear that even Ben- cool en has assumed a new interest in my eyes, and that I really feel a satisfaction in the progressive improvement of the place. The last few months’ leisure has enabled me to investigate the ancient tenure and history of the place and people, and the causes which have retarded the improvement of both ; and to apply remedies which are hkely to be effective : the old system may be now considered as destroyed, root and branch ; and although a few of the decayed branches, and some noxious weeds may here and there appear, the country has generally assumed a new aspect, cultiva- tion is quite the order of the day, and commenced upon with a spirit I hardly expected. ***** “ Under these circumstances I should be sorry if any thing removed me from the place for the next year — and it will certainly require attentive management for a few years subsequent — the country and people are, in many respects, so different from what I fomid them, that a stranger would hardly know them again. It some- times occurs to me as possible, that Bencoolen may be given to the Dutch, in ex- change for some other place. Sooner than we should lose our footing in the Archi- pelago I would wiUingly resign it ; but, under any circumstances, it would be heart- breaking to give up the place just as the fruits of my system, and the returns for my labour, are about to be seen.” To the Duchess of Somerset. Bencoolen, June 2, 1820. It is almost an age since I heard from England. Your last letters were dated nearly a twelvemonth ago ! — what a lapse ! — and what may not have occurred in the interim? I dread to think of it; and yet, after all, I believe it is these cares and anxieties that are the chief source of all our earthly bliss, for wthout them we could not appreciate their reverse, or know what real happiness is. Had I not re- turned to India I should never have contemplated the delight which I now anticipate of once more meetmg a long absent friend. You see w^hat a philosopher I am. “ Nothing very particular has occurred since my last, except the birth of another boy. My dear little Charlotte is, of all creatures, the most angelic I ever 2 SIR STAMFORD’S OCCUPATIONS. 451 beheld. She has those inborn graces which, as she expands, must attract the ad- miration of every one — but she has a soft heart, and is so full of mildness and gentleness, that I fear she will have many trials to go through in this unfeeling world. Her brother Leopold, however, will take her part, for he has the spirit of a lion, and is absolutely beautiful ; but I will not tire you with any more family details, it will be sufficient to add, that we are all well, and as happy as absence from dear and relative friends will admit. My life is at present rather monotonous, not however unpleasantly so, for I have all the regular and substantial employment of domestic comfort in the bosom of a happy and thriving family; and in the daily pursuits of agriculture and magisterial duty I find abundance to interest and amuse — but I am no longer striding from one side of India to another, overleaping moun- tains, or forming new countries — I am trying to do the best I can with a very old and nearly worn-out one, in which I hope, by infusing a new spirit, and encouraging habits of industry, and motives of enterprize, much may be done. I am busily en- gaged in taking a census of the population, and inquiring into the processes of husbandry, and the village institutions, and I think you would be amused to see me amid my mde and untutored mountaineers, collecting the details, and entering into all the particulars, as if they were the peasants of my own estate. I am becoming so attached to these pursuits, and find them so much more satisfactory than poli- tical discussion, that I believe I shall be sorry to change this mode of life. Allow me, therefore, to indulge my whim for a short time longer, and then I shall be able to carry home such a weight of experience, as may perhaps bring all yom* barren lands into cultivation. If I am not rich enough to have a farm of my own, I shall wish to become a farmer on your lands, and then * ^ * “ This is a veiy hmried letter, written at a moment when the ship is under weigh ” * * * * * Perhaps this was one of the most happy periods in Sir Stamford’s life ; politically he had attained the object which he felt so necessary for the good of his country (the establishment of Singapore). He w^as beloved by all those under his immediate controul, who united in showing him every mark of respect and attachment, and many were bound to him by ties of gratitude for offices of kindness, for private acts of benevolence and assistance which he delighted to exercise towards them. The settlement, like many other small societies, was divided into almost as many parties as there were famihes on his first arrival ; but these differences were soon healed and quieted, and a general interchange of good offices had succeeded. The natives and Chiefs appreciated the interest which he took in their improvement, and placed implicit reliance upon his opinion and counsel. The consciousness of being beloved is a delightful, happy feeling, and Sir Stam- 3 M 2 452 SIR STAMFORD’S DOMESTIC HABITS. ford acknowledged with thankfulness at this time that every wish of his heart was gratified. UninteiTupted health had prevailed in his family, his children were his pride and delight, and they had already imbibed from him those tastes it was his pleasure to cultivate; this will not be wondered at, even at their early age, when it is added, that two young tigers and a bear were for some time in the children’s apartments, under the charge of their attendant, without being confined in cages, and it was rather a curious scene to see the children, the bear, the tigers, a blue mountain bird, and a favourite cat, all playing together, the parrot’s beak being the only object of awe to all the party. Perhaps few people in a public station led so simple a fife ; his mode of passing his time in the country has been already described. When he was in Bencoolen he rose early and delighted in driving into the villages, inspecting the plantations, and encom-aging the industry of the people; at nine a party assembled at breakfast, which separated immediately afterwards ; and he WTOte, read, studied natural his- tory, chemistry, and geology, superintended the draftsmen, of whom he had con- stantly five or six employed in a verandah, and always had his children with him as he went from one pursuit to another, visiting his beautiful and extensive aviary, as well as the extraordinary collection of animals which were always domesticating in the house. At four he dined, and seldom alone, as he considered the settlement but as a family of which he was the head ; immediately after dinner all the party drove out, and the evening was spent in reading and music and conversation. He never had any game of amusement in his house. After the party had dispersed, he was fond of walking out with the Editor, and enjoying the delicious coolness of the night land-wind, and a moon whose beauty those only who have been in tropical climates can judge of, so clear and penetrating are its rays that many fear them as much as the glare of the sun. Though scarcely a day passed without reptiles of all kinds being brought in, and the Cobra de Capello in numbers, the Editor never remembers these pleasm’es being intermpted by any alarm. Amidst these numerous sources of enjoyment, however. Sir Stamford never forgot that the scene was too bright to continue unclouded, and often gently warned the Editor not to expect to retain all the blessings God in his bounty had heaped upon them at this time, but to feel that such happiness once enjoyed ought to shed a bright ray over the future, however dark and trying it might become. To Mr. Marsden. “ Bencoolen, June 9,1th, 1820. “ As the notice given of the present opportunity of sending letters has been unexpected and short, I am not able to enter so fully as I could wish into the affairs and prospects of Bencoolen. This deficiency, however, I shall endeavour to sup- ply by forwarding to you herewith copies of my recent letters on the subject, toge- SIR STAMFORD’S ATTENTION TO NATURAL HISTORY. 453 ther with the regulations which I have recently established. It will, I am sure, afford you satisfaction to find that I am at length enabled to make a favourable report. I am very confident of success, but all depends on a perseverance in the plans commenced, and some liberality on the part of Government. “ I shall feel much indebted for your advice and opinion on any points which may strike you. I am perfectly open to conviction wherever I may have been wrong, and shall not be offended with the freedom of your remarks. " The London arrived here on the 9th instant, and is now taking in a cargo of pepper at Tappanooly. By her I had the pleasure of receiving your letter of De- cember. Pray tell Mrs. Marsden that I will endeavour to make amends by sending her a volume of details on all family matters the moment I can obtain an hour’s leisure ; in the mean time it will be satisfactory to her to know that we are all well and happy. My three children, Charlotte, Leopold, and Marco Polo, for so he is still called, although he was christened Stamford Marsden, are certainly the finest children that were ever seen ; and if we can manage to take them home in about four or five years, we hope to prove that the climate of Bencoolen is not so very bad. “ As there was no chance of a direct opportunity, I have sent by the London duphcates, and even more complete sets of the quadrupeds and birds than those sent by the Mary, numbered, named, and ticketed, so as to correspond with my catalogues. I am at this moment superintending a complete set of the drawings, to be forwarded by the present opportunity, via Calcutta. “ I fear there will hardly be time for completing the duphcates of the catalogue of birds. My writers are now engaged upon it, and I will do my best to send it by the present conveyance. “ I find the natives in the interior consider the Ungka Puti as the Rajah Bina- tang, on account of the extreme hghtness and celerity of his movements ; they say that in the morning he swings from tree to tree, and runs along the branches with- out shaking the dew from the leaves. “ From the reports received from Batavia, it would seem the Dutch hesitate with regard to another attack on Palembang ; in this I think they are wise — they seem to be in sad confusion, quarrelhng among themselves, and without confidence in any of their subjects. About a fortnight ago they shot seven Frenchmen for deserting, and attempting to go over to Palembang — it is not, however, true that the Sultan has any foreign aid whatever. Singapore continues to prosper more and more. “ We are now busy in arranging the reptiles and crabs, of which we have a very large collection.” 454. EXERTIONS TO IMPROVE BENCOOLEN. To “ Bencoolen, June 27th, 1820. “ You will find that I am not at a loss for useful employment and amusement at Bencoolen ; it is a small place, but I wiU make the most of it I can. I no more trouble my head about the Dutch. I have turned farmer, and as President of the Agi'icultural Society, find more real satisfaction than is to be derived from all the success that could attend a pohtical life. We are all quite well; Sophia will write to this point.” To the same. “ Bencoolen, July 7, 1820. “ We are all quite well, and shall be very well content to remain so. Singa- pore goes on progressively, and even Bencoolen is assuming a new and interesting character. My time and attention are at present devoted chiefly to agricultm*al pursuits, and I am determined, if possible, to make the place raise its own supphes. I am taking a general census of the population of the country, and of its agricultural resources ; and I hope soon to send you home some reports of interest and import- ance. The field is not very extensive, but it is new and untried, and energy and zeal shall not be wanting to make the most of it. “ Sophia and our three children are quite well; Charlotte and Leopold are every thing we could wish, and the most intelligent children I ever met with, and young Marco Polo promises well. Leopold is by far the finest child of the three ; he is handsome, bold, and intelhgent, and struts about the house with an air of the most complete independence. We are all busy cultivating potatoes and plucking nutmegs. I hear that the Government of Batavia have dechned sending the pro- jected expedition to Palembang this year, and I think they are wise for so doing : the Sultan holds out nobly. The Dutch still complain of me. God knows I have shewn them courtesy enough on this coast, and since the fate of Padang has been decided, I have felt but httle interest in any other possession to the northward.” To the same. “ Bencoolen, July 14, 1820. “ Since the establishment of the factory of Singapore, I have bid adieu to all political responsibility. My time has been exclusively devoted to the pursuits of natural history, and the immediate interests of Bencoolen, which I am endeavouring to advance with all my might. “ Should Mr. Grant come into the chair, there is still a hope that all may be right. I am not, however, very sanguine, and shall be prepared for whatever igno- rance, injustice, or party-spirit may dictate. ANSWERS TO THE CHARGES BROUGHT AGAINST HIM. 455 “ I have lived long enough in the world to appreciate what is valuable in it ; and the favour of ministers or courts never appeared to me equal to the conscien- tious conviction of ha\ing done one’s duty — even the loss of fortune, honours, or, I might add, health. I have more satisfaction in what I have done since my return to India, than with all my former endeavours ; and the more I am opposed, the more my views are thwarted, destroyed, and counteracted, the firmer do I stand in my own opinion ; for I am confident that I am right, and that when I appear at home, even those who are most opposed to me will be the first to acknowledge this. They do not, and will not, look at the question in its fair and true hght ; and such appears to be the spirit of 'persecution, that it would be idle to oppose it at this distance. I shall, therefore, bend with the blast, and endeavour to let the hurricane blow over me ; the more violent it becomes, the sooner will it expend itself, and then it will be time for me to raise my head, to shew the injury and devastation which has been spread abroad, and the folly of the course which has been pursued. “ The only mischief in this line of policy is this, that it will force me to become a more pubhc and prominent character than I would wish. My ambition is to end my days in domestic peace and comfort and hterary leisure. A busy scene will oppose this, and though I may become a greater man, I perhaps may not become a happier one. “ This brings me to my defence against the charges for which I am arraigned. It is certainly no trifling accusation against a man, to say that he acted against positive orders — that he is impetuous, injudicious, and untrustworthy ; and I could fill a volume in refutation of all that has been said against me in this respect. Let us see how the case stands. “ I never was instructed to consider my office as purely commercial, so much for my Lord Bathurst’s assertion ; this is a question of fact, and if disputed, the onus prohandi must remain with his Lordship. It is true, I was first appointed Resident ; and afterwards informed, that I was allowed the same rank I had enjoyed in Java, but expressly that it was to occasion no additional expense to the Company — this was the only reservation, the only condition. I afterwards received a commis- sion fi'om Government giving me full authority as Lieutenant-Governor to do all acts of government, the words being the same as in the commissions to Penang, Madras, and Bombay, with the single exception of what related to a council being struck out, thereby giving me more power than either of those Governors. For this commission I paid <£150, and the Deputy Chairman informed me that it had been drawn out with the advice of a sohcitor. No condition whatever was required ; but that I should enter into covenants and a bond with an immense security to fulfil them. All these things virtually made me Lieutenant-Governor, with all the powers at- tached thereto, or they were a fi*aud, and I have been cheated. “ It seems improbable that grave and experienced persons should practise a 456 ANSWERS TO THE CHARGES BROUGHT AGAINST HIM. deliberate impostui'e, such as giving a man a title and >vithholding from him pri- vately the privilege of which that title imphes the possession : one has a difficulty to suppose they would have been so very childish. To me it was an affront to make me a party to such an imposture. To a gentleman the carrying of false colours is surely a most humihating office, and it is clear that no more invidious trap can be laid for a man than to make him hold himself out as something more than he is. My first feeling w'as to get this humihating condition put an end to — to step down from the title of Lieutenant-Governor to that of Resident : the humiliation might have af- fected the vanity of other men, but the bearing a false title is what affects a man’s honour. I actually had made some progress in sending my commission to England, but prudence whispered this might give offence. I therefore retain it until the storm is past, when it will be returned from me with such an appeal as shall de- mand attention. “ But after all, what has this to do with the question about the Dutch? the commission only makes you Governor of Bencoolen, and as Governor of Bencoolen you can only act within the jurisdiction of Bencoolen. The affairs of Samanka arose out of the affairs of Bencoolen — a boundary was disputed, and whether I w^as Resident or Governor, I must have pursued the same course. Nearly similar was the case with Padang, and as for Palembang, it was a case of emergency in which the British faith and honour were concerned ; and I interfered and protested not as British agent, as it is said, but as the nearest British authority to the scene of ac- tion. Had I been Resident, it w'ould have been the same, and you wall find my protest signed as Lieutenant-Governor. “ Now to the third point. Was I not in fact British agent over the whole of the Archipelago — my commission as Lieutenant-Governor only applied to Ben- coolen ; but 1 had separate instructions from the Court ‘ to w’atch the motions of foreign nations and particularly the Dutch in the Archipelago generally, and to write to the Court and the secret committee.’ However vague these orders might be, they conveyed to me an authority to inquire into the state of the further East ; they required of me to busy myself in political inquiries. How w^as I to gain the information required, but through the means of agents? and as this duty w^as al- together distinct from, and gave me a jurisdiction far heijond the limits of the autho- rity of Bencoolen, what was I but an agent — a political agent to all intents and pui*poses ? As such I certainly considered myself ; but it will, I fancy, puzzle my enemies to find any act or deed in wiiich I so designate myself — this I carefully avoided, and to all papers I signed my name as Lieutenant-Governor. In fact, I never did assume the title of British agent for the Archipelago, though I un- doubtedly did, and do act as such, as these orders have never been repealed. “ These are points of fact which w ill form prominent items in my defence ; in which I propose to take a review' of the whole course of measures, commencing from EXPENSE OF SINGAPORE. 457 my appointment as agent to the Governor General, Lord Minto, in 1810, down to the present time. The longer I delay it, the more complete it will be, and it will, perhaps, in the end form a tolerably sized volume. I fear that the points are so strong, that, at the present moment, it might perhaps excite angry feelings ; and without my personal presence it might not have all its effect. I have informed the Supreme Government that I mean to appeal, in justice to my own character, and that of the East India Company whom I serv'e. “ After all, it is not impossible the ministry may be weak enough to abandon Singapore, and to sacrifice me, honour, and the Eastern Archipelago, to the out- rageous pretensions of the Dutch. In this case, I may be recalled sooner than I expect, perhaps immediately. This I am aware of, but I should be best contented with things remaining even as they are for two or three years to come ; I should then be better prepared for the contest ; for a contest it must come to, sooner or later, and the longer the adjustment of our differences with the Dutch, on a broad and just footing, is delayed, the better must it be for our interests. “ I shall not fail to look forward, and to be prepared for this contest, come when it will ; and if I cannot carry my plans here, they must prevail in England eventually. “ So much for pohtics and the Dutch. I shall now turn to more pleasing, and, at the same time, more safe subjects for discussion — what I am doing at Bencoolen, and the state of our domestic circle. In all your letters, you do not ask a question about Bencoolen. Is it because it is too insignificant ? Here, at any rate, I am supported and upheld by the Bengal Government ; they have hitherto approved, unconditionally, of all my arrangements, and they have not been trifling. I have had to upset every thing, and have had every possible difficulty to oppose in surmounting the prejudices and abolishing the corruptions of a hundred years’ standing. The place is at last thriving, the remedy applied has been efficient, the turn has been taken, and a few years’ perseverance will make this a new and prosperous country — great it can never be. I must, however, be prepared for an attack on the score of expense. The charges of the settlement have, I fear, rather been increased than otherwise, and this, with many, will tell against it ; but it ought to be considered that we have abolished all revenues, conse- quently have no receipts to meet the charge — this was ordered by the Bengal Government — and that at the present moment we have a double establishment, ci\il and military. All changes and reforms are, besides, expensive ; and although all my plans lead to real and practical economy, some hberality in effecting them is indispensible in the nature of things. I am endeavouring to cultivate the soil, and to civilize the people ; and, I am happy to say, that some progress is making in both, notwithstanding the stubbornness with which both have been charged. It is a poor 3 N 458 ARRIVAL OF MISSIONARIES. place, and much can never be made of it ; but as it now nearly comprises my whole jurisdiction, and to act well our part, as far as our means extend, is all that is required, I do not deem its improvement unworthy my attention. It has become a beautiful place ; the spice gardens are rapidly increasing ; and, as a place of retirement, I hardly know one which I would prefer to it. It is now my place of confinement ; and as it is far superior to St. Helena, I ought not to complain. The Dutch \vish me to be confined at Engano. “ Sophia and my dear children enjoy excellent health and spirits. We are now spending a few weeks in the midst of groves of nutmegs, cloves, and mangosteens.” * * * * To the Rev. Dr. Raffles. '' Bencoolen, July\lth, 1820. “ IMy Dear Cousin, “ I have now before me your letters of the 18th December, delivered to me by Messrs. Burton and Evans, who arrived here early in last month, and are both likely to do well for themselves and the good cause in which they are em- barked. I hke them much, and they seem disposed to meet all my wishes. If any thing, they are rather above than below the standard I would have fixed ; and I am fearful they are hardly prepared for the difficulties and privations of a missionary life in such a barbarous country as this ; they do not, however, appear to want zeal ; they are scholars and gentlemen ; and their wives are well calculated to aid their endeavours. Mr. Evans and his wife remain at Bencoolen, where they purpose opening a school on the 15th of next month. I have assisted them by placing the children of our free school under their superintendence, and advancing them funds to commence the undertaking. Mr. Bmdon proposes fixing himself at Tappanooly or Natal, in the northern part of Sumatra, with a view to the conversion of the Battas and people of Pulo Nias. The field for his exertions is new and interesting, and I hope he will have energy and courage enough to explore it. The world knows so little of these people, and their habits and customs are so peculiar, that all the information which he collects will be useful. You are of course aware that they are cannibals. The population of the Batta country does not fall short of a million ; and throughout the country it is the invariable law not only that prisoners taken in war should be eaten, but that capital punishment should also be inflicted by eating the -prisoners alive for the five great crimes. You may rely on the fiict, and that eating alive is as common with them as hanging in England. I have lately passed some part of my time in this part of the country, and can vouch for the correctness of what I state. The Island of Nias lies off the coast of Sumatra, nearly opposite Natal, and contains a population of above a hundred thousand souls ; they have no IMPORTANCE OF SINGAPORE. 459 religion whatever, and I am con\inced that an active government and a zealous mis- sionary may do wonders among them. “ Of our progi'ess at Bencoolen I can now speak with more confidence than when I last wrote to you. The native school has fi.dly answered my expectation, and upwards of seventy children distinguished themselves at the last annual exami- nation. I am now extenchng the plan so as to include a school of industry, in which the children will be instructed in the useful arts. The arrival of the mis- sionaries is most fortunate, and I hope they -will in time complete what we have so successMly begun — the progress, however, must necessarily be slow. I have lately made a very long stride towards the general civilization of the country, by the establishment of a property in the land, and the introduction of order and regulation on the principles of a fixed and steady government. You would I am sure be gi-atified with the details had I time to send them, but my health has not been very good for some weeks, and I dare not wiite much. Here- after you shall have all the particulars, and it is not improbable some of them will find their way to the press. My attention is chiefly directed to agriculture, and I am endeavouring to improve the grain produce of the country. This is the basis of all national prosperity, and in countries hke Sumatra constitutes and comprises all that is important. We have an agricultural Society, of which I am President, in which we discuss, without restraint or reserv’e, all questions concerning the produce of the land and the condition of society. The latter is most pecidiar, and not to be explained in few words. You have probably read Bowditch’s Mission to Ashantee, I think I could give you a picture as striking, novel, and interesting ; but this must be reserved for a future period. “ My settlement (Singapore) continues to thrive most wonderfidly ; it is all and every thing I could wish, and if no untimely fate awaits it, promises to become the emporium and the pride of the East. I learn with much regret the prejudice and malignity by which I am attacked at home, for the desperate struggle I have main- tained against the Dutch. Instead of being supported by my own Government, I find them deserting me, and gi^dng way in every instance to the unscrupulous and enormous assertions of the Dutch. All however is safe so far, and if matters are only allowed to remain as they are all will go well. The great blow has been struck, and though I may personally suffer in the scuffle the nation must be benefited — and I should not be surprised were the ministers to recall me, though I should on many accounts regret it at the present moment. “ Were the value of Singapore properly appreciated, I am confident that all England would be in its favour ; it positively takes nothing from the Dutch and is to us every thing ; it gives us the command of China and Japan, with Siam and Cambodia, Cochin China, &c. to say nothing of the Islands themselves. What you observe with regard to British cottons through this port to China is a most import- 3 N 2 460 IMPORTANCE OF SINGAPORE. ant question — the affair is perfectly practicable and nothing more easy. I had framed a plan and am still bent upon the object, but until I know from England how I am to be supported in what I have so far done, it would be premature to suggest any speculation — confirm Singapore, and establish my authority in the Archipelago on the principle I have suggested, and it will not be long before there is abundant demand for this description of our manufactures at least. Upwards of ten thousand tons of raw cotton are annually sent to China from our territories in India — why should we send our raw produce to encourage the industry of a foreign nation, at the expense of our own manufactures ? If India cannot manufacture sufficiently cheap, England can ; and it is idle to talk of the cheapness of our goods unless Ave can bring them into fair competition. I see no reason why China may not be, in a gi'eat measure, clothed from England — no people study cheapness so much ; and if we can undersell them we have only to find the way of introducing the article. The monopoly of the East India Company in England, and of the Hong merchants in China, precludes the idea of any thing like fair competition in our own ships, or at the port of Canton — not but the East India Company can and perhaps will assist as far as in them lies ; but their ships are too expensive — the articles would also pass through the Hong merchants before they reached the gene- ral trade and commerce ; and their intermediate profits would form another barrier. “ At Singapore, however, every object may be obtained. Let the commercial interests for the present drop eveiy idea of a direct trade to China, and let them concentrate their influence in supporting Singapore, and they will do ten times better. As a free port, it is as much to them as the possession of Macao ; and it is here their voyages should finish. The Chinese themselves coming to Singapore and purchasing, they have the means of importing into the different ports of Canton, without the restraints and peculations of the Hong merchants. Many of the Chinese viceroys are themselves engaged clandestinely in extensive trade ; and Singapore may, as a free port, thus become the connecting link and grand entrepot between Europe, Asia, and China ; it is, in fact, fast becoming so. Vessels come from China to Singapore in five days. All will, however, depend on its remaining under good go- vernment, and the port being regulated on the principles I have laid down ; what these are, you may learn from * * * * is fully apprised of all my views and plans. These once confinned from home, I shall lose no time in for- warding musters of the cloths required, and the most detailed information as to the extent and nature of the speculation. ‘‘ You ask again respecting the Brata Yudha, and I must return you the same answer as before. I have as little to do with Java now as you have ; and were I to communicate with any one on that Island, it would be considered as treason : such is the hatred or dread which the present rulers of that country feel towards me. God knows they treat me unjustly ; for although I have disputed and opposed APPOINTMENT OF A COMMITTEE ON EASTERN AFFAIRS. 461 their enormous designs in the Archipelago generally, I have never interfered with Java, or any of their lawful possessions ; but their fears magnify the danger.” ***** “ Believe me, &c.” To “ Bencoolen, July 26tk, 1820. “ I have just received from Bengal some of your letters, down to the 23d of January ; this last informs me of the appointment of a deputation from Holland, and a committee from the Court, to discuss all points respecting the Eastern Islands. This is as it should be, and augurs well : it looks as if, at last, the subject were about to be taken up seriously and comprehensively. I feel that I have done aU and every thing in my power to enable the authorities at home to act with justice, advantage, and decision. “ From Bengal my accounts, as late as June, are favourable. At Bencoolen I have not been inactive ; all my energies are now centred in this bttle spot, and I am improving it rapidly ; much can never be made of it, but it may, and ought to be better. Agricultm'e is what I most attend to, and no stone is left unturned to advance it. “ Sophia and my dear children are all well and happy.” To Mr. Thomas Murdoch. “ Bencoolen, July 22, 1820. My Dear Sir, “ I have been so bad a con-espondent, that I fear it is too late to make apologies for my silence : the truth is, so few opportunities offer of writing direct to Europe, and so many urgent calls always press on my time at the moment of a despatch, that I am too apt to defer, sine die, what may be put off till the morrow. “ You will, I am sure, be happy to hear that we continue in excellent health, and as yet unaffected by climate, and other drawbacks. Lady Raffles looks better at present than I ever knew her, and my three children are every thing that the fondest parent could wish. Charlotte and Leopold (your god-son) are both running about, and are as blessed in intelligence as disposition. Charlotte is all mildness, Leo aU boldness ; the youngest, who is usually called Marco Polo, after his god- father, Marsden, bids fair to follow in the same steps ; and we are as happy a family as you can well conceive. One of Lady Raffles’ brothers, from the Bengal army, is now with us on a visit, and we are daily expecting another to remain with us per- manently. My sister and her little boy also form part of our family at present. “ Having, by the establishment of Singapore, done all that rested with me for i62 ENDEAVOURS TO IMPROVE SUMATRA. the protection of our interests in the Archipelago, I have long given over all discus- sions v’ith the Dutch authorities, and have now been for several months enjoying the quiet of home ; so comfortable, indeed, have we managed to make oiuselves, that we shall feel regi’et whenever the day comes that we are to leave Bencoolen, whether for better or worse. I know not how it is, but I have latterly become so much attached to the place, that it is daily becoming more interesting. The changes which I have been able to work have been so satisfactory, and the attachment of the people is so great, that I have determined to make a strong effort for the improvement of the place. My early measures will, I fear, have hardly met the approval of our fiiend Marsden, as the principles on w'hich I proceeded were different to those supported by him in his history ; but, I think, w^re he to see the different face which the coun- try has since put on, that he would be more inclined to admit their propriety. He reasons upon the state of the country before the destructive effects which have fol- lowed since the abolition of the Government ; I put the state of things as I found them. How'ever bad in principle the old system may have been, I am ready to admit that its effects w'ere good, when contrasted with those which ensued from the intro- duction of what is generally considered to have been a more pure system. The fact is, the country has gone rapidly to min ever since it has been under the Bengal Go- vernment, and that from the most obvious causes of misgovernment and neglect ; the affection of the people has been ahenated, and the contempt with which they have been treated has produced its natural effects. I have had the task of restoring con- fidence, and recovering the country from a state of wilderness and disorder into w^hich it had mn, to one of agricultm-al industry and subordination ; the task has been diffi- cult, and in some respects hazardous ; but I have, at all events, carried the hearts of the people along with me, and, in directing their energies into proper channels, I find enough to occupy and amuse me. I have assmned a new character among them, that of lord paramount : the Chiefs are my barons bold, and the people their vassals. Under this constitution, and by the establishment of a right of property in the soil, I am enabled to do w onders, and if time is only given to persevere in the same course for a few years, I think I shall be able to lay the foundation of a new order of things on a basis that shall not easily be shaken. My attention is, at present, principally directed to agiiculture : an agricultural society has been established, of w'hich I am President, in wdiich we discuss, without reserve, all questions which relate to the pro- duce of the soil and the people who cultivate it. Agiiculture is every where the only solid basis of national prosperity ; and in countries like Sumatra, it constitutes and comprises nearly all that is valuable and interesting. “ We are very anxiously awaiting the decision of the higher powers on the numerous questions referred to them. It appears to me impossible that Singapore should be given up, and yet the indecisive manner in which the ministers express themselves, and the unjust and harsli terms they use tow^ards me, render it doubtful ENDEAVOURS TO IMPROVE SUMATRA. 463 what course they will adopt. If they do not appoint me to Penang, it is probable that they will confine me to Bencoolen as a place of punishment — banishment it cer- tainly is : but if even here they will leave me alone, I will make a paradise for myself. “ Bencoolen is certainly the veiy worst selection that could have been made for a settlement ; it is completely shut out of doors ; the soil is, comparatively with the other Malay countries, inferior, the population scanty ; neighbourhood, or passing trade, it has none ; and, further, it wants a harbour, to say nothing of its long re- puted unhealthiness, and the miserable state of ruin into which it has latterly been allowed to run. Against all these drawbacks I yet think something can be done, and I am attempting it ; the greater the difficulties to be encountered, and the greater the exertion required, the gi'eater is the satisfaction to be obtained. I have never yet found any which repressed my energies ; on the contrary, they have always increased in proportion to the occasion. “ I have found in the Smnatrans a very different people to the inhabitants of Java : they are, perhaps, a thousand years behind them in civilization, and, conse- quently, require a very different kind of government. In Java I advocated the doctrine of the liberty of the subject, and the indiridual rights of man— here I am the advocate for despotism. The strong arm of power is necessary to bring men together, and to concentrate them in societies, and there is a certain stage in which despotic authority seems the only means of promoting civilization. Sumatra is, in a great measure, peopled by innumerable petty tribes, subject to no general govern- ment, haring little or no intercourse \rith each other, and man still remains inactive, sullen, and partaking of the gloom which pervades the forests by which he is sm- rounded. No Em'opean power seems to think it worth its while to subdue the country by conquest, the shortest and best way of civilizing it, and, therefore, all that can be done is, to raise the importance of the Chiefs, and to assist in promot- ing the advance of feudal authority ; this once established, and government being once firmly introduced, let the people be enhghtened, and the energies wliich will be then called forth in regaining a portion of their liberties, will be the best pledge of their future character as a nation. At present the people are as wandering in their habits as the birds of the air, and until they are congregated and organized under something like authority, nothing can be done with them. I have, fortu- nately, become very popular among them ; all classes seem persuaded that I want to make a country, and there is nothing which I wish or suggest which they are not anxious to do ; they have already submitted to alterations and innovations which, in former times, it would have been dangerous to mention, and if ever any thing is to be made of them, this is the time for the effort — the opportunity neglected will never recur. “ I fear I have troubled you with a very dull discussion on a very uninteresting 1 i64 LETTER TO THE DUKE OF SOMERSET. subject, but I am anxious to prove to you that, however limited my field of action, I still contrive to find something within it w^orthy of my attention. Bencoolen will never become a place of great commercial or political importance, but it is the place where, at present, I can be most practically useful, and instead of repining and re- senting the slights and injuries of the higher powers, I shall, for the next few years, content myself, if fixed here, with leaving a garden where I have found a wilderness. Lady Raffles unites with me in kindest regards to Mrs. Murdoch, and all the members of your family. I need not tell you of the esteem in which we hold you, and how often W'e anticipate the pleasure of once more meeting under the same roof, and in that same country where, spite of all its faults, the best of enjoyments are to be found. “ Politically, I have done all that could be expected from me in this countrj\ If the authorities at home still demur, and are not only opposed to my plans but to my personal interests, it is clear that I can do no good to the cause here. I am at present bound and chained to Bencoolen, almost as closely as Napoleon is to Saint Helena. ****** “ I have now the satisfaction to state that Bencoolen and Singapore together, are not as expensive as Bencoolen was before the change.” To the Duke of Somerset. “ Bencoolen, August 20, 1820. “ The best excuse I can offer for having allowed your letters to remain so long without acknowledgment, is that I have had nothing to communicate in reply, to justify the intrusion on your time and notice, and I have been ashamed to dwell on the never-failing subject of self, after troubling the Duchess with so many unin- teresting details on this particular. ***** “ In the present alarming and important crisis, I fear the public attention \vill be too much occupied with affairs nearer home, to trouble itself much with what is going on in this part of the world ; and yet I cannot help thinking that more exten- sive views, and a more enlarged policy with regard to the colonies, particularly in the East, would tend greatly to remove some of the burdens by which England seems to be at present overwhelmed. “ I am at present awaiting with much anxiety the result of the deliberations at home regarding the Eastern Islands. By the last accounts, commissioners had been appointed to adjust the differences with the Dutch Government, and a few months must decide whether we succumb to the daring and unqualified pretensions of our rivals, and hide our diminished heads, or still preserve our footing in the Islands. LETTER TO THE DUKE OF SOMERSET. 465 “ It is not necessary for me to detail to your Grace the dangers to which our commerce was exposed, or the disabilities under which it laboured previously to the occupation of Singapore. The Dutch, by reviving the principle on which their esta- blishments in the East were originally founded, and acting upon the same with the increased power and means which their improved condition and rank among the nations of Europe gave them, had nearly succeeded in bringing under their control every native state within the Archipelago, and in excluding the British Indian trader from every port eastward of the Straits of Malacca and Sunda, while they secured to themselves the commerce of those important passes, through which the trade to and from China must necessarily be carried on. It is not a little remarkable, that the establishment of this system of exclusion on the part of the Dutch was much facilitated by the improved local resources of the colonies actually restored to them ; and that it is to our having conquered and occupied Java, that they are mainly indebted for the means of obstructing and destroying our commerce, for had not that event taken place, they would not have had the pretext or the means of establishing anew an empire and system so diametrically opposed to our com- mercial interests, and which the policy of our Government, and the enterprize of our merchants, had so successfully combated and destroyed in the preceding century. “ The commerce, therefore, for which I have been again contending, and which I have endeavoured to secure by the occupation of Singapore, is no less im- portant to us than it is our legitimate right. Within its narrowest limits, it embraces a fair participation in the general trade of the Archipelago and Siam, and in a more extensive view, is intimately connected with that of China and Japan. We should not forget that it was to the Eastern Islands that the attention of Europeans was first directed, and that it was in these seas the contest for the commerce of the East was carried on and decided — that it was this trade which contributed to the power and splendour of Portugal, and at a later date raised Holland from insignificance and obscurity to power and rank among the nations of Europe. “ The occupation of Singapore involves an expense of about ^£20,000 per annum, which sum covers all the expense of its estabhshment — and if permanently retained, this amount will of course be paid out of a local revenue. So that the possession of this important station cannot be considered as adding one fraction to our pecuniary burdens, while it secures to us all the objects, both political and com- mercial, which we can require in these seas. “ Notwithstanding the uncertainty which must prevail pending the decision of the higher powers in Europe, and the circumstances of its being still held solely on my'personal responsibility, against all the efforts of our own government as well as that of the Dutch, the settlement has advanced in the most rapid manner. From an insignificant fishing village, the port is now surrounded by an extensive town, and the population does not fall short of ten or twelve thousand souls, principally 3 o 466 LETTER TO THE DUKE OF SOMERSET. Chinese. The number is daily increasing, and the trade of the place has already in- duced the establishment of several mercantile houses of respectabihty. “ Should the decision from home prove favom'able, I hope to proceed there in the course of next year, for the pm’pose of estabhshing such municipal and port re- giUations as may pronde for the increasing population and trade. Should it be otherwise, I shall probably remain quietly at Bencoolen, where I am not without employment, and where, though the field will be less extensive, and the immediate object somewhat different, there is much to be done. Bencoolen being in a great measure shut out from the general trade of the Eastern Islands, and ha\’ing no trade of its own, the first and main point to be attended to is its agi'icultm*e ; and I am now busily engaged in clearing forests, di’aining morasses, and cultivating the soil. I hope the present year the grain produce will be increased at least two-fold, and go on in a geometrical proportion for many years to come, until we become an exporting rather than an importing comitry. Every man is obliged to cultivate sufficient grain for his own subsistence, either with his own hands or his proper funds, and I have already had the satisfaction of seeing a large portion of the people turn from habits of idleness to those of industry and activity. By establishing a right of property in the soil, and ghing the preference to the actual cultivator, an extraordinary competition has been excited, and my time is now engaged for many hours in the day, in settling boundaries and claims to land, w'hich a year ago may be said to have been without owner or claimant. “ But it is not to the grain cultivation alone that I am directing my attention ; I am attempting to introduce the cultivation and manufacture of sugar on the same principle as in the West Indies, and to extend the coffee, pepper, and other plan- tations. “ I find that a sugar-work may be estabhshed here at less than one-sixth of the expense which must be incurred at Jamaica ; that our soil is superior, our climate better, and, as we are neither troubled with hurricanes nor yellow fever, that our advantages are almost beyond comparison greater. For instance, in an estate cal- culated to afford tw'o hundred or two hundred and fifty tons of sugar annually, the land alone Vv^ould cost eight thousand or ten thousand pounds in Jamaica, while here it may be had for nothing. The negroes would there cost ten or twelve thou- sand pounds more, while here labourers may be obtained on contract, or by the month, with a very moderate advance, at wages not higher than necessary for their subsistence. The other expenses of a West India plantation are estimated at ten thousand pounds more ; so that before any return can be received, an outlay of at least thirty thousand pounds must be made. Here about five thousand pounds may be considered to cover every expense, including thirteen hundred pounds for ma- chinery fi-om England, and every outlay before the sugar is made. A gentleman has come over from Jamaica, and is establishing a very extensive plantation. He is LETTER TO THE DUKE OF SOMERSET. 467 now engaged in planting the cane, and, in about a year hence, he will commence his sugar. Water-mills, &c. have been applied for from Liverpool, and if the under- taking should turn out favourably, as I have no doubt it will, I trust it will not be long before his example is generally followed. Coffee and other tropical productions may of course be cultivated here with equal advantages ; and, considering the pre- sent state of capital and labour in England, I cannot help regretting that the public attention is not turned to the advantages which might result from colonizing this part of Sumatra, Our advantages over the West Indies are not only in soil, climate, and labour, but also in constant markets. The West Indies always look to the European market, and that alone : here we have the India and China markets, besides an extensive local demand. The only thing against us is the freight, which is of course somewhat higher, on account of the greater distance ; but if from the West Indies the planter could afford to send his sugar home at ten pounds per ton, war- freight, he may surely pay five pounds per ton, peace-freight, which is the present rate. In consequence of the advantages of this Island being unknown, many British subjects have established sugar and coffee plantations in Java, and are, in conse- quence, now enriching a foreign colony by their labour and capital, while we are suffering from the want of both. “ The present regulations of the East India Company are adverse to coloniza- tion ; but under the existing circumstances of the country, I should think that body would not oppose any feasible plan which could be devised for affording relief. The Eastern Islands are so differently circumstanced to the continent of India, that the principle which is considered to apply against colonization in the latter, does not hold good in the former. It is here by colonization, by European talents and Chi- nese labour alone, that the resources of the country can be brought forward, whereas in India the country is for the most part cultivated to the highest pitch, and occu- pied by an industrious race of inhabitants. “ I much fear the expectations of advantageous colonization at the Cape will be disappointed. It is sending poverty to feed on poverty ; and the most that can be expected by the settlers, after a life of toil and misery, is a bare subsistence. The climate, it is true, is more congenial to an European constitution, but this is all ; in every other respect we have the advantage not only over the Cape, but over the West Indies, America, New Holland, or any other place that could be named — Java always excepted. The climate is certainly warm and unfavourable to Europeans, but I be- heve I may safely affirm, that it is the most pleasant, if not the most healthy within the tropics. In the mountainous districts the heat is by no means great, and I have already estabhshed a regular supply of potatoes, which are extensively cultivated in the interior district, and which previous to our arrival were always imported. Wheat also grows, and Indian corn may be cultivated with great advantage : our cattle may 3 o 2 468 LETTER TO THE DUKE OF SOMERSET. easily be increased, and the breed improved ; and water-carriage is to be found in almost every direction, in the numerous rivers which descend from the central moun- tains to the sea. The principle, however, on which colonists settle here must be very different to what it appears to be at the Cape ; here nothing can be done without capital, every thing with it. Capitalists in England must either send out their relatives, or lend their money on mortgage to some active and intelligent planter. Any young man of steady habits and common sense, whose father cannot obtain emplojnnent for him at home, but who can advance him from four to five thousand pounds, may thus establish himself, and create an estate of three or four thousand pounds a year for his descendants. These principals in the concern would require under-surveyors, coopers, distillers, miters, &c., and each estate would give employment to several Europeans. The Chinese and natives would be the manual labourers, as the negroes are in the West Inches. Politically, the colonization of that part of Sumatra which belongs to the Bri- tish Government would be very important, as it would enable us to make a stand against the Dutch encroachments. They are colonizing Java very fast ; and, not- withstanding om* power on the continent of India, they might easily overrun and occupy, to our exclusion, every possession between the Straits of Sunda and Chma. “ I have to apologize to your Grace for these hasty remarks, but they are ch'awn forth by the regret that the forty thousand paupers sent to the Cape had not, on a different principle and more enlightened plan, found their way here, w'here, indepen- dent of the advantages I have already pointed out, they might have assisted in extending our spice gardens, and dragging the golden ore from our mines. “ Whatever may be done towards paying off the national debt, or reducing the interest, we must still have recourse to extensive emigration, and the sooner we open our colonies to the settler the better. If w^e delay too long, much of the capital and industry will have found their way into foreign countries, and, by assisting our rivals, check our own speculations. “ The West Incha merchants and proprietors might at one time have inveighed against colonization in the East, and I know they w^ere decidedly opposed to the re- tention of Java on this account : but the progress in Sumatra will be slow, and the abolition of the slave trade has so effectually destroyed their prospects, that they must necessarily retrograde, so that their opposition will be of less w^eight. At all events, what is done in Sumatra will take nothing from them direct ; and, as far as I can judge, they would find it more to their advantage to embark themselves and their machinery, and change their residence to the East. The superior advantages there would soon repay the expenses of transport.” LAKES IN SUMATRA. 