//-/- LIBRAEY OF THE Theological Seminary, PRINCETON, N. J. Case, ^r.^nn^anf^! Shelf. jtjSj....^T.. Booh s, Y [} \._C—rr THE HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION I N SOUTH-CAROLINA. VOL. II. THE HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION O F SOUTH -CAROLINA, FROM A BRITISH PROVINCE TO AN INDEPENDENT STATE. / By DAVID'RAMSA Y, M. D. MEMBER OF THE AMERICAN CONGRESS. IN TWO VOL U M E S. V O L. II. T R E N T O N: PRINTED BY ISAAC COLLINS. M.DCOLXXXV. Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2011 with funding from Princeton Theological Seminary Library http://www.archive.org/details/historyofrevolut02rams TABLE of CONTENTS OF THE SECOND VOLUME. CHAPTER EIGHTH. Of the reduction of Savannah, the fubfequent incurfions into South-Carolina from Georgia, and the attack on Savan- nah by the French and Americans. Page GEORGIA invaded from Eaft-Florida, i —3 Invaders repulfed, 3 Again invaded from New-York, 4 — 6 Savannah taken by lieutenant-colonel Campbell, 6 Treatment of American prifoners taken there, 6 — 7 General Prevoft arrives from Eaft-Florida, and takes the command in Savannah, 7 — 8 States of South and North-Carolina prepare to oppofe the Britifh in Georgia, 8 Reinforcement from North-Carolina delayed near Charlefton for want of arms, 8 — 9 General Lincoln appointed to command in the fouthern ftates, 9 — 10 Prefident Lowndes's proclamation, ib. His fpeech to the affembly of South-Carolina, 10 — 11 Their anfwer, 11 — 12 General Lincoln encamps at Puryfburg— is re- fa inforced ( vi ) Page inforced by militia— their character, n — 12 Major Gardiner lands on Port-Royal ifland, ib. Is attacked and defeated by general Moultrie, 13 Britifh erect pofts at Ebenezer and Augufta, ib. Encourage the tories to an infurredtion, 14 The tories embody, and are defeated at Kettle creek by col. Pickins— their party difperfed, and their ring-leaders executed, 14 — 16 General Lincoln propofes to invade Georgia, ib. General Afh crones the river Savannah, and is furprized at Briar creek, ib. — 17 Two American gallies loft at Puryfburgh, ib. Exertions of the anembly of South-Carolina, 18 — 19 A regiment of cavalry raifed— J. Rutledge, efq. elected governor— Militia camp at Orangeburgh, ib. General Lincoln croffes into Georgia, 20 General Prevoft crones into South-Carolina, 20 — 21 General Moultrie retreats to Charlefton, 22 — 24 Britifh appear before Charlefton, 24 — 25 General Pulafki arrives and engages the ad- vance of the Britifh on Charlefton Neck, 25 — 26 Major Benjamin Huger killed, ib. Propofition of neutrality made to the Britifh when before the lines of Charlefton, 27 Britifh retreat— furprize the guard at mr. Ma- thews, on John's ifland, 28 — 29 General Lincoln returns to South-Carolina, ib. Battle at Stono— Britifh retreat, 29 — 31 Plunderings and devaftations of the Britifh, 32 — 34 Count D'Eftaing arrives, 34 — 35 Demands the furrender of Savannah, 36 Siege of Savannah, 37 — 39 French and Americans aflault the lines of Savannah, and are repulfed, 39 — 40 French troops re-embark, and leave the con- tinent, 41 C vii ) Page Diftrefs of the ftate of Georgia, 42 Captain French taken by colonel John "White, 42 — 43 Reflections on the campaign of 1779, 43 — 44 CHAPTER NINTH. Of the reduction of Charlefton, and the operations in the country during the fieve. j j — 7 — - ountry during the Jiege. 45 General Clinton's expedition againft Charlef- ton, Caufes of the backwardnefs of the inhabitants to defend Charlefton, 45 — 47 Royal army arrives and lands near Charlef- ton, ib. Efforts to draw forth the militia, 48 Lieutenant-colonel Ternant applies to the governor of the Havannah for aid, ib. Preparations made by the Britifh for the fiege of Charlefton, 48 — 49 By the Americans for its defence, 49 — 50 The Britifh naval force crofs the bar, ib. And pafs the fort on Sullivan's ifland, 51 Charlefton invefted, 54 — 55 A council of war recommend a capitulation, ib. Fort Moultrie furrenders, 56 Inhabitants petition for a furrender, 58 — 59 Reafons juftifying general Lincoln for not evacuating Charlefton, 59 — 60 Confequences of the protracted defence of Charlefton, 59 — 60 Return of prifoners, 60 — 61 Reafons why there were an over proportion of officers, ib. Lift of the killed and wounded, 61 — 62 Explofton ] 62- Page -6i 63- -64 ib. 65- -66 67 ib. ( *t*I ) Explofion of the magazine, Lieutenant-rolonel Tarleton routs fmall par- ties of cavalry, Attacks American cavalry at Monk's Corner, Colonel Anthony- Walton White attacked by lieutenant-colonel Tarleton at Santee, Plundering of the Britifh, Diftreffes of the negro flaves, CHAPTER TENTH. Of the navy, trade, paper currency, army, militia, and other mifcellatieous matters in South-Carolina, chiejly prior to the reduction of Charlejlon, Harbour of Charlefton infefted by the Tamar and Cherokee, 68 A coafting fchooner armed, called the Defence, 69 The Profper, a merchant fhip, alfo armed, and other armed velTels fitted out, ib, A navy board is appointed, 69 — 70 The continental frigate Randolph arrives in Charlefton— fails on a cruize with other vef- fels, and is blown up, 70 — 7 \ Schooner Rattlefnake attacked and bravely de- fended near Stono, 71 — 72 Alexander Gillon appointed commodore— fails for Europe to purchafe or build three fri- gates, ib- Hires a frigate from the prince of Luxem- bourg, 73 His crew fent on an expedition againft the ifland of Jerfey—which detains him for a long time from cruizing, ib- Captures fundry prizes, 74 Conduces ( >* ) Page Conducts eighty-two fail through the Provi- dence channel, and affifts in reducing the Bahama iflands under the crown of Spain— . arrives in Philadelphia, ib» The frigate is there fitted out— captain Joyner fails in her on a cruize, and is captured— the lofs to the ftate of South-Carolina from this undertaking, ib. Trade to the Weft-Indies and to France com- mences, and is carried on by new hands, 74 — 75 Its advantages and extent, 76 Is injured by embargoes, 76 — 77 The paper currency retains its credit longer in South-Carolina than in the northern ftates, ib. The advantages of it to the inhabitants, 78 — 79 Amount of ftate emiffions, 80 The caufes of depreciation, 81 — 82 The injuries refulting to the publick and to individuals from the depreciation, 83 — 85 The emiffions of April 1778, and of May 1777, called in— the confequences thereof, '86 — 87 Planters raife the prices of their produce, 87 — 88 Efforts made by the government to preferve the credit of the currency— injuftice of the tender law, 89 — 90 Reaions that occafioned it to take place, 91 — 92 Taxation not carried far enough by the planters, 92 — 93 Britifh make a fcale of depreciation, ' 94 — 96 Paper money ceafes to circulate, 97 People acquiefce in the publick breach of faith, ib* War proceeds with vigour without paper mo- ney, 98 Specie is imported— a new fyftem of finance is ( X ) Pag? is adopted— Robert Morris is appointed fuperintendent of finance — and renders great fervices to the United States, 98 — 1 00 South-Carolina impofes three taxes before the fall of Charlefton, 100 — 10 1 The South-Carolina regular troops are at firff. provincial, afterwards made conti- nental, 1 01 — 102 The efforts of the legiflature to fupport and fill their regiments, 102 — 103 The efforts made by South-Carolina to ob- tain effectual fervices from the militia, 104 — 105 A teft-oath is impofed, 106 And thofe who refufed it are fent off", 107 CHAPTER ELEVENTH. Of the methods taken by the Britifh to keep pojfeffion of Soiith-Carolinay and by the Americans to recover it. Of the battle of Ca?ndeny and its cofifequences — hang- ing the revolted fubjecls — banijhing the prifoners, and fequef ration of eflates. Britifh poft garrifons over South-Carolina, 108 Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton attacks and de- feats lieutenant-colonel Buford, 109 — no Britifh commiffioners offer pardon to the inhabitants on their fubmiffion to royal government, 1 1 1 Inhabitants generally fubmit, in — 112 Sir Henry Clinton leaves Carolina, and lord Cornwallis is appointed to command the royal forces in the fouthern ftates, 114 Britifh commanders by proclamation call on the inhabitants to arm and fight on the fide ( *> > Page fide of Great-Britain, 115 — 116 Inhabitants revolt or feign fubmiffion, 116 — 117 Methods taken to make the inhabitants of Charlefton fubmit to the royal govern- ment, 117 — 123 Several refufe fubmiffion, ib. The patriotifm of the ladies of South-Ca- rolina, 123 — 125 Methods taken by the Americans to revive opposition to Britifh government, 125— -127 Royalifts embody in North-Carolina— fome are defeated— others join the Britifh, 127 — 129 Colonel Sumpter heads a party— returns to South-Carolina, 1 29 — 131 Indignation of the Britifh againft the inha- bitants, 131 — 132 Lord Rawdon's letter to major Rugely, 132 — 134 His fe verities to the inhabitants near Camden, 134 — 135 Captain Huck defeated, 135 — 136 One thoufand four hundred continental troops are fent to the relief of the fou- thern ftates— their diftreffes, 138 — 139 The inhabitants revolt from the Britifh and join them— the reafons of their revolt, 139 — 145 General Gates takes the command of the American army— is defeated near Camden, 145 — 152 Colonel Sumpter takes a Britifh detachment near Wateree ferry, but is foon after de- feated at Fifhing Creek, 153 The Britifh exercife feverities after their vic- tory near Camden, 155 — 157 Lord Cornwallis's letter to the Britifh com- mandant at Ninety-Six, ordering executi- ons of the citizens, ib. Sundry inhabitants are hanged, 157 — 159 Devaftations ( XII ) Page Devaluations by the Britifh, 1^9 — 160 Lieutenant-governor Gadfden and others are fent to St. Auguftine, 161 — 163 General Moultrie remonftrates againft that meafure, 164 — 165 The diftreffes of the prifoners fent to St. Auguftine, 167 — -169 A fecond fet of prifoners are fent to St. Auguftine, ib. Lord Cornwallis fequefters eftates, 169 — 170 Mr. Cruden is appointed fequeftrator-general —his mode of conducting that bufinefs, ib. Loyal inhabitants congratulate lord Cornwal- lis on his victory, 172 — 173 CHAPTER TWELFTH. Of colonel Fergufon's defeat. Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton's defeat. Of the retreat of the American army into Virgi- nia. Of their return to North-Carolina. Of the bat- tle of Guilford courthoufe. Of lord Comtvallis's march to Wilmington. General Greene's purfuit, and fttbfe- quent return to South-Carolina. Of the reduction of fort Wat/on. Of the battle of HobhirFs hill near Cam- den. Of the evacuation of Camden. Of the reduction of fort Matte. Fort Granby. Fort Corniuallis. Of the fiege of Ninety-Six. Of the retreat of the American ar- my. Of the battle of Eutaw. The retreat of the Bri- tifh army to the vicinity of Charleflon^ and the dijlrejfes of the American army. American affairs begin to profper, 174 — 175 General Marion heads a party in favour of independence, I "6 Colonel Fergufon undertakes to train the mi- litia for the royal fervice — is defeated at King's ( ™« ) Page King's Mountain, 180 — 18c Lieutenant-colonel Wafhington takes colonel Rugely, 187 — 188 General Sumpter engages major Weyms and lieutenant-colonel Tarleton, 188 — 189 Continental army moves to Charlotte, ib. Major-general Greene appointed to command the fomhern continental army, ipo The difficulties in iublilting the American army, 190 — 192 General Morgan is detached to Ninety-Six, 193 Defeats colonel Tarleton, 196 — 199 Britifh plans for the campaign of 178 1, 200 — 202 Lord Cornwallis purfues general Morgan, 204 General Greene retreats from the Peedee, 205 — 209 General Marion fends out detachments which deitroy Britifh ftores near Monk's Corner, ib. The two divifions of the American army form a junction at Guilford courthoufe, 210 General Greene retreats to Virginia, ib. Lord Cornwallis purfues the American army to the Dan— returns and erects the royal ftandard at Hillfborough, 211 — 213 Tories in North-Carolina attempt to join the Britifh, but are defeated or difcouraged, 213 — -215 Gen. Greene returns to North-Carolina, and manoeuvres till his reinforcements arrive, 215 — 218 Then engages lord Cornwallis at Guilford courthoufe, 218 — 222 Lord Cornwallis keeps the field, but foon re- tires to Wilmington, 222 — 223 General Greene purfues to Ramfay's mill, 223 — 224 Lord Cornwallis marches to Virginia, ib. General Greene at the fame time marches to South-Carolina, 225 c General ( *!V ) Page General Sumpter takes a circuit through South-Carolina, while the main armies were in North-Carolina, 226 — 227 Colonel Harden returns to the fouthward of Charlefton— takes fort Balfour at Pokata- ligo, 228 General Marion and lieutenant-colonel Lee take fort Watfon, 229 Lord Rawdon engages and defeats general Greene near Camden, 230 — 231 Lord Rawdon evacuates Camden, 232 Britilh poft at Orangeburgh, fort Motte and fort Granby are taken, 233 — 235 George-Town is evacuated and foon after it is burned, 235 — 236 Captain M'Koy oppofes the Britifh near Sa- vannah river, 237 — 238 Fort Cornwallis at Augufta in Georgia is be- fieged and taken, 239 — 240 Ninety-Six is befieged and affaulted, 241 — 244 Gen. Greene is defeated and obliged to retreat, 245 Lord Rawdon arrives with a reinforcement and purfues general Greene, 246 Lord Rawdon returns to Congaree— is oppofed by general Greene and retreats to Orange- burgh, 247 Gen. Greene offers battle at Orangeburgh, and foon after retires to the high hills of Santee, 248 Colonel Cruger evacuates Ninety-Six, retreats to Orangeburgh— and general Greene de- taches to the low country, ib. Sundry ikirmifhes take place at the Quarter- houfe, Biggin's church, &c. 249 — 250 Lord Rawdon retires from Carolina, ib. General Greene croffes the Wateree and Con- ( ** ) Page Congaree, 251 Is joined by gen. Pickens and gen. Marion, ib. Engages lieutenant-colonel Stewart at the Eu- taw Springs, 252—255 Lieutenant-colonel Maham takes eighty pri- foners— General Greene moves into the low country, ib. The Britilh retire to the Quarterhoufe, 256 Make excurlions with cavalry, ib. Lieutenant-colonel Thomfon furprizes and de- feats militia near Santee, 257 American foldiers inactive become difcon- tented— their fufferings, &c. 258 — 260 CHAPTER THIRTEENTH. Of the board of police, and other Britifh efabli/hments. 'The animojities between whigs and tories, and the difirejfes of the inhabitants. The execution of colonel Hayne. The treatment of prifoners. The violation of publick faith with the royalifls. Of the ajjijlance given to the Ame- ricans by the French army and navy. Of the operations in Virginia in I 7 8 1 , and the reduction of lord Cornwal- lis. The re-eflablifhment of civil government. The jfackfonborough affembly. Conffcation of eflates. The operations in Georgia, and the evacuation of Savannah. Compacls with the Britifh for fecurity of property. Fall of lieutenant-colonel Laurens. The evacuation of Charltf- ton. Peace. The Britifh inftitute a military government- Form a board of police— draw up a fcale of depreciation, and have a retrofpect to paft payments— the confequences thereof, 261 — 263 Lieut, col. Nefbit Balfour—his character, 263 — 264 The ( xvi ) Page The provoft— perfons confined therein, 264 Comparifon between the policy of the rulers under the Britifh and American admini- stration, 266 — 269 Diftindtion between whigs and tories— Their violences againfl each other and the dif- treffes of the inhabitants, 269 — 272 Major William Cunningham penetrates into Ninety-Six — kills captain Turner — hangs col. Hayes, and kills feveral in cold blood, 272—3 The Indians commence hoftilities— are chaf- tifed by general Pickens and me for peace, 273 — 5 The diftreffes of the inhabitants— the gene- ral character of the tories, 275 — 7 Colonel Hayne takes protection— rejoins his countrymen— is taken prifoner— brought to Charleston and is executed— his character— the continental officers petition for retali- ation—general Greene iffues a proclamation on that Subject, 277 — 286 American prifoners are confined in prifon- fhips— general Moultrie remonftrates againft this meafure, 286 — 288 The diftreffes of the continental foldiers pri- foners of war, 288 — 9 Lord Charles-Greville Montague inlifts them in the Britifh fervice— writes a letter to ge- neral Moultrie, offering him the command of his regiment— general Moultrie anfwers his letter, 289 — 294 Continental officers prifoners of Avar fuffer great hardfhips— are ordered to the Weft- Indies, 294 — 295 The citizens of the town prifoners of war are refufed rations, and debarred from working— ( XVII ) f Page working— confined to their houfes and af- terwards fent on board prifon-fhips, 295 — 7 Confufion of Britifh polificks from capitulat- ing with thofe whom they efteemed re- bellious fubjecls, 297 — 8 A general exchange takes place— families of prifoners banifhed, and in retaliation the families of tories are driven into Charlefton, 298 — 300 The exiled prifoners are not allowed to rent their houfes, 301 The war in 1780 and 1 78 1, diftreffes all ranks— the royalifts deceived by the pro- clamations of fir Henry Clinton, lord Raw- don, lieutenant-colonel Balfour and gene- ral Leflie— their interefts are facrificed to political neceffity, 302 — 304 The meafures that brought round the eva- cuation of Charlefton effected in Virginia, 304 The ftate of American affairs in 1776 and 1780 compared, ib. Lieutenant-colonel Laurens fent to France, and fucceeds in his negociations, 305 — 306 The generofity of the King of France, 306 The zeal of the French nobility to ferve in America, ib. A lift of their principal officers fent to Ame- rica, 307 The French troops are impatient of inacti- vity—engage in an expedition for the re- lief of Virginia, but fail, which encou- rages the Britifh to fortify themfelves in the Chefapeak, 308 — 9 The Britifh fix on Virginia for the theatre of their operations in the year 1781^-form plans for extenfive conquefts— are opoofed by -> ( XVIII ) Page by the marquis de la Fayette— his cha- racter, and zeal for America, 309—312 Marquis de la Fayette marches for Rich- mond and relieves it— eludes lord Corn- wallis— forms a junction with gen. Wayne and faves the American ftores at Albe- marle old courthoufe, and purfues lord Cornwallis., 3 1 3—3 1 6 A plan is formed for the reduction of the Britifh army in Virginia, which is effec- tually concealed by affecting to lay fiege to New- York, 317 Britifh prepare to defend New- York, 318 General Wafhington marches for York-Town, ib- The French army march through the mid- dle ftates— their great regularity and har- mony with their allies, 318 — 319 Count de Graffe enters the Chefapeak and is joined by count de Barras— the difficulty of their junction, 319 — 320 The coincidence of the French fleets in the Weft-Indies and the American continent, and alfo of the French and American armies, 320 — 321 The character of the marquis de Caflries, Lord Cornwallis fortifies himfelf in York, The allied arms of France and America be- gin a regular fiege— carry two advanced redoubts, The Britifh make a fally, Lord Cornwallis attempts to efcape into the open country, but fails and is obliged to capitulate, 325 — 326 The honours denied to general Lincoln are refufed to lord Cornwallis, ib. The reduction of lord Cornwallis leads to peace, 328 Congrefs 32; t — 2 ib. 322- —24 24- -325 ( xix ) Page Congrefs honours general Wafhington and the French commanders, 328 — 9 A. Middleton moves in Congrefs that lord Cornwallis mould not be exchanged, 330 — 331 Governor Rutledge hTues a proclamation for receiving into favour thofe who had joined the Britifh, which is accepted by many— their apologies for their conduct, 332 — 3 A legiflature is convened at Jackfonborough, and addrefTed by governor Rutledge, 333 — 334 C. Gadfden, efq. is elected governor, and declines acceptance of the office— his fpeech on that occasion, 349— —350 J. Mathews, efq. is elected governor, and entrufted with ample powers, 351 The legiflature proceed to confifcate eftates of the friends of Britifh government — their reafons for this meafure, 351 — 5 General Leflie remonftrates to general Greene againft the execution of the law for con- fifcating eftates— his anfwer— and governor Mathews's anfwer to the fame, 355 — 364 A detachment of the American army com- manded by gen. Wayne is fent to Georgia, 365 The Britifh burn provifions and retire within their lines— the force of the garrifon in Savannah, 365 — 366 American government re-eftablifhed at Ebe- nezer, ib. Colonel Brown marches out to attack gene- ral Wayne, but is defeated, 366—7 The Creek Indians attack general Wayne and are defeated, 367 — 368 Britifh propofe a cefTation of hoftilities, 369 Indulgences afked for and granted to the Britifh ( xx ) Page Britifh merchants and others in Savannah, 369 — 370 Savannah is evacuated, 370 A treaty is concluded with the royaljfts near the Peedee, commanded by major Ganey, 371 Britifh merchants in Charlefton afk for and obtain indigencies, 372 General Leflie afks for provifions, and offers to pay for them, but is repulfed— and fends out parties to collect rice, 372""~373 General Gift marches to Combahee, 373 Lieut, col. Laurens is killed— his character, 374 An attack is made on a Britifh detachment on James-Ifland— captain Wilmot is killed, 375 A compact is entered into between the Bri- tifh and Americans for the prefervation of property— the principal articles there- of—the compact is evaded— major Weyms writes an apologetical letter on this fubject, which is anfwered by governor Mathews, 376 — 383 Many negroes are carried off by lieutenant- colonel MoncriefF and others, 384 Conjectures about the whole number loft during the war, ib. Charlefton is evacuated— preliminary articles of peace announced— the citizens are hap- py—the army is difbanded— the virtue of the American army— continental officers are married in South-Carolina— the leni- ty of the government to the royalifts— they are permitted to return, and their property to a great amount is reftored— peace and happinefs take place, 384-— '387 THE THE HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION I N SOUTH-CAROLINA. CHAPTER EIGHTH. Of the reduction of Savannah, the fubfcquent in- curfions into South-Carolina from Georgia, and the attack on Savannah by the French and Ame- ricans. T f ■ iHE campaign of feventeen hundred and feventy-eight having paffed away with- out any remarkable military enterpiize in the northern ftates, and the attempts of the Britifh commiffioners to induce the Congrefs to relinquiih independence, and their alliance with France, having proved abortive, the com- mander in chief of the royal army, in New- York, thought proper to turn his arms more im- Vol II. B mediately ( 2 ) mediately againfl; the fouthern ftates. To this end a plan of operation was concerted with ma- jor-general Prevoft, who commanded in Eaft- Florida ; and it was intended that Georgia mould be invaded both on the north and fouth fide at the fame time. While preparations were making for this conjunct: expedition, two bodies of armed men, compofed of regulars and refugees, made a very fudden and rapid incurfion into the (late of Geor- gia, from the province of Eaft-Florida, One of theie parties came in boats through the inland navigation, and the other marched over land by the way of the river Alatamaha. The firfl de- manded the furrender of Sunbury ; but, on re- ceiving a fpirited refufal, expreffed by lieutenant- colonel Mackintofh in thefe laconick words — e Come and take it,' they left the place, and re- tired to a neighbouring ifland. The latter pur- fued their march towards Savannah. General Screven, with about a hundred militia, repeatedly fkirmifhed with this party in their advance through the country. In one of thefe engagements he received a wound from a mufket ball, in confe- quence of which he fell from his horfe. After he fell leveral of the Britim came up, and, up- braiding him with the manner in which captain Moore of Brown's rangers had been killed, dif- charged their pieces at him. Few men were more efteemed or beloved for their virtues in private life j few officers had done more for their country ( 3 ) country than this gallant citizen, who loft his life in confequence of the wounds received on this occafion. The invaders purfued their march till they were within three miles of Ogeechee ferry, at which place mr. Savage, with his own Haves, had erected a breaftwork to prevent their palling. Colonel Elbert, with about two hundred conti- nentals, took poll in the works erected by mr. Savage, and prepared to difpute the paifage of the river. Thefe obftacles, together with infor- mation that the other party had failed in their expectations of reducing Sunbury, determined them to retreat without attempting to crofs. On their return, they laid wafte the country for ma- ny miles., burnt St. John's church, a confidera- ble number of dwellinghoufes, and all the rice and other grain within their reach, and alfo car- ried off with them all the negroes, horfes, cat- tle, and plate, that could be removed either by land or water. It is impofTible to tell whether this burning, plundering incurhon, introductory to a ferious plan of operations, advanced or impeded the Britifh defigns. It certainly alarmed the fears of fome, and made them more averfe from perfe- vering in the war. But on others it produced quite contrary effects. Their revenge and indig- nation was roufed, and they were flimulated to do and fuffer every thing rather than fubmit to fuch conquerors. The ( 4 ) The citizens of Georgia were foon obliged to encounter a much more formidable force. On the twenty-feventh of November, feventeen hundred and feventy-eight, lieutenant-colonel Campbell, a brave and able officer, with the feventy-firft regiment, two battalions of Hef- fians, four of provincials, and a detachment of the royal artillery, embarked from Sandy-Hook for Georgia, efcorted by a fmall fquadron of ihips, under the command of commodore Hyde Parker. The fleet arrived on the twenty-third of December at the ifland of Tybee, near the mouth of the river Savannah, and in a few days after the troops effected a landing. From the landing- place a narrow caufeway of fix hundred yards in length, with a ditch on each fide, led through a fuamp. Captain Smith, with a fmall party, was pofted at this caufeway, to impede the paflage of the Britifh ; but his force was too inconfiderable to check their progrefs. They pufhed on with filch vigour that the American party was almofl inftantly difperfed. The continental armv, on which the defence of Georgia refted, had lately returned from a fummer expedition againft Eaft- Florida, in which their numbers had fufFered fo fort at Sunbury foon followed its example. Ge- neral Prevoft marched to Savannah, and took the command of the combined forces from New- York and St. Auguftine. Previous to his ar- rival, a proclamation had been iffued to encou- rage the inhabitants to come in, and fubmit to the conquerors, with promifes of protection on condition, that, ' with their arms, they would ' fupport royal government.' Great numbers fubmitted ; but the determined republicans fled up into the weftern parts of the country, or into the Hate of South-Carolina. Lieutenant-colonel Campbell a&ed with great policy in iecuring the fubmiffion of the inhabitants. Civil government was after fome time re-eftablifhed, and the lower parts of the ftate were in peace. In proportion as the Britilh gained footing in Georgia, the neighbouring ftates of South and North-Carolina became anxious for their fafety. The continental regiments or North-Carolina were with the grand army under general .Wamington. That ftate, on the firft intelligence of an intended embarkation from New-York for the fouthward, generoufly raifed a body of militia about two thoufand in number to ferve for five months — put them under the command of the generals Aih and Rutherford, and lent them without de- lay to the relief of their fouthern neighbours. Thefe reinforcements came forward with fa much difpatch, that, had it not been for a delay of ten days near Charleflon before they were furnifhed with ( 9 ) with arms, they would have been in time to have joined general Howe prior to the reduction of Savannah. North-Carolina was, at this late pe- riod, unable to arm her own militia ; but never- theless fent them on, expecting that they would be fupplied by their neighbours. South-Carolina, though better provided, was not able to Furnifh arms for the militia of both dates. While the Britifh were in the offing, it was uncertain whe- ther South-Carolina or Georgia was their object. This induced prefident Lowndes and his council to delay the diftribution of their fcanty flock of publick arms till the defigns of the Rritifh became evident. The rapid movements of lieutenant- colonel Campbell put him fo foon in pofTeflion of the capital of Georgia, that the North-Carolina militia made their fir ft junction with the Ameri- can army after their retreat over the river Savan- nah. At the requeft of the delegates from South- Carolina, Congrefs appointed major-general Lin- coln, a native of Maffachufetts, to take the com- mand of all their forces to the fouthward. This officer was greatly refpected for his many amiable qualities, and was acknowledged to be one of the firft military characters in America. He was fecond in command in the expedition of feventeen hundred and feventy-feven, when ge- neral Burgoyne and his army furrendered to ge- neral Gates. A confiderable fhare of the fuc- cefs of that campaign was juftly afcribed to his Vol. II. C perfeverance ( io ) perfeverance and abilities. He brought to the fouthward great reputation, and therq, though under many difadvantages, he acquired the far- ther honour of checking the Britifh conqueds, and preferving the date for upwards of fifteen months againd a fuperior enemy. His plans were well formed ; but his little army, moltly confid- ing of militia, was not able to contend with fu- perior numbers, and the difcipline of Britifh re- gular troops. The continentals under his com- mand did not exceed fix hundred men, and all the reft of his force was made up of draughts from the inhabitants of the country, changed every fecond or third month. Upon advice received of the intentions of the Britifh to invade the fouthern dates, prefident Lowndes, in order to keep as great a force as pofiible in the country, laid on a general embar- go, and prohibited the failing of veflels from any port of the date. This was repeated for two fucceffive periods of thirty days each. By pro- clamation, dated December 28, 1778, he alfo ordered « the proprietors of neat cattle, fheep and * hogs, on the fea-iflands and other parts, imme- t diately expofed to the incurfions of the enemy, < to remove them off the faid illands or expofed ' places, that the Britifli might be prevented from * obtaining a fupply of provifions,' He alfo ad- dreffed the legillature in an animated fpeech, of which the following is a part : ' Our inveterate 6 and obdurate enemy, being foiled in the north- ' ern ( II ) ern States, and, by the valour and good con- duct of the inhabitants, compelled to abandon their hopes of conquefl there, have turned their arms more immediately againfl thefe fouthern States, in hopes of better fuccefs. They are now in pofTeilion of Savannah, the capital of Georgia, from whence, if not prevented, an eafy tranfition may be made into this country. This fituation of danger, gentlemen, calls for your moll ferious consideration. Our whole force and Strength mould be exerted to flop the progrefs of the enemy. Government ought to be truSted with ample powers to enable it to act vigoroufly and decisively in the prefent con- juncture. The militia-law requires an immedi- ate revifal and amendment, to accommodate it to our prefent circumstances, and every meafure that has a tendency to counteract and defeat the views and defigns of the enemy, mould be em- braced and adopted with alacrity and difpatch.' Thefe Spirited fentiments were re-echoed by the houfe of representatives, in an addrefs of which the following is a part : c That our cruel and am- ' bitious enemies Should turn their arms againft ' thefe fouthern Slates is a circumftance not un- ' expected. But this laSt nefarious Struggle of 6 our defponding foes will, we truSt, under the 6 aSSiStance of Divine Providence, in the end tend ' more to Shew their impotent malice than the ' wifdom of their councils or the valour of their * arms ; for that fame Spirit which once animated ' our countrymen to drive them difgraced from ' our ( »» ) 4 our coafts, will again be exerted to effect the ' like happy confequences. We conceive our- ' felves bound by all the difference there is be- ' twcen the horrors of flavery, and the bleflings ' of liberty, to ufe every means in our power, to ' expel them from our country, and for this pur- ' pofe to ftrengthen the hands of government, c and to revife the militia-law, fo as to facilitate * our operations againft them.' General Lincoln eftablifhed his firft poft at Puryfburgh, a fmall village on the northern banks of the. river Savannah. A large proportion of the militia of the ftate of South-Carolina was draughted, put under the command of colonel Richardfon, and marched for the American head- quarters. Their numbers were confiderable, but they had not yet learned the implicit obedience neceffary for military operations. Accuftomed to activity on their farms, they could not bear the languors of an encampment. Having grown up in habits of freedom and independence on their freeholds, they reluctantly fubmitted to martial discipline. When ordered on command, they would fome times enquire ' whither they ' were going ?' and ' how long they muff Itay ?' The royal army at Savannah, being reinforced by the junction of the troops from St. Auguftine, the Britifli commanders formed a fcheme of extending a part of their forces into South-Ca- rolina. To this end major Gardiner, with two hundred ( 13 ) hundred men, was detached to take poflfeffion of Port-Royal ifland. Soon after he landed, general Moultrie, at the head of an equal num- ber of men, in which there were only nine re- gular foldiers, attacked and drove him off the ifland. This advantage was principally gained by two field-pieces which were well ferved by a party of the Charlefton militia artillery, under the command of the captains Heyward and Rut- ledge. The Britifh loft almofl all their officers, and feveral prifoners were taken by a fmall party of Port-Royal militia, commanded by captain Barnwell. The Americans had eight men killed, and twenty-two wounded, a Among the former lieutenant Benjamin Wilkins was the theme of univerfal lamentation. His country regretted the fall of a worthy man, and an excellent officer. A numerous young family fuftained a lofs which to them was irreparable. This fuccefs of the Americans checked the Britifh, and for the prefent prevented their at- tempting any enterprize againfl South-Carolina j but they extended themfelves over a great part of Georgia, and eflablifhed two pods, one at Ebe- nezer, and the other at Auguita. This laft place, being high up in the country, was a good pofi- tion for awing the weft em inhabitants, and a convenient place of rendezvous for the friends of royal government. The Britifh having eftablimed themfelves in the upper country of Georgia, their next * See note i. ( «4 ) next object was to ftrengthen themfelves by the addition of the tories. To this end emiffaries were employed to encourage them to a general infurrection. They were allured that if they would crofs the Savannah river, and add their force to that of the King's army in Augufta, they would have fuch a decided fuperiority as would effectually crufh the rebellion, and make a fpeedy return to their homes practicable on their own terms. Several hundreds of them accordingly em- bodied, and marched along the weftern frontiers of South-Carolina. Among thofe men, thus col- lected, under the fpecious denomination of loyal- ids, were great numbers of the mod infamous characters. Their general complexion was that of a plundering banditti, more folicitous for booty than for the honour and interefl; of their royal mailer. As they' marched through the fettle- ments, they appropriated to their own ufe every kind of property that they could carry off. Co- lonel Pickins, on receiving intelligence of their progrefs and rapine, collected the whig militia of the diflrict of Ninety-Six, and placed captain Anderfon at the Cherokee Ford, on Savannah river, to impede their eroding, whilft he went to attack a fort in Georgia, in which were col- lected fome tories and Britifh. Unable to fucceed in this enterprize without letting fire to the fort, which his humanity would not permit him to do, he retreated and marched with all fpeed to the croffing-place on the river. Here, to his great mortification, he found that captain Anderfon had ( «5 ) had been obliged to retreat, and that the tories had made good their palTage. Colonel Pickins, with about three hundred men, immediately fol- lowed and came up with them near Kettle creek, where an action took place which lafted three quarters of an hour. At length the tories gave way, and were totally routed. Colonel Pickins had nine men killed, and feveral wounded. The royalifts had about forty killed, in which number was their leader colonel Boyd, who had been fecretly employed by Britifh authority to collect and head thefe infurgents. By this action the Britifh were totally difconcerted. The tories were difperfed all over the country. Some ran to North- Carolina, fome wandered not knowing whither. Many went to their homes, and cad themfelves on the mercy of the new government. Soon after this defeat and difperfion lieutenant-colonel Campbell retreated from Augufta towards Savan- nah, and, for the remainder of that feafon, the whole upper country of both South-Carolina and Georgia enjoyed domeftick fecurity. The infurgents on this occafion were the fub- jects of the ftate of South-Carolina, and owed obedience to its laws. They were therefore tried in a regular manner, by a jury, under the direc- tion of the courts of juflice, appointed by the republican government. Seventy of them were condemned to die