469 To W. Marsden, Esq. Bencoolen, August 27th, 1820. We are now thinking of delaying the publication of the plants until a more general view of the natural history of these Islands can be taken, and we think they might form an advantageous appendix to a work which we purpose to entitle ‘ An Introduction to the Natural History of the Eastern Islands ; ’ the frame-work of which has been completed, but which will require perhaps a year or two for the details. ‘‘ I have just been closing a large consignment of subjects in spirits and skeletons. You will have learned that the cassowary is not a native of Java; it is not found west of the Moluccas, and in them I believe is confined exclusively to one of the large Islands, either Halhambipa or Ceram, I forget which. I have written to you so fully lately, that I am not aware that I have any thing of moment left to communicate, except the discovery of the lake in the Lam- pung country, at the back of Croee, which has been visited and examined in the last four months. The length of the lake is about twelve miles, the breadth eight ; the population is thin upon its banks, and but few boats. None of these carry sails : the people have a superstitious aversion to hoisting them, under an apprehen- sion that the sails will in\ite the wind, upset the boat, or in other words, that they will raise the devil by it. “ I have made a sketch of the shape and position of this lake, and have sent another party with compasses, &c. to correct our former observations, and also to collect minerals in its vicinity, and the best information attainable of the country beyond it. “ I have had an opportunity of examining the third lake, namely, that of Koiintki. “ The only important lake not yet ascertained is that of Toba, in the Batta country. The moment I can well leave Marlborough, I piu'pose making an incur- sion into the Batta country to ascertain this and many other interesting points, and if I am not eaten on the journey I have no doubt the results will repay the labour. I am at present confined to Marlborough, on account of the positive orders of the Court of Directors, who would seem inclined to limit my perambulations as much as possible, lest they should excite the jealousy of our friendly allies the Dutch ; but for this, you should long before this time have had an account of the sources of most of the principal rivers. I do not think the source of the Siak river can be correctly laid down, and with respect to the Tulang Bawang river I am still more puzzled, and am much in want of scientific and even practical assistance. I have applied to the Bengal government respecting the want of surveys on 470 POPULATION OF SUMATRA. this coast above Tappanooly, and I hope that authority will be inclined to attend to the subject. In the mean time I am collecting all the information I can. “ I am at present deeply engaged in the details of Bencoolen, taking statistical accounts of our population, &c. I propose printing them, as the only means of securing the safety of the record, and turning the pubhc attention of the place to the further prosecution of similar inquiries hereafter. They will furnish excellent data a hundred years hence to judge of the advance or decline of the place. Our first agi'icultural report is finished, and I think you will not only admit the facts but concur in the reasoning. Lady Raffles and the children continue to enjoy excellent health. She desires to be most kindly remembered to Mrs. Marsden. I am obliged to insist on her avoiding writing. Your godson is now three months old, and does credit to Ben- coolen. “ I fear I shall have often been very tedious in my repetitions ; the fact is, that I have always so much public business in hand on the departure of a ship, and the notice is generally so short, that I have no time to write a connected letter, or keep copies of what I do write. The population of the Batta country far surpasses my expectation ; it can hardly be less than a million and a half. “ The progress of the Padries, as they are called, has been surprising, and the countries they have ravaged will excite your astonishment. I am collecting details for a full account of their progress. The population of the town of Marlborough, including Old Bencoolen and Tengha Padang, is nearly 10,000 souls ; more than one-half more than I was led to expect, when first I arrived here ; and there may be 5000 more in the Duablas and Selapan districts, and the same in Soongy Lamou. The quantity of rice yet culti- vated bears a very small proportion to the consumption. I have imported paddy and other seed from Java, and I trust a few years will make a change in the face of the country. I have induced a private individual to re-estabhsh the sugar-works at Benterin, and I am in hopes my labours will not be thrown away. “ The spice plantations have done wonders. The statistical returns confirm your opinion of the infecundity of the people, as they shew an uncommon dearth of children ; but they, at the same time, attest the healthiness of the country by the very small number of deaths. “ I have not been very well lately, and am rather apprehensive I am not doomed to last much longer in a tropical climate. Unless, therefore, the public authorities at home turn a more favourable eye towards me, I shall think of return- ing at the close of my five years.” ENDEAVOURS TO IMPROVE AGRICULTURE. 471 To “ August 28, 182Q. “ The total population here being 15,000, and the total quantity of rice raised in the year only two months’ consumption, you are already informed of the measures in progress for extending the rice-cultivation. Every man must now have his sawah, and I make a point to set a good example, by raising fully sufficient for all my per- sonal establishment. “ The statistical returns have been taken with great accuracy ; every village has been \dsited, &c. “ Out of the number of 100,000 nutmeg-trees, one-fourth are in full bearing ; and although their culture may be more expensive, their luxuriance and produce are considered fully equal to those of the Moluccas. Captain Mackenzie, my second assistant, having been seven years Resident in the Moluccas, we are able to form a very fair comparative estimate. As you may wish to know the sort of arguments which I use in inducing an agi'icultm’al spirit, I shall conclude this letter with the concluding part of my address on the establishment of an agricultural society. “ ‘ The first point for consideration is the limits we should prescribe to our- selves for future operations ; on this I would recommend that we should on no account extend them beyond the immediate vicinity of Bencoolen, or beyond the reach of our personal observation. However ill-judged may have been the selection of Bencoolen for our principal settlement, let us recollect that it is the place where w^e can be most practically useful, and that the greater the difficulties, the greater will be the merit of overcoming them. “ ‘ The spice cultivation has been established against almost every possible obstacle. This will be sufficient to prove what can be done by the zeal and per- severance of a few individuals, and should encourage your future exertions. “ ‘ I think there is much to condemn in the choice you have made of the soil, and in the mode of manuring ; but I trust your intelligence, when concentrated by the means of this society, will lead to the correction of these errors, and render the returns of the gardens more commensurate with the zeal and industry bestowed upon them. I cannot help thinking that, had you selected an allurial soil instead of the barren and unproductive hills on which your plantations now stand, you would have saved yourself much unnecessary expense and labour, and succeeded more effectu- ally in spreading the plants over the country. * * * * ^ ^ ^ “ ‘ The recent orders of government AviU go far towards the improvement of yom* plantations, by directing your attention to the necessity of supplying your people and cattle ^vith food, and I should hope it would not be long before each plantation has its farm, and raises its supplies within itself. 7 472 ENDEAVOURS TO IMPROVE AGRICULTURE. “ ' I am more anxious however to impress on yom' minds the greater importance of the gi'ain cultivation of the country, as generally carried on by the native inhabi- tants. It is on this that every thing must depend, for until a sufficient quantity of rice is raised for the consumption of the country, it would be wild to talk of pros- perity. All om- efforts must be directed to the attainment of this one great object, and this once attained, all others will I trust follow easily. ^\'e must quit the high lands, and abandon the forest cultivation, ^^'e must descend into the plain, and form sawahs or irrigated rice-fields. We must assist the poprdation by our superior intelligence, and endeavoiu* to prove to them their true interests. We must make om'selves more intimately acquainted with their character and feehngs, rouse them to exertion, and point out the means by which their happiness and prosperity may be best augmented. We must go hand-in-hand with government in the introduction of order and regulation, as far as our influence extends, and finally determine on success, and persevere in om* exertions until we attain it. “ ‘ I recommend you to abandon all former opinions on the incorrigible laziness of the people and unproductiveness of the soil, and to allow time for the complete operation of the change of system which has taken place, before you form a judg- ment on these important points.’ * * Jie Jje * * “ One word more before I say farewell. That you may not misunderstand me as to my opinion with regard to the changes which have taken place since the re- duction of the estabhshment in 1801, and the good old system which pre\dously prevailed, the following extracts from our first agi'icultural report will be the best elucidation of my sentiments on the subject ; and I think we shall in the end come to pretty nearly the same point, though we may have gone a different way about. “ ‘ There appears little doubt that the population in the neighbourhood has greatly decreased, and that the country was once in a more flourishing condition. The diminution of the population has been estimated by some at fully one-half ; the extensive tracts of now abandoned lands to be seen in various places, particularly in the neighbourhood of the Sellibar River, attest the fact of the deterioration. This unfavom'ahle alteration is unanimously dated from the period of the change of go- vernment and system in 1801 ; and it deserves inquiry, how the introduction of an administration acknowledgedly purer and more enlightened, operated to produce this effect. It will be particularly interesting at the present moment, in order that by observing the errors of the past we may learn how to avoid the same dangers for the future » * * * * * “ ‘ Previously to that time affairs were conducted by a Governor and Council, who were in fact the chief managers of a great mercantile concern, and held in their hands the whole trade of the country. Being merchants on private account as well as agents of the Company, their own interests were intimately connected with its REPORT OF THE SUMATRAN AGRICULTURAL SOCIETY. 473 prosperity ; and though they exercised the monoj>oly, and required the services of the people in the cultivation of the pepper, they could not but see their own ad- vantage in promoting their industry. In supplying them with every article of import a mutual intercourse of good offices took place, and a close connexion was main- tained between the Government and the people. An order then existed that every individual should sow not less than five bamboos of rice, and that article was conse- quently but little imported from abroad. Foreign settlers, both Chinese and Euro- pean, were encouraged and protected. Sixty Germans were at one time sent from Europe, and settled in the neighbourhood of Bencoolen. Sugar was extensively cultivated, and a considerable trade centred in the port. A commercial government might not in principle have been a very pure one, or very conducive to the ultimate interests of the people, but the mutual dependence on each other engendered a kind of parental consideration on the one hand, and respect on the other, that gave it somewhat of an amiable character. The connection which subsisted between them bore some resemblance to that which prevailed in the times of feudalism. Whatever was the distance between the vassal and his lord, whatever might be the poverty of the former, and the arbitrary disposition of the latter, there was a species of mutual dependence, a reciprocity of services, that softened its darker features, and almost atoned for its evil.’ “ This, you will admit, is saying enough on one side of the question ; now for the other. “ ‘ From the period above mentioned, when Bencoolen became a dependency on Bengal, these men were succeeded by others, who had acquired their ideas of na- tive character among a very different race of people ; and who, considering this as a temporary residence, and entering into no commercial speculations, had little induce- ment to become acquainted with the language and people, and but little sympathy with their local interests. Many of the subsequent measures have been already noticed. ^ ^ * “ ‘ The mutual distrust to which these occurrences gave rise, had gone on in- creasing of late years, and contributed to the further deterioration of the country. Little intercourse was held with the Chiefs, and scarcely any communication with the interior or with the people. Neither Chiefs nor people could place confidence in an authority to which they were, in a gi’eat measure, denied access ; nor could that authority place confidence in men, with whose character and sentiments it was, from want of communication, necessarily unacquainted. It appears latterly to have been the object of Government to make this settlement dependent in every thing upon Bengal, and to keep as distinct and remote as possible from tbe natives of the country. 474 REPORT OF THE SUMATRAN AGRICULTURAL SOCIETY. “ ‘ In reviewing the train of circumstances that have conducted to the present state of the country and people, we are forced to admit there has been much mis- government ; and if we now find the people poor, lazy, avaricious, and intractable, we must pause to consider how much of those vices may not be owing to the circum- stances in which they have been placed, and the treatment they have experienced. We have seen, on the one hand, inattention to the character and habits of the people, and an arbitrary tone of proceeding lead to serious and fatal en'ors ; and, on the other, we have seen contracted and partial views, and the bias communicated to the mind by local habits and prejudices, prove still more certainly ruinous and destruc- tive. The one brought destruction on the individual (Mr. Parr), the other brought ruin on the settlement. Temper and address may be requisite to effect improvement with safety and success, but temporizing measures can only perpetuate misery and desolation. “ ‘ I will not detain you with the catalogue of causes which have contributed, since 1801, to the ruin and declension of the settlement ; you know them gene- rally.’ “ The following conclusion to the Report will, I doubt not, be satisfactory to you “ ‘ In the view now taken of the condition of this settlement, if the picture of the past and present is not veiy bright and flattering, it will be admitted that there is nothing discouraging in the prospect before us. Much remains to be done, and success will not be attained without exertion ; but of the ultimate result there seems no reason to despair. In the consideration of the past, we think there is sufficient eridence of mismanagement fully to account for the settlement having not only failed to advance, but having actually retrograded. The experience of all ages and times has showm that monopoly and slavery are utterly inconsistent with the prosperity of a country. Under both these evils has Bencoolen laboured. Under the old govern- ment there were concomitant circumstances that softened many of the harsher fea- tures of the system, and counteracted some of its ruinous tendencies. On the change in 1801, though a considerable reform wus effected, enough of the old leaven re- mained to vitiate and taint the whole. The former fabric was overthrown, but the new one was erected on the same foundations of monopoly and forced serrices. It was purer, perhaps, in as far as regards the Company ; hut to the people it brought no benefit whatever, while it took aw^ay all that reconciled them to the former govern- ment. * * ^ ^ * “ ‘ Our interests are inseparably connected with those of the native inhabitants, and there cannot be a greater error than to suppose them distinct or opposed to each other * * * * \Yq therefore look forward with confidence to brighter prospects and to happier times, wiien industry shall EXERTIONS TO CIVILIZE THE SUMATRANS. 475 revive, agriculture flourish, and Bencoolen, no longer a blot in our Indian history, shall rise to more than pristine prosperity.’ I am afraid, my dear Sir, you will long ere this have been tired with this old and long story ; at all events, I hope you will consider it an earnest of my desire to prove to you that I am not inattentive to the real interests of the place entrusted to my immediate charge. Lady Raffles and my dear children continue to enjoy excellent health. Marco Polo thrives apace, and is every thing you could wish.” The spice gardens, of which there were now many in the neighbourhood of Bencoolen, added greatly to its interest and beauty ; Sir Stamford’s residence in the country was twelve miles from the town, and though on first making the attempt to persuade people to live out of the settlement, no servant even could be induced to venture three miles after sunset, at this time (1823) there were various country- houses on the road to Permattam Ballam, (his country-house,) all of them surrounded by plantations. The clove trees as an avenue to a residence are perhaps unrivalled, their noble height, the beauty of their form, the luxuriance of their foliage, and above all the spicy fragrance with which they perfiime the air, produce, in driving through a long line of them, a degree of exquisite pleasure only to be enjoyed in the clear light atmosphere of these latitudes. “ Bencoolen, September 23d, 1820. “ I am doing more good here and at Singapore, at Nattal Tappanooly, and Nias. I am making a country and a garden out of a wilderness, and I trust I am laying the foundation of the future civilization of Sumatra : the independence of the Eastern commerce I have already established. My letters from Bengal say that all my plans are lauded at home, but others are larded for them, and that it is feared I must limit my recompense to the gratifying sense of my public services. My friends say, ‘ Do not, however, allow any penury in your superiors to damp your zeal ; for you can at all times shew to whose intelligence we are indebted for the civilization and independence of the Eastern countries.’ Are they right ? “ My attention is at this moment directed to the Island of Nias, lying off Nat- tal, a little to the north of Padang : it contains a population of from one to two hundred thousand active, intelligent, and industrious people, and is the granary of this coast. The people are heathens, and in great want of civilization and improve- ment, and I contemplate a fine field for philanthropic exertions. “ Sophia will write you all domestic news. For myself I do not feel my health so good as it was, and I fear I cannot at the outside remain with any comfort above a year or two longer in India : I therefore think you will see us in 1823 or 1824 at farthest. 3 p 2 476 LETTER TO THE DUCHESS OF SOMERSET. To the Duchess of Somerset. “ Bencoolen, October 9, 1820. “ We are still remaining very quietly at Bencoolen, and I fear the detail of an agricultural life, which mine is at present, is too monotonous to afford many incidents to interest you at such a distance, were I to attempt any description of my present occupations. After having drawn together all the wild animals of the forests, and collected the rich plants of the mountains, I am now endeavouring to tame the one and cultivate the other, and have undertaken the arduous task of converting a wil- derness into a garden. I have established a law, that every man shall sow gi-ain enough for the consumption of himself and family. I am making new roads and water-comses, regulating the police of my villages, abolishing slavery and bond-ser- vice, forcing the idle to be industrious and the rogues to be honest. But all this would not be half so interesting in description as a Batta feast, or the discovery of some new and wild race. * * “ In my last letter I intimated to your Grace that I am now turning my thoughts homewards ; one-half of my period of banishment has certainly passed over, and in 1823, or the beginning of 1824, you will certainly see us. I know of nothing that would induce me to remain longer. My health, I am soriy to say, is not so good as it was. I feel the effects of climate very seriously, and on this account, if I had no other inducement, I should hasten home. In a public point of view, all I wish is, to remain long enough to see my settlement at Singapore firmly established, and lay something like a substantial foundation for the future cinlization of Sumatra : two or three years will be sufficient for this, and then I shall have an object at home in endeavouring to uphold and further w'hat will have been so far proceeded on. My great object, the independence of the Eastern Islands, has been attained. “ Lady Raffles and my dear children continue to enjoy excellent health. Leopold is the wonder of all wiio see him. Charlotte speaks English very dis- tinctly, and finds no difficulty in Malay and Hindostanee, and it is curious to observe how she selects her language to the different natives. To us or her nurse she ahvays speaks English ; to a Malay she is fluent in his language, and in an instant begins Hindostanee to a Bengalee : if she is sent with a message, she translates it at once into the language of the servant she meets with. She is only tw'O years and a half old ; such is the tact of children for acquiring languages. She always dines with us when w’e are alone, and the cloth is no sooner removed, than in bounces Master Leopold, singing and laughing, and occupying his place. Mr. Silvio, the Siamang, is then introduced, and I am often accused of paying more attention to the PROGRESS OF CIVILIZATION. 477 monkey than the children. This last gentleman is so great a favourite, and in such high spirits, that I hope to take him to England with the family, and introduce him to my little friend Anna Maria.” To Mr. Marsden. “ Bencoolen, October 9, 1820. “ I have now the pleasure to send you the third paper on our Malayan plants. These are only to be considered notices made at the moment, where we have not the advantage of reference to late publications, or communication with scientific friends. The paper contains an account of the nepenthes, sago, camphor, several new mangifera, many ligna vitas, the melastomas, &c. You will recognize many of your old friends, particularly the kayu gadis, or \irgin tree. “ Under Stj^helia you will find an interesting observation respecting Sin- gapore. We have not half gathered the rich harvest which surrounds our set- tlement, but I think you will give me credit for what has been done. I am now expecting an abundant supply of new matter from Pulo Nias and the northern parts of Sumatra ; and I hope, in the course of next year, again to visit Singapore, and pick up something on the Eastern coast in addition to our present botanical stores.” To Thomas Murdoch, Esq. “ Bencoolen, October 9, 1820. “ As my letter of July 22d was written at a time when I was very much hurried, I am anxious to correct any hasty expression I may have used, and to explain more fully my reasons for now becoming so strong an advocate for despotic authority. There appear to be certain stages and gradations through which society must run its course to ci\ilization, and which can no more be overleaped or omitted, than men can arrive at maturity without passing through the gradations of infancy and youth. Independence is the characteristic of the savage state ; but while men con- tinue disinterested, and with little mutual dependence on each other, they can never become civilized. “ The acquisition of power is necessary to unite them and to organize society, and it would perhaps be difficult to instance a nation which has arisen from bar- barism without having been subjected to despotic authority in some shape or other. The most rapid advances have probably been made, when great power has fallen into enlightened and able hands ; in such circumstances nations become wealthy and powerful, refinement and knowledge are diffused, and the seeds of internal freedom are sown in due time, to rise and set limits to that power whenever it may engender abuse. Freedom thus founded on knowledge and a consideration of reciprocal rights, is the only species that deserves the name, and it would be folly to conceive 478 PROGRESS OF CIVILIZATION. the careless independence of the savage as deserving of equal respect. In order to render an uncivilized people capable of enjoying true liberty, they must first feel the weight of authority, and must become acquainted wth the mutual relations of society. “ Wliether the power to which they bow be the despotism of force, or the des- potism of superior intellect, it is a step in their progress which cannot be passed over. Knowledge is power, and in the intercourse between enlightened and igno- rant nations, the fonner must and ^^ill be the rulers. Instead, therefore, out of an affected respect for the customs of savages, of abstaining fi-om all interference, and endeavouring to peiq)etuate the institutions of barbarism, ought it not rather to be our study to direct to the advancement and improvement of the people, that power and influence with which our situation and character necessarily invests us ? “ Power we do and have possessed ; we have employed it in the most arbitrary of all modes, in the exaction of forced serrices and in the monopoly of the produce of the countr}^ While, as if in mockery, we have professed to exercise no inter- ference ^rith the native administration of the country, we have made ourselves the task-masters of the people, and with a false humility have refused to be their gover- nors. Ought we not to discard this empty pretence ? The people are now firing without a head to direct them, for we have destroyed the power of the native Chiefs ; both reason and humanity would urge us to take the management into our own hands, and to repair the mischief of a hundred years, by affording them a regular and organised government. Instead of compelling their services for our o\\ti com- mercial monopoly, while w^e leave them in their original ignorance and barbarism, and by reducing them to the condition of slaves, shut the door of improvement against them, ought we not to endeavour to direct their industry to objects bene- ficial to themselves, and by securing to them the benefits of their labour, raise them by degrees in the scale of cirifization ? “ The case at Bencoolen is altogether different from what it was in Java at the time of our occupation of it, arising entirely from the comparatively higher state of civilization to which the inhabitants of that Island had attained : and even then, in some of the mountainous and less civilized districts, it was questionable whether the period had yet arrived when the people were competent to advance by their own unaided efforts, and they were therefore stiU left in some measure under the imme- diate sway of their Chiefs. By far the larger portion of the inhabitants of Java had already passed that stage, and were thereby prepared for entering on the enjoyment of a higher and improved condition. “ I have troubled you with the above observations, that you may be prepared for the arguments in which I found my assumption of sovereign power. Tp'ants seldom want an excuse, and in becoming a despot, I am desirous to give you mine. Hereafter, when I have an opportunity of explaining to you more fully the real CONDITIONS OF JAVA AND SUMATRA CONTRASTED. 479 state of the country, I shall easily convince you that my premises are correct. Our friend Marsden will, I think, admit at once that they are so ; but the course I am pursuing is so opposite to his notions, as expressed in his History, that I despair of carrying him along with me without a struggle. I know he is kind enough to place great confidence in me, and to be fully satisfied with my motives ; but I fear that he looks upon some of my plans as visionary and speculative. They may be so, and I am willing to admit that they are not without the latter quality, but I cannot be one of your tacit spectators of barbarism. It is well to say, let things remain as they are — they have gone on well enough heretofore, why introduce new specu- lations of improvement while the people are content ? This might perhaps have been said, if not acted upon, if the thing had been possible. Some few years since, in England, when the people were in the enjoyment of more substantial happiness than recent reforms, or attempts to introduce them, are likely to prove, Eng- land may have been said, if not to have reached the summit, at all events, to have attained an eminence above all other nations ; and, in all further attempts, we were necessarily without the aid of experience. But can this be said of Sumatra, or more particularly of Bencoolen, where the people are at least a thousand years behind their neighbours the Javanese ? Surely not. “ If you would know the extent of my speculations, I would be you to contrast the present conditions of Java and Sumatra. From the hand of God, Sumatra has perhaps received higher advantages and capabihties than Java, but no two countries form a more decided contrast in the use which has been made of them by man. While Sumatra remains in a great part covered with its primeval forests, and ex- hibiting but scattered traces of human industry, Java has become the granary and the garden of the East. In the former, we find man inactive, sullen, and partaking of the gloom of the forests ; while in the latter he is active and cheerful. They are considered to have sprung from the same general stock, and the Strait which sepa- rates them is not twenty miles across. How are we to account for the difference ? “ It is not hkely that I shall give the Dutch credit for having had much share in the improvement of Java, but they are not without some claims in this respect. We must seek the causes elsewhere. I shall not now attempt to enter into them, but I wish much to remove the idea that Sumatra is by nature less fertile than Java. Wretched as our west coast districts may be, I can affirm that the soil of the interior is for the most part rich and productive. No country is better watered ; its navi- gable rivers afford a striking contrast to the want of them in Java ; the population cannot well fall short of three millions, and in some parts agriculture is equally ad- vanced with Java. We have, unfortunately, selected the very worst spots, and adopted the very worst system of government — and to this alone should be attri- buted our failure. “ Now for my speculation. Palembang still remains independent, though the 2 480 CAPABILITIES OF SUMATRA. Dutch blockade the river’s mouth *. Let the independaiice of this state be esta- blished : we want no more. Palembang is able to govern itself — the people are nearly as far advanced as those in Java, and recent events are fast consolidating them into a great and powerful nation. Let the Dutch resign Padang, as not strictly coming within the tenns of the convention which should refer to the status quo ante helium of 1801, and not of 1795, and I ask no more than a carte blanche for five years to make Sumatra more important — more valuable to England, than even Java would have been. I would spend no more money in effecting this than is now annually thrown away at Bencoolen, and I would lay the foundation of a colony which, to a commercial nation like England, should eventually sm'pass all others. “ By opening the communication between Bencoolen and Palembang, the grand navigable river of the latter place would be the outlet for all the rich produce of the interior, including the spices of Bencoolen. The Jambi, Siak, and other rivers to the northward would again be opened as the great channels of trade, while om* stations on the west coast, which I would still maintain, would be our military posts, whence all the rivers and all the interior of the country would be commanded. I would open a high road along the centre of the Island, from one end to the other, and the rivers should be my transverse pathways. I would assume supremacy with- out interfering with the just independence of other states. I w'ould be the protector of the native states. I would, in fact, re-establish the ancient authority of Menang- kabu, and be the great Mogul of the Island. I w'oidd, without much expence, afford employment for twenty or thirty thousand English colonists, and I w'oidd soon give employment to as much British tonnage, and as many British seamen as are now engaged in the West India trade. “ In short, what would I not, and indeed wiiat could I not do, were I free to act, and encoui'aged rather than abused ? * On Sir Stamford’s going to Bencoolen, the Sultan of Palembang appealed to him against the conduct of the Dutch, who claimed to exercise their former power over the Sultan, and were determined to re-establish it by force. It may be proper to explain, that the territories of Palembang and Bencoolen join, and that whatever affected the former state, had an immediate influence on the other. The Sultan, as might be ex- pected, appealed to the nearest British authority to protect him. The treaty by which the Island of Banca was ceded to the English Government in 1812, stipulated that they should maintain the Sultan on his throne. By the convention of 1814 they ceded Banca to the Dutch. Tlieonly right to make such cession was in virtue of the treaty of 1812 : it was therefore not possible to hesitate in the line of conduct neces- sary to pursue. There was no other resident British power nearer than Prince of Wales’ Island; and the fact of a Dutch line-of-battle ship lying opposite Palembang, clearly evinced the impossibility which ex- isted of the Sultan’s holding any communication with the government on that Island. Under these circumstances Sir Stamford felt bound to enter a protest against the proceedings of the Netherlands’ Government at Batavia, and to send hon-e direct to the Court of Directors a statement of their conduct. But the Court of Directors strongly disapproved of his liaving interfered in any way, and con- demned this effort to uphold the honour and credit of the British Government. DEATH OF MR. HULL. 481 “ This, I am willing to admit, is all very speculative, and I am sorry to be obliged to add, also very visionary, for there is no chance of my ever attempting any thing of the kind — the time has gone by when I had the spirit for it. I have met with so much injustice and ill-usage on the part of the authorities at home, that the charm is gone, my confidence is lost, and I only think of these changes as what might have been, had circumstances been more favourable. “ I am now confining myself strictly to our own petty states on the coast, and surely what I am doing in them is rather practical than speculative. What I am doing, will not only benefit these districts immediately, but may enable some subse- quent authority, less harassed by an unconfiding government at home, to enlarge the sphere for the extension of British principles ; I shall be content with what is imme- diate and practical. I am afraid, after all, that I shall have failed to prove to you, that in advocat- ing despotism, I am the true and steady friend of national freedom. If so, I must rely on your friendship to be satisfied with my assertion ; if, on the contrary, you admit my arguments, pray enforce them with Mr. Marsden, as I would rather have his concurrence than the first authority the British legislature could give : he will not approve without being convinced ; but if he still thinks me speculative, it may be suificient to say that I have relinquished the only speculation which deserved the name of one, and am now a plain practical man. “ Pray make our united regards, &c. To prove to you that when I assume and advocate despotic authority, I do not forget that men have rights, it may be sufficient to observe that I have abolished the whole system of slaves and slave-debtors, so intimately interwoven with what are called the native institutions of the country ; that a time has been fixed at which the condition of actual slavery shall cease to exist ; and that for the system of slave- debtors, I have substituted one of free contract, and this with the full and hearty con- currence of the native Chiefs and the European population.” To “ Bencoolen, October 27, 1820. “ The enclosed letters are to convey most melancholy tidings. * * * * « “ The affliction they announce is a most severe one ; we have lost poor Robert Hull, and now mourn his death in all the agony of grief and wretchedness. He died on the 24th instant, after a severe illness of five days, which he bore with exemplary fortitude and resignation. The immediate cause of his death was inflammation of the bowels ; but he never recovered from the illness occasioned by the fatigue and exposure of the last campaign, and on accoimt of which he was absent from his sta- tion. Poor Sophia and Nilson attended him day and night during his illness and last 3 Q 482 EXTENSION OF AGRICULTURE. moments, and have suffered a severe shock ; but the first and most \iolent effects are now subsiding, and I hope in a short time they \vill gain strength and spirits by quiet and resignation. “ Every thing here is going on very quietly, the place manifestly improving fast, and a spirit of industry and activity beginning to supersede the dull lethargic torpor which so lately prevailed. “ The attention of every one is directed to agiiculture, and I find my little expe- rience in Java of some importance in directing the labours of the people of this coast, who have still so much to learn from their neighbours.” CHAPTER XVII. Sir Stamford forms an establishment on the Island of Nias for the suppression of slavery — Sufficient spices raised at Bencoolenfor the supply of Great Britain — Description of the Island of Nias — Its popula- tion, Exports, Slaves — Period of proposed return to England — Poggie Islands — Description of the people — Death of Sir Stamford's eldest boy — Death of Captain Auber — Missionaries engaged in print- ing Malay Bible — Illness of another child — Intended publication on commercial prospects — Deaths of two children — Youngest child sent to England — Retired life — Expectation of Mr. Canning as Governor General — Sir Stamfords opinion of the state of England — Arrival of a party for the measurement of the pendulum at the Equator — Death of Dr. Jack — Voyage to Singapore. The suppression of slavery was never lost sight of by Sir Stamford Raffles ; it was connected with all his views, pohtical or commercial ; and when he found it pre- vailed to a serious extent in an Island (Pulo Nias) in the immediate neighbourhood of the British power, he was anxious to make some effort to reheve the inhabitants from this oppression ; and as the English Resident at Tappanooly and Nattal had always maintained a small estabhshment in the Island, it appeared an object of easy attainment. The following letters contain references to this subject : To Mr. Marsden. “ Bencoolen, January 19, 1821. “ I have much satisfaction in reporting that the Chiefs of Pulo Nias have ceded the sovereignty of that Island to the Company. Our principal station is at Tello Dalum, near the southern extremity, and in a fine harbour, affording good and safe shelter and accommodation for ships of any size, at all seasons of the year. The extent of population and cultivation, and the general state of civilization, have far exceeded my most sanguine expectations. The population is certainly not less than 230,000 souls. Not a vestige of primeval forest is to be found on the Island ; the whole has disappeared before the force of industry ; the whole Island is a sheet of the richest cultivation that can be imagined, and the interior surpasses in beauty and fertihty the richest parts of continental India, if not of Java. The people, and in particular the Chiefs, are active and intelhgent, rich and powerful, and, as far as we can judge of their character, are the very reverse of those 3 Q 2 4S4 FERTILITY OF THE ISLAND OF PULO NIAS. we find on this coast. The exportation of rice annually is not less than twelve thou- sand bags, of two maunds each. They have cheerfully entered into our views for abolishing the slave-trade, and the people, and the country in general, promise much. “ I have only a few minutes to give you this information ; by the next convey- ance you shall have all particulars. “ My friends Dr. Jack and Mr. Prince have been in Nias for six weeks, and have just returned, astonished and delighted with the people and the country. The Island appears throughout to have been a base of lime, probably of coral origin, and this will account for its fertility ; not a particle of our brick-like earth is to be seen there ; deep black mould throughout. “ I enclose you, under separate covers, two or three papers, which will fonn part of om* first agi-icultural volume ; and I shall be extremely gratified to find that you admit the correctness and justness of the rfews. “ We are still without any accounts regarding Singapore, or the decision of the commissioners in Europe. I hear the Dutch are follovrfng my steps at Padang, and are about to build a fort at Surawasa. You will be surjnised to hear that the exportation of coffee from Padang, diu-ing the last year, exceeded 15,000 peculs, and that it is expected to exceed 20,000 during the present. No less than four ships are now there, taking in cargoes for Europe. Our coffee cultivation is alsa rapidly extending ; but our means are small, and the unwise pohcy which restrains Americans from trading at our port, is a sad check to our agricultural industry. “ The Americans always carried dollars to exchange for produce, which made them well-adapted to trade with a people whose wants were so few and confined as the natives of Sumatra. “ In a former letter, I stated the great improvement w'hich had taken place in our rice cultivation, the quantity of seed being quadi'uple what it has been in any former year. “ The value of the landed-property belonging to Europeans and their descend- ants, is estimated at 379,031 dollars, or, mcluding stock, at 445,437 dollars, and the spice plantations belonging to natives at 75,445 dollars ; the average increase of value in the last four years being above fifty per cent. “ If Crawford’s statements are coiTect, our produce of nutmegs already exceeds the average consumption of Great Britain ; and as the quality is fully equal, if not superior, and the cultivators make no question as to price, Bencoolen has certainly attained a point of prosperity which deserves attention. “ It is hardly possible to conceive the numerous difficulties the planters have hitherto had to contend Avith. The natural obstacles arising from the soil, and pecu- liar condition of native society, have not been gi'eater than those thrown in the way by Government. At one tune, an order w'as issued that no new plantations should DEATH OF SIR JOSEPH BANKS. 485 be fornied ; at another, a heavy export-duty was established ; and down to the last peace, we find a bounty granted in England to the cloves, &c. of Cayenne and Bourbon, two war-possessions, while the spices of Bencoolen were subjected to the same heavy duties as those of the Moluccas. The late act of Parliament, equalizing the duties, gives the spices of Bencoolen, as far as the consumption of England goes, an advantage of one shilhng per pound over foreign spices ; and if there were oppor- tunities of sending them home direct, the London market would now be the most favom-able, and amply repay the planters, notwithstanding the general depression of prices. Were the Americans allowed to touch at Bencoolen, they would, by occa- sioning a constant demand, act as a very powerful stimulus to our agriculture. At Padang there are now four Americans taking in coffee. Here the Company’s restrictions, &c. are such, that only one ship has sailed from hence for Europe within the last three years. Our territorial hooks still show a dead loss of about <£80,000 a year. 1 shall probably take an opportunity of addressing you more fully on this subject, and in the meantime it may be satisfactory to you to know, that my labours, though confined to a very unpromising and hmited pohcy, have not been entirely useless. “ Our dear little children enjoy excellent health, and are advancing most rapidly ; Marco Polo is a fine intelhgent boy.” To the Duchess of Somerset. “ Bencoolen, June 22, 1821. “ We have an ugly report by the way of Batavia, that poor Sir Joseph Banks is no more ! I fear it is too true, as by our last accounts he appeared nearly ex- hausted. It was an event for which I ought to have been prepared ; but, notwith- standing this, his death has been a severe shock to me, as it must have been to aU who knew him, and could appreciate his inestimable value. When shall we meet his like again, and by whom will his place be supphed ? He has left a sad blank. To fill his place as he filled it is impossible. A successor, however, must be ap- pointed ; and if talents, fortune, and entire devotion to the object cannot be found united in one individual, rank must supply the deficiency. * * * * * * “ I am very much afraid that the death of Sir Joseph will go far to break the heart of the Society. Many of the old and sterhng members will, I am sure, feel the loss most deeply, and want heart to attend the future meetings. Much, how- ever, nay every thing, will depend on the character of the new President. “ I have a long account to send your Grace of my discoveries in Pulo Nias. I believe I formerly told you that I was engaged in some arrangements for bringing that Island under British authority. I am now happy to say that I have succeeded ; the people have unreservedly become the subjects of Great Britain. As this is an 486 DESCRIPTION OF PULO NIAS. Island almost unknown, and I may at least claim the merit of first visiting and exploring its interior, some particulars may not be uninteresting, though I have not time to say many words on them at present. “ The Island is in sight of Sumatra, and seen by most ships passing. I find the popidation to exceed 230,000 souls, on a surface of about 1500 square miles, which gives a population of about 153 to the square mile ; the country most highly cultivated, the soil rich, and the people the finest people, without exception, that I have yet met with in the East. They are fair, and a strong, athletic, active race ; industrious, ingenious, and intelligent, and forming a striking contrast to their neigh- bours on the opposite coast of Sumatra. What has most astonished me is, the high degree (comparatively) of civilization to which they have attained, without commu- nication from without. We have no trace, no idea whence or how the Island became peopled ; the people themselves say, a man and woman were first sent from heaven, fi-om wiiom they are all descended. Their language, their habits, their character, and institutions, are strikingly different from all others with which we are acquainted. Hinduism never found its way to their shores, and only a few Maho- medans, traders, are here and there to be found on the coast, but the religion itself has made no way. " They dwell in excellent and commodious houses, the interior of which are laid out with neatness, not devoid of elegance ; streets are regularly formed and paved, with avenues of trees, and stone stairs to the pinnacles of the different hills, on which their villages are mostly situated, embosomed in the richest foliage ima- ginable. The slopes of the hills and the valleys are covered with one continued sheet of the richest cultivation, and there is not a forest tree standing in the Island ; all have disappeared before the force of industry. To each village are attached stone baths, appropriated to the different sexes, which remind us of Roman luxuries. They w^ear a profusion of gold and other ornaments, than which nothing can be conceived more original. I have a large collection now before me, and only wish I could at once transfer them to Park-lane. “ We have discovered an excellent harbour, and made two military stations merely on account of the flag ; and hereafter I hope to have much satisfactory em- ployment. “ I am at this moment called away on particular business.” To . “ I beheve I may now affirm with safety, that Bencoolen alone will be able to supply Great Britain with all the spices she requires. You may judge of the interest of this kind of cultivation, when I inform you that the annual clear produce or profit of an acre of nutmeg-trees is not less than ten pounds sterhng, and that we SLAVE-TRADE AT PULO NIAS. 487 are covering the whole land with our parks of them. Nothing can be more beau- tiful than an avenue of clove-trees ; the luxuriant foliage and the fragrance of the air make it charming. “ My attention has been drawn to the Island of Nias, which is situated opposite the settlement of Tappanooly and Nattal, and on which the Resident has always maintained a small establishment. Frequent representations had reached me from the Resident at Nattal, of the dreadful ravages to which the country was exposed, from the operation of an active slave trade, which was carried on at Nias : it was at the same time stated, that con- siderable supplies of rice might be obtained for our population on the coast ; and as the natives were tractable, faithful, and industrious, the prospect of inducing some to emigrate, and assist in improving our possessions in Sumatra, formed additional rea- sons for deputing a commission to that Island, for the purpose of collecting infonna- tion on the above points. “ Under the sanction of the Supreme Government, I appointed Mr. Christie to proceed to Pulo Nias in the month of July, 1820. That gentleman was obhged to return on account of ill health, after having visited only one of the ports. Captain Sahnond, on his retmm from Tappanooly, surveyed some of its coasts. The joint in- fonnation which they afforded was sufficient to invite further research, and I accord- ingly nominated a commission of two gentlemen to proceed for the pui-pose of adjusting the differences which then existed, and to provide for the tranquillity of the country ; to obtain the most accurate information of its population and resources, and to place the natives so far under the direct authority of the Company’s Govern- ment, as to leave the question as to the future management of the Island entirely to the judgment of the Governor General. “ It is quite unnecessary for me to enlarge on the result of the mission, from which we learnt that the population consisted of not less than 230,000 souls ; that the state of cultivation was such as to furnish an export of 12,000 bags of rice annually ; and that the number of slaves taken from Nias in each year exceeded 1500! “ The circumstances that attended the latter inhuman traffic were of the most appalling nature, and no less revolting than those which attached to the same abomin- able commerce on the coast of Africa. “ The unhappy victims, torn by violence from their friends and country, are dehvered, pinioned hand and foot, to the dealers in hmnan flesh, and kept bound during the whole course of the voyage. Instances have occurred, where the captives have seized a moment of hberty to snatch up the first weapon within their reach, stab all whom they encountered, and conclude the scene by leaping overboard, and seek- ing dehverance from their persecutors in a watery grave I “ I have in another paper taken notice of the connexion which existed between 2 488 CAUSES OF THE COMMISSION TO PULO NIAS. Nias, Nattal, and the Menangkabu country, and have ventured to point out the advan- tages which might, in all probability, be derived by the natives of the several countries, as well as by the Company, from encouraging and prosecuting such an intercourse.” Frequent appeals made from the Chiefs of Pulo Nias, and the peculiar connection which had always subsisted between that Island and the districts in the west of Sumar- tra, induced Sir Stamford to appoint Mr. Prince and Dr. Jack to enquire into the real circumstances of the case, in the hope of adjusting existing differences, and providing for the immediate tranquillity of the country, and at the same time to collect such information as would enable the higher authorities to decide on the future course proper to be pursued. It was impossible to witness the constant scenes of rapine and plunder, to which the coast of the Island had so long been a prey, from the in- roads of pirates and slave dealers, after the express injunctions of the legislature, and the principle so universally declared to actuate the ci\ilized nations of the world. It was notorious that Pulo Nias, although for a long period of years nominally en- joying the protection of the English flag, was still the most abundant, and almost the only source of the supply of slaves on the coast, and that notwithstanding the prohibition against importation at Bencoolen and elsewhere, it w'as impossible to prevent it entirely. It was also well knowm that Pulo Nias was the principal resort of the French cruisers for refreshment and refitment, and whence they com- manded the whole coast of Sumatra during many periods of the late war. An un- disputed supremacy of the Island was important in a political point of view, as it may be considered to complete the command of the coast from Acheen to Nattal. Another subject for consideration was the probability of the natives being easily converted to the Christian religion, and that if the favourable opportunity were neglected, they w'ould be likely to fall into all the superstitions of the Mahomedans.” The folloAving is from an account of this Island fru-nished to Sir Stamford Raffles by Dr. Jack and Mr. Prince. “ Pulo Nias is situated under the 1st degree of north latitude, and runs in a north-w'est and south-east direction, throughout 5® of latitude and 48° of longitude. The \illages are mostly situated on the very pinnacle of the hills, yet they are always embosomed in cocoa-nut and fruit trees of the greatest luxm'iance, wdiile the land beneath them is devoted to rice, sweet potatoes, and other articles of supply. “ The cultivation of rice is carried on both in sawahs and ladangs, according to the nature of the ground, the latter prevailing in the more hilly parts, and the former along the course of the principal rivers. The returns from sawahs are stated to be above a hundred-fold; from ladangs the returns are about forty-fold; and such is the singular fertility of the soil, that they are again fit for clearing in from five to ten years. The gi'eater part of the rice is raised for exportation, the inhabitants DESCRIPTION OF PULO NIAS. 489 raising but little for themselves, and preferring sweet potatoes, yams, plantains, &c. for their own consumption. They breed great numbers of fowls and hogs, which are chiefly fed on cocoa-nuts ; cattle and buffaloes are not indigenous, but have been introduced at some of the Malay settlements ; cocoa-nut trees abound along all the shores ; pepper has only lately become an article of cultivation among the Achenese settlers, but it promises to extend rapidly : samples of coffee appear also of very good quality. “ The principal exports of Pulo Nias (exclusive of slaves) are, rice to the extent of about 12,000 bags per annum ; oil, about 7000 or 8000 bamboos ; cocoa- nuts in great quantities ; pepper at present about 800 peculs, but the quantity increasing ; with some minor articles, the total value of which may^be about 45,000 rupees. The payments on account of slaves have not fallen short of from 70 to 80,000 mpees a year ; making the total value of the exports about 120,000 rupees. The returns for this are almost entirely in the following articles of merchandize : — blue salampores, white mamoodies and gurrahs, kerwahs, iron, brass ware, steel, gold-dust, coarse china-ware, &c. &c. Salt is manufactured in small quantities on various parts of the coast, by the method of pouring salt water on burning wood, and is sold at the rate of three bamboos for a dollar. It is very sparingly used by the Nias people, probably on account of the enormous price ; but it is not unlikely that it would come into more general use, were they supplied at a cheaper rate by importation. “ In the northern division of the Island, the trade has been principally in the hands of the Malays and Achenese who have settled at the various ports, and formed alhances and connexions with the Nias Chiefs. This connexion has subsisted for a considerable length of time, some of the early settlements having been formed about sixty or eighty years ago ; and frequent intermarriages have so united their interests, that the Nias Chiefs are generally guided by their Malay friends in all their inter- course with foreigners : they have never, however, yielded any part of their territo- rial rights, or admitted their interference in their internal affairs. The efforts of the Malays have been solely directed to engrossing the commerce, which they have in a great measure effected, and the Nias people rarely attempt to dispose of their produce at first hand. The kind of monopoly they have thus succeeded in estabhsh- ing, diminishes the profit to the grower, on the one hand, at the same time that it enhances the price to the buyer. In the southern districts, on the contrary, there are no foreign settlers, and the Nias people themselves carry on a direct traffic with boats and vessels from all parts of the Sumatran coast. The consequence is, there is more wealth, and the people appear to have made a greater advance in the arts of life. “ The Achenese have generally been found the most troublesome intruders ; wherever they have been allowed to settle, their aim has been to foment dissensions 3 R 490 DESCRIPTION OF PULO NIAS. and troubles, wth a view to their own independence, and the more easily gratifying their rapacity. They are the principal agents in the slave-trade, and are not very scrupulous in the means they resort to for procuring them. “ The Nias slaves are highly valued throughout the East, for their industry, ingenuity, and fidehty ; and observation has shewn, that these are no less the cha- racteristics of the people in their native country. The intercourse with them has given us a most faA'ourahle impression of their native character, and of their capa- bilities of improvement. Notwithstanding the disadvantages of a secluded situation, the absence of all instruction and example, and the insecmity arising from a state of internal di\-ision, they have dra\\m forth, by their industry, the resources of their fertile country to a greater degree than has yet been effected by any of their neigh- bom's on the coast of Sumatra. “ The extent of their gi’ain export would alone be sufficient evidence of their industry ; but the same spirit pervades their whole economy. Their towns and villages, though placed on elevated situations, \vith a view to defence, are clean and neat ; the ascent is facilitated by a long stair or causeway, regularly built of stones, and shaded by a row of fruit-trees on each side ; and the principal street itself is often paved in a manner that would do credit to European skill. Their houses are built of wood in the most substantial manner, raised upon strong posts, and their interior is arranged with a neatness not devoid of elegance. Attached to every \dllage are two inclosed baths, built of stones, appropriated to the different sexes ; ^ any trespass by a man on that belonging to the females subjects the offender to a heavy fine. In the manufacture of their arms, cloathing, and gold ornaments, (of which they wear a great many,) they display great ingenuity and considerable taste. In their persons they are a handsome, athletic race ; their warfike habits, and perhaps the nature of their country, give them an activity and vigom* of frame unusual to the inhabitants of tropical countries. They are not addicted to any practice of intoxication or gambling. Their address is frank and open ; they are keen in their commercial dealings, fond of gain, but scrupulously exact in the fulfil- ment of their engagements. The country is divided into a number of tribes and districts, whose Chiefs maintain a perfect independence of each other, and between many of whom ancient feuds and perpetual enmity subsist. In his own district the Rajah possesses con- siderable power, and is considered lord of the soil, though he derives no direct revenue therefrom. In the exercise of his judicial authority he is assisted by the Pamunchu, which office is always held by one of his relations, and their decisions are guided by the traditional usages or customs of the country. Their laws are remarkable for severity ; offences are probably rare. Murder, adultery, and robbery, are punished with death, and the slavery of the offender’s family ; theft, and minor offences, by heavy fines. 