by the laws of the (late, enact- ed hnce the abolition of royal government ; but the fentence of the court was executed only on five ( >6 ) five of their principals, and all the reft were par- doned. This fecond unfuccefsful infurreclion clamped the fpirit of the tories. Their plans were ill laid, and worfe executed. They had no men of abi- lity capable of g;ving union to their force. They were difappointed in all their expectations of aid from the royal army, and had the mortification to fee a few of their ringleaders executed for treafon and rebellion againit the flate. As the Britiih extended their polls up the ri- ver Savannah on the fouth fide, general Lincoln fixed encampments at Black Swamp, and nearly oppofite to Augufta on the north fide. From thefe pods he formed a plan of crofling the river at Augufta and at Zubly's ferry in two divifions, with the view of limiting the Britlfh to the fea coaft of Georgia. In the execution of this de- figii general Am, with fifteen hundred North- Carolina militia, and the remainder of the Geor- gia continentals, crofied the Savannah river on the 28th of February 1779, and immediately marched down the country as far as Briar creek. At this place, on the fourth day after his crotfing the Savannah, he was furprized at three o'clock in the afternoon by lieutenant-colonel Prevofl. This detachment of the royal army, having crofi- ed Briar creek, fifteen miles above general Afa's encampment, came unexpectedly on his rear. The American militia completely furprized, were thrown C >7 ) thrown into confufion, and fled at the fTrff. fire. Several were killed, and a confulerable number taken. None had any chance of efcaping but by croffing the river, in attempting which man}* were drowned ; of thofe who got over fafe, a great part returned home, and never more re- joined the American camp. The few continen- tals, about fixty, under colonel Elbert, fought with the greater!: bravery ; but the furvivors ot them, with their gallant leader, were at Iafl com pelled to furrender themfelves prifoners of war. Of this divifion of the army, the whole that re- mained and rejoined the American camp, did not exceed four hundred and fifty men. This event deprived general Lincoln of one fourth of his numbers, and opened a communication between the Britifh, the Indians, and the tories of South and North-Carolina. In a few days after, viz. on March 21, 1779, the Congrefs and Lee, two American gallics, were loft in the river Savannah, in an attempt on a Britifh galley. In going down the river from Puryfburgh, on this bufmefs, the Congrefs galley ran afhore within gun-mot of the enemy, and the Lee, after a gallant refiftance, unfupported by her comrade, was abandoned. Unexperienced in the art of war, the Ame- ricans were frequently fubject to thofe reverfcs of fortune which ufually attend young foldiers. Un- acquainted with military ftratagems, deficient in difcipline, and not thoroughly broken to habits of implicit obedience, they were often furprized, Vol. IL D and ( i8 ) and had to learn, by repeated misfortunes, the neceffity of fubordination, and the advantages of difcipline. Their numbers in the field, to thofe who are acquainted with European wars, muft appear inconfiderable ; but fuch is the difference of the ftate of fociety and of the population in the old and new world, that, in America, a few hundreds decided objects of equal magnitude with thofe which in European ftates would have called into the field many thoufands. The prize contended for was nothing lefs than the fove- reignty of three millions of people, and five hun- dred millions of acres of land ; b and yet, from the remote fuuation of the invading power, and the thin population of the invaded flates, this momentous quefhion was materially affected by the confequences of battles in which only a few hundreds engaged. The feries of difafters which had followed the American arms, fmce the landing of the Britifh in Georgia, occafioned, among the inhabitants of South-Carolina, many well-founded apprehenfions for their future fafety. The affembly of the flate, defirous of making a vigorous oppofition to the cxtenfion of the Britifh conquefts, paffed a very fevere militia-law. Hitherto the penalties for dif- obedience of orders were inconfiderable, but as the defence of the country, in a great meafure, depended on the exertions of its inhabitants, much heavier fines were impofed on thofe who cither " See note u. ( 19 ) cither neglecled to turn out, or who miibehaved or difobeyed orders. Every effort was made to flrengthen the continental army. Additional bounties, and greater emoluments were promifed as inducements to encourage the recruiting-fer- vice. The extent and variety of military opera- tions in the open country pointed out the advan- tages of cavalry ; a regiment of dragoons was therefore ordered to be railed, in which the following appointments took place : Daniel Horry, colonel, Hezekiah Maham, major. John Canterier, ~) John Hampton, j Benjamin Screven, i j Richard Gough, Thomas Giles, Ifaac Dubofe, In this time of general alarm John Rutledge, efquire, by the aim oft unanimous voice of his countrymen, was called to the chair of govern- ment. To him and his council was delegated, by the legislature, power t to do every thing that 1 appeared to him and them neceffary for the 1 publick good.' In execution of this truft he aflembled a body of militia. This corps, kept in conusant readinefs to march whitherfoever pub- lick fervice might require, was Rationed near the centre of the ilate at Orangeburgh. From this militia camp colonel Simmons was detached with a thoufand ( 2° ) thoufand men to reinforce general Moultrie at Black-Swamp. The original plan of penetrating into Georgia was refumed. With this intention general Lincoln marched with the main army up the Savannah river, that he might give confi- dence to the country, and lead into Georgia a body of militia encamped in South-Carolina, un- der the command of general Williamfon. A fmall force was left at Black-Swamp and Pu- ryfburgh for the purpofe of defending Carolina, while offenfive operations were about to be com- menced in Georgia. General Prevofl availed himfelf of the critical time when the American army was one hundred and fifty miles up the Savannah river, and crofled over into Carolina from Abercorn to Puryfburgh, with two thou- fand four hundred men. In addition to this number of regular troops, a considerable body of Indians, whofe friendihip the Britiih had pre- vioufly fecured, were affociated with the royal army on this expedition. Lieutenant-colonel Mackintofh, who commanded a few continentals at Puryfburgh, not being able to oppofe this force, made a timely retreat. It was part of ge- neral Prevoft's plan to attack general Moultrie at Black-Swamp, to effect which he made a forced march the firft night after he landed on the Ca- rolina fide, but he was about three hours too late. General Moultrie had changed his quar- ters, and being joined by colonel Mackimofh's party, took poll at Tulifinny bridge, in order to prevent the incurfion of the Britifh into the (rate, and ( ft* ) and to keep between them and its defencelefs capital, General Lincoln, on receiving informa- tion of tbefe movements, detached colonel Harris, with three hundred of his bed light troops, for Charlefton ; but croffed the river Savannah near Augufta with the main army, and marched for three days down the country towards the capital of Georgia. He was induced to purfue his origi- nal intention from an idea, that general Prevoft meant nothing more than to divert him from his intended operations in Georgia, by a feint of attempting the capital of South-Carolina, and becaufe his marching down on the fouth fide of the river Savannah, would occafion very little additional delay in repairing to the defence of Charleflon. General Prevoft proceeded in his march by the main road, near the fea coafl, with- out oppofition, as far as Coofawhatchie bridge. Lieutenant-colonel John Laurens, with eighteen continentals and a much larger number of militia, was detached from general Moultrie's camp, to difpute this difficult pafs. That gallant officer perfevered in this hazardous attempt, till he was wounded, and had loft one half of his conti- nentals. The Britifh fired in fecurity under the cover of houfes on the oppofite bank, and had the advantage of a field-piece. On this, the firft time of their being in danger, the American mi- litia could not be perfuaded to ftand their ground. A retreat took place, and was conducted by cap- tain Shubrick, over a long caufeway, in the face of a fuperior foe. As ( M ) As the Britifh army advanced into the country they committed many outrages and depredations. The day before the fkirmiih juft mentioned they burnt all the buildings on major Butler's planta- tion at the Eutaws. The day after they burned the Epifcopal church, in prince William's parifh, and general Bull's houfe at Sheldon. The pofition of general Moultrie at Tulifinny was by no means a fafe one, for the Britifh might eafily have croffed above him, and got in his rear. A general retreat of his whole force towards Charlefton was therefore thought advifable. This was conducted with great propriety, though un- der many difadvantages. General Moultrie had no cavalry to check the advancing foe, and, in- ftead of receiving reinforcements from the inha- bitants as he marched through the country, many of the militia left him, and went home. Their families and property lay directly in the route of the invading army. Several, after providing for their wives and children, rejoined general Moul- trie in Charlefton ; but the greater number fought fecurity by flaying on their plantations. The re- treating Americans deftroyed all the bridges in their rear, but there was fcarce any other inter- ruption thrown in the way of the Britifli in their march through the country. The abfence of the main army under general Lincoln, the retreat of general Moultrie, the plundering and devaftations of the invaders, and above all the dread of the royal auxiliaries, the Indian favages, whofe con- usant ( *3 ) ftant practice is to murder women and children, diffufed a general panick among the inhabitants, and induced many of them to apply to the Bri- tifh for their protection. New-made converts to the royal ftandard endeavoured to ingratiate themfelves with their protectors by reprefenting the capital as an eafy conquefl. This flattering profpect induced general Prevoft, contrary to his original intention, to purfue his march. Govern- or Rutledge, with the militia lately encamped at Orangeburgh, had fet out to join general Moul- trie at Tulifinny bridge ; but, on the fecond day of their march, advice was received of general Moultrie's retreat, and that general Prevoft was pufhing towards Charleflon. This intelligence determined the governor to march with all the force under his command to the defence of the capital. "When general Prevoft croffed the Savannah river, Charleflon Neck was almoft wholly de- fencelefs. An invafion on the land-fide, by an army marching through the countrv, was an event fo unexpected, that no proper provifion had been made againft it. If the Britifh had continued their march with the fame rapidity with which it was begun, and attempted to take the town by a coup-de-main, they would proba- bly have fucceeded ; but they halted two or three days when they had advanced more than half the diftance. In this fhort interval lieutenant-go- vernor Bee and the gentlemen of the council made ( *4 ) made the greatefl: exertions to fortify the town on the land-fide. All the houfes in the fuburbs were burnt. Lines and an abbatis were in a few days carried from Afhley to Cooper rivers. Can- non were mounted at proper intervals acrofs the whole extent of Charlefton Neck. Thefe works were planned with great judgment, and executed with uncommon difpatch by lieutenant-colonel De-Cambray. His exertions procured him the thanks of the affembly. He was alfo honoured with a medal ftruck on the occafion, expreflive of the high eftimation in which his fervices were held by a grateful country. The militia in the vicinity were fummoned to the defence of Charlef- ton. They generally obeyed as far as was prac- ticable on fo fhort notice. Publick affairs now appeared in a very critical fituation. General Lincoln was marching unmolefted towards the capital of Georgia, apparently evacuated for his reception, while general Prevoft was advancing with as little interruption to the capital of South- Carolina. General Moultrie's retreating army, governor Rutledge's militia from Orangeburgh, and colonel Harris's detached light corps, which marched nearly forty miles a day for four days fucceflively, all reached Charlefton on the 9th and 10th of May. The arrival of fuch feafonable reinforcements gave hopes of a fuccefsful defence. On the 1 ith nine hundred of the Britifh army, their main body and baggage being left on the fouth fide of Afhley river, croffed the ferry, and in ( *5 ) in a few hours they appeared before the town. On the fame day that they marched down Charles- ton Neck, the infantry of an American legion- ary corps croffed Cooper river, and landed in the town. This was commanded by brigadier-gene- ral count Pulaiki, a Polander of high birth. This illuftrious officer had been concerned in a bold enterprize. in favour of liberty in his native country. He with a few men had carried off king Staniflaus from the middle of his capi- tal, though furrounded by a numerous body of guards and a Ruffian army. The king, after be- ing a prifoner for fome time, found means to efcape, and foon afterwards declared Pulafki an out-law. Nothing could be more congenial to the fentiments of this generous friend of the rights of mankind than to employ his arms in fupport of the American dates. Influenced by thefe fentiments, he offered his fervice to Con- grefs, and was honoured by that body with the rank of a brigadier-general. At this period of the war he had been detached from the northern American army to the aid of the fouthern Hates, and opportunely arrived when his fervices were moft wanted. The men under his command had fcarcely arrived two hours, when he led eighty of them out of the lines of Charlefton, and Ra- tioned them in a valley behind a fmall breafhvork, with the view of drawing the Britiili into an am- bufcade. General Pulafki advanced a mile be- yond his infantry, and joined a fmall party of regular horle, and mounted militia volunteers, Vol. II. E and ( 26 ) and with that force engaged the Britifh cavalry for a fhort time, and then retreated to his infan- try. They, from an eagernefs to engage, had quitted their works, and advanced to an emi- nence in front of their firft flation. The ad- vantage of the intended ambufcade was by this means loft, and they had to engage a fuperior number on equal ground, The Britifli foot foon came up, and compelled the Americans to re- treat into the town. General Pulafki had feveral fuccefsful perfonal rencounters with individuals of the Britifli cavalry, and on all occafions dif- covered the greateft intrepidity. The gallant example of this diftinguifhed partizan, courting danger on every occafion, had a confiderable in- fluence in difpelling the general panick, and in introducing military fentiments into the minds of men who had heretofore been peaceable citizens. Major Benjamin Huger, a diftinguiflied officer, and a gentleman of the moft honourable and li- beral fentiments, was, while commanding a party without the lines, killed in the night of the i ith, through miftake, by his countrymen. Fort Johnfbn, on James ifland, was blown up with the view of ftrengthening the garrifon in the town, by the addition of the party ftati- oned on the ifland, and of preventing the ..Bri- tifli from getting poffefiion of it. As the royal army was unfurnifhed for a fiege, and ( »jr ) and had nothing to depend on but the chance of a fudden affault, this was confidently expected. That it might not he done by furprize, tar-bar- rels were lighted up in front of the works. The defence of the town refted on the exertions of three thoufand three hundred men, the greater part of whom were militia wholly unacquainted with military operations. The Britifh at Afhley ferry, and before the lines, were about two thoufand four hundred men, but were without cannon or fhipping. It was prefumed by the garrifon that general Lincoln, with the army under his command, was in clofe purfuit of general Prevoft, but his pre- cife fituation was unknown to every perfon within the lines. To gain time in fuch circumftances was a matter of great confequence. A whole day was therefore fpent in fending or receiving flags. Commiffioners from the garrifon of Charlef- ton were initrucled to propofe ' a neutrality dur- ' ing the war, between Great-Britain and Amc- * rica, and that the queftion whether the ftate ' fhall belong to Great-Britain or remain one of ' the United States, be determined by the treaty ' of peace between thefe powers.' This proposi- tion, being made to lieutenant-colonel Prevoft, acting as a commiflioner in behalf of general Prevoft, he anfwered, ' that they did not come ' in a legiflative capacity.' On a fecond inter- view lieutenant-colonel Prevoft ended the con- ference by faying, c That, as the garrifon was in ' arms, ( *8 ) * arms, they mud furrender prisoners of war.' This being refufed, preparations were made for fuitaining an immediate aflault. General Prevoft, difappointed in his expec- tation of furprizing the town, and fearing the confequcnces of an aflault on the lines, re-croffcd Afhley river, and, to avoid general Lincoln's army, now in his rear, he filed off from the main land to the iflands on the fea coafl. While the Britifh were encamped on James ifland, about feventy or eighty of the Americans were pofied nearly oppofite to them at the plan- tation of mr. Mathews, on John's ifland. On the 20th of May a party of the troops, com- manded by general Prevofl, croffed over the nar- row river which feparates the two iflands, fur- prized the out fentinel of the Americans, and extorted from him the counterfign. PoffefTed of this criterion, they advanced in fecurity to the fecond fentinel and bayonetted him before he could give any alarm. Without being difco- vered, they then furrounded the houfe of mr. Mathews, rufhed in on the unprepared Ameri- cans, and put feveral of them, though they made no refinance, to the bayonet. Among the reft mr. Robert Barnwell, a young gentleman who adorned a very relpcclable family by his many virtues, good underflanding, and fweetnefs of manners, received no lefs than feventeen wounds ; but he had the good fortune to recover from them ( *9 ) them all, and ftill lives an ornament to his coun- try. The Britifh having completed this bufmefs, burned the houie of mr. Mathews. General Lincoln continued his march for three days in Georgia ; but on receiving certain information of the flate of affairs in Carolina, he recroffed the Savannah river, and advanced to- wards general Prevofl. Both armies encamped within thirty miles of Charleffon, watching each other's motions, till the 20th of June, when an attack was made on part of the Britifh army, in- trenched at Stono ferry. Agreeably to a pre- concerted plan, a feint was to have been made from James ifland, with a body of militia from Charlefton, at the fame time that general Lincoln began the attack from the main ; but from mif- management and a delay in providing boats, the militia from Charlefton did not reach their place of deflination till feveral hours after the action. The American army confifted of about twelve hundred men. Only one half of which were continentals. The militia of North and South- Carolina were ported on the right, and the con- tinentals on the left. Colonel Malmedy led a corps of light-infantry on the right, and lieute- nant-colonel Henderfon on the left. The Virgi- nia militia and the cavalry formed a corps of re- ferve. The Britifh force confifted of fix or feven hundred men. They had three redoubts, with a line of communication, and field-pieces very advantageoufly potted in the intervals, and the whole ( 3" ) whole fecured with an abbatis. That they might be haraffed, or lulled into fecurity, for feveral nights preceding the action, they were alarmed by fmall parties. When the real attack was made, two companies of the feventy-fuft regiment fallied out to fupport the pickets. Lieutenant- colonel Henderfon ordered his light-infantry to charge them, on which they inftantly retreated. Only nine of their number got fafe within their lines. All the men at the Britifh field-pieces, between their redoubts, were either killed or wounded. The attack was continued for an hour and twenty minutes, and the alfailants had manifestly the advantage ; yet the appearance of a reinforcement, to prevent which the feint from James iiland was intended, made a retreat necef- fary. The whole garrifon fallied out on the retiring Americans ; but the light troops, com- manded by colonel Mahnedy and lieutenant-colo- nel Henderfon, fo effectually retarded the Britifh in their purfuit, that the troops commanded by general Lincoln not only retreated with regula- rity, but brought off their wounded in fafety. The lofs of the Americans on this occafion in killed and wounded was about one hundred and fifty. c Among the former was the gallant colo- nel Roberts, whofe fuperior abilities as an artille- ry-officer, commanded the approbation of his countrymen, and rendered his early fall the fubjeel of univerfal regret. Soon ' See note in. ( 3i ) Soon after this attack the American militia, impatient of abfence from their plantations, ge- nerally returned to their homes. This was pro- ductive of no inconvenience to the fervice ; for, about the fame time, the Britifh left the iflands in the vicinity of Charlefton, retreating from one to another, till they arrived at Port-Royal and Savannah. The fea-coaft of South-Carolina, to the fouthward of Charlefton, is fo chequered with iflands, and interfered with creeks and marines, as to make the movements of an army extremely difficult. The Britifh were much bet- ter provided with boats than the Americans, and therefore could retire with expedition and fafety. Various projects were attempted to enable gene- ral Lincoln to purfue them. Boats on wheel- carriages, conftru&ed fo as to fuit the variegated face of the country, were propofed ; but before any thing of this fort could be completed, the Britifh had retreated to places of fecurity. This incurfion into South-Carolina, and fub- fequent retreat, contributed very little to the ad- vancement of the royal caufe, but it added much to the wealth of the officers, foldiers and fol- lowers of the Britifh army, and ftill more to the diftreffes of the inhabitants. The forces, un- der the command of general Prevoft, marched through the richelt fettlements of the ftate, where there are the feweft white inhabitants in propor- tion to the number of flaves. The haplcfs Afri- cans, allured with hopes of freedom, forfook their ( 3* ) their owners, and repaired in great numbers to the royal army. They endeavoured to recom- mend themfelves to their new mafters, by difco- vering where their owners had concealed their property, and were affifting in carrying it off. All fubordination being deftroyed, they became infolent and rapacious, and in fome inftances exceeded the Britifh in their plunderings and de- valuations. Colle&ed in great crowds near the royal army, they were feized with the camp-fever, in fuch numbers that they could not be accom- modated either with proper lodgings or attend- ance. The Britifh carried out of the Hate, it is fuppofed, about three thoufand Haves ; many of whom were fhipped from Georgia and Eaft-Flo- rida, and fold in the Weft-Indies ; but the in- habitants loft upwards of four thoufand, each of whom was worth, on an average, about two hundred and fifty Spanifh dollars. When the Britifh retreated, they had accumulated fo much plunder, that they had not the means of removing the whole of it. The vicinity of the American army made them avoid the main land, and go off in great precipitation from one ifland to another. Many of the horfes which they had collected from the inhabitants were lofl in inef- fectual attempts to tranfport them over the rivers and marfhes. For want of a fufficient number of boats, a confiderable part of the negroes were left behind. They had been fo thoroughly im- prefTed by the Britifh with the expectations of the feverefl treatment, and even of certain death from ( 33 ) from their owners, in cafe of their returning home, that, in order to get off with the retreat- ing army, they would fometimes fatten them- felves to the fides of the boats. To prevent this dangerous practice the fingers of fome of them were chopped off, and foldiers were polled with cutlaffes and bayonets to oblige them to keep at proper diflances. Many of them, labouring un- der difeafes, afraid to return home, forfaken by their new matters, and dettitute of the neceffa- ries of life, perifhed in the woods. Thole who got off with the army were collected on Otter ifland, where the camp-fever continued to rage. Without medicine, attendance, or the comforts proper for the fick, fome hundreds of them ex- pired. Their dead bodies, as they lay expofed in the woods, were devoured by beafts and birds, and to this day the ifland is ftrewed with their bones. The Britifh alfo carried off with them feveral rice-barrels full of plate, and houfe- hold furniture in large quantities, which they had taken from the inhabitants. They had fpread over a confiderable extent of country, and fmali parties vifited almoft every houfe, dripping it of whatever was moil valuable, and rifling the in- habitants of their money, rings, jewels, and other perfonal ornaments. The repofitories of the dead were in feveral places broken open, and the grave itfelf fearched for hidden treafure. What was deftroyed by the foldiers was fuppofed to be of more value than what they carried off. Fea- ther-beds were ripped open for the fake of the Vol. II. F ticking. ( 34 ) ticking. Windows, china-ware, looking-glafies and pictures, were dafhed to pieces. Not only the larger dome flick animals were cruelly and wantonly fhot down, but the licentioufnefs of" the foldiery extended fo far that, in feveral places, nothing within their reach, however fmall and infignificant, was fuffered to live. For this de- ftruclion they could not make the plea of necef- fity, for what was thus killed was frequently nei- ther ufed nor carried off. The gardens which had been improved with great care, and orna- mented with many foreign productions, were laid wafte, and their niceft curiofities deflroyed. The houfes of the planters were feldom burnt, but in every other way the deftru&ions and depredations committed by the Britifh were fo enormous, that, ihould the whole be particularly related, they who live at a diflance would fcarcely believe what could be attefted by hundreds of eye-witnefTes. Soon after the affair at Stono, on the 20th of June, the continental forces, under the command of general Lincoln, retired to Sheldon. Both armies remained in their refpective encampments till the arrival of a French fleet on the coaft roufed the whole country to immediate activity. After the conquefl of Grenada, in the fum- mer of 1779, count D'Eftaing, with the force under his command, retired to Cape-Francois. Letters from governor Rutledge and moniieur Plombard, the conful of France in Charlefton, were ( 35 ) were received at that place by the victorious French admiral. In all of which a fpeedy vifit to the coaft of the American continent was re- commended, and by fome of them he was in- formed that Savannah might be taken by a coup- de-main, and that, on his arrival, he would find every thing ready for an aflault. This invitation, coinciding with the instructions he had received from the King his mafter, to act in concert with the forces of the United States whenfoever an occafion mould prefent itfelf, he failed for the American continent, and arrived early in Sep- tember with a fleet confiding of twenty fail of the line, two of fifty guns, and eleven frigates. As foon as his arrival on the coafl was known, general Lincoln, with the army under his com- mand, marched for Savannah ; and orders were iffued for the militia of South-Carolina and Geor- gia to rendezvous immediately near the fame place. The Britim were equally diligent in pre- paring for their defence. Lieutenant-colonel Cruger, who had a fmall command at Sunbury, and lieutenant-colonel Maitland, who was in force at Beaufort, were ordered to repair to Savannah. As the French frigates approached the bar, the Fowey and Rofe, of twenty guns each, the Kep- pel and Germain armed vefiels, retired towards the town. The battery on Tybee was deftroyed. To prevent the French fhips from coming too near the town, the llofe and Savannah armed mips, with four tranfports, were funk in the channel. A boom was laid acrofs it, and feveral fmall ( 36 ) fm all veffels were alfo funk above the town. The feamen were appointed to the different batteries. The marines were incorporated with the grena- diers of the fixtieth regiment, and great numbers employed both by day and night in U lengthen- ing and extending the lines of defence. Count D'Eftaing made repeated declarations, that he cculd not remain more than ten or fifteen days on more. Neverthekfs the fail of Savannah was confidcred as infallibly certain. It was generally believed that in a few days the Britim would be (tripped of all their fouthern poifeifions. Flufhed with thefe romantick hopes, the militia turned out with a readinefs that far furpaffed their exertions in the preceding campaign. Every aid was given from Charlefton by fending fmall vef- feis to afliffc the French in their landing ; but, as the large mips of count D'Eftaing could not come near the more, this was not effected till the 12th of September. On the 1 6th Savannah was iummoned to furrender to the arms of France. This was urged by the loyalifts as an argument of the intentions of the French to conquer for themfelves. The true reafon was, that the Ame- rican army had not then come up. It would have been therefore abfurd for a French officer to demand the furrender of a town to an abfent commander. The garrifon requefted twenty-four hours to confider of an anfwer. This requeft was made with a view of gaining time for the detachment at Beaufort, commanded by lieute- nant-colonel Maitlandj to join the royal army in Savannah. C 37 ) Savannah. An enterprize was undertaken to prevent this junction, but it proved unfucctfsful. The pilots would not undertake to conduct to a proper ftation the frigates deftined to intercept the communication. Lieutenant-colonel Mait- land availed himfelf of this circumftance, pufhed through by Dawfufkies, dragged his boats through a gut, and joined general Prevoft before the time granted for preparing an anfwer to count D'Eftaing's fummons had elapfed. The arrival of fuch a reinforcement, and efpecially of the brave lieutenant-colonel Maitland, determined the garrifon to rifk an affault. The French and Americans, who formed a junction the evening after, were therefore reduced to the ncceffity of (forming, or of befieging the garrifon. The re- folution of proceeding by fiege being adopted, the attention of the combined armies was im- mediately called to the landing of cannon, and the erecting of batteries. The diftance of the fleet from the landing-place, together with the want of proper carriages to tranfport the cannon and ftores from Thunderbolt to Savannah, a dif- tance of five miles, confumed a great deal of time. The works of the town were every day perfecting by the labour of feveral hundred ne- groes, directed by that able engineer major Mon- criefF. On the evening of the 23d the French and Americans broke ground, and on the 24th major Graham, with a fmall party of the befieged, fallied out on the French troops, but he was foon repulfed. The purfuit was continued fo near to the ( 3« ) the Britiih intrenchments, that the French, on their return, were expofed to a heavy fire, by which many of them fell. On the night of the 2,7th major M'Arthur, with a party of the Bri- tiih pickets, advanced and fired among the be- fiegers. This was conducted fo artfully as to occafion a firing between the French and Ame- rican camps. On the 4th of October the be- fiegers opened with nine mortars, thirty-feven pieces of cannon from the land-fide, and fixteen from the water. Thefe continued to play with fhort intervals for four or five days, but without any confiderable effect. On the 8th, in the morning, major L'Enlant, with five men, march- ed through a brifk fire from the Britifh lines, and kindled their abbatis ; but the dampnefs of the air, and the moifture of the green wood, prevented the fuccefs of this bold undertaking. Soon after the commencement of the can- nonade, general Prevoff folicited for leave to fend the women and children out of the town. This humane requeft was, from motives of policy, refufed. The combined army was fo confident of fuccefs, that it was fufpected a defire of fe- creting the plunder lately taken from the inhabi- tants of South-Carolina, was a confiderable object covered under the fpecious veil of humanity. It was alio prefumed that a refufal would expedite a furrender. The period being long fince elapfed which the count had ailigned for this expedition, and the engineers informing him, that more time muft ( 39 ) mufl be fpent if he expected to reduce the gar- rifon by regular approaches, it was determined to make an affault. This meafure was forced on count D'Eftaing by his marine-officers, who had remon ft rated againft his continuing to rifk io valuable a fleet, in its prefcrnt unrepaired condi- tion, on fuch a dangerous coafl in the hurricane feafon, and ai fo great a diftance from the more, that it might be furprized by a Britifh fleet. Thefe remonftrances were enforced by the pro- bability of their being attacked by a Britifh fleet completely repaired, and with their full compli- ment of men, foldiers and artillery on board, when the mips of his moil chriltian majefty were weakened by the abfence of a confiderable part of their crews, artillery and officers. In a few days the lines of the befiegers might have been carried into the works of the befieged -y but under thefe critical circumftances no further delay could be admitted. To aflault, or to raife the fiege was the only alternative. Prudence would have dictated the latter, but a fenfe of honour determined to adopt the former. The morning of the 9th of October was fixed upon for the attack. Two feints were made with the country militia ; and a real attack on the Spring- Hill battery with three thoufand five hundred French troops, fix hundred continentals, and three hundred and fifty of the Charlefton mili- tia, led by count D'Eftaing and general Lincoln. They marched up to the lines with great bold- nefs j but a heavy and well-directed fire from the ( 4° ) the batteries, and a crofs-fire from the gallics did execution fuch as threw the front of the column into confufion. Two ftandards were neverthe- lefs planted on the Britifh redoubts. Count Pu- lafki, at the head of two hundred horfemen, was in full gallop, riding into town between the re- doubts, with an intention of charging in the rear, when he received a mortal wound. A general retreat of the affailants took place after they had flood the enemy's fire for fifty-five minutes. Count D'Eflaing received two wounds ; fix hun- dred and thirty-feven of his troops, and two hun- dred and fifty-feven continentals, were killed or wounded ; of the three hundred and fifty Charlef- ton militia, who were in the hotteft of the fire, fix were wounded, and the intrepid captain Shep- herd killed. d General Prevoft, lieutenant-colonel Maitland and major Moncrieff, defervedly ac- quired great reputation by this fuccefsful defence. The laft of thefe gentlemen received alfo a very generous donation from his royal mailer. There were not ten guns mounted on the lines on the day of the fummons, and in a few days he had upwards of eighty. The force of the garrifon was between two and three thoufand, of which about one hundred and fifty were militia. Though twelve hundred of the fencible inhabitants of Georgia had fubmitted and taken oaths to the Britiih government, and though every method was ufed to bring them within the lines, yet no mure than the inconfiderable number juft men- tioned d See note iv. ( 4i ) tioned could be obtained. The damage fuftained by the befieged was trifling, as they fired under cover, and few of the affailants fired at all. The garrifon loft no other officer than the gallant cap- tain Taws, who defended his poft with the greateft bravery. Immediately after this unfuccefsful af- fault, the militia almoft univerfally went to their homes. Count D'Eftaing reimbarked his troops, artillery and baggage, and left the continent. Subsequent events foon juftified the appre- henfions of thofe who had exprefled a defire that the French troops and marines, employed in the fiege, might be reimbarked. They were fcarcely on board when a violent gale difperfed the whole fleet, and though count D'Eftaing had ordered feven fhips to repair to Hampton road in the Chefapeak, the marquis De Vaudreuil was the only officer who was able to execute the order. This vifit of the fleet of his mod chriftian majefty to the coaft of America, though unfuc- cefsful with regard to the main object intended, was not without its utility to the United States. It in the firft inftance difconcerted the meafures already digefted by the Britifh commanders ; and the arrival of the marquis De Vaudreuil in the Chefapeak kept them fo much in fufpence, that they could not, for fome time, determine on any Dlan of ©Derations JL A. Vol. II. G The ( 4* ) The fiege being raifed, the continental troops retreated over the river Savannah — a depreffion of fpirits fucceeded, much encreafed by the pre- ceding elevation. The Georgia exiles, who had arrived from all quarters to repofiefs them- felves of their eftates, were a fecond time obliged to abandon their