2 DESCRIPTION OF PULO NIAS. 491 “ In cases of debt, on failure of payment at the regular time, the amount is doubled ; on a second failure it is doubled again, and so on until it amounts to a certain sum, when the creditor is considered entitled to the person of his debtor as a slave. Should the debtor avoid compliance, which is often the case, the creditor may seize on any member of his family ; and when they belong to different districts, the first straggler of the tribe is sometimes made responsible. This practice pro- duces much distrust, as no man is secure from seizure on some pretence or other ; and the consequence is, they are always on their guard, and never move any where unarmed. All mamages are by jujur (or purchase), and the amount is very high. It is probable that a gi*eat part of the debts are incurred on this account. All the evils arising fr'om the imperfections of their civil institutions have been aggravated and increased by the odious traffic in slaves ; and as this subject is one of peculiar interest, we have been particular in obtaining the most minute information concerning its extent, causes, and origin. “ The greatest number of slaves has hitherto been exported from Sumanbawa and Sello Dalum ; those from the northern parts have been much fewer. It is by no means easy to get an exact account of their numbers, some endeavouring to extenuate and diminish it, and others equally desirous of magnifying it, according as they wished to give a favourable impression of their conduct, or a high idea of their wealth ; and the very nature of the trade in some measure precludes exactness. From a comparison, however, of these different accounts, checked by an estimate of the number of vessels resorting thither, and the value of their imports, we are satisfied that the annual number exported has not fallen short of fifteen hundred. According to some accounts, more than this had been carried from Sumanbawa alone. They are purchased chiefly by Achenese and Chinese vessels, the latter of whom carry them to Padang and Batavia. “ The circumstances that attend the traffic are no less revolting to humanity than those which marked it on the coasts of Africa. The unhappy victims, torn by violence from their friends and country, are delivered pinioned hand and foot to the dealers in human flesh ; they are kept bound during the whole course of the voyage, a precaution which is considered necessary to the safety of the crew. In- stances have occuiTed where the captives have seized a moment of Hberty to snatch up the first weapon within their reach, stab all whom they have encountered, and conclude the scene by leaping overboard, and voluntarily seeking a watery death. In their country, the Nias people rarely make use of rice as food, and are almost unacquainted with the use of salt. The sudden change of diet to which they are subjected on board ship, added to the confinement and dejection of mind, prove fatal to many : of a cargo of thirty slaves, twenty have been known to perish before the conclusion of the voyage ; and, on a moderate calculation, it may be estimated, that of the total number purchased, one-fourth never reach their destinations, but fall victims to the various causes above mentioned. 3 R 2 192 DESCRIPTION OF PULO NIAS. “ On the scenes of \iolence that take place in this country itself in the search of victims, it wll be useless to dwell ; they can be better imagined than described. \^'e shall merely relate one well-authenticated instance, as given by an eye-witness. ‘ A plan had been laid to attack a single insulated house, inhabited by a man, his wfe, and children, and to seize the whole family. At the appointed hour the house was siu-rounded, but the man no sooner discovered his situation, understood the pur- pose, and saw that there Avas no escape, than he locked himself into the inner apart- ment, drew his kris, killed first his \Nife and cliildi-en, and then plmiged it in his o\vn breast, preferring death to a life of slavery.’ “ Such are the circumstances that our inquiries have brought to light ; it is impossible to contemplate such high qualities as we have described, subjected to such e^'ils, without feeling the strongest interest m their favour. They have ap- pealed to Britain for protection ; they have placed themselves under her flag and dominion. We cannot forbear recording the remarkable expression of one of the Chiefs of Tellddalam. He earnestly entreated us not to leave him : ‘ Have patience with us,’ he said ; ‘ we are ignorant uninstmcted people, but w'e are desirous of obtaining the means of improvement ; formerly w'e looked to the Malays and to the Achenese, but they deceived us ; if you should now desert us, from w^hom can we entertain any hope T We trust the appeal will not be in vain. With a \iew to ascertain the best means of effecting the suppression of this nefarious commerce, we have been minute in our inquiries into the causes and origin of slavery on Pulo Nias, and the mode in which slaves are procured. Slavery is recognized by their laws and customs ; it is the punishment ordained for certain crimes, and it is permitted as the ultimate resource in cases of debt. These customs have, no doubt, been much increased in severity by the temptation of an external de- mand, and are often employed on very slight pretences, but they are quite inadequate to account for the great number annually exported. We have abundant proof that the greater number are made slaves by open and actual Anolence. The Rajahs had little hesitation in admitting the fact, but said that the system originated with foreigners, and that the source of- the e^il w'as without. In fact, the temptation of exorbitant gain, and the persuasion of the dealers who resort to the ports, prove too much for their self-denial, and induce the most unprincipled among them to have recourse to every means of fi'aud, stratagem, or Holence, to procm*e \dctims to their avarice. “ It must not be forgotten to record, that w'e have met with a few instances of Chiefs whose \-irtues have been proof against temptation ; who had not only pro- hibited the traffic in their own districts, but even refused to permit the transit of slaves fi'om the interior, or their disposal in any manner at their respective ports. We had still greater reason to be satisfied with the conduct of the Rajah of Suman- hawa. On the subject being first opened to him, and our ^iew’^s and intentions explained, he expressed his own approbation, but wished to communicate with the DESCRIPTION OF PULO NIAS. 493 Chief of the interior, with whom he was connected, before entering into such im- portant engagements ; the answer proved unfavourable, and the Rajah was threat- ened with vengeance. After some consultation, however, he came on board and acquainted us that he was determined to disregard the threats of the interior Chief, and to enter into agreements with us. He professed himself ready to shut his ports against all exportation of slaves, on condition of our affording protection and encou- ragement to legitimate commerce. This was peculiarly gratifying, as Sumanbawa has hitherto been the greatest slave-port on the Island. Indeed it is but justice to all the Chiefs to say, that on a full discussion, they entered into our views with regard to the slave-trade, with more cordiality than could have been expected. ‘‘ The measures, therefore, to be adopted for its suppression appear to divide themselves into three branches. First, to check as much as possible the external demand; second, to endeavour to soften and modify the severity of the native customs ; and third, to provide the means of relief to debtors, and such as by exist- ing usages are liable to the condition of slavery. “ On inquiring of the different Rajahs the number of persons in a state of slavery on account of debt, whose redemption they wished to effect, the answer was uniformly ‘ we have none, but if you wish to purchase slaves, wait a few days and you may have a hundred.’ On inquiring further how this was to be effected, we found that they had only to send notice to their agents among the interior Rajahs, and any number were forthwith brought down bound. They probably sent word to catch so many slaves, with as much indifference as they would have given an order to catch so many hogs for the same purpose. The fact is the arrival of the trading boats, which takes place at a certain season, is the signal for universal rapine and violence throughout the interior. On the subject of religion, the people of Pulo Nias have but few ideas ; they acknowledge a Supreme Being, whom they caU Sumban Quit or the Lord of Heaven, but they had no distinct notions respecting him. Wooden images are to be found in all their houses which are regarded as a kind of lares or protecting household gods, but no worship is addressed to them ; they are rather considered as representa- tives or memorials of their ancestors, for whom they have a great reverence. A belief in charms is common, and every man carries a bundle of these attached to his kris — great occasions are celebrated by the slaughter of hogs and a great feast ; and when a Chief commences any affair of consequence, as the building of a house, the head of an enemy is sometimes suspended in honour of the circumstance. Their form of oath is by cutting the throat of a hog, while the party invokes the vengeance of heaven that he may suffer the fate of the said animal if he prove unfaithful to his oath. " In these rude notions we can trace little more than the unassisted efforts of the human mind in a low state of civilization, conscious of the limitation of its own powers, and impelled thereby to imagine a superior existence. It would be vain to 494 REFORM IN THE SYSTEM OF ACCOUNTS. trace a connection between them and any of the forms of Pagan worship established in the East. The people of Nias had probably been separated at a very early period from their original stock, and have been exempted by their insular situation from the influence of the various religions that have at different times pervaded the greater islands. The settlement of Mahomedans have been of too recent a date to have much influence, and they have made but few converts ; they have not, however, overlooked the object, but have generally defeated it by their rapacity and ^iolence. By Europeans the Island has been ahnost entirely neglected. Thus abandoned to the ravages of pirates, and to all the evils of an active slave-trade, we cannot but estimate highly those native energies which have rendered their country populous and flomishing in spite of so many obstacles.” Sir Stamford was anxious to do the utmost possible good for such an Island and such a people. It has been stated that Pulo Nias is the granary of that side of Sumatra, and the extent of its grain produce only hmited by the demand. The benefits arising from the suppression of the slave trade would not be confined to the rehef of the un- happy victims alone, but would be the first step to the civilization of the country. In- dependent of the habits of cruelty and rapine which it tends to infuse, the exorbitant profit it holds out, like those of gambling, excites an aversion to the slower advantages of legitimate commerce and agricultural labour. It required no special intei-position of foreign influence ; a few stations of police along the coast would have been sufficient evidence of protection, and this Sir Stamford warmly advocated, and hoped so great a benefit so easily obtained would meet with approbation from all the wise and good : hut the Court of Directors “ had no hesitation in declaring that his proceedings in regard to Pulo Nias were deserving of their decided reprehension.” “ And they were inclined to \nsit him wnth some severe mark of their displeasure for the steps he had taken,” and threatened to remove him from his government. After the transfer of Sumatra to the Dutch, the slave-trade was resmned with greater \ngour than ever ; and numbers of these poor people have since been earned away to Batavia, and the French Island of Bourbon. To “ Bencoolen, Feb. 1st, 1821. “ I am now engaged in drawing up a detailed report of the past, present, and anticipated circumstances of this settlement with reference to its finances in parti- cular. This report will not be long, but it takes time to go through the books, and draw out abstract statements of the accounts. “ I have had a great deal of trouble in revising and reforming oiu general books and accounts, and it is only lately that I have received authority fi'om Bengal to clear them of the rubhish and confusion which has been heaped upon them during the last twenty years of ruin and desolation. IMPROVEMENT OF BENCOOLEN. 495 “ It was usual for the accounts of the different public offices to be invariably framed in the accountant’s office some time after the receipts and disbursements were made, so as to throw into the accounts of each month all charges belonging to it, notwithstanding the actual disbursements so brought to account were made in another month ; a practice which, however it may have tended to an apparent regularity in the form of the accounts, necessarily deprived them of all genuineness and honesty of character ; they were in fact fabricated accounts. In the former accounts of the settlement, it was the practice to have all heavy charges, whether on account of buildings, repairs, &c. &c. or debts, as open accounts to the credit of the Company as stock. I have had them written off as charges of the year, and the revised accounts and balances at the beginning of the present year will shew you the extent to which this was carried, and the enormous amount of the really unavailable stock which I found standing on the books. The whole of this ought to have been written off in former years, and if the amount is divided on an average for the last twenty years, it will be found that not less than a lack of rupees annually should be added to the apparent charges.” To Mr. Marsden. “ Bcncoolen, May 15, 1821. “ I have not much to communicate from hence. We have about half-a-dozen new animals to describe, and our collections of plants are rapidly increasing. What shall we do with them ? If we do not clear off as we go, we shall find ourselves ter- ribly clogged in our future exertions. “ Our agriculture is extending, and much of my time is spent in the country. 1 am now completing a very comfortable residence ; the grounds are in one direction about fom* miles long, and towards the hills about three miles wide. We hope to raise all our supplies on them, as the sawah land is very extensive, and I have up- wards of two hundred head of fine cattle. Our roads are excellent. The distance is about thirteen miles from Marlborough ; but I think the communication is much quicker than between Aldenham and London, as our friends think nothing of driving out to breakfast, and returning before the heat of the day. “ I sincerely hope we shall carry you along with us in our progress of improve- ment. I need not tell you how anxious I am to know your sentiments on what we are doing ; for you must be pretty well aware that in all such proceedings it is rather to good and sincere fi'iends that I can look for advice and support, than to the higher official authorities with whom I am in communication. Neither the Court of Direc- tors nor the Supreme Government seems inchned to enter into any improvements which do not decrease expenses, and raise immediate revenues ; and I find that it is really lost labour to enter into long explanations, and furnish them vrith despatches which they never read. While I am conscious of taking the right path, I shall perse- 496 DUTCH TREATY WITH RACHMET SHAH. vere ; and I suppose that in the end, when we come to collect the fruits, we shall find all the authorities \nlling to gather them. “ Our climate is excellent and delightful, and the improvements which we see give an interest in the place which I never thought it capable of exciting. ‘‘ Lady Raffles bears up remarkably well. Marsden, your godson, I am happy to say, is getting on very fast. My other children are becoming quite companions, and often remind me of the necessity I shall be under of returning to England at no very distant date. To “ Bencooleny May 25, 1821. “ You mention the Dutch treaty with Rachmet Shah of Lingin, and say it is more liberal than ours : either tlie Dutch have foisted upon you a false copy of the treaty, or you must have read strangely. I have, however, a copy of the true treaty, and the following observations will shew you my opinion upon the subject. “ This treaty (Para. 3) is also a daring violation of the very rights on which they claim respect from other powers to their treaties, inasmuch as with full know- ledge of the commercial treaty, concluded by us with the same person on the 9th of August preceding, they seem to make no difficulty to stipulate for its violation in the sixteenth article of what they call their treaty, which excludes from the ports of Rhio and all other ports of Johore, the ships of every power, European or American, with the exception of those belonging to Holland. “ In conclusion, the terms of this treaty, and the circumstances under which it was made, are so extraordinary, and form such a combination as we could hardly have supposed to belong to the present age. They are briefly these : — “ A Dutch squadron enters the port of a power, which had but three months before concluded a commercial treaty with the British, and proposes to the Chief the terms of a treaty inconsistent with his pre\dous engagements ; on the refusal of the Chief his port is blockaded by a naval and military force, and he is at length com- pelled to become the commissioner of an absent prince, who did not possess the title or the authority which they gratuitously bestow on him, and who himself has dis- claimed all right to their possession, “ One article of this treaty confers on this absent prince, as a sincere token of their good-will, the favour of becoming a vassal to the power with whom he is sup- posed to be treating as an independent prince. Another, ‘ as a token of their earnest desire to promote the welfare’ of a trading people, excludes from the ports all ship- ping but their ovm. They next proceed to appropriate half of the revenues of the place to themselves, on the plea that their King is obliged to pay his own servants. They grant him a military force at his particular desire ; at length, on pretence of preventing piracy, they pennit him to hoist their flag on pain of his vessels being fired REASONS FOR RETURNING TO ENGLAND. 497 into if he does not do so ; and, to complete the series, the witness in the beginning becomes a commissioner at the end. It is difficult to look seriously on such a docu- ment, and ridiculous to maintain the validity of an instrument which bears on its face so much inconsistency and absurdity. “ Such are the remarks I have to make on this celebrated treaty of 1819, and I would repeat as my present sentiments — such are the facts of the case. As to Sidtan Rachmet Shah, I never considered him more than Rajah of Lingin. Rhio was always considered independent ; it was not until Rachmet Shah declared he was not Sultan, that we inquired who really was and ought to be such.” To the Duchess of Somerset. “ Bencoolen, May 29, 1821. ***** “ God willing, we hope to embark fi*om this for England, if not in 1823, certainly in 1824; I am not aware of any changes which are likely to protract my departure. On the contrary, every thing seems to concur in proving the necessity, to say nothing of the inchnation to return : political events may hasten, but cannot well retard it ; and my presence in England may soon become indispensable in support of what I have been trying to do in this part of the world. It is hardly possible for you to con- ceive how much I have suffered for opening so important a channel for trade as has been effected by the establishment of Singapore : every thing is condemned. But a truce to politics : I have other reasons to urge me home. Neither my health nor that of Lady Raffles is very good ; I never was strong, and during my first residence in India, the climate made a considerable inroad on my constitution. I have had two or three severe attacks since my return, and am now under the necessity of being very careful. I really do not think I could last out above two or three years more ; and certainly ambition shall not weigh with me one moment against life. Besides this, my dear httle rogues wiU be rapidly expanding. Charlotte is already as advanced as most children of five years old : she takes an interest in every thing that is going forward, and is really becoming quite a companion. In two or three years both her mind and body will require a colder climate, and to send her home for her education, as people usually send their children from this country, is out of the question ; we have determined to take her and all the children (for we have now four born within as many years) and to time our departure with reference to their health and happiness. Leopold also will, in two or three years, have grown beyond my management, and it will be time to commence upon the rudiments of a better education than I can give him. I believe people generally think I shall remain longer, as they hardly suppose in such times, and with an increasing family, a man will be inchned to forego the advantages of the field before me ; but they know me not. I have seen enough of power and wealth to know that, however agreeable to 3 s 498 NASSAU ISLANDS. the propensities of our nature, there is more real happiness in domestic quiet and repose, when blessed with a competence, than in all the fancied enjojnnents of the great and the rich. “ Of public news I have very little to communicate, and perhaps none that will be interesting. The Dutch, you know, are still at war with Palembang, and they have lately fitted out a third expedition, consisting of upwards of 3000 Europeans, fresh from Holland ; poor fellows ! They are determined on vengeance. No quarter is to be given, and dreadful will be the massacre if they succeed, which God forbid ! Our establishment at Singapore is gaining ground so rapidly, that the Dutch are determined to risk every thing, sooner than allow us to remain ; and, as far as I can judge of the proceedings between the Commissioners in England, there is reason to fear they will gain their point. It is the only chance our ministers have of making some amends for the manner in which they restored Java. ^ ^ ^ ^ “ I am afraid you will find this a very long and selfish letter, and yet you beg of me to say more of me and mine. I have endeavoured to obey your commands.” To the Duchess of Somerset. “ June 12, 1821. “ In my last letter, I informed you I was much interested mth the people of Pulo Nias ; during the last month my attention has been entirely devoted to them, and I am half inchned to WTite a book in their favour, in order to prove that they are the happiest and the best people on earth. I had nearly made my mind up to this, when I made further discoveries in the neighbouring Islands, called the Nassau or Poggy Islands, where I fomid a people still more amiable, and, if possible, still more genuine. If I go on at this rate, I may expect to discover the garden of Eden, and the descendants of our first parents, enjoying all the simplicity of primeval times. “ It is very certain that on the first discovery of what we term savage nations, philosophers went beyond all reason and truth in favom’ of uncivilized happiness ; but it is no less certain, that of late years, the tide of prejudice has run equally strong in the opposite direction ; and it is now the fashion to consider all who have not received the impression of Em-opean arms and laws, and the fights of Revela- tion, as devoid of every feeling and principle which can constitute happiness, or pro- duce moral good. The truth, most probably, as is generally the case, lies between the two extremes, and there is, no doubt, much difference, according to the circum- stances under which the people may have been placed. We find, in some of the Islands of the South Seas, people who are habitually mischievous, given to thieving, lazy and intractable ; in others, we find the very opposite qualities ; and philoso- phers, speculating upon the first data that are afforded, without full and general information, are led into error. RAVAGES OF THE CHOLERA MORBUS. 499 “ Various circumstances have hitherto prevented me from penetrating into the Batta country, but I lose no opportunity of collecting information, and your Grace will not perhaps be surprised to learn, that even among these cannibals, I find much to praise and admire. In one province I have ascertained, beyond doubt, that a considerable refinement has taken place in the mode of eating parents. Here, in- stead of the young people eating the old ones, when past work, they send them to their neighbours, wiio, in due time, return the compliment to them.” ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ To Mr. Marsden. “ Bencoolen, July 12, 1821. “ You must, during the last year, have been so much pestered with my letters, that a respite of a few months will be very acceptable. Your letters of the 21st November and 28th December have duly arrived ; and I hardly know how to thank you for the zealous interest you have taken in all the questions I have so unmerci- fully troubled you with. You have done just as I could have wished in every thing, and, once for all, allow me to retmm my most sincere and grateful acknowledge- ments. I have obtained a great mathematical assistant, and hope to do something respecting the geography of the Island. Dr. Jack and a few friends have just ascended the sugar-loaf, and were the first Europeans who had reached the summit ; they are still out in their rambles, and will, I hope, bring in an abundant collection in the botanical department. Of animals they have not yet obtained one that is new ; and, indeed, they observe, with regard to the mountain, that it is in vain to look for them there, as none but monkeys can possibly climb the rocks. “ Java, I am concerned to say, is suffering under all the miseries of the exter- minating cholera ; the deaths average eight hundred a day, and from ten minutes to fom* hours is the usual period of illness. God grant it may not extend this way, although, as one of the Radins said on the occasion, if it did, it would leave us much as it found us, as the population could not be well more scanty than at present. “ Yom* god-son grows a fine boy, and runs about. Lady Raffles has since pre- sented me with another girl.” Upwards of three years had passed in uninterrupted health and happiness, but a sad reverse took place at this period ; the blessings most prized were withdrawn ; the child most dear to the father’s heart, whose brightness and beauty were his pride and happiness, expired in all the bloom of infancy, after a few hours’ illness ; and from this time until his return to England, sickness and death prevailed through- out the settlement and in his own family ; but God’s Holy Spirit enabled him to 500 ANECDOTE OF A NATIVE WOMAN. receive these afflictions with meekness, and to feel that they were trials of faith not judgments of anger. To “ Bencoolen, July \%th, 1821. I little thought a week ago, when overwhelmed with grief by the loss of our dear and eldest boy Leopold, who was snatched from us after a very short illness, that I should so soon have been called upon to report upon another, and to you, my dear friend, a still more severe loss. A vessel leaves this port immediately, and bad news flies fast. Cruel as must be the stroke, and ill qualifled as I am at the present moment to break it to you with the tenderness and caution I could wish, I must perform the duty ; I must rend your heart by telling you that our dear friend and your brother Harry is no more ! “He breathed his last yesterday, and was carried off in a few days by a series of apoplectic fits, which baffled all the powers of medicine. He has just been buried, and I snatch a moment from the time I am obhged to devote to Sophia to send you the melancholy intelligence. ***** “ I shall not trouble you with our griefs, you will have enough of your own. Neither Sophia nor myself are well, and time and the influence of God’s blessed Spirit can alone work any change. My resolution is taken to return home during the next or the following year. “ Neither my health nor spirits, nor indeed my time, if I had either, enable me to say more ; in a few days we shall be more collected. God bless you ! and believe that there are hearts here which sympathize with yours most deeply.” As an example of the character and feeling of the people, the following anec- dote may be interesting. Whilst the Editor was almost overwhelmed with grief for the loss of this favourite child, unable to bear the sight of her other children — unable to bear even the hght of day, — humbled upon her couch with a feeling of misery, — she was addressed by a poor, ignorant, uninstructed native woman of the lowest class, (who had been employed about the nursery), in tenns of reproach not to be forgotten. “ I am come because you have been here many days shut up in a dark room, and no one dares to come near you. Are you not ashamed to grieve in this manner, when you ought to be thanking God for having given you the most beautiful child that ever was seen? Were you not the envy of every body? Did any one ever see him, or speak of him, without admiring him ; and instead of letting this child continue in this world till he should be worn out with trouble and sorrow, has not God taken him to heaven in all his beauty ? What would you have more ? for shame, leave off weeping and let me open a window.” ECONOMY OF SIR STAMFORD’S GOVERNMENT. 501 * To * * Bencoolen, October I6th, 1821. * * " So far from my administration being expensive, you will perceive that the nett charges are less than any former year, notwithstanding all the changes that have been worked, and that they are in a gradual course of reduction. * * * * “ My spirits are quite broken dovra, and I can write but httle. ^ ^ ^ I send by this conveyance my report on the past, present, and future, or rather prospective circumstances of Bencoolen. It is my last effort, and will prove that my finances will bear the test of examination. You will perceive how we are reducing the nett charges. “ I do not expect an unlimited surrender in favour of colonization, but it is a great point even to move the question. If we can go silently on, the end will be accomphshed eventually ; aU we want is men and capital, and certainly you have abundance to spare. We are getting better, but Sophia is not competent to write.” To Mr. Marsden. “ Bencoolen, November 9tk, 1821. " My Dear Sir, “ I have before me your long and kind letters of the 11th, 19th, and 23d of March, the last which I have received, and I can hardly find words to express to you either my acknowledgments for the warm interest which you have taken in all that concerns me, or my regret and annoyance that I should have subjected you to so much trouble and inconvenience. For the latter I have no excuse to offer but the necessity which obliged me to call upon some friend on whom I knew I could rely ; and in the hope that your kindness, hke charity, will cover a multitude of sins, I will fain trust that I am already forgiven for the unreasonable intrusion on your time. ‘‘ I will write you more fully hereafter, at present I am hurried and I am sorry to say very far from well. The loss of our eldest boy has been a severe stroke to us, and followed as it has been by so many deaths among our relatives and connec- tions, it has nearly proved fatal to oiu happiness. I thank God Lady Raffles is at last recovering, but we are neither of us what we were, and I fear we must soon think seriously of returning home. “ I have some anxiety about a successor for this place : unless it is some one 502 MALAY VERSION OF THE GOSPEL OF ST. JOHN. inclined to follow in the track I have marked out, I fear all I have done may be throwm away. We are certainly impro^■ing. I am planting coffee extensively at Pennattam Ballam, and the country really begins to assmne a new character. At present, my plan is to leave this the end of next year, about this time, for Singapore, and there to remain till I hear what are the arrangements at home. I have no idea of its being given up to the Dutch, but I fear its being put under Penang. Should every thing go on favourably, which is hardly to be expected, I should wish to remain at Singapore till the early part of 1824. “ My last letter will have informed you that our attention is now devoted to geographical and geological information. The result is contained in a paper for- warded to Mr. Colebrooke : for the correctness as far as it goes, I hold myself fully responsible. About January I expect a party ^^^ll be here from the observatory at Madras, for the puiimse of trying the \1bration of the pendulum on the line : if we have good weather and zealous men we shall do much. We go on collecting the never-failing wonders of our extraordinary and abundant vegetation. I have lately thought it adnsable to draw up a short review of the circiunstances of Bencoolen, particularly \nth reference to its finances ; should you be disposed to read it, it may perhaps serve to amuse an idle hour, and it will prove to you that I am leaving no stone untimied to make the most of this place before I leave it. I am working upon rather a stubborn soil, but I think I feel it give way before the exertions we are now making. “ Our little family are upon the whole veiy well ; they have their share of trials but bear them pretty well, and at present are all in good health. Charlotte is every thing mamma could wish, and Marsden, now alas, the only son, is advancing rapidly. He has not the beauty and lovehness of poor Leopold, but he is a fine boy, and re- markably quiet and intelligent. Our last, Ella, is a great beauty. “ We live in the country quite retired, and when the sun admits, which is not for many hours in the day, we are always in the grounds superintending oiu* im- provements. We call our house Permattam Ballam — the abode of peace. “ Our missionaries are engaged in printing a new version of the gospel of St. John. Mr. Robinson, the author of the work on ^Malayan orthography, is a Baptist missionary, who settled mider my administration in Java, and has since sought my protection here ; he has been a close student of Malay literature and language for the last seven years, and has long been in the habit of preaching to the natives.” To the Duchess of “ November 9, 1821. “ My heart has been nigh broken, and my spirit is gone : I have lost almost all that I prided myself upon in this world, and the affliction came upon us at a moment 7 ILL HEALTH OF SIR STAMFORD. 503 when we least expected such a calamity. Had this dear boy been such as we usually meet ^vith in this world, time would ere this have reconciled us to the loss — but such a child ! Had you but seen him and known him you must have doated — his beauty and intelligence were so far above those of other children of the same age, that he shone among them as a sun, enlivening and enlightening every thing around him. I had vainly formed such notions of future happiness when he should have become a man, and be all his father wished him, that I find nothing left but what is stale, fiat, and unprofitable. My remaining children are, I thank God, rather superior to the ordinary run, and Charlotte is every thing we could wish her. How is it that I feel less interest in them than in the one that is gone ? — perhaps it is in our nature. “ But I must leave this subject or you will have cause to regret my corres- pondence. You will be sorry to hear that Lady Raffles and myself have been seriously ill, and that I am still so far complaining that I hardly know whether I shall live or die. At one time I am sorry to say I cared but little which way my fate turned ; but I now begin to think of the necessity of exertion for those about me, and sometimes ventm'e to look forward ; but T am too low and wretched to write much more even if my paper allowed.” To “ Bencoolen, November \0th, 1821. “ Sophia has at last undertaken to write to her mother. She is getting better, and I am happy to say the children are well ; for myself I am at this moment under the operation of mercury, and maintain but a crazy kind of existence. I sometimes think it very doubtful that I shall ever reach England again : at other times, I rally a little ; but, upon the whole, I begin to be more indifferent as to the result than I used to be. ‘‘ My present plan is to leave Bencoolen about this time next year for Singa- pore, and to remain there till I go home. * * * * “ As far as comfort and accommodation go, I think we might more advan- tageously remain all our time at Bencoolen, but we want a change, and I dread the chance of two years’ idleness.” To the same. “ Bencoolen, December 6th, 1821. “ Our health has upon the whole improved, but we have still a sick house ; nothing however serious. I calculate that by the next China ship we shall be able to see our way clear. If it is certain that I am not to administer Singapore on my own principles, then I shall feel httle interest in going round as I at first proposed. If I do not go the end of next year it will probably be March, 1823, before I move 504 ILLNESS OF SIR STAMFORD’S ELDEST CHILD. from hence to Singapore, my object being to remain there till I start for England. This event will, I hope, take place in January, 1824, at furthest; my health and con- stitution will not stand longer. “ I observe what you say regarding trade and the opening which now offers by the late act. I fear trade any wiiere just now is a bad concern. At any rate it is not likely to be much improved in India by this unimportant act — it merely grants to English ships indulgences wiiich they formerly took upon themselves to enjoy. “ We have thousands of ships canying on the port to port trade, including China, and the only advantage now gained by the English shipping is that they are allowed to compete with those of India on pretty nearly fair terms. It may possibly raise the value of English ships, and will in proportion depress those of India, and it may be the means of satisfjing John Bull for a year or two, when he will find that he has not gained much by it : you see, therefore, that we view this subject in India somewhat differently to what you do in England.” * ^if * To “ Bencoolen, December \0th, 1821. We are at this moment in gi’eat alarm for our dear Charlotte, who labours under a violent dysentery — Sophia has not left her for three days and nights, and our almost only hope is now in effecting a salivation with mercury. So severe has been our affliction in the loss of poor Leopold, that w^e are hardly capable of sus- taining a second shock of the kind just now. The younger children have also been seriously ill, but are getting better. We have at any rate resolved to send home all we have left as soon as a ship going direct can be procured : I have half made an agreement with the Captain of the Borneo for the purpose, and they wall probably sail in February. '^^'hat a sad reverse is this ! but the other day we were alarmed lest we should have too many, now all our anxiety is to preserve some even of those we have. The change of climate may do wonders, and we shall hope to follow them in a year or eighteen months. “ I keep to my resolution of going to Singapore in the course of the present year ; some change will be necessary for Sophia.” To the Duchess of Somerset. “ Bencoolen, December 16, 1821, My last letter will have informed you of our sad affliction in the loss of my dear boy Leopold, I cannot yet reflect on the event with any degree of calmness, Charlotte has also nearly fallen a sacrifice to the climate, and is at this moment far EXTENSION OF THE EASTERN TRADE. 505 from being out of danger. Our house for the last six months has been a complete hospital. This change has within a few days induced us to resolve upon sending all the children we may have left to England without loss of time, and we propose em- barking them on the Borneo, to touch here for them in February next. If our dear Charlotte hves to embark I shall write you more particularly, if not I shall want spirits to address you. ‘‘ My own health still continues most seriously affected. I am seldom well for twelve hours, and always laid up for several days in the month. Nothing but a sense of public duty would weigh with me, under these circumstances, to stay a day longer ; but I cannot leave my post without previous notice, and completing some aiTangements which are in progress. I shall, however, be at liberty to move where I please, by the time our answer can be received from England to letters written by the present opportunity. Lady Raffles is almost exhausted with continual watching, night and day.” To “ Bencoolen, December 26th, 1821. “ My former letters will apprise you that we send our dear children home by the first of March, so that you may expect them in June. Charlotte is improving, though very slowly. With regard to the increased facilities in trade to arise from the new act, you will see fi*om my former letters, that I do not rank them very high. They will, to a certain extent, be injm'ious to the country traders ; but, I think, the local know- ledge of the latter, and their greater facilities of knowing the state of the markets, and taking advantage of the moment, will still enable them to sustain a successful competition. “ I have said and done all that was possible in the political department. My attention will occasionally be directed to the agricultural interests at Bencoolen ; but as soon as I proceed to Singapore, commercial plans will occupy all my time. All the information which has yet reached England seems to be very general. You want something practical, and my idea is to collect all particulars in detail ; that is to say, specimens of the manufactures that may be introduced into Siam, Cochin- China, Japan, &c., through Singapore ; the extent of the demand, the price to be obtained, and the returns to be procured. A body of information of this kind, col- lected by me on the spot, with the advantage of personal explanation in Europe, is likely to be very valuable. “ I shall probably point out great advantages ; such as the introduction into China of manufactured cottons, in lieu of twenty thousand tons of raw material, that we now send them from India ; the supercession in the China market of the iron and 3 T 506 DEATH OF SIR STAMFORD’S ELDEST CHILD. crockery-ware, now so extensively in demand from China throughout the whole Ai'chipelago ; the extensive circulation of a British copper coinage throughout the Archipelago. “ I hope to prove to the Company and my country, that in my views and ex- pectations regarding Singapore, I have not been visionary.” “ Bencoolen, January 15, 1822. “ We have this morning buried our beloved Charlotte. Poor Marsden was carried to the grave not ten days before, and within the last six months we have lost our three eldest children : judge what must be our distress. “ This is a melancholy day, and I have turned my thoughts to serious subjects : among the rest, to the risk we run by remaining longer in this country. I have, therefore, taken the first step towards going home, by sending in my resig- nation. On refeiTing to my commission, I find that I am not allowed to leave India without permission fi’om the Court, under the hand of thirteen or more Directors. This is intended merely to apprise you of the misfortunes and afflictions we are still doomed to suffer. We have now only one child left, the little Ella, still an infant ; thank God, she is apparently well, and it is our determination she shall go home in the Borneo, in which ship I had engaged accommodation for the three. “ I shall not attempt to convey to you any thing like an idea of poor Sophia’s sufferings. Charlotte had attained that age that she was quite a companion, and of all the misfortunes likely to happen, this was the last looked to. Yet, severe as the dispensation is, we are resigned to it ; we have still reason to thank God. “ I still propose \isiting Singapore about September next, to return here the following May. By the 1st January, 1824), God wilhng, we hope to be on our way home ; but more of this hereafter.” “ Bencoolen, February 19, 1822. ***** “ I am sending home various collections, principally rocks and corals. ***** “ I have been desperately ill and confined to a dark room the last ten days, but, thank God, I am better : I dare not uTite much.” “ Bencoolen, February 26, 1822. As the Borneo will be off in a day or two, I sit down to give you something of a general letter, but I am too ill and weak to write much, and you must excuse repetition, should I fall into it. For the last three weeks I have been confined to BURNING OF QUEDA BY THE SIAMESE. 507 my room by a severe fever, which fell on the brain, and drove me almost to mad- ness. I thank God, however, that I have now got over it, and am on my legs again ; but I am still weak, and unable to converse with strangers. “ The first and most interesting subject is our dear child. * * ^ “ Our little darling is under the immediate charge of Nurse Grimes. She leaves us in excellent health, and we indulge the hope that by the strong measure we have taken of sending her to a healthier climate, we may be spared this one comfort to solace and enliven our declining days. “ Sophia’s health, though it has suffered severely, is, I thank God, improving, and if it is the will of God that we even continue as well as we are, we hope to be able to stand out another year or two with tolerable comfort. “ I fancy I shall find plenty to do at Singapore. * * * * “ The place thrives wonderfully. The amount of the tonnage arrived during the first two years and a half, will speak volumes in its favour. “ We sent lately a commercial embassy to Siam, which was well received. So convenient and contiguous is Singapore, that Siam sugars and other articles are sell- ing there a dollar cheaper than in Siam itself : this is owing to their being conveyed in native junks to Singapore. “ There is a sad confusion at Penang, first among the Governor and his coun- sellors, and next with the Siamese, who have burnt and sacked Queda, and obliged the King to take refuge at Penang. You of course are aware of the history of these proceedings ; it is a result that has long been anticipated, but need not now have been brought to issue. Had the Government of Penang possessed sufficient foresight to have supported the King by sending him a force when he was still in his capital, they would have averted the stoian ; but having neglected this, they now talk of sending a force to drive out the Siamese, and recover the sacked ruins of the city of Queda, in which they have no chance of success whatever, if the Siamese hold out. “ This is not intended as a quarrel with us. Queda has always been tributary to Siam, and when we got the grant of Penang from the former, we ought to have procured the sanction of the latter as lord paramount. The Siamese, however, do not dispute our possession of Penang, as we have been so long there ; but they do not choose to lose the King of Queda as a vassal, particularly as he gets 10,000 dollars a year from the Company. Every three years he is bound to send a golden tree to Siam in token of his vassalage. “ Siam requires that whenever the urgency of the state demands, he shall assist with money and men. Repeated contributions of the kind have been levied ; some resisted, and the matter was generally accommodated and all parties satisfied, until the King of Queda, relying on the strength of our name, power, and alhance, seems to have set his sovereign lord the King of Siam at defiance ; who in return has chas- 3 T 2 o08 CONSIGNMENT OF SPICES FROM BENCOOLEN. tised him, by burning his town and driving him from his dominions. The affair as a political one is of no great importance. Thank God we have nothing to do with this quaiTel at Singapore and the other side of the Archipelago, where our connec- tion is purely commercial and daily improving. “ You seem anxious to know how we go on with our schools and Bible Society, and I am happy to report favourably of them. Upon the whole we go on well, par- ticularly with the schools. We are printing the Gospels in an improved Malay ver- sion suited to this coast, and I have it in contemplation to print the New Testament in Javanese, which is now ready for the press. “ The spices I think must attract the attention of the Coiu't of Directors. The private consignments by the Borneo are nearly equal to the Company’s, and the whole will afford a supply for the British Isles for nearly twelve months. “ Look after the engraving of the chart of the pepper ports by Captain Ash- more, and interest Horsburgh : he will know the value of them.” To the Duchess of Somerset. “ Bencoolen, February 27, 1822. “ You will, I am sure, giieve to learn what has befallen us. My last letter announced to your Grace the loss of my dear Leopold. I have now to add, that during the last month, and within a few days of each other, we have been succes- sively deprived of my only remaining boy, and of Charlotte, your god-daughter. We have now only one left, an infant, the little Ella ; and that we may not run the risk of a tropical climate, we send her home by the present opportunity, under the charge of our good old nurse. “ Such severe trials in a climate by no means congenial to an European consti- tution, and broken down as we were by former afflictions, have had their effect in producing severe illnesses. Lady Raffles has in point of health shared better than myself, hut she is miserably reduced and lowered. For myself, I have had two of the most severe attacks I ever suffered. The last a fever which fell on the brain, and I was almost mad. I am still an invalid, and confined to my room. “ How different are these communications to those I was so happy as to make during our first three years residence ? We were then perhaps too happy, and prided ourselves too highly on future prospects. It has pleased God to blight our hopes, and we must now lower our expectations more to the standard of the ordi- nary lot of human nature — God’s will be done ! All our thoughts, and all our wishes are now turned homewards. Sometimes the prospect is bright, and the heart expands in the contemplation ; at others, dark clouds intervene, and the dread of meeting old friends with new faces and colder hearts, chills every feeling of pleasure. For ourselves I can only say, that with every remove we have dragged a lengthened chain ; and that our attachments and AMOUNT OF TONNAGE ARRIVED AT SINGAPORE, .509 affections have only warmed and encreased in the ratio of the distance to which we have been driven, and the time we have been banished. We shall carry home the same hearts, the same principles and attachments with which we left England, heightened only by the force which absence and privation give to every enjoyment. Lady Raffles prays you to excuse her : since the loss of my dear Leopold she has never dared to take a pen in her hand. ‘‘ In a day or two we shall he left without a single child ! What a change ! We who had recently such a round and happy circle. All our fears were once that we should have too many : all our cares are now to preserve one — our only one. I cannot say any more : my heart is sick and nigh broken.” To the Duke of Somerset. “ Bencoolen, February 28, 1822. “ Our domestic misfortunes have borne so heavily upon us, that I have been obliged for many months to forego the satisfaction of any thing like a regular cor- respondence with my friends. The loss of our three eldest children added to severe and dangerous illnesses, have so completely broken our spirits, that we are almost afraid to look forward, and under these circumstances I am sure I shall not plead in vain to your Grace, that you will excuse my long silence. “ I am still confined to my room from the effects of a violent nervous fever, and my medical attendants limit me to the number of lines I may write, this will therefore account for my unusual brevity. Jif * * * * “ I send by the Borneo a very considerable collection of plants and seeds for the Horticultural Society : among them some very thriving plants of the mangosteen and other Malayan fruits, our choicest flowers, the sago and sugar-tree, with all the va'rieties of our pine-apples, &c. If the ship meets with good weather they will I think be a very valuable addition to their stock. “ My settlement of Singapore continues to prosper. By the returns of ship- ping, and native vessels arrived since it has been in our possession, the following results appear. “ The total tonnage arrived in two years and a half has been upwards of 161,000 tons, and the estimated value of imports and exports, 8,000,000 dok, or ^2,000,000. “ Considering all the disadvantages under which Singapore has been placed, the want of confidence in its retention even for a month, the opposition of the English settlement at Panang, and of the Dutch, a stronger proof of its commercial import- ance could hardly be afforded. “ It is my intention to go round to Singapore in about three months, and to remain there until I have made the necessary arrangements for establishing the place on a proper and lasting foundation. 510 CONSIGNMENT OF SPICES FROM BENCOOLEN. “ The change for a few months will, I doubt not, prove beneficial to Lady Raffles’ health and spirits.” To Mr. Marsden. “ Bencoolen, Feb. 28, 1822. “ My Dear Sir, ‘‘ Our domestic afflictions have been so gi'eat, that I have been quite un- equal, during several months, to maintain any thing like a regular correspondence with my friends. You will have heard of our severe loss in the death of my eldest l)oy Leopold, and I have now to add, that, during the last month, and within a few days of each other, we w^ere doomed to lose our eldest daughter Charlotte, our first born, and my only remaining boy, Marsden, your godson. These have been dreadful trials to my dear Sophia ; but, I thank God, she is now becoming tolerably recon- ciled, and that, upon the wiiole, the shock has been got over as well as could have been expected. “ ^^ e have still one little prattler left, an infant ; but after what has passed we have lost all confidence in the climate, and lose not a moment in sending her to England. She proceeds in the Borneo, now about to quit this port for London. Parting with our only one is an additional trial to Lady Raffles, but we have judged it the best, and have not allow^ed feelings to predominate. This will prove to you, that however we may be depressed the spring of our minds is not destroyed. “ I have myself' suffered most severely from illness, and am at this moment hardly convalescent, not haring left my room for three weeks. This last attack is the most severe I have felt, and I can compare it to nothing short of a brain fever, which almost made me mad. It is the first and only fever I ever experienced, and by falling on the nerves w^as doubly distressing. “ All these circumstances combined have only tended the more firmly to fix our determination of going to England in the course of next year, and I have ac- cordingly sent home my resignation. “ By the Borneo I send a considerable consignment of Bencoolen spices to the Company, and the planters have shipped a still larger quantity on their own ac- count : the invoices cannot amount to less than 100,000 dollars, and probably more. This will afford the means of a fair experiment, and I am anxious to interest all the friends of Bencoolen in it. Our cultivation is extending, but w^e are sadly off for capital and European industry, tlie very commodities with which you overflow. “ You will be pleased to hear that my settlement at Singapore continues to advance. The enclosed list of arrivals and departures during the first two years and a half will speak volumes in its favour. The tonnage amounted to 161,515 tons. If such has been the result wfflile the settlement has laboured under every possible disadvantage (w^ant of confidence in its retention even for a month, and the DEFEAT OF THE DUTCH IN SUMATRA. 511 efforts of the Dutch to crush it) what may we not expect hereafter, when con- fidence is established, capital accumulated, and the British merchant has fair play for his industry and speculation ? The trade with Siam has most rapidly increased ; indeed, Singapore would seem to be in a fair way of becoming the great trading port for Siam goods. Already the sugar of Siam sells at Singapore for less than it can be pmchased at the capital of Siam, and many of the Siamese traders (principally Chinese in junks) come to enjoy the advantage of a free port. “ Crawfurd has been deputed by the Governor General to visit Siam and Cochin China. With the former place we are going on so well, that if commerce alone is our object, I think it is a pity to disturb the progress that is so rapidly making with- out our direct interference. As to Cochin China, some information may be obtained regarding the coasts and country ; but the latter is in too unsettled and disturbed a state to promise much advantageous intercourse of a commercial nature.” To “ Bencoolen, March 6, 1822. “ The Borneo sailed from hence on the 4th instant, having our dear and only child on board. Sophia has borne the parting tolerably well ; but what a sad and lonely house, without nurse and the children — never was there such a change — we wander from room to room, sohtary and dejected ; but God’s will be done, and we must be content. “ I see no reason for altering the course I am steering, and my mind is made up to stand or fall by my own views or measures ; thank you, however. * * Our schools here are extending, and the missionaries gaining ground.” To the Duchess of Somerset. “ Bencoolen, April 12, 1822. “ It is now above a month since I wrote to your Grace by the ship in which we sent home our dear and only remaining child Ella ; and though, as you may well sup- pose, we have been left as solitary and disconsolate as can well be imagined, I think it will be satisfactory to you to know that both Lady Raffles and I have been gaining ground in health and spirits. We now begin to look with some confidence on return- ing to our native land, and to indulge in a thousand anticipations of joy and anxiety. * * * * * “ In the way of news, or interesting information, you cannot expect much. The only political event in our neighbourhood of recent occurrence is the defeat of the Dutch in the interior of Padang, where they have become engaged in a war with the Padries, a sect of Mahomedans, which is rapidly gaining ground throughout the northern parts of Sumatra. It is the practice of these people, when they are attacked, to place the women and children in front ; and in the last onset by the Dutch, it is 7 512 DUTCH PUNISHMENT OF A PADRI CHIEF. reported that not less than one hundred and twenty women, each with a child in her arms, were sacrificed, the women standing firm. “ The discomfiture of the Dutch on the last occasion is stated to have been occasioned by the treachery of a Padri Chief, who apparently came over to their side, and led them into a snare ; and the Dutch took their revenge of his perfidy by assem- hhng all the troops and Chiefs of the country, sha^ing off the poor man’s beard, &c. and then chopping off his head, embalming it, and sending it down to the seat of government, to the Resident’s, where it is exhibited. To Thomas Murdoch, Esq. “ Bencoolen, Jpril 12, 1822. “ My Dear Sir, “ I am afraid you will have thought me very remiss in not acknowledging the receipt of your kind and friendly letters ; and yet could you know the state of misery and anxiety into which we have been plunged during the last year, I am sure you would make allowances. Our first serious misfortune was the death of Lady Raffles’ eldest brother, who had come to us from Bengal on a rtsit. Next followed my dear and eldest boy Leopold, your godson, the pride and hope of my life ; but we were perhaps too proud, and we hoped for too much, and, if so, we have been justly humbled. Our brother-in-law. Captain Auber, who brought us out to this country, was the next ; and after him, in rapid succession, nearly every person in India whom I could call a friend; all those who had been in my confidence in Java: and to close the year, I was myself attacked with a serious and alarming illness, which I did not shake off for many months. Lady Raffles, though not laid up, was in a very preca- rious state ; and though her anxiety for me might be of temporary service in turning her thoughts from former afflictions, it could not do otherwise than still further reduce her. “ With the past year, however, w^e had vainly hoped that w'e had overcome our afflictions. M e endeavoured to raise ourselves about Christmas ; but before the 20th of Januaiy two more of my children, my eldest daughter Charlotte, and my only re- maining boy Marsden, w^ere in the grave ! This blow w^as almost too much for us. But w'e had still one little one left, and embraced the first opportunity of sending her to a safer climate, wiiere, w'e trust in God, she will have duly arrived long before this reaches you. Our misfortunes did not even end here ; for I again fell ill, and was confined for nearly tw'o months, with something very like a brain fever. It is only wathin the last month that I have got about at all ; but I now feel myself completely recovered, though much shaken in constitution. Lady Raffles most fortunately, and unexpectedly, has kept her health tolerably w^ell ; and if it pleases God that our afflic- tions now^ cease, we will still look forw'ard to brighter days and better times. I have thus detailed my sorrows, not so much to excite yoiw commiseration. IMPORTANCE OF SINGAPORE. 513 as to prove to you that it was incapacity alone which prevented my writing. It is of no use to brood over misfortunes, and you will I am sure be happy to learn that we have both recovered our usual tone of mind and spirits ; the body however is weak, and the only remedy for this is change of climate ; on this also we have re- solved, and I hope to reach England early in 1824. “ I propose going round to Singapore in the course of a few months, for the purpose of completing all my arrangements in that quarter. Its rise still continues to astonish those who did not at first look deeply. From a statement of the arrivals and departures, imports, &c. during the first two years and a half, it appears, that, during that period no less than 2889 vessels have entered at the port, of which 383 were armed and commanded by Europeans, and 2506 by natives of independent states, and that their united tonnage amounted to 161,515 tons. “ It further appears that the value of merchandize in native vessels that have entered the Port during the same period has exceeded five milUons of dollars, and that the imports and exports by ships, have not been less than three millions more, making a gross amount of eight milhons of dollars, or nearly .£200,000 sterling. “ These statements have been forwarded to Europe, and from this proof of the extent of commercial dealings at Singapore during the infancy of the establishment, and whilst it has laboured under many disadvantages, some estimate may be formed of its real value and importance. To the Rev. Dr. Raffles. “ Bencoolen, April \7th, 1822. “ My Dear Cousin, “ I wrote to you so lately by the Borneo, that I have httle to add beyond the assurance of my continued esteem and affection. We have, thank God, reco- vered very much of late, and Sophia is quite herself again. I am but a crazy mortal at best, but on the whole am quite as well in health as I have any right to expect in a climate which is any thing but congenial to my constitution. “ We still hold our determination of quitting India, God willing, for Europe, about the end of next year — neither of us can last out longer. « * * * » “ We now pass our time in great retirement. I have lately completed a very comfortable country-house, and much of my time is taken up in agricultural pursuits. I am by far the most active farmer in the country, and as President of the Agricul- tural Society, not only take precedence at the board, but in the field. I have a dozen ploughs constantly going, and before I quit the estate, I hope it will realize a revenue of two or three thousand a year, besides feeding its population. It is an experiment, 3 u 514 SIR STAMFORD’S AGRICULTURAL EXERTIONS. but it will encourage others ; and as it is a property which belongs to the Company, no one can accuse me of interested views in the efforts which I am making. It is possible that in England I may look with interest to the returns in money which my oats and barley may afford ; but here I am quite satisfied with seeing and col- lecting the produce of my industry and exertions. I am cultivating and improving for the mere love of the thing, and the desire of employing my time advantageously for others. “ Our sugar at last succeeds very well, but the disappointment in the mills has been great indeed. It was only a few weeks ago that I received the letters from Messrs. Littledale. We then immediately set to w'ork to construct a mill here as w'ell as w^e could ; and it has now commenced to w ork at the rate of half a ton a day. The sugar is excellent, and I have no doubt the rum will be of equally good quality. This is the first part of my mechanical operations, for which I take to myself no little credit, considering our w'ant of assistance and experience. We took our model from the Encyclopaedia. “ Adieu, my dear Cousin, &c.” To “ Bencoolcn, July 25th, 1822. “ I am sure it will be satisfactory to you to know that both Sophia and myself have become ourselves again : not that we can forget our past and heavy afflictions, or cease to mourn over them ; but we can now again enjoy the present hour, and look forward with steadiness and satisfaction. I am not one of that ‘ Satanic school’ w ho look upon this w orld as the hell of some former and past creation, but am con- tent to take it as I find it, firmly believing, from all I have known and seen, that whatever is, is for our good and happiness, and that there is actually more of both, even in this world, than in our consciences we can think we have deserved. Our health too, has improved and if in this respect we could remain as we are, w'e might risk tw'o or three years more, at least so say our present feelings, but we must not trust them : experience dictates prudence, and if we only hold out till the appointed time, we shall be satisfied. We have had a very sickly season, and among the casualties are our chaplain and doctor; Jack also has been obliged to fly to Batavia for change of air, and deaths are of daily occurrence in our small circle : but notw ithstanding this w^e still look up ; therefore, with the blessing of God, don’t despair of seeing us in 1824. “ I have long looked for the appointment of Mr. Canning as Governor-General; and, upon the whole, I augur w'ell of his government, not from any personal views as to myself, but w'ith respect to the public interests, to which I cannot but look w'ith anxiety. My life has hitherto been a public one ; and long habit, if it is nothing else, has made the pubhc weal as interesting to me as my owm personal 1 EXPECTED ARRIVAL OF MR. CANNING IN THE EAST. 515 prospects ever can be. Without attending to it I should lose half the interest of my life, so that you must not he surprised if I still hold on the same course, even though I may not be able to prove that my interests are advanced by it. To these I never looked primarily, and God grant I never may. I believe, paradoxical as it may seem to say so, I should lose my identity were I to cease to love other things better than myself. It may be a wrong turn of mind, but such is the twist of it, and matured as it now is by forty years’ growth, I fear I must change myself ere I think or act otherwise. “ Do not, however, do me the injustice to suppose that I am overweeningly attached to the things of this world — am in love v\dth ambition, or suppose I can reform the world by my endeavours. I think I know myself better. I would rather be a simple unit with the united few who act rightly and on principle, than a blazing cypher acting for self and my own nothingness. But a truce to this. I hope to be at Singapore by the time Canning arrives, so that he will find me at my post of danger, and I yet hope of honour too. “ As for Crawfurd, what you say, to a certain extent, had now and then presented itself transiently to my mind in the same light ; but you mistake me if you suppose I entertain any unpleasant feeling on the account ; whatever his faults, he is devoting his mind exclusively to objects in which my heart and soul are deeply interested. Let CrawTurd have his swing, and the more extended the better ; in the present times we, perhaps, require such bold and fearless men. The cloud of ignorance, which still hangs over England, with regard to the Eastern Islands, cannot be dissipated by ordi- nary means, or by dint of reason ; it requires the agency of some of those powerful elements which, while they disperse, cannot avoid partially destroying. “ Where we differ we shall explain, and longer and cooler heads may light their matches from the sparks which we strike out. Two of a trade, they say, can never agree ; and Crawfurd and I are, perhaps, running too much on the same parallel, not now and then to be jostling each other ; but if in following my steps he profits by my en'ors and experience, it will be a satisfaction to me. He writes to me that his views are turned homewards in 1825, but this I don’t believe. I think he expects to return from his cruise about the fall of the next year, and will, I have no doubt, convey a fine collection to the Governor General ; it is not impossible we may meet. “ I observe what you say on the state of the nation. I agree with you, as far as we can perceive from this distance, that things look better. Manufactures and com- merce are certainly improving, and agriculture will come about in due time. It is very amusing to hear the complaints of the imin of the country in consequence of its too great riches and abundance. For those who suffer, and they are very many, I feel most sincerely : most deeply do I commiserate the wretchedness which must necessarily be felt by certain classes ; and all must be content to retrograde from the 3 u 2 516 SIR STAMFORD’S OPINION ON THE STATE OF ENGLAND. high pitch of ease and luxury, which were created by an over, but, perhaps, necessary excitement ; yet I never can bring my mind to suppose our case desperate, while we not only have more people, but more food, and more money than we know what to do with. \^^ere I to land, for the first time, on some large and highly populous island, and to observe a similar state of things, what would be my impres- sion ? Not that it was a mined, but a badly governed country. Ours, perhaps, is so circumstanced ; although among the many quacks and pretenders to heal the diseases of the state, I have seen but few whose panacea were worth the trial. Upon the whole, perhaps, we cannot go on much better than w'e are doing : our circumstances have changed, and greatly changed, and the gi'eat object is to assist the wheel as it turns round, and render the change as gi*adual and imperceptible as possible. Most certainly do I think we have not changed for the w^orse. Scarcity and high price never can be better than cheapness and abundance : for a time, it may serve to gorge the appetites of the few ; but in the long run, and for the nation at large, it never can last, but must inevitably end in ruin. Industry and plain living suit better with good morals, sound understanding, and, consequently, with the happiness of this life, and the prospects of the future, than idleness and luxury, though they were to be bought without the sacrifice of the many to the few. I look highly on the resources of the country, I consider them as inexhaustible, and that the days of our true greatness are now approaching. So much for politics. I must not omit to tell you a curious fact : the Java Government were dis- tressed for money, and proposed to raise a loan of thirty lacs in Bengal, at fi'om seven to nine per cent., payable in five years. The terms were communicated to me, and the loan opened ; but there was a feverish anxiety in Calcutta as to the security of the Dutch, notwithstanding their power and means in the East were never less equivocal ; and the Dutch themselves thought better of it, and the loan was closed, when, lo and behold ! the only subscription to the loan, actually realized, was from me. This has occasioned a reference to Batavia from Bengal ; and it is odd enough, after all our battlings, that I should be found to be the only man in India who would hear their distress, and trust them with a penny. This is, at least, an amusing anecdote for the entertainment of his Netherlands’ Majesty, when he may honour me with another invitation to his palace at Lacken. “ Your letter respecting young M’Lean I purposely put aside to answer, after turning the matter in my thoughts ; it is a serious matter to direct the destination of a young man, and, as I never like to drop those whom I once take up, I am anxious to see that all is right in the beginning. So much depends upon the start that we cannot be too cautious. “ My former letters will have informed you of my present plan for going home, and, I thank God, the necessity does not exist for our going in the Layton. SIR STAMFORD’S RESPONSIBLE SITUATION. 517 “ I observe what you say respecting Pulo Nias ; I must again refer you to my principles of action, with an assurance that I do, and will, to the utmost of my power, act prudently and cautiously. “ I am placed here, as it has been my lot ever since I have been entrusted with a government, to administer the public affairs according to my best ability. I lose no time in informing my superiors of my situation, and the circumstances of the country, and their interests. I implore advice, and ask for authority ; I receive none ; scarce an acknowledgment, and when I do, one that only proves they can never have read what I have written. Year after year rolls on ; the pubhc weal must be attended to, and time and tide stand still for no man. How is it possible that a man, having the honour of his country at heart, and any conscience whatever, can remain a silent spectator of what is daily getting worse and worse ? Either he must step in to stop the ruin, or he must eat the bread of idleness, and pocket the wages of iniquity, for they cannot be honestly earned without the performance of corres- ponding duties, to say nothing of the happiness or misery of the thousands and tens of thousands committed to his charge, and whose destiny must, in a great measure, be considered in his hands. “ I receive very kind letters from Mr. Grant and Mr. Edward Parry ; I have reason to value and esteem them, and I am deeply sensible of their kindness. “ My hand aches, and I must leave off with an apology for writing you so long a letter ; but, in truth, I have not had time to write a shorter, and, therefore, give you in haste what comes uppermost. We are all well.” “ Bencoolen, July 26th, 1822. “ You say our new Deputy Master- Attendant is o. protege of Mr. Robinson, and on this account entitled to my attentions. “ I am not aware that, as yet, I am under any obhgation to Mr. Robinson, for if report says true, he is most hostile to me, but for why I know not. Be it as it may, I would always rather return good for evil ; and, in the hope that he may one day lay aside his prejudice, and be open to reason and conviction, you may assure him that I only regret I am not better known to him. Times may alter as they have once altered, and, really, I cannot account for much that I see and hear ; never- theless, I shall continue to pursue a straight-forward course, as I have hitherto done, without swerving to the right or left, quarrelling with no one.” To Bencoolen, July 28, 1822. “ I will now reply to your letter respecting young M'Lean. “ With industry and perseverance, a good constitution and frugal habits, there wants but one thing more to complete the requisites, and that is capital, or credit, 518 OPENING FOR COMMERCIAL SPECULATIONS AT BENCOOLEN. which is the same thing ; '^^^thout this last, it is chance if the others have fair play, and with it, I think few places offer better prospects than the spot from whence I write — Bencoolen, w'here there are most advantageous openings for advantageous speculations, in the cultivation and manufacture of sugar and rum, the culture of coffee, spices, &c., and where, notwithstanding all its supposed disadvantages, more may now be done \\dth dollars than ever could be effected in the West Indies Avith pounds. “ Commercial speculations are, in a great measure, at a stand, and Singapore is overstocked with merchants. They will be too keen for a novice, and in these times it is quite a science, even for the first houses, to know how to make money : the most they can do is to prevent loss. In Java there are great facilities and advan- tages, both for trade and cultivation, particularly the latter, but then it is under a Dutch government. Of the extent of capital required, any thing from one to five thousand pmmds mil answer, but, of course, the more the better. With tw^o or three thousand pounds to sink in the land at Bencoolen, I really think a pretty for- tune might be made in ten years, paying back the first capital with a high interest in three or four. “ One thing, however, must not on any account be expected either here or at Singapore — there are no appointments to be had — not more than you can pick up in the streets of London ; therefore, every thing must depend upon the party him- self, and on his own ffugahty and exertions.” To ^‘Bencoolen, September 1822. “ We have had a very sickly season. I am concerned to say, my inestimable friend Jack stiU remains in a very dangerous state, and is obliged to embark in the Layton for the Cape. In him I lose my right hand ; but if he survives, he will rejoin me in six months, and accompany us home. “ I am afraid I shall have a good deal to do at Singapore, as the place grows so rapidly, that some important pro\dsions must be made for its internal manage- ment and comfort. ^ » " Sophia, I am sorry to say, has had an illness which has lowered her very much, and makes me very anxious to get her home. Would to God we were once safe with you, and out of these enervating regions. **«*»#* “ The idea of a pepper cargo without dead weight is such a farce, that the Layton has been the laughing-stock to all the private traders, and, were the whole REDUCTION IN THE EXPENSES OF BENCOOLEN. 519 proceeding to be published, I know of no instance that would expose more igno- rance and absurdity in the Company’s proceedings as merchants *. “ I am off for Singapore to-morrow, very far from well, and the change may do us good. “ For the past year the only item in our books worthy of remark is, that the charges of the settlement have been reduced about 7 0,000 rupees ; but the place is still so exorbitantly high and expensive, that, perhaps, the less that is said on the subject the better.” To W. Marsden, Esq. “ Bencoolen, September 8th, 1823. “ My Dear Sir, “ I promised myself the satisfaction of writing to you very fully by the Layton, but illness, and the variety of detail which must be got through in the few days between this and my embarkation for Singapore, v^ill, I fear, compel me to be more brief than usual. I still continue to suffer so severely from a nervous affec- tion in my head, that I cannot calculate upon an hour’s health ; Lady Raffles too, is only just recovering from an illness ; and my invaluable friend. Dr. Jack, is on the eve of embarking for the Cape as a last hope. Under these circumstances, and the bustle of packing and delivering over the charge of the settlement for some months, you will, I am confident, make allowances. Your kind letters, from the 19th of August, 1821, to the 7th of March last, are now before me, and although there are many points in them to which I could have wished to advert, I must be content to notice a few. “ Your observations on our press are as just as they are liberal ; and I only wish it was in my power to convince you that we have sufficiently profited by them. You were, of course, aware, that my object is rather to excite others than to come for- ward myself, and that in our present pubhcations I necessarily keep in the back ground. I allow nothing to appear as direct from myself. ‘‘ The following is the latest and best information which I can obtain respecting the Rakan river. « « « « * The Court of Directors sent the Layton out to Bencoolen with strict orders to fill her entirely with pepper ; and so strictly forbad any thing else being put on board, that Sir Stamford could not alter their orders. A moment’s consideration will lead to the inference, that pepper is in itself so light, that a vessel entirely laden with it would be buoyed up, and float entirely on the surface of the water ; consequently could not, with safety, venture to sea. A proportion of sugar had been prepared as ballast ; but as it was not allowed to be received on board, the vessel sailed with that small quantity of pepper which would not endanger her safety in passing the Cape, &c. 520 GENERAL SURVEY OF SUMATRA. The above is abstracted from the journal of the cruizer Timir, sent over for the express pm-pose, at my suggestion. This will shew you that I am doing aU I can to ascertain the true fonn of the coast in this quarter. This long extract has occupied so much of my paper, that I must defer our further geographical dis- coveries till another opportunity. I enclose you Captain Crisp’s calculations on the longitude of Bencoolen : we are just commencing with Jupiter’s satellites, and I shaD, certainly, not allow the present astronomical party to leave the coast until I have laid down all the principal points. September 19th. I had written thus far, when I was broken in upon by a host of people, and on business ; and my time is now so short, that I can do little more than close this letter, as w^e embark at daylight to-morrow. Dr. Jack is still alive, and sails for the Cape this evening, but I have very little hope for him ; I shall feel his loss most severely, both as a private friend and as an able assistant, not only in the particular line of natural history, but in our geographical pursuits. With his assistance and Captain Crisp’s, I had commenced our general survey of Sumatra with some hope of success ; but I am now no longer sanguine of doing much in my oum time. In a country hke this, where nothing material of this natm'e has been effected, the scope of our operations seemed naturally to divide itself into three branches ; first, the determining the geographical position of all the sea-ports and harbours, and the hydi'ographic delineation of the line of coast and the adjacent Islands ; in this we have done, and I am happy to say we are still doing a good deal ; secondly, the conducting a series of triangles from a measm'ed base, in order to fix the site of to\Nms, the extent, and direction of the several ranges of mountains, and the points where the rivers take their rise ; in this we have gone so far as to lay doum a tolerably extensive base from the tower of IVIarlborough Fort, which we pm*pose to adopt as the leading point, or meridian, and to carry on the triangles as far as the eye will reach from hence ; and, thirdly, the stretching the more minute topo- graphical details, in w^hich we neither have wasted nor shall waste our time. “ I must, however, here close, in the hope that my health will enable me to take advantage of the leisure of the voyage to write you more fully. I take the liberty of presenting Mrs. Marsden Avith a cask of Bencoolen sugar, in the hope that she will patronize our manufacture. The superior authorities will insist that we can neither manufacture sugar nor grow coffee, though we have already produced the former of better quality than any known in the East, and oirr coffee-gardens are in every way promising, and the export from Padang alone, during the last year, exceeded 20,000 peculs. You will observe, that our sugar is muscovado, and not the light article usually obtained fi*om India, and as the worth of sugar must be in its sweetness, we think we stand high. I am confident you will give it all the credit it deserves, and more we do not wish.” DEATH OF DR. JACK. 521 To the Duchess of Somerset. “ September 11, 1822. “ The last arrivals have brought us many kind letters from you ; and I need not attempt to say how truly, and how deeply, we feel your kindness. The hand of affliction has been heavy upon us ; and it is in such times that the kindness of friends, and of those we love and esteem, is doubly valued. “ I did intend to write you a very long letter by this opportunity ; but illness, and the multiplicity of detail which crowds upon me at the moment, deprive me of the leisure of even five minutes. We embark for Singapore to-morrow morning. “ If I am able to hold up my head, and use my pen at all, I shall certainly avail myself of the leisure of the voyage to endeavour to make amends for my long silence by writing you a very prosing letter. I will not attempt to say more at present, as you will easily perceive from the wi'iting that I hold my pen with difficulty ; but though my head fail, my heart nevei" will.” aI* ^ ^ ^ To “ Bencoolen, September 15, 1822. “ We were to have embarked this morning for Singapore, but the wind has proved foul, and it w^as ordained that w'e should remain another day, to bury our dear and invaluable Mend, William Jack. Poor fellow ! a finer head or heart there never w'as ; and whether as a bosom friend, or as a scientific assistant, he was to me invaluable ; he had been ill long, and returned from Java about a fortnight ago, after an unsuccessful \isit for change of air : w^e embarked him yesterday morning in the Layton, for the Cape ; and he died this morning before the ship weighed her anchor. “ I am so depressed in spirits, and altogether so incompetent to the task of writing to his father at this hurried moment, when all is confusion for my embarka- tion, that I must postpone it ; but I beg you to assure him, that the loss is as deeply deplored by his friends here, as it is possible it can be by his family at home ; and that for myself, I am so overwhelmed by the misfortune, that I cannot command myself to enter into particulars. His character and talents stood deservedly high with all who knew him ; and if any thing can afford relief to a parent in the loss of such a son, it ought to be the reflection that he has performed the course w^hich he w^as des- tined to run with honour and integrity, and that his sphere of usefulness wns as ex- tended as his talents and ability, themselves of no common order, could command,” “ Straits of Sunda, off Angler, September 26, 1822. “ I am happy to say that we are thus far on our way to Singapore, all well. The melancholy addition to the number of deaths in our family, by the loss of William 3 X 522 DEPARTURE FOR SINGAPORE. Jack, made us quit the place without much regret ; and God grant the change of air and scene may work a favourable change both in our health and spirits. “ It is indispensable that the ship which comes out for us should have a poop, as Sophia could not undergo the voyage below hatches ; indeed, she is so bad a sailor, and we are both so weak and unfit for a long voyage, that we sometimes think of making a port-to-port voyage home ; that is to say, going to the Isle of France, the Cape, St. Helena, and the Cape de Verd Islands, and stopping at each place a week or a fortnight to recruit. To the Rev. Dr. Raffles. “ In the Straits of Banca, October 1, 1822. My Dear Cousin, “ Our correspondence has latterly flagged, though I hardly know why, except it be that we may neither of us have had heart or spirit enough to enter on the sad subjects w^hich have most absorbed our attention. You will, I think, be glad to hear that we have quitted Bencoolen for a season ; for though I still adhere to its being, on the whole, as healthy as other parts of the East, the melancholy events which have accumulated in our own family, must produce a contrary impression on all who look to us with interest and affection. Death, as if he seemed determined to glut himself to the last, snatched from us, two days before we sailed, another member of our family, my invaluable and highly respected friend. Dr. Jack ; he had supphed the place of Dr. Arnold, and all my future Hews in life w'ere intimately blended with the plans and projects which we had formed. He was to have accompanied me to England, and his death has left a blank which vdll not be easily or speedily filled up. I am now on my passage to Singapore, accompanied by Sophia and her youngest brother ; and my plan is to remain there about six months, with the Hew of arranging and modelling something hke a constitution for the place, and transfer- ring its future management to a successor. Should God spare oiu* lives, Ave then look to return to Bencoolen for the purpose of winding up ; and then, about the end of the year, if it be not too presumptuous to look forward so far after what has passed, we contemplate the prospect of revisiting old England. At all events, no Hews of ambition will weigh with us beyond that period ; and, considering the pre- carious state of our health, and the many ties at home, it seems, in the natural course of things, that we should then take this step. “ Among the numerous deaths which have occuiTed at Bencoolen, we have lost no less than three doctors, and our worthy chaplain, Mr. Winter, w'hose widow and family are now on their Avay to England. As the advance of good principles so essentially depends on the character of the pastor, and particularly at Bencoolen, where there is only one of our Establishment, and his union with the Missionaries is so essential, I am not a httle interested in the choice that may be made of a sue- APPOINTMENT OF A CHAPLAIN TO BENCOOLEN. 523 cessor. He will be appointed from home, and, most likely, become known to you before his departure. This, I think, would be advantageous, particularly with reference to future correspondence after I may leave the countiy. Of all places, a ship is the worst for apphcation, or even for writing a letter, for there is always something going on, and generally what is annoying either one way or the other. I am subject to constant interruptions, and am at this moment obliged to break off my letter. “ I again resume the pen, though I have little to add, except a farewell.” 3 X 2 CHAPTER XVIII. Arrival at Singapore — Description of the settlement — Grounds of right to its retention — Occupation at Singapore — Selection of site for college — Value of land — Contrast of Bencoolen and Singapore — Number of vessels arrived in the first tno years and a half — Bungalow on Singapore hill — Botanic garden — Description of plant described by Dr. Finlayson — Mission to Bali — Drawing up laws and regulations for the settlement — Magistrates — Memorial against slavery — Resolution of the Bengal Government — Instructions to Mr. Crawfurd — Addresses from the inhabitants — Singapore the only place in India where slavery cannot exist — Leaves Singapore — Touches at Batavia — Correspondence with the Baron Van de Capellan. The pleasui'e of ^v^tnessing the encreasing prosperity of a settlement which he had himself formed, in which he was hailed as a benefactor, and welcomed as a friend by all ranks and classes, raised the spirit which sorrow had depressed ; and Sir Stamford’s heart again expanded with the hope of happiness, and rejoiced in the consciousness of possessing the pow'er of diffusing chdlization and blessings around him. To “ Singapore, October ll//(, 1822. “ We landed yesterday, and I have once more established my head-quarters in the centre of my Malayan friends. I have just time to say thus much, more you shall have soon and often ; in the meantime you nail he glad to know that I feel sufficient health and strength to do all I uish. The coldest and most disinterested could not quit Bencoolen, and land at Singapore, without surprise and emotion. What, then, must have been my feehngs, after the loss of almost every thing that was dear to me on that ill-fated coast ? After all the risks and dangers to which this my almost only child had been exposed, to find it grown and advanced beyond measure, and even my warmest anticipations and expectations, in importance, wealth, and interest — in every thing that can give it value and permanence ? “ I did feel when I left Bencoolen, that the time had passed when I could take much active interest in Indian affairs, and I wished myself safe home ; but I already feel differently ; I feel a new life and vigour about me ; and if it please God to grant me health, the next six months wall, I hope, make some amends for the gloom of the last sixteen. '7L. y.Ay ARRIVAL AT SINGAPORE. 525 “ Rob me not of this my political child, and you may yet see me at home in all my wonted spirits, and with an elasticity about me which will hear me up against all that party spirit can do to depress me. “ I have not time to write to any one else, therefore let all friends know that we are well, and again. Heaven he praised, in the land of the living. Sophia is quite well. “ Mary Anne and her child are well also, and in our hearts we sing, ‘ Oh be jojdul in the Lord.’” To the Duchess of Somerset. “ Singapore, November 30, 1822. “ I am sure you will congi’atulate us in haAing escaped from Bencoolen with our lives, after the rapid succession of miseries which we experienced there. To close the melancholy list of casualties in my own family, I have to add the loss of my most excellent, valued friend. Dr. Jack. He was carried off the day before we sailed from Bencoolen. “ We have already experienced the benefit of change of scene and climate ; and the prosperous state of this rising colony has made amends for the dull and sombre Hews which we have left. Here all is life and activity ; and it would be difficult to name a place on the face of the globe, with brighter prospects or more present satis- faction. In little more than three years it has risen from an insignificant fishing vil- lage, to a large and prosperous town, containing at least 10,000 inhabitants of all nations, actively engaged in commercial pursuits, which afford to each and all a hand- some livelihood, and abundant profit. There are no complaints here of want of employment, no deficiency of rents, or dissatisfaction at taxes. Land is rapidly rising in value, and instead of the present number of inhabitants, we have reason to expect that we shall have at least ten times as many before many years have passed. This may he considered as the simple, but almost magic result of that perfect freedom of trade, which it has been my good fortune to establish. We are daily looking for accounts of the arrival of our new Governor General; and it is not improbable he may bring out final instructions respecting this place, as far as concerns the question with the Dutch. I have, however, very little mieasiness on the subject, as I think it now nearly impossible to dispossess us ; and the time for my going home now draws so nigh, that I shall be able to fight the battle out in England, upon more equal ground than I have been obliged to do here. “ I could fill a volume with new matter, on new people, new manners, and new comitiies, but I must be content to hold my tongue until I have the gratification of telling you aU my long stories in person. * * “ I am at present engaged in establishing a constitution for Singapore, the 526 SAILING FISH. principles of which will, I hope, ensure its prosperity. The utmost possible freedom of trade and equal rights to all, with protection of property and person, are the ob- jects to be obtained, and I shall spare no pains to estabhsh such laws and regulations as may be most conducive to them. In Java I had to remodel, and in doing so to remove the rubbish and incumbrances of tw^o centuries of Dutch mal-administration — here I have an easier task — and the task is new. In Java I had to look princi- pally to the agi'icultural interests, and the commercial only so far as they were con- nected with them ; here, on the contrary, commerce is every thing, agriculture only in its infancy. The people are different as well as their pursuits. I assure you I stand much in need of ad\dce, and were it not for Lady Raffles, I should have no counsellor at all. She is nevertheless a host to me, and if I do live to see you again, it will be entirely owing to her love and affection : wthout this I should have been cast away long ago. If it please God we have health, we hope to pass the next two months pleasantly enough in this interesting occupation. “ The only amusing discovery which we have recently made is that of a sailing fish, called by the natives ikan layer, of about ten or twelve feet long, which hoists a mainsail, and often sails in the manner of a native boat, and with considerable swift- ness. I have sent a set of the sails home, as they are beautifully cut, and form a model for a fast-sailing boat — they are composed of the dorsal fins of the animal, and wiien a shoal of these are mider sail together, they are frequently mistaken for a fleet of native boats.” To W. Marsden, Esq. ''Singapore, Nov. 30, 1822. “ My Dear Sir, " You will, I am sure, be glad to learn that we have derived every ad. vantage from change of scene and climate wliich we calculated upon, and that both Lady Raffles and myself have daily improved in health and spirits since our arrival here. The last blow reserved for us at Bencoolen was the death of my most valued friend. Dr. Jack, and gi'eat indeed has been the loss which I have sustained by this event. Poor fellow, we had become so intimate, and our futm-e plans had become so interwoven with each other’s views in life, that I could not have felt the loss of a brother more than I did his. But I must not get into a melancholy train of thought, and will drop the subject till w^e meet. “ Of Singapore I could of course say a good deal ; but when I say that it is going on as prosperously as possible, you will infer much of what I w^ould communi- cate. I have nearly got over the job of undoing, and am steadily going on in the establishment of something like a constitution for the place, on the principle of esta- blishing it permanently as a fi'ee port in every sense of the word. The active spirit of enterprize which prevails among all classes is truly astonishing, and for its extent, 7 FIRE AT CANTON. 527 I believe I may safely say, that no part of the world exhibits a busier scene than the town and environs of Singapore. The Dutch have been obliged to take off their duties at Java and elsewhere on native prows, and as far as appearances go, they seem to see the necessity of adopting a more liberal system throughout. I am sorry, however, to say that a recent act, in which they were the principals, is perhaps as disgraceful and abominable over a defenceless woman, as ever was committed by a civilized nation. “ You must be aware that the grounds on which I maintain our right to Singa- pore rested on the following facts, which it has never been in their power to disprove. 1st. That subsequent to the death of Sultan Mahomed, which happened about twelve years ago, there had been no regular installation of a successor, nor had any Chief been acknowledged as such, with the essential forms required by the Malay custom. “ That the regaha (the possession of which is considered essential to sove- reignty), still remained in the custody of Tunku Putrie, widow of the deceased Sultan. 3d. That the Rajah of Lingin had never exercised the authority of Sultan of Johore, and explicitly disclaimed the title, and “ 4th. That the prince whom we supported was the eldest son of the late Sul- tan, and was intended for the succession. That he was acknowledged by one at least, if not both the constituting authorities of the empire, and that he himself stood in no way committed to the Dutch, when I formed the treaty with him. “ The Dutch have allowed nearly four years to pass since our occupation of Singapore, in trying to prove that the Sultan of Lingin was actually invested with the sovereignty of Johore ; but finding our ministry more firm than they expected, and that their assertions were not admitted as proofs, they have at last given up the point, and actually proceeded to the seizure of the regalia from the hands of Tunku Putrie. I enclose you the particulars ; it is a curious document and may deserve preservation as connected with the history of this part of the world. “ The details of the destructive fire which has taken place in China will reach you through the public prints ; I will therefore only notice that the whole of the factories, English and foreign, with two exceptions, and upwards of 12,000 Chinese houses, including six belonging to the Hong merchants, were burnt to the ground between the first and third instant, and that the fire was by no means extinguished on the twentieth, when our last accounts came away. The whole of the Company’s w'oollens of the season, worth about <£400,000 have been destroyed, and about five hundred tons of tea — 700,000 dollars were fortunately saved from the Company’s treasury, but nothing else from the factory, and the supercargoes have for the most part lost every thing but the clothes on their backs. This will occasion some long 528 MR. CRAWFURD’S MISSION TO SIAM AND COCHIN CHINA. faces in Leadenhall-street, but it will set the manufacturers at work to supply the woollens lost. “ You will no doubt have heard of Crawfurd’s mission to Siam and Cochin China. He has failed in the essential objects of his mission, but has had the means of collecting a good deal of information respecting the countries he has visited, which will afford him the opportunity of ^^Titing a very interesting book or two. He was vith me last week on his retmai to Bengal, and I had the opportunity of entering fully into the subject. At Siam he was detained five months. The King received him in the first instance, but all his communications subsequently were with an officer of the second rank below the sovereign ; and the only acknowledgment he could obtain of the Governor General’s letter, was a short reply from an officer of the third rank, specifying the duties and regulations of the port ; but which was no sooner dehvered than the terms were broken, and the first act after Crawfurd’s departure was to seize the supercargo. Captain, and part of the crew of an Enghsh vessel, and to beat and knock them about till they had nearly deprived them of life ; aftenvards putting them in irons and treating them with a barbarity which would disgrace savages : and this purposely as an insult to our embassy, and to shew their contempt of our power. “ At Cochin China he met with a somewhat better reception personally, but the King woidd not grant him an audience, or receive the letter from the Governor General at all. The reason assigned was its not coming from a crowned head, and that a similar letter fi-om France had not been received. A certificate from one of the mandarins that we should be allowed to trade on the same terms as the French, was all that Craufurd could obtain. It does not seem that there is any foreign European influence at either court, prejuchcial to our political or national interest ; and Crawfurd seems to think they are both too jealous to admit of any. They have undoubtedly gi-eat apprehen- sions of any European power gaining a footing among them ; and nothing could equal the strict manner in which the embassy was watched at Cochin China. “ Siam proves to be fully as rich a country as we supposed. Its population is estimated at six millions, of which one-sixth may be Chinese, and nearly one-half the whole are included at the districts of Lao, the other half occupying Lower Siam. The produce in sugar, pepper, &c. &c. is immense ; and the tonnage on junks which annually enter the Minam is not estimated at less than 40,000 tons ; of these, eighteen or twenty of the largest junks belong to the King, who uith the court, monopolizes all the foreign trade of this country. The value of this junk trade is so important to the King and all concerned in it, that they are naturally averse to the admission of our shipping to its supercession, and perhaps destruction ; and this circumstance added to the despotic nature of the Government, its jealousy and SIAMESE TRADE. 