country, and feek refuge among ftrangers. The currency depreciated much falter than ever, and the moft gloomy apprehenfions refpe&ing the fouthern dates generally took pof- feflion of the minds of the people. While the fiege of Savannah was pending, a remarkable enterprize was effected by colonel John White, of the Georgia line. Previous to the arrival of count D'Eftaing on the coafl of Georgia, captain French, with one hundred and eleven Britifh regulars, had taken poll near the river Ogeechee, about twenty-five miles from Sa- vannah. There were alfo at the fame place five Britifh vefTels, four of which were armed, the largeft with fourteen guns, and the fmallefl with four, and the whole manned with upwards of forty failors. Captain French, with his regulars, one hundred and thirty ftand of arms, the be- fore-mentioned five vefTels, with their crews, fur- rendered on the firfr. of O&ober 1779, to a party of Americans, confuting of colonel White, cap- tain Elholm and three others. By the kindling of a number of fires in different places, the pa- rade of a large encampment, and a variety of other flratagems, captain French was fully im- prefTed ( 43 ) preffed with an opinion that nothing but an inflant Surrender could favc his men from being cut to pieces by a greatly fuperior force. The decep- tion was carried on with fp much addrefs, that the whole of the Britifh prifoners were fafely conducted by three of the captors for twenty-five miles through the country to the American pod at Sunbury. Thus ended the campaign of 1779, without any thing decifive on either fide. After one year, in which the Britifh had over-run the {fate of Georgia for one hundred and fifty miles up the country, and had penetrated as far as the lines of Charlefton, they were reduced to their origi- nal limits in Savannah. All their fchemes of co- operation with the tories had failed, and the fpi- rits of that clafs of the inhabitants, by repeated disappointments, were thoroughly broken. The arrival of the French fleet protracted the execu- tion of a plan formed for turning the force of the war againfl the fouthern ftates. The want of fuccefs in the attack on Savannah induced the Britifh commander in New-York, foon after count D'Eflaing's departure, to refume it. It is the province of an hiftorian to relate what has happened, and not to indulge in fancied conjectures about probable contingencies. Other- wife it might be added, that, if the garrifon of Savannah had been affaulted in the firft inflance, or, if the fiege had been continued a fortnight longer,, ( 44 ) longer, it is moft likely that the town would have fallen, and, in confequence thereof, that the war would have terminated without the redu&ion of Charlefton, the over-running of the fouthern ftates, and that lofs of honour and property which re- fulted from the breach of publick faith, pledged for the redemption of the continental and ftate paper currency at par with gold and filver. CHAPTER ( 45 ) CHAPTER NINTH. Of the reduclion of Char left on, and the operations in the country during theficgc. NO fooner was the departure of the French fleet from the coad of America known and confirmed at New-York, than fir Henry Clinton fet on foot a grand expedition againft Charlefton. The campaigns of 1778 and 1779 to the north- ward had produced nothing of importance. But he regaled himfelf with flattering profpech of more eafy conquefls among the weaker Mates. The almod uninterrupted march of general Pre- vod through the richeft parts of South-Carolina to the gates of the capital ; the conduct of the planters, who on that occafion were more atten- tive to fecure their property by fubmiffion than to defend it by refiflance ; together with the re- cent fuccefsful defence of Savannah — all invited the Britifh arms to the fouthward. Unfortunately for Carolina, the mod for- midable attack was made on her capital, at a time when me was lead able to defend it. In 1776 a vote of her new government damped a value on her bills of credit, which in 1780 could not be affixed to twenty times as much of the fame nominal currency. At this important junc- ture, when the publick fervice needed the larged fupplies, the paper bills of credit were of the lead ( 46 ) leaft value. To a want of money was added a want of men. The militia were exhaufled with an uninterrupted continuance of hard duty. The winter, to others a time of repofe, had been to them a feafon for mod active exertions. The dread of the fmall-pox, which, after feventeen years abfence, was known to be in Charlefton, difcouraged many from repairing to the defence of the capital. The fix continental regiments, on the South-Carolina eftablifliment, in the year 1777, confided of two thoufand four hundred men, but in the year 1780 they were fo much reduced by death, defertion, battles, and the ex- piration of their terms of fervice, that they did not exceed eight hundred. Government had neither the policy to forgive, nor the courage to punifli the numbers who, in the preceding cam- paign, deferting their country's caufe, had re- paired for protection to the royal ftandard of general Prevofl. They who flayed at home and fubmitted, generally faved fome part of their property. They who continued with the Ameri- can army were plundered of every thing that could be carried away, and deprived of the re- mainder, as far as was pofiible, by wanton de- ftru&ion. After events of this kind, it was no eafy matter to call forth the militia from their homes to the defence of Charlefton. The re- pulfe at Savannah, on the 9th of the preceding October, impreffed the inhabitants with high ideas of the power of Britain. The impoflibiiity of a retreat from an inverted town, created in many ( 47 ) many an averfion from lines and ramparts. The prefence of fir Henry Clinton, who, as com- mander in chief, could order what reinforce- ments he pleafed, and who would naturally wifh by fomething brilliant to eiface the remembrance of his defeat in 1776, concurred with the caufes already mentioned to difpirit the country. In this low ebb of affairs, Congrefs recommended to arm the negroes. Had this meafure, from which the inhabitants were generally averfe, been adopted, arms were not to be had. The North- Carolina and Virginia continentals, amounting to fifteen hundred men, and alfo two frigates, a twenty-gun fhip, and a Hoop of war, were or- dered from the northward for the defence of Charleflon. This was all the aid that could be expected from Congrefs. The refolution was neverthelefs unanimoully taken, in a full houfe of aifembly, to defend the town to the lafl ex- tremity. The royal army, deflined for the reduction of Charleflon, embarked at New- York on the 26th of December 1779. They had a tedious and difficult paflage, in which they fuflained great damage. This, with their touching at Savannah, made it as late as the nth of February 1780, before they landed at the diflance of thirty miles from Charleflon. The affembly, then fitting, immediately broke up, and delegated, ' till ten ' days after their next feflion, to the governor ( John Rutledge, efquire, and fuch of his council 4 as ( 48 ) ' as he could conveniently confult, a power to do 6 every thing neceffary for the publick good, c except the taking away the life of a citizen * without a legal trial.' Inverted with this au- thority, he immediately ordered the militia to rendezvous. Though the neceffity was great, few obeyed the preihng call. A proclamation was foon after ilfued, c requiring fuch of the militia * as were regularly draughted, and all the inha- * bitants, and owners of property in the town, ' to repair to the American ftandard, and join ? the garriion immediately, under pain of con- ' nfcation.' This fevere, though neceffary mea^ fure, produced very little effect. Thefe efforts, for ftrengthening the operating force of the Ame- rican army from domeftick refources, were ac- companied with folicitations to the governor of the Havannah to contribute his afliftance in pro- moting the fame defign. Lieutenant-colonel Ter- nant was difpatched from Charleflon, in the month of February, to negotiate this bufinefs. He was authorized to promife two thoufand men to co-operate with the Spaniards in the reduction of St. Auguftine, if they would lend a fufficient force of mips and troops for the defence of Charleflon ; but the Spanifh governor doubted his authority to accede to the proportion. Had nr Henry Clinton pulhed immediately for the town, it is probable that he might have polfeffed himfelf of it in four days after his landing ; but that cautious commander adopted the ilow me- thod of a regular invcftiture. At Wappoo, on James ( 49 ) James ifland, he formed a depot and erected for- tifications both on that ifland and on the main, oppofite to the fouthern and weflern extremities of the town. On the 29th of March he pafled .Afhley river, and the third day after broke ground at the diftance of eleven hundred yards, and at fucceffive periods erected five batteries on Charlefton Neck. The garrifon was equally afli« duous in preparing for their defence. The works that had been thrown up in the fpring of the year 1779, were ftrengthened and extended. Lines of defence and redoubts were continued acrofs Charlefton Neck from Cooper to Afhley river. In front of the lines was a ftrong abbatis, and a wet ditch picketted on the neareft fide. Between the abbatis and the lines deep holes were dug at fhort diftances from each other. The lines were made particularly ftrong on the right and left, and fo conftructed as to rake the wet ditch, in almoft its whole extent. In the cen- tre a ftrong citadel was erected. Works were thrown up on all fides of the town where a land- ing was practicable. Colonel De Laumoy and lieutenant-colonel De Cambray, two French en- gineers of ability in the fervice of Congrefs, were indefatigable on this occafion. They were joined a few days before the furrender by briga- dier-general Du Portail. The continentals, with the Charlefton battalion of artillery, manned the lines in front of the Britifh on the Neck between Afhley and Cooper rivers. The works on South- Bay and other parts of the town, not immedi- Vol. II. H atelv ( 5° ) ately expofed to danger, were defended by the militia. The marine force of the ftate had been increafed by converting four fchooners into gal- lies, and by the armed mips Bricole and Truite, which for that purpofe had been lately purchafed from the French. The inferior numbers of the garrifon forbad any attempts to oppofe fir Henry Clinton before his landing on the main. Imme- diately after which lieutenant-colonel John Lau- rens, with a corps of light-infantry, brifkly at- tacked his advanced guards. In this fkirmifh, captain Bowman was killed, major Hyrne and feven privates wounded. Though the lines were no more than field-works, yet fir Henry treated them with the refpeclful homage of three paral- lels, and made his advances with the greatefl circumfpeclion. From the third to the tenth of April, the firft parallel was completed, and im- mediately after the town was fummoned to fur- render. On the 1 2th the batteries were opened, and an almofl incelfant fire kept up. A British fleet, commanded by admiral Ar- buthnct, confilling of the Renown of fifty guns, the Romulus and Roebuck each of forty-four, the Richmond, Le Blonde, Raleigh, Virginia, each of thirty-two guns, and the Sandwich armed fhip, croffed the bar in front of Rebellion road on the aoth of March, and anchored in Five Fathom Hole. The force oppofed to this was the Bricole of forty-four guns, the Providence and Bofton, each of thirty-two, the Queen of France ( 5' ) France of twenty-eight, L'Avanture and the Truite, each of twenty-fix, the Ranger and brig General Lincoln, each of twenty, and the brig Notre Dame of fixteen guns. The firfl objeel: of commodore Whipple, who commanded the American naval force, was to prevent admiral Arbuthnot from eroding the bar ; but on the near approach of the Bririfh fleet he retreated to fort Moultrie, and in a few days after to Charlefton. The crews and guns of all his vef- fels, except the Ranger, were put on fhore to reinforce the batteries. On the ninth of April admiral Arbuthnot weighed anchor at Five Fa- thom Hole, and taking advantage of a flrong foutherly wind, and flowing tide, pafled fort Moultrie without flopping to engage it. Colo- nel Pinckney, who commanded on Sullivan's ifland, with three hundred men, kept up a brifk and fevere lire on the fhips in their paflage. Twenty-feven feamen were killed or wounded. The Richmond's fore-topmafr. was fhot away, and the fhips in general fuftained damage. The Acetus tranfport ran aground near Haddrell's point. Captain Gadfden, detached with two field-pieces, fired into her with fuch effect, that the crew fet her on fire, and retreated in boats to the other veffels. The royal fleet came to anchor, in about two hours, near the remains of fort Johnfton on James ifland, within long fhot of the town batteries. To prevent their running up Cooper river, from which they might have enfiladed the lines, was the next objeel;. With this ( 5* ) this intention eleven veffels had been funk in the channel oppofite to the Exchange. The Ranger frigate and two gallies were Rationed to the north- ward of it, to co-operate with the batteries on fhore, in defending thefe obftru&ions, and to attack any armed veffels that might force a paffage through Hog-Ifland channel. Though the greatefl exertiqns had been made by the gentlemen in power to reinforce the gar- rifon, and to ftrengthen the lines, yet their en- deavours were not feconded by the people. No more country militia could be brought into the town, and very few could be perfuaded to em- body in the country. Out of a thoufand North- Carolina militia, commanded by general Lilling- ton, whofe term of fervice expired while the fiege was pending, no more than three hundred could be perfuaded to remain within the lines, though the government of South-Carolina offered to thofe who would continue in the garrifon very generous encouragement. Seven hundred conti- nentals, commanded by general Woodford, who had marched five hundred miles in twenty-eight days, arrived in Charlefton on the tenth of April. This was the only reinforcement the garrifon re- ceived during the fiege, though the communica- tion between the town and country was open until the middle of April. The fire of the befiegers foon difcovered itfelf to be much fuperior to that of the befieged. The former I S'ketcA cftmRL&srr.V nj/W0rJ1 /7/<>)>w,7 tie disposition offfo BfflT/#M F&&J2T under Me tammana '.gf Yuy Adm? MAEF0T ■" ■ " n'J' f^n ArJUfaiKen W/iT JmHV/r/if*} on SFZZVAN TSLAIVB /" ,W u/'A //>■ /ttr /jr/t-s anr/ /*',*/,>„/'/ /v/} tni/ts Air/itrnr (y ' l/.'//nrs Onus Ouns K .../ ; V/.V, L ' 0 /•-./.-// « . ' I" ffmnAtt ; . .!"///«./;.//;• t.lt/rs tJt'l">\iLS/I■ // 1 /? /. /;■.<• '/■/ .V i, noulera/ /;•■ i i^vifui ■ « but ,/■»>• //,.v.h;„ ■ I m/rent .■/' .'/',■ /gr/t>n, ! ( 59 ) difaffected, to whom all capitulations were equal, as they meant to become Britifh fubjects. Thefd had the addrefs to ftrengthen themielves by the timid, and even by fome of the braveft and bell citizens, who believed that farther refinance was vain. Under thefe circumftances general Lin- coln found it necefTary to affent to the articles as propofed without any conference or explanation. e This was the nrft inflance in the American war of an attempt to defend a town, and the un- fuccefsful event, with its confequences, makes it probable, that, if this method had been gene- rally adopted, the independence of America could not have been fo eahly fupported. Much cenfure was undefervedly call on gene- ral Lincoln for rilking his army within the lines. Though the contrary plan was undoubtedly the bed in general, yet he had particular reafons to juftify his deviation from the example of the il- luftrious commander in chief of the American army. The reinforcements promifed him were fully fufficient for the fecurity of the town, The Congrefs and the governments of North and South-Carolina gave him ground to count upon nine thoufand nine hundred men. From a va- riety of caufes, fome of which have been already dated, this paper army, including the militia of both Carolinas, was very little more than one third of that number. As lon^ as an evacuation was c See note v. ( 60 ) was practicable he had fuch afTurances of fupport, that he could not attempt it with propriety. The Britim afterwards took fuch a pofition, that in the opinion of good judges, a retreat could not be fuccefsfully made. Before the batteries were opened, and for two or three days after, the re- gular army might have retired from the town ; but had the meafure been attempted within that period, the mod brilliant fuccefs would not have prevented the fevered cenfures. After the 16th of April an attempt to withdraw the army would have left the town in the hands of the Britifli at unconditional mercy, and if unfuccefsful might have been productive of worfe confequences than a furrender by capitulation. Notwithftand- ing this unfortunate termination of his command in the fouthern diftrict, great praife is due to general Lincoln for his judicious and fpirited con- duct in baffling, for three months, the greatly fuperior force of fir Henry Clinton and admiral Arbuthnot. Though Charlefton and the fouth- ern army were loft, yet by their long protracted defence, the Britifh plans were not only retarded, but deranged, and North-Carolina, as will here- after be made evident, was faved for the remain- der of the year 1780. The return of prifoners, tranfmitted by fir Henry Clinton, on the furrender of Charlefton, was very large. It comprehended every adult freeman of the town, between two and three thoufand failors, who had been taken from the dipping, ( tfi ) ihipping, and put into the batteries, and the mi- litia of both Carolinas then in garrifon. Thefe fwelled the number to upwards of five thoufand, and afforded ample materials for a fplendid ac- count of the importance or the conqueft ; but the real number of the privates of the continen- tal army was nineteen hundred and feventy-feven, and of thefe five hundred were in the hofpitals. The number of captive officers was alfo great, and out of proportion to the privates' — one major- general, fix brigadiers, nine colonels, fourteen lieutenant-colonels, fifteen majors, eighty-four captains and captain-lieutenants, eighty-four lieu- tenants, thirty-two fecond-lieutenants and enfigns. The commanders of the militia from the country, who were moftly people of the firft rank, in- fluenced by a fenfe of honour, repaired to the defence of the town, though they could not bring with them a number of privates equal to their refpective commands. The continental re- giments were completely officered, though the adequate number of privates was greatly deficient. Thefe fupernumerary regular officers, though without command, were retained in the garrifon from an apprehenfion that their being ordered out would have difpirited the army, and from an expectation that was confidently indulged in the early parts of the fiege, that their fervices would be wanted to command the expecled large reinforcements of militia. During the thirty days of the fiege, only twenty American fol- diers deferted. The milftia and failors were ftationed ( 62 ) Rationed in thofe batteries, which were not much expofed, and therefore they fuffered very little. Of the continentals who manned the lines in front of the befiegers eighty-nine were killed, and one hundred and thirty-eight wounded ; among the former were colonel Parker, an officer who had often diflinguiihed himfelf by his gallantry and good conduct, and captain Peyton, both of the Virginia line, Philip Neyle, aid-de-camp to general Moultrie, captains Mitchel and Temple- ton, and lieutenant Gilbank. The Charleston militia artillery, who were ftationed at the lines, and did equal duty with the continentals, had three men killed, adjutant "Warham and feven privates wounded ; about twenty of the inhabi- tants who remained in their houfes were killed by random- (hot in the town. Upwards of thirty houfes were burnt, and many others greatly damaged. After the Britifh took poffefiion of the town, the arms taken from the army and inhabitants, amounting to five thoufand, were lodged in a laboratory, near a large quantity of cartridges, and of loole powder. By the imprudence of the -guard, in fnapping the guns and piftols, this powder took fire, blew up the houfe, difperfed the burning fragments of it, which fet fire to and deftroyed the workhoufe, the gaol and the old barracks. The Britifh guard, confuting of fifty men, (rationed at this place, was deftroyed., and their mangled bo'dies dallied by the violent explofion ( 63 ) explofion againft the neighbouring houfes in Archdale-Street. Several perfons in the vicinity fhared the fame fate. Many of the fire-arms were loaded. They, with the cartridges going off, fent the inftruments of death in all directions. Upwards of a hundred perfons loll their lives on this occahon. In the tedious and difficult winter pafiage of the royal army from New- York to Charlefton, the horfes deflined to mount the Britifh cavalry were loft. Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton, after he landed, in a little time obtained a frefh fupply, and began the career of his victories. Soon af- ter he had procured horfes to mount his cavalry, he joined a body of about a thoufand men, who had marched through the country from Savan- nah, under the command of general Patterfon. On the 1 8th of March 1780, a detachment from his corps furprized a party of American militia, about eighty in number, at Saltcatcher bridge, killed and wounded feverai of them, and dif- perfed the remainder. Five days after lieutenant- colonel Tarleton, with his legion, fell in with another fmall party of mounted militia, near Ponpon, who immediately retreated. In the purfuit three were killed, one wounded and four taken prifoners. Kis next rencounter was on the 27th, with lieutenant-colonel Wafhington, at the head of his regular corps of horfe, between the ferry on Aihley river and Rantowle's bridge on Stono. The Americans had the advantage, took feven ( 64 ) feven prifo.ners, and drove back the cavalry of the Britifh legion ; but, for want of infantry, durft not purfue them, At the beginning of the fiege general Lincoln ordered the regular cavalry, amounting to three hundred men, to keep the field, and the country militia were ordered to act as infantry in their fupport. The militia, at this period of the conteft, were uncommonly averfe from doing their duty, and, on various pretences, refufed to attach themfelves to the cavalry. This important body of horfe, which was intended to cover the country, and keep open a communi- cation between it and the town, was furprized on the 14th of April at Monk's Corner, by a flrong party of Britifh, led by lieutenant-colonels Tarleton and "Webfter. A negro-flave, for a fum of money, conducted the Britifh from Goofe creek, in the night, through unfrequented paths. Although the commanding officer of the Ameri- can cavalry had taken the precaution of having his horfes faddled and bridled, and the alarm was given by his videttes, ported at the diftance of a mile in front ; yet, being entirely unfup- ported by infantry, the Britifh advanced fo rapid- ly, notwithflanding the oppofition of the ad- vanced-guard, that they began their attack on the main body before they could put themfelves in a pofture of defence. About twenty-five of the Americans were killed or taken. They who efcaped were obliged for feveral days to conceal themfelves in the fwamps. Upwards of thirty horfes were loft, and became a feafonable fup- ply ( 65 ) ply to the Britiih who were but badly mounted. After this cataftrophe all armed parties of Ame- ricans, for fome time, abandoned that part of the (late which lies to the fouthward of Santee. Soon after this furprize, Colonel Anthony- Walton White arrived, and took the command of the remains of the cavalry. At the head of this corps, mounted a fecond time with great difficulty, he eroded to the fouthward of the Santee, and on the fixth of May 1780, came up with a fmall Britifli party at the houfe of colonel Ball, took them prifoners, and conducted them to Lanneau's ferry. Orders had been given in due feafon by colonel White to proper perfons to collecl: boats, and to affemble a body of infantry at this place, to cover the American cavalry in their recroffing the Santee, but they had not been car- ried into execution. The zeal of a new fubject, who had lately lubmitted to the royal army, prompted him to give immediate notice to lord Cornwallis of colonel White's fituation. Lieu- tenant-colonel Tarleton, with a party of his horfe, was difpatched to the ferry, and he arrived there in a few minutes after the American cavalry, and inftantly charged them with a fuperior force. From the want of boats and of infantry, a re- treat was impracticable, and refinance unavailing. A rout took place. Major Call and feven others efcaped on horfeback by urging their way through the advancing Britifli cavalry. Lieutenant-colo- nel Wafhington, major Jamcfon, and five or fix Vol. II. K privates, ( 66 ) privates, faved themfelves by fwimming acfofs the Santee. About thirty were killed, wounded or taken. The remainder got off by concealing themfelves in the fwamps. The Britifh prifoners, who were in a boat eroding the river, being called upon by their friends to come back, rofe on their guard, and were releafed. After the landing of the Britifh in 1780 de- predations, fimilar to thofe defcribed in the eighth chapter, recommenced. As the reduction of Carolina was then confidently expected, they did not commit fuch wanton waftes as general Pre- voft's army, but it is hard to tell which exceeded the other in plundering. As the royal army of 1780 was much more numerous, and extended over the country on all fides of Charlefton, and had the convenience of a large fleet on the coafl to carry off their fpoil, they made much greater collections of bulky articles. They poffefTed themfelves in particular of indigo to the value of many thoufand dollars. From miflaken po- licy, the merchants and others had flored the greater part of their commodities without the lines, and very often on or near the water. Thefe collections very generally fell into the hands of the conquerors. The Britifh on this occafion plundered by fyftem, formed a general flock, and appointed commiffaries of captures. Spoil collected this way was difpofed of for the benefit of the royal army. The quantity brought to market was fo great, that though it fold un- commonly ( 67 ) commonly low, yet the dividend of a major- general was upwards of four thoufand Britifh guineas. The private plunder of individuals, on their feparate account, was often more than their proportion of the publick flock. Over and above what was fold in Carolina, feveral veflels were fent abroad to market, loaded with rich fpoil taken from the inhabitants. Upwards of two thoufand plundered negroes were fhipped off at one embarkation. Several private gentle- men loft, in the invafions of 1779 an(^ 17%°> from five hundred to two thoufand dollars worth of plate, and other property in proportion. The flaves a fecond time flocked to the Britifh army, and, being crowded together, were vifited by the camp-fever. The fmall-pox, which had not been in the province for feventeen years, broke out among them, and fpread very rapidly. From thefe two difeafes, and the impoffibility of their being provided with proper accommodations and attendance in the Britifh encampments, great numbers of them died, and were left unburied in the woods. A few instances occurred, in which infants were found in unfrequented re- treats, drawing the breafts of their deceafed parent fome time after life was gone. CHAPTER ( 63 ) CHAPTER TENTH. Of the navy, trade, paper currency, army, militia, and other mifcellaneous matters in South-Carolina, chiefly prior to the reduclion of Charkfion. HEN South-Carolina firft adopted the idea of defending herfelf againft all hof- tile attempts to enforce the claims of the Britifh parliament, fhe had not pofleffion of a fingle armed veflel. The Tamar, a floop of eighteen guns, and the Cherokee, an armed veflel of fix- teen guns, belonging to the King of Great-Bri- tain, lay in the road and harbour of Charlefton, and committed many outrages on private pro- perty. To check thefe depredations was the general wifh, but the means of effecting it did not occur to the inhabitants heretofore occupied in the peaceable lines of agriculture and com- merce. The offers of fervice. made by fundry fpirite-d gentlemen, who propofed to board them fword in hand, were uniformly reje&ed by the popular leaders, who wilhed to heal rather than widen breaches. Few were acquainted with the nature of gallics, or the method of conftructing them. With the means of defence in their hands, and the fpirit to ufe them, the inhabitants of Charlefton, partly from inexperience and part- ly from pacifick intentions, iubmitted for a con- fiderable time to many iniults from the Britifh vcffels in the harbour. At lad it was agreed to arm ( 69 ) arm raerchantmen. A coafling fchooner was fit- ted out with fixteen guns, to which was given the name of the Defence. The Profper, a mer- chant-fnip, was mounted with twenty guns ; and foon after another coafling fchooner, named the Comet, was armed with fixteen guns. Thefe were originally intended for the fecurity of Charleflon and the harbour. A galley, called the Beaufort, was built, and three fmall veffels were converted into gallies, for the protection of the inland navigation. Another coafling fchooner was fitted out with ten guns, which was intended for the protection of Georgetown. In the pro- grefs of the difpute, after Britifh feizures had induced the continental Congrefs to authorize reprizals, the Comet, the Defence, and the Beau- fort gallies, were converted into brigs, and, cruizing on the high feas, brought in feveral prizes. The marine department, in its firfl flage, was managed by the council of fafety and the privy-council ; but it foon became neceffary to put it under the direction of men of more lei- fure and profeilional knowledge.. The legiflature erected a navy-board, and delegated to Edward Blake, Roger Smith, jofiah Smith, George Smith, Edward Darrell, Thomas Corbet, John Ed- wards, George-Abbott Kail, and Thomas Savage, efquires, 8 authority to fuperintend and direct the c building, buying or hiring of all veffels in the ' publick fervice, and to direct the outfits of the 6 fame, and the fu miming them with neceffary 6 ordnance, victualling, provifions, and naval- ' ftores-** ( 7° ) i Itores — to fill vacancies in the navy or marine — - * and to draw warrants on the treafury for the fums * of money neceffary for the purpofes aforefaid.' Thefe gentlemen took charge of the above-men- tioned publick vcflels, and alfo built a brig of fourteen guns, to which they gave the name of the Hornet. This was the whole of the Carolina navy for the firft four years of the war. In the year 1777 the continental frigate Ran- dolph, captain Biddle, put into Charlefton in diftrefs. After being refitted fhe failed on a cruize, and in eight days returned with four rich prizes. This encouraged the ftate to attempt fomething in the fame way with her little marine. The fhip General Moultrie, captain Sullivan, the brig Polly, captain Anthony, and brig Fair Ame- rican, captain Morgan, belonging to private per- fons, were taken into the publick fervice on this occafion. They, in conjunction with the conti- nental frigate Randolph, and the fiate-brig Notre Dame, early in 1778 failed on a cruize. They defcried a vefTel to the windward of Barbadoes, and engaged her in the night, prefuming that flie was a frigate, but fhe proved to be the Yar- mouth, a hxty-four gun fhip. After an engage- ment of feventeen minutes the Randolph blew up, with three hundred and fifteen fouls on board, who all periihed excepting four, who, after toff- ing about for four days on a wreck, were difco- vered and taken up by a palling vefTel. Captain Biddle, who loft his life on this occafion, was prized ( 7' ) prized by his country as one of her very bed naval officers. Captain Joor, a worthy brave officer or the firft South-Carolina regiment, with fifty privates of that corps, acting as marines on board the Randolph, all hkewife perifhed. The other veffels, efcaping from the Yarmouth, con- tinued their cruize. The brig Fair American, and (hip General Moultrie, took a valuable Gui- neaman, and the brigs Notre Dame and Polly took fixteen prizes, but only four of them arrived fafe in a friendly port. In 1779, when general Prevoft lay near Charlefton, feveral armed veffels brought him fupplies from Savannah, To intercept this com- munication captain Hall, in the brig Notre Dame, captain Tryon, in the brig Beaufort, captain Anthony, in the brig Bellona, and fome other private armed veffels, put to lea under the di- rection of the navy-board. They fell in with feven Britifh veffels near Stono, two of which were taken and brought fafe into Charlefton ; one was blown up, and the reft efcaped. About the fame time fixty grenadiers of the Britifh army, with two field-pieces and mufketry, attacked the American fchooner llattlefnake, from the banks of the river Stono. Her gallant commander, captain Friiby, defended himfelf. with the greateft bravery, repulfed the affailants with the lofs of their captain, and the greateft part of his men \ but finding it impoflible to re- treat ( 7* ) treat with his vefiel, fet her on fire, and con- ducted his wounded men with the reft of his crew, fafe through the country, though in pof- feffion of the enemy, to the American camp at Bacon's bridge. The great advantages refulting to the flatc from their little navy, and the manifold diftrefs fuftained by the trade for want of protection, induced the legiflature to take methods for pur- chafing or building three frigates. Had this meafure been adopted at the commencement of the war, it is probable that the fcheme would have been both practicable and advantageous, but all the plans adopted in the firft period of the conteft were temporary, and calculated for no other purpofe than that of immediate domef- tick fecurity. In the progrefs of the war the paper currency loft fo much of its original value, that the means of procuring the frigates could not eafily be commanded. Alexander Gillon, efquire, was appointed commodore, John Joyner, William Robefon, and John M'Queen, efquires, were appointed captains. The commo- dities of the country were purchafed, and {hip- ped on the publick account, and the commodore was authorized to borrow money on the credit of the ftate. He, with his corps of officers, failed in the year 1778 for Europe, and there exerted the utmoft of his abilities in the profecution of the bufinefs on which he was fent. Various cm- bar raflinents, from intercepted remittances and other ( 73 ) other caufes, prevented his completing the object of his million. He could accomplifh nothing more than to purchafc, on credit, for the ufe of the date, a large quantity of clothing and am- munition, and to hire a large frigate from the prince of Luxembourg for the term of three years, on condition of allowing the prince one fourth of the prizes captured while fhe cruifed at the rifk and expence of South-Carolina. The fri- gate engaged by commodore Gillon, on- this oc- cafion, was built at Amfterdam, originally on account of the United States, and was of a par- ticular conflru&ion, mounting twenty-eight Swed- ifh thirty-fix pounders on one deck, and twelve Swedifh twelve-pounders on her forecaflle and quarter-deck, being in dimenfions equal to a feventy-four gun fhip. Two hundred and eighty marines, and fixty-nine feamen, were engaged on behalf of South-Carolina, to man this frigate. Thefe were kept at Dunkirk for feveral months, until the fhip could be got to the Texel. As her great draught of water prevented her from retting over the fhoals in any other pofition than on her broadfide, their being on board would have proved an incumbrance. Thefe men, though fed, paid and clothed with the money of the fiate of South-Carolina, were fent with other troops from Havre-De-Grace without the knowledge or confent of commodore Gillon, on an expedition againft the ifiand of Jerfey. So many of them were killed and captured in that unfortunate en- terprize, which took place in January 17S1, that Vol. II. L the ( 74 ) the frigate was difabled from«going to fea till the Auguft following. After innumerable difficul- ties were furmounted ihe then began to cruize, and in a fhort time captured feveral valuable prizes. Her commander had alfo the fole di- rection of the Spanifh and American marine forces, which in May 1782 reduced the Baha- ma iilands under the crown of Spain. The fleet, confiding of eighty-two fail, which undertook this enterprize, was conducted by commodore Gillon from the Havannah through the dangerous naviga- tion of the Providence channel. Soon after the termination of this expedition, fhe arrived in Philadelphia. After being completely repaired, at an immenfe expence, Ihe put to fea from that port under the command of captain Joyner. On the fecond day after Ihe left the capes of Delaware, fhe was captured by three Britifh fri- gates. In this fpirited attempt to equip a navy, the expences far exceeded the profits. Including the intercepted remittances, and the clothing and ammunition purchafed by commodore Gil- lon for publick fervice, with the dilburfements on account of the frigate, it coft the flate of South-Carolina upwards of two hundred thou- sand dollars. Soon after trade between Great-Britain and South-Carolina ceafed, a few adventurous in- dividuals began to fend velfels to the Dutch and French Weft-India iflands. It was early forefeen that the publick would fuffer molt for the want of ( 75 ) of fait. To obviate this inconvenience, eight gentlemen entered into a partnerfhip to purchafe fix fwift-failing veffels in Bermuda, to be em- ployed in importing that neceifary article. They arrived fafe, and for a feafon fupplied the wants of the