529 general bad character, seem to preclude the hope of our enjoying a direct trade to any extent, by means of our own shipping. We must be satisfied with the entrepot which we have established at Singapore, whither their junks regularly come with a large portion of the produce of the country, and can afford to sell it at a lower rate than foreigners can procure the same articles in Siam itself ; and now under the pro- tection of the British flag the exchange must take place. In the extension of this trade, the King and his court are so much interested, that he will in a manner feel de- pendent on us for the accommodation and protection afforded. “ The richest province of Lower Siam seems to be Chantibun, on the eastern side of the gulph. It is said to export upwards of 80,000 peculs of pepper in a year. On his way to Cochin China, Crawfurd touched at Saigun, the capital of Lower Cochi, and situated on the northern bank of the Camboja river. This place he de- scribes as full of activity and produce, and abounding with Chinese, who seemed anxious for a more general intercourse with us. Cochin China is a poor country comparatively with Sjam ; but the principal value of our connection with it seems to be with reference to the channel which it may afford for a more extensive intercourse with several of the provinces of the Chinese. “ For further details I must refer you to Crawfurd’s book when published, or beg of you to await my arrival in England, as I am ashamed to lengthen this letter further.” To W. Marsden, Esq. “ Singapore, November 30, 1822. “ My plan is to resign Singapore as soon as I can make arrangements for the appointment of a successor. “ Since I have been here I have caught no less than six duyongs, (the animal described by Valentin, and so long talked of as the mermaid), some as large as nine feet two inches. A full-grown female is now under the dissecting knife, so that the natural history of this extraordinary animal is hkely to be better known than any of the other cetce. “ Crawfurd’s astronomers omitted to take either the latitude or longitude of Bankok, the present capital of Siam, although they were there upwards of four months. The most remarkable production which they fell in with was a large potatoe or yam (a species of inenispermurn) weighing no less than four hundred and eighty pounds avoirdupoise ! This is a match for my gi*eat flower. Crawfurd carried up two dmjongs from hence, and I have now three, ready prepared for England. “We are making some advances towards a general survey of Singapore and the adjacent Islands ; and I am happy to say I have succeeded at last in getting a very correct survey of the eastern coast of Sumatra from Diamond Point down to the Ca- 3 Y 530 BENEFICIAL EFFECTS OF CHANGE OF SCENE. rimons. By the time I return to Bencoolen, I trust my astronomical party at the Line will have done something ; and, at all events, I hope I shall have it in my power to shew you that I have not been idle. “ You will be surprised to hear that a considerable quantity of the finest benjamin is produced in Lao, about the latitude of 15° or 16°, if not more. “ My hand is rather unsteady from my late illness, therefore excuse my scrawl, whidi I am almost ashamed to send.” To T. Murdoch, Esq. “ Singapore, December 4, 1822. “ My Dear Sir, “ I am afraid you will accuse me of neglect in not writing to you for so long a period, but I must tell the truth, and rely on your kindness. I have not been able to bring myself to the point since the loss of my dear boy, Leopold, and even now feel a reluctance in doing so, which I can hardly overcome. The loss of that dear boy, in whom all om' hopes were centered, has indeed been a severe blow ; and the rapid succession in which our other darlings have been swept from us, has been almost too much to bear. But, I thank God, the worst is past ; and though we may have hard- ened our hearts a httle in order to get over it, I will yet hope that there is as much happiness left for us in this world as we deserve to enjoy. We were, perhaps, too happy, too proud of our blessings ; and, if we had not received this severe check, we might not sufficiently have felt and known the necessity of an hereafter. The Lord’s will be done, and we are satisfied. “ You wll, I am sure, congi'atulate us on our removal fi'om Bencoolen. Only two days before we left it we lost another member of our family, my inestimable friend. Dr. Jack. This blow was reserved tiU the last, but it has not been the less severe. Poor fellow, we have lost in him one of the clearest heads and warmest hearts I ever met with ; but death has so assailed us in every quarter wthin the last year, that I hardly yet know or feel all that I have lost. “ We have been here nearly two months, and the change of air and scene has done us great good. Lady Raffles in particular has greatly recovered both in her health and spirits, and I am myself very sensibly better, though still occasionally dreadfully oppressed with head-aches. “ Public report speaks so favourably of this place, that I cannot well say more about it, without subjecting myself to the charge of egotism, for it is, indeed, every thing I could wish, and rising and improring in every way fully equal to my expectations. It is at least a child of my own ; and now that I am in other respects childless, I may perhaps be indulged with this ; and I can assure you, that the interest I take in it, cheers many a day that would otherwise be gloomy and sad enough in reflections on the past. MR. CRAWFURD’S MISSION TO SIAM. 531 “ I am now busy in allotting the lands and laying out the several towns, defin- ing rights, and establishing powers and rules for their protection and preservation. I have been a good deal impeded, but the task, though an arduous and serious one, is not one that I find unpleasant. What I feel most is the want of good counsel and advice, and of sufficient confidence in my own experience and judgment to lay down so broad and permanent a foundation as I could wish. I have already upwards of 10,000 souls to legislate for, and this number will, I doubt not, be increased during the next year. The entei-prize and activity which prevails are wonderful, and the effects of a free-trade and liberal principles have operated hke magic. But that the past prosperity of the place may not prove ephemeral, it requires that I be the more careful in wiiat I do for the future ; for if the past, under all our uncertainty of pos- session, has so far exceeded my expectations, w^hat may not be calculated upon hereafter, when our principles are better understood, when our possession is con- sidered secure, and when British capital and enterprize come into full and fair play ! “ You will probably have heard of Mr. CrawTurd’s mission to Siam and Cochin China, which I am sorry to say has failed in all essential objects ; that is to say, of the mission ; for in other respects his rtsit to those countries has, I doubt not, been attended w ith gi'eat advantage, in affording him the means of obtaining information of the people and countiy not previously, or at least not generally known. He has ascertained that, in a political point of rtew% they are a most impracticable people, and that it is folly for us to attempt political negociations with them ; and as the su- perior authorities are satisfied of this, they will, I hope, be content with the retention of Singapore, where, as an extensive depot for the produce of all these countries, the British and the British-India merchant may always effect his exchange under the protection of the British flag. On this point I shall hope to write you more fully hereafter, now that I have once broken the ice. “ My sister and Captain Flint are here, and it is no small gratification for us to be with them. Flint is anxious to testify his recollection of your kindness and atten- tion, and proposes sending you by the first opportunity the skeleton of an enormous ape, standing about five feet six, lately obtained fi’om Borneo. “ We are overwhelmed with duyongs. While writing this I am informed of the arrival of another, which makes the seventh since I have been here. “ Lady Raffles will wiite to IVIrs. Murdoch very soon. She pleads the same excuse for her silence that I have done for mine. The kindness of yourself and family has induced such a feehng on our part, that w^e calculate upon your sjunpathy in all our misfortunes.” 3 Y 2 o32 VALUE OF LAND AT SINGAPORE. To “ Singapore, December 10, 1822. “ My time is at present engaged in remodelling and laying out my new city, and in establishing institutions and laws for its futm'e constitution ; a pleasant duty enough in England, where you have books, hard heads, and lawyers to refer to, but here by no means easy, where all must depend on my own judgment and foresight. Nevertheless I hope that though Singapore may be the first capital established in the nineteenth century, it will not disgi'ace the brightest period of it. “ You will be surprised to hear of the value of land here. A few spots of ground hitherto considered of no value, and passed over by the local resident, sold in the course of an hour for upwards of 50,000 dollars. You uill perceive that I have been very cautious in wording the grants of land, so as not to alarm the anti- colonists at home. “ We have heard nothing of the Borneo since her leaving the Cape, and are looking out most anxiously for news of our dear child. Sophia’s patience is almost exhausted, and her spirits begin to flag, but I thank God she is again in ex- cellent health, and better than I have seen her for the last two years. The hope of getting away from this country the end of the year buoys us both up, and enables us to get on from day to day with something like satisfaction. “ I have been very severely attacked since my arrival here, and it would be madness to think of remaining in the country a day longer than the time 1 have limited. I must remain here till April or May, and be at Bencoolen in June to meet and despatch the Indiaman. “ Nothing can be more striking than the contrast between the two settlements. At Bencoolen the public expenses are more in one month than they are at Singapore in twelve. The capital turned at Bencoolen never exceeds 400,000 dollars in a year, and nearly the whole of this is in Company’s bills on Bengal, the only returns that can be made ; at Singapore, the capital turned in a year exceeds eight millions, without any government bills or civil establishment whatever.” Extract of a Letter to the Rev. Dr. Raffles. “ Singapore, January 12, 1823. My Dear Cousin, “ Since my arrival here I have received two letters from you of rather ancient date ; but they remind me that I am very much your debtor in the way of correspondence ; and if my health admitted it, should not long be so. As it is, you must be satisfied with a few lines, the doctor prohibiting me from writing more. “ The progress of my new settlement is in every way most satisfactory, and it ENDOWMENT OF A COLLEGE AT SINGAPORE. 533 would gladden your heart to witness the activity and cheerfulness which prevail throughout ; every day brings us new settlers, and Singapore has already become a great emporium. Houses and warehouses are springing up in every direction, and the inland forests are fast giving way before the industrious cultivator. I am now engaged in marking out the towns and roads, and in establishing laws and regu- lations for the protection of person and property. We have no less than nine mer- cantile houses (European), and there is abundant employment for capital as fast as it accumulates. “ Both Sophia and I have improved in health since our arrival here, but I still feel myself so weak and broken down in constitution, that it will be as much as I can do to hold out for the year. My principal attack is in the head, and for days together I am nearly distracted, and almost unconscious of what I am doing. “ The death of my friend. Dr. Milne, of Malacca, has for a time thrown a damp on missionary exertions in this quarter, but I expect Dr. Morrison, of China, to visit this place in March, and I hope to make some satisfactory arrangement with him for future labours. The two missionaries who are here are not idle. Messrs. Milton and Thompson, the former in Chinese and Siamese, and the latter in Malay and English printing. I have selected a spot for my intended college ; and all I now require is a good head-master or superintendant. It is my intention to endow it with lands, the rents of which will cover its ordinary expences. I am also about to commence upon a church, the plan of which is already approved. “ Believe me, &c.” To Mr. Marsden. “ Singapore, January 21, 1823. “ My Dear Sir, “ By a statement I forwarded to the Court of Directors in February last, it was shewn that during the first two years and a half of this estabhshment, no less than two thousand eight hundred and eighty-nine vessels entered and cleared from the port, of which three hundred and eighty-three were o^vned and commanded by Europeans, and two thousand five hundred and six by natives, and that their united tonnage was one hundred and sixty-one thousand tons. It appeared also, that the value of merchandize in native vessels arrived and cleared, amounted to about five milhons of dollars during the same period, and in ships not less than three milhons, giving a total amount of about eight millions as the capital turned. “ This statement I thought very favourable ; but I have now the satisfaction of forwarding to the same authority official statements, from which the following results appear for the year 1822, a detailed and accurate account having been kept during that period of the trade of the place. 534 TRADE OF SINGAPORE. Total amount of tonnage, importing and exporting, one hundred and thirty thousand six hundred and eighty-nine. Total value of imports and exports in the year 1822, eight milhons five hun- dred and sixty-eight thousand one hundred and seventy-two. “ Nearly the whole of this trade is carried on by a borrowed capital, for which interest is paid from nine to twelve per cent, per annum ; and it is not a little remarkable, that since the establishment of the settlement, now four years, not a single ship has arrived from England, notwithstanding Europe goods are in con- stant demand. All British manufactures that heretofore found their way into the settlement have come by circuitous routes, and with heavy charges of freight and duties at other ports added to their invoice value. No less than four fi’ee traders loaded home from Singapore last year; and the Venelia, by which I send this, now goes home wth a full and valuable cargo of sugar, pepper, tin, tortoise-shell, &c. ; and we could load half a dozen more ships in the com’se of the season were they here “ It being a great object to establish the freedom and independence of the port on a sohd foundation, I take the liberty of enclosing you copies of several regula- tions I have recently passed for the registry of land, the rules of the port, and the establishment of a local magistracy, in the hope that you will consider them apph- cable to the peculiar circumstances of Singapore. Land has already assumed a high value, and a few lots of about sixty feet front, in a convenient situation for mercan- tile purposes, realized at pubhc sale upwards of fifty thousand dollars in the course of half-an-hour. Small lots in the outskirts of the town, of only eighteen feet fi-ont, are bought and sold by the Chinese as high as seventy or eighty dollars each, at the same time that they pay an annual quit rent of eight dollars to government. ‘‘ I have established a revenue without any tax whatever on the trade, which more than covers all civil disbursements, and which must annually increase in future years, while these disbursements should remain the same. “ I give you these outlines, knowing how much interest you take in the settle- ment, and how satisfactory they will be to you. We yet remain without any accounts as to the final decision in Europe, but I cannot bring my mind to suppose that it will be unfavourable. * It may be interesting to compare the relative trade at Singapore, Penang, and Malacca : the following is the value of the Exports and Imports in the year 1827-8 : — IMPORTS. EXPORTS. Singapore. dollars. 14,885,999. Penang. dollars. 6,437,042. Malacca. dollars. 1,266,090. Singapore. dollars. 13,872,010. Penang. dollars. 5,586,707. Malacca. dollars. 7,918,163. Some details on the Singapore trade will be found in the Appendix. 7 EXTENSIVE SPECULATIONS OF THE CHINESE. 535 “ We have lately built a small bungalow on Singapore Hill, where, though the height is inconsiderable, we find a great difference of climate. Nothing can be more interesting and beautiful than the view from this spot. I am happy to say the change has had a very beneficial effect on my health, which has been better during the last fortnight than I have knovMi it for two years before. The tombs of the Malay kings are, however, close at hand ; and I have settled that if it is my fate to die here, I shall take my place amongst them : this will, at any rate, be better than leaving one’s bones at Bencoolen. If it please God, we still live in the hope of embarking for Europe towards the end of the year. “ I am la)dng out a botanic and experimental garden, and it would delight you to see how rapidly the whole country is coming under cultivation. My residence here has naturally given much confidence, and the extent of the speculations entered into by the Chinese quite astonishes me.” To the Duchess of Somerset. “ Singapore, January 23, 182J. “ Since I last wrote to your Grace, about a month ago, I have had another very severe attack in my head, which nearly proved fatal, and the Doctors were for hurrying me on board ship for Europe without much ceremony. However, as I could not reconcile myself to become food for fishes, I preferred ascending the hill of Singapore, where, if my bones must remain in the East, they would have the honour of mixing with the ashes of the Malayan kings ; and the result has been, that instead of dying, I have almost entirely recovered. I have built a very com- fortable house, which is sufficient to accommodate my sister’s family as well as our own ; and I only wish you were here but for half-an-hour, to enjoy the unequalled beauty and interest of the scene. My house, which is one hundred feet front, and fifty deep, was finished in a fortnight from its commencement. When wifi your cottage be done ? “ We have been a long time without news from Europe, and as yet have had no account of the arrival of our dear httle girl. God grant she may have reached England in safety. She is now our only one, and any accident to this our last and only remaining hope and consolation, would be severe indeed. “ We have recently discovered a companion for my great flower, in a noble Orchideous plant, which will shortly be described by Mr. Finlayson and my friend Dr. Wallich, the latter of whom has taken several growing specimens to Calcutta, in the hope of getting them to England. It grows parasitically on rocks, or roots, in several of the Islands in the Straits of Malacca, and the stems are as thick as a man’s wrist, and from six to ten feet long, without branches, at the extremity of which they 536 MISSIONARIES AT SINGAPORE. produce abundance of leaves. But the wonder is, its magnificent inflorescence, which forms an erect spike six feet high, wth upwards of one hundred large-spread- ing brown and white chequered fragrant flowers, between two and three inches in diameter.” To T. A. Hankeij, Esq. Treasurer to the London Missionanj Society. “ Singapore, Januarij 23, 1823. “ Dear Sir, “ Since my return to Singapore, I have had occasion to notice the very zealous and successful exertions of the Rev. C. H. Thomson, settled at this place as a missionary in connection with your Society. His acquirements in the Malay lan- guage are considerable, and he has succeeded in establishing a iSIalay school of from twenty to thirty pupils, several of whom he has converted to Christianity. He has also a small portable press, with Roman and Malay types. Considering his means and the circumstances of the place, he has already done more than could be ex- pected ; and, at any rate, laid a good foundation for future labours. I have given the necessary permission for the erection of a Malay chapel. “ The proposal of a mission to Bali seems to me to deserve attention. The Dutch have no influence on that Island, and Mahomedanism has made but little or no progress on it. The population is estimated at between half a million and a mil- lion ; and I am not aware that a missionary, properly quahfied, would find many obstacles to his establishment. He should, however, in the first instance, come to Singapore to study the language, and become acquainted with the manners and cha- racter of the people. He must be content to suffer some privations, and to overcome some difficulties, at the outset ; but if he has temper and a good constitution, the spirit of the good cause should carry him through it with satisfaction and credit.” To “ Singapore, January 23, 1823. “ I am anxious to interest you in favour of our misssionary labourers, and par- ticularly in support of the Rev. C. H. Thomson, who is established here, in connec- tion with the London Missionary Society. His means have been very limited, but he has done a good deal, and is making a sure and steady progress. He has made several converts, and established a very respectable school. I have witten home to the Secretary of the Society, recommending their sending out to him two printing-presses : pray support this recommendation, if you have any interest with the Society, as I look with great confidence to the influence RAPID PROGRESS OF SINGAPORE. 5S7 of a well-conducted press in this part of the East, and the superintendance can never be better placed than in the hands of the missionaries. ‘‘We have also proposed a mission to Bali, and some other measures.” ^ * * To Dr. Wallich. “ Singapore, February 8, 1823. “ You would hardly know the south bank of the river again. From the point, as far as the small nullah, all is in active improvement. Messrs. Mackenzie, Napier, and Scott, Che Sang, and others, building substantial warehouses, according to an approved plan ; and two high-streets forming from the river, through the centre of the Chinese town, to the sea. The bridge, too, is in great forwardness ; and in two months more the whole plan for that side of the water will be so far proceeded upon, that my successor cannot help following it up. “ The botanic garden goes on well. I am now employed in laying out the walks, and stones are collected for the foundation of a handsome rail-way round it. “ I shall soon become anxious about the arrangements of this place.” ***** To “ Singapore, February 26, 1823. “We are still without accounts respecting our dear little one, although the papers announce the arrival of the Borneo, and letters as late as the 20th August, have been received. “ It is impossible that I can leave this place under its present circumstances. I have no one about me to put in charge of it, on whom I could rely. I have had, and still have much to do in remodelling almost every thing, so that my time is fully taken up, and the days pass more quickly than I expected. Thank God, both Sophia and I keep our health much better than we expected, and we only pray that we may so continue till the end of the year ; then, if it pleases God, we will make an attempt to join you in the land of our fathers.” To Dr. Wallich. “ Singapore, March 8, 1823. “ My Dear Friend, “ I snatch a few minutes to thank you for your kind and welcome letter of the 10th of January, and congratulate you most sincerely on your return to the bosom of your family, and the delights of your second Eden. “ It will be satisfactory to you to learn, that notwithstanding the delays attending 3 z 538 ABOLITION OF SLAVERY AT SINGAPORE. the wet season, my job here is nigh accomplished, the gi-ound being raised as far as the small nullah, and the new warehouses rising in eveiy direction. “ Your principles are too pure, and your heart too warm, to encounter the shafts of ridicule, which en^y and malice may fling at you. These are the weapons of the heartless and unprincipled; of those who have no sympathy vith the feelings of others, no consideration for their happiness, no common feelings for the common be- nefit of mankind. Never mind, magna est veritas et grevalehit , and truth is rirtue. You must recollect my warning. We live in a strange world. Unfortunately in the political part of it we are often obliged to smother feelings : this I say in my own de- fence, lest you should think I do not sufficiently espouse your cause. ]SIy heart and soul are with you and for you, and therefore you may judge how I feel. “ The magistrates have commenced operations with great pimdence and judg- ment ; their first presentation was upon the arrangement of the town. “ The second came in yesterday in the shape of a memorial against slavery — the slave-master and slave-debtor system — which seems to have been permitted here to an unlimited extent. I have not yet finally decided upon the question, but I am much inclined to think the wisest and safest plan will be to do in this as I did in the lands, annul all that has gone before. This establishment was fonned long after the enact- ments of the British legislature, which made it felony to import slaves into a British colony, and both importers and exporters are ahke guilty, to say nothing of the Bri- tish authority who countenanced the trade. The acknowledgment of slavery in any shape in a settlement like Singapore, founded on principles so diametrically opposed to the admission of such a practice, is an anomaly in the constitution of the place, which cannot, I think, be allowed to exist. But of this more hereafter. “ I am now in negociation uith Dr. INIorrison for the transfer of the Anglo-Chi- nese College from Malacca to this place, and its union with my proposed Malay Col- lege, under the general designation of the ‘ Singapore Institution.’ * * “ I notice your request about my book (History of Java), and shall most heartily and ^rillingly meet your wishes. The book itself was a hasty performance, and I have often been ashamed of it ; but the true circumstances under which it was UTitten are stated in the preface, and all the world must know that I am no book-maker. “ I shall write to our excellent friend General Hardwicke by the present oppor- tunity, if I can snatch a few moments time. I feel most gi*ateful for his kind and generous attachment, and I beseech you to say from me to him all and every thing that with such feelings I ought to say. I have indeed a warm and affectionate regard for him, and to tell you the truth, I love you both ; and what can I say more ?” To “ Singapore, April 1823. “ Yesterday brought us our letters and packets up to the 30th of August, and ESTABLISHMENT OF A NATIVE COLLEGE. 539 truly satisfactory have they been to us. The accounts of our dear child, the welfare of all have been most gratifying, and we return thanks to God for the blessings we have received. I have lately had two or three severe attacks, but am getting over them, and Sophia is improving ; she is to be confined in October, and in January we hope to start for England. I am anxiously looking out for Crawfurd to take charge here, that I may proceed to Bencoolen, where my presence is urgently required, Mackenzie, my deputy, having been obliged to fly on account of ill health. I hope to be there by June. I have had two very kind letters from Mr. Edward Parry and Mr. Money, pledging themselves to support my claims. I am now engaged with my valuable friend Dr. Morrison, of China, in rearing and establishing an institution at Singapore, for the cultivation of Chinese and Malayan hterature, and for the moral and intellectual improvement of the Archi- pelago and the surrounding countries. It will be my last public act. Singapore continues to thrive and expand.” To Dr. Wallicli. “ Singapore, April \ lth, 1823. “ My health is upon the whole much the same as when you left us — not over good at any time, and at others miserable ; nevertheless, I hold up with a good heart, and again feel some confidence that I may last out the year. More I dare not risk in these climes. I have just established an Institution which will, I am sure, give you satisfac- tion. The particulars I shall hereafter communicate, not having time at present. The object is the cultivation of Chinese and Malayan literature, with the improve- ment of the moral and intellectual condition of the people. The Anglo-Chinese College at Malacca is to be removed here, and united with a Malay college, and both fonn parts of the Institution, which has a scientific department, and places for professors in natural philosophy, &c. &c. I have put poor Finlayson’s name down for the latter, partly as a just compliment I wished to pay him, and partly to raise the character of our Institution, by associating so creditable a name with it. I have also taken the liberty of naming you as a trustee. “We have about 20,000 dollars in funds, and have voted 15,000 for the build- ings ; the site is fixed upon near the beach, and the plan and appearance will be very respectable. “ I trust in God this Institution may be the means of civilizing and bettering the condition of millions ; it has not been hastily entered into, nor have its possible advantages been over-rated. Our field is India beyond the Ganges, including the 3 z 2 o40 RESOLUTIONS OF THE BENGAL GOVERNMENT. Malayan Aixliipelago, Australasia, China, Japan, and the Islands in the Pacific ocean — by far the most populous half of the world ! Do not, my dear fiiend, think that I am led to it by a vain ambition of raising a name — it is an act of duty and gratitude only. In these countries has my httle independence been gained. In these countries have I passed the most valuable, if not, perhaps, the whole period of my public life. I am hnked to them by many a bitter, many a pleasant tie. It is here that I think I may have done some little good, and instead of frittering away the stock of zeal and means that may yet be left me in objects for which I may not be fitted, I am anxious to do all the good I can here, where experience has proved to me that my labours will not be thrown away. Ill health forces me to leave Singapore, before even the material aiTangements are made for its prosperity ; but in pro^■iding for its moral improvement, I look to its more certain and permanent advance. Would that I could infuse into the Institution a portion of that spirit and soul by which I would have it animated, as easily as I endow it ^^^th lands, &c. It will long be in its infancy, and to arrive at matmity wll require all the aid of friends and constant support. It is my last public act, and rise or fall, it vnW always be a satisfactory reflection, that I have done my best towards it. I pray you befi'iend it. “ Adieu — I am called to breakfast, and have wTitten this random letter "vrith so much haste and inattention, that you will hardly make it out. I remain, now and for ever, “ Yom*s most devotedly and affectionately, “ T. S. R.” The follo^ring resolutions of the Bengal Government, on Sir Stamford’s learing Singapore, were very satisfactoiy to him. “ Fort William, March 29, 1823. “ The first question for consideration is the natm’e of the controul to be exer- cised henceforward over the affairs of Singapore, and the proceedings of the local Resident. The aiTangement under which that trust was vested in the Lieutenant Governor of Fort Marlborough originated in the circumstances under which the settlement was founded, and the temporarj' convenience resulting from it wll cease with the relinquishment of the charge by Sir Stamford Raffles, under whose imme- diate direction the settlement was established, and whose personal superintendence of it, in its early stage, therefore possessed a peculiar value. “ It would seem more naturally to fall within the range of the government of Penang, but there are objections of a different kind to that arrangement. There is a general impression that the prosperity of Singapore must in a great degree be attended wth a proportionate deterioration of Penang. As far as the information SIR STAMFORD’S REPORT ON HIS GOVERNMENT AT SINGAPORE. 511 furnished by the records of the custom-house at the latter place affords the means of judging, it would not appear that this has yet been the case ; but there is no doubt that the feeling prevails among the inhabitants of both settlements generally^ and without supposing that it reaches the Government, or that if it did, it would bias their conduct, there seems no such advantage to be contemplated in rendering Singapore dependent on Penang, as to justify the risk of injury to the interests of the rising establishment, from the direct or incidental consequences of such an arrangement. The system of government and the principles of commercial pohcy prevailing at the two settlements are moreover radically different, and it is not rea- sonable to expect that each could be administered under the direction of a subordi- nate and limited authority with equal effect. “ On the occasion of relieving Sir Stamford Raffles from the superintendence of Singapore, the Governor General in Council deems it an act of justice to that gentleman, to record his sense of the activity, zeal, judgment, and attention to the principles prescribed for the management of the settlement, which has marked his conduct in the execution of that duty. “ On placing Mr. Crawfurd in charge of the settlement of Singapore, you will be pleased to communicate with him fully on all points, and furnish him with such instmctions as you may deem necessary for carrying into effect the orders which are now communicated to you, in reply to your several despatches relative to the affairs of that settlement.” Sir Stamford framed a short code of laws and regulations for the preservation of peace and good order, in a settlement which existed for upwards of five years entirely on his responsibility, and the confidence reposed in him individually ; from this responsibility neither the Bengal Government nor the Court of Directors would relieve him ; yet trade increased greatly, and population collected rapidly, in the confidence he inspired. A short extract from Sir Stamford’s Report to the Bengal Government on these Laws and Regulations will shew the reasons which influenced him, and the principles on which he acted. First I have declared that the port of Singapore is a free port, and the trade thereof open to ships and vessels of every nation, free of duty, equally and alike to all. “ I am satisfied that nothing has tended more to the discomfort and constant jarrings which have hitherto occurred in om* remote settlements, than the policy which has dictated the exclusion of the European merchants from all share, much less credit, in the domestic regulation of the settlement, of which they are frequently its most important members. Some degree of legislative power must necessarily exist in every distant dependency. The laws of the mother-country cannot be 542 PRINCIPLES OF THE GOVERNMENT AT SINGAPORE. commensurate with the wants of the dependency : it has wants of which a remote legislature can very imperfectly judge, and which are sometimes too urgent to admit the delay of reference. “ It may be expected that I should explain the grounds on which I have felt myself authorised to go, even as far as I have done, in legislating, and constituting a power of legislating provisionally for Singapore, and at the same time state the mode in which I consider the legislative and judicial branch of the pubhc administration can be best prorided for, in any permanent arrangement to be made by the authori- ties at home. “ I shall briefly state that an actual and urgent necessity existed for some imme- diate and prorisional arrangements ; and that, in adopting those which I have esta- blished, it has been my endeavour, while I gave all due weight to local considerations, to adhere, as closely as possible, to those principles, which, from immemorial usage, have ever been considered the most essential and sacred parts of the British consti- tution. The peculiar tenure on which Singapore is at present politically held, the unusual degree of responsibihty still resting on me personally, and the actual circum- stances under which a large population and extensive capital has accumulated under my administration, naturally called upon me to adopt all such prorisional measures as necessity might dictate. More than this I have not attempted ; and I should have but ill fulfilled the high and important trust reposed in me, if, after haring congre- gated so large a portion of my fellow-creatm’es, I had left them without something like law and regulation for their security and comfort.” With these views and feehngs Sir Stamford selected twelve of the most respect- able merchants, and appointed them to act as magistrates for one year. A list was ordered to be kept of persojis eligible for the magistracy, from whom and the ex- magistrates the Resident was in future to appoint twelve annually. Two of these magistrates were to sit with the Resident in court, to decide in ciril and criminal cases ; and two were to act in rotation each week for the minor duties of this office. Juries were to consist either of five Europeans, or four Europeans and three respect- able natives. In criminal cases the jury might be either pm'ely European, or purely native. The Resident’s Court was to assemble once a week, the Magistrates’ twice, but their office was to be open daily. It will be erident that this simple arrangement, w'hich had never before been attempted, is w^ell adapted to bring the ignorant natives acquainted with a knowledge of right principles of action, and to inspire them with respect for those who thus ad- ministered justice ; but Sir Stamford did not rest satisfied with the mere enaction of punishment, his object was also the prevention of crime, an equal or even more im- portant duty of a legislator : with this view, gambling and cock-fighting were prohibited, 7 SUPREME GOVERNMENT APPROVE OF SIR STAMFORD’S REGULATIONS. 543 and declared to be illegal, the persons foimd to have conducted a gaming-table or cock- pit were liable to the confiscation of their property, and banishment from the settle- ment, and no gaming debts could be recognized by the magistrates, but the winners were to be compelled to restore the amount to the losers. The Bengal Government highly approved of this effort to check the vicious propensities of the natives; but after Sir Stamford’s return to England, Mr. Crawliu'd, whom he had placed in charge of the settlement, anxious to raise a re- venue at any cost, estabhshed Government licenses for indulgences in both these vices, and they were in consequence farmed out to the highest bidder. The Grand Jury soon gave a proof that Sir Stamford judged wisely in employing the European merchants as guardians of the public peace and morals ; for on the assembling of the Court of Judicature, they presented a bill against such a pubhc sanction of \fice, as appearing to them deeply to affect the interests of the community of Singapore ; stating that the subject which they (the Grand Jury) present, is one to which they advert with some degree of dehcacy, because they are aware that two opinions exist on the subject ; and, secondly, because it is a source of revenue to the Honourable Company. However, as only one sentiment prevails in the minds of the Grand Jurors with regard to the propriety or expediency of licensing public gambhng-houses, they consider it would be a dereliction of their duty, were they not to present the system as, in their opinion, fraught with considerable e^dl to the community. To them it appears as detrimental to the security of property, to the peace and good order of the settlement, and to the moral character of the lower classes of its inha- bitants, as it is repugnant to the laws of their country. They do not deem it neces- sary to enter into any lengthened arguments to prove the truth of this proposition. Suffice it to observe, that their opinion is fonned on the experience of this settlement for the last five years ; and that of foiu*teen bills of indictment, which have been pre- ferred during the present sitting of the Grand Jury, no less than three of the offences originated in, or were connected with, pubhc gambling-houses.” The recorder stated, “ There is no doubt but that gambhng-houses are pubhc nuisances at common law, and indictable as such. It was not at all necessary for you to have stated in your Presentment, that you felt any dehcacy on the subject, because the gambhng-houses in Singapore were a source of revenue to the Govern- ment. You have done no more than your duty in presenting them,” &c. It appears that this Hcious system of legahsing vice amongst the lower orders of society has in consequence been given up, and Sir Stamford’s original laws and regulations en- forced. Above all, it must not be forgotten Sir Stamford declared, “ As the condi- tion of slavery, under any denomination whatever, cannot be recognised within the jurisdiction of the British authority, all persons who may have been so imported, transferred, or sold as slaves or slave-debtors, since the 29th day of Febmary, 1819, 544 ADDRESS OF THE MERCHANTS OF SINGAPORE. are entitled to claim their freedom, on application to the registrar, as hereafter pro- vided ; and it is hereby declared, that no indi\ddual can hereafter be imported for sale, transferred or sold as a slave or slave-debtor, or having his or \\erjixed re- sidence under the protection of the British authorities at Singapore, can hereafter be considered or treated as a slave, under any denomination, condition, colour, or pre- tence whatever. “ Hereafter, a continued residence of twelve months at Singapore shall be con- sidered to constitute a fixed residence, and to entitle the party to all the benefits of the British administration.” The further detail of the laws and regulations of Sin- gapore will be found in the Appendix. Sir Stamford had the gi’atification to receive from those best qualified to ap- preciate the commercial advantages of Singapore, the following address on his de- parture fi’om the settlement. His feelings are, however, best expressed in his replies, which are annexed. Address of the Merchants of Singapore, on the occasion of the departure of the Honourable Sir T. S. Raffles in 1823. To the Honourable Sir T. S. Raffles. “ Honorable Sir, “ It is with pecuhar satisfaction that I find myself made the channel of conveying to you the thanks and acknowledgments of the mercantile community of Singapore, a body distinguished for good sense and discrimination, and who have at once felt the benefits of your rule and enjoyed the best means of appreciating your exertions. It is scarcely necessary for myself, who have for so many years had the advantage of your confidence and friendship, and the honor of serving under your government, to say how cordially I join in all the sentiments expressed in the address, and I shall only take this opportunity, when we are on the point of being separated by a long interval of time and place, to renew to you the assurance of my affectionate attachment to yoiu' person, and my respect and esteem for your public talents. I remain with sincere regard, ‘‘ Your faithful and obedient Servant, (Signed) “ J. Crawfurd. “ Resident." “ Singapore, June 5, 1823. SIR STAMFORD’S REPLY TO MR. CRAWFORD. 545 “ To Sir T. S. Raffles, Lieutenant Governor of Fort Marlborough. “ Honorable Sir, “ The period of your approaching and final departure is one of peculiar interest to the commercial community of this place, and we the undersigned mem- bers of it gladly seize the opportunity which it affords us of indulging in the ex- pression of those feehngs towards your person, which the occasion is so well calcu- lated to excite. “ At such a moment we cannot be suspected of panegyric, when we advert to the distinguished advantages which the commercial interests of our nation at large, and ourselves more especially, have derived from your personal exertions. To your unwearied zeal, your vigilance, and your comprehensive views, we owe at once the foundation and maintenance of a settlement unparalleled for the liberality of the principles on which it has been established ; principles, the operation of which has converted, m a period short beyond all example, a haunt of pirates into the abode of enterprize, secmity, and opulence. “ AVhile we acknowledge our own peculiar obligations to you, we reflect at the same time with pride and satisfaction upon the active and beneficent means by which you have promoted and patronized the diffusion of intellectual and moral improve- ment, and we anticipate, with confidence, their happy influence in advancing the cause of humanity and ci\ilization. “ We cannot take leave of the author of so many benefits without emotion, or ^^^thout expressing our sorrow for the loss of his protection and his society. Accept, Sir, we beseech you, without distinction of tribe or nation, the expression of our sincere respect and esteem, and be assured of the deep interest we shall ever take in your own prosperity, as well as in the happiness of those who are most tenderly related to you. “We remain with the deepest respect, “ Your most obedient Servants, “ Signed by the European and Native Merchants of Singapore.” ‘ Singapore, June 5, 1823.” To John Crawfurd, Esq. Resident of Singapore. “ Sir, “ I have had the honor to receive your letter with the address from the mercantile community of Singapore, and you will oblige me by submitting to that highly respectable body the accompanying reply. “ My experience enables me to bear ample testimony to the disinterestedness and honor of the principal merchants of Singapore, European and Native, and while 4 A o46 SIR STAMFORD’S REPLY TO THE MERCHANTS OF SINGAPORE. it is a high satisfaction to me to find such truly respectable establishments formed in the early period of the settlement, it can be no less a proportionate gratification to me personally to receive from men so distinguished, so unexpected an expression of their pubhc opinion in favor of the measures which I have felt it my duty to adopt for the general prosperity of the place. “ The sentiments of respect and attachment which you are pleased to express towards my person are most grateful to my feelings, and while I thank you most sincerely for the kind and handsome manner in which you have conveyed them, you must allow me in return, to wish you all prosperity in the discharge of the important duties to which you are now called, and for which you are so highly and eminently qualified, and at the same time that you may enjoy all happiness and comfort in your social and domestic circle. With an affectionate and sincere regard. Believe me, your’s truly, (Signed) " T. S. Raffles.” “ Singapore, June 9, 1823.” To Alexander Morgan, Esq. and other European and Native Merchants of Singapore. “ Gentlemen, Mr. Crawfurd has dehvered to me the address, which you have so kindly and dehcately draivn up on the occasion of my departure. “ Under the peculiar circumstances of my personal connection with the esta- blishment of Singapore, it is impossible to suppose that I can be indifferent to any of its interests, far less to its commercial interests, of which I consider you to be the representatives. “ It has happily been consistent with the policy of Great Britain, and accordant with the principles of the East India Company, that Singapore should be established as a Free Port ; that no sinister, no sordid view, no considerations either of political importance or pecmiiary advantage, should interfere with the broad and liberal principles, on which the British interests have been established. Monopoly and exclusive privileges, against which public opinion has long raised its voice, are here unknown, and while the free Port of Singapore is allowed to continue and prosper, as it hitherto has done, the policy and liberahty of the East India Company, by whom the settlement was founded, and under whose protection and control it is still ad- ministered, can never be disputed. “ That Singapore will long and always remain a fi'ee Port, and that no taxes on trade or industry will be estabhshed to check its future rise and prosperity, I can have no doubt. I am justified in saying thus much, on the authority of the Supreme SIR STAMFORD’S REPLY TO THE MERCHANTS OF SINGAPORE. 547 Government of India, and on the authority of those who are most likely to have weight in the councils of our nation at home. For the public and peculiar mark of respect, which you. Gentlemen, have been desirous of shewing me on the occasion of my departure from the settlement, I beg that you will accept my most sincere thanks. I know the feehng which dictated it, I acknowledge the delicacy with which it has been conveyed, and I prize most highly the gratifying terms to me personally in which it has been expressed. “ During my residence among you, it has afforded me the highest satisfaction to witness the prudence, the regularity, the honourable character of your proceed- ings, and when I quit you for other lands I shall be proud to bear testimony in your favour, not only as your due, but as the best proof of the sure and certain result which the adoption of hberal and enhghtened principles on the part of Government must always ensure. “ There are some among you. Gentlemen, who had to encounter difficulties on the first establishment of the freedom of the Port, and against whom party spirit and its concomitant, partial judgment, was allowed for a time to operate. In the commanding station in which my public duty has placed me, I have had an oppor- tunity of, in a great measure, investigating and determining the merits of the case, and the result renders it a duty on my part, and which I perform with much satisfac- tion, to express my most unqualified approbation of the honorable principles which actuated the merchants of Singapore on that occasion. ‘‘ I am not aware. Gentlemen, that I have done any of you a favom-, that is to say, that I have done to any man amongst you, that which I would not have done to his neighbour, or more than what my duty required of me, acting, as I have done, on the liberal and enlightened principles authorized by my superiors. My best endea- vours have not been wanting to establish such principles, and to sketch such out- lines, as have appeared to me necessary for the future prosperity of the settlement, and in doing this it has been most satisfactory to me to have found in you that ready concurrence, and at all times that steady support, which was essential to my Govern- ment and authority. “ May you. Gentlemen, English and Native, and as the language of your address expresses it, without class or distinction, long continue in the honourable and distinguished course which you have so happily commenced, and may the prin- ciples which you respect and act upon, long distinguish you among the merchants of the East. ‘‘ I can never forget that the Singapore Institution could not have been founded without your aid. The liberal manner in which you came forward, to spare from your hard earnings so large a portion for the improvement and civihzation of the surrounding tribes, and in the furtherance of general knowledge and science, would 4 A 2 548 EMBARKS FOR BENCOOLEN. at once stamp the character of the Singapore merchant, even if it did not daily come forward on more ostensible occasions. “ I am most grateful for the kind expression of your personal regards to me, and those who may be dear to me ; and, in return, beg you will accept my most sincere and heartfelt wishes for yoirr health, comfort, and prosperity. I have the honour to be, " Gentlemen, “ Your’s most faithfully, (Signed) “ T. S. Raffles.” “ Singapore, June 9ih, 1823.” Sir Stamford now returned to Bencoolen, and on the voyage wrote the’ letters fi-om which the follo^ving are extracts : To “ Off Borneo, June 12, 1823. “ Ha\dng placed Crawfurd in charge of Singapore, and sailed from thence on the 9th instant, we are thus far on our return to Bencoolen, being under the neces- sity of touching at Batavia on the way, the ship having goods to land there. Don’t alaiTn yourself at this last intimation, for I am most peaceably inchned, and do not intend to land. “ You will hear from Bengal that all my proceedings and plans at Singapore have been approved; that Crawfurd has been appointed Resident immediately under the Bengal Government. This is exactly what I wished ; and I am happy to say, every thing has turned out to my entire satisfaction. “ I have not, as you may suppose, remained at Singapore eight months for no- thing ; two-thirds of the time have, no doubt, been spent in pain and annoyance, from the dreadful head-aches I am doomed to suffer in this country, but the remain- ing third has been actively employed. “ I have had every thing to new-mould from first to last ; to introduce a system of energy, purity, and encouragement ; to remove nearly all the inhabitants, and to resettle them ; to line out towns, streets, and roads ; to level the high and fill up the low lands : to give property in the soil and rights to the people ; to lay down prin- ciples, and sketch institutions for the domestic order and comfort of the place, as well as its future character and importance ; to look for a century or two before- hand, and provide for what Singapore may one day become, by the adoption of all such measures of forecast as reason and experience can suggest. “ That I have not forgotten the moral interests and character of the settlement. LETTER TO DR. RAFFLES. 549 the establishment of the Singapore Institution will be the best proof. I have given it as free a constitution as possible ; and Singapore is now, perhaps, the only place in India where slavery cannot exist. “ Sophia bears up very well. We expect to reach Bencoolen by the 10th of July.” To the Rev, Dr. Raffles. “ At Sea, off the Coast of Borneo, June 14, 1823. “ My Dear Cousin, “ We left Singapore on the 9th, and are thus far on our return to Ben- coolen, with the intention of touching at Batavia on the way. My time was so fully occupied while closing my administration at Singapore, that I really had it not in my power to sit down as I ought to have done, to thank you most sincerely for your letter announcing the andval of our dear little Ella ; it was the first account we received, and I need not attempt to express the joy and gladness which it diffused throughout our domestic circle. Sophia’s patience was almost tired out, and the news has given her almost a new life. I am sorry that I have been obliged to leave Singapore before the printing of the papers on the formation of the Singapore Insti- tution was completed. Printing in this country is, indeed, most tedious and expen- sive work. I have left orders that several copies be sent to you by the very first opportunity, and you will perceive that I have put your name down as a Trustee. I laid the foundation-stone of the buildings three days before I embarked. “ Mr. Crawfiird is now the Resident of Singapore ; and, in anticipation of my return to Europe at the end of the year, I have resigned all further charge of the place. It is a most promising settlement, and is fast realizing my most sanguine views regarding it. We have under our charge for Europe my sister Mary Anne’s little boy Charles, and are thinking of preparations for the voyage home, which, with the blessing of God, we hope to commence with the new year, touching at the Cape and at St. Helena on the way, so as to be with you in May or June. My health has now become w'orse, but Sophia’s is much improved. “ You know by experience the misery of ship-board, and will, therefore, not expect that I should, in such a situation, write you a very long and interesting letter. I write these few lines with a very unsteady hand and giddy head ; but as I may have a chance of sending them by some vessel about to sail from Batavia, I am unwilling to lose the opportunity of writing at all.” 550 LETTER TO DR, WALLICH. To Dr. Wallich. “ At Sea, off the Coast of Borneo, July, 1823. My Dear Friend, “ It is quite an age since we heard from you, and we have been some- what disappointed in not receiving a hne from you by Crawdurd, or, at any rate, by the ship in which he came down. He, however, brought Sophia your bottle of aether, which has proved that you did not forget us : accept our best thanks for it. It will, I am sure, be satisfactory to you to know, that all my arrangements have been approved in Bengal, and that I have cause to be highly satisfied with the considerate attention and support which I have uniformly met with from Mr. Adams’ Government. They appeared to have entered into, and fully understood my views, and, what is more, fully appreciated them. I placed Crawdurd in full charge before my departure. “ I give you this parish news, because I am confident it will interest you, and be at the same time satisfactory to you to know, that however annoyed I may have been for a time, the close of my administration at Singapore has been just what I wished. “ You will probably hear much of my College, and the laws of the former ; the pamphlet now in the press will give you all information, and of the latter I have not time to enter into the details. It was impossible that, after collecting together so great a population, and so much wealth as is now accumulated at Singapore, I could with any satisfaction to myself, leave the place, without estabhshing something like law and regulation. The constitution which I have given to Singapore is cer- tainly the purest and most hberal in India ; but this, perhaps, is not saying much for it. “ I left Singapore on the 9th instant. I am forced to touch at Batavia on my way to Bencoolen, very much against my will ; but the Captain has goods to land, and no other opportunity was likely to offer of getting round. The Dutch will be a little astonished, but I cannot help it ; I do not intend to land. “ You will be gratified to hear, that although I was dreadfully harassed and fagged before leaving Singapore, I feel no ill effects fi’om it, and now do not have a dreadful head-ache above once or twice a week, instead of for two or three days together as heretofore. Lady Raffles also bears the voyage better than I expected ; and upon the whole we have great cause to be thankful for the comparatively tole- rable health w'e now enjoy. So that I hope we may yet last out till the end of the year, after which it would be madness to attempt to hold out in this country. ARRIVAL AT BATAVIA. 