people. They continued this trade till, they were all taken. Commerce foon began to flow in new chan- nels. The old merchants, whofe fortunes were eafy, unwilling to rifle their capital, generally retired from bufinefs. A new fet, who had lit- tle to lofe, by boldly venturing ferved their country, and rapidly advanced their own intereft. Various artifices were ufed to fcreen this contra- band trade from legal feizure. Some veffels had captains of different nations, and regifrers of dif- ferent ports, and were occalionally French, Dutch, Englifh, or American property, as the exigency of the cafe required. Notwithflanding all this fubtilty many forfeitures were incurred. The increafing demand for imported goods, and the floppage of all exportation to Great-Britain, put it fo much in the power of adventurers to fell imported articles dear, and to purchafe country produce cheap, that, in the years 1776 and 1777, the fafe arrival of two veffels would indemnify them for the lofs of one. For the encourage- ment of trade, two infurance-companies opened offices, which greatly forwarded the extenfion of commerce. A direct trade to France was foon attempted, and French veffels in like manner found ( 76 ) found their way into the port of Charlefton* This intercourfe, in its commencement, proved very unfortunate to the inhabitants of South-Ca- rolina ; for out of fixteen vefTels, richly laden with the commodities of the country, four only arrived fafe. This heavy blow, for a little time, damped the fpirit of enterprize, but it foor. revived. The new-ra'fed regiments required a fupply of many articles, which could not be procured in the United States. It was the good fortune of captain Cochran, who was firft employed on this bufinefs, to be the only one of three trading on the account of the flate, who went and returned fafe. He failed for Nantz, loaded with country produce, which he exchanged to great advan- tage for fuch articles as were wanted for publick fervice. The Betfy, captain M'Kenzie, and the Hope, captain Hatter, failed foon alter captain Cochran, but were both taken. The latter of them had on board a great quantity of foldiers* clothing, two forty-two pounders, and a large fupply of other articles, the lofs of which was fcverely felt. The fpirit of adventure in the merchants daily increased. A confiderable trade, though much inferior to what had been ufual in times of peace, was carried on in this manner for the greatefl part of the three firft years of the conteft, when the operations of the Britifh were chiefly confined to the northern Mates. It received fevere mocks from repeated embargoes, and ( 77 ) and the growing depreciation of the paper cur- rency. To fubferve military operations, the fail- ing of veffels was feveral times interdicted. Though this was fuppofed, by the ruling powers, to promote the general caufe of America, feve- ral of the moil difcerning citizens thought other- wife. It forely diftreffed commerce, and pre- vented the country from obtaining fupplies of foreign commodities. It alfo difcouraged ftran- gers from fending their velfels into American ports, as their return, for reafons of ftate, was io frequently prevented. The paper currency, iffued by the Congrefs, retained its value undiminifhed much longer in South-Carolina than in other parts of the United States. In the latter end of 1776, though the victorious arms of general fir William Howe threatened the fubverfion of American indepen- dence, yet in Carolina there was no fenfible de- preciation. Men of property had fo generally Hepped forward in fupport of the revolution, that their influence was fuppofed to be fully equal to the eilablifhment of their new currency, even in a royal houfe of affembly, if the conqueft of the ftate fhould reftore kingly government. The immenfe value of the ftaple commodities of the country, the animation, unanimity and enthufi- afm of the people, precluded all fear of its finally finking. When depreciation took place, it ori- ginated from caufes very different from a diftruft pf the final fuccefs of the revolution. The emif- fions ( 73 ) fions of paper currency in 1775 and 1776 were of real advantage to the (late of South-Carolina j for the whole money then in circulation was ina- dequate to the purpofes of a medium of trade. For feveral years before the termination of the royal government, from three to five thoufand negroes had been annually imported into the province. This caufed the greateft part of the gold and filver, procured at foreign markets for the commodities of the country, very foon to centre in Great-Britain. In confequence of dif- putes between the commons houfe of aflembly, and the King's council, the palling of a tax-bi!l had been for four years prevented. The emiffi- ons of paper currency had been, by royal in- ftructions, for fome confiderable time wholly prohibited. In this fcarcity of a circulating me- dium, payments were often made by the transfer of private bonds. Bank-bills, to a confiderable amount, iffued on the credit of five gentlemen of large eftates, had a currency equal to the pre- cious metals. Certificates, figned by the clerk of the commons houfe of affembly, and counter- figned by a few of its members, fetting forth that the fums therein fpecified were due to indi- viduals from the publick, paffed currently for money, though they were iffued by the fole au- thority of one branch of the legiflature. The ability of the province to pay its debts, and the religious obfervance of good faith in performing- all its engagements, had eftablifhed a credit fu- perior to the mines of Potofi, and gave currency to ( 79 ) to every thing (lamped with the authority of go- vernment. To a people thus circumftanced, whofe credit was unftained, and who, though deficient in gold and filver, abounded in real wealth, the paper currency was very acceptable, and greatly facilitated the transfer of property* It fet in immediate motion the late flagnant ftreams of commerce — invigorated induftry — and gave a fpring to every branch of bufinefs. It had an operation on fociety fimilar to what might be expected from a government becoming fuddenly poffeffed of a large quantity of hidden treafure, and throwing it into circulation for the publick benefit. Inftead of the wrar taking any thing from the people at its commencement, it was the occafion of increafmg their poifeflions, by annexing the fubfb.itial value of gold and filver to paper of no intrinfick worth. As hard money was either hoarded up by men of forecaft, or fhipped off to purchafe foreign commodities, and the continental currency was moftly confined to the northern flates, till near the beginning of the year 1778, the ftate emifli- ons did not, for a confiderable time, exceed the quantity neceflary for circulation. The fums (truck by the authority of South-Carolina were as follows : s775: ( So ) *775> June 14. By refolution of Con- grefs, £. 998,809 7 6 November 15. Ditto ditto, 119,726 3 9 1776, March 6. Ditto ditto, 748,957 4 4 Odober 19. By ordinance of general aflembly, 125,937 10 o December 23. By act of general aflembly, 486,682 15 o i777> February 14. By ordinance of general aflembly, 499,785 o o March 28. By ordinance of do. 63,470 6 3 1779' Februarys. By ditto ditto, 4,774,185 o o £- 7>$17>553 ^ 10 Thefe funis are in the old provincial currency, at the rate of feven for one, flerling money of Great-Britain. Befides thefe provincial bills, the different emiflions ftruck by authority of the con- tinental Congrefs had a currency in South-Caro- lina, and were by the laws of the flate made a legal tender in the payment of debts. The emif- fions from this fource, in the firft five years of the war, amounted in the whole to two hundred millions of dollars. The paper currency retained its value undimi- nifhed in South-Carolina for eighteen months, viz. ( 8i ) viz. from June 1775 to January 1777. At this period commenced a depreciation deliructive to credit, ruinous to the monied interefl, and greatly detrimental to the fuccefs of military operations. The progrefs of depreciation was fcarcely per- ceivable in the firfl three months of 1777, and was very flow throughout that whole year. From the commencement of the year 1778, when great quantities of the continental money began to flow into the (late, it became much more rapid. The enormous expences of the armies kept up by Congrefs in the extenfive campaigns of 1775, 1776, 1777, in the northern Hates, required immenfe fupplies of money. This could not be raifed in fufficient quantities either by taxes or loans. The only practicable refource left was emiffions of paper currency under an engage- ment to be redeemed at a future day. The fup- pofed neceffity of the cafe carried thefe emiffions beyond all prudential bounds. The fuccefs of general Howe in 1776 and 1777 materially in- jured the credit of this currency in the middle flates. Many interefted men, in the neighbour- hood of the Britiih operations, judging from their fuccefs in reducing New- York, Philadelphia, and a great part of the jerfies, apprehended the final conqueft of America, and therefore began to realize the Congrefs paper money left it might fink in their hands. The large quantities of counterfeit bills, which were induftrioufly blended with the true by emiflaries from the Biitifli gar- rifons, contributed much to their depreciation. Vol. II M The ( 82 ) The common people, not able to diftinguifh the falfe from the true bills, began to infure them- felves by afking higher prices. The fyftem of fupplying the army, at firfl adopted by Congrefs, by allowing commiffions on the amount of fums expended by commifTaries and quartermafters, threw great temptations in the way of thofe descriptions of officers to en- hance the price of commodities. The neglect of agriculture, and the embarraffments of trade, diminifhed the articles ufually transferred from one to another by the intervention of money, at a time that the rulers of the country employed two printing-preffes in multiplying the artificial figns of wealth. Thefe caufes of depreciation, operating mod forcibly in the northern ftates, produced a greater and earlier depreciation there than in South-Carolina. Money like water will foon find its level. Adventurous traders, on being informed that the continental paper cur- rency was of moft value to the Southward, re- paired thither with large fums of it, and contri- buted much more to the depreciation in South- Carolina than all the emiffions of the (late. The Randolph's prizes, which arrived early in 1778, were fuppofed to bring into South-Carolina half a million of dollars. The depreciation that took place previous to this was comparatively trilling, and naturally refulted from the combined influ- ence of an increafe of money, and decreafe of goods. From this time forward an artificial de- preciation ( 83 ) preciation was fuperadded to the natural. The porTeflbrs of the paper money, who either from accident or fagacity, conjecfured right about the event, finding that it daily loft part of its value, were perpetually in quell of bargains. As they forefaw that Congrefs would make further emiffions for the fupplies of their armies, they concluded that it would be better to purchafe any kind of property than to lay up their money. The progreffive fuperabundance of caih produced a daily rife in the price of commodities. The deceitful found of large nominal fums tempted many pofleffors of real property to fell. 1 he purchafers, if indulged with the ufual credit, or if they took the advantage which the delays of the courts of juftice allowed, could pay for the whole by the fale of an inconfiderable part. The fanguine, flattering themfelves with the delufive hopes of a fpeedy termination of the war, were often induced to fell left a fudden peace ihould at once appreciate the money, in which cafe it was fuppofed they would lofe the prefent oppor- tunity of felling to great advantage. From the fame principles they hoarded up the bills of credit in preference to purchafmg folid property at a fuppofed extravagant price. They miftook the diminifhed value of the money for an increafed price of commodities, and therefore concluded that, by buying little, felling much, and retain- ing their paper currency, they were laying the folid foundations of future permanent wealth. Subfequent events, in oppofition to the commonly received ( 84 ) received maxims of prudence and economy, fully demonftrated that they, who inftantly ex- pended their money, received its full value, while they who laid it up fuflained avdaily dimi- nution of their capital. That the money mould finally fink, or that it ihould be redeemed by a fcale of depreciation, were events neither forefeen nor expected by the bulk of the people. The Congrefs, and the local legiflatures, for the firft five years of the war, did not entertain the moft diftant idea of fuch a breach of publick faith. The generality of the friends of the revolution, repofing unlimited confidence in the integrity of their rulers, the plighted faith of the government, and the fuccefs of the caufe of America, amufed themfelves with the idea, that, in a few years, their paper dollars, under the influence of peace and independence, would be funk by equal taxes, or realized into filver at their nominal value, and that therefore the fellers would ultimately increafe their eftates in the fame proportion that the currency had de- preciated. The plunderings and devaluation of the enemy made feveral think that their property would be much fafer when turned into money than when fubject to the cafualties of war. The difpofition to fell was in a great degree proporti- oned to the confidence in the juflice and final fuccefs of the revolution, fuperadded to expecta- tions of a fpeedy termination of the war. The moft fanguine whigs were therefore oftenefr. duped ( 85 ) duped by the fallacious found of high prices. Thefe principles operated fo extenfively, that the property of the inhabitants, in a confiderable de- gree, changed its owners. Many opulent perfons, of ancient families, were ruined by felling pa- ternal eftates for a depreciating paper currency, which, in a few weeks, would not replace half of the real property in exchange for which it was obtained. Many bold adventurers made fortunes in a fhort time by running in debt be- yond their abilities. Prudence ceafed to be a virtue, and rafhnefs ufurped its place. The warm friends of America, who never defpaired of their country, and who cheerfully rifked their fortunes in its fupport, loft their property, while the timid, who looked forward to the re-eftablilhment of Britifh government, not only faved their foimer pofT'erTions, but often increafed them. In the American revolution for the firft time the friends of the fuccefsful party were the lofers. The eni-hufiafm of the Americans, and their confidence in the money, gave the Congrefs the fame advantage in carrying on the war which old countries derive from the anticipation of their permanent funds. It would have been impoffible to have kept together an American army for fo many years without this paper expedient. Though the bills of credit operated as a partial tax on the monied intereft, and ruined many individuals, yet it was productive of great national benefits, by ( 86 ) by enabling the popular leaders to carry on a neceflary defenfive war. To all the evils of depreciation, thofe of mo- nopoly were added. Weft-India and European goods being fcarce, a few would fecure exclufive- ly to themfelves almofl the whole prefent flock of particular articles, and then raife the price of them by offering, at publick fales, much more than was current. In this manner, by throwing away millings, they gained pounds. By prac- tices of this kind, commodities were fometimes raifed to one third more in one quarter of the capital of the ftate than was current the fame moment in another. To check the evils arifing from the mixture of counterfeit bills with the true, and to diminifh the quantity of circulating money, the Congrefs called in the two large emiilions of 1 ith of April 1778 and of May 20th 1777, amounting in the whole to forty millions of dollars. The oftcnfihle reafon for this refolution was, that mofl of the counterfeits were of thefe emiilions ; f but it was alio defigned to diminifh the fuperabundance of circulating paper. Great were the expectations formed from this fcheme, but it was an additi- onal proof that the word confequences fometimes flow from the regulations which in theory ap- pear to be founded in wifdom. The currency in South-Carolina received a deadly wound from this f See note vi. ( 87 ) this effort of its friends, which was fuppofed to be well calculated tor i*s preservation. The re- folutions for calling in thefe emiflions, not being generally known in Charlefloii for fcveral weeks after they had been adopted by the Congrefs in Philadelphia, the holders of them fent them to South-Carolina to be immediately realized. The new bills, defined to be given in exchange for thefe, which were called in, did not arrive for eight months after the old ones ceafed to circu- late. The poffeffors of the called-in emiffions were fo defirous of expending them, that they would purchafe any thing without regarding the price however extravagant. The common peo- ple, not understanding the policy of thefe refolu- tions, and finding it difficult to diflinguifh the true bills of Congrefs from the counterfeits of general Howe, and the current bills from thofe that were called in, and alfo finding that the bed of them daily depreciated, were induced to under- value the whole. The planters, to indemnify themfelves for the advanced prices of foreign goods, in the years 1778 and 1779 adopted the miflaken policy of raifing the prices of their produce in fome degree correfpondent to the prices of imported articles. As the merchants bought foreign goods with rice, indigo and tobacco, they were obliged to fell in proportion to the rifk of importation fuper- added to the prime cod: of thefe articles. The merchant raifed on the fale of his goods to make himfelf ( 88 ) himfelf whole for the high prices of country pro- duce : the planter, from a fimilar motive, but not with equal juftice, raifed his produce on the merchant when he came to purchafe his next cargo. The advanced prices of the importer were in the fir ft inftance the caufe, but in the fecond the effect of the advanced prices of the planter. From the long continuance of embar- goes it frequently happened, that, though a mer- chant fold his cargo to great advantage, yet the country produce got in return for it, if not im- mediately purchafed, would not replace an equal quantity of goods when exported to a foreign market. Many attempts were made to preferve the cre- dit of the currency. State and continental loan- offices were opened, that the neceflity of farther emimons might be diminifhed ; and the hearty friends of American independence depofited in them large fums on intereft. By a fubfequent act of aflembly the ufual tax on money at intereft was remitted on all fums lent to the publick, and the legiflature, in the year 1779, offered an in- tereft on money lent to the ftate of three per cent more than was paid by private perfons. Notwithftanding all thefe douceurs, the fupplies obtained by loans fell fo far fhort of the publick demands, that farther emiffions could not be re- trained. When the fmall quantities of hard money that ftill remained had begun to be chang- ed for paper-bills at an advance, an aft of aflem- bly ( »9 ) bly was patted, prohibiting any perfon from re* ceiving or demanding for any article a larger fum in paper than in hard money. A law to pre- vent the ebbing and flowing of the fea would have been no lefs ineffectual than this attempt of the legiflature to alter the nature of things. Gold and filver no longer paffed at par, and contracts were either difcharged in paper or not difcharged at all. The bills of credit, being a legal tender in all cafes, would pay off old debts equally with gold and filver, though for new purchafes they were of much lefs value. The merchants and other monied men, who had out-ftanding debts contracted before or near the firft period of the war, were great lofers by the legal tender of the paper currency. For eighteen months they were not allowed to fue for their debts, and were af- terwards obliged to accept of depreciated paper in difcharge of them at par with gold or filver. This was not the refult of intentional injuftice, but forced on the legiflature by the necelfity ot the times. When the means of payment were taken from individuals by publick authority, as has been already ftated, forbidding them to ex- port the productions of the foil, it would have been cruel to fuffer them to be fued for money borrowed, and expended in cultivating their plan- tations. When the refolutions againll exporta- tion were repealed, the members of the legifla- ture fuppofed it would have ruined their new currency, if they had in any cafe whatever de- nied it the credit of a legal tender, lie fides, it Vol. If. N was ( 9° ) was at that time the fixed refolution of Congrefs, and the different legiflatures, to redeem all their paper bills at par with gold or filver. The publick was in the condition of a town on fire, when fome houfes mufl be blown up to fave the remainder. The liberties of America could not be defended without armies — armies could not be fupported without money — money could not be raifed in fufficient quantities other- wife than by emifiions. It was fuppofed effenti- ally neceflary to the credit of thefe emifiions, that they mould have the fancYion of a legal tender in the payment of all debts, This involved the ruin of the monied intereft, and put it in the power of individuals to pay their debts with much lefs than they really owed. This unhappy necefiity, to do private injuflice for a publick benefit, proved in many refpedts injurious to the political interefts of the ftate, and the moral character of its inhabitants. It difpofed thole who were lofers by the legal tender, and who preferred their money to the liberties of America, to wifh for the re-eftablifhment of Britifh govern- ment, and filled others with murmurings and bitter complaints againfl the ruling powers. The publick fpirited, who were fincere in their decla- rations of devoting life and fortune to fupport the caufe of their country, patiently fubmitted to the hard/hips, from a conviction that the caufe of liberty required the facrifice. The nature of obligations was fo far changed, that he was rec- koned ( 9' ) koned the honed man, who, from principle, de- layed to pay his debts. Inflead of creditors prefling their debtors to a fettlement, they fre- quently avoided to fee them, or fecreted their obligations. The evils occafioned by deprecia- tion did not terminate with the war. The (hut- ting of the courts of juftice, and authorizing men by law to pay their debts with depreciated paper, made the non-performance of contracts fo familiar, that fome of the inhabitants fince the war have been much more carelefs about the punctual and honourable difcharge of their en- gagements than they ever were before. Much of the evil occafioned by the legal tender of paper-bills might have been prevented, if the laws refpecUng it had confined its opera- tion to future contracts. A great deal might have been done at an early period by taxation to fupport the credit of the money. The plate might have been applied to that purpofe. But the depreciation not being generally forefeen, no provifion was made againfl the evils and injuftice refulting from it. In the firft ftage of the difpute no American had any idea of its duration. Few had any acquaintance with the philofophy of money, or the fubjecl: of finance. And almoft all were fanguine in expecting the eftablilhment of their liberties, without fuch long and expen- five facrifices. Had even all thefe matters been properly attended to, they would only have moderated, but could not have prevented depre- ciation. ( » ) ciation. The United States had no permanent funds to give {lability to their paper currency. In the commencement of the war they were with- out regular governments to enforce the collection of taxes. They were in poifeflion of no refources adequate to the raifing of fufficient fupplies with- out large emiffions of bills of credit. When the bufinefs of taxation was entered upon by the legiflature, it was not carried to a fufficient extent. The planters, who form a majority of the legiflature, were, with a few exceptions, very backward in laying on taxes proportioned to the exigencies of the war. They had much to fell, little to buy, and were general- ly in debt. To them the depreciation was no prejudice. From a miftaken policy they were more anxious to get rid of their private than of their publick debts. When called upon for large fupplies, though it was evident that a little pro- perty would pay a large nominal tax, yet they fuffered themfelves to be alarmed with great founds, and oppofed liberal grants, as if every paper dollar had been a filver one. Some of them could, without one pang of remorfe, pay oif old debts with a (hilling in the pound, and thereby reduce to beggary the helplefs widow, the diltrefled orphan, and the decrepid old man, who had heretofore lived happily on the annual income of their eftates, but were very compani- onate to the people of their own clafs, whom they reprefented as unable to pay large taxes, though their ( 93 ) their produce fold at ten, twenty, or thirty times its ufual price before the war. In the firft period of the conteft, when the prohibited exportation of the productions of the foil diminifhed their profits, they frequently complained that the caufe of their country required larger facrifices from them than from the money-lenders, whofe inte- reft was going on without any diminution. On the idea of dividing the burden more equally between them and their creditors, they influenced the legiflature to reduce intereft from eight to feven per cent ; but in the progrefs of the war, when their produce fold at immenfe nominal prices, and not only the interell but the principal of the money-lender was nearly annihilated, the juft fchemes of putting all orders in the commu- nity on an equal footing, in the diftribution of neceffary fufferings, were entirely forgotten. s It is fcarcely poffible that a greater curfe can befal a country than fuch an unfixed value of money. It ftrikes at every virtuous principle, exterminates the ideas of honour and juftice, and turns the attention of people from the fober paths of induftry to extravagant adventures and ro- mantick projects. Evils of this kind became intolerable. The legiflature at laft adopted an expedient, which promifed confiderable relief. This was to prohibit the purchafing of country produce for any other purpofe than domeftick confumption or exportation, and to put the buyer in £ See note vii. ( 94 ) in the power of the feller. Several individuals were in the habit of buying far beyond their abilities to pay. Before the fellers could com- pel payment in the ordinary courfe of law, a progreffive depreciation made it practicable for the buyer to difcharge the flipulated nominal fum with one half of its real value. To remedy this abufe fpecial courts were inftituted, which were authorifed, in a fummary manner, to compel pay- ment in three days. The good effects of this were immediately felt. Rice fell in its price near a fifth, and in all probability the artificial depre- ciation would have been wholly remedied had not the arrival of the royal army prevented the full operation of this judicious law. The fur- render of Charlefton, on the 12th of May 1780, wholly arrefted the circulation of the paper cur- rency, and put a great part of the flate in pof- feflion of the Britifh, when many contra&s for thefe nominal fums were unperformed, and after many individuals had received payment of old debts in depreciated paper. The honourable James Simpfon, intendant-general of the Britifh police, commilhoned thirteen gentlemen to en- quire into the different flages of depreciation, fo as to afcertain a fixed rule for payment in hard money of oiit-ftanding contracts, and to compel thofe who had fettled with their creditors to make up, by a fecond payment, the difference between the real and nominal value of the cur- rency. The commiffioners proceeded on princi- ples of equity, and compared the prices of coun- try ( 95 ) try produce when the paper currency was in circulation with its prices in the year before the war, and alfo the rate of exchange between hard money and the paper-bills of credit. From an average of the two they fixed on a table which was as follows, excepting that the fractional parts of the original are omitted. B E, Afcertaining the progrejji-ve depreciation of the paper currency, by taking an average of the prices of gold and Jifoer, and the country pre- duce, at different periods. Date of each Depreciation Depreciation Average of period. by value of fpecie. by value of produce. depreciation. J777» APril 1 113 per cent. 157 per cent. 135 per centi July 1 127 198 163 O&ober 1 176 214 x95 1778, Jan. 1 287 287 287 March 1 337 470 404 May 1 440 622 531 July 1 483 S69 526 Sept. 1 500 577 538 Nov. 1 563 533 548 1779, Jan. 1 1000 S96 798 February 1 1250 661 9SS March 1 *;35° 897 1123 April 1 1400 1 191 I295 May 1 145° 1116 1283 June 1 1350 *3°3 1326 July 1 1720 *355 *537 Augufl 1 2085 *55* 1818 Sept. 1 2340 1691 2015 Date C 96 ) Date of each Depreciation period. by value of fpecie. October 1 2IOO Nov. 1 29 1 1 Dec. 1 3485 1780, Jan. 1 3833 February 1 4457 March 1 524o April 1 6583 May 1 11,000 June 1 11,000 Depreciation by value of produce. Average of depreciation. 1885 1992 1983 2447 2174 2830 2923 33/8 4291 4374 4525 4882 50<55 5824 5170 8085 5229 8114 The Britifh fucceffes to the fouthward in 1780, caufed the continental money to flow back to the middle {fates. Its fuperabundance and incurable depreciation at laft forced on the Congrefs and the feveral legiflatures a fcale of depreciation, though the face of the bills, the terms of their emiffion, and every publick act refpecting them, gave affurances that they mould be ultimately re- deemed at the rate of one filver dollar for every paper dollar. In September 1779, the fupreme council of the ftates, in their circular letter, re- jected with horror the bare fuppofition that fuch a meafure mould ever be adopted ; h yet in fix months after it was done with the acquiefcence of a great majority of the people. In other countries fimilar meafures have produced popu- lar infurreclions, but in the United States of America, though many fuffering individuals com- plained loudly, it was peaceably adopted. Pub- lick faith was violated, but in the general opinion publick 11 See note vnr. ( 97 ) publick good was promoted. The evils confe- quent on depreciation had taken place, and the redemption of the bills at par, infiead of reme- dying the diflrefles of the fufferers, would in many cafes have increafed them by fubjecting their fmall remains of property to exorbitant taxation. The money had in a great meafure got out of the hands of the original proprietors, and was in the poflefnon of others who had ob- tained it at a cheap rate. The fufferers, who were obliged to receive it at par with gold and filver in payment of debts, contracted when there was no depreciation, look up to their country for reimburfement as far as is practicable. It is pre- fumed, for the honour of the United States, that they will not look in vain. The paper currency continued to have a par- tial circulation for a year after a fcale of depre- ciation was fixed. It jrraduallv diminiihed in value till the fummer of 17C1. By common confent it then ceafed to have currency. Like an aged man, expiring by the decays of nature, without a figh or a groan, it gently fell aileep in the hands of its laft pcfTenors. It is now remem- bered with gratitude for the fervice it has ren- dered in carrying on the war, and the reimburfe- ment of the holders of it refts with the legiila- tures, who, as foon as circumstances permit, will doubtltfs do what juftice and the publick good require. The extinction of the paper currency was an evenc ardently wifhed for by the enemies, Vol. II. C) and ( 9« ) and dreaded by the friends, of American inde- pendence. The failure of its circulation difap- pointed them both. The war was carried on with the fame vigour afterwards as before, and the people very generally acquiefced in the meafure, as juftified by necefhty. The introduction of filver and gold, by chan- nels which were opened about the fame time that the paper currency ceafed to circulate, contri- buted much to diminim the bad effects of its annihilation. A trade was at that period opened with the French and Spanifh Weft-India iflands, by which fpecie was imported into the American continent, and a vent was found for the commo- dities of the northern and middle flates. The French army, which arrived in Rhode-Ifland, as has been before mentioned, early in the year 1780, put into circulation a great quantity of coined filver ; and fubfidies, to a large amount, were, about the fame time, granted to the United States by his moft chriftian majefty. It is re- markable that of nine veffels which came from France with money at different periods of the war, no one, while the treafure was on board, fell into the hands of the Britifh. The unexpected introduction of fo much gold and filver fuggefted to the Congrefs a new fyftem of finance. The ifluing of paper currency, by the authority of government, was difcontinued, and the publick engagements were made in fpe- cie. ( 99 ) cie. All matters relative to the department of the treafury, or of accounts, were put under the direction of the honourable Robert Morris, efquire, who arranged the whole with fo much judgment that economy, method and fyftem, foon took the place of extravagance, confufion and irregularity. The perfonal unfullied credit of the fuperintendent of finance was a powerful auxiliary to the government — it facilitated con- tracts in behalf of the army — and leffened the evils which otherwife would have refulted from the arrefted circulation of the paper currency. In the years 178 1, 1782 and 1783, when in- dividuals had loft all confidence in publick bills of credit, notes were fucceffively iflued by mr. Morris, figned with his own name, payable at different periods out of the foreign fubfidies or domeftick revenues of the United States. Thefe notes, though at one time, viz. July 1783, they amounted to five hundred and eighty-one thou- fand and fifty-feven dollars, yet, from the well- known punctuality of their figner, had a curren- cy at a time when the credit of the American governments was at the loweft .ebb. Their cir- culation enabled mr. Morris to anticipate the publick refources, to the great advantage of the United States. In this crifis of affairs the fer- vices of the fuperintendent of finance were as beneficial to the union as were, in any period of the war, the great abilities of the illuftrious com- mander in chief of the armies of the United States. ( IOO ) States. When future ages celebrate the names of Washington and Franklin, they will alfo add that of IVI orris. The filent operation of his fyf- tems or finance, and perfonal credit, though lefs vifible to the publick eye, were, in the confufed. flate of American affairs, at the commencement of the year 178 1, no lefs effential to the fuccefs of the revolution, than the fplendid military at- chievements of the one, or the fuccefsful nego- tiations of the other. The fupplies for publick exigencies in South- Carolina, before the reduction of Charlefron, were principally raifed by taxes on lands and ne- groes. Three contributions of this kind had been levied between the declaration of indepen- dence in 1776 and the furrender of the capital in 1780. The firfl was in the year 1777, and was fixed at nearly one third of a dollar per head on negroes, and as much on every hundred acres of land. Had Carolina and the other flates taxed heavily at this period, they would have prevented much of the depreciation ; but a fear of alarm- ing the people, and too [anguine hopes of a fpee- dy peace, induced the legislature to begin mode- rately, more with a view of making an experi- ment than of railing adequate fv], plies. The next tax was in 1778, nominally ten times larger than the former, but really at the time of pav- ment worth only about twice as much. In 1779 a tax of twenty paper dollars per head on negroes, and on every hundred acres of land, was levied. This, ( lot ) This, about the time of payment, was nearly- equal to a fp'ecie dollar. The three regiments which were raifed on the Carolina eftabliibment, in June 177 c, were en- ih: (1 tor llx months certain, or three years if required. Thefe fhort terms of fervice were fixed upon from the hopes, then every where entertained, that American grievances would be redrefled without proceeding to an eternal feparation. They at firfl were raifed by the au- thority of the provincial congrefs, and were en- lilted folely for the domeflick defence of South- Carolina. A continental armv, fubjecl: to the orders of the United States in Congreis affem- bled, was an after-thought. When that meafure was adopted, the popular leaders in South- Carolina found great difficulty in connecting their provincial troops with the continentals of the other dates. To alter the terms of their enliPc- ment could not be done without manifefr. injufrice. To releafe the common foldiers from their pro- vincial obligations, in order to put them in a capacity to re-enlifl as continentals, was a ha- zardous experiment. . The capture of the publick vefiels had deprived them of many comforts. This had difgufted many to fuch a degree, that their re-enliflment as continentals was extreme'v doubtful. At lad the matter was compromised. They who chofe it were re-enlifled as continentals for the war, with the farther encouragement of two hundred acres of land for their fervice. The ( !°2 ) The others ftill remained under their original provincial obligations. The officers very readily- agreed to exchange their provincial for conti- nental commiflions, and were in confequence thereof confidered as a part of the army of the United States. The Britifh availed themlelves of the fhort period of enliftment firft agreed upon, and did not ferioufly turn their arms to the fouthward till the expiration of three years had completed the term of fervice of the firft and beft recruits of the South-Carolina line. To fupply thefe regiments with every comfort, and to keep them full, was the conftant ftudy of government ; but the capture of the veflels de- ftined to import clothing and other fupplies for their ufe, with the diminifhed value of the cur- rency, precluded the publick from doing that juftice to thefe brave men which they fo highly merited. Unfavourable reports of the fufferings of the private foldiers greatly obftructed the recruit- ing fervice. Many deferted, and they who re- mained fuffered more than any other order of men. Government did ail that was poffible to fupport its firft recruits, and to increafe their number ; but they had not the means of carrying into effect their good intentions. Five hundred paper dollars were propofed in 1779 as a bounty, to encourage the recruiting fervice. Though this was nearly equal to fifty hard dollars, yet fo great were the diftrefles of the military, that few ( I03 ) few could be perfuaded to enter the regular regiments. About the fame time a law was pafTed to take up vagrants and idle diforderly perfons who had no vifible method of maintaining themfelves, and to make them ferve in fome of the regular regi- ments, if upon a trial to be held before one juf- tice and fix freeholders they were found to be of the before-mentioned characters. Over and above the recruits procured by this law, it was generally allowed to have produced falutary con- fequences, by promoting a fpirit of induftry in fome idle perfons, and by reltraining others from diforderly practices, though, in a few inftances, it was faid to have been perverted, by the private refentments of partial judges, to the diftrefs of fome individuals who did not anfwer the cha- racter defcribed in the act. Had America ferioufly intended independence from the beginning, (he might, in the firfl flage of the conteft, have eafily recruited one hundred thoufand men, to ferve during the war ; but aiming at nothing but a redrefs of grievances, and flattering herfelf with the hopes of accom- plishing this in a little time, all her fchemes were of a temporary nature. At lait fhe was involved in a tedious and expenfive war, with one of the g.-eattft powers of Europe, when fhe was defti- tute of an army, of hard money, of trade, and of ( io4 ) of a navy, and had few other means of procuring them than by printers' types. The infufHciency of the regular regiments, for the defence of the Mate, made it neceifary to call the militia frequently into the field, This ob- flruclcd agriculture, without adding to the ope- rative force of the army in any manner propor- tioned to its increafed numbers. The expences of militia were greater than the pay of regulars. They had a right to charge the publick with the time fpent in marching between the camp and their homes. Their private affairs not permitting long abfence from their plantations, the men were frequently changed, and of courfe unac- quainted with fervice. When encamped, their high notions of perfonal liberty made them How to learn that implicit obedience which is necef- fary in military operations. They too often in- dulged in unfoldierly difcuilions of the propriety of orders iffued by their fuperiors, and would fometimes, efpecially after defeats, without per- miflion, quit their pods, and return to their plantations. To obtain more effectual fervice from them, the legillature in 1778 impofed fevere fines for neglect of duty, and for bad conduct when on duty. As the rich were moll concerned in the defence of the (fate, to prevent them from fetting a bad example, the fine of each delin- quent was to be in proportion to the amount of his taxes. The ftate was divided into three bri- gades. Andrew Williamfon, Richard llichard- fon, ( i<>5 ) fon, and Stephen Bull, efquires, were appointed brigadiers. The men in each brigade were foon after claffed into three divisions, which were to take the field in rotation. But in cafe of an invafion of any part of the ftate, the whole, to the diflance of eighty miles from the place in- vaded, were liable to be ordered out to its im- mediate defence. The legiflature, a little while before the re- duction of Charlefton, enacted a law, by which delinquents among the militia were fentenced to ferve in one of the regular regiments from four to fixteen months, at the discretion of a court- martial. To foften thefe feverities trials were instituted, in which the greater number of judges were privates. Individuals were alfo allowed to exempt themfelves from perfonal fervice by hir- ing, at their own expence, a recruit to enter one of the regular regiments. Thefe regulations had only a partial effeel. The fervice wanted by the government could not be effectually obtained from men attached to their families and farms, and reluctantly preSfed from the field of agricul- ture to that of battle. After they had fuffered from the oppreinons of the royal army, they ri- valled regular ibidiers in discipline, as well as in courage, and by their fpirited co-operation with the continental troops, as mall hereafter be re- lated, had a considerable fhave in recovering the ftate from the Britifh forces. Vol. II. P Very ( *c6 ) Very foon after the declaration of indepen- dence, the danger of retaining men in the ftate, who wi fired to fubvert its conflitution, fuggefted. to the legiflature of South-Carolina the neceffity of fecuring itfclf againfl thofe who flill abetted royal government, and wifhed for its re-eftablifh- ment. A teft-oath was therefore framed in 1776 ; but this was tendered only to thofe perfons who had given fome open evidence of their dif- affection. The officers of the King, under the late regal conflitution, and a few others of fu- fpe&ed characters, having, on requifition, re- fufed to take it, were obliged to leave the ftate. In the year 1778 the legiflature enacted an oath or affirmation of allegiance, to be taken by every adult male, which was in the following words : e I, A B, do fwear or affirm, that I will bear * true faith and allegiance to the ftate of South- * Carolina, and will faithfully fupport, maintain * and defend the fame, againfl George the third, ' King of Great-Britain, his fucceffors, abettors, c and all other enemies and oppofers whatfoever, ' and will, without delay, difcover to the execu- ' tive authority, or fome one juflice of the peace 4 in this ftate, all plots and confpiracies that mall 6 come to my knowledge againfl the faid ftate, 6 or any other of the United States of America. * So help me God,' In addition to this, an oath to abjure the King of Great-Britain was required of all officers of the ftate, both civil and military. They who rcfufed the oath or affirmation above recited were obliged to depart the country -7 but they ( i©7 ) they had their choice of either leaving their fa- milies, or of taking them away. They were alfo allowed to fell and carry off their eftates, or to appoint attornies in their abfence to take care of them. The defence of the country, requiring both the perfonal fervices and the con- tribution of its inhabitants, that all might be on an equal footing, the unfold eftates of thefe gentlemen, in common with other abfentees, were taxed double ; but the idea of confifcation, at this period of the contefl, was, by the legif- lature, uniformly reprobated. Notwithftanding this humane line of conduct, no indulgence with regard to property was given by Britilh authority to the citizens of South-Carolina after the reduc- tion of Charlefton. In vain was leave folicited in the capitulation, for thofe who chofe it to fell their eftates and leave the country. This was not only refufed, but their eftates were fequef- tered, and they deprived of the means of fup- porting themfelves, unlefs they would fubmit to a government which many of them had abjured, and all of them had renounced. But of this in the following chapter. CHAPTER ( ">8 ) CHAPTER ELEVENTH. Of the methods taken by the Britifh to keep poffeffion cf South-Carolina, and by the Americans to reco- ver it. Of the battle of Camden, and its confe- qucnces — hanging the revolted fubj eels — banijhing the prifoners, and fequefkration of eflates. NEVER did any people more miftake their true intereff. than the inhabitants of South- Carolina, in permitting the Britifh to obtain a permanent refidence in their country. Exhauffed with the fatigues, and impoverished by the con- fluences of a war into which they had been gradually drawn, without any intention originally of pufhing it fo far, fome flattered themfelves that the reduction of Charlcfion would terminate their fufferings ; but that event proved to them the commencement of ftill greater evils. The capital having furrendered, the next ob- ject with the Britifh was to fecure the general fubmiilion of the inhabitants. To this end they pofled garrifons in different parts of the country, and marched with a large body of their troops over the Santee towards that extremity of the flate which borders on the mod populous fettle- inents of North-Carolina. This caui'ed an imme- diate retreat of fome parties of Americans who had advanced into the upper parts of South-Ca- rolina with the expectation of relieving Charlefton. Among ( *°9 ) Among the corps which had come forward with that view there was one confiding of about three hundred continentals, the rear of the Virginia line, commanded by colonel Buford. Lieute- nant-colonel Tarleton, with about feven hundred horfe and foot, was difpatched in quefl of this party. That enterprifing officer, having mounted his infantry, marched one hundred miles in fifty- four hours, came up with them at the Waxhaws, and demanded their furrender on terms fimilar to thofe granted to the continentals taken in Charleflon. While the flags were palling and repaying on this bufinefs, lieutenant-colonel Tar- leton kept his men in motion, and when the truce was ended, had nearly fur rounded his adverfa- ries. An action immediately enfued. This took place on the 29th of May, feventeen days after the furrender of Charlefton. Colonel Buford's party, having partaken of the general confirma- tion occafioned by the Britifh fucceffes, made a feeble refinance, and foon fued for quarters. A few, notwithllanding, continued to fire. The Britifh cavalry advanced, but were not oppofed by the main body of the continentals, who con- ceived that they were precluded by their fubmif- fion from making oppofition. On the pretence of this accidental firing of a few, the Britifh le- gion was directed to charge men who had laid down their arms. In confequence of this order the unrefifting Americans, praying for quarters, were chopped in pieces. Some loft their hands, others their arms, and almofl every one was mangled ( no ) mangled in an inhuman manner. Five out of fix of the whole number of the Americans were, by lieutenant-colonel Tarleton's official account of this bloody fcene, ' either killed or fo badly wounded as to be incapable of being moved from the field of battle, and by the fame account, this took place though they made fuch ineffectual oppofition as only to kill five and wound twelve of the Britifh. Lord Cornwallis bellowed on lieutenant-colonel Tarleton the higheft encomi- ums for this enterprize, and recommended him in a fpecial manner to royal favour. k This bar- barous maffacre gave a more fanguinary turn to the war. Tarleton's quarters became proverbial, and in the fubfequent battles a fpirit of revenge gave a keener edge to military refentments. This total rout of all the continental troops of the fouthern dates, which were not made pri- foners by the capitulation of Charlefton, together with the univerfal panick occafioned by the fur- render of that capital, fufpended, for about fix weeks, all military oppofition to the progrefs of the Britifh army. In this hour of diftrefs to the friends of independence, the royal commander, by proclamation, denounced the extremity of vengeance againfl thofe of the inhabitants who ihould continue, by force of arms, to oppole the re-efiablifhment of Britifh government. ■ The conquerors did not reft the royal caufe exclufively on ; See note ix. k See note x. 1 See note xi. ( "I ) on threats. On the firfl of Jane, nineteen days after the furrender of Charlefton, fir Henry Clin- ton and admiral Arbuthnot, in the character of commiffioners for reftoring peace to the revolted colonies, by proclamation, offered ' to the inha- ' bitants, with a few exceptions, pardon for their ' pad treafonable offences, and a reinftatement 1 in the poffrffion of all thofe rights and immu- ' nities which they heretofore had enjoyed under 1 a free Britifh government, exempt from taxati- ' on, except by their own legiflatures.' m Thefe fpecious offers, together with the impoflibility of their fleeing with their families and effects, and the want of an army to which the militia of the ftate might repair, induced the people in the country to abandon all fchemes of farther refin- ance. The militia to the fouthward of Charlef- ton fenr. in a flag to the commanding officer of the royal detachment at Beaufort, and obtained terms fimilar to thofe granted to the inhabitants of the capital. At Camden the inhabitants met the Britifh with a flag, and negotiated for them- felves. The people of Ninety-Six aiTembled to deliberate what courfe they mould hold in fuch a difficult conjuncture. Being informed that the Britifh were advancing to that part of the ftate, they fent a flag to the commanding officer, from whom they learned that fir Henry Clinton had delegated full powers to captain Richard Pearis to treat with them. Articles of capitulation were immediately propofed, and foon after ratified, by which n See note xn. ( "2 ) which they were promifed the fame fecurity for their perfons and property which Britifh fubje&s enjoyed. They fubmitted under a miftaken opi- nion that, agreeably to an early proclamation of fir Henry Clinton, previous to the furrender of Charlefton, they were to be either neutrals or prifoners on parole. A later proclamation of June third 1780, which, as mall foon be related, made a change of allegiance neceflary to their being in the King's peace, was kept out of fight. By this manoeuvre the King of Great-Britain gained, without their knowledge, a large accef- fion of nominal fubjects. Excepting the extre- mities of the (late, which border on North-Caro- lina, the inhabitants who continued in the coun- try generally preferred fubmiffion to refinance. The difference between evacuating and defending towns became apparent, and fully proved that the firfl was the belt plan of defence for Ame- rica. Though the progrefs of the Britifh arms was rapid, yet it Was far ihort of what was originally expected. Their fchemes had been deranged as to time, and new events made it neceflary for them to divide their forces, and to alter their plans. The embarkation of the royal army from New-York, for the reduction of Charlefton, had been fixed as early as September 1779, but tns unexpected arrival of count D'Eftaing, with a French fleet on the coa.'t of Georgia, retarded that event till the 18th of December. This delay, together ( M3 ) together with the flow method of reducing Charlefton by regular approaches, and the de- fence made by general Lincoln — all concurred to wade away the feafon which had been al- lotted for a vigorous winter campaign. It was originally intended that the whole of the forces employed againft Charlefton fhould proceed, after the reduction of that capital, to the conqueft of the adjacent ftates. It was prefumed that the militia, by the furrender of their drongeft fouth- ern pod, and capture of the whole continental line, from Virginia to Georgia, would be intimi- dated from oppofing a well-appointed and nu- merous royal army. The mod extenfive con- queds in the fouthern (fates were confidently expected before a northern campaign for 1780 could be opened. As the arrival of one French fleet retarded the Britifh fchemes near three months in the latter end of 1779, fo the expec- tation of another in the fpring of the year 1780 made a divifion of their fouthern force indifpen- fibly neceffary. Intelligence was received by fir Henry Clinton, about the time of the furrender of Charlefton, that a large number of land- forces, and a French fleet, confiding of fevert fail of the line, and five frigates, commanded by M. De Ternay, was to have failed from France fo early in the year that its arrival on the Ameri- can coaft might be foon expected. This induced the commander in chief of the royal army to re-embark for New-York early in June, with the greateft part of his army. Though the French Vol. II. Q^ fleets ( '14 ) fleets gained at this time no direct advantages for their American allies, yet they completely deranged the plan of Britifh operations. On the departure of fir Henry Clinton from Charlefton, lord Cornvvallis was appointed com- mander in chief in the fouthern department, with about four thoufand men. This force, though far fhort of what was originally intended for fouthern operations, was deemed fully fuffi- cient for the purpofe of extending the Britifh conquefts. The object hitherto purfued by the Britifh commanders, with regard to the inhabitants of South-Carolina, was to induce them to remain peaceably at their homes. To this end they accepted of their fubmiffion on very eafy terms. All, with a few exceptions, who applied obtained either paroles as prifoners, or protections as Bri- tifh fubje&s. They who preferred the latter were required to fubfcribe a declaration of their alle- giance to the King of Great-Britain ; but in the hurry of bufinefs this was frequently omitted, and the privileges of Britifh fubjects were freely beflowed on fome without any engagements. The general fubmiffion of the inhabitants was followed by an unufual calm. The Britifh be- lieved that the ftate of South-Carolina was tho- roughly conquered ; but they foon found that the difguife which fear had impofed fubfifted no loncrer ( "5 ) longer than the prefent danger. Their experience in America had not yet taught them enough of human nature to diftinguifh a forced fubmiflion, in a temporary panick, from a cordial return to their former allegiance, Sublequent events prov- ed, that a country is unfubdued as long as the minds of the people are actuated by an hoftile fpirit. All military oppofition being fufpended, the royal commanders, fuppofing their work in South- Carolina to be completely fmifhed, began to ex- tend their views to the adjacent dates. To faci- litate their future operations they conceived a fcheme of obtaining fubftantial fervice from their new fubje&s. In the profecution of this bufinefs their policy foon loft what arms had gained. While fome of the inhabitants were felicitating themfelves in having obtained a refpite from the calamities of war, they were no lefs aftonifhed than confounded at a proclamation by which they were called upon to take arms in fupport of royal government. All paroles given to prifoners, not taken by capitulation, and who were not in con- finement at the furrender of Charlefton, were declared on the third of June 1780, by the com- mander in chief of the royal army, ' to be null ' and void after the twentieth of the fame month, ' and the holders of them were called upon to ' refume the character of Britiih fubjecls, and to * take an active part in forwarding military ope- 4 rations, or to be confidered and treated as rebels ' againd ( n6 ) * againft his majefty's government.' n This ex- traordinary ftep was taken without any pretence of violation of parole on the part of the prison- ers. With this proclamation, and the enrolment of the militia, commenced the declenfion of Bri- tifh authority. Many had applied for paroles and protection, from the fond expectation, that they mould be indulged with a refidence on their eftates, and be at full liberty to profecute their private bufinefs. Numbers who, from motives of fear or convenience, had fubmitted, flill re- tained an affection for their American brethren in the other ffates, and fhuddered at the thought of taking arms againft them. Among fuch it was generally faid, ' if we muft fight, let it be 4 on the fide of America, our friends and coun- ' trymen.' A great number, confidering them- felves releafed from their parole by the proclama- tion, conceived that they had a right to arm againft the Britifh ; and were induced fo to do from the royal menace, that they who did not enrol themfelves as Britifh fubjects, muft expect to be treated as enemies. A much greater num- ber found it convenient to exchange their paroles for protection. To facrifice all, and leave the country, required a degree of fortitude that is the lot of very few. To take protection, and to enrol themfelves as militia under the royal .ftandard, were events wholly unexpected when they fubmitted as prisoners of war. They ccn- ceived themfelves reduced 60 a very hard alter- native, ■ See note xm. ( "7 ) native, and would often contrail the conduct of the Britifh commanders with the former policy of the ftate, which gave every man his free choice of joining the Americans or of adhering to the royal caufe, with the liberty of removing his family and property. They fubmitted, but their fubfequent conduct made it probable that this was done, in many cafes, with a fecret re- fervation of breaking the compulfory tie when a proper opportunity mould prefent itfelf. Had this fevere alternative never been offered, and had the people been indulged in the quiet poffeflion of their property and their domefrick cafe, it would have been extremely difficult for Congrefs to have made adequate exertions for refcuing the ftate out of the hands of the Bri- tifh. But, from a concurrence of caufes about this time, there was formed a ftrong party, dif- pofed to do and fuffer much more for the ex- pulfion of their new mafters, than they could be perfuaded to do fix months before, to prevent the country from falling into their hands. The fituation of the inhabitants of the town was different from that of the country. As they had a right, by the capitulation, to remain at their homes on parole, they were excepted from the alternative offered by the proclamation of the third of June ; other methods were therefore ufed to compel them to become Britifh ful Immediately after the furrender of Charlefton a few perfons, attached to the Britifh government, prepared ( "8 ) prepared an addrefs to the general and admiral, congratulating them on their conqueft. ° This was figned by two hundred and ten of the inha- bitants, the greater part of whom had been in arms againfl the Britifh during the liege, and among whom were a few who had been leaders in the popular government. In anfwer to their addrefs they were promifed the privileges and protection of Britifh fubjects, on fubfcribing a teft of their allegiance, and of their willingnefs to fupport the royal caufe. Thefe addreffers, who thus decidedly took part with the Britifh, immediately made an invidious diftinction be- tween fubjects and prifoners, and became the inftigators of every feverity againfl thofe who chofe to remain on parole. As they had revolted from the caufe of America, that they might be kept in countenance, they laboured hard to draw others into the fame predicament. To effect this they would often complain to the Britifh rulers, * that none had proper encouragement to return 4 to their allegiance, while prifoners were fufFered 4 to remain with their families, follow their oc« * cupations, and enjoy privileges which, in their ' opinion, mould be monopolized by the friends e of royal government.' This example of ex- changing paroles for protection, was foon fol- lowed by many of their fellow-citizens. Thofe of them, who owned ellates in the country, had no fecurity by capitulation for any property out of the lines, unlefs they became fubjects. This was 9 See note xiv. ( "9 ) was a ftrong inducement to perfons fo circum- stanced to join their conquerors. To oblige them univerfally to return to their allegiance, there was a fucceffion of proclamations, each abridging the privileges of prifoners. Subjects were allowed to fue for their debts before the Britiih board of police, but prifoners were denied all benefit of that court. Though they were liable to fuits, they had no fecurity for the pay- ment of their debts but the honour of their debtors. The paroles granted to prifoners, after the furrender of the town, were much more li- mited than might have been expected. The citizens of the town were reftrained from going out of the lines, or on the water, without Spe- cial permiffion. This, when applied for, was fometimes wantonly refufed, and on other occa- fions might be obtained for money. Ineffectual attempts were made to obtain more generous li- mits, but no extenfion was granted, and they who feemed averfe from figning the offered pa- roles, were informed that, in cafe of an abfolute refufal, they muft expect ciofe confinement. Thefe (hackles fat very uneafy on free citizens who had heretofore been accuftomed to the fulled enjoyment of perfonal liberty ; but no relaxation could be obtained on any other condition than that of profeiling a return to their allegiance. The conquerors, in the mod perfect confidence of keeping the province, and of extending their conquefts, valued themfelves much upon their generofity in being willing to receive as Britifli fubje&s ( N* ) fubjects the citizens whom they viewed in the light of vanquished rebels. Under the influence of this opinion they laughed at the folly, and refented the ingratitude and impudence of thofe who chofe to remain in the character of prifon- ers. Such perfons met with every difcouragcment, and at the fame time the door of re-ad million to the privileges of fubjects was thrown wide open. This made fome martyrs, but more hypocrites. A numerous clafs of people were reduced to the alternative of (tarving or fuing for protection. Thofe inhabitants of Charlefton, who were of the Hebrew nation, and others who were fhopkeep- ers, were, while prifoners, encouraged to make purchafes from the Britifh merchants who came with the conquering army, and, after they had contracted large debts of this kind, were pre- cluded by proclamation from felling the goods they had purchafed, unlefs they a (Turned the name and character of Britifh fubjects. p Me- chanicks and others were allowed, for fome months after the furrender, to follow their refpedive occupations, but as they could not compel payment for their fervices, repeated loiTes ibon convinced them of the prefent convenience of accepting Britifh protection. Great numbers in all communities are wholly indifferent what form of government they live under. They can always turn with the times, and fubmit with fa- cilitv to the prefent ruling power whatfoever it may be. The low (late of American affairs in the p See note xv. ( >2< ) the fummer of 1780, induced a belief among many of the inhabitants, that Congrefs, from neceflity, had abandoned the idea of contending for the fouthern ftates. The refolutions of that body difavowing this imputation, were carefully concealed from the prifoners. q Many believing that South-Carolina would finally remain a Britifh province, and being determined to fave their eftates under every form of government, con- cluded that the fooner they fubmitted the lefs they would lofe. rl he negroes, and ether pro- perty of individuals, had been feized by the Bri- tifh during the fiege. Prifoners on parole had no chance of repoffefling themfelves of any part of this plunder, though fubjecls were allowed to put in their claim, and were fometimes fuccefsful. A party always attached to royal government, though they had conformed to the laws of the ftate, rejoiced in the revolution, and fincerely returned to their allegiance, but their number was inconfiderable in comparifon with the multi- tude who were obliged by neceflity, or induced by convenience, to accept of Britifh protection. The inhabitants of the country, for the mod part, lay more at the unconditional mercy of the conquerors than the citizens of the capital. Thofe who refufed to give up their paroles, and did not flee out of the country, were generally removed from their families, and confined to fome of the iflands on the fea-coafl, while their property be- Vol. II. R came q See note xvr. ( **» ) came the fpoil and plunder of a rapacious army. In this trying fituation, the various ruling pafiions of individuals appeared without difguife. Some men of the largeft fortunes, and who had been promoted to exalted flations, both civil and mili- tary, relinquifhed the fervice of the ftate for prefent eafe and convenience. A few of this character, who were entirely out of the way of perfonal danger, and in the full enjoyment of the privileges of freemen, voluntarily returned, and bowed their necks to the conquerors. In direct contradiction to the whole tenor of their pad conduct, they attempted to apologize for their in- confiftency, by declaring that they had never aimed at independence, and were always averfe from an alliance with France. Many whofe eftates were deeply in debt at the commencement of the war, had extricated themfelves by payments made in the depreciated paper-bills of credit. Some of this clafs reafoned with themfelves, that, having got clear of their private debts at a very eafy rate, if they could now break with Con- grefs, and fupport the Britifh in the poffeffion of the province, they mould rid themfelves of the heavy taxes that muft accrue in confequence of the American war, The mifchievous effects of negro-flavery were, at this time, abundantly ap- parent. Several who had lived in eafe and afflu- ence from the produce of their lands, cultivated by the labour of Haves, had not fortitude enough to dare to be poor. Sentiments of honour and love of their country, made them wifh to preferve a ( i*3 ) a confiftency of conduct, by refufing fubmiffion to Britifh government, but the impoflibility of fupporting themfelves by their own exertions, counteracted every generous refolution. The conflict of contrary paffions, and the diftrefs of the times, drove feveral to the exceflive ufe of fpirituous liquors, which proved the fource of many difeafes, and very often deftroyed life. Though numbers broke through the folemn ties by which they had voluntarily bound them- felves to fupport the caufe of America, illuftrious facrifices were made at the fhrine of liberty ; feveral fubmitted to a diftreffing exile, or a more intolerable confinement. The proprietors of fome of the bed eflates in South-Carolina, fuffered them to remain in the power and pofleffion of the conquerors, rather than flain their honour by deferting their country. The rich flaked their fortunes ; but in the humble walks of obfcurity were found feveral of the middling and poorer clafs of citizens who may be truly faid to have ftaked their lives on the caufe of America, for they renounced the comforts fubfervient to health in warm climates, and contented themfelves with a fcanty portion of the plaineft neceffaries of life, in preference to joining the enemies of indepen- dence. In this crifis of danger to the liberties of America, the ladies of South-Carolina con- dueled themfelves with more than Spartan mag- nanimity. They gloried in the appellation of rebel ladies j and, though they withftood repeated felicitations ( 124 ) folicitations to grace publick entertainments with their pretence, yet they crowded on board pri- fo:i-ihips, and other places of confinement, to folace their fullering countrymen. While the conquerors were regaling themfelves at concerts and alTemblies, they could obtain very few of the fair fex to affociate with them ; but no fooner was an American officer introduced as a prifoner, than his company was fought for, and his perfon treated with every pomble mark of attention and refpecl. On other occafions the ladies in a great meafure retired from the publick eye, wept over the diflreffes of their country, and gave every proof of the warmed attachment to its fuffering caufe. In the height of the Britifh conquefts, when poverty and ruin feemed the unavoidable portion of every adherent to the independence of America, the ladies in general difcovered more firmnefs than the men. Many of them, like guardian Angels, preferved their hufbands from falling in the hour of temptation, when intereft and convenience had almoft gotten the better of honour and patriotifm. Among the numbers who were baniihed from their fami- lies, and whofe property was feized by the con- querors, many examples could be produced of ladies cheerfully parting with their fons, hufbands and brothers, exhorting them to fortitude and perfeverance ; and repeatedly entreating them never to fuffer family-attachments to interfere with the duty they owed to their country. When, in the progrefs of the war, they were alfo ( «»5 ) alfo comprehended under a general fentence of banifhment, with equal refolution they parted with their native country, and the many endear- ments of home — followed their hufbands into prifon-fhips and diftant lands, where, though they had long been in the habit of giving, they were reduced to the neceflity of receiving cha- rity. They renounced the prefent gratifications of wealth, and the future profpe&s of fortunes for their growing offspring — adopted every fcheme of economy, and, though born in afflu- ence, and habituated to attendance, betook themfelves to hard labour. Whilst the conquerors were indefatigable in their endeavours to ftrengthen the party for royal government, by the addition of new fubjecls, the Americans were not inattentive to their inte- refts. During the fiege of Charlefton, general Lincoln, in the mod prefling manner, requefted governor Rutledge, with the whole of his coun- cil, to go out of town, on the idea that the civil authority of the ft ate would be exerted to much greater advantage in the country than in the befieged metropolis ; that an executive authority might be preferved, though the capital mould fall ; and at the fame time, that the citizens might not conceive themfelves deferted, in the day of danger, it was agreed that governor Rut- ledge, with three of the council, mould leave Charleflon, and that lieutenant-governor Gadf- den, with the other five of that body, mould remain ( 126 ) remain within the lines. In confequence of this determination, on the twelfth of April 1780, the governor left Charlefton, accompanied by the honourable John-Lewis Gervais, Charles Pinck- ney and Daniel Huger, efquires. Every exer- tion was made to embody the country militia, and to bring them forward for the relief of the befieged capital. Failing in this, the next objeel; of the governor was to make a Hand to the north of the Santee, in which part of the ftatc were a few continentals, and . North-Carolina militia. The reduction of the town, with the army enclofed, occafioned fuch a general panick among the militia, that they could not be per- fuaded to fecond his views. Governor Rut- ledge in a little time retired to the northward, where he was more fuccefsful in his negotiati- ons with North-Carolina, Virginia, and Congrefs. Soon after, he returned to South-Carolina, and gave vigour, union and force to the inhabitants in their exertions againff. Britifh government. During the fiege exprelfes were fent by ge- neral Lincoln to the Congrefs, and the dates of North-Carolina and Virginia, reprefenting the unpromifing appearance of affairs in South-Caro- lina. In confequence of thefe feveral requifiti- ons, Congrefs determined that a confiderable de- tachment from their main army fhould be imme- diately marched to the fouthward. The ftate of North-Carolina alfo ordered a large body of their militia to take the field, and to be relieved every three ( I27 ) three months. Thefe (lamina of a fecond fouth- ern army were originally defigned to compel the Britifh to raife the fiege of Charlefton, but, being too late for that bufinefs, they became a refpecl:- able check to the extenfion of their conquefls. The near approach of colonel Tarleton to Meck- lenburgh county, where he defeated colonel Bu- ford, induced general Rutherford to take the field for the defence of that part of the country. In three days he collected fifteen hundred militia at Charlotte town ; but as lieutenant-colonel Tarle- ton immediately retreated, they returned to their homes. About ten days after, lord Rawdon fix- ed a pod at the WaxKaws. General Rutherford a fecond time -collected eight hundred of his mi- litia brigade at Charlotte, and foon after his lord- ftiip retreated. The brave men, who fo willingly turned out for the defence of their country, at this time of difficulty, were reduced to the great- eft ftraits in providing themfelves with fuitable armour. They employed the fithe and fickle makers to convert iron and fteel, where-ever they could be found, into inftruments of defence. They had no lead but the fmall private flock acci- dentally in the pofleflion of hunters, and would have been equally deftitute of powder, if the re- mote magazines of South-Carolina had not been removed and lodged in their neighbourhood. The royalifts in both Carolinas, confident of Bri- tifh protection, now began to throw off the mafk, and were greatly increafed by acceffions from the multitude, ( ™8 ) multitude, who always fide with the firongefh A large body of this kind, on the twenty-fecond of June 1780, embodied in North-Carolina, at Ramfour's, under the command of col. Moore. The greateil part of thcfe had taken the oath of allegiance to the Irate of North-Carolina, and many of them had done militia duty in the American fervice ; but they were induced, on this occafion, by the perfuafion of their lead- ers, after having taken arms in fupport of royal government, to attempt a junction with the BritiiTi troops at fome of their out-pofts. This premature infurrection, in oppofition to the