551 “ Write me fully and frequently to Bencoolen, and say what I can but do for you at home. God bless you, my dear friend, and that you may enjoy health and prosperity, is the ardent wish of your most affectionate friend.” To Dr. Wallich. “ Java Seas, July 20, 1823. “ My Dear Friend, “ Before we arrive at Batavia, where recollections of the past and change of scene may occupy my whole attention, let me remind you of two or three little things in which I require yom' good offices. First and foremost stands my desire to obtain for Sir Everard Home the foetus of the tiger, lion, whale, rhinoceros, &c. &c. In the next place, a particular description of the Jackia formosa, and memo- randum for the life or memoir of our departed friend, to be completed with the assistance of his brother. " I wish you to send me drawings of all the varieties of nutmegs in your pos- session. I shall have much to say respecting the cultivation of the nutmeg at Ben- coolen, and it would be interesting to enhven the description with an account of the natural gi’owth, habitude, &c. I have already a large collection, upwards of ten varieties. “ I enclose you my decision on the slave question. Do not forget the dwarf bull and cow to Bencoolen before I go. Adieu my good friend, and God bless you and yours.” To “ Batavia Roads, June 28, 1823. “ We arrived here on the 25th. Sophia was taken on shore on the same day, and is now under the hospitable roof of Macquoid, where she is gaining health and strength to enable her to get through the remainder of the voyage. This is Satur- day and we hope to be off on Tuesday morning. “ For myself, I remain on board according to the resolution I took on embark- ing. I have, however, had an opportunity of seeing all the English gentlemen, and have no particular cause to regret the necessity which forced us to touch here, as I have been able to see the sort of material of which the Dutch Governor General is made. I deemed it respectful and proper to send Nilson on shore, telling him, I was in the roads, and that Sophia would land on account of her health ; but that it was neither my wish or intention to land. His surprise and apprehension, however, on the occasion were such that he would not ask Nilson a single question, but returned an answer to my note verbally by Macquoid. “ In the evening, however, he thought a written acknowledgment necessary. Had Bonaparte returned to life, and anchored in the Downs, it would not have 2 552 CORRESPONDENCE WITH BARON VAN DER CAPELLAN. excited greater agitation in England, than my arrival has done here, though the sen- sation might have been very different. Here fear and apprehension are every thing, and to these all courtesy, principle, and interest give way. “ I send you the correspondence which has taken place on the subject, as it is rather amusing.” No. I. To His Excellency The Baron Van der Capellan. “ Tuesday Evening, ‘‘ Sir, “ I have the honor to inform your Excellency of my andval in Batavia Roads, in the ship Hero of Malown, in which I am returning to Bencoolen, being under the necessity of touching at this port, for the purpose of landing some con- signments from Bengal. “ I trust our detention will not exceed two or three days ; but as Lady Raffles is in a very delicate state of health and suffers much at sea, the advantage of going on shore will be a great rehef to her. “ Captain Hull, of my personal staff*, will have the honor of dehvering this letter. “ I have the honor to be, with the highest consideration, &c. &c. (Signed) " T. S. Raffles.” No. II. To Mr. Le Chev. Thos. S. Raffles. “ Batavia, Juin 25, 1823. " Monsieur, “ J’ai re9U avec une extreme surprise la lettre que M. le Capitaine Hull m’a remise de votre part. J’ai charge M. IVIacquoid de vous donner verbalement ma reponse, et ne doute point qu’il ne s’acquitte avec exactitude de cette commission. “ Je veux cependant aj outer encore a ce qu’il vous dira de ma part, que j’etois loin de m’attendre a vous voir arriver a Batavia apres tout ce qui a eu heu depuis 1818. Vous ne pomiez ignorer. Monsieur, qu’une pareille visite que vous amiez pu eviter, ne pent que m’etre extremement desagreable. “ L’indisposition de Madame Raffles est cependant un motif que je respecte trop ])our m’opposer a votre sejour a Batavia pendant quelques jours. “ Je regrette. Monsieur, de ne pouvoir apres tout ce qui a eu lieu vous ac- cueilleir, comme je me fais toujours un devoir et plaisir de recevoir les fonctionnaires d’un Gouvernement si intimement lie avec celui que j’ai I’honneur de representer ici. CORRESPONDENCE WITH THE BARON VAN DER CAPELLEN. 553 “ Vous connoissez trop bien I’etat des choses, Monsieur, pour ce que j’ai besoin de vous observer, que toute communication ou entrevue personelle entre nous doit etre evitee. Je ne pourrais que repeter de nouveau toute la serie de plaintes que j’ai era de mon devoir d’adresser k mon Gouvernement comme a votre, depuis plu- sieurs annees, contre un gi-and nombre de vos actions dirigees contre les interets de mon Souverain ; une pareille communication n’ofFrirait aucun agrement ni pour vous ni pour moi-meme. J’ai I’honneur d’etre, &c. (Signed) Van Der Capellen.” No. III. To His Excellency Baron Van der Capellen. “ On board the Hero of Malorvn, Batavia Roads, Thursday morning. “ Sir, Your Excellency’s letter was delivered to me during the night. “ I am sorry that what was intended merely as a mark of respect, should have given rise to the extreme surprise which you express. I felt it right to inform your Excellency of my being in the roads of Batavia, and I stated the circumstance which had led to it. “ You would appear to have been misinformed, in supposing that it was my in- tention or my desire to land or court a personal interview. My landing in Java, while under your Excellency’s government, could only have been attended with painful feelings, public as w'ell as private, and there certainly has been nothing in the con- duct of your Excellency, which could have rendered me particularly desirous of per- sonal communication or acquaintance. “ I caused it to be publicly known before I embarked, that I neither intended nor wished to land; and under these circumstances I trust you ^vill admit, that the proscription you have thought proper to issue might, in common courtesy, have been delayed, until a solicitation on my part might have called for it. “ Your Excellency also appears to have been misinformed, when you state that I might or should have avoided touching at Batavia, knowing how disagreeable it would be to you. I can assure you it w'as a matter of absolute necessity, in every way against my wishes and feelings ; though I must say, I never for a moment sup- posed it would have given rise to any apprehensions or unpleasant feelings on your part. “ You have. Sir, thought proper to refer to political differences, and to the com- plaints which you have thought proper to make against my proceedings, which you considered to be directed against the interests of your Sovereign ; on which it is ne- cessary for me to call to your recollection, that I have at least had similar grounds of 4 B 554 CORRESPONDENCE WITH THE BARON VAN DER CAPELLEN. complaining of some of the proceedings of your government, and that the very acts on my part, which you call into question, arose solely from a conviction, that such proceedings on your Excellency’s part were directed against the interests of my coun- try. The decision, as to whose views on the subject have been most connect, remains wth higher authorities ; and while I cheerfully give your Excellency the credit of harfng acted as you deemed best for the interests of your country, I hope you will judge equally charitably of the motives which may have dictated my conduct. I have thought the above explanation due as 'W'ell to your Excellency as myself, as I should have presumed you to have been as incapable of offering a personal incivi- lity, as I am of receiving one without noticing it as it deserves. “ I did not. Sir, consider it necessary to request your permission for Lady Raffles to land, as I could not suppose it to be so in the present state of civilized society ; but I have now respectfully to request that, as she is in delicate health, and far ad- vanced in her pregnancy, your Excellency will insure her a safe passport to the ship whenever she may be desirous of re-embarking. “ I have the honour to be, &c. (Signed) “ T. S. Raffles.” This correspondence may be left without comment. It is not necessary to add more than that the request contained in the closing lines was granted : and that, though Sir Stamford himself remained on board, during the week of the vessel’s stay at Bataria, and did not once rfsit the shore, the people of the Island were not to be restrained ; and he there held as it were a continual levee every day, people of all ranks flocking to him. CHAPTER XIX. Arrival at Bencoolen — Plans for the future — Freedom of the port of Singapore — Account of the Padries — State of health — Death of friends — Death of child — Anxiety about the arrival of the ship Fame — De- termines to ernhark in the Borneo — Arrival of the Fame — Embarkation — Burning of the ship — Appeal to the Court of Directors — Extract from memorandum book, for regulation of time — Embarks in the Mariner — Storm off the Cape — Arrival at St, Helena — Landing at Plymouth. Sir Stamford had now closed his official connection with Singapore, the most in- teresting object of the latter part of his public life in the East, and he proposed to have passed the few remaining months of his residence in India, in completing and arranging his affairs, both public and private. During his residence in these regions, he had devoted himself with aU his mind, health, and strength, for twenty years, to the duties of the several stations entrusted to him, and he had combined with the performance of those duties, which peculiar circumstances had made more responsible and arduous than usual in such situations, an unwearied pursuit of the literature of the several countries within his reach. He also pursued, as will have been perceived, the study of chemistry, geology, and natural history, and in fact was unceasingly occupied in the acquirement of various kinds of knowledge. The following are extracts from the letters written during this period of his residence in Sumatra. To Dr. Wallich. “ Beneoolen, November 1, 1823. “ Crawford has promised most solemnly to adhere to and uphold all my ar- rangements. * ^& * * * * * God knows I have had but one object in view, — the interests of Singapore, — and if a brother had been opposed to them, I must have acted as I did towards Co- lonel Farquhar, for whom I ever had, and stiU do retain, a warm personal affection and regard. I upheld him as long as I could, and many were the sacrifices I made to prevent a rupture, but when it did take place, I foimd it necessary to prosecute my cause with vigour and effect. 4 B 2 556 PLANS FOR THE FUTURE. I lament to observe by the papers that poor Finlayson breathed bis last in the way home. Poor fellow, I never had much hope that he would be spared ; yet his death has been to me a severe shock, admiring and valuing as I did, his talents, dis- position, and principles. “ It is only a week ago that we had another death in our family : Mr. Dmm- mond, a gentleman who had come out to us highly recommended from home, and was embarking largely in our agricultural pursuits, was carried off in less than twelve hours. I know not how it is, but these continual breaches in our domestic circle seem to be sad warnings. “ I had hoped to have got away by the end of the present year, but an accu- mulation of details, and the arrival of a detachment of troops most unexpectedly sent by the Bengal Government to the northern part of the Island, may keep me for some time. My health for the last week or two has rather improved, but I am still subject to the same attacks which so often and so completely overpowered me at Singapore. “ Lady Raffles, though entirely recovered from her last confinement, is in a very delicate state, and it was only last night that we were forced to apply thirty leeches, and have recourse to warm baths and laudanum, to keep down inflam- mation. “ My time has been so occupied since my return, that I have hardly been able to arrange the papers of our friend Jack. I prepare to take them all hence with me. They are not very extensive, but they are generally to the point, and valuable. We are desirous of placing an inscription over his grave, and I have wi-itten to Calder to send an appropriate stone from Calcutta. I learn from his brother that his age was only 27; he died at Bencoolen, at the Government-house, on the 11th July, 1823. I must beg of you to do the last kind office, of adding to the above particulars a few words expressive of his character and attainments.” To “ Bencoolen, November 4, 1823. “ Sophia, I am sorry to say, has had an attack of fever, and alarmed us very much, but she is improving ; and if we get awny this season all may yet be well. “ I propose on the voyage hence, if my health admits, to sketch out something like an account of the establishment of Singapore, wath a description of the place, map, &c. Something of the kind seems necessary for general information. Our little Flora expands daily.” PROPOSED PLAN FOR THE VOYAGE HOME. 557 To the Duchess of Somerset. ‘'November 6, 1823. This is the last opportunity that will offer for writing to England, before we ourselves intend embarking. “ The voyage out looked long, and was long, but we shall no longer draw a lengthening chain, each day will bring us nearer to that spot where all our best af- fections are centered, and we shall hope to land in far better spirits than the day we parted. That indeed was a dismal day ; and yet, if we do meet again, shall we not forget it ? “ I am sorry to say that we have had another death in our family, and that I have been under great alarm for Lady Raffles. She had first presented me with another little girl, and recovered from her confinement, when she was attacked by a most severe fever. “ By touching at the Cape of Good Hope, which we hope to reach from this in six weeks, remaining there ten days, and then stopping at St. Helena, which we should reach in ten days, and proceeding from thence to England, in seven weeks more, we hope to break the length of the passage, and to keep up her strength, as well as that of the infant, by occasional rest and refreshment. “ I believe I have already informed your Grace, that I had delivered over charge of Singapore, and that it only remains for me to wind up my administration here.” ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ To Mr. Murdoch. “ Bencoolen, November 14, 1823. “ My Dear Sir, “ I have received your kind and friendly letters down to the 23d of January last, and feel most grateful for the warm and kind interest which you continue to take in our welfare and happiness. Indeed, I hardly know how to thank you suf- ficiently, except it is by saying that we justly appreciate it. “ As this may be the last opportunity afforded of writing to England before we ourselves may embark, I am anxious not to let it pass without once more praying your forgiveness for all my omissions in the way of letter-writing. I feel conscious that I have not written to you so often nor so fully as I ought to have done, and that I have a long arrear of debt, which I fear I shall never discharge, unless you will accept of the only composition which it is in my power to offer — the assurance that, though I may not have written much, I have not felt the less, and that both Lady Raffles and myself have not only retained our respect and affection for you and your family unabated, but that time and distance have only tended to strengthen 558 PROPOSED ACCOUNT OF SINGAPORE. the feeling into that kind of affectionate attachment and regard, that in returning to Europe, we look forward to the pleasure of seeing you, as to the meeting with those of our own blood and family. “ Our plan is to leave this about February, or so as to make England in July ; hut so fatally have our anticipations been disappointed hitherto, that I hardly dare look forward with confidence to its execution. Lady Raffles had hardly recovered from her last confinement, when she was attacked by a \iolent fever, which has hardly yet left her, and she is still confined to her couch. I am scarcely able to hold up my head two days together ; but yet we will hope that our period of banishment is nearly terminated, and that we may, with the blessing of God, see you in the course of next summer. “ What may be my future plan of life is still more uncertain ; but if I am for- tunate enough to reach England ahve, I am certain that no inducement shall ever lead me to re\dsit India. I have already passed nearly thirty years of my hfe in the Company’s service, and have always been placed in situations of so much responsi- bility, that my mind has always been on the stretch, and never without some serious anxiety. “ I naturally look forward to retirement, when these anxieties may cease, and I can enjoy that serenity which is above all things necessary for the peace and com- fort of this hfe. Accustomed, however, to activity, and necessarily to habits of business, I am aware that I cannot be idle and happy at the same time, and there- fore I shall be ready to enter with some degree of zeal upon any pursuits that appear to promise eventual satisfaction. “ I enclose you a copy of the address presented to me by the merchants of Singapore, on the occasion of my resigning charge of that settlement, preparatory to my proceeding to Europe, and hope that, in the pledge which I gave them, of the 'permanency of the freedom of the Port, without duties or restrictions of any kind, I shall be supported and borne out by the authorities at home. I cannot but think that we have now taken too firm a root at Singapore, to render it even pos- sible that it should be dehvered over to the Dutch, and therefore I did not advert to such a possible contingency. Hereafter I hope to present you with a pamphlet, containing the particulars of the estabhshment of the Singapore Institution, as well as with the regulations which I have adopted there for the administration of justice, until more regular prortsions are made. They will, I think, meet your approba- tion. I notice what you say regarding the publication of some account of the esta- blishment of Singapore, with a map annexed, and thank you for the hint. I have little to say on the subject, more than has been repeated over and over again in my official despatches, though perhaps in different words ; but as these are likely to moulder away in Leadenhall-street, \vithout perhaps being twice read, it may be useful should I attempt a more public exposition of my sentiments and Hews. PROPOSED ACCOUNT OF SINGAPORE. .559 Indeed, after what has taken place, and particularly with reference to the extra- ordinary assertion of Lord Bathurst as to the nature of my appointment, something of a public nature will be required from me ; and although I am far from wishing to obtrude myself or my proceedings on the public, I feel confident, that the more my conduct is investigated and known, the more credit will at any rate be given to my motives ; so that, in this point of view, I have rather an inducement to publish than otherwise. “ Should, therefore, my health admit, I shall probably devote a few hours in the day, during the voyage home, to condense into a convenient space what I think may be interesting on the subject, to be revised after my arrival in England, according to circumstances. It is not my wish any more than my interest, to run counter to the authorities that be ; but as a public man, I hardly know how I can pass over the direfid sacrifices made by Lord Castlereagh without remark. My sole object, in a pohtical point of view, is to do justice to the cause I have undertaken, and I think it only requires to be fairly and honestly stated, to make its way wherever it is known. " According to my present notion of the subject, it occurs to me that, by way of introduction, I might enlarge on the course and value of the trade of the Eastern Islands and China, its past history and present state, with a description of the more interesting points of character among the inhabitants, and some account of the geo- graphy and natural history of the different countries. I might then give a short, but pointed account of the question with the Dutch ; the reasons which induced the establishment at Singapore ; how that establishment was effected ; the principle on which it was maintained, and the rapidity of its rise ; a short description of the place, its inhabitants, productions, and localities, might follow, with an account of its institutions, and an appendix, containing the regulations for the Chinese and Malay College, &c. “ You will hardly believe, that at the close of my administration of that settlement, I received the unreserved approbation of the Government of Bengal of all the mea- sures of a public nature that I had adopted. I have, however, been opposed through- out in establishing the freedom of the port, and any thing like a hberal mode of management, and not only by the Penang Government, but also in Bengal. The Bengal merchants, or rather one or two of them, whom I could name, would have preferred the old system, by which they might have monopohzed the early resources of the place, and thus checked its progress to importance. My views have been more enlarged, and as the authorities at home have fortunately not yet interfered with the details, I have taken upon myself to widen the base, and to look to a more important superstructure. I have given the place something like a constitution, a representative body, and fashioned all my regulations more with reference to the pure principles of the British constitution, than upon the half-cast, or country-born 1 560 MENDEZ PINTO’S ACCOUNT OF JAVA. regulations of our Indian administration, which, however well they may be suited to the circumstances of continental India, are altogether inapphcable to the state of society in the Eastern Islands. This has brought upon me what may be called a local opposition-party in Bengal, and I must be content to look for the just appre- ciation of my views and plans rather in England than in India. “ I was the other day looking over the translation you was so kind to make for me from iSIendez Pinto relating to Java, and though he may exaggerate numbers, and tell a story with embellishments, his localities are so correct, that, as far as I can judge from this instance, I am inchned to think he deserves more credit than he has yet received. His statements regarding Borneo and other countries of the Archipelago less knoum than Java, would be interesting; and if from the history of the last-mentioned Island we could vouch for his correctness, it might set people thinking of what was possibly the fonner condition of the Archipelago, before the valour of Portugal broke down its power, and the sordid pohcy of the Dutch de- stroyed its spirit and energies. It would be an odd coincidence if, as Marsden has undertaken the cause of Marco Polo, on account of what he said of Sumatra, I should be the advocate of Pinto from the relation he gives of Java. “ Your observations respecting the bark of the nutmeg-tree have not passed un- noticed, and I have now a parcel of the bark preparing for Europe as an experiment : it does not, however, appear to me to be peculiarly fi'agrant.” In returning to Bencoolen Sir Stamford had to encounter once more a scene of trial, sickness, and death. His few remaining friends fell a sacrifice to the chmate ; his family it pleased God to afflict with illness ; and it seemed as if his life was to end uith his labours. It is not easy to describe the state of anxiety in which the two last months were spent : ready and anxious to leave a place in which so many earthly ties of happiness had been broken, and yet seeing hour after hour pass away, with- out the means of escape, and with scarcely a hope that fife would be prolonged from one day to another. The following letters give a lively picture of the state of his feehngs at this period. To the Rev. Dr. Raffles. “ My Dear Cousin, “ Bencoolen, November \5th, 1823. As this may be the last opportunity of writing before we ourselves embark, I am anxious not to let it pass without endeavouring to repay some part of the heavy debt standing against me on the score of omissions in letter wviting. # * * lis- “ We have suffered much in health and spirits since we said farewell ; but our PROGRESS OF THE PADRIES. 561 hearts are the same ; and we trust, that, if we can regain our health by a change of climate, there may yet be many happy days in store for us, even in this sublunary and transitory scene. ***** “ I have already informed you that I resigned the charge of Singapore, and of all questions with the Dutch in June last, as preparatory to my winding up on this coast and proceeding to Europe. I enclose you a printed copy of the address presented to me on the occasion by the merchants of the place, with my reply, which uill shew you the sort of policy I wish to support at that settlement. I have heard nothing more of the question with the Dutch, but I doubt not that it will be agitated on my arrival in England. I rely more upon the support of the mercantile community than upon any hberal views of the ministry, by whom I have been opposed as much throughout as by the Dutch. ***** “ Of this place I have nothing at present very particular to communicate, or that will not as conveniently be left for personal intercourse ; but it will be satisfactory for you to know that we are doing wonders with our schools, and that our Bible Society is not inactive : the two missionaries whom we have here, Messrs. Robinson and Ward are very zealous ; and Reports are now framing to be laid before the General Meeting on the 1st of January, which will, I hope, prove that we have not been inactive ; and that the results are as great as we could rationally have expected in so short a time. ***** Considerable interest has lately been excited by the progress in Sumatra of the ISIahomedan sect, usually termed the Padries, or more particularly the Putcho or Whites, in opposition to the Elaws or Blacks, by which latter term they designate all who do not embrace their doctrine. “ It was to the ravages of these people that I alluded in my account of the journey to Menangkabu, as having repeatedly pillaged and burnt the capital of that celebrated seat of the Malay empire : and it is with them that the Dutch, since their occupation of Padang, have been involved in a desperate and relentless war, neither party girtng quarter, and prices being set upon the heads of the principal Chiefs. The first notice of this powerful sect, which had its origin near Mount Ophir, was about ten years ago ; but it has been dirring the last three, and principally since the occupation of Padang by the Dutch, that it has become formidable, and occasioned alarm for the safety of the European settlements on the west coast of Sumatra. “ The policy of the British Government has hitherto been that of neutrality, considering that the question related principally to peculiar doctrines of Mahomed- anism, in which the natives might be best left to themselves : but the success of the 4 c 562 PROGRESS OF THE PADRIES. Padries during the last year, in which they have overrun nearly the whole of the rich and populous countries of the interior, has at length called for measures of decision even on the part of the British authority. A considerable force was detached from Bengal in September last, direct to Nattal; and measures are in progress for the adoption of offensive operations, should negociation fail. The tenets of the Padries require, that all Mahomedans shall refrain from the use of opium, from cock-fighting, and other Malayan vices, that they should wear a pecuhar dress, and submit to ecclesiastical authority. The Malays, who form the population of the coast districts, are averse to this change, as altering their habits, and depart- ing from their ancient customs ; and the European Governments are actually em- ployed in protecting them against the improvement which would necessarily follow from their adoption of the tenets of the Padries. “ It is not to be denied, that with people of so low a state of civilization as those in the interior of Sumatra must be, success will too often make them wanton ; and that their practice is fi'equently inconsistent with their doctrines — this is naturally expected — and the 1 ve of plunder and thirst of revenge over those who are most obstinate in resisting them is too often predominant. “ The resources of these people seem considerable ; and their engagements with the Dutch have taught them to know their own strength. Their power in the interior of Sumatra may now be considered as completely established : and various speculations are formed as to the result. “ We thus see one of the finest islands in the world, on which we have had establishments for upwards of a century, without once venturing to improve the condition of the people, or to send one Christian Missionary among them, giving way before the desolating influence of the false prophet of Mecca, and becoming rapidly a strong Mahomedan resting ground, with our eyes open, and with scarcely one effort made by ourselves to oppose them by a purer faith. The Missionaries we have lately employed in Sumatra are too few in number to do much. That they will do good, as far as their influence reaches, there can be no doubt ; but that influence will long be limited to our own immediate stations, unless we increase their numbers. Instead of three missionaries we ought to have three hundred; and the object of these three hundred should be to initiate three thousand of the natives to act as Missionaries in the interior. There are yet hundreds of thousands, perhaps millions, in Sumatra, who at this moment possess no religion at all, among whom we may include the Battas. The Padries are now on their very borders, with the Koran in one hand, and the sword in the other : and the only JVIissionary whom we have is an isolated individual, residing under the protection of the British factory at Tappanooly, but who has not the means of penetrating into the interior. This individual, however, (Mr. Burton,) has translated part of the Scriptures into DEATH OF CAPTAIN SALMOND. 563 the Batta language, and his success in this respect is highly praiseworthy to his application and character ; but alone he can do little beyond the influence of our own factory, which does not extend one mile inland. * * * * * It would be useful to draw public attention to this subject now, particularly, as it has excited much interest in India ; and is the only cause likely to detain me here longer than I could wish. I cannot well leave the coast till some decisive measure is adopted ; and yet in politics who can see the end ? My desire is to avoid all involvement as much as possible ; and if our measures are likely to be of a protracted nature, I shall not think of waiting the issue. “ Believe me, &c.” To '' Permattam Ballam, Bencoolen, November 23, 1823. “ This is a most melancholy day. One of my last letters informed you of the death of poor Drummond after a few hours illness ; one of the Mr. Days died about the same time. Two days ago Mr. Halhed was carried off, and I have just received information that my dear and valued friend Salmond is no more. This last blow has been almost too much for us, for Salmond was as dear and intimate with us as our own family. I have just opened his will, and find he has nominated me as his sole executor in the following words : — ^ I appoint my only friend Sir Stamford Raffles to be my executor, and I pray to God he will take charge of my estate and children.’ The loss of poor Salmond is quite a death-blow to the settlement. How is it that all we love and esteem, all those whose principles we admire, and in whom we can place confidence, are thus carried off, while the vile and worthless remain ? “ Sophia is recovering slowly from her late illness, but she has suffered severely. I am much the same in health, but we are both low in spirits. Would that a ship had come out as I wrote for direct, that we might have been off ! We have as yet heard nothing of the Fame, nor is there any opportunity besides her likely to offer.” To Dr. Wallich. “ Bencoolen, November 24, 1823. “ You will grieve to hear that we have just lost our worthy inestimable friend Captain Salmond ; he is the second in our family and the fourth in our small society who has paid the debt of nature within the last month ! W ould to God we were ourselves fairly out of the place ! Sophia recovers but very slowly from her late dangerous illness, and these events cast a sad and melancholy gloom over every thing. 4 c 2 564 DEATH OF SIR STAMFORD’S YOUNGEST CHILD. I write these few lines at her very particular request, to remind you of my picture. Whether I go home or not, I must, if Lady Raffles sur^'ives, send her home by an early opportunity. “ Om' united regards and fervent prayers for your health and happiness. Be. lieve me always your’s affectionately.” To Dr. Wallich. “ Bencoolen, December 10, 1823. “ We are, I am sorry to say, in gi-eat distress, ha^^ng lost several friends during the last month, but the worst of all has been the loss of our only remaining child in this country, at a time when Lady Raffles was herself dangerously ill \rith fever ; the shock has been too much for us, and I hardly expect she will get over it. We have indeed been severely afflicted, and what is worse, we are both so ill ourselves that neither of us dare quit the room. “ These circumstances will be a sufficient excuse for not writing you more fully.” To “ Bencoolen, December 20, 1823. “ You will grieve to hear that we have had another affliction in the loss of our dear babe, whose birth I formerly announced. “ She was carried off very suddenly, and at a moment when we were least pre- pared to meet such a shock. The death of poor Salmond and iSIr. Dmmmond, besides several other deaths in the settlement, had cast a gloom over every thing, and Sophia was but very slowly recovering from a severe inflammatory fever which nearly proved fatal. The loss of an infant only a few months old is one of those things which in itself perhaps might soon be got over, knowng how uncertain hfe is at that period, but this loss of our fourth and only remaining child in India has rerived all former afflictions, and been almost too much for us. Fortunately Sophia’s fever has not returned since the event, and upon the whole she is in better health than she was preceding, but she has not yet left the house ; her spirits as well as my own are completely broken, and most anxious are we to get away fi’om such a charnel-house, but here we are detained for want of an opportunity. How often do we wish the Fame had come out direct — we might have saved this last misfortune — but we have neither seen nor heard of her, and God only knows when the day of our deliverance will arrive. Either I must go to England or by remaining in India die. “ If we are to meet again in this world, it must be soon after the receipt of this — till then farewell, and God grant that you may never be subjected to such mis- fortunes with your children as we have been. I shall wait a day or two in writing to Cheltenham, in hope of having better spirits than to-day. SIR STAMFORD’S ANXIETY TO RETURN TO ENGLAND. 565 As the management of convicts ought to be a subject of consideration, I inclose you a copy of the regulations established for those of this place. The con- victs now at Bencoolen amount to eight or nine hundred, and the number is gradually increasing ; they are natives of Bengal and Madras — that is to say, of those Pre- sidencies. The arrangement has been brought about gradually, but the system now appears complete, and as far as we have yet gone, has been attended with the best effects. I have entrusted John Hull with the superintendence of the department, and he feels great pleasure and satisfaction in the general improvement of this class of people.” To “ Bencoolen, January 4, 1824. We have entered the new year, and as yet no accounts of the Fame. You can hardly imagine to yourself the serious disappointment to all our hopes and plans which this occasions. We begin to think we are doomed to end our days here, and that there is something like a spell upon our movements. After Sophia’s severe ill- ness and om* last affliction, the delay of a day is most serious, and night and day we cannot help regretting that you have not ensured a ship on the strength of my letters to you — I rehed exclusively on what you would do, and still have no other hope than that the Fame will be in time to save our lives, though we have very little confidence that this will be the case.” To “ Bencoolen, January 14, 1824, I have before I embark to wind up all my affairs. God grant that we may have a happy and satisfactory meeting in old Eng- land, for which I may in truth say my heart yearneth much indeed and sadly. " We are such poor creatures, that hke the aspen leaf, we shake with every breath of air, and are daily treading on the edge of eternity.” Months having elapsed beyond the time fixed for the arrival of the ship Fame, which was to carry Sir Stamford and his family to England, without any accounts of her, he determined to take the cargo out of the Borneo, a small vessel which had touched at Bencoolen on her passage to England, and in which he had two years before sent home his infant child ; but the very day the arrangement was to have been completed (fortunately it was then supposed) the Fame arrived. The Borneo made a safe and good passage ; of the fate of the Fame Sir Stamford’s own letters give an account ; it is only necessary to add, that the ship was insured, which prevented any loss to the 566 BURNING OF THE FAME. owners — that the captain had no interest in her — that the East India Company had only a few tons of salt-petre on board for ballast — that the loss fell entirely on the individual, whom it pleased God to humble by the overwhelming calamity. “ Bencoolen, February 4, 1 824. “ We embarked on the 2d instant in the Fame, and sailed at day-light for Eng- land with a fair wind, and every prospect of a quick and comfortable passage. ‘‘ The ship was every thing we could wish ; and having closed my charge here much to my satisfaction, it was one of the happiest days of my life. We were, perhaps, too happy ; for in the evening came a sad reverse. Sophia had just gone to bed, and I had thrown off half my clothes, when a cry of fire, fire ! roused us from our calm content, and in five minutes the whole ship was in flames ! I ran to examine whence the flames principally issued, and found that the fire had its origin immedi- ately under our cabin. Down \\ith the boats. Where is Sophia ? — Here. The chil- dren ?— Here. A rope to the side. Lower Lady Raffles. Give her to me, says one ; I’ll take her, says the Captain. Throw the gunpowder overboard. It cannot be got at ; it is in the magazine close to the fire. Stand clear of the powder. Shuttle the water-casks. Water ! water ! Where’s Sir Stamford ? Come into the boat, Nilson ! Nilson, come into the boat. Push off, push off. Stand clear of the after part of the ship. “ All this passed much quicker than I can write it ; w^e pushed off, and as we did so, the flames burst out of our cabin-window, and the wLole of the after part of the ship w'as in flames ; the masts and sails now^ taking fire, we moved to a distance sufficient to avoid the immediate explosion ; but the flames were now coming out of the main hatchw'ay ; and seeing the rest of the crew, with the Captain, still on board, we pulled back to her under the bow^s, so as to be more distant from the powder. As we approached we perceived that the people on board were getting into another boat on the opposite side. She pushed off; we hailed her : have you all on board. Yes, all, save one. Who is he ? — Johnson, sick in his cot. Can w^e save him ? — No, im- possible. The flames w'ere issuing from the hatchw’ay ; at this moment the poor fellow', scorched, I imagine, by the flames, roared out most lustily, having run upon the deck. I will go for him, says the Captain. The tw'O boats then came together, and we took out some of the persons from the Captain’s boat, wdiich w'as overladen ; he then pulled under the bow'sprit of the ship, and picked the poor fellow up. Are you all safe ? — Yes, w'e have got the man; all lives safe. Thank God ! Pull off from the ship. Keep your eye on a star. Sir Stamford. — There’s one scarcely \isible. “ We then hauled close to each other, and found the Captain fortunately had a compass, but w^e had no light except from the ship. Our distance from Bencoolen we estimated to be about fifty miles in a south-west direction. There being no landing 7 1 BURNING OF THE FAME. 567 place to the southward of Bencoolen, our only chance was to regain that port. The Captain then undertook to lead, and we to follow, in a N. N. E. course, as well as we could ; no chance, no possibility being left, that we could again approach the ship ; for she was now one splendid flame, fore and aft, and aloft, her masts and sails in a blaze, and rocking to and fi'O, threatening to fall in an instant. There goes her mizen mast ; pull away, my boys : there goes the gunpowder. Thank God ! thank God! “ You may judge of our situation without further particulars. *The alarm was given at about twenty minutes past eight, and. in less than ten minutes she was in flames ; there was not a soul on board at half-past eight, and in less than ten minutes afterwards she was one grand mass of fire. “ My only apprehension was the want of boats to hold the people, as there was not time to have got out the long-boat, or to make a raft ; all we had to rely upon were two small quarter-boats, which fortunately were lowered without accident ; and in these two small open boats, without a drop of water or grain of food, or a rag of co- vering, except what we happened at the moment to have on our backs, we embarked on the ocean, thankful to God for his mercies ! Poor Sophia, having been taken out of her bed, had nothing on but a wrapper, neither shoes nor stockings ; the children were just as taken out of bed, whence one had been snatched after the flames had attacked it ; in short, there was not time for any one to think of more than two things. Can the ship be saved ? — No. Let us save ourselves, then. All else was swallowed up in one grand ruin. “ To make the best of our misfortune, we availed ourselves of the light from the ship to steer a tolerably good course towards the shore. She continued to burn till about midnight, when the saltpetre, which she had on board, took fire, and sent up one of the most splendid and brilliant flames that ever was seen, illumining the hori- zon in every direction, to an extent of not less than fifty miles, and casting that kind of blue light over us, which is of all others most horrible. She burnt and continued to flame in this style for about an hour or two, when we lost sight of the object in a cloud of smoke. “ Neither Nilson nor Mr. Bell, our medical friend who had accompanied us, had saved their coats ; but the tail of mine, with a pocket-handkerchief, served to keep Sophia’s feet warm, and we made breeches for the children with our neck- cloths. Rain now came on, but fortunately it was not of long continuance, and we got dry again. The night became serene and star-light ; we were now certain of our course, and the men behaved manfidly ; they rowed incessantly, and with good heart and spirit, and never did poor mortals look out more for day-light and for land than we did ; not that our sufferings or grounds of complaint were any thing to what has often befallen others ; but from Sophia’s delicate health, as well as 568 BURNING OF THE FAME. my o\ni, and the stormy nature of our coast, I felt perfectly cominced we were unable to undergo starvation and exposure to sun and weather many days, and aware of the rapidity of the cm-rents, I feared we might fall to the southward of the port. “ At day-light we recognized the coast and Rat Island, which gave us great spirits ; and though we found ourselves much to the southward of the port, we con- sidered ourselves almost at home. Sophia had gone through the night better than could have been expected, and we continued to pull on vith all our strength. About eight or nine we saw a ship standing to us from the Roads ; they had seen the flames on shore, and sent out vessels to our relief; and here certainly came a minister of Pro\idence in the character of a minister of the Gospel, for the first person I recognized was one of our missionaries. They gave us a bucket of water, and we took the Captain on board as a pilot. The wind, however, was adverse, and we could not reach the shore, and took to the ship, where we got some refreshment and shelter from the sun. By this time Sophia was quite exhausted, fainting continually. About two o’clock we landed safe and sound, and no words of mine can do justice to the expressions of feeling, sjnnpathy, and kindness wth which we were hailed by every one. If any proof had been wanting, that my administration had been satis- factory here, we had it unequivocally from all ; there was not a dry eye, and as we di'ove back to om* former home, loud was the cry of ‘ God be praised.’ But enough ; and I mil only add, that we are now greatly recovered, in good spirits, and busy at work getting ready-made clothes for present use. We went to bed at three in the afternoon, and I did not awake till six this morning. Sophia had nearly as sound a sleep, and, with the exception of a bruise or two, and a httle pain in the bones from fatigue, we have nothing to complain of. “ The loss I have to regret, beyond all, is my papers and drawings, — all my notes and observations, with memoirs and collections, sufficient for a full and ample history, not only of Sumatra, but of Borneo, and almost every other Island of note in these seas ; — my intended account of the establishment of Singapore ; — the history of my own administration ; — eastern grammars, dictionaries, and vocabularies ; — and last, not least, a grand map of Sumatra, on which I had been employed since my arrival here, and on which, for the last six months, I had bestowed almost my whole undi- Gded attention. This, however, was not all ; — all my collections in natural history, — all my splendid collection of drawings, upwards of two thousand in number, — "with all the valuable papers and notes of my friends, Arnold and Jack ; and, to conclude, I will merely notice, that there was scarce an unknown animal, bird, beast, or fish, or an interesting plant, which we had not on board : a living tapir, a new species of tiger, splendid pheasants, &c., domesticated for the voyage ; we were, in short, in this respect, a perfect Noah’s ai'k. ORIGIN OF THE FIRE. 569 “ All, all has perished ; but, thank God, our lives have been spared, and we do not repine. “ Our plan is to get another ship as soon as possible, and, I think, you may still expect us in July. There is a chance of a ship, called the Lady Flora, touching here on her way home, and there is a small ship in the Roads which may be converted into a packet, and take us home, as I have a captain and crew at command. “ Make your minds easy about us, even if we should be later than you expected. No news will be good news.” A striking proof of the attachment of those who had no longer any interested motive to influence them deserves to be recorded. After the boat which contained Sir Stamford and his family got within sight of the shore, the numerous little native craft, which were all in requisition at the moment, approached in every direction with great velocity, and the people put, without exception, this one question ; Is the Tuan Besar (the great man) safe ?” — receiving an affirmative answer, they darted off as if there was no other point of interest to them. In wi’iting to the Court of Directors on this subject. Sir Stamford states : “ The fire had its origin in the store-room, immediately under the apartments occupied by myself and family, and was occasioned by the shameful carelessness of the steward going with a naked light to draw off brandy from a cask, which took fire ; but I am bound to speak in the highest terms of the conduct of the captain, officers, and ship’s company, who spared no exertions to save the ship, and when that was found impracticable, to secure the lives of all on board, acting throughout with the utmost coolness and self-possession which such a moment would admit of. “ We had scarcely time to lower two small boats hanging over the quarter, before the whole of the poop was on fire, and the flames had ascended the mizen- rigging. So rapid, indeed, was the progress of the fire, that before even a small canoe could be got out forward, the flames were issuing from the main and fore hatchways, and we were of necessity forced to trust our fives, forty-one in number, to the mercy of the waves, in these two open boats, quitting the ship in such haste, that it was impossible to save a single article, or even to secure a drop of water, or other refreshment. We were fortunate enough, however, to push off from the ship before the magazine exploded, when the fire immediately became general over the whole ship, the masts and sails flaming, and rocking to and fro, till they fell one by one, affording, in the darkness of the night and in the midst of the ocean, one of the most truly awful and sublime spectacles that ever was witnessed. “ We estimated that our distance from the shore could not exceed fifty miles, and that by steering towards Sumatra, and in the direction of Bencoolen, we might 4 D 570 SIR STAMFORD’S LETTER TO THE COURT OF DIRECTORS. possibly regain that port, should the weather continue moderate ; and accordingly adopted this course, the captain leading in the larger boat of the two ; this indeed was the only chance, for if carried to the southward there was no other landing- place on the Island, and we must inevitably have perished at sea by the most hor- rible of all deaths, there not being a drop of water or other refreshment in either of the boats — not a mast or sail, but imperfect rudders, and most of us \rfthout even a complete suit of clothes. My wife had been taken from her bed without shoes or stockings, or other covering but a loose wrapper, and the children under our charge had been literally snatched from their beds when actually in flames. “ It however pleased the Almighty Disposer of events to temper his judgments with mercy, and to allay the storms and currents which so constantly prevail in these seas during the present monsoon, and through the steady and great exertions of the men in the boats, we had the satisfaction to make the land in the morninof within about fifteen miles from Bencoolen. The flames fi'om the ship, which had served to assist us in keeping a direct course to the land, had hkewise been seen on shore, illumining a circumference of not less than fifty miles, and boats had been sent out in every direction to our assistance. By the aid of one of these we reached Bencoolen about four o’clock in the afternoon of the next day, after having had to contend vdth an unfavourable current, and latterly a turbulent sea and adverse wind for upwards of sixteen hours, every moment of which, under om* destitute circum- stances and the boisterous nature of this coast, was pregnant with a degree of anxiety and apprehension not to be described. The state both of Lady Raffles and myself, already worn down by illness and affliction to the last stage of existence, was ill calculated to support the privations and exposure to which we were sub_ jected, and long before we reached the harbour she had fallen into a succession of fainting fits, from which we with difficulty recovered her. It may however be satisfactory to state, in concluding this melancholy ac- count, that no lives have been lost, and that the whole of the ship’s company and passengers have reached this port in safety, thankful to the Almighty for his mercies. “ Submitting, as it is my duty to do, with patient resignation to this awful dis- pensation of Prorfdence, I make the following statement, not in the spirit of com- plaint, for I repine not, but simply as illustrative of my personal circumstances and prospects, as they stand affected by this dire and unlooked-for calamity. After a service of nearly thirty years, and the exercise of supreme authority as a Governor for nearly twelve years of that period, over the finest and most in- teresting, but perhaps least known countries in creation, I had, as I vainly thought, closed my Indian life with benefit to my country, and satisfaction to myself ; carrying with me such testimonials and information as I trusted would have proved that I ACCOUNT OF THE FIRE TO THE COURT OF DIRECTORS. 571 had not been an unprofitable servant or a dilatory labourer in this fruitful and ex- tensive vineyard. “ This lovely and highly interesting portion of the globe had, politically speak- ing, long sunk into insignificance from the withering effects of that baneful policy, udth which the Hollanders were permitted to visit these regions, when it fell to my lot to direct the course of the British arms to the Island of Java, and there on the ruins of monopoly, torture, and oppression, in all its shapes, to re-establish man in his native rights and prerogatives, and re-open the channel of an extensive com- merce. Political events required our secession from that quarter, but the establish- ment of Singapore, and the reforms introduced on this coast have no less afforded opportunities for the application and extension of the same principles. “ In the course of those measures, numerous and weighty responsibilities became necessary — the European world — the Indian world — (the continental part of it at least) were wholly uninformed of the nature of these countries, their cha- racter, and resources. I did not hesitate to take these responsibilities as the occa- sion required them, and though from imperfect information many of my measures in Java were at first condemned, I had the satisfaction to find them in the end not only approved but applauded, far beyond my humble pretensions, and even by those who at first had been most opposed to me. I need refer to no stronger case than that of the Marquis of Hastings. “ During the last six years of my administration, and since I have ceased to have any concern in the affairs of Java, the situations in which I have been placed, and the responsibilities which I have been compelled to take in support of the in- terests of my coimtry, and of my employers, have been, if possible, still greater than during my former career ; I allude to the struggle which I have felt it my duty to make against Dutch rapacity and power, and to the difficulties that I had to contend "with in the establishment of Singapore, and the reforms which have been effected on this coast. In addition to the opposition of avowed enemies to British power and Chris- tian principles, I had to contend with deep-rooted prejudices, and the secret machi- nations of those who dared not to act openly ; and standing alone, the envy of some and the fear of many, distant authorities were unable to form a correct estimate of my proceedings. Without local explanation some appeared objectionable, while party spirit and Dutch intrigue have never been wanting to discolour transactions and misrepresent facts. It was at the close of such an administration that I embarked with my family on the Fame, carrying with me endless volumes and papers of information on the civil and natural history of nearly every Island within the Malayan Archipelago, collected at great expense and labour, under the most favourable circumstances, during a life of constant and active research, and in an especial manner calculated 4 D 2 572 SIR STAMFORD’S LETTER TO THE COURT OF DIRECTORS. to throw light not only on the commercial and other resources of these Islands, but to advance the state of natural knowledge and science, and finally to extend the civilization of mankind. These, ^^^th all my books, manuscripts, drawings, correspondence, records, and other documents, including tokens of regard from the absent, and memorials from the dead, have been all lost for ever in this dreadful conflagration ; and I am left single and unaided, without the help of one voucher to tell my story, and uphold my proceedings, w'hen I appear before your honourable Court. “ It has always appeared to me, that the value of these countries w^as to be traced rather through the means of their natiwal history, than in the dark recesses of Dutch diplomacy and intrigue ; and I accordingly, at all times, felt disposed to give encouragement to those deser\ing men, who devote themselves to the pursuits of sci- ence. Latterly, when political interests seemed to require that I should, for a time, retire from the field, and there w^as little more to be done for this small settlement, I have myself devoted a considerable portion of my time to these pursuits, and in fonn- ing extensive collections in natural history : my attention had also been directed in a particular manner to the geography of the Island of Sumatra. “ To be brief, I may sum up the collections and papers which I have had the misfortune to lose, under the following heads. They were carefully packed in no less than one hundred and tw^enty-twm cases, independent of those for immediate re- ference, but wdiich last are also lost, not one scrap of paper having been saved, or one duplicate left. “ Of Sumatra. — A map on a large scale, constructed during a residence of six years, from observations made by myself and persons under my authority, European and native, calculated to exhibit, at one view% the real nature and general resources of the country, on a very different scale to what w’as formerly supposed, together with statistical reports, tables, memoirs, notices, histories of the Battas, and other original races, native and European vocabularies, dictionaries, and manuscripts in the different languages, contained in several cases. “ Of Borneo. — A detailed account of the former history, present state, popula- tion, and resources, of that long-neglected island, already dra^vn out to the extent of upwards of one thousand pages of waiting, with numerous notes, sketches, details of the Dayak population, their government, customs, history, usages, &c. with notices of the different ports, their produce, and commercial resources. “ Of Celebes. — Nearly a similar account. “ And of Java and the Moluccas. — The wiiole of the voluminous history, as care- fully abstracted from the Dutch archives wiiile I w^as in Java, with careful translations of the most valuable native books, vocabularies, memoirs, and various papers intended principally to assist in a new^ edition of my History of Java. “ Of Singapore. — A detailed account of its establishment ; the principles on ACCOUNT OF THE FIRE TO THE COURT OF DIRECTORS. 573 which it is founded ; the pohcy of our Government in founding it ; the history of com- merce in the Eastern Islands ; its present state and prospects ; the rapid rise of Sin- gapore ; its history until I gave over charge ; with all the original documents con- nected with the discussion with the Dutch, and every voucher and testimony which could have been required to make good the British claim, and uphold the measures I had adopted. “ In Natural Histonj — The loss to myself and to science has been still greater. The choicest, the cream and flower of all my collections, I retained to take under my personal charge, together with the manuscripts and papers of my invaluable deceased friends, Drs. Arnold and Jack. Among these also was that invaluable, and, I may say, superb collection of drawings in natural history, executed under my immediate eye, and intended, with other interesting subjects of natural history, for the museum of the Honourable Court. They exceeded in number two thousand ; and having been taken from life, and with scientific accuracy, were executed in a style far superior to any thing I had seen or heard of in Europe ; in short, they were my pride : but as man has no business to be proud, it may be well that they are lost. Cases of plants, minerals, animals, &c. &c. I shall not name. Indeed it would be endless for me to attempt even a general description of all that has perished, and I will only add that, besides the above, all the papers con- nected with my administration of Java, as collected and arranged by my deceased friend and secretary, Mr. Assey, have also been lost, with all my correspondence. " A loss hke this can never be replaced, but I bow to it without repining. “ In a pecuniary point of view, my loss has not been less extensive, as may be perceived by the annexed statement, in which I have assumed the actual cost of the principal articles which have been sacrificed. Most of them are what no money can replace; such as the service of plate presented to me by the inhabitants of Java; the diamonds presented to my family by the captors of Djocjocarta ; the diamond ring presented to me by the Princess Charlotte on my embarkation for India, a week before her death. These and many other tokens of regard, friendship, and respect, during an active and varied life, can never be replaced. Money may com- pensate perhaps for other losses, but no insurance was, or could be, effected from home. It rests solely and exclusively with the Court, to consider in how far my claims, on account of services, may be strengthened by the severity of misfortune, which has latterly attached itself to my case. “ The anxiety and fatigue occasioned by the calamitous event which I have detailed, have been such, that however much I may feel desirous, from motives of pecuniary necessity, to prolong my stay in India, in the hope of replacing, in part, some of the personal property which I have lost, I dare not look forward to such a measure, and I am under the necessity of taking advantage of the first opportunity that offers of proceeding to Europe, where I shall throw myself on your Honourable 574 SIR STAMFORD’S LETTER TO THE COURT OF DIRECTORS. Court, to enable me to end my days in honourable retirement, trusting to an all- bounteous Providence to restore me and my family to health and peace in my native land. “ In the mean time I have thought it my duty to resume charge of the Com- pany’s affairs on this coast, and have advised the Supreme Government accordingly. “ With a former letter I had the honom* to submit a copy of the address which was presented to me on the occasion of my departure for Europe, with the reply w'hich I have felt myself called upon to make on so favom-able an expression of the pubhc feeling, and it is now with satisfaction that I transmit, for the perusal of your Honourable Court, the addi'ess of condolence which was presented to me on my unexpected return under such a sad reverse of fortune. “ In expressing my deep-felt gratitude to the inhabitants of this settlement, for their sjmpathy in our sufferings, and genuine hospitality, I can only say, that having been thrown back on their shores most unexpectedly, — We were naked, and they clothed us, — hungry and athirst, and they fed us, — weary and exhausted, and they comforted and consoled us ; and I pray to God that your Honourable Court,- as the immediate guardian of their interests, will bless this land of Smnatra in retmn, even for their sakes. “ I have the honour to be, Honoiuable Sirs, “ Your devoted, sincere, and faithful servant, (Signed) “ T. S. Raffles. “ Fort Marlborough, February 8, 1824.” To the Duchess of Somerset. “ Bencoolen, February 20, 1824. “ We have just suffered a sad calamity, but as we have been so long iniued to misfortune, it perhaps falls more lightly upon us than it would otherwise have done. Time does not admit of my waiting a long letter, and, therefore, I take the hberty of enclosing a copy of what I have written at the moment, and in gi'eat haste, but which will afford you all particulars. “ I have this day engaged another ship, in which we hope to hav^e better for- tune, but she will not be able to sail till the end of next month. “ It was not enough that we should have the dangers of storms, rocks, and seas to contend with ; but another element must rise up against us : earth, air, fire, water, all combined to oppose our progress ! but I will not despair. “ Pray excuse the brevity of this. In truth, it is with the utmost difficulty I hold the pen.” LETTER TO DR. WALLICH. 575 To Dr. Wallich. “ Bencoolen, March 28, 1824. My Dear Friend, “ Y ou will have heard of our dreadful misfortune long before this reaches you, and therefore I shall not enter into particulars further than hy stating, that I have lost all and every thing belonging to me save my wife. We, thank God, escaped by a miracle, and are grateful to Providence for so wonderful a deliver- ance. The whole of my drawings, between two or three thousand ; all my collec- tions, descriptions, and papers of every kind ; all those of our invaluable friend Jack, with every document and memorandum that I possessed on earth, fell a prey to the all-devouring flame. A subsequent attempt to get home in the Wellington has failed in success ; for after taking her up and being prepared to embark, the commander most suddenly and unexpectedly went out of his mind, and is now raving mad. This, in fact, was the tliird ship we had engaged, and in which something occurred to check our progress. I have now engaged a fourth, the Mariner, a small Botany Bay ship, to take home the crew and passengers of the unfortunate ship Fame, and God grant w'e may be more successful in her. We hope to embark on her in the course of the week, and once more to trust ourselves to the mercy of the elements. “ If it pleases God that we should arrive in England, you will hear from me ere long, and I shall not fail to inform you of all I think likely to interest you. “ Adieu ! and excuse haste. All I have time to add is a repetition of what I have often said before, and will continue to say till my dying day : God bless you, and be assured of my devoted friendship and affection. “ Lady Raffles sends thanks for having kept my picture so long, as it otherwise would have been lost, with every thing else, by the Fame.” So heavy a misfortune was sufficient to have depressed the spirit and damped the ardour of the strongest mind ; but it seemed to have no other effect on that of Sir Stamford than to rouse him to greater exertion. The morning after the loss of all that he had been collecting for so many years, with such unwearied zeal, interest, and labour, he recommenced sketching the map of Sumatra, set all his draftsmen to work in making new drawings of some of the most interesting speci- mens in natural history, dispatched a number of people into the forests to collect more animals, and neither murmur nor lamentation ever escaped his hps ; on the contrary, upon the ensuing Sabbath, he publicly returned thanks to Almighty God, 2 576 EXTRACT FROM SIR STAMFORD’S MEMORANDUxM BOOK. for having preserved the lives of all those who had for some time contemplated a death from which there appeared no human probabihty of escaping. And here the Editor cannot forbear offering her testimony to the admirable conduct of the sailors. When Sir Stamford first got into the boat, and they were requested to move to a little distance, a slight murmur took place at the idea of deserting their comrades, but on being assured that the only object was to choose the easiest death, they one and all yielded in perfect silence, and calmly watched the success of an effort to lower another boat ; nor did they aftenvards indulge in any complaint, but toiled with the greatest good humour, sometimes laughing at the Purser and the Stew'ard, on whom they laid the blame of the accident ; sometimes expressing pity for “ the lady” and comforting themselves with the idea that they were not much w^orse off than they w^ere before. When the boat approached the shore, they entreated that they might be indulged in the pleasure of landing the party in safety, only requesting first — to have some w^ater ; and when a large bucket full was lowered from the side of the vessel, which came to meet the boats, the eager rush with which they plunged their heads into it, will easily be imagined when it is recollected that they had been working for eighteen hours, without intennission against a strong current, and in a tropical climate. Some idea may be formed of the danger which the boats were in, when it is stated that there w'as no handle to the rudder ; and that the only way of stopping the aperture in the bottom of the boat, was by one of the men keeping his thumb in it ; as he often fell asleep and forgot his office, the w^ater w'ould rush in, and the boat w^as frequently nearly filled with water and in a sinking state. So crammed W'as it with people, that none of those W'ho w^ere not engaged in rowing could, during these many hours, move either hand or foot. Though Sir Stamford’s health received a severe shock by this calamity, the following extract from his memorandum book, on his second embarkation, affords another proof that the energy of his mind w'as not shaken, nor the buoyancy of his spirit broken. “ On the 8th April embarked in the Manner, and on the morning of the 10th w'eighed and sailed for England in that ship, in company with the Lady Flora, Cap- tain M‘Donnel. She, how'ever, kept to windward and parted firom us during the night ; a few days afterwards she came in company again, but on the 20th we again lost sight of her. “ 20th April. — I this day commenced to apply to study, and devoted the early part of the morning to Euclid, and the remainder to the arrangement of my papers, &c. As far as circumstances admit, I propose to divide my time and application as follows, during the voyage ; appropriating eight hours in each day to study, reading, or writing, and with an intention of making up one day for any loss of time on another. EXTRACT FROM SIR STAMFORD’S MEI\IORANDUM BOOK. 577 “ Breakfast being fixed at 9 and dinner at 4, I appropriate, before breakfast, from 7 to 9 bonrs 2 “ Between breakfast and dinner, fi'om 10 to 1 and from 2 to 4 . . — 5 “ In the evening, from 8 to 9 — 1 hours . . 8 “ Before breakfast. — One hour mathematics or logic — one hour Latin, Greek, or Hebrew. “ After breakfast, from 10 to 11. — In committing to paper and arranging and revie'wing what I studied before breakfast. “ From 11 to 1. — '^^h•iting an account of my administration in the East. “ From 2 to 4. — General reading and reading out to Sophia. “ In the evening for one hour. — Reading a play of Shakspeare’s, or other enter- taining productions. “ By this arrangement, I have in the morning, by rising at 6, one hour for exer- cise before breakfast, and half an horn' for the same after breakfast. One hour from 1 to 2 for tiffin and exercise, and after dining from 5 to 7, three hours for exercise or relaxation in the cool of the evening. As the servants are always behind-hand in furnishing the meals, I may freely trust to their affording me time for dressing by such delays, which wall only eventually break in on the proposed three hours relaxation for the evening, a portion of which may well be spared ; or half an hour may be added to the day by going to bed at half past 9 or 10, instead of 9 as proposed. “ My object in making this memorandum is, that I may hold the rule as invio- lable as I can, and by frequently recm’ring to it, revive my sleeping energies, should I at any time be inclined to indolence. I should not, however, omit to add, that all reading and study on a Sunday is to be confined to the Bible and rehgious subjects. The Greek and Hebrew, however, as connected, may nevertheless form a part of the study of that day. “ 25th June, 1824. — Arrived at St. Helena on the afternoon of the 25th June, after a passage of eleven weeks from Bencoolen, and encountering constant and severe gales off the Cape of Good Hope during three weeks of that period. The gale was so severe that during this period we were unable to leave our cots, the sea poured through the decks into our cabin, and the war of the wind was such that we could not hear each other speak. Lady Raffles, though boarded up in her couch, was obhged to have ropes to hold by to prevent her knocking from one side of it to the other ; the ship lay hke a wreck upon the ocean at the mercy of the winds and waves, and we resigned om’selves to the feeling that our pilgrimage in this world was soon to close.” 4 E 578 STORM OFF THE CAPE OF GOOD HOPE, Those who have never experienced such a scene can form no idea of the severity of the gale. Captain Young, who had passed the Cape nineteen times, declared he had never witnessed any thing like it ; nor can the Editor ever forget one night, on which Captain Herbert, (for all on board were worn out with fatigue and watching,) as he retired to take a little rest, desired the officer on the watch to observe in one particular direction, and call him the moment he saw the smallest speck in the horizon ; the Captain then came to tell Sir Stamford that the ship still held well together. It was a dreadful night, the sky appeared a heavy dense arch, threatening to fall with its own weight, and crush every thing beneath it, save in one spot, w^here a full moon of the deepest blood red shed an unnatural crimson hue that just rendered the darkness risible. It w as not long before the expected mark appeared, and before the Captain could get on deck, the fury of the wind was sweeping away all before it. “ Landed the evening of the 25th of June, and the next morning were kindly received by General and Mrs. Walker, with whom we remained at Plantation-house during our stay. “ Sailed from St. Helena the 3d of July, and crossed the Line the 12th of July, 1824. There are some souls bright and precious, which, like gold and silver, may be subdued by the fiery trial, and yield to a new mould ; but there are others firm and solid as the diamond, which may be shivered to pieces, yet in every fragment retain their indelible character.” To the Duchess of Somerset. “ St. Helena, June 26, 1824. “ Thank God, w'e are once more on the right side of the Cape of Good Hope, with a fair prospect of a favourable passage home. After being eleven wrecks at sea, and suffering a dreadful gale of three whole wrecks off the Cape, w^e landed here last night. ^ ^ ^ * “ I have neither time or spirits to say more than that w^e are alive and tolerably well, and have a hope to reach England in August. My health and strength are entirely gone, but I trust I have yet enough spirit to bear up for the voyage. To complete om* sorrow, I have just received an account of the death of my dear mother, an event for which I had for some time been prepared, but wJiich has been a sad stroke at such a moment, just as I felt the possibility of once more embracing her, and cheering her latter hours ; but God’s w ill be done. “ We propose, wind and weather permitting, to land at Plymouth, and from thence to cross the country, through Exeter and Bath to Cheltenham, where Lady Raffles’ family are at present residing. ARRIVAL AT PLYMOUTH. 579 “ I mention this because, next to the duty and inclination I feel to place my dear wife in the bosom of her anxious family, I am led to look towards you and yours. ^ ^ ^ ^ “ Pray excuse this hasty scrawl ; my eyes are quite blinded with tears, and my hand is so nervous that I can scarcely hold my pen.” To Mr. Marsden. “ St. Helena, July 3, 1824. “ My Dear Sir, “ After our dreadful misfortune you will, I am sure, be glad to hear that we have at length reached this place in safety, and that with the blessing of Provi- dence we hope to be with you in the course of the next month. My constitution is sadly broken, and the last accident has given both Lady Raffles and myself so severe a shock, that we have with difficulty been able to bear up ; but the change of scene within the last few days, and the kind attentions of General and Mrs. Walker, added to the near prospect of home, have again cheered us, and we will yet hope that there may be many happy days in store for us. “ As the account of the loss of the Fame by fire will, no doubt, have reached England before this can arrive, I will not distress you by recurring to the particu- lars of that dreadful event, by which, though we fortunately escaped with our lives, I have been a sufferer beyond what it is in my power to express. Nearly one-third of the ship was occupied by my collections and packages, and I fondly, but vainly, flattered myself that I would astonish you with the extent of our exertions and research, particularly in the departments of natural history, to which my attention had latterly been so much directed. Our friends. Sir Everard Home and Dr. Hors- field, will have to regret the loss of many interesting subjects, as I had endeavoured to comply with all their wishes, and succeeded beyond my expectations. You too, my dear Sir, will suffer no less, for without vanity I may say, that I had collected a body of information regarding Sumatra, that would have been highly interesting to you. I had completed a general map of the whole Island, with more detailed particulars of the principal divisions, extensive vocabularies, &c., and I regret to say, that I had not taken the precaution of leaving duphcates behind : of most it would have been difficult to have done it. It is, however, of no use to repine. I have set to work again upon the map, but I fear it will very imperfectly supply the place of the one I intended for you.” To . “ Plymouth, Sunday, August 22, 1824. “ Here we are, thank God, safe and sound. We made the land on the 20th, 4 E 2 o80 ARRIVAL AT PLYMOUTH. and landed here this morning, I am happy to say, in better health than could have been expected. Your’s of the 20th has just been put into my hands, so that you will perceive I have neither lost my punctuality nor my activity. I have a sad head-ache fi-om the fatigue of landing, and therefore you must excuse my saving more to-day ; but as we shall reach Exeter to-moiTow, I will write more fully from thence. “ Mr. Rosedew is with us, and we shall sleep at Beechwood to-night. Sophia will speak for herself, and Nilson is well. My hand is so cramped that I cannot hold my pen.” CHAPTER XX. Sir Stamford lands at Plymouth — Interview with his ehild — Resumes his labours — Interrupted by ill health — Views of the civilization and conversion of the heathen — Retrospect of the proceedings of the Bible Society in Sumatra — Malay schools preparing the way for the Scriptures — Translation of St, John’s gospel — Effect of the transfer of the island to the Dutch — Access to China — Singapore institution — Sir Stamford’s life at home — The magistracy — Sudden illness — Purchase of Highwood — Judgment of the Court of Directors on his administration of Java, Sumatra, and Singapore — His death. Sir Stamford Raffles landed at Plymouth with health and strength greatly reduced, and after remaining one night with Mr. Rosedew at Beechwood, in whose house he had last enjoyed the pleasures of social intercourse previous to his departure seven years before, he hurried on to Cheltenham. The following letters describe his feehngs at this period. To the Duchess of Somerset. “ Cheltenham, August 24, 1824. “ Once more we are safe at home, and I trust it will not be long before I have it in my power to overcome the short distance which separates us. * “We are safe, but, I am sorry to say, far from sound; for my constitution is terribly shattered ; nevertheless, I live in confidence that, as the spirit is good, the body will yet mend. How happy shall I be to see you once more. * * * * “ Your letter must have arrived at Plymouth the day after I left it. We were most anxious, as you may well suppose, to throw ourselves into the arms of our family as soon as possible, and did not remain at Plymouth above three hours ; but what with assizes, horse-races, air-balloons, and other festivities of the season, we got on so slowly for the first two days, that I was obliged to push the post-boys from Bath to this place at about thirteen miles in the hour, until our front wheel caught fire, in order to satisfy Sophia’s impatience to see her child. This has rather fatigued 582 SIR STAMFORD’S INTENDED OCCUPATIONS. US ; but you mil I am sure be happy to hear that we have found her all that our fondest wishes could have desired. “ I am unfortunately so troubled mth cramp, that I can scarcely hold my pen ; therefore, pray excuse my mating all that my heart and feelings dictate. “ How pleasant it is to be near one’s friends; for what are a hundred miles after fourteen thousand ! “ Of my future plans in life I cannot say that I have fixed any * * » I confess that I have a great desire to turn farmer, and have the vanity to think I could manage about two hundred acres as well as my neighbom's. With this, I sup- pose, I should in time become a country magistrate, an office of all others which I should delight in ; and if I could eventually get a seat in parliament, without sacrifice in principle, I should be content to pass through the rest of my life without aiming at any thing further, beyond the occupation of my spare time in promoting, as far as my humhle means and talents admitted, the pursuits of knowledge and science, and the advancement of philanthropic and religious principles. “ Your Grace will, perhaps, say, that I have chalked out for myself a very varied and diversified course ; but what is fife without variety ? and what is existence without occupation ?” To the Duchess of Somerset. “ Cheltenham, Oetoberd, 1824. “ Your advice is so good, so friendly, and so kind, that I will at once pledge myself to follow it in every thing. My only wish is not to be idle, but to be useful to the extent of my means. * ^ ^ ^ “ I have been engaged for the last two or three days in di*awing out a brief review of my public administration during the last twelve years. After the loss of all my documents and records, a paper of this kind becomes the more interesting. I hope I shall not be found to have said too much in favour of my own services and ])retensions ; and yet the countries in which I have been placed have been so new, untrodden, and interesting, and the situations in which I have been thrown have been so peculiar and trying, that unless I state them myself, few will either know or understand any thing about them. I feel confident that my course has been so straight forward, that the more light may be thrown upon it, the more obvious it will aj)pear, and the more creditable it will be to my character.” To Mr. Marsden. “ Cheltenham, October 22, 1824. “ My Dear Sir, “ I have been so unwell since I had the pleasure to receive your kind letter, that I have been quite unable to answer it till now ; not that I have, on the SIR STAMFORD'S ILL HEALTH. 583 whole, cause to complain as to the general improvement of my heath since my arrival, which, I am happy to say, has been gi*eater than I expected ; but I am still occasion- ally subject to severe attacks in the head, and have been confined for days together to my bed, from this and a severe cold, which for the time incapacitated me from wi'iting. I am, however, on my legs again ; and you will, I am sure, be happy to hear that both Lady Raffles and myself already feel some confidence that we may weather the winter, and look forward to next summer for the full re-establishment of our health. Our dear little one we have found every thing the fondest parents could desire ; and I would hope we have at length come to the tennination of the long series of misfortunes, with which it has pleased an all-wise Providence to afflict us of late, and that there is still much comfort and happiness in store for us.” ***** To the Duchess of Somerset. “ Cheltenham f October, 9.S, 1824. “ Your Grace will have been surprised at my long silence ; I have been ill and confined to my bed almost ever since I received your last letter, and I am only able to-day to refer to the date, and apologize for not acknowledging it. When Lord Seymour was with us, I had entirely lost my voice from a violent cold ; so that we had some difficulty in communicating ; but he had hardly left us, than I had one of those severe attacks in my head that nearly deprived me of reason ; and I began to think I must bid you a long farewell. Thank God, however, I am better ; though I am hardly able to hold my pen, and which I dare not trust except within very close limitation ; for I believe it was in consequence of using it too much on the paper I was drawing up that I have to attribute this unfortunate relapse ; which has throw n me back in point of health at least two months ; and as Avinter is fast approaching time is precious. “ I have finished the paper I was writing some time ago, and it is now at the printer’s — it is not exactly what I could have wished, and the state of my health obliged me to contract it within very narrow limits, and bring it to a conclusion rather suddenly, and with less spirit than I could have wished. Such as it is, you shall have it in a few days.” To the Duchess of Somerset. “ Cheltenham, November 2d, 1824. “ I have corrected the proof of the paper which I am sending in to the Court of Directors, and have desired a copy to be sent to you. I am afraid you w'ill not find it very interesting ; but as it takes a general view of my services and the situations in which I have been placed, it may amuse you for half an hour during a dull November day. You must bear in mind to whom it is addressed, and the 7 584 MAPS OF SUMATRA AND SINGAPORE. necessity of my keeping within bounds ; as well as wth reference to a body so con- stituted, as on account of my oum health, which does not admit of my enlarging on the subject. You will see that I have pledged myself to give the public a memoir on Singapore. I hope you will not disapprove of my taking so much blame to mvself as I have been willing to do. I am ready to justify every act of my ad- ministration, and feel perfectly easy on that score, but it is for others to judge — not me ; and all I am anxious to do is to get the question agitated, as I am ready to stand or fall by the result. “ I am veiy sensible of the Duke’s kindness, and am only sorry that I give you so much trouble and so little satisfaction. Time was when I wanted not strength to second my will ; but I am now, alas ! shattered, and altogether unequal to one- thousandth part of all I would wish or desire to do. “ Promising, uith God’s help, to be a better coiTespondent during the next than I have been during the last week, “ I am, &c. &c. T. S. R. “ I have put the maps of Sumatra and Singapore into the hands of an artist this morning, to be constructed and engraved on a scale to suit a quarto volume” To the Duchess of Somerset. “ Piccadilly, December 9th, 1824. I have been following yom' kind ad^^ce — idhng and playing the fool with my time as much as possible. “ W e are beginning to get a httle more to rights than when you left us, but I have only been able to unpack two cases out of one hundred and seventy-three in course of transport to the house.” As soon as Sir Stamford was settled in London, he commenced an examination, as intimated in the last letter, into the week of the immense collections which he had made during the twenty years he had passed in India. He also designed to arrange his papers ; and whilst India, with all its varied interests, was fresh in his memory, to record whatever he thought would promote the general improvement of mankind, or the particular advantage of his country ; but his health was so delicate, that he was prevented from applying himself as he wished to the objects and pur- suits which he had most at heart ; the least exertion of mind or body was followed by days of pain and sickness, and he was continually regretting how much he was losing time — how little he was doing for the good of others. The following letter is to the Committee of the British and Foreign Bible BRITISH AND FOREIGN BIBLE SOCIETY. 585 Society. Sir Stamford always conceived that the idea of converting the natives of India by preaching only was fallacious, and that the miraculous outpouring of the Holy Spirit which attended the first preaching of the Gospel, and by which its nume- rous converts were so multiplied, was not now to be looked for. It was his conviction that the best means of securing this object was to civilize and instruct the people, and, together with cirilization and instruction, convey to them the blessed truths of the Gospel, trusting that God in his own good time would bestow upon them that faith in a Redeemer, without which all knowledge is vain, and which alone is for the “ healing of nations.” To the Committee of the British and Foreign Bible Society. “ February, 1825. “ In compliance \rith the desire expressed by the Committee, I now have the honour to report generally on the state of the Sumatran Auxiliary Bible Society at the period of my quitting Bencoolen, and to offer such suggestions as occur to me, with a view to the continuance of its operations under the political changes in that part of the East. “ Detailed reports of the proceedings of this Society from its commencement until January, 1824, w'ere entrusted to me for the Parent Society in England ; but, unfortunately, the w'hole of these w'ere lost by the destruction by fire of the ship Fame, on w^hich I had embarked for England: and, during the confusion attending my second embarkation fr-om Bencoolen, I am sorry to find that I was by no means furnished with a complete series to supply their place ; nevertheless, I will endea- vour to convey to the Committee an outline, as far as I bear them in recollection, w'hich I hope will be sufficient to prove that it has not been without its usefuhiess ; and that if owing to the pecuhar circumstances of the place, much may not have been done in the actual distribution of the Scriptures, the w^ay had been paved to a considerable extent ; and that time alone w^as w^anting to ripen into effect the opera- tions of those who had entered on the undertaking. “ I cannot charge my memory with the exact number of Bibles distributed by means of the Auxiliary Society ; I believe it was inconsiderable wdth reference to the extent of population ; but when it is considered that previous to its establishment few’, if any, could read, or had any idea of the existence of such a book, or that Christians had such a boon to confer upon them, this will not be surprising. At an early period of the Society, my attention w’as directed more especially to the necessity of introducing letters, and, with them, moral and industrious habits were gradually attended to. The rapid progress made by the childi'en in the dif- ferent pubhc schools, afforded an earnest that perseverance alone, for a few years, was necessary to effect a complete change in the condition of the people, and to place within their comprehension the leading truths of the sacred volume. 4 F 586 BRITISH AND FOREIGN BIBLE SOCIETY. Although the progress and success of these schools may not be considered as falling directly within the immediate objects of the Bible Society, yet, as without them we never could have expected that the Bible could have been read, I may perhaps be permitted to annex to this memorandum the last report of our School Committee, which shews that in the immediate vicinity of Bencoolen, the number of boys who had been taught to read, and who had been disciplined in regular habits, amounted to some hundreds ; and that in the dependent districts along the coast of Sumatra, among a population of not less than 60,000 souls, a considerable anxiety prevailed for the extension of the system. “ I may add in truth that I never witnessed a more animating and interesting spectacle than the pubhc examination of the children of Bencoolen. It was one in which all classes of people united to express their admiration and sui*prise ; and the fair promise which the children afforded, was the most satisfactory earnest of their future advancement in ci\ilization and happiness, if good seed were sown, and the tiller were not idle. Order and industry were more generally introduced among the adults than in former times ; and I have reason to beheve, that throughout the beneficial changes effected were considered as springing directly fi*om the pure motives of a Christian Government, whose principles the people could not but revere. ‘‘ Thus far, in connection with, and under the auspices of, the Bible Society, has the way been prepared for the reception of the sacred volume on the west coast of Sumatra. In other parts, perhaps, little has been done, owing to the want of means. The Island itself probably contains a population of not less than three milllions ; and these are for the most part under independent and worse than semi-barbarous Chiefs. “ One of the most interesting and promising estabhshments, however, foraied in furtherance of these objects, was at Tappanooly, in the heart of the Batta country; where Mr. Burton, a Baptist Missionary, has been successfully established under the protection of the British Government. This gentleman has already made himself, in a great measure, master of the Batta language ; and after translating several tracts into it, was engaged at the period of my leaving Smnatra, in a plan with the Missionaries at Bencoolen, for translating the Gospel of St. John. Mr. Burton has since that period penetrated, in company with Mr. Ward, into the interior of the Batta country ; the particulars of their discoveries in this part of Sumatra will, I doubt not, soon meet the public eye. In the mean time, it may be satisfactory to state that they found the population more extensive, and the productions more valuable than they expected ; and that, instead of finding obstacles and difficulties thrown in their way, they were universally treated with kindness and hospitality. They entered the country without disguise, as Englishmen and Missionaries, and w^ere treated with respect. BRITISH AND FOREIGN BIBLE SOCIETY. 587 But if, on the one hand, the friends of the Society at Bencoolen were anxious to open the eyes and ears of the ignorant to a knowledge of the Word of God, they were no less active in endeavouring to prepare the sacred word in such a form as might most readily and most correctly meet their conception. " Superior knowledge of the languages into which it was to be translated became indispensable ; and without entering into the difficulties which stood in the way in this respect, I will merely take the liberty of adverting to the state of the question, as concerns the Malay Bible, and which was, I believe, the first specimen of a transla- tion into any of the Eastern languages. The Rev. Mr. Robinson, whose exertions in promoting the great objects of the Society, and in cultivating the waste and barren soil of the native mind with indefatigable industry, entitle him to the highest praise, has, among his other publications for the use of the schools, recently edited a work on Malay orthography ; in the preface to which he has introduced some observations on this translation, which may deserve the attention of the Committee ; and I am in consequence induced to annex the volume ; and at the same time to refer to the note at the end of the 36th page of the Introduction. I take this opportunity of forwarding a few copies of the Gospel of St. John, as rendered into Malay by Mr. Robinson ; on the merits of which it would be desirable that a decision should be formed as early as circumstances admit. The only step, with this view, taken on the spot was, to submit it to a Committee of two of the senior civil servants on the Bencoolen establishment, and who were considered to be the best versed in the Malay language ; who gave their opinion generally in favour of the translation, and more particularly in support of the orthography adopted by Mr. Robinson. — I do not feel myself prepared at the present moment to offer any decided advice on the subject ; but as there is every reason to hope that the Insti- tution, recently established at Singapore, may prosper and become efficient, I should think this a point which might well be considered and adjudged by the collective knowledge which will be assembled within its walls. “ I now turn to the probable state of the Auxiliary Society at Bencoolen, as it will be affected by the transfer of that settlement to the Dutch, and from the British withdrawing from the whole of Sumatra on the 1st of March last, conformably to the treaty. When the last accounts left Bencoolen, the official advice of the intended transfer had not reached that settlement ; but sufficieiit intimation of the probability of such an event had been received to throw the whole country into a state of the greatest confusion and alarm. “ The following is an extract from one of the latest letters, which may serve in some degree to convey an idea of the apprehension. ^ What the effect of this change may be upon our mission, it is impossible fully to conjecture ; — but there seems just cause to fear that it will be attended with some 4 F 2 588 BRITISH AND FOREIGN BIBLE SOCIETY. present evil. The Bible Society, which was to have supported our translation, will exist no more ; and the liberal sum which we have hitherto enjoyed for the support of the native schools will also be withdi'awn.’ “ I introduce this extract to shew, that, on the spot, little hope is entertained that, after the British flag is lowered, there will be any chance of the society at Ben- coolen holding up its head, and to submit whether, considering that the British Government has agi'eed to withdraw itself in toto from all futm-e concern in the administration of Sumatra, and has left that Island to the exclusive control of the Netherlands’ Government, it might not be advisable to concert with the Bible So- ciety of the Netherlands, to receive its especial control and care. “ I should be loth to recommend the abandonment of any interest by the British and Foreign Bible Society, however distant the hope of success, and more particu- larly of one, ^^^th the rise of which I had the satisfaction to take some pains, and with which I was in a great measure personally connected ; but when I reflect on the local discussions and difiiculties which may arise among contending authorities, jealous even of each other’s good name, I feel that I am taking a higher and a safer ground, when I look rather to the Netherlands’ authority, and to the zeal of their Bible Society, for carrying into effect the plan which we have begun in Sumatra. “ If the Committee should view the question in the same light, I would suggest the advantage of an early and candid communication being made to the Netherlands’ authorities, and that it should be clearly understood, whether the four missionaries (Baptists) now in Sumatra will be permitted to remain, and to continue their labors on the same principle as heretofore, on an assurance of protection on the part of the Dutch Government ; or if not, whether any and what countenance will be given to them under the change of circmnstances which has taken place ; or otherwise, whether the Netherlands’ Society itself will undertake the whole duty, and they may withdraw. “ It would be highly ad\isable that such an understanding should be effected as would effectually prevent the possibility of clashing on the spot. The Government at home as well as the Parent Societies, are actuated but by one common and social cause, and will mutually aid each other ; but the same spirit is not always predomi- nant abroad ; and at all events we ought to do every thing in our power in Europe to prevent the possibility of misunderstanding them. “ On the restoration of Java to the Dutch, the Auxiliary Bible Society estab- lished there by the Enghsh was allowed to decline and go into decay ; and it was not until an offer was made to Mr. Bruchnor, at Samarang, to print a version of the Javanese Bible at Bencoolen under his revision, that the Dutch Government came forward and assisted in the prosecution of the work ; in which, I am happy to say, he is now successfully employed. “ In the Moluccas, the Netherlands’ Government have afforded considerable BRITISH AND FOREIGN BIBLE SOCIETY. 589 countenance and assistance ; and it is to be hoped that the subject will he taken up in the Netherlands with the same liberality and spirit. The religion of Christ will then not long be prevented from exercising its improving and resuscitating influence over this long-neglected portion of the globe. “ At the same time that I feel myself hound to offer an apology for the length of this communication, I am induced to make one observation more, for which I crave yom' indulgence. “ In the last Annual Report of the British and Foreign Bible Society, notice was taken of the labours of Dr. Morrison, and particularly of the advantage that might arise in appointing an agent to proceed to Singapore, and from thence to China and different parts of the East, with the \iew of distributing the Scriptures in China. I take this occasion to offer my entire concuiTence and unreserved testi- mony in support of the suggestion of Dr. Morrison ; and to state that, situated as we are now on the threshold of China, and surrounded by perhaps half a million of that people, who have emigrated and settled around us in the adjacent countries, with almost constant intercourse, and means of communication even with the heart of China itself, Loochoo, and Japan, I consider this the most favourable oppor- tunity that could be embraced, for furthering the objects of the Society in that quarter. I ought also to add, that Siam and Cochin China are now, for the first time, open to our commerce ; and that, whatever may be the result of the present contest in the Birman country, a field seems to be opening in that quarter, from which we shall no longer be debarred entrance. India beyond the Ganges, or Eastern Asia, at no former period of its history seems to have been pregnant with gi'eater changes than at present : and, though all good and great works must be the work of time, yet I trust I may stand excused in suggesting whether the time has not arrived, when a knowledge of the languages and character of the people ought to be cultivated, in order that we may have agents prepared to act whenever safe openings offer. Instead of one or two persons learned in the Chinese, should we not at least have a dozen ? Siam and Cochin China are extremely populous ; and I am not aware that any Protestant missionary has ever been among them ; or that any versions of the Scriptures in their languages has been attempted. “ With the view of affording to the Committee every information as to the pre- sent state of Eastern Asia, I have taken the liberty to transmit herewith a memo- randum of the Institution at Singapore ; an institution which in its degree will, I trust, be found essentially conducive to the civilization and adv^ancement of the countries by which it is surrounded.” Sir Stamford had not been many months in England when he suggested a plan to Sir Humphrey Davy for the formation of a Zoological Society, which should com- bine with the pursuit of science the introduction and domestication of such quadru- 590 ESTABLISHMENT OF THE ZOOLOGICAL SOCIETY. peds, birds, and fishes, as might be most hkely to prove useful to agricultural and domestic purposes. The following letters allude to this subject. To Sir R. H. IngUs, Bart. April 28th, 1825. My Dear Sir Robert, As Sir Humphrey has gone out of town, leaving with me the list of names in support of the plan for extending our zoological researches, &c., to add the names of as many of my friends as might be desirous of promoting it, I am induced to ask if I may have the honour of putting down your name. Mr. Peel’s name is at the head of the list, and those of Lord Spencer, Lord LansdowTie, Lord Stanley. Mr. Keber, and many others of weight follow. When the list is completed to a hundred, which I conclude it will be in a day or two, it is proposed to appoint a committee, when the objects of the society \riU be more clearly defined. In the first instance, we look mainly to the country gentle- men for support, in point of numbers ; but the character of the institution must of course depend on the proportion of men of science and sound principles which it contains. I look more to the scientific part of it, and propose, if it is established on a respectable footing, to transfer to it the collections in natural history which I have brought home uith me. Yours sincerely, T. S. Raffles.” To the same. “ Grosvenor-street, June 16tk, 1825. My Dear Sir Robert, I have duly registered Sir Thomas Acland’s name on the list of sub- scribers to the proposed society, which I am now happy to find is to be honoured and benefited by his support. A meeting is proposed to be held next week, when some kind of form or con- stitution will be given to it ; at present it is almost ‘ without a local habitation or a name.’ In the mean time I enclose you the last prospectus, with a list of the names as they stood a week ago, since which there have been several accessions. “ The state of my health has been such, that I have found it impossible to caU at Manchester Buildings, notwithstanding many attempts, and I am now forced to fly from town rather suddenly. We go as far as Hornsey on Saturday, and expect early in next month to remove to High Wood, which I have purchased; at pre- sent, hoivever, 'we have some difficulty about the period of possession, on account 2 REQUESTED TO ACT IN THE MAGISTRACY. 591 of delay in making out the title ; and, as the case stands, I have been obliged to say, that unless I can remove at an early date, our agreement must fall to the gi'ound. " Yours, &c. “ T. S. Raffles.” To Sir Stamford the enjoyments of a country life were peculiarly delightful, indeed almost necessary ; and when he found himself once more at liberty to cultivate his garden, to attend to his farm, and to interest himself in those simple pleasures in which he had always delighted, he hoped to regain that health and strength which alone were wanting to his happiness. Here he could indulge the feelings of his heart without restraint; and it was his intention, had not God ordained better things for him, to have passed the greater part of his time in the happy retirement which the spot he selected for his residence promised to secure to him. To Sir R. H. Inglis, Bart. “ High Wood, December 31, 1825. My Dear Sir Robert, “ The application I am about to make to you will be the best proof I can give that I am recovering my health, and feel some confidence in my future exertions. My neighbours here have urged me strongly to act as a magistrate, and the necessity of such an authority is unquestionable. We are more than four miles removed from our parish church, and the exercise of any thing like police ; and the consequences are as might be expected : the poorer classes, left to themselves with- out control in this world, and neither checked by moral or any other authority, are in a sad degraded and irregular state. We are just on the borders of another county, not famous for the moral character of its inhabitants, in the vicinity of Barnet and Whetstone, which is a further reason for my undertaking the office. “We are now concerting a plan for the erection of a Chapel of Ease ; and the next object is an efficient magistracy. For some time I resisted the entreaties of my friends that I should endeavour to get into the commission, not feeling my health equal to the duties, and apprehensive that, although during the longest part of my public life, I have been acting on the principle, and directing others how to execute similar offices, I might myself be deficient in the details ; but from the im- provement in my health, and from a desire to be useful to the extent of my ability, added to the consideration that it may afford me the means of becoming 'practically acquainted with the real state of our society, and of much regarding our laws and usages, which it is impossible for me to know otherwise than theoretically, I no longer hesitate. o92 PLAN FOR PROMOTING THE STUDY OF THE CHINESE LANGUAGE. “ I have, in a great measirre, recovered my health, by being quietly in the country', and avoiding public or large parties, and the benefit of a pure air ; but we propose going into town in the coiu-se of a few months. “ Yours, &c. “ T. S. Raffles.” To the Rev. Dr. Raffles. “ 23, Loner Grosvenor Street, Mareh 9, 1825. My Dear Cousin, “ I have been intending to wiite to you for the last three weeks, and par- ticularly in answer to your reference to Sophia respecting the Singapore Institution ; but I have been far from well, and not able to communicate with Dr. Morrison and other friends so fully as I could have wished. “ It is now detennined that he does not return to China this season ; and he has for the present established himself at Hackney, where he lectures twice a w’eek, and affords instmction in the Chinese language. His object is to introduce the study of it into this country ; and a plan is in progi*ess for appointing a professor in Oxford. I am decidedly of opinion, that the interests of the Institution uill be better foiAvarded by considering it as a whole ; it being of course optional with subscribers to give their assistance either generally, or to either of the three departments — literary, Chinese, or Malay. Dr. Momson looks piincipally to the Chinese, but he by no means \nshes to throw the other departments into the back-gi'ound ; and I believe he is fully convinced that we must uphold the literary and scientific depart- ment, as most essential for the well-being of the whole. * I propose after Easter to take it up, and will then unite you more fully. “ It uill I think be advisable to move in the first instance in London, wiiere I propose appointing a Committee. Dr. ’Morrison does not appear sanguine about pubhc meetings, and seems to think we can do more by committees. “ My health has improved, but I am still dehcate and imsomid ; so much so, that I am unable to bear the fatigue of going into the city, or attending to any thing like business. I look forward with no httle anxiety to May and June, when we may hope to quit London and riualize. “ I am much interested at present in estabhshing a gi'and Zoological collection in the metropolis, uith a Society for the introduction of living animals, bearing the same relations to Zoology as a science, that the Horticultural Society does to Botany. The Prospectus is drawn out, and when a few copies are printed I will send some to you. We hope to have 2000 subscribers at £2 each ; and it is further ON THE ZOOLOGICAL SOCIETY. 