ad- vice of lord Cornwallis, who had recommended to his friends to remain inactive till he had ad- vanced into their fettlements, fubjected the roy- alifls to immediate dlfperfion. Their leaders, as well in North-Carolina as in the fouth itate, were for the mofl part perfons of inferior characters, deflitute of military or political talents, and wholly deficient in that fagacity which (elects the fitted feafons for accomplishing events. General Rutherford immediately marched againfl thefe infurgents, but was fo fhort of lead that he could arm only three hundred men. Colonel Lock advanced with this armed de- tachment twenty-five miles ahead to obferve the motions of the royalifts, whiift the main body halted behind in expectation of a fupply of am- munition from the mines of Virginia. Colonel Lock, though fo greatly inferior in force, was foon ( I29 ) foon reduced to the neceflity of attacking or of being attacked. He chofe the former. This was executed with great fpirit and judgment. Captain Falls, with a party of horfe, rufhed into the middle of the infurgents, and threw them into confufion. In this fkirmifh twenty-two of the whis: militia were killed or wounded. A- mong the former were fix of their officers who had been fingled out by rifle-men among the royaliits. The brave captain Falls was one of the (lain. Colonel Moore made a propofition to colonel Lock to defift from all hollilities for an hour, which, being agreed to by the latter, the former in that time ran off with his whole party. This infurrection was fcarcely quelled, when general Rutherford received information that colonel Brian, of Rowan county, in North- Carolina, had put himfelf at the head of a body of tories, in order to join the Britim. He in- ftantly marched to that part of the ftate, but failed in his object. Colonel Brian marched down the eaft fide of the Yadkin, and effected a junction with the royal army at Camden. As the Britifh advanced to the upper country of South-Carolina, a confiderable number of the determined friends of independence retreated be- fore them, and took refuge in North-Carolina. In this clafs was colonel Sumpter, a gentleman who had formerly commanded one of the conti- nental regiments, and who was known to poffefs a great mare of bravery and other military talents. Vol. II. S In ( i3° ) In a very little time after he had foriaken his home, a detachment of the Britifh turned his wife and family out of doors, burned the houfe, and every thing that was in it. A party of thefe exiles from South-Carolina, who had convened in North-Carolina, made choice of colonel Sump- ter to be their leader. At the head of this little band of freemen he foon returned to his own flate, and took the field againff the victorious Britifh. He made this gallant effort at a time when the inhabitants had generally abandoned die idea of fupporting their own independence, and when he had every difficulty to encounter. The flate was no longer in a condition to pay, clothe or feed the troops, who had enrolled them- felves under his command. His followers were, in a great meafure, unfurnifhed with arms and ammunition, and they had no magazines from which they might draw a fupply. The iron tools, on the neighbouring farms, was worked up for their ufe by common blackfmiths into rude wea- pons of war. They fupplied themfelves in part with bullets by melting the pewter with which they were furnifhed by private houfekeepers. They fometimes came to battle when they had not three rounds a man, and fome were obliged to keep at a diftance, till, by the fall of others, they were fupplied with arms. When they proved victorious they were obliged to rifle the dead and wor.nded of their arms and ammunition to equip them for their next engagement. At the head of thefe volunteers colonel Sumpter pe- netrated ( »3« ) fietrated into South-Carolina, and re-commenced a military oppofition to the Britifh, after it had been fufpended for about fix weeks. This un- looked-for impediment to the extenfion of Britifh conquefcs roufed all the pafiions which difappointed ambition can infpire. The late con- querors, having in their official defpatches, avert- ed ' that the inhabitants from every quarter had ' repaired to the detachments of the royal army, 6 and to the garrifon of Charlefton, to declare ' their allegiance to the King, and to offer their * fervices in arms in fupport of his government — 4 that in many inftances they had brought in pri- € foners, their former oppreffors or leaders — and ' that there were few men in South-Carolina that 6 were not either their prifoners or in arms with * them ;' and now, finding armed parties fud- denly appearing in favour of independence, were overwhelmed with aftonifhment, and filled with indignation. Their fucceffes had flattered them with hopes of diftinguifhed rank among the con- querors of America ; but thefe unexpected hof- tilities made them fear, that their names would be enrolled among thofe who, by pompous de- tails of Britifh victories, and exaggerated pictures of American fufferings, had deceived the people of England into a continued fupport of an ex- penfive and ruinous war. Forgetting their expe- rience in the northern ftates, they had believed the fubmiffion of the inhabitants to be fincere ; making no allowance for that propenfity in human nature which leads mankind, when in the power ( !32 ) of others, to frame their intelligence with more attention to what is agreeable than to what is true, the Britifh for iome time conceived that they had little to fear on the fouth fide of Virgi- nia. When experience convinced them of the fallacy of their hopes, they were tranfported with indignation aga'mft the inhabitants. Without taking any {hare of the blame to themfelves for their policy in conftraining men to an involuntary fubmiffion, they charged them with Itudied du- plicity and treachery. Lenient meafures were laid afide for thole which were dictated by the fpirit of revenge. Nor were opportunities long- wanting; for the indulgence of this malignant o o o paffion. The private foldiers of the royal army, after dtferting, had concealed themfelves among the inhabitants. Lord Rawdon, whofe temper was foured by difappointment, and whofe breafl was agitated with rage againll the new fubjects, as well for their unmeaning fubmiflions, as for their conniving at a practice fo injurious to the royal interefl, on the firft of July 1780 addreffed the following letter to H. Hugely, major of Bri- tifh militia, near their head-quarters at Camden : < Sir, 'So many deferters from this army have pafifed c with impunity through the diftricts which are ' under your direction, that I mull necefTarily fu- 6 fpecl the inhabitants to have connived at, if not ' facilitated their efcape. If attachment to their c fovereign ( *33 ) ' fovereign will not move the country-people to ' check a, crime fo detrimental to his fervice, it * mult be my care to urge them to their duty as ' good fubjecls by ufing invariable feverity to- ' wards every one who fhall fhew fo criminal a 6 neglect or' the publick intereft. I am therefore, * fir, to requeft of you that you fignify to all 6 within the limits of your command my firm f determination in this cafe. If any perfon (hall 6 meet a foldier draggling without a written pafs ' beyond the picquets, and fhall not do his ut- 4 moil to fecure him, or ihall not fpread an alarm 1 for that purpofe, or if any perfon fhall give 4 fhelter to foldiers draggling as above-mentioned, ' or fhall ferve them as a guide, or fhall furnifh c them with paffes or any other aififtance, the ' perfons fo offending may allure themfelves of c rigorous punifhment either by whipping, im- ' prifonment, or by being fent to ferve his majefty * in the Weft-Indies, according as I fhall think ' the degree of criminality may require. I have ' ordered that every foldier who palfes the pic- c quets ihall fubmit himfelf to be examined by ' any of the militia who have any fufpicion of ' him : if a foldier therefore attempts to efcape, ' when ordered by a militiaman to ftop, he is ' immediately to be fired upon as a deferter — Sin- i gle men of the light-horfe need not be exa- * mined, as they may often be fent alone upon ' expreffes — nor is any party of infantry with a * non-commlilioncd oihcer at the head of it to i be flopped. 63 ) c paroles in the following form, viz. acknowledg- * ing themfelves to be prifoners of war, upon ' parole, to his excellency fir Henry Clinton, and ' thereby engaged, until exchanged or otherwife ' releafed therefrom, to remain in Charlefton, ' unlefs permitted to go out by the commandant ; ' and that they fhould not in the mean-time do, ' or caufe any thing to be done, prejudicial to ' the fuccefs of his majefly's arms, or have in- c tercourfe or hold correfpondence with his ene- ' mies, and to furrender themfelves when requir- 4 ed ; which parole your memorialilts have en- ' deavoured ftrictly to obferve, nor are they con- ' fcious of the leaft violation of it. 'Notwithstanding which, on Sunday the * twenty-feventh inftant, early in the morning, ' your memorialifts were fuddenly arrelled, and ' carried to inftant confinement into the Ex- ' change ; from thence, about two or three hours ' after, they were put into boats, and carried on ' board the Sandwich guard-fhip, near fort John- ' (Ion ; and from thence, it is faid, are to be 4 fent on board a tranfport. ' Your memorialifts cannot conjecture the rea- ' fon of fuch extraordinary feverity, nor by what ' means they have forfeited thofe privileges, ex- ' prefsly fecured to them by the articles of capi- 6 tulation. 6 They requeft that full and fpeedy enquiry ' may ( *64 ) c may be made, and wifh to know what is the * nature of their offence, and who are their 6 accufers. ' Charlefton, Monday, Auguft 27, 1780.' To this no anfwer was directly obtained ; but a meffage from the commandant, delivered offi- cially by major Benfon, acknowledged that this extraordinary ftep had been taken ' from mo- ' tives of policy.' This relieved the prifoners from the apprehenfion that they were charged with a violation of their paroles ; but though they obtained this private fatisfa&ion, the royal Gazettes, in all parts of the Britim dominions, reprefented them as criminals, apprehended for being concerned in the moft difhonourable and mifchievous practices. On the firft of September following general Moultrie remonftrated to lieu- tenant-colonel Balfour againfl this proceeding in a letter expreifed in the following words : 6 Sir, 4 On perufing the paper, of the twenty-ninth * of Auguft, of Robertfon, M'Donald and Came- ' ron, publifhed by authority, to my aftonifhment ' I find a paragraph to this effect : " The follow- fi{ ing is a correct lift of the perfons fent on * moft of whofe characters 1 am fo well acquaint- ■ ed ( »6S ) * ed with that I cannot believe they would be * guilty of any breach of their paroles, or any c article of the capitulation, or done any thing ' to juftify fo rigorous a proceeding againft them* ' I therefore think it my duty, as the fenior con- ' tincntal officer, prifoner under the capitulation, ■ to demand a releafe of thofe gentlemen, par- c ticularly fuch as are entitled to the benefit of ' that act. This harfh proceeding demands my ' particular attention, and I do therefore, in be- ■ halt of the United States of America, require 6 that they be admitted immediately to return to ' their paroles, as their being thus hurried on ' board a prifon-fhip, and I fear without being ' heard, is a violation of the ninth article of the * capitulation. If this demand cannot be com- * plied with, I am to requefl: that I may have c leave to fend an officer to Congrefs, to repre- ' fent this grievance, that they may interpofe in * behalf of thefe gentlemen in the manner they * (hall think proper.' The only notice taken of this letter of general Moultrie was the following : ' Charlefton, September 4, 1780. 1 Sir, * The commandant, lieutenant-colonel Bal- 1 four, will not return any anfwer to a letter c wrote in fuch exceptionable and unwarrantable * terms as that to him from general Moultrie, 6 dated ( *66 ) c dated the firft inftant, nor will he receive any ' further application from him on the fubject of 6 it. c By order of the commandant, ' G. Benson, major of brigade. { To brigadier-general Moultrie.' The Britifh endeavoured to juftify this remov- al by alleging the right of the victors to remove prilbners whitherfoever they pleafe, without re- garding their convenience. Even where the vanquifhed are taken at unconditional mercy, this is one of thofe rigid rights of which a ge- nerous conqueror would not, but in cafes of extreme neceffity, avail himfelf. From officers of liberal minds, the humanity of mordern ci- vilized nations would give the prifoner, though furrendered without any terms, room to hope for every indulgence compatible with the intereft of his conqueror. But when men had given up their arms by a folemn capitulation, the cafe was much ftronger. In the furrender of Charleflon, the plain intention and fpirit of the capitulation, with refpeel to the citizens, was, on the part of the Americans, to give the Britifh quiet poffef- fion of the town, fortifications, Sec. as an equi- valent for their granting the inhabitants their property, and an unmolefted refidence at their homes, on the condition of an honourable ob- fervance of parole. This is exprefsly mentioned in the cafe of the country militia ; and with re- gard to the citizens of the town, they were pro- mifed ( i«7 ) mifed the fame fecurity for their property that the country militia had, and on the fame terms. Hence it was generally conceived, that the right of the citizens of Charlefton to refide at their homes, was not only ftrongly implied, but plain- ly expreffed in the capitulation : but as the article refpe&ing the inhabitants of the town, only pro- miled that they fhould be prifoners on parole, and did not immediately add in Charlefton, the Britifh commanders found a falvo for their ho- nour in removing gentlemen, charged with no breach of the capitulation, from their houfes, eftates, wives and children, by offering them that parole in St. Auguftine, to which they had an acknowledged right in Charlefton. Few fuch inftances can be produced in the modern hiftory of any civilized nation, with whom it is an efta- blifhed rule to conftrue capitulations, where am- biguous, in favour of the vanquifhed. The con- querors, in their great zeal to make fubje&s, forgot the rights of prifoners. To exprefs. his indignation at this ungenerous treatment, lieute- nant-governor Gadfden refufed to accept an of- fered parole in St. Auguftine, and, with the greateft fortitude, bore a clofe confinement in the caftle of that place for forty-two weeks, ra- ther than give a fecond one to a power which had plainly violated the engagement contained in the firft. The other gentlemen, who renewed their paroles in St. Auguftine, had the liberty of the town, but were treated with indignities .inimitable to their former rank and condition. Though ( i68 ) Though fcveral of them had been members of Congrefs, and had filled fome of the moft ho* nourable ftations in South-Carolina ; and though they had all given their paroles on the honour of gentlemen, not to exceed certain prefcribed limits ; yet, as if no dependence could be placed on thefe facred ties, they were ordered every day, by lieutenant-colonel Glazier, to appear on the publick parade, and to anfwer to their names at roll calling. For upwards often months they were fecluded from their wives and families, and durfl not correfpond with them without fubjecYing every letter to examination. Deftitute of gold and filver, they could fcarcely fupport themfelves, and they were lefs able to provide for their con- nexions, which were left in want and in the power of their conquerors. Cut off from all communication with their countrymen, they could receive no intelligence of publick affairs but through Britifh channels. In this forlorn fitua- tion, they were informed of feveral decifive bat- tles, which were reprefented as having complete- ly annihilated every profpeel of American inde- pendence, and they were taught to expect the fate of vanquifhed rebels. They alfo heard from high authority, that the blood of the brave but unfortunate Andre would be required at their hands. They were told that lieutenant-colonel Glazier, commandant of the garrifon in St. Au- guftine, had announced his fixed refolution in- itantly to hang up fix of them, if the exafperated Americans ihould execute their threats of put* ting ( ^9 ) ting to death colonel Brown, of the Eaft-Florida rangers. To all thefe indignities and dangers they fubmitted, without an application from a Tingle in- dividual of their number for Britifh protection. From the time that the citizens before menti* oned were fent off from Charlefton, St /.ugufline was made ufe of to frighten prifoners to petition for the privileges of fubjects. They who delayed their fub million were repeatedly threatened with banilhment from their families and eltates, to the inhofpitable Ihores of that barren country. To convince the inhabitants that the conquerors were ferioufly refolved to remove from the country all who refufed to become fubjects, an additional number of about thirty citizens, who frill re- mained prifoners on parole, was fhipped off on the fifteenth of November following. x Thefe were treated with more politenefs than the firft fet. The only charge exhibited againft them, as the reafon of their exile, was, that ' they dif- 4 covered no difpofition to return to their allegi- c ance, and would, if they could, overturn the £ Britifh government.' Lord Cornwallis did not flop here, but being determined to ufe every method to compel the re-eftablilhment of Britim government, as well by rewarding its friends, as punifhing its oppofers, his lordmip proceeded, very foon after the action of the fixteenth, to the fequeftration of all eftates belonging to the decided friends of America. y In the execution Y of x Sec note xxiii. ■' See note xxiv. ( 170 ) V of this bufinefs John Cruden, efquire, was ap- pointed to take pofTeflion of the eftates of parti- cular perfons, defignated in warrants ifiued by earl Cornwallis and lieutenant-colonel Balfour. Thefe were announced to the publick in notifica- tions, of which the following is a fpecimen : ' In confequence of the powers in me veiled, ' by the right hon. earl Cornwallis, and warrants ' received from his lordfliip and the command- c ant of Charlefton, I do hereby make publick, ' to all whom it may concern, that I have given ' the necefiary orders for the feizure of the * eftates, both real and perfonal, of thofe perfons * whole names are under mentioned, excepting 8 fuch property in Charlefton as is fecured to ' thofe who wrere in the town at the time of the * capitulation ; and I do hereby ftrictly prohibit 6 all and every perfon or perfons from attempting ' to conceal, remove, or in any way injure the c faid property, on pain of being punilhed as 6 aiding and abetting rebellion. 4 I do alfo forbid the payment of debts due to ' fuch perfons whofe names have been before or * are hereafter mentioned, and whofe eftates are ' now under fequeftration ; and I am warranted c to require, that all and every his majefty's loyal ' fubjtch, who may be indebted as aforefaid, do 4 forthwith furnifh me with an accurate and ex- c a6l ftate of the fame ; and mould any perfon * or perfons conceal, or in any refpecl: prove ' backward ( i?« ) e backward in delivering to me fuch information, * they will be confidered in the fame light as ' thofe who may attempt to remove, conceal or ' injure the moveable property, and treated ac- * cordingly. ' And, the more effectually to prevent any 6 collulive practices, I do hereby promife to all 1 thofe who may make difcoveries of the conceal- * ment of negroes, horfes, cattle, plate, houfe- c hold furniture, books, bonds, deeds, kc. fo ' that the property may be fecured, and the de- ' linquents punifhed, a generous reward. ' Given under my hand. (Signed) c John Cruden.' The names of perfons whofe eftates were or- dered for fequeftration were, from time to time, fubjoined. In the year 1778, when the then recent cap- ture of general Burgoyne's army, and the alli- ance with France, infpired all ranks of men in Carolina with confidence in the final effablifh- ment of their independence, the legiflature of that (late gave to all the friends of royal govern- ment their free choice, ot either joining them or of going where they pleafed, with their families and property. In the year 1780, when the Bri- tifh arms had the afcendant, the conquerors gave no alternative, but either to join them, and to fight ( i7* ) light againft their countrymen and confciences, or to be banifhed, under every reftriction of pri- foners of war. Inftead of being allowed to carry their eftates with them, they, whofe property- made it worth while, were (tripped of every thing ; and all, whether their eftates were fequef- tered or not, were deprived of the privileges of recovering their debts, and of felling or remov- ing their property without the permiffion of the conquerors. An adherent to independence was now confidered as one who courted exile, pover- ty and ruin. The temptation was too great to be refilled by thofe who were attached to their intereft and eafe. Numbers who formerly pro- fefled great zeal in the fupport of their country, and who continued their adherence to the caufe of America after the furrender of Charlefton, yielded to thefe temptations, and became Britifh fubjects. To difcourage the other dates from any further attempts in behalf of Carolina, an addrefs to lord Cornwallis was drawn up, in which the fubfcribers ' congratulated him for his ' glorious victory at Camden ; and exprefled their 6 indignation at Congrefs for disturbing the citi- * zens of Carolina, who were reprefented as hav- c ing broken off from the union, and re-united ' themfelves to the JBritiih empire/ z Though every method was ufed to obtain figners to this addrefs, yet no more than one hundred and fixty- four could be procured. Notwithftanding thefe difcouragements, the genius of America rofe fu- perior z See note xxv. ( *73 ) perior to them all. At no time did her fons ap- pear to greater advantage, than when they were deprefied by fucceflive misfortunes. They feem- ed to gain ftrength from their lofles, and, inftead of giving way to the prefiiire of calamities, to oppofe them with more determined refolution. CHAPTER ( 174 ) CHAPTER TWELFTH. Of colonel Fergufon's defeat. Lieutenant-colonel Tar- Ieton's defeat. Of the retreat of the American army into Virginia. Of their return to North- Carolina. Of the battle of Guilford courthoufe. Of lord Cornwallis's march to Wilmington. Ge- neral Greene's purfuit, and fubfequent return to South-Carolina, Of the reduction of fort Watfon. Of the battle of Hobkirk's hill near Camden. Of the evacuation of Camden. Of the reduction of fort Motte. Fort Granby. Fort Cornwallis. Of the fiege of Ninety -Six. Of the retreat of the American army. Of the battle of Eutaw. The retreat of the Britijh army to the vicinity of Charhfion, and the diflrejfes of the American army. HITHERTO the Britifh arms to the fouth- ward have been attended with almoft un- interrupted fuccefs. The royal flandards we have feen overfpreading all the country, penetrat- ing into every quarter, and triumphing over all oppolition. Their defeats at the Hanging-Rock and at Williams's, in the upper parts of South- Carolina, made but little impreffion on an army grown familiar with victories. Checks indeed they were, but nothing more, and the only checks they had fuftained fince their landing in the flate. The Britifh miniftry, by this flatter- ing pol'ture of aifairj, were once more intoxicated with ( '75 ) with the delufive hopes of fubjugating America* New plans were formed, and great expectations indulged of fpeedily re-uniting the difTevered members of the empire. The rafhnefs of gene- ral Burgoyne, and the languor of fir William Howe, were afTigned as the only caufes of that fhame and difappointment which had already dif- graced five fuccemve campaigns. It was now afferted with a confidence bordering on preemp- tion, that fuch troops as fought at Camden, put under fuch a commander as lord Cornwallis, would foon extirpate rebellion fo effectually as to leave no veftige of it in America. The Britifli miniftry and army, by an impious confidence in their own wifdom and prowefs, were duly pre- pared to give, in their approaching downfal, an ufeful leflbn to the world. The difafter of the army under general Gates, overfpread, at firft, the face of American affairs with a difmal gloom. But the day of profperity to the United States began, as will appear in the fequel, from that moment to dawn. Their prof- peds brightened up while thofe of their enemies were obfeured by difgrace, broken by defeat, and at lafl covered with ruin. Elated with their victory, the conquerors grew more infolent and rapacious, while the real friends of independence, thoroughly alarmed at their danger, became re~ folute and determined. We have feen Sumpter penetrating into South-Carolina, and recommenc- ing a military oppofition to Britifh government. Soon ( "76 ) Soon after that event he was promoted by go- vernor Rutledge to the rank of brigadier-general. About the fame time Marion was promoted to the fame rank, and, in the northeaftern extremis ties of the ftate, fuccefsfully profecuted the fame plan. This valuable officer., to whom Carolina is much indebted, had retired from Charleflon during the fiege, having mod fortunately for his country fraclured his leg, which rendered him incapable of commanding his regiment. After the furrender of the metropolis, he retreated to North-Carolina. On the advance of general Gates, he obtained a command of fixteen men — > with thefe he penetrated through the country, and took a pofition near the Santee. From this Itation he fallied out, captured a Britifh guard, and refcued a party of continental prifoners, who, having been taken on the fixteenth of Au- gufl 1780, were on their way from Camden to Charleflon. On the defeat of general Gates he was compelled to abandon the ftate ; but after an abfence of ten days he returned. Unfurni (li- ed with the means of defence, he was obliged to take poffeflion of the faws of the fawmills, and to convert them into horfemens' fwords. So much was he diflreffed for ammunition, that he has engaged when he had not three rounds to each man of his party. At other times he has brought his men into view, though without am- munition, that he might make a mew of numbers to the enemy. For feveral weeks he had under his command only feventy men, all volunteers from ( >77 ) from the militia. At one time hardfhips and dangers reduced that number to twenty-five; yet, with this inconliderable force, he fecured himfelf in the midft of furrounding foes. Va- rious methods were attempted to draw off his fol- lowers. Major Wemys burned fcores of houfes, belonging to the inhabitants living on Peedee, Lynch's creek and Black river, who were fuppof- ed to do duty with him, or to be fubfervient to his views. This meafure had a contrary effect from what was expecled. Revenge and defpair co-operated with patriotifm to make thefe ruined men keep the field. The devouring flames fent on defencelefs habitations by blind rage and bru- tal policy, increafed not only the zeal, but the number of his followers. The impoliticly con- duel of the Britiih on other occafions gained him frequent reinforcements. On one occafion ma- jor Wemys collected foine hundreds of the fenci- ble inhabitants, refiding near the Santee, and in an harangue to them fet forth, ' that the Britiih 4 were come to reicue them from tyranny and ' opprefiion.' While he amufed them with his eloquence, he had a party out who feized all their horfes. The enraged countrymen walked home, but foon after many of them repaired to general Marion. For feveral months he and his party were obliged to fleep in the open air, and to fhelter themfelves in the thick receflcs of deep Swamps. From thefe retreats he (allied out when- ever an opportunity of haraffitig the enemy or of ferving his country prefented itfelf. This wor- Vol. II. Z thy ( 578 ) thy citizen, on every occafion, paid the greateft regard to private property, and reflrained his men from every fpecies of plunder. On the whole, he exhibited a rare inftance of difinterefted pa- triotifm in doing and fuffering every thing fubfer- vient to the independence of his country. Opposition to Britifh government was not wholly confined to the parties commanded by general Sumpter and general Marion. It was at no time altogether extinct in the extremities of the ft ate. The inhabitants of that part of South- Carolina, which is called the New Acquifition from the circumftance of its being gained from North-Carolina by a late fettlement of the bound- ary-lines between the two provinces, never were paroled as prifoners, nor did they take protection as fubje&s. From among thefe people general Sumpter had recruited a confiderable part of his men. After his defeat on the eighteenth of Au- guft 1780, feveral of them repaired to that fet- tlement, and kept in fmall parties for their own defence. Some of them alio joined major Davie, an enterprifmg young gentleman who command- ed fifty or fixty volunteers, who had equipped themfclves as dragoons. This was the only Ame- rican corps which, at that time, had not been beaten or difperfed. The difpoikion to revolt, which had been excited on the approach of ge- neral Gates's army, was not extinguished by its defeat. By that check the fpirit of the people was over-awed, but not iubdued. The ieverity with ( >79 ) with which revolters who were taken had been treated, induced many others to perfevere, and to feek fafety in fwamps. Early in September 1780 colonel Clark col- lected a party, and inarched through the upper parts of South-Carolina on his way to Georgia. A few joined him in Ninety-Six, but the more prudent difcouraged him from his ill-timed en- terprize. He, however, profecuted his defign, and made a bold attempt on the Britifh poll at Augufta, but was foon obliged to flee out of the country. This premature infurrection paved the way to a much more ferious and general revolt. Colonel Brown, who commanded at Augulla, being relieved from his fears, treated with the utmoft feverity thofe of the inhabitants who had joined colonel Clark, or who were fuppofed to have favoured his defigns. Sufpicion began to fpread her baneful poifon. The Britifh, having loft all confidence in their new fubjedts, confined fome, and threatened others, who were entirely innocent of Clark's infurreclion. Thefe feveri- ties difgufted the people, and actually brought on that revolt which they were intended, to pre- vent. Some leading men were obliged, in felf- -defence, to break with their conquerors, and refume their arms in oppofition to them. From the time of the general fubmiiiion of the inhabitants in the fummer of 17S0, pains were taken to increafe the royal force by the co- operation ( i8o ) operation of the yeomanry of the country. Com- miflions in the militia were given by the Britifh commanders to fuch of the inhabitants as they fuppofed had influence, and were mod firmly attached to their intereft. They perfuaded the people to embody by reprefenting to the unin- formed that American affairs were entirely ruined, and that farther oppofition would only be a pro- longation of their diftrefTes, if not their utter ruin. They endeavoured to reconcile thofe who had families and were advanced in life to the bear- ing of arms, by confiderations drawn from the necefiity of defending their property and of keep- ing their domefticks in proper fubordination. From young men without families more was ex- pected. Whilfl lord Cornwall's was reftraincd from active operations by the exceflive heats and unhealthy feafon which followed his victory at Camden, colonel Fergufon, of the feventy-firft Britifh regiment, had undertaken personally to vifit the Settlements of the difafFected to the Ame- rican caafe, and to train their young men for Service in the field. With thefe, at a proper feafon, he was to join the main army, and to co-operate with it in the reduction of North-Ca- rolina. This corps had been chiefly collected from the remote parts of the State, and was in- duced to continue for fome length of time near to the weftern mountains, with the expectation of intercepting colonel Clark on his retreat from Georgia. Among thofe who joined colonel Fer- gufon were a considerable proportion of thofe li- centious ( i8i ) centious people who have collected themfelves out of all parts of America into thefe remote countries, and were willing to take the opportu- nity of the prevailing confufion to carry on their ufual depredations. As they marched through the country on the pretence of promoting the fervice of his Britannick majefty, they plundered the whig citizens. Violences of this kind, fre- •quently repeated, induced many perfons to confult their own fafety by fleeing over the mountains. By fuch lively representations of their Sufferings as the diftrefled are always ready to give, they com- municated an alarm to that hardy race of repub- licans who live to the weftward of the Alleghany. Hitherto thefe mountaineers had only heard of war at a diftance, and had been in peaceable poffeffion of that independence for which their countrymen on the fea-coaft were contending. Alarmed for their own fafety by the near ap- proach of colonel Fergufon, and roufed by the violences and depredations of his followers, they embodied to check the neighbouring foe. This was done of their own motion, without any requi- sition from the governments of America, or the officers of the continental army. Being all mounted and unincumbered with baggage, their motions were rapid. Each man fet out with bis blanket, knapfack and gun, in quell of colonel Fergufon, in the fame manner he was ufed to purfue the wild beafts of the forefL At night the earth afforded them a bed, and the Heavens a covering : the running ftream quenched their thirit, ( IS2 ) third, while a few cattle, driven in their rear, to- gether with the fupplies acquired by their guns, fecured them provifion. They foon found out the encampment of colonel Fergufon. This was on an eminence of a circular bafe, known by the name of King's Mountain, fituated near the con- fines of North and South-Carolina. Though colonel Campbell had a nominal command over the whole, their enterprize was conduced with- out regular military lubordination, under the di- rection of the four colonels, Cleveland, Shelby, Sevier and Williams, each of whom reflectively led on his own men. It being apprehended that colonel Fergufon was haflening his march down the country to join lord Cornwallis, the Ameri- cans felecled nine hundred and ten of their belt men, and mounted them on their fleeted horfes. "With this force they came up with colonel Fer- gufon on the feventh of October 1780. As they approached the royal encampment, it was agreed to divide their force. Some afcendcd the moun- tain, while others went round its bafe in oppofite directions. Colonel Cleveland, who led one of the detachments round the mountain, in his pro- grefs, difcovered an advanced picquet of the roy- al army. On this occafion he addreffed his party in the following plain unvarnifhed language : ' My ' brave fellows, we have beat the tories, and we 1 can beat them. They are all cowards. If they 6 had the fpirit of men, they would join with c their fellow-citizens in fupporting the indepen- * dence of their country. When engaged you ' are ( '33 ) 4 are not to wait for the word of command from * me. I will mew you by my example how to ' fight. I can undertake no more. Every man 4 muft confider himfelf as an officer, and act from 4 his own judgment. Fire as quick as you can, ' and fland your ground as long as you can. 4 When you can do no better, get behind trees 4 or retreat ; but I beg of you not to run quite 4 off. If we are repulfed, let us make a point to * return and renew the fight. Perhaps we may * have better luck in the fecond attempt than the 4 firft. If any of you are afraid, fuch have leave 4 to retire, and they are requeued immediately 4 to take themfelves off.' A firing commenced. Some of the Americans were on horfeback, others on foot. Some behind trees, and others expofed. None were under the reftraints of military difcipline, but all were animated with the enthufiafm of liberty. The picquet foon gave way, and were purfued as they retired up the mountain to the main body. Colonel Fergufon, with the preateft bravery, ordered his men to charge. The Americans commanded by colonel Cleveland followed his advice, and, having fired as long as they could with fafety, they retired from the approaching bayonet. They had fcarcely given way when the other detachment, com- manded by colonel Shelby, having completed the circuit of the mountain, opportunelv arrived, and from an unexpected quarter poured in a well-directed fire. Colonel Fergufon defided from the purfuit, and engaged with his new ad- verfaries. ( i84 ) verfaries. The Britifh bayonet was again fuc- cefsful, and caufed them alfo to fall back. By this time the party commanded by colonel Camp- bell had afcended the mountain, and renewed the attack from that eminence. Colonel Fergufon, whole conduct was equal to his courage, pre- fented a new front, and was again fuccefsful ; but all his exertions were unavailing. At this mo- ment the men who began the attack, no lefs obe- dient to the fecond requefl: of their commander in returning to their polls, than they were to the firft in fecuring themfelves by a timely re- treat, had rallied and renewed their fire. As often as one of the American parties was driven back, another returned to their ftation. Refin- ance on the part of colonel Fergufon was in vain ; but his unconquerable fpirit refufed to furrender. After having repulfed a fucceflion of adverfaries pouring in their fire from new directions, this diftinguifhed officer received a mortal wound. No chance of efcape being left, and all profpect of fuccefsful refiftance being at an end, the fe- cond in command fued for quarters. The killed, wounded and taken, exceeded eleven hundred, of which nearly one hundred were regulars. The afiailants had the honour of reducing a num- ber fuperior to their own. The Americans loft comparatively few, but in that number was that diftinguifhed militia-officer, colonel Williams, who has already been mentioned as uncommonly acYive in heading the whig citizens of the diftrict of Ninety-Six, in the date of South-Carolina. len ( »85 ) Ten of thefe men who had furrendered were hanged by their conquerors. They were pro- voked to this meafure by the feverity of the Bri- tifh, who had lately hanged a greater number of Americans at Camden, Ninety-Six and Augufta. They alfo alleged, that the men who fuffered were guilty of crimes for which their lives were forfeited by the laws of the land. This unexpected advantage gave new fpirits to the defponding Americans, and in a great degree fruftrated a well-concerted fcheme for flrengthening the Britifh army, by the co-opera- tion of the inhabitants who were difaffected to the caufe of America. It was fcarcely poffible for any event to have happened, in the prefent juncture of affairs, more unfavourable to the views of lord Cornwallis, than this reverfe of fortune. The fall of colonel Fergufon, who poifeffed fuperior talents as a par- tizan, was no fmall lofs to the royal caufe. In addition to the accomplishments of an excellent officer, he was a moil exact markfman, and had brought the art of rifle-mooting to an uncom- mon degree of perfection. He had invented a gun of that kind on a new confhuction, which is faid to have far exceeded every thing before known. The total rout of the royalifts, who had joined colonel Fergufon, operated as a check on their future exertions. The fame timid cau- tion which made them averfe from joining their Vol. II. A a countrymen, ( i86 ) countrymen, in oppofmg the claims of Great- Britain, reftrained them from rifking any more in fupport of the royal caufe. From this time forward many of them waited events, and re- ferred themfelves till the Britifh army, by their own unaffrfted efforts, fhould gain a decided fuperiority. In a few weeks after the general action near Camden, on the fixteenth of Augufl 1780, lord Cornwallis left a fmall force in that village, and marched with the main army to Charlotte. Whilft they lay there, general Sumner and ge- neral Davidfon, with a confiderable body of North-Carolina militia, took poll in the vicinity, and annoyed their detachments. Major Davie, whofe corps was greatly increafed by ftanch volunteers from the lower country, was particu- larly fuccefsful in intercepting their foraging- parties and convoys. Riflemen frequently pene- trated near the Britifh camp, and from behind trees took care to make fure of their object;, fo that the late conquerors found their fituation very uneafy, being expofed to unfeen danger if they attempted to make an excurfion of only a few hundred yards from their encampment. The defeat of colonel Fergufon, added to thefe circum- ftances, gave a ferious alarm to lord Cornwallis, and made him, while at Charlotte, apprehenfive for his own fafety. He therefore retreated, and fixed his next pofition at Winnfborough. As he retired, the militia took feveral waggons loaded with ( i87 ) with (lores, and fingle men often rode up within gun-fhot of his army, difcharged their pieces, and made their efcape. The panick occafioned by the reduction of Charlefton, and the defeat of general G?fes, be- gan to wear off. The defeat of colonel Fer- gufon, and the confequent retreat of lord Corn- wallis from Charlotte to Winniborough, encou- raged the American militia to repair to the camps of their refpe&ive commanders. The neceflity of the times induced them to fubmit to the ftri&er difcipline of regular foldiers. The legif- lature of North-Carolina put the militia of their ilate under the command of general Smallwood, of the continental army. Early in October, major-general Gates de- tached brigadier-general Morgan from Hillfoo- rough, with three hundred Maryland and Dela- ware troops, and eighty dragoons, to aid the exertions of the whig citizens of Mecklenburgh and Rowan counties. In an excurfion from this detached pofition, lieutenant-colonel Wafhington penetrated with a fmall force to the vicinity of Camden, and, on the fourth of December 1780, appeared before colonel Rugely's. This gentle- man, having taken a commiffion in the Britim militia, had made a flockade-fort round his houfe, in which he had collected one hundred and twelve of the men under his command. The appearance of the force, commanded by lieute- nant- ( i88 ) iiant-color.el Wafliington, produced an immedi- ate furrender of this whole party. A pine log enforced the propriety and neceflity of their fpeedy unrefifting fubmiiiion. This harmlefs timber, elevated a few feet from the furface of the earth by its branches which ftuck in the ground, was moulded by the imagination of the garrifon into artillery, completely equipped with all the apparatus of death. General Sumpter, foon after the difperfion of his force on the eighteenth of Auguft 1780, as has been before related, collected a corps of volunteers. About thirty of his party re-joined him immediately after that event. In three days more, .one hundred of the whig-citizens in the vicinity, on his requifition, rendezvoufed at Su- gar Creek, and put themfelves under his com- mand. With thefe, and other occafional rein- forcements, though for three months there was no continental army in the flate, he conftantly kept the field in fupport of American indepen- dence. He varied his pofnion from time to time about Enoree, Broad and Tyger rivers, and had frequent fkirmithes with his adverfaries. Having mounted his followers, he infefted the Britifh with frequent incurfions, beat up their quarters, intercepted their convoys, and io harafled them with fnccefiive alarms, that their movements could not be made but with caution and difficul- ty. On the twelfth of November 1780, he was attacked at Bread river by major Weyms, com- manding ( i89 ) manding a corps of infantry and dragoons. In this action the Britifh were defeated, and their commanding officer taken prifoner. Though ma- jor Weyms had perfonally fuperintended the exe- cution of mr. Adam Cufack, after ordering him to be hung, and though in his pocket was found a memorandum of feveral houfes burned by his command, yet he received every indulgence from his conquerors. On the twentieth of the fame month, general Sumpter was attacked at Black Storks, near Tyger river, by lieutenant-colonel Tarleton, at the head of a confiderable party. The action was fevere and obflinate. The killed and wounded of the Britifh was confiderable. Among the former were three officers, major Money, lieutenants Gibfon and Cope. The Americans loft very few, but general Sumpter received a wound, which, for feveral months, interrupted his gallant enterprizes in behalf of the ftate. His zeal and activity in animating the American militia when they were difcouraged by repeated defeats, and the bravery and good con- duct he difplayed in fundry attacks on the Britifh detachments, procured him the applaufe of his countrymen, and the thanks of Congrefs. aa The continental army which had been collect- ed, at Hillfborough, after their difperfion on the lixteenth of Auguft, moved down to Charlotte in the latter end of the year 1780. Congrefs authorized general Wafhington to appoint an of- ficer, sa See note xxvi. ( 19° ) fleer, to take the command in the fouthern diftrift. His excellency nominated major-general Greene, a native of the ftate of Rhode-Ifland, to this important truft ; and in confequence thereof he arrived in Charlotte the fecond day of December 1780. This illuftrious officer was univerfally acknowledged to poffefs great military talents, particularly a penetrating judgment, and a deci- five enterprifmg fpirit. Great were the difficul- ties he had to encounter. The principal part of his ftanding-force confifted of the few continen- tals who had efcaped from the defeat near Cam- den on the fixteenth of Auguft 1780. On the eighth of December, fix days after general Greene took the command, the returns of the fouthern army were nine hundred and feventy continentals, and one thoufand and thirteen mili- tia. The continentals were without pay, and almofl: without clothing. All fources of fupply from Charlefton were fhut up, and no imported article could be obtained but from a diftance of near two hundred miles. Though the American force was fmall, yet the procuring of provifions for its fupport, was a matter of the greateff. diffi- culty. The paper currency was fo depreciat- ed, that it was wholly unequal to the purchafe of neceflaries for the fuffering foldiers. Spe- cie could not be procured. Though general Greene was authorized to difpofe of a few bills, drawn by Congrefs on their minifter at the court of France, on a credit given him by that court, yet, fuch was the fituation of the country, that very ( '9< ) very little relief could be obtained from this quarter, and the greateft part of the bills were returned unfold. The confufion and diforder which prevailed near the feat of war increafed the difficulty of procuring fupplies. The govern- ment of North-Carolina had adopted an incon- venient fyftem of collecting provifions. The flate was divided into little diftricts, in which commiflaries and quarter mafters were duly ap- pointed, but not connected with each other un- der a common head of the department. General Greene's experience in the bufinefs of quarter- mafler enabled him to point out the defects of this arrangement, and to introduce fuch falutary alterations as the publick fervice required. The good effects of this new fyftem, united under one head, were quickly felt. The want of money {till remained an infuperable obftacle to the pur- chafing of provifions. The only refource left for fupplying the American army was by impreifment. The country had been fo completely ravaged, that all which could be obtained even in that way, in the vicinity of the army, was far ftiort of a fuffi- ciency. To fupply the army, and plcafe the inhabitants, was equally neceffary. To feize upon their property, and preferve their kind affections, was a moft delicate point, and yet of the utmoft moment, as it furnifhed the army with provifions without impairing the difpofition of the inhabitants to co-operate with the continental troops in recovering the country. This grand object called for the united efforts of both. There- fore,. ( *92 ) fore, that the bufinefs of impreflment might be conducted in the leafl offenfive manner, it was transferred from the military to the civil officers of the ftate. This was not only more effectual, but it alfo prevented two other evils of danger- ous confequence — the corruption of the discipline of the army — and, the mifapplication of property impreffed for the publick fervice. With an inconfiderable army, miferably pro- vided, general Greene took the field againfl a fuperior Britifh regular force, which had march- ed in triumph two hundred miles from the fea- coaft, and was flufhed with fuccefiive victories through a whole campaign. To face an hofl of difficulties, the American general had the juftice of his caufe, his own valour and good conduct, a very refpeclable cavalry, and the Maryland and Delaware continentals who had ferved upwards of four years, and who, for their numbers, were equal to any troops in the world. Many of the inhabitants who, from neceffity, had fubmitted to the Britifh government, mod cordially wiihed him good fpeed ; but the unfuc- cefsful attempt of general Gates to recover the country, made the cautious and timid, for fome time, very flow in repairing to the flandard of liberty. Soon after general Greene took the command, he divided his force, and fent a rcfpcctable de- tachment. ( J93 ) tachment, under general Morgan, to the weflern extremities of South-Carolina, and marched on the twentieth of December with the main body to Hicks's creek, on the north fide of the PeeJee, oppofite to Cheraw hill. This divifion of the lit- tle American army into two partb, io remote rrom each other that they could not co-operate, was rilking much ; but the neceffity of the cafe gave no alternative. The continental army was too inconiiderable to make fuccefsful oppofition to the fuperior numbers of lord Cornwallis without the mofl powerful co-operation of the militia of the country. To give them an opportunity of embodying it was neceiTary to cover both extre- mities of the ftate. After the general fubmimon of the militia in the year 1780, a revolution took place highly favourable to the interefts of America. The refidence of the Britim army, inftead of increaf- ing the real friends to royal government, dimi- nifhed their number, and added new vigour to the oppofite party. In the diflrict of Ninety-Six, moderate meafures were at firll adopted by the Britim commanders, but the effects of this were fruftrated by the royalifts. A great part of thofe who called themfelves the King's friends, had been at all times a banditti, to whom rapine and violence were familiar. On the refcoration of royal government, thefe men preferred their claim to its particular notice. The conquerors were ih far impofed on by them, that they promoted Vol. II. B b fome ( J94 ) fome of them who were of the mofl infamous c raclers. Men of fuch bafe minds and merce- nary principles, regardlefs of the capitulation, gratified their private refentments, and their rage for plunder, to the great diftrefs of the new- made iubjects, and the greater injury of the royal intereft. Violences of this kind made fome men break their engagements to the Britifh, and join the Americans. Their revolt occafioned fufpicions to the prejudice of others who had no intention of following their example. Fears, jealoufies and diftruft, haunted the minds of the conquerors. All confidence was at an end. Se- vere meafures were next tried, but with a worfe efTjc"t. Lieutenant-colonel Balfour, an haughty and imperious officer, who commanded in that did net, was more calculated, by his infolence and overbearing conduct, to alienate the inhabi- tants from a government already beloved, than to reconcile them to one which was generally difliked. By an unwarrantable ftretch of his au- thority, he ifTued a proclamation, by which it was declared, ' that every man who was not in his ' houle by a certain day, mould be fubject to 6 military execution.' The Britifh had a pod in Ninety-Six for thirteen months, during which time the country was filled with rapine, violence and murder. Applications were made daily for redrefs, yet in that whole period there was not a fmgle inftance wherein punifliment was inflicted either on the foldiery or tories. The people foon found that there was no fecurity for their lives, liberties ( 195 ) liberties or property, under the military govern- ment of Britifh officers, which fubjected them to the depredations of a malicious mercenary banditti, falfely calling themfelves the friends of royal government. The peaceable citizens were reduced to that uncommon diftrefs, in which they had more to fear from oppreffion than refin- ance ; they therefore moft ardently wifhed for the appearance of an American force. Under thefe favourable circumstances general Greene detached general Morgan to take a pofition in the weftern extremity of the (late. There he arrived on the twenty-fifth of December 1780. On the twenty-ninth he difpatched lieutenant- colonel Wafhington, with his own regiment, and two hundred militia-horle, commanded by lieu- tenant-colonel M'Call, to attack a body of to- nes who were plundering the whig inhabitants. Lieutenant-colonel Wafhington came up with them on the thirtieth, near Hammond's flore- houfe, and charged them, on which they all fled without making any refiftance. Many were kill- ed or wounded, and about forty taken prifoners. On the next day lieutenant-colonel Wafhing- ton detached cornet James Simons, with a com- mand of eleven regulars and twenty-five militia, to purfue the fugitives, and to furprize a fort a few miles diftant, in which general Cunningham commanded about one hundred and fifty Britifh militia. This fort, fituated feventeen miles from Ninety-Six, was ftrongly picquctted in every direction ; ( *& ) direction ; and, befides containing a great deal of plunder taken from, the whig inhabitants, was well ftored with forage, grain and other provifi- ons for the life of the Britifh army. As foon as the Americans were difcovered, , general Cun- ningham and all his men abandoned the fort. Cornet Simons ftationed his detachment, and, advancing with a flag, demanded their furrender. General Cunningham requefted time to confult his officers, and five minutes were given him for that purpofe. In that fhort fpace the whole party of tories ran off, and difperfed themfelves through the woods. Cornet Simons, after deflroying the fort, and all the provifions in it, which he could not carry away, rejoined lieutenant-colonel Wafh- ington without any moleftation. These fucceffes, the appearance of an Ame- rican army, a fin cere attachment to the caufe of independence, and the impolitick conduct of the Britifh, induced feveral perfons to refume their arms, and to act in concert with the detachment of continentals. Lord Cornwallis wifhed to drive general Morgan from this ftation, and to deter the inhabitants from joining him. Lieutenant- colonel Tarleton, at the head of a thoufand regu- lars, was ordered to execute this bufmefs. The Britim had two field-pieces, and the fuperiority of numbers in the proportion of five to four, and particularly of cavalry, in the proportion of three to one. Befides this inequality of force, two thirds of the troops under general Morgan were militia. ( 197 ) militia. With thefe fair profpects of fuccefs lieutenant-colonel Tarleton, on the feventeenth of January 178 1, engaged general Morgan, with the expectation of driving him out of the coun- try. General Morgan had obtained early intel- ligence of Tarleton's force and advances, and drew up his men in two lines. The whole of the fouthern militia, with one hundred and ninety from North Carolina, under major M'Dowel, were put under the command of colonel Pickens. Thefe formed the firfl line, and were advanced a few hundred yards before the fecond, with or- ders to form on the right of the fecond when forced to retire. The fecond line confided of the light-infantry, under lieutenant-colonel How- ard, and a fmall corps of Virginia militia rifle- men. Lieutenant-colonel Waihington, with his cavalry, and about forty-five militiamen mounted and equipped with fwords, under lieutenant-colo- nel M'Call, were drawn up at fome diltance in the rear of the whole. The Americans were formed before the Britifh appeared in fight. Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton halted and formed his men when at the diflance of about two hun- dred and fifty yards from the front line of gene- ral Morgan's detachment. As foon as the Bii- tifh had formed they began to advance with a fhout, and poured in an inceffant fire of mufketry. Colonel Pickens directed the militia under his command not to fire till the Britim were within forty or fifty yards. This order, though executed with great firmnefs and fuccefs, was not fufficient to ( i93 ) to repel the advancing foe. The American mili- tia were obliged to retire, but were foon rallied by their officers. The Eritilli advanced rapidly and engaged the fecond line, which, after a mod obftinate conflict, was compelled to retreat to the cavalry. In this crifis of the battle lieutenant- colonel Wafhington made a fuccefsful charge upon lieutenant-colonel Tarleton who was cut- ting down the militia. Lieutenant-coionel How- ard, almoft at the fame moment, rallied the con- tinental troops, and charged with fixed bayonets. The example was inftantly followed by the mili- tia. Nothing could exceed the aftonifhment and confufion of the Britifh, occafioned by thefe un- expected charges. Their advance fell back upon their rear, and communicated a panick to the whole. In this moment of confufion lieutenant- colonel Howard called to them ' to lay down c their arms,* and promifed them good quarters. Upwards of five hundred accepted the offer, and furrendered. The firft battalion of the feventy- firft regiment, and two Britifh light-infantry com- panies laid down their arms to the American militia. Previous to this general furrender, three hundred of the corps, commanded by lieutenant- colonel Tarleton, had been killed, wounded or taken. Eight hundred (tand of arms, two field- pieces, and thirty-five baggage-waggons, alio fell into the hands of the Americans. Lieutenant- colonel Waihington purfued the Britifh cavalry for feveral miles, but a great part of them efcap- ed. The Americans had only twelve men killed, and ( *99 ) and fixty wounded. General Morgan, whofe great abilities were difcovered by the judicious difpofition of his force, and whofe activity was confpicuous through every part of the action, obtained the univerfal applaufe of his country- men. And there never was a commander better fupported than lie was by the officers and men or bis detachment. The glory and importance of this action refounded from one end of the continent to the other. It re-animated the de- fponding friends of America, and feemed to be like a refurrection from the dead to the fouthern ftates. General Morgan's good conduct on this me- morable day was honoured by Congrefs with a gold medal. That illuftrious afTembly, on this occafion, prefented alfo a medal of filver to colo- nel Wafhington, another to lieutenant-colonel Howard, a fword to colonel Pickens, a brevet majority to Edward Giles, the general's aid-de- camp, and a captaincy to baron Glafback, who had lately joined the light-infantry as a volun- teer. bb This aclion reflected fo much honour on the American arms, that general Morgan tranfmitted to Congrefs an official account of the names of the continental officers who mared in the glory thereof. cc The Britiih legion, hitherto triumphant in a variety of hVirmifhes, en this oc- cafion loft their laurels, though they were fup- ported by the feventh regiment, one battalion of the bb See note xxyii. cc See note xxviii. ( 200 ) the feventy-firft, and two companies of light- infantry. Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton had hi- therto acquired diftinguifhed reputation, bul_he was greatly indebted for his military fame to good fortune and accident. In all his previous en- gagements he either had the advantage of fur- prizing an incautious enemy — of attacking them when panick-ftruck after recent defeats — or of being oppofed to undifciplined militia. He had gathered no laurels by hard fighting againft an equal force. His repulfe on this occafion did more effential injury to the Britifh intereft than was compenfated by all his victories. Tarl Eton's defeat was the firft link, in a grand chain of caufes, which finally drew down ruin, both in North and South-Carolina, on the royal intereft. The feries of victories, which had followed the Britifh arms in the firft nine months of the year 1780, had been confidered by the fanguine royalifts as decifive with refpect to the molt fouthern colonies, and had led to the for- mation of extenfive plans for the year 178 1. To favour their execution, major-general Leflie, with about three thoufand men, was detached from New-York to the Chefapeak. It was ex- pected that this force would not only create a diverfion in Virginia, but alfo intercept any fuc- cours that might be fent from the American northern army to the fouthward. The diftance between the royal armies in Virginia and South- Carolina was too great for an active co-operation. Lord ( 301 ) Lord Cornwallis therefore ordered general Leflie to proceed without delay from the Chefapeak to Charledon, and to march direclly from thence with fifteen hundred men to join the royal army under his own immediate command. To facilitate the intended operations againft North-Carolina and Virginia, major Craig, with a detachment of about three hundred men from the garrifon of Charlef- ton, one frigate, and two floops of war, took porfelTion of Wilmington, in the former (late, ear- ly in the year 1781, and about the fame time the latter was again invaded by a confiderable force from New- York, commanded by general Arnold. This is the fame Arnold who, after diftinguifhing himfelf as an American officer for the firfl live years of the war, changed fides in the year 1780, and was immediately thereon promoted by the Britiih to the rank of brigadier- general. The eftablifhment of a Brkim poil on Cape Fear river, befides the diverfion it afforded, was well calculated to furnim the royal army, while, in North-Carolina, with fuppli.es by the eafieft and fafeft conveyance. Jt was prefumed that the invafion of Virginia would confine the attention of its inhabitants to their own domeftick defence ; and that the two Carolinas, thus unfupported, would be difcouraged from perfevering in refin- ance. Lord Cornwallis, though preparing to extend Vol. IT. C c his ( 202 ) his conquefb northward, was not inattentive to the fecurity of South-Carolina. Befides the force at Charlefton, he left a considerable body of troops, under the command of lord Rawdon. Thefe were principally ftationed at Camden, from which central fituation they might be eafily drawn forth to defend the frontiers, or to fupprefs inter- nal infurrecYions. While thefe arrangements were making, the year 178 1 commenced, with the fairefl profpects to the friends of Britifh government. The ad- mirers of lord Cornwallis flattered themfelves that his victory at Camden was but the dawn of his glory — that his exertions in the approaching campaign would immortalize his name as the conqueror of America. The determined refift- ance of the inhabitants of North- Carolina, in iront of the royal army, was as little thought of as- the unconquerable difaffeclion of the citizens of South-Carolina in its rear. Great dependence was placed on the expected co-operation of the loyalifts. Their numbers and zeal for royal go- vernment had been represented as fo confiderable, that North-Carolina was fcarcely confidcred in any other light than as the road to Virginia. A junction with the forces under general Arnold was expected at fo early a day as to give time for profecuting farther operations againfl Maryland and Pennfylvania. The fanguine expectations of fome went fo far, as to count upon a junction with the royal army in New-York, and the fub- jugation ( 2°3 ) jugation of every ft ate to the fouthward of Hud- ibn's river, before the clofe of the campaign. Whilft lord Cornwallis was anticipating, in ima- gination, a rich harveft of glory, from a rapid fucceflion of victories, he received the intelli- gence, no lefs unwelcome than unexpected, of the complete overthrow of the detachment led by lieutenant-colonel Tarleton. So contempti- ble, from their conduct at Camden, was his lordfhip's opinion of the American militia — fo unlimited was his confidence in the courage and abilities of lieutenant-colonel Tarleton, that, of all improbable events, none feemed to him more improbable than that an inferior force, two thirds militia, mould gain fuch a decifive advantage over his favourite hero. This unexpected event led to (till more ferious confluences. The royal army was effentially injured in its future move- ments, for want of the light troops loft on that occafion. Befides, it precipitated the invafion of North-Carolina before the fchemes fubfervient to that grand defign were fully completed. Lord Cornwallis, with the expectation of regaining the prifoners taken on the feventeenth of January at the battle of the Cowpens, and to obliterate the impreffion made by that engagement, inftantly began thofe marches and countermarches, which, after various conflicts and innumerable hardfhips, ultimately terminated in the furrender of his whole army. The rapid movements of the JBritiih, under the ( 204 ) the expectation of retaking their captive fellow - ioidiers, induced general Greene immediately to retreat from Hicks's creek, left, by croiCng the upper fources of the Peedee. they mould get between him and general Morgan, or intercept his army before it could reach Virginia. Had lord Cornwailis fucceeded in this lcheme, he could have interrupted reinforcements and fupplies bom- "mrr from Virginia, and micht have reduced ere- neral Greene to the necefiity of fighting to a great difadvantage, and witnout any place of fafety for a retreat. In this critical fituation ge- neral Greene rode one hundred and fifty miles through the country to join general Morgan on the Catawba — that, by being in front of lord Cornwailis, he might bed. direct the motions of both divifions of his army. Major Hyrne had been previoufiy detached to receive the Britifh prifoners, with orders to conduct them to Vir- ginia. Guilford courthoufe was fixed upon as the place of rendezvous for the two divifions of the Americans ; and general Huger, who com- manded the main armv, was ordered to retreat thither. To favour an expeditious mirch the heavy baggage was directed, after filing off from the route which general Huger was to purfue, to make all poilible difpatch for Hilliborough, and to pal's the Roanoke at Taylor's ferry. This cir- eiimfrancc enabled the army to move with rapi- dity, and to crofs the Dan without the lofs of baggage or (tores. The ( 205 ) The retreat from the Peedee commenced on the twenty-eighth of January 1781,. and was conducted under circumflances requiring the ut- mofi exeitions of patience. The Americans underwent hardfhips almoft incredible. Many of them performed this march without fhoes over frozen ground, and through flinty roads, which fo gamed their naked feet, that the fpouting blood marked every ft ep of their progrefs. They were fome time without meat, often without flour, and always without fpirituous liquors. In this extreme feafon alfo, with very little clothing, they were every day reduced to the necemty of ford- ing deep creeks, and of remaining wet without any change of clothes, till the heat of their bo- dies, and occafional fires in the woods, dried their tattered rags. Their march led them through a barren country, which fcarcrly afford- ed neceflaries for a few draggling inhabitants. They were alfo retarded with apparently unfur- mountable difficulties horn heavy rains, deep creeks, broken bridges, bad roads and poor horfes. They fubmitted to all thefe difficulties without the lofs of a fmgle fentinel by defertion. Lord Cornwallis deifroyed his fuperiluous bag- gage, and every thing which was not necellary in action, or to the ex'ulence of the troops. No waggons were referved, excepting thole loaded with hofpital-ftores, fait, and ammunition, and four empty ones for the ufe of the fick. The royal army fubmitted to unul'ual trials and hard- ihips, with a molt general and cheerful acqui- escence. ( 206 ) efcence. They beheld, without murmuring, their mod valuable baggage deftroyed, their fpirituous liquors (laved, when they we're entering on a fervice in which it would be much wanted, and under circumftances which precluded every prof- peel: of future fupply. The Britifh had urged the purfuit of general Morgan with fo much rapidity, that they came to the ford of the Catawba on the evening of the fame day that the Americans had crofled. Be- fore the next morning a heavy fall of rain had made it impaffable. The Americans, confiding in the protection of Heaven, confidered this event as a fpecial interpofition of Providence in favour of their righteous caufe. It is certain that if the rifing of the river had taken place a few hours earlier, general Morgan, with his whole detachment, and five hundred prifoners, could have fcarcely had any chance of efcape. The Americans having effected their pafTage be- fore the rain, major Hyrne proceeded with the prifoners, and general Morgan continued on the north banks of the Catawba, to oppofe the paf- fage of the Britifh army. At this crilis general Greene joined general Morgan, and prevented his going over the mountains which was intend- ed, and directed the movements of the detach- ment lateiy under his command, fo as to favour the fcheme of forming a junction at Guilford courthoufc with the main army under general linger. As ( i°7 ) As ibon as the paffage of the Catawba was practicable, lord Cornwallis made preparations for croffing. The more effectually to deceive the Americans he made a feint of palling at feve- ral different fords ; but the real attempt was made very early in the morning of the fir ft of February, at a ford near M'Cowan's, the north banks of which were defended by a guard of militia, under the command of general Davidfon. The Britifh marched through the river upwards of live hundred yards wide, and about three feet deep, fuftaining the fire from the oppofing mili- tia, which they never returned till after landing, they formed on the fhore. The early fall of the brave general Davidfon difpirited his party, who, feeking fafety in a precipitate flight, left the Bri- tifh to effect their paffage without the oppofition which was at firfh expected. The militia, through- out the neighbouring fettlements, who had hi- therto only heard of the dangers of war, were totally difpirited. Though general Greene rifked himfelf at a diftance from his troops to excite them to arms, yet very few of them could be perfuaded to take or keep the field. A fmall party, collected at Torrans's houfe, about ten miles from the ford, was foon difperfed by lieute- nant-colonel Tarleton. All the fords were aban- doned, and the whole royal army, with their baggage and artillery, croffed over without any farther oppofition. A military race now commenced between the ( *o8 ) the purfuing Britifli and the fleeing Americans. The latter retreated as expeditioufly as poflible, and croffed the Yadkin partly in flats and partly by fording on the fecond and third days of Fe- bruary, and fecured the boats on the north fide. Though lord Cornwallis was clofe in the rear, yet the want of boats, and the rapid rifing of the river, from preceding rains, made his crofling impoflible. This fecond hair-breadth efcape was confidered by the Americans as a frefh evidence that their caufe was favoured by Heaven. They viewed it in every point of light with pious gra- titude, and frequently remarked, that if the rifing of the river had taken place a few hours earlier, it would have put general Morgan's whole de- tachment in the power of a greatly fuperior army ; if a few hours later, that the paflage of it would have been effected by lord Cornwallis, fo as to have enabled him to get between the two divifi- ons of the American army, a circumftanee which might have been of fatal confequence to both. That the Americans with their prifoners fhould, in two fucceflive inftances, effect their paflage, while the Rritifh, whofe advance was often in fight of the rear of their retreating enemy, feem- ed to be providentially reftrained, affe&ed the devout people of that fettlement with lively thank- iulnefs to Heaven, which added frefh vigour to their exertions in behalf of their country. The Britifli having failed in their fcheme of eroding at the trading ford on the Yadkin, were obliged ( 2°9 ) obliged to march to the upper fords which are generally paffable. This gave time for the junc- tion of the two divifions of the American army. While matters were in this fituation between the two main armies, general Marion, though furrounded with enemies, had defended himfelf with a few faithful militia in the fwamps and mo- raffes of the fettlements near Charlefton, and was frequently fallying out from his hiding- places, and enterprifing fomething in behalf of his country. Having mounted his followers, their motions were rapid, and their attacks un- expected. With thele light troops he intercepted the Britifh convoys of provifions, infefted their out-pofts, beat up their quarters, and harafTed them with fuch frequent alarms,, that they were obliged to be always on their guard. On the twenty-ninth of January 1781 he fent two fmali detachments of militia-dragoons, under the com- mand of major Poftell and captain Poftell, to crofs the Santee. The former deftroyed a great quantity of valuable ftores at Manigauk's ferry ; the latter did the fame at another place in the vicinity. Thence he marched to Reithfield near Monk's Corner, where he deftroyed fourteen waggons loaded with foldiers' clothing and bag- gage, befides feveral other valuable itores, and took forty prifoners, chiefly Britifh regulars, and effected the whole without any lofs. General Greene and general Huger formed Vol. II. D d a ( "o ) a junction on the feventh of February 1781, near Guilford courthoufe. Though this was ef- fected, their whole number was fo much inferior to the Britifli, that general Greene could not, with any propriety, rifk an action. In this criti- cal fituation he called a council of officers, who unanimoufly concurred in opinion, that he ought to retire over the Dan, and to avoid a general action till he was reinforced. Lord Cornvvallis, well knowing the inferiority of the American army, conceived hopes, by getting between ge- neral Greene and Virginia, to cut off his retreat — intercept his fupplies and reinforcements — and oblige him to fight while he was hemmed in by the great rivers in the weft, the fea on the earl, lord Rawdon in the fouth, and the main royal army in the north. To this end his lord- mi p kept the upper country, where only the ri- vers are fordable, fuppofing, from information, that his adverfaries, from the want of a fufficient number of flats, could not make good their paf- fage in the deep water ; or, in cafe of that at- tempt, he prefumed he would overtake and force general Greene to an action before the Ameri- can army could crofs. In the profecution of this plan, lord Cornwallis was completely baffled. The advantages refulting from the feafon of the year, and from the face of the country, inter- fered with rivers and creeks, were fo improved by general Greene as to elude his lordfhip. The Cervices of the light army were never more eflen- tially necefiary or confpicuous than on this re- treat. ( **« ) treat, To increafe its force, the legion, com- manded by lieutenant-colonel Lee, was therefore incorporated with it, and the regular battalion of infantry, under the command of lieutenant-colo- nel Howard, was filled up — The whole, includ- ing thofe two corps, the cavalry commanded by lieutenant-colonel Wafhington, and a fmall corps of Virginia riflemen, under major Campbell, amounted to about feven hundred of the flower of the American army. The command of this light corps was given to colonel Williams, com- mandant of the Maryland line, and deputy ad- jutant-general of the American army. The ma- noeuvres of this valuable detachment, in fecond- ing the views of general Greene, reflected the greater!: honour on its leader, and contributed much to fruftrate the fchemes of earl Cornwallis. The retreat commenced from Guilford court- houfe the tenth of February. The better to avoid a rapid purfuit, the main and light army took different routes. The next day the latter had a rencounter with the van of the Britifh army, in which an officer and fix or feven of lieutenant- colonel Tarleton's legion were made prifoners, and feveral were killed. Frequent fkirmifhes and the manoeuvres which were praclifed to mif- lead lord Cornwallis, with regard to the route that the main army was to purfue, had the defired effect, and gave general Greene time to fend for- ward his baggage. The defign of the American general, notwithstanding he aiTumed appearances of confidence, became every day more apparent. Lord ( *12 ) Lord Cornwallis grew more ardent, and urged his purfuit with fo much rapidity, that the Ame- rican light troops were, on the fourteenth, com- pelled to retire upwards of forty miles. By the mod indefatigable exertions general Greene had that day, without any lofs or interruption, tranf- ported his main army, artillery and baggage into Virginia, by crofling Boyd's and Irwin's ferries on the Dan, and perfonally waited the arrival of the light troops, all of which he faw fafe over the river that night — fo rapid was the purfuit, and fo narrow the efcape, that the van of the Britilh juft arrived as the rear of the Americans had croffed. The hardihips and difficulties which the royal army had undergone in this rapid march, were exceeded by the mortification that al! their toils and exertions were in vain. They conceived it next to impoffible that general Greene could efcape without receiving a decifive blow ; they therefore, with vigour and perfeverance, encoun- tered and furmounted diftreifes and difficulties of which they, who refide in cultivated countries, can form no adequate ideas. After thefe fuffer- ings, when they fancied themfelves within grafp of their object, they difcovered that all their hopes were fruftrated. Though lord Cornwallis failed in his main object, yet he conlbied himfelf with the idea that he had driven the rebel army out of the province, and that there was now no force in North-Carolina to prevent the loyal inhabitants from ( **3 ) from making good their promife of a general rifing in favour or Britifh government. His lord- fhip being in no condition to invade fo powerful a (late as Virginia, defifted from any farther purfuit of the American army. And in order to encourage the loyalifls, he retired to Hillf- borough, and there e reeled the royal ftandard, and to it invited, by proclamation, all his friends to repair. dd Seme particular caufes had ope- rated in North -CaroHna very favourably to his lordfhip's expectations. A few years before the commencement of the American war a large body of men, under the denomination of Regu- lators, oppreifed with the mal-praclices of fome avaricious individuals, had forcibly oppofed the adminiftration of civil government under the offi- cers of the crown. Thefe infurgents, though numerous, being undifcipiined, and for the mod part without arms, were eafily diiperfed by go- vernor Tryon at the head of the incorporated militia of the country. Some of their leaders were killed in aftion, others were hanged, and all of them were involved in diftrefs. 