59.3 expected we may go far beyond the Jardin des Plantes at Paris. Sir Humphrey Davy and myself are the projectors ; and while he looks more to the practical and immediate utility to the country gentlemen, my attention is more directed to the scientific department. More of this, however, hereafter. # # * * " T. S. Raffles.” To the Rev. Dr. Raffles. “ Lower Grosvenor-street, May 18, 1826. My Dear Cousin, You are kind, indeed, to be thinking of me and my prospects, at a time when I fear I shall have given you too much reason for accusing me of neglect. My conscience has for many a-day told me that I ought to have written to you more than I have done ; and the only way in which I have been able to satisfy it, has been by reflecting on your kindness and consideration to make allowance for all my sins of omission ; — and which in the way of con'espondence have latterly accumu- lated most frightfully. I feel in the light of an unfortunate debtor, with but httle prospect of ever discharging my arrears. “ My health, thank God, is upon the whole improved : — and I am happy to say both Sophia and my little one are quite well. Necessity has compelled me to go much into society ; and I am almost surprised, that, at this gay season of festhity, I have been able to carry on the war. Seldom a day passes without an engagement for dinner, and for many weeks I have not been able to command an hour’s leisure. It is true I have not attended very closely to any thing, hut all is so new, varied, and important in the metropohs of this great empire, after so long an absence in the w'oods and wilds of the East, that like the bee, I wander from flower to flower, and drink in delicious nutriment from the numerous intellectual and moral sources which surround me.” ****** sif “ The few copies of the Zoological plan which were struck off were soon dis- persed ; and I did not think of sending some to you until I found I had not one left for myself. Some idea has been entertained of throwing the prospectus into a new form ; and at this very time I am a little at issue with Sir Humphrey Davy, as to the share which science is to have in the project. As soon as I have a copy of the plan resolved upon, I will send it to you : and in the mean time I shall take the liberty, save permission, of placing your name with the lionorahles w'ho support it. “ Do you know of any layman who w^ould go to Singapore and China as an Agent to the Bible Society ; — or w^ho would devote himself to the cultivation of the Chinese language? He w^ould have a salary of £100 per annum, and all expences 4 G 594 ILLNESS OF SIR STAMFORD. for travelling, &c. paid. I am looking out for such a person, at the suggestion of the Bible Society ; and considering the great opening, and the extent of the field, surely there must be sufficient interest in the country to rouse some one into ac- tion. I think it likely that you will see some notice on the subject in the next monthly extracts published by the Society. * * * * * “ T. S. Raffles.” To the Rev. Dr. Raffles. “ Lower Grosvenor-street, May 24. 326. Mangouste de Java, Fred. Cuv., Mammif. Garangan of the Javanese. Habitat in Sumati’a et Java. In Musceis Soc. Zool. et Ind. Orient. Genus Lutra, Linn. Lutra leptonyx, Horsf, Zool. Researches, No. 7. pi, 2. Simung of the Sumatrans. Anjing-ayer of the Malays. Welingsang, or Wargul, of the Javanese. Habitat in Sumatra et Java. In Musceis Soc. Zool. et Ind. Orient. A second species, supposed to be the Barang of Sir Stamford Raffles, is in the Sumatran col- lection, but its chai’acters have not as yet been sufficiently ascertained. 4 M 2 CATALOGUE OF ZOOLOGICAL SPECIMENS. ()36 Genus Prionodon, Horsf., Zool. Researches, No, 5. Prion, gracile. Horsf., Zool. Researches, No. 1. pi, 2. Viverra? Linsang, Hardwicke, Linn, Trans,, Po/. XIII. ja. 235. Tab. 2^. Delnndung of the Javanese. Habitat in Java. In Musa;o Soc. Ind. Orient. Genus Feus, Lhin. Fel. Tigris, Lhui. Habitat in Sumatra. In Musceo Soc. Zool. Fel. Leopardus, Linn. Habitat in Sumatra. In Musceo Soc. Ind. Orient. Felis Macroscelis, Horsf, Zool. Journ., Vol. I. p. 542. pi. 21. — Temm., Monographie de Mamm. p. 102. Rimau dahan of the IMalays. Habitat in Sumatra. In Musceo Soc. Zool. Sir Stamford Raffles was the first who discovered and described this animal. His description is in the thirteenth volume of the Linnean Transactions, p. 250, under the Malayan name of Rimau dahan. Felis Javanensis, Desm., Diet. d'Hist. Nat., Vol. VI./?. 115. — Mamm.,j). 229. sp. 358. — Horsf, Zool. Researches, No. \. pi. 1. Chat de Java, Ctw., Annales du Mus., Tom. XIV./?. 159. n. 26. Kurwuk of the Javanese. Habitat in Java. In Musceo Soc. Ind. Orient. Fel. Sumatrana, Horsf, Zool. Researches, No. 2. f. 4. Rimau bulu of the Malays, Raff., Linn. Trans., Vol. XIII. /?. 249. Habitat in Sumatra. In Musceis Soc. Zool. et Ind. Orient. Fel. Temminckii, Vigors and Horsf ., Zool. Journ., Vol. III. /?. 451. pi. Sitpp. 25. Habitat in Sumatra. In Musceo Soc. Zool. This new species was one of the results of Sir Stamford Raffles’ researches in Sumatra. A specimen is in the collection presented by him to the Zoological Society. It is remarkable by the uniform red colour which pervades the body. Felis planiceps, Vigors and Horsf, Zool. Journ., lol. 111. /?. 450. pi. 12. Habitat in Sumatra In Musceo Soc. Zool. CATALOGUE OF ZOOLOGICAL SPECIMENS. ()37 This species also, distinguished by the flat shape of the head, is among the discoveries of Sir Stamford. Three specimens are in his Sumatran collection, all agreeing in this singular formation. Felismelas? Peron et Lesueur. Le Melas, Cuv., Annales du Mus., Tom. XIII. 152. No. 10. Habitat in Sumatra et Java. In Musceis Soc. Zool. et Ind. Orient. The specimen in the Zoological Society’s collection is young. Doubts exist as to this species being distinct from Felis Leopardus. Genus Canis, Linn. Can. familiaris, Linn. var. Sumatrensis. Wild Dog of Sumatra, Hardwicke, Linn. Trans., Vol. XIII. jo. 236. Tab, 23. Can. rutilans, Temm. Habitat in Java, In Musceo Soc. Ind. Orient. Tribus Insectivora. Genus Gymnura, Vigors and Horsf. Gym, Rafflesii, Vigors and Horsf., Zool. Journ., Vol. Ill, />. 248. pi. 8. Viverra gymnura. Raff,., Linn. Trans., Vol. III. p. 272. Tikus Ambang bulan of the Malays ? Habitat in Sumatra. In Musceo Soc. Zool. This new form of animal is among the most conspicuous of Sir Stamford Raffles’ discoveries in zoology. Doubts exist as to there being two species in the specimens contained in his collection. The native name given above is that of an animal brought to Major Farquhar from the interior of Malacca, some time previously to the discovery of the Gymnura in Sumatra, which Sir Stamford believes to be identical with it. Genus Tupaia, Raffes. Tup. Tana, Raff., Linn. Trans., Vol. XIII. p. 257. — Horsf., Zool. Researches, No. 3. pi. 2. T upai-tana of the Sumatrans. Habitat in Sumatra. In Musceo Soc. Zool. Tup. Javanica, Horsf., Zool. Researches, No. 3. pi. 1. Bangsrmg, or Sinsring, of the Javanese. Habitat in Java. In Musceo Soc. Ind. Orient. Tup. ferruginea. Raff., Linn. Trans., Vol. XIII. p. 256. Tupaiypress of the Malays. Habitat in Sumatra. In Musceo Soc. Zool. 638 CATALOGUE OF ZOOLOGICAL SPECIMENS. Science is indebted to Sir Stamford Raffles also for the discovery of this new form among the Insectivorous animals, two species of which he described in the Linnean Transactions. An attempt has been made by some of the French naturalists to supersede the name of Tupaia. No less than four different writers have given separate names to the genus. There can be little doubt that the law of priority, as well as the justice of the case, will eventually prevail here, as in similar instances. Genus Sorex, Linn. Sor. Indicus, Geoff., Ann. du. Mas., Tome XVII. p. 183. sp. 8. Habitat in Sumatra. In Musceo Soc. Zool. Sor. Myoxurus, Pallas. Habitat in Java. In Musceo Soc. Ind. Orient. Ordo II Primates, Linn. Tribus Cheiroptera. Genus Pteropus, Brisson. Pter. Javanicus, Desm., Manim., p. 109. sp. 136. — Horsf., Zool. Researches, No. 4. 2)1. 4. Kalong of the Javanese. Habitat in Sumatrd et Java. In MuscEis Soc. Zool. et Ind. Orient. Pter. marginatus, Desm., Marnm., p. 111. s}i. 146. Habitat in Jav^. In Musceo Soc. Ind. Orient. Pter. Titthoecheilus, Temm., Monogr. de Mamm., p. 198. Habitat in Java. In Musceo Soc. Ind. Orient. Genus Macroglossus, Fred. Cuv. Macroglossus rostratus. Pteropus rostratus, Horsf., Zool. Researches, No. 3. pi. 4. Pteropus minimus, Geoff. The name of 7ninimus being inappropriate where but one species belongs to a genus, that of rostratus is here adopted. Genus Nyctinomus, Geoff. Nyct. tenuis, Horsf., Zool. Researches, No. 5. pi. 1. Lowo-churut of the Javanese. Habitat in Java. In Musceo Soc. Ind. Orient. Nyct. dilatatus. Id., Ib., No. 4. Habitat in Java. In Musceo Soc. Ind. Orient. CATALOGUE OF ZOOLOGICAL SPECIMENS. (),39 Genus Megaderma, Geoff. Meg. Lyra. Geoff., Ann. du Mas., Tome XV. pj). 190. 198. pi. 12. Habitat in Java. In Musoeo Soc. Ind. Orient. Genus Ruinolopiius, Geoff. Rhin. affinis. Horsf., Zool. Researches, No. 6. Habitat in Java. In Musceo Soc. Ind. Orient. Rhin. minor. Id., Ib. Habitat in Java. In Musceo Soc. Ind. Orient. Rhin. nobilis. Id., Ib., No. 7. pi. 4. Kebblek of the Javanese. Habitat in J ava. In Musoeo Soc. Ind. Orient. Rhin. larvatus. Id., Ib., No. 6. pi. 3. Lowo-sumbo of the Javanese. Habitat in J ava. In Musceo Soc. Ind. Orient. Rhin. vulgaris, Id., Ib., No. 6. Habitat in Jav&. In Musceo Soc. Ind. Orient. Rhin. deformis, Id., Ib. Habitat in J av^. In Musceo Soc. Ind. Orient. Rhin. insignis, Hors/., Zool. Researches, No. 6. Habitat in Java. In Musceo Soc. Ind. Oi'ient. Genus Nycteris, Geoff. Nyct. Javanicus, Desm., Mamm.,p>. 129. sp. 192. Nyctere de Java, Geoff., Mem. sur VRgypte, Hist. Nat. Tome II. /;. 123. Habitat in Java. In Musceo Soc. Ind. Orient. Genus Vespertilio, Auct. Vesp. Temminckii, Horsf ., Zool. Researches, No. 8. pi. 3. Habitat in Java. In Musceo Soc. Ind. Orient. Vesp. adversus, Id., Ib., No. 8. Habitat in Java. In Musceo Soc. Ind. Orient. 2 640 CATALOGUE OF ZOOLOGICAL SPECIMENS. Vesp. Hardwickii, Id., Ib. Habitat in Java. In Musceo Soc. Ind. Orient. Vesp. tralatitius, Id., Ib. LoiL'o-manir of the Javanese. Habitat in Javi. In MmcBO Soc. Ind. Orient. Vesp. imbricatus, Id., Ib. Loivo-lesser of the Javanese. Habitat in Java. In Musceo Soc. Ind. Orient. Vesp. pictus, Pall. Spie., \\\.p. 7. Lowo-Kembang of the Javanese. Habitat in Java. In Musceo Soc. Ind. Orient. Tribus Quadrumaka. Genus Simia, Auct. Simia Satyrus, Linn. Orang Utan of the Malays. Habitat in Sumatra. In MiuiCEO Soc. Zool. Genus Hylobates, III. Hyl. syndactyla. Simia syndactyla, Raf^.,Linn. Trans. ,*Vol. XIII.^;. 241 . — Horsf., Zool. Researches, No. 3. f. 3. ' Siamang of the Malays. Habitat in Sumatra. In Musceis Soc. Zool. et Ind. Orient. This species is one of the results of Sir Stamford Raffles’ researches in Sumatra, and was first described and named by him in the Linnean Transactions. Hyl. agilis, Fred. Cuv., Mamm. Hylobates variegatus, Desm. ? Ungha puti of the Sumatrans, Rajjfl., Linn. Trans., Vol. XIII. p. 242. Habitat in Sumatra. In Musceo Soc. Zool. This species also was first pointed out as new by Sir Stamford Raffles, who described its cfis- tinguishing characters in the Linnean Transactions, under its native name of Ungha puti. M. Fred. Cuvier afterwards figured the animal, and gave it the scientific name of agilis. Doubts are entertained of its being specifically distinct from the Hyl. variegatus of M. Desmarest. Hyl. Lar, Geoff. Simia albimana. Vigors and Horsf ., Zool. Journ., Vol. IV. 107. Habitat in Sumatra. In Musceo Soc. Zool. CATALOGUE OF ZOOLOGICAL SPECIMENS. (Ml 'Fwo species have hitherto been confounded under the name of Simia Lav, Linn., whicli differ from each other cliiefly by the hands of one being whitish, while those of tlie second are of the same black colour as the rest of the body. The species were first distinguished as quoted above in the Zoological Journal, the black species being considered the type of the Linnean species Lar, and the present animal with the white hands being designated as distinct under the name of alhimanu. M. Geoffi’oy de St. Hilaire has subsequently reversed the disposition of the species, and has selected the present animal as the typical Lar, while he calls the black species Hyl. RqfflesiL This order of nomenclature may well be adopted in the present instance, although it is contrary to the usual practice by which the courtesy of naturalists, and indeed the justice of the case, secures to the first distinguisher of a species the name which he confers upon it. In superseding the prior name conferred on the present species by that of Rajfflesii, M. Geoff, de St. Hilaire has made an appeal to the feelings of the first describers, which cannot be resisted. Hyl. Rafflesii, Geoff., Coins de I'Hist. nat. des Mamm., Le^. 7. p. 34. Simia Lar, Vigors and Horsf., Zool. Joimi., Vol. W . p. 106. L’Ounko. Fred. Cuv., Mamm. Ungka etam of the Malays, Raffes, Linn. Trans., Vol. XIII. 242. Habitat in Malaccae Peninsula. Although this species is indicated in Sir Stamford’s catalogue of the Sumatran animals, no specimen was found in the collection. The specimen in the Zoological Collection, accurately agreeing with his description in the Linnean Transactions, is fi'om the continent of India. Genus Lasiopyga, III. Lasiopyga Nemaeus, Rl. Le douc, Buff- In Musceo Soc. Zool. A specimen of this species belongs to the Rafflesian collection; but it is believed that it was brought from Borneo, whence Sir Stamford obtained some valuable subjects of Natural History, particularly the two following subjects. Genus Nasalis, Geoff. Nas. larvatus. Simia nasalis, Shaw. Guenon a long nez. Buff. In Musceo Soc. Zool. Nas. recurvus. Vigors and Horsf., Zool. Journ., Vol. IV. p. 110. In Musceo Soc. Zool. This animal, brought from Borneo with the preceding, may probably be the young of the species, as suggested by the Authors quoted above. No proof, however, of the fact has as yet appeared. 4 N 642 CATALOGUE OF ZOOLOGICAL SPECIMENS. Genus Semnopithecus, Fred. Cut. Semn. Maurus, Fred. Cut. — Horsf., Zool. Researehes, No. 4. f. I. Simia Maura, Schreh. Lotong of the Malays, Raffles, Linn. Trans., Vol. XIII., p. 247. Budeng or Lutung of the Javanese. Habitat in Suinatrd and JavS. In Musceis Socc. Zool. et Ind. Orient. Immature specimens of this species, exhibiting different gradations of colour from bright red to entire black, are in the Sumatran collection. Semn. cristatus. Simia cristata, Raffl., Linn. Trans., Vol. XIII. 244. Chingkau of the Malays. Habitat in Sumatrd. In Musceo Soc. Zool. This species, together with the succeeding, are among the discoveries of Sir Stamford Raffles. Semn. melalophos. Simia melalophos, Raffl., Linn. Trans., Vol. XIII. p. 245. Simpai of the Malays. Habitat in Sumatra et Java. In Musceis Socc. Zool. et Ind. Orient. Semn. femoralis, Horsf. Habitat in Sumatra et Java. In Musceis Socc. Zool. et Ind. Orient. Semn. Pyrrhus, Horsf, Zool. Researches, No. 7. pi. 3. Lutung of the Javanese. Habitat in Java. In Musceo Soc. Ind. Orient. Semn. ? fascicularis. Simia fascicularis, Raffl., Linn. Trans., Vol. XIII. p. 246. Kra of the Malays. Habitat in Sumatra. No specimen of this species, although it appears to be frequent in the forests of Sumatra and the Malay Islands, was found in Sir Stamford’s collection. It is of course doubtful whether it is a true Semnopithecus. Genus Macacus, Lacepede. Mac. nemestrinus. Simia carpolegus? Raffl., Linn. Trans., Vol. XIII. jo. 243. Bruh of the Malays ? Habitat in Sumatra et Java. In Musceis Socc. Zool. et Ind. Orient. 2 CATALOGUE OF ZOOLOGICAL SPECIMENS. 64.1 It is probable that the Briih of Sir Stamford Raffles’ Catalogue is referable to the above species. Genus Loris, Geoff. Loris tardigradus. Lemur tardigradus, Linn. Kukang of the Malays. This species has been described by Sir Stamford as inhabiting the Malay Islands, but no specimen is in the Sumatran collection. Loris Javanicus. Nycticebus Javanicus, Geoff. Habitat in Sumatra et Java. In Musoeis Socc. Zool. et Ind. Orient. Genus Tarsius, Storr. Tars, spectrum? Lemur spectrum, Pall. Habitat in Sumatra. In Musceo Soc. Zool. Tars. Bancanus, Horsf , Zool. Researches, No. 2, pi. 2. Habitat in Java. In Musceo Soc. Ind. Orient. Genus Galeopithecus, Pallas. Gal. variegatus, Cuv. Gal. rufus, Pall? Kubung of the Malays. Habitat in Sumatra. In Musceo Soc. Zool. This species of M. Cuvier is generally considered to be the young of the Gal. rufus of Pal- las. This supposition is chiefly founded upon the inferior size of Gal. variegatus. [See Aude- bert, Histoire des Galeopitheques, p. 37.] But there are several specimens in the Rafflesian collection of different sizes, some of which considerably exceed the dimensions assigned to Gcd. rufus. The question is by no means set at rest. Gal. rufus, Pall. Kubung of the Malays. Habitat in Sumatra et Java. In Musceo Soc. Ind. Orient. 4 N 2 G44 CATALOGUE OF ZOOLOGICAL SPECIMENS. Ordo III Pecora. Tribus Edentata. Genus Manis, Linn. Man. pentadactyla, Linn. Pangoling .sisik or Tangiling of the Malays, Roffl., Linn. Trans., Vol. XIII./;. 249. Habitat in Sumatra et Jav^. In Museeo Soc. Ind. Orient. Manis Javanica, Desmarest, Mamm., p. 376. sp. 596. Habitat in Sumatra et Java. In Museeo Socc. Zool. et Ind. Orient. Tribus Pachydermata. Genus Elephas, Linn. El. maximus, Linn. Habitat in Sumatra. In Museeo Soc. Zool. The teeth and tusks only of this animal are preserved in the Sumatran collection. Genus Rhinoceros, Linn. Rhin. Sumatrensis, Cut. Sumati’an Rhinoceros, Bell, Phil. Tra?is. 1793. Badak of the Malays, Raffi., Linn. Tra?is., Vol. III. p. 268. Habitat in Sumatra. In Museeo Soc. Zool. Rhin. Sondaicus, Cui\ — Horsf., Zool. Researches, No. VI. pi. 4. Warak of the Javanese. Badak of the Malays. Habitat in Java. Genus Tapirus, Briss. Tap. Indicus, Desm., Mamm., p. 411. sp. 646. Tap. Malayanus, Raffl., Linn. Trans., Vol. XIII. p. 270. — Horsf., Zool. Re- searches, No. 1. pi. 4. Le Maiba, Fred. Cuv., Mamm. Saladang, Gindol, Babi Alu, and Tennu of the Malays. Habitat in Sumatra. In Miiseeis Socc. Zool. et Ind. Orient. Genus Sus, Linn. Sus scrofa, Linn. Babi of the Sumatrans. Habitat in Sumatra. In Museeo Soc. Zool. CATALOGUE OF ZOOLOGICAL SPECIMENS. ()45 Tribus Ruminantia. Genus Moschus, Linn. Mosc. Javanicus, Pall. Napu of the Malays. Habitat in Sumatra et Java. In Musceis Socc. Zool. et Inch Orient. Mosc. Kanchil, Raffl., Linn. Traits., Vol. XIII. p. 262. Kanchil of the Malays. Habitat in Sumatra. In Musceo Soc. Zool. A third species of the Musk deer has been mentioned by Sir Stamford as inhabiting Sumatra, which he calls Pelandok, but no specimen has appeared in the collection. Genus Cervus, Linn. Cervus Muntjac, Schreh. — Horsf., Zool. Researches, No. VI. pi. I. Muntjac of the Sunda Javanese. Kidang of the Javanese. Kljang of the Malays. Habitat in Sumatra et Java. In Musceis Socc. Zool. et Ind. Orient. Cervus Tunjuc? Rusa ubi, Rusa sapid, and Rusa Tunjuc of the Malays, Raffi., Linn, Trans., Vol. XIII. p. 266. Habitat in Sumati'd et Java. In Musceis Socc. Zool. et Ind. Orient. This species, very nearly allied to the Muntjac, which is probably the same as that mentioned by Sir Stamford Raffles in the Linnean Transactions, under the above native names, is in the Su- matran collection. It appears to be undescribed; but the horns not being sufficiently grown, it is deemed advisable not to enter into further particulars until more extensive information has been acquired on the subject. Cervus Axis, Er.xl. Habitat in Sumatra. In Mus(Co Soc. Zool. The horns only of this animal have been sent home in the Sumatran collection. Cervus Hippelaphus? Rusa of the Sumatrans Menjangan of the Javanese. Habitat in Sumatra et Java. In Musceo Soc. Ind. Orient. (>16 CATALOGUE OF ZOOLOGICAL SPECIMENS. Genus Antilope, Pall. Antilope Sumatrensis, Penn. Cambtan, Fred. Cue., Mamm. Camhing Utan, JMarsden. — Raffl., Linn. Trans., Vol. XIII. 266. Ordo IV Glires, Linn. Fam. ScruRiD.E. Genus Sciurus, Linn. Sciur. maximus, Schreb. Tupai Jinjang or Tankrawa of the Malays. Habitat in Sumatra. Sciur. bicolor, Sparm. — Horsf., Zool. Researches, No. 8. pi. 1 . Jelarang of the Javanese. Habitat in Sumatra et J ava. In Musceis Socc. Zool. et Ind. Orient. Sciur. Leschenaultii, Desm. Habitat in Sumatra et Java. In Musceis Socc. Zool. et Ind. Orient. Sciur. affinis, Raffl., Linn. Trans., Vol. XIII. p. 259. Habitat in Sumatrd. In Musceo Soc. Ind. Orient. Sciur. vittatus, Raffl., Linn. Trans., Vol. XIII. p. 259. Sciur. bivittatus, Desm. Ecureuil Toupaye, Fred. Cuv., Mamm. Tupai of the Malays. Habitat in Sumatra et Java. In Musceis Socc. Zool. et Ind. Orient. Sciur. nigrovittatus, Horsf., Zool. Researches, No. 7. Habitat in Java. In Musceo Soc. Ind. Orient. Sciur. Plantani, LJung. — Horsf, Zool. Researches, No. 7. pi. 1. Sciur. bilineatus, Geoff. Bajing of the J avanese and Malays. Habitat in Java. In Musceo Soc. Ind. Orient. Sciur. insignis, Fred. Cuv. — Horsf, Zool. Researches, No. 5. pi. 3. Le Lary, Fred. Cuv., Mamm. Bokkol of the Javanese. Habitat in Sumatra et Java. In Musceis Socc. Zool. et Ind. Oi'ient. Sciur. Rafflesii, Vigors and Horsf., Zool.Joum., Vol. IV^. p. 113. pi. 4. Habitat in Sumatra. In Musceo Soc. Zool. CATALOGUE OF ZOOLOGICAL SPECIMENS. ()47 Sciur. tenuis, Horsf., Zool. Researches, No. 7. Habitat in Sumatra. In Museis Socc. Zool. et Ind. Orient. Genus Pteromys, Cuv. Pter. nitidus, Desm. Habitat in Sumatra. In Musais Socc. Zool. et Ind. Orient. Pter. sagitta, Cuv. Sciurus sagitta, Linn. Habitat in Sumati’a. In Musa.0 Soc. Zool. Pter. lepidus, Horsf., Zool. Researches, No. 4. pi. 4. Habitat in Java. In Musao Soc. Ind. Orient. Pter. genibarbis, Id., Ib., No. 4. pi. 3. Kechubu of the Javanese. Habitat in JavL /« Musceo Soc. Ind. Orient. Fam. MuRiDiE. Genus Mus, Linn, et Auct. Mus setifer, Horsf., Zool. Researches, No. 8. pi. 2. Tikus-wirok of the Javanese. Habitat in Java. In Musceo Soc. Ind. Orient. M. Temminck asserts that this animal is the young of the Mus giganteus of General Hard- wicke. As yet we have had no proof of the assertion. Fam. Hystricid.e. Genus Hystrix, Linn. Hyst. fas cicu lata, Shaw. Habitat in Sumatra. Hyst. longicauda, Marsden, Hist, of Sumatra. Landak of the Malays. Habitat in Sumatra. Ordo V Cetacea, Linn. Genus Halicore, III. Hal. Dugong, Rajf., Linn. Trans., Vol. XIII. p. 272. Duyong of the Malays. Habitat in Mari Sum. In Musceo Soc. Zool. 6i8 CATALOGUE OF ZOOLOGICAL SPECIMENS. Classis A V E S. Ordo I Raptores. Fam. Falconid.e. {Halang, or Lang, of the Malays.) Sub-fam. Aquilina. Genus Pandion, Savigny. Pand. Ichthyaetus. Falco Ichthyaetus, Ilorsf., Linn. Trans., Vol. XIII. p. \?,Q>.—Zool. Researches, No. 3. pi. 5. Jokomiru of the Javanese. Habitat in Java. In Musceo Soc. Ind. Orient. This species, with the general appearance and the cylindrical claws of Pandion, has the scutel- lated tarsi of Haliaetus. Genus Haliaetus, Sav. Haliaetus Pondicerianus. Aquila Pondiceriana, Briss. Lang Bondol of the Sumatrans. Ulang of the Javanese. Habitat in Sumatra et Java. In Musceis Socc. Zool. et Ind. Orient. Haliaetus albicilla. Falco albicilla. Lath. • Lang Bomboon of the Sumatrans. Habitat in Sumatrix. In Musceo Soc. Zool. Haliaetus dimidiatus. Falco dimidiatus. Raff,., Linn. Trans., Vol. XIII. p. 275. Lang laid of the Sumatrans. Habitat in Sumatra. In Musceo Soc. Zool. Genus Limnaetus. Rostrum forte, subelongatum, compressum ; ungue elongate, tomiis mandibulae superioris Sub- familim Asturinae more subemarginatis ; naribus ovalibus, grandibus, transversim positis. Alee subbreves; remigibus, Ima brevi, 2da et 3tia ’gradatira longioribus, 4ta et 5ta aequa- libus longissimis, reliquis gradatim breviscentibus ; Ima — Gta interne, 2da — 7ma externe emar- ginatis. Pedes elongati ; tarsis usque ad digitos plumosis ; unguibus gracilibus elongatis. Cauda aequalis. 'I'his group, which, from its strength and general appearance, must be ranked w'ith the Eagles, CATALOGUE OF ZOOLOGICAL SPECIMENS. 619 exhibits a strong affinity to the Hawks in its somewhat short wings, lengthened tarsi, and the emar- gination as well as the general shape of its bill. Its place seems immediately between the sub- families of Hawks and Eagles. Lymn. Horsfieldii. Falco Limnaetus, Horsf., Linn. Trans., Vol, XIII. p. 138. Autour unicolore, Temm., PL Col. 134. Wuru-rawa of the Javanese. Habitat in Java. In Muscco Soc. Ind. Orient. Lymn. caligatus. Falco caligatus, Rajfl., Linn. Trans., Vol. XIII. p. 278. Lang Tanjbikar of the Sumati’ans. Falco niveus, Temm. Autour neigeux. Id., PI. Col. 127. Habitat in Sumatra. In Muscso Soc. Zool. Subfam. Asturina. Genus Accipiter, Ray. Acc. fringillarius, Ray, var. Falco Nisus, Linn. Sikap Balam of the Malays, Raffl. Habitat in Sumatra. In Musceo Soc. Zool. Acc. Soloensis. Falco Soloensis, Horsf., Linn. Trans., Vol. XIII. p. 137. Falco cuculoides, Temm., PI. Col. 129 $ , 110 $ . Allap-allap Lallar of the Javanese. Habitat in Sumatra et Java. In Musceis Socc. Zool. et Ind. Orient. This species, or more probably the Astur mrgatus, Reinw., is the supposed variety of the Sparrow Hawk, called by the Malays belalang, or Mangkas. — See Linn. Trans., Vol. XIII. p. 278. Subfam. Falconina. Genus Hierax, Vigors. Hier. caerulescens. Vigors, Zool. Journ., Vol. I. p. 328. Falco caerulescens, Linn. — Horsf, Zool. Researches, No. 3. pi. 6. Allap, or Allap-allap, of the Javanese. Habitat in Sumatra et JavL In Musceis Socc. Zool. et Ind. Orient. Genus Falco, Auct. Falco peregrinus, Ray. Rajawali of the Malays. Sikaj) Lang of the Sumatrans. Laki Angin of the Passummahs. Habitat in Sumatra, Raffl., Linn. Trans., Vol. XIII. p. 278. 4 o CATALOGUE OF ZOOLOGICAL SPECLMENS. (ioO Falco tinnunculus, Linn. Allap-allap Sapi of the Javanese. Habitat in JavL In Musceo Soc. Ind. Orient. Falco severus, Horsf., Linn. Trans., fol. XITI. p. 133. Faucon Aldrovandin, Temm., PI. Col. 128. Allap-allap Ginjeng of the Javanese. Habitat in Java. In Musceo Soc. Ind. Orient. Subfam. Buteonina. Genus Buteo Buteo Bacha. Falco Bacha, Hand. Bido of the Javanese. Habitat in Sumatra et Java. In Musceis Socc. Zool. et Ind. Orient. This species is generally ranked among the Buzzards, but doubts may be entertained respect- ing the propriety of placing it in this group. Sub-fam. Milvina. Genus El anus, Savignp. El. melanopterus, Leach. Falco melanopterus, Baud. Anghal-angkal of the J avanese. Habitat in Java. In Musceo Soc. Ind. Orient. Fam. Strigid^. Genus Strix, Linn. {Burong Hantoo, or Pongo, of the Malays. ToohooJc of the Sumatrans.) * Capite aurito. Strix orientalis, Hor,^f., Linn. Trans., Vol. XIII. y?. 140. Strix Sumatrana, Linn. Trans., Vol. XIII. p. 279. Strix strepitans, Temm., PI. Col. 174. 229 juv. Habitat in Sumatra et Java. In Musceis Socc. Zool. et Ind. Orient. Strix Ceylonensis, Lath. Strix Ketupu, Horsf., Linn. Trans., Vol. XIII. 141. Hibou Ketupu, Temm. PL Col. 74. Blo-ketupu of the Javanese. Habitat in Sumatra et Java. In Musceis Socc. Zool. et Ind. Orient. CATALOGUE OF ZOOLOGICAL SPECIMENS. G5l Strix Lempiji, Hors/., Linn. Trans., Vol. XIII. p. 140. Hibou noctule, Temm., PI. Col. 99. Lempiji of the Javanese. Habitat in Sumatr()l Ixos biraaculatus, Turdus bimaculatus, Hors/., Lhm. Trans., Vol. XIII. />. 147. Chuchak-gtniung of the Javanese. Habitat in Sumatra et JavS,. In Miisceis Socc. Zool. et Ind. Orient. Ixos Psidii. Muscicapa Psidii, Gmel. Turdus analis, Horsf., Linn. Trans., Vol. XIII., p. 147. Biribba of the Malays. Chuchak of the Javanese. Habitat in Sumatra et Java. In Musais Socc. Zool. et Ind. Orient. Ixos haemorrhous. Turdus haemorrhous, Horsf., Linn. Trans., Vol. XIII. p. 147. Muscicapa haemon’housa, j3. Gmel. Ketilan of the Javanese. Habitat in Java. In Musceo Soc. Ind. Orient. Ixos gularis. Turdus gularis, Horsf, Linn. Trans., Vol. XIII. p. 150. Bres of the J avanese. Habitat in Java. In Mus(Zo Soc. Ind. Orient. Fam. SylviadjE. Genus Iora, Horsf. I ora tiphia. Motacilla tiphia, Linn. Iora scapularis, Horsf, Linn. Trans., Vol. XIII. p. 152. — Zool. Researches, No. 6. pi. 5. Cheetoo of the J avanese. Habitat in Sumatra et Java. In Musceis Socc. Zool. et Ind. Orient. Genus Sylvia, Lath, et Aiict. Sylv. Javanica, Horsf., Linn. Trans., Vol. XIII. p. 156. Opior-opior of the Javanese. Habitat in Java. In Musceo Soc. Ind. Orient. Sylv. montana. Id., Ib. Chret of the J avanese. Habitat in Java. In Musceo Soc. Ind. Orient. f Genus Zosterops. Zost. Maderaspatanus. Motacilla Maderaspatana, Linn. Habitat in Sumatra. In Musceo Soc. Zool. I 662 CATALOGUE OF ZOOLOGICAL SPECIMENS. Genus Motacilla, Lath. Mot. Indica, Gmel. Habitat in Sumati’a. In Mus&o Soc. Zool. Mot. flava, Linn Bessit of the J avanese. Habitat in Sumatra et Java. In Museeis Socc. Zool. et Ind. Orient. Genus Enicurus, Temm. En. speciosus. Motacilla speciosa, Horsf., Linn. Trans., Vol. XIII. p. 155. — Zool. Researches, No. 1. pi. 8. Enicurus coronatus, Temm. Enicure couronne, Id., PI. Col. 115. Genus Saxicola, Bcchst. Sax. caprata, Horsf. Dechu of the J avanese. Habitat in Java. In Musao Soc. Ind. Orient. Genus Brachypteryx, Horsf. Brachypt. montana, Horsf, Linn. Trans., Vol. XIII. p. 157. — Zool. Researches, No. 7. pi. 5. Ketek of the Javanese. Habitat in Java. In Musceo Soc. Ind. Orient. Brachypt. sepiaria, Horsf., Linn. Trans., Vol. XIII. p. 156. Chichohan of the Javanese. Habitat in Java. In Musceo Soc. Ind. Orient. Genus Anthus, Bechst. Anthus pratensis, Bechst., var. Alauda pratensis, Linn. Lancha Lancha, or Hamba Puyu, of the Sumatrans. Habitat in Sumatra, Raff,., Linn. Trans., Vol. XIII. j). 315. Genus Megalurus, Horsf Megalurus palustris, Ilorf, Linn. Trans., Vol. XIII. p. 159. Merion longibandes, Temm., PI. Col. 65. f. 2. Larri-angon of the Javanese. Habitat in Java. In Musceo Soc. Ind. Orient. CATALOGUE OF ZOOLOGICAL SPECIMENS. ()63 Fam. PiPRiDiE. Genus Parus. Parus atriceps, Horsf. Linn. Trans., Vol. XIII, p. 160. Glate-wingko of the Javanese. Habitat in Sumatra et Java. In Musceis Socc. Zool. et Ind. Orient. Genus Calyptomena, Raffl. Calypt. viridis, Raffl., Linn. Trans., Vol. XIII. p. 295. — Horsf., Zool. Researches, No. 4. . pi. 5. Rupicola viridis, Tenim. Rupicola verdin, Id., PI. Col. 216. Burong Tampo Pinang of the Malays. Habitat in Sumatra. In Musais Socc. Zool. et Ind. Orient. Tribus Conirostres. Fam. Fringillid.e. Genus Mirafra, Horsf. Mirafra Javanica, Horsf, Linn. Trans., Vol. XIII. p. 159. Branjangan of the J avanese. Habitat in Java. In Musoeo Soc. Ind. Orient. Genus Fringilla, Linn, et Auct. Fring. Amandava, Linn. Menyiring of the Javanese. Habitat in Java. In Mus(Zo Soc. Ind. Orient. Fring. striata. Loxia striata, Linn. Prit of the Javanese. Habitat in Java. In Musceo Soc. Ind. Orient. Fring. Malacca. Loxia Malacca, Linn. Habitat in Sumatra. In Musoeo Soc. Zool. Fring. punctularia. Loxia punctularia, Linn. Pekking of the Javanese. Habitat in Java. ’ In Musceo Soc, Ind. Orient. ' ‘ CATALOGUE OF ZOOLOGICAL SPECIMENS. ()6i F'ring. Maja. Loxia Maia, Linn. Pipit Bondol of the Sumatrans. Bondol of the J avanese. Habitat in Sumatra et Javh. In Mtisceo Socc. Zool. et Ind. Orient. Fring. prasina, Spartn. Fringilla sphecura, Temm. Gros-bec long cone, Id., PI. Col. 96. Ra)mas of the Malays. Binglis of the Eastern Javanese. Habitat in Sumatra et Java. In Musms Socc. Zool. et Ind. Orient. Fring. oryzivora. Loxia oryzivora, Linn. Gelatik of the Malays. date of the J avanese. Habitat in Sumatra et Javd. In Musceis Socc. Zool. et Ind. Orient. Genus Ploceus, Cuv. Ploceus Philippinus. Loxia Philippina, Linn. Tampooa of the Malays. Pintail of the Sumatrans. Manyar-kembang of the Javanese. Habitat in Sumatra et Java. In Musoeis Socc. Zool. et Ind. Orient. Ploceus Manyar. Fringilla Manyar, Horsf., Linn. Trans., Vol. XIII. />. 160. Manyar of the Javanese. Habitat in Java. In Musceo Soc. Ind. Orient. Fam. Sturnid^. Genus Pastor, Temm. Past, cristatellus. Gracula cristatella, Linn. Pastor griseus, Horsf. Jallak sungu of the Javanese. Habitat in Sumatra et Java. In Musceis Socc. Zool. et Ind. Orient. Past. Capensis. Sturnus Capensis, Linn. Pastor Jalla, Horsf. Jallak, or Jallak-uring of the Javanese. Habitat in Sumatra et Java. In Musceis Socc. Zool. et Ind. Orient. CATALOGUE OF ZOOLOGICAL SPECIMENS. 065 Past, tricolor, Hors/., Linn. Trans., Vol. XIII. p. 155. Jallak-awu of the Javanese. Habitat in JavL In Musceo Soc. Ind. Orient. Pastor Saularis. Gracula Saularis, Linn. Moorai or Moorai Kichou of the Sumatrans. Habitat in Sumatra. In Musao Soc. Zool. Pastor amsenus. Turdus amoenus, Horsf., Linn. Trans., Vol. XIII. p. 147. Kacher of the J avanese. Habitat in J ava. In Musceo Soc. Ind. Orient. Genus Lamprotornis, Temm. Lamp, cantor. Turdus cantor. Lath. Biang or Kalaloyang, also Burong Kling, of the Malays. Sling of the Javanese. Habitat in Sumatra et Java. In Musceis Socc. Zool. et Ind. Orient. Fam. CoRViDiE. Genus Corvus, Linn. Corvus Enca, Horsf. Enca of the J avanese. Habitat in Sumatra et Java. In Musceis Socc. Zool. et Ind. Orient. Genus Gracula, Linn, et Auct. Gracula religiosa, Linn. Tiong of the Malays. Bed or Mencho of the Javanese. Habitat in Sumatra et Java. In Musceis Socc. Zool. et Ind. Orient. Genus Glaucopis, Forst. Glaucopis leucopterus, Temm. Glaucope a ailes blanches. Id., PI. Col. 265. Habitat in Sumatra. In Musceo Soc. Zool. Genus Crypserina, Vieill. Cryps. varians. Corvus varians. Lath. Phrenotrix temia, Horsf, Linn. Trans., Vol. XIII. p. 165. — Zool. Researches, No. 1. pi. 7. Chehitut or Benteot of the Javanese. Habitat in Sumatra et Java. In Musceis Socc. Zool. et Ind. Orient. 666 CATALOGUE OF ZOOLOGICAL SPECIMENS. Fam. Bucerid.®. Genus Buceros, Linn. Buc. Rhinoceros, Linn. Jnggang Danto of the Malays. Rangkok or Jong rang of the Javanese. Habitat in Sumatra et Java. In Musceis Socc. Zool. et Ind. Orient. Buc. undulatus, Shaw. Goge or Bobosan of the Javanese. Habitat in Sumatra et Java. In Museeis Socc. Zool. et Ind. Orient. Buc. Malabaricus, Lath. Klinglingan of the Javanese. An^a Angka of the Sumatrans. Habitat in Sumatra et Java. In Museeis Socc. Zool. et Ind. Orient. Buc. monoceros, Shaw. Kiki of the Malays. Habitat in Sumatra. In JMusceo Soc. Zool Buc. cavatus. Ingghan Papan of the Sumatrans. Burong Oondan of the Malays. Habitat in Sumatra. In Musceo Soc. Zool. Buc. galeatus, Gmel. Toko and Burong Gading of the Sumatrans. Tibbang Mantooa of the Malays. Habitat in Sumatra. In Musceo Soc. Zool. The bills only of this species are preserved in the Sumatran collection. Tribus ScANSORES. Fam. PsiTTACiD.®. Genus Pal.eornis, Vigors. Pal. Pondicerianus. Bettet of the Javanese. Habitat in Sumatra et Java. In Museeis Socc. Zool. et Ind. Orient. Pal. Malaccensis. Psittacus erubescens, Shaw. Burong Bayau of the Sumatrans. Habitat in Sumatra. In Musceo Soc. Zool. CATALOGUE OF ZOOLOGICAL SPECIMENS. 067 Genus Psittacula, Kiehl. Psittac. Galgulus. Psittacus Galgulus, Linn. Serindit of the Sumatrans. SiUndit or SiUnditun of the Javanese. Habitat in Sumatra et Jav^. In Musceis Socc. Zool. et Ind. Orient. Genus Psittacus, Auct. Psittacus Sumatranus. Keke of the Sumatrans. Habitat in Sumatra, Raffl. No specimen of this species, which has been mentioned under the above name by Sir Stamford Raffles as inhabiting Sumatra, has been as yet found in his collection. Fam. PiciD^. Genus Bucco, Linn, et Auct. Bucco Philippensis, Linn. Chanda of the Sumatrans. Engku of the J avanese. Habitat in Sumatra. In Musceo Soc. Zool. Bucco roseicollis. Barbu a gorge rose, Le Vaill. Habitat in Java. In Musceo Soc. Ind. Orient. Bucco australis, Horsf., Linn. Traits., Vol. XIII. 181. Bucco gularis, Reinw. Barbu gorge-bleu, Temm., PI. Col. 89. f. 2. Truntung of the Javanese. Habitat in Java, In Musceo Soc. Ind. Orient. Bucco Lathami, Gmel. Ampis of the Sumatrans. Habitat in Sumatra, In Musceo Soc. Zool. Bucco Javensis, Horsf., Linn. Trans., Vol. XIII. p. 181. Bucco Kotoreus, Temm. Chodok of the Javanese. Habitat in J ava. In Musceo Soc. Ind. Orient. Bucco versicolor, Raffl., Linn. Trans., Vol. XIII. p. 284. Barbu bigarre, Temm., PI. Col. 309. Takoo of the Sumatrans. Habitat in Sumatra. In Musceo Soc. Zool. 4 Q 2 CATALOGUE OF ZOOLOGICAL SPECIMENS. (m Bucco mystacophonos, Temm. Barbu mystacophone, Id., PI. Col. 315. Habitat in Sumatra. In Musaso Soc. Zool. Bucco Chrysopogon, Teinm. Barbu a moustaches jaunes. Habitat in Sumatra. In Mmceo Soc. Zool. Genus Picus, Linn. * Pedibus tetradactylis. Pic. Javensis, Horsf., Linn. Trans., Vol. XIII. p. 175. Picus Horsfieldii, Wagler. Picus leucogaster, Temm. ? Platuk-atjam of the Javanese. Habitat in Java. In Musceo Soc. Ind. Orient. Pic. affinis, Linn. Trans., Vol. XIII. p. 288. Picus dimidiatus, Temm. Tukki Baicang of the Malays. Platnk Bawang of the Javanese. Habitat in Sumatra et Java. In Musceis Socc. Zool. et Ind. Orient. This species has a close affinity to the Linnean species Pic. Bengalensis, and probably may be but a variety of it. It seems also to agree with M. Vieillot’s description of his Pic. rittatus. If this should be the case, and the bird be distinct from the before-mentioned Linnean species, M. Vieil- lot’s name must be adopted for the species, as having the right of priority. Pic. Goensis, Gmel. Pic. strictus, Horsf. Platuk of the Javanese. Habitat in Java. In Muscco Soc. Ind. Orient. Pic. puniceus, Horsf, Linn. Trans., Vol. XIII. p. 176. Pic grenadin, Temm., PI. Col. 423. Tukki Bajukarap or Belatu of the Malays. Habitat in Sumatra et Java. In JMusceis Socc. Zool. et Ind. Orient. Pic. mentalis, Temm. Pic gorgeret, Id., PI. Col. 384. Habitat in Sumatra. In Musceo Soc. Zool. Pic. validus. Id. Pic vigoureux, Id., PI. Col. 378. Habitat in Sumatra. In Musa:o Soc. Zool. CATALOGUE OF ZOOLOGICAL SPECIMENS. 6G9 Pic. pulverulentus, Id. Pic Meunier, Id., PL Col. 389. Habitat in J ava. In Musoco Soc. Ind. Orient. Pic. rainiatus, Gmel. Platuk of the Javanese. Habitat in Sumatra et Java. In MuseBis Socc. Zool. et Ind. Orient. Pic. badius, Raffl., Linn. Trans., Vol. XIII. p. 289. Tukki Kalabu of the Malays. Habitat in Sumatra. In Muscbo Soc. Zool. Pic. tristis, Horsf., Linn.Trans., Vol. XIII. jo. 177. Pic. paecilophos, Temm. Pic Strikup, Id., PI. Col. 197. Tukki boreh of the Malays. Platuk-watu of the Javanese. Habitat in Sumati'a et J ava. In Musceis Socc. Zool. et Ind. Orient. Pic. Moluccensis, Gmel. ? Petit pic des Moluques, PI. Enl. 748. f. 2. Tukki lilit of the Malays. Habitat in Sumatra. In Mus&o Soc. Zool. ** Pedibus tridactylis. Pic. ^ga., Horsf ., Linn. Trans., Vol. XIII. y?. 177. Tukki besar of the Malays. Habitat in Sumatra et Java. In Musceis Socc. Zool. et Ind. Orient. Pic. Rafflesii. Nov. sp. Pic. supra flaviscenti-brunneus, subtus brunneus; capite coccineo ; guld pallide ferrugined ; strigis und ab oculis, secunda a rictu extendentibus, maculisque ad latera abdominis albis ; strigis duabus ad latera genarum, alter d pared super ciliari, remigibus, rectricibusque nigris. Magnitude Pic. Tigce. Fam. Certhiad.®. Genus Orthotomus, Horsf. Orth, sepium, Horsf, Linn. Trans., Vol. XIII. p. 166. Kachichi, of the Malays. Chiglet of the J avanese. Habitat in Sumatri et Java. In Musceis Socc. Zool. et Ind. Orient. 1 (>70 CATALOGUE OF ZOOLOGICAL SPECIMENS. Genus Sitta, JJinn. Sitta frontalis, Horsf., Linn. Trans., J ol. XIII. 162. Sitta velata, Temm. Torchepot voile, Id., PI. Col. 72./“. 3. Habitat in Sumatra et J ava. In Musais Socc. Zool. et Ind. Orient. Genus Prinia, Horsf. Prinia familiaris, Horsf, Linn. Trans., Vol. XIII., p. 165. — Zool. Researches, No. 8. 2il. 5. Prinya of the Javanese. Habitat in Sumatra et Java. In Musceis Socc. Zool. et Ind. Orient. Genus Pomatorhinus, Horsf. Poraat. montanus, Horsf, Linn. Trans., Vol. XIII. js. 165. — Zool. Researches, No. 5. PI. 5. Bokkreli of the J avanese. Habitat in J ava. In Musceo Soc. Ind. Orient. Fam. CucuLiDiE. Genus Centropus, Rl. Cent, affinis, Horsf, Linn. Trans., Vol. XIII. /j. 180. Kradoh, or Booboot, of the Malays. Bubut-allang-allang of the Javanese. Habitat in Sumatra et Java. In Musceis Socc. Zool. et Ind. Orient. Cent. Philippensis, Cuv. — Horsf., Zool. Researches, No. 6. pi. 8. Centropus Bubutus, //or/., Linn, Trans., Vol. XIII. p. 180. Bubut of the J avanese. Habitat in Sumatra et Java. In Muscds Socc. Zool. et Ind. Orient. Genus Phcemcophaus, Vie'dl. * Rostro arcuato. Phcen. melanognathus, Hor.f., Linn. Trans., Vol. XIII. p. 178. Inggang Balukar of the Sumatrans. Kadallun or Sintok of the Javanese. Habitat in Sumatra et Java. In Mus^is Socc. Zool. et Ind. Orient. Phcen. Javanicus, Horsf, Linn. Trans., Vol. XIII. p. 178. — Zool. Researches, Ao. 5. pi. 7. Bubut-kembang of the Javanese. Habitat in Java. In Musceo Soc. Ind. Orient. CATALOGUE OF ZOOLOGICAL SPECIMENS. 671 Phcen, Sumatranus. Cuculus Sumatranus, Raffl., Linn. Trans., Vol. XIII. p. 287. Sepando of the Sumatrans. Habitat in Sumatra. In Musao Soc. Zool. ** Rostro subrecto. Phoen. chlorophaeus. Cuculus chlorophaeus, Raffl., Linn. Trans., Vol. XIII. p. 288. Booboot of the Sumatrans. Habitat in Sumatra. In Musceo Soc. Zool. Phoen. caniceps. Phoen. capite, collo, pectoreque griseo-canis ; alis, dorso, abdomine, cauddque ferrugineis, hac fascia nigra prope apicem albidum. Magnitudo Phoen. chlorophoei. Habitat in Sumatra. In Musao Soc. Zool. The two latter species belong to a group which differs from Phoenicophaus in the form of the bill and nostrils, and some other particulars. It seems, however, to bear the nearest affinity to that genus among the hitherto described groups, and for the present is arranged among the species of it. The group will be hereafter published, when more information is acquired of its characters and economy in the ‘ Museum Rafflesianum,' under the generic title of Rhinortha. Genus Eudynamys, Vigors and Horsf. Eud. orientalis. Vigors et Horsf, Linn. Trans., Vol. XV. p. 303. Cuculus orientalis, Ziww. Tuhu $ , Chule $ , of the Javanese. Habitat in Sumatrfi et Java. In Musceis Socc. Zool. et Ind. Orient. Genus Cuculus, Linn, et Auct. Cue. canorus, Linn., var. Habitat in Sumatra et Java. In Musceis Socc. Zool. et Ind. Orient. Some doubts are entertained of the Sumatran specimens belonging to this species. Cue. fugax, Horsf, Linn. Trans., Vol. XIII. p. 178. Habitat in Sumatra et Java. In Musceis Socc. Zool. et Ind. Orient. Cue. flavus, Gmel. Gedasse of the Javanese. Habitat in Sumatra et JavL In Musceis Socc. Zool. et Ind. Orient. 2 672 CATALOGUE OF ZOOLOGICAL SPECIMENS. Cue. lugubris, Horsf., Linn. Trans., Vol. XIII. p. 179. — Zool. Researches, No. 7. pi. 8. Awon-awon of the Javanese. Habitat in Sumatra et Java. In Musceis Socc. Zool. et Ind. Orient. Cue. xanthorhjTiehus, Horsf., Linn. Trans., Vol. XIII. p. 179. — Zool. Researches, No. 3. pi. 8. Habitat in Java. In Musceo Soe. Ind. Orient. Cue. basalis, Horsf., Linn. Trans., Vol. XIII. p. 179. Cueulus ehaleites, Ill.l Habitat in Sumatra et Java. In Musceis Soee. Zool. et Ind. Orient. This speeies requires examination. It is doubtful whether there are not more than one speeies in the Zoologieal and Sumatran eolleetions, or whether all may not belong to the Cue. ehaleites of Illiger. The group to whieh the bird belongs also requires revision ; it exhibits a very distinct form, and most probably economy, from that of Cueulus. Genus Trogon, Linn. Trog. Duvaucelii, Temm. Trogon Kasumba, Raffles. Burong Kasumba of the Sumatrans. Habitat in Sumatra. In Musceo Soc. Zool. This species was first distinguished as distinct from Trog. fasciatus by Sir Stamford Raffles, and named as above. The subsequent name, however, may, in the present instance, be cheerfully adopted, as that of a naturalist to whom Sir Stamford himself would doubtlessly have been the first to award the compliment. Tribus Tenuirostres. Fam. C1NNYRID.E. Genus Cinnyris, Cav. Cinn. longirostra, Horsf. Certhia longirostra. Lath. Siajj Jantung of the IMalays. Prit Andun of the Javanese. Habitat in Sumatra et Java. In Mus in the East in a letter to Sir Robert Harry Inglis, 384 ; arrives at Bencoolen, 404 ; anxiogs to im- prove the condition of the inhabitants, 405 ; es- tablishes national schools, 406 ; proposes a col- lege for the natives, 408 ; anxiety for Mr. Wil- berforce’s assistance, 409 ; resolves to proceed again to Calcutta, 412; commercial views, 413 ; describes the island of Billiton, 418 ; approval of his plans, 422 ; illness, 425 ; describes the Battas, 426 ; the Padries, 429 ; favourite pursuits, 438 ; sends home his collecticns in Natural History, 439 ; domestic habits, 452; attention to Natural History, 453; defends his conduct, 455 ; describes his children, 461 ; endeavours to improve Sumatra, 462 ; observations on British commerce with the East, 464 ; on the progress of civilization in Su- matra, 477 ; forms an establishment at Pulo Nias for the suppression of slavery, 483 ; reasons for returning to England, 497 ; death of his eldest 7 boy, 499 ; economy of his government, 501 ; in- disposition, 503 ; illness of another child, 504 ; death of his eldest child, 506 ; consigns spices from Bencoolen, 510; agricultural exertions, 514; opinion of the state of England, 515 ; responsible situation, 517 ; departure for Singapore, 522 ; arrival, 524 ; describes the settlement, 525 ; re- , marks on Crawfurd’s mission, 528 ; endows a col- lege at Singapore, 533 ; resolution of the Bengal government at his leaving that settlement, 540 ; report on his government there, 541 ; supreme government approve of his regulations, 543 ; ad- dress of the merchants on his departure, 544 ; re- ply, 545 ; embarks for Bencoolen, 548 ; arrives at Batavia, 551 ; correspondence with Baron van der Capellen, 552 ; arrives at Bencoolen, 555 ; plans for the future, 557 ; death of his youngest child, 564 ; anxiety to return to England, 565 ; embarks in the Fame, 566 ; loss on that occasion, 568 ; conflagration on board that vessel, ibid. ; writes to the Court of Directors on that subject, 569 ; ex- tract from his memorandum book, 576 ; arrives at Plymouth, 581; intended occupations, 582; ill health, 583 ; writes to the Bible Society, 585 ; plans for establishing the Zoological Society, 590; requested to act in the magistracy, 591 ; illness, 594 ; difficulties of his public life, 597 ; decision of the Court of Directors on his government, 592 ; his death, 600. Raffles, Rev. Dr., Letters from Sir Stamford to his cousin, on his early education, 2; the events which led to his appointment in the East, 89 ; the Bible Society and African Institution, 416, 417 ; the importance of Singapore, 458. 513 ; his departure for Singapore, 522 ; returning to Ben- coolen, 549 ; the Padries, 560 ; the Chinese lan- guage, 592 ; the Zoological Society, 593, 594 ; 596. Rafts, their use, 321, Rama, fabulous history of, 177. Ramsay, Wm. Esq., recommends Mr. Raffles, 5 ; let- ters from Mr. R. to, on his government at Java, 102; its military force, 132 : its unsettled tenure, 185. Ramsay, W. B. Esq., Introd. viii.; letters to, on the expedition to Java, 88; on its prosperity, 190 ; his diferences with General Gillespie, 202 ; his ad- ministration, 251 ; the revenue and government of Java, 265 ; on his voyage to England, 279. Ratch, settlement of pirates at, 45. Ravages of the cholera morbus, 370. 431. 499. Region of tigers, 325. Remhan, a Malay state, 17. Reply, Sir S.’s, to the Address of the merchants of Singapore, 647. Report of the Sumatran Agricultural Society, 473 ; on the administration of justice at Singapore, Ap- pendix, 62. Responsibilities of Sir Stamford, 224.517. Rhio, 40 ; Rajah Mudah of, 45 ; inferior to Singa- pore, 377. Rice, cultivation of, 471. 488. INDEX. 99 Robinson, Lieutenant, 128; Mr., 517. Ross, Professor, 140. Ross, Captain, murder of, 46. Rumbo, a Malay kingdom, 14. Rumphius, original work of, 146. Russian embassy to Japan, 68. 183 ; aggressions on the Kurile islands, 69. Ryswick, 101. Ryotwar system, 224. Sacadana empire, 60. 142. Sadrayas, customs of the, 240. Safest passage from Malacca to Java, 39. Sailing fish, 526. Salang, attack of the Burmans on, 51. Salmond Captain, quoted, 339; made prisoner by the Dutch, 395 ; his death, 563. Salt prohibited by the Dutch, 333. Samanap, Panambuhan of, 32. 411 ; explosions at, 243. Samarang, 24. 123; European courts of justice in, 208 ; proposed as the new seat of government, 257. Sambas, settlement of pirates at, 45 ; propagation of Christianity, 82 ; expedition to, 198. Sambawa island, volcanic phenomena on, 178. Sambung mountain, ascent of, 362. Samebarra, massacre of, 183. Sandal-wood in demand for the Chinese market, 84. Sanggir island, 82. Sangora, 54. Sanscrit Vocabulary, 11; compared, 163; terms explained, 177 ; higher language in Java, 239. Saugar, Rajah of, describes the eruption from Tom- boro, 249. Sawira Gading, first chief on Celebes, 153. 155. Sayer, Captain, 94. Scott, Mr. his communication respecting the Cara- mata passage, 41 ; Queda and Siam, 51. Scriptures, Malay version of the, 147. 237. Sejarat Malaya, or annals and traditions of the Ma- lays, 16. Nmawgr vocabulary, 10; tribe, 17. Searaw, 47. Seton, Mr. 26. Siak, a Malay state, 8 ; Dutch factory at, 14 ; laws, 16. Siam, Loubec’s embassy to, 9; its connexion with Queda, 49 ; productions, 54 ; singular customs, 175; connexion with Java, 177 ; with the Archi- pelago, 237. Siamese chronology, 9 ; hostilities with the Burmans, 50 ; their hatred of that nation, 54 ; language, 163 ; trade, 529. Simawang described, 356; minerals, 357. Sincara, lake of, 353 ; described, 354, 355. Singapore, Malay government at, 16; British sta- tion established, 370; its favourable situation, 375 ; importance of the settlement, 377. 459 ; in- crease of population, 383; opinions on its advan- tages, 401 ; expenses of the government, 446. 457 ; arrival of missionaries, 458. 536 ; settle- ment described, 525 ; value of land, 532 ; endow- ment of a college, 533. 539 ; trade, 534 ; aboli- tion of slavery, 538 ; principles of the government, 542 ; local laws and regulations. Appendix, 39 ; report on the administration of justice. Appendix, 62. Singapura island, 378. Slavery, evils of, 78; sources, 79; abolished, 228; establishment for its suppression, 483 ; horrible circumstances attending it, 491 ; abolished, 538. Slaves, Dutch traffic in, 64 ; employed at Bencoolen, 296 ; plan to capture a family, 492. Small-pox, 319. Solo Solaya, 349 ; costume, gold mines, burial- ground, 351. Smith, Lieut. 31. Somerset, Duchess of, letters from Sir Stamford, to her Grace, on his visit to the continent, 287 ; his arrival at Bencoolen, 294; his excursion in Sumatra, 314. 342. 365; his visit to Bengal, 371; from Penang, 377 ; on Singapore, 383 ; his voy- age to Bengal, 415; from Calcutta, 420; the manners and customs of the Battas, 425; his oc- cupations, 447. 450. 476; his return to England, 497. 557 ; the loss of his child, 504. 521 ; his ar- rival at Singapore, 525 ; the burning of the Fame, 574; from St. Helena, 578; from Cheltenham, 581 ; his intended occupations, 582 ; his ill health, 583, 584. Somerset, Duke of, letter from Sir S. to his Grace on Eastern affairs, 464. 509. Souracarta, court of, 123. South America, 76 ; customs and language, 175. Southern Peninsula of India, 174. South Sea islands, 15; supplied with fire arms by the Americans, 74. Spice islands, 234. Spice gardens, 475. St. Helena, interview with Napoleon at, 276. Storm off the Cape of Good Hope, 578. Stewart, Mr., 41. Stopford, Admiral, 95. Stuge, Vander, 138. Sugar, comparison of, 84 ; its cultivation, 466. 514. Suggestions for the suppression of piracy, 227 ; of slavery, 483. Sulu Archipelago, 39. 63. Sumatra, 293 ; state of the country, 295 ; first ex- cursion to the Hill of Mists, 304 ; journey to Passumah, 315; gigantic flower discovered, 316; mode of descending rivers on rafts, 321 ; sacred mountain described, 324 ; sketch of the country, 330 ; popular superstitions, 336 ; Padang, 340 ; appeal of the native chiefs against the Dutch, 340 ; account of a journey into the interior, 342 ; beau- tiful scenery, 344 ; course of the river, 345 ; cattle, clothing of the people, 349; gold mines, 351 ; anecdotes of the natives, 363 ; animals, 440 ; ad- vantages over the West Indies, 466 ; lakes, 469 ; infecundity of the people, 470 ; progress of civili- 100 INDEX. zation, 477 ; contrasted with Java, 479; capabi- I lities, 480 ; general survey, 520. Sunda, straits of, 36 ; isles, 70 ; language, 162. Supernatural beings, 336. Surat, 62. Surabaga, 36 ; European courts of justice in, 208. Suruasa, 357. Susa, Pangulu of, 57. Tagala, its language traced, 175. T.mt, Captain, his escape from pirates, 46. Taman, Rajah of, 33. Tamul nation, 20. Tapir, description of the, 273. Tappanooly, 425. 436. Taprobane of the ancients, 178. 255. Taylor, Captain, 26. Taylor, Mr., 54. Telinga nation, 20. mountains, 167. Ter, term of, 11. Thory, Major, 114. Tidore, Sultan of, an old ally of the English, 66. Tiga Bias, 347 ; population, 354. Tiger, met by coolies, 322. Tigers, regarded as sacred, 314. Timor Island, 70 ; propagation of Christianity in, 82. Tin mines, 149. 255. Titsing, Mr., 138. Tomboro mountain, account of the eruption from the, 249 ; heard at Macassar, 245 ; felt through the IMoluccas, 247 ; its ravages, 249. Tonnage, amount of, arrived at Singapore, 509. Towson Abia, bay of, 60. Tradition of Celebes, 238. Trangaro, 52. Transactions of the Batavian Society, 138. Transfer of Java to the Dutch, 248. Transmigration, 338. Travers, Captain, Introd. vii ; his description of Mr. Raffles while at Penang, 6 ; at Java, 209 ; account of his voyage to England, 274. Travelling, fatigues of, 387. Tree, gold and silver, 50. Tringano, a Malay slate, 16. Tuanku Pasaman, a religious reformer, 342. 349. Tuanku Pau Erang, 56. I Tumugung Lonong, villanies of, 120, Tuniga, Martiner de, 175. Twelve Caesars, busts of the, 188. ‘ Undang Undang,’ or Malay code of laws, 15. 28. 79. Upas poison, mode of preparing, 107. Value of land, 533. Van der Capellen, Sir S.’s correspondence with, 552. Vegetation of Malayan forests, 317. VicKENS, Mons. 96. Vienna, declaration of the Allied Sovereigns at, 252. ViLLNERUIIY, Mr., 116. Visit to the Sacred Mountain, 324. Volcanic phenomena, 178, 241. "Voyage from Java, 274. Wallicii, Dr., Introd. vii; Sir Stamford’s letter to, on Singapore, 382. 537 ; on the establishment of a college there, 539 ; his return to Bencoolen, 550 ; his arrival at Batavia, 5.51 ; his plans for the future, 563 ; the burning of the Fame, 575. Wellesley, Marquess, 78. Weltevreeden,ZQ\ Dutch cantonment at, 92; public ball at, 124. West Indies, advantages of Sumatra compared with the, 467. Wetiierall, Major General, 93; Cornelis. WiLBERFORCE, W. Esq., Sir Stamford’s letter to, on various subjects, 405. Winter, Rev. Charles, 406. Wives, burning of, 172. Wood, Colonel, 93 ; Cornelis. Wooden images, or household gods, 493. WuRMB, Van, Baron, 138. York, Duke of. Island of Banca, called after, 122. Young, Captain, 128. Yule, Major, his spirited attack at Cornelis, 94. Zodiac, ancient MS. of the, 166. Zoological Society, plans for its establishment, 290 ; Sir Stamford’s letters on the subject, 590. 593 ; its prospectus, 595. Zoological specimens, catalogue of, 633. — 697. THE END. 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