7 his large body, having fo recently experienced the power of royal government, never heartily acquiefced in the meafures of Congrefs. They confidered them as fimilar in their origin, and mo ft likely to be fo in their confequences, to their own un- fortunate fchemes of regulation. Thefe diiTen- tients, from the general voice of America, were artfully managed by the royal governors Tryon and dd See note xxix. ( iU ) and Martin, and formed into a party for the fup- port of Britim government. There was alfo a numerous fettlement of Scotch Highlanders in that ftate, particularly at Crofs-Creek, who, in common with a majority of their countrymen elfewhere, were inimical to the caufe of America. From thefe, and other caufes which operated on the timid, the felfifh and uninformed, the friends of royal government were, at this particular pe- riod, more numerous perhaps in North-Carolina than in any other of the Hates. A fair oppor- tunity was now given for their manifefling to the world, whether they oppofed American meafures from ignorance, cowardice, intereft, or from a virtuous love of the old conflitution. To coun- teract his lordmip's fcheme of embodying the tories, the American army very fuddenly, on the twenty-third day of the fame month, re-croifed the Dan, and immediately after fome light troops, commanded by general Pickens and lieutenant- colonel Lee, were detached in purfuit of lieute- nant-colonel Tarleton. This officer, with a con- siderable force of cavalry and infantry, had crofTed over Haw river to countenance the royal- ifts, and encourage them to an infurrecYion. Co- lonel Pyles, at the head of three hundred and fifty tories, on their way to join the Britim, fell in with this light American party, and as he had no fufnicion of their having re-crofled the Dan, mi (look them for the detachment commanded by lieutenant-colonel Tarleton. The Americans at- tacked them, labouring under this miflake, to great ( 115 ) great advantage, and cut them down as they were making ardent protestations of loyalty, and aflerting, ' that they were the very belt friends c of the King.' Men of this character much more rarely found mercy than the regular foldiers from Europe. They were confidcred by the whig Americans as men, who not only wanted fpirit to defend their natural rights, but who co-ope- rated with foreigners to fix the chains of flavery on themfelves and their countrymen. On this occafion they fuffered the extremity of military vengeance. About the fame time lieutenant-colo- nel Tarleton cut down fcveral of them as they were coming to join the Britifh army, mistaking them for rebel militia of the country. The re- crofring of general Greene induced lord Cornwal- lis to decamp from Hillfborough, within fix days after the proclamation in which he had called on his friends to rendezvous at that place. His lord- fhip continued for many days to manoeuvre in that part of the country where colonel Pyles was defeated, that the.royaiifts might have an oppor- tunity to join him \ but, to his great mortificati- on, he found nothing, as he expreffed it in his official defpatches, but ' timid friends cr invete- 4 rate enemies/ The advocates for roval govern- ment were fo difcouraged by this feries of ad- verfe accidents, that they could not be induced to act with confidence. Their fituation over a large extent of country was fo difperfed, that it was not eafy to bring them to unite in any com- mon plan. They had not the advantage of a fuperintending ( *i« ) fuperintending congrcfs to give fyftem, or concert to their fchemes. While each party purfued fe- parate meafures, all were obliged to fubmit to the American governments. Confiderable numbers of them were on their way to join lord Cornwal- lis, but being (truck with terror at the unexpected return of the American army, and with the un- happy fate of their brethren, they returned home to wait events. ee Lord Cornwallis found himfelf no lefs difappointed in his expectations of great aid from the loyalifts in North-Carolina, than he had been in his former fchemes of compelling general Greene to an engagement. The retreat of the Americans to Virginia at length roufed the people of that ftate from their lethargy. During the three preceding years the Virginians had greatly fallen off from that military ardour and love of their country which diftinguifh- ed them in the years i yy6 and 1 yyy. The firft heat of paflion being over, they were fond of recurring to their beloved eafe, and of refuming their ufual habits of life. Their exertions, as well againft the invaders within their own limits, as in aid of the diftreffed fouthern Hates, were far below the martial character which they had eftablifhed in the firft years of the war, and ftill farther fhort of what the citizens of North and South-Carolina expected from the extenfive, opulent and power- ful dominion of Virginia. The gains of com- merce, and the airy fchemes fuggefted by fpecu- lations, ec See note xxx. lations, and an unfettled value of money, co- operating with the temporary fecurity which a great part of the ftate enjoyed, had rendered many of them inattentive to the general caufe of America. Danger, brought to their doors, awakened them to a fenfe of their duty — great numbers of militia turned out, but few of them were armed, and fewer ftill could be perfuaded to crofs into North -Carolina. From the whole a fmall brigade, confiding of between four or five hundred men, commanded by general Ste- vens, was all of the reinforcement the American general received while in Virginia, that came with him over the Dan. It was riiking much to turn about, and face the Britifh army, with this trifling; reinforcement ; but fuch was the critical fituation of North-Carolina, that it would have been rifking much more to have delayed. The deciiive enterprifing general Greene formed the bold refolution or re-crofting, and of manceu-. vering in the. face of a fuperior foe, till his ex- pected reinforcements fhould come up. The two armies once more encamped in the vicinity of each other. The refpective commanders al- moft daily changed their pofition, endeavouring to gain feme advantage. During three weeks there was a complete trial of military fkill. In the movements on this occafion, native-genius fairly carried the palm from the arts and difci- pline of regular military education. It was the intereft of general Greene to avoid an action till he was reinforced, but at the fame time to keep Vol. II. E e the ( «8 ) the field fo near his antagonifl as would prevent his foraging to advantage — and his receiving re- inforcements from the tories of North-Carolina. All this was done with an inferior army, till the Americans were reinforced with another brigade of militia from Virginia, commanded by general Lawfon, and four hundred regulars raifed for eighteen months, befides two brigades of militia from North-Carolina, one commanded by gene- ral Butler, the other by general Eaton. The whole of thefe reinforcements arrived about the eleventh of March. Soon after which the gene- ral diifolved the conftitution of the light army, with expreflions of great obligations to colonel Williams, and the officers and men of that corps, for their good conduct in the late dangerous cri- fis. Another arrangement then took place. The army marched to Guilford courthoufe, and every preparation was made for an engagement. On this occafion general Greene iffued the following order : ' The great probability of coming to a ' general action, in a fhort time, muft be a con- ' fideration that will induce, every good officer ' and foldier to do his duty ; and, if order and * difcipline are maintained, fo great confidence ' has the general in the bravery of his troops, ' that he flatters himfelf the efforts of his coun- c trymen will be favoured by Heaven, and crown- c ed with fuceefs.' The American general having now a fuperionty of numbers, efpecially of caval- ry, determined no longer to avoid an aaion. 'Hie fate of both Carolinas was in feme degree fuf- pended ( 219 ) penned on the iflue of this important engage- ment. Had the American army been unfuccefs- ful, as in the preceding battle of Camden, Vir- ginia would have become the fouthern frontier, and roval government would have inftantly been rp-eftablifhed in North-Carolina, and greatly ftrengthened in South-Carolina. Had the Britifh army been routed, the confequences to them would have been much more fata!. Far from their (hipping, and deftitute of fupplies, they would have found it difficult, perhaps impoflible, to have made good their retreat. To them a defeat mult have been completely ruinous ; but as general Greene had fuch a fuperiority of ca- valry as fecured him from almofl the poflibility of an irretrievable misfortune, his being beaten could be no more than a partial evil. The great- eft part of his army confifted of militia, who do all at a fingle effort — are loon difgufted — and find reafon for defertion if kept long inactive. He had therefore much more to hope than to fear from a general action. This accordingly took place on the fifteenth of March 1781, near Guilford courthoufe. The American army confided of four thou- fand four hundred and ninety-one men, of which two thoufand feven hundred and fifty-three were militia of North- Carolina and Virginia, one thou- fand and fixty from the fir ft ftate, and fixteen hundred and ninety-three from the laft — The Britifh of about two thoufand four hundred men, chiefly ( 220 ) chiefly troops grown veteran in victories. The American army was drawn up in three lines ; the front compofed of North-Carolina militia, under the command of general Butler and general Ea- ton ; the fecond of Virginia militia, commanded by general Stevens and general Lawfon ; the third and laft of the Maryland and Virginia continentals, amounting to fourteen hundred and ninety rank and file, commanded by general Hu- ger and colonel Williams. Lieutenant-colonel Wafhington, with his cavalry, and a corps of Delaware light-infantry, and fome riflemen under colonel Lynch, covered the right flank. Lieu- tenant-colonel Lee, with his legion, and fome riflemen under colonel Campbell, the left. After a briik cannonade in front, the Britifh advanced in three columns, the Hellians on the right, the guards in the centre, and lieutenant-colonel Wcbfter's brigade on the left, and attacked the front line. This gave way when their adverfa- ries were at the diftance of one hundred and for* ty yards. Some of the North-Carolina militia, who compofed this line, fired once, but a great number ran away without firing or being fired upon. All exertions of their officers to rally them were ineffectual. The Virginia militia be- haved much better — kept up their tire till they were ordered to retreat, and did great execution. General Stevens had polled forty riflemen at equal diftances, twenty paces in the rear of his brigade, with orders to ihoot every man who ftiould leave his poit. This gallant officer, though he ( 221 ) he received a wound through the thigh, did not quit the field. He had the addrefs to prevent his brigade from receiving any bad impreflions from the retreating North-Carolinians, by giving out that they had orders to retire after difcharg- ing their pieces. To cheriih this idta he ordered the militia, under his command, to open their files to favour their pafTage. The continental troops were lad engaged, and Huger fought with great fpirit. Towards the clofe of the adion, a charge was made on the Britifh guards by the cavalry of lieutenant-colonel Wafhington and the Maryland troops, commanded by colonel Gunby and lieutenant-colonel Howard, with fuch execu- tion that the whole corps was nearly annihilated. After a fevere conflict of an hour and a half, the difcipline of veteran troops carried the point again!! numbers. General Greene abandoned the field to his rival, ftill however fhewing a good face ; he retreated no farther than over the Ree- dy Fork, a diflance of three miles. The Ame- ricans loft four fix-pounders which had been in the poffeiTion of both armies in different flages of the action. This victory cod the Britifh dear. Their killed and wounded exceeded fix hundred men. The guards loft colonel Stuart, with the captains Schutz, Maynard and Goodriche, be- fides fubalterns. Colonel Webfter, an officer of diftinguifhed reputation, died ol his wounds, to the great injury of the fervice, and the univerfal regret of the royal army. Brigadier-generals OTIara ( 222 ) O'Hara and Howard, and lieutenant-colonel Tar- leton, with feveral other officers, were wounded. About three hundred of the continentals and one hundred of the Virginia milit'm were killed and wounded, among the former was major An- derfon, of the Maryland line, a valuable officer, and the fame who behaved fo well in general Gates's defeat. Among the latter were general Huger and general Stevens. The early eti it of the North-Carolinians faved them from much lofs. Though the Americans had fewer killed and wounded than the Br'.tiih, yet their army fuftained a greater diminution by the numerous fugitives from the militia, who no more re-joined the camp. Lord Cornwallis fuffered fo feverclv, that he was in no condition to improve the ad- vantage he had gained. The Britifh had only the name,' the Americans all the good confe- quences of a victory. General Greene retreated, and lord Cornwallis kept the field ; but, notwith- standing, the Britifh interefl, in North-Carolina, was ruined by this action. Three days after the battle lord Cornwallis ivTned a proclamation, fet- ting forth his complete victory, and calling on all loyal fubjects to (land forth, and take an active part in reftoring good order and government; and offering a pardon and protection to all rebels, murderers excepted, who would furrender them- felves on or before the twentieth day of April. ff On the day on which this proclamation was iffued, his if Sec note xxxi. ( 223 ) his lordfhip left his hofpital and feventy-fivc wounded men with the numerous loyalifts in the vicinity of Guilford, and began a march to- wards the fea-coaft, which had the appearance of a retreat. Thirteen days before the expirati- on of this act of grace he had reached his fhip- ping at Wilmington, all the upper country re- maining in the power of general Greene's army. Amnefties in civil wars, net only mew the greateff. generofity, but are productive of the bed conie- quences when they follow great fucceflcs, and are iilued by the power that has gained a decided fuperiority. The prefent was introduced with a recital to this purpole ; but the well-known fituation of the conquerors induced even their friends to believe, that their difpofition to re- ceive protection and afiiitance from the rovalifts of North-Carolina far exceeded their abilities to extend it to them. Much in particular was ex- pected from the numerous Scotch Highlanders, fettled at Crofs-Creek, who had uniformly op- pofed American meafures. Lord Cornwallis, though he marched through their fcttlements, iound the inhabitants, to his great mortification, generally unwilling to give their perfonai fervices in the field, and their country poor and unable to afford fupplies for his diftreffed army. Gene- ral Greene no fooner received authentick infor- mation of the movement of lord Cornwallis, than he immediately put his army in motion to follow him. This puriuit was continued as far as Ram- fay's mill, on Deep River, with fuch rapidity that the ( 224 ) the American army arrived foon after the depar- ture of the Britim. In this march provifions were fo fcarce, that the American foidiers ^leaned the flaughter-pens of their adverfaries, and fed on the garbage which in common is the deftined re- pad for turkey-buzzards, and other obfeene birds. After a delay of near three weeks at Wilmington, the Britiih army marched from that place by a route which left it doubtful, whether their inten- tion was to return to South-Carolina or to pro- ceed to Virginia. Had his lordfhip adopted the firfi plan, he might have prolonged the fubjeclion of South-Carolina and Georgia, but his enter- prifing fpirit could not endure inaction, and he had too much pride to turn back. He was, be- fides, induced to proceed, from an opinion that folid operations in Virginia would be the moft effectual plan for fecuring the royal conquefls in South-Carolina, and effecting the fub minion of North-Carolina. Lord Cornwaliis met with no oppofition of confequence in marching from Wilmington to Peterfburg. On the twentieth of May he formed a junction with the Britifh forces in Virginia, commanded by major-general Philips and briga- dier-gcr.eral Arnold. Before and alter his lord- fhip's arrival, the royal army traverfed a great part of that (late, plundering the inhabitants, and laying wafte the country. ss At length, in the clofe of the campaign, his lordfhip, with the force s° See note xxxtiv ( "-5 ) force under his command, was furrounded and captured in York-Town ; events which fhall be more particularly related in the next chapter. I now follow the progrefs of the continental army. Before it was certainly known that lord Cornwallis had determined to proceed to Virgi- nia, the bold refolution of re-commencing military operations in South- Carolina was formed by ge- neral Greene. This was one of the times in which more is to be done by a wife plan of ope- rations than by numbers. Had the American army followed his lordfhip, the fouthern fcates would have conceived themfelves conquered ; for their hopes and fears prevailed juft as the army marched north or fouth. Though lord Corn- wallis marched through North-Carolina to Vinri- o o nia, yet as the American army returned to South- Carolina the people confidered that movement of his lordfhip more in the light of a retreat than a conqueft. Had general Greene retired before lord Cornwallis, the people would have been dif- pirited, and many would have joined the royal army. Thefe, with the large reinforcements lord Cornwallis would have received, not only from South-Carolina, but from the Irifh troops that arrived in Charlefton in a few weeks r.fter his departure from Wilmington, together with his having a fecure retreat into North-Carolina, might have faved his lordfhip from the cataftrophe of York-Town. Vol. II. F f It ( 22.6 ) It was no fooner known in South-Carolina that lord Cornwallis had left the flate in purfuit of the American army, than general Sumpter, who had ju(l recovered from his wound, collected a force to penetrate into t.he heart of the country, as well with the defign of diftra&ing the views of the Britilh, as of encouraging the friends of independence. To this end, early in February 1 78 1, he croffed the Congaree, and appeared in force before fort Granby, and deftroyed its ma- gazines. Lord Rawdon advanced from Camden for the relief of the pod, on which general Sump- ter retreated ; but immediately appeared before another Britiih pod near colonel Thomfon's. On the fecond day after this excurfion, he attacked and defeated an efcort convoying fome waggons and (lores from Charlefton to Camden. Thir- teen of the Britifh detachment were killed, and fixty-fix were taken prifoners. The captured flores were fent in boats down the Congaree ; but on their paflage they were re-taken. Gene- ral Sumpter, with three hundred and fifty horle- men, fwam acrofs the Santee, and proceeded to fort Watfon at Wright's Bluff; but on lord Rawdon's marching from Camden for its relief, he retired to Black River. On his return he was attacked near Camden by major Frazer, at the head of a confiderable force of Britiih regulars and militia. The major loft twenty of his men, and was obliged to retreat. General Sumpter, having by this excurfion, fatisfied the friends of independence in the centre of the flate, that their caufe ( 227 ) caufe was not defperate, retired in fafety to the borders of North-Carolina. Hitherto all his en- terprizes had been effected by volunteers from the militia ; but the long continued fervices in the field which were required, pointed out the propriety of a more permanent corps. General Sumpter, therefore, in March 1781, with the approbation of general Greene, enlifted three fmali regiments of regular (late-troops, to be employed in conftant fervice for the fpace of ten months. With thefe, and the returning conti- nental army, as fhall fhortly be related, the war re-commenced in South-Carolina with new vi- gour, and was carried on with more regularity. General Greene having determined to re- turn to South-Carolina, he fent orders to general Pickens to collect the militia of his brigade, and to prevent fupplies from going to the Britilh gar- rifons at Ninety-Six and Augufta. Lieutenant- colonel Lee, with his legion, and part of the fecond Maryland brigade, was ordered to ad- vance before the continental troops, to co-operate with general Marion. About the time that thefe preparations were making to renew the war in South-Carolina, fe- venty-fix exiles, who had been compelled to feek refuge with general Marion, on the north fide of Santee, re-croffed that river, with the bold defign of re-vifiting their own fettlements. Some of them were from the militia on the fea-coft of Carolina ( 228 ) Carolina to the fouthward of Charlefton, and others from Georgia. The firft commanded by colonel Harden, the latter by colonel Baker. On their way they fell in with about twenty-five of the royal militia at Four Moles, and captured the whole of them. The privates were paroled, and their officers carried off. As they marched through the country, parties were fent to the houfes of the officers of the royal militia, fome of whom were taken, and others fled to Charlef- ton. Colonel Harden had two or three fuccefsful fkirmifhes with detachments of the Britiih, but his capital manoeuvre was the furprize of fort Balfour, at Pokataligo. By his addrefs and good management in this enterprize three Britifh colo- nels of militia, Fenwick, Lechmere, and Relfal, with thirty-two regular dragoons, and fifty-fix privates of the royal militia, furrendered on the twelfth of April 1781, to this handful of return- ing exiles, without any lofs on their part. Colo- nel Harden had his party coniiderably increafed by daily accefiions of the people inhabiting the fouthern iea-coafr. of Carolina. With their aid he prolecuted, in that part of the ftate, the fame fuccefsful plan of oppofition to the Britifh which was begun much earlier in the north-weflern and north-eaflern extremities under the aufpiccs of his gallant co-adjutors Sumpter and Marion. On the feventh of April general Greene march- ed, with the main army, from Deep River, in North- Carolina, towards Camden. The Britifh were ( 229 ) were no lefs alarmed than furprized when they heard that lieutenant-colonel Lee had penetrated through the country, and in eight days effected a junction with general Marion near the Santee, and that the main body of the Americans en- camped on the nineteenth of April before Cam- den. To fecure the provifions that grow on the fertile banks of the Santee and Congaree rivers, the Britifti had erected a chain of polls in their vicinity. One of the mod important of thefe was on an eminence, known by the name of Wright's Bluff, and called fort Watfon. This was clofely inverted on the fifteenth of April 1781 by about eighty militiamen under general Marion, and by the continentals commanded by lieutenant-colonel Lee. Neither party had any other means of annoyance or defence but muf- ketry. Though the ground on which the fort flood was an Indian mount, thirty or forty feet high, yet the befiegers, under the direction of colonel Maham, erected, in a few days on an unufual plan, a work much higher. From this eminence the American riflemen fired into the fort with fuch execution, that the befieged durfl not ihew themfelves. On the twenty-third the garrifon, confiding of one hundred and fourteen men, commanded by lieutenant M'Kay, furren- dered by capitulation. Camden, before which the main army was encamped, is a village fituated on a plain covered on the fouth and eaft fides by the "Wateree, and a ( 23° ) a creek which empties itfelf into that river. On the weftern and northern by fix ftrong redoubts. It was defended by lord Rawdon with about nine hundred men. The American army, confifting of about feven hundred continentals, was unequal to the tafk of carrying this pod by florin, or of completely invehVmg it. The general therefore took a good pofition at Hobkirk's hill, about a mile diftant, in expectation of favourable events, and with a view of alluring the garrifon out of their lines. Lord Rawdon armed his muficians, drummers, and every thing that could carry a firelock, and with great fpirit filiied on the twen- ty-fifth. An engagement enfued. Victory for fome time very evidently inclined to the fide of the Americans ; but, in the progreis of the acti- on, the fortune of the day was changed, and the Britifh kept the field. Lieutenant-colonel Wafh- ington was ordered to turn the right flank of the Britifh, and to charge in their rear. While he executed this order, he was lb confident of the fuccefs of the main army, that he divided his men into fmall parties, and made them take fuch pofitions as he thought moft eligible for intercept- ing the fugitives on their retreat to Camden. At one time he had in his pofiefiion upwards of two hundred ; but he relinquished the greateft part of them on feeing the American army retreat. On this unexpected reverfe of fortune he paroled the officers on the field of battle — collected his men — wheeled round — and made his retreat good, with the lofs of three men, and at the fame time brought ( *3* ) brought off near fifty prifoners. In this action the lofs of the Americans in killed, wounded and miffing, was about two hundred.1,11 The Britifh had one officer killed, and eleven taken prifoners. General Greene retreated, in good order, with his artillery and baggage, to Gun Swamp, about five miles from the place of action. In the evening after this action lieutenant-colonel Wafnington marched with fifty men of the ca- valry within a mile of the Britifh army, and after fending forward a fmall party, concealed his prin- cipal force in the woods. ' As foon as the ad- vanced fmall party was difcovered, major Coffin, at the head of about forty of the Irifh volunteers, purfued them a confiderable diflance. After the Britifh party had paffed the American cavalry which was concealed, the latter rufhed from the woods, and charged them fo brifkly in the rear, that they loft upwards of twenty of their number* Very foon after the action on the twenty-fifth of April, general Greene, knowing that the Britifh garrifon could not fubfift long in Camden without frefh fupplies from Charleston or the country, detached a reinforcement to general Marion on the road to Nelfon's ferry, and, on the third of May., crofted the Wateree, and took occafionally fuch pofitions as would moft effectu- ally prevent fuccours from going into the town from that quarter. On the feventh of May lord Rawdon received a confiderable reinforcement by the hh See note xxxiir. ( *32 ) the arrival of the detachment under lieutenant- colonel Watfon. With this increaie of force he attempted, on the day following, to compel ge- neral Greene to another a&ion, but foon found that this was impracticable. Failing in his defign, he returned to Camden, and on the tenth burned the gaol, mills, many private houfes, and a great deal of his own baggage — evacuated the poll — and retired with his whole army to the fouth of the Santee, leaving about thirty of his own Tick and wounded, and as many of the Americans, who, on the twenty-fifth of April, had fallen into his hands. Lord Rawdon difcovered as great prudence in this evacuation of Camden as he had fhewn bravery in its defence. The fall of fort Watfon broke the chain of communication with Charieflon, and the pofitions of the American army intercepted all fupplies from the country. The return of general Greene to the fouthward being unexpected, the (lores of the garrifon were not provided for a fiege. Lord Rawdon had the honour of faving his men, though he loft the poft, the country, and the confidence of the to- nes. He offered every affiftance in his power to the friends of Britilh government who would ac- company him ; but it was a hard alternative to the new-made fubjeds, to be obliged to abandon their property, or to be left at the mercy of their exafperated countrymen. Several families never- thelefs accompanied his lordfhip. Thefe were cruelly neglected after their arrival in Charieflon. They built themfelves huts without the works. Their ( . 233 ) Their fettlement was called llawdon-Town, which, from its poverty and wretchednefs, became a term of reproach. Many women and children, who lived comfortably on their farms near Cam- den, ioon died of want in thefe their new habita- tions. This evacuation animated the friends of Con- grefs, and gave a very general alarm to the Bri- tain. The former had been called upon for their perfonal fervices, to a/lift in regaining the country, but were diiheartened by the repulfe of general Greene from bciore Camden; but, from the mo- ment that lord Rawdon evacuated this place, their numbers daily increafcd, and the Britiih ports fell in quick fucceiiion. On the day after the. evacuation of Camden, the garriibn of Orange- burgh, confiding of ftventy Britiih militia, and twelve regulars, furrendered to general Sumpter. The next day fort Motte capitulated. After the furrender of fort Watfon, general Marlon and lieutenant-colonel Lee crofled the Santee, and moved up to this poll, which lies above the Fork on the fouth fide of the Congaree, where they arrived on the eighth of May. The ap- proaches were carried on fo rapidly that a houfe in the centre of the fort was fet on fire the fourth day after they began the entrenchments, and the garrifon, which confided of one hundred and fixty-hve men, commanded by lieutenant M'Pher- icn, was compelled, after a brave defence, to furrender at difcretion. On this occafion mrs. Vol, II. G g Motte ( 234 ) Motte difplayed an eminent example of difintc- refted patriotifm. The Britilh had built their works round her dwellinghoufe, on which me removed to a neighbouring hut. When fhe was informed that firing the houfe was the eafieft mode of reducing the garrifon, fhe prefented the befiegers with a quiver of African arrows, to be employed for that purpofe. Skewers armed with combuftible materials were alfo ufed, and with more effect. Succefs foon crowned thefe expe- riments, and her joy was inexpreffible that the reduction of the poft was expedited, though at the expence of her property. Two days after this furrender, the Britifh evacuated their poll at Nelfon's ferry — blew up their fortifications — and deftroyed a great part of their ftores. The day following, fort Granby, near Friday's ferry, about thirty miles to the weftward of fort Motte, fur- rendered by capitulation. Very advantageous terms were given by the affailants in confequence of information that lord Rawdon was marching: to its relief. This was a poft of more confe- quence than the others, and might have been better defended j but the offer of fecurity to the baggage of the garrifon, in which was included an immenle quantity of plunder, haftened the furrender. For fome time before it had been greatly haraffed by colonel Taylor's regiment of militia, and had alfo been inverted by general Sumpter. On the night of the fourteenth of May, lieutenant-colonel Lee erected a battery within fix hundred yards of its out-works, on which C *35 ) which he mounted a fix-pounder. After the third difcharge from this field-piece, major Max- well capitulated. His force confifted of three hundred and fifty-two men, a great part of whom were royal militia. His works were a parapet round a houfe, defended by four baftions, a fofTe and abbatis, with two pieces of artillery. In thefe feveral forts a confiderable quantity of va- luable (lores fell into the pofleffion of the Ame- ricans. Lord Rawdon, having retreated towards Charlefton by the way of Nelfon's ferry, marched up the Santee to relieve major Maxwell ; but, after he had advanced fourteen miles, he met the garrifon in the character of prifoners, on which he immediately retired. General Marion, with his brigade of militia, marched to George- Town, and began regular approaches againft the Britifh poft in that place. On the fir ft night after the Americans had broken ground, their adver- faries evacuated their works, and retreated to Charlefton. In a fhort time after this evacuation one Manfon, an inhabitant of the country who had joined the Britifh, appeared in an armed vef- fel before George-Town, and demanded permim- on for his men to land. This being refufed by a fmall party of American militia, he fent a few of his men afhore, under cover of his guns, and fet fire to fome of the houfes next to the water. He then directed his crew to fire at the burning houfes, in fuch a direction as prevented the inha- bitants from either extinguiihing the flames or removing their property. Forty-two houfes, in this ( »J6 ) this flourifhing town, were, on this occafion, re- duced to allies. In the rapid manner juft related the Britiih loft fix polls, and abandoned all the north-eaftern ex- tremities of the flatc. They (fill retained pof- feflion of Ninety-Six in South-Carolina, and Augufta in Georgia ; the reduction of thefe pods was the next object with the Americans. As the affairs in the upper country, on the Georgia and Carolina fide of the river Savannah, were unconnected with the tran factions of that part of the (fate which adjoins North-Carolina, they now require a particular detail. After the fucccffes of the royal army, the de- termined friends of America, in the upper coun- try o Harden, with fome of the adjacent American militia, who had lately revolted from their con- querors, joined M'Koy in this hour of diitrefs ; but their combined force was defeated, and, for a little time, their followers were difperfed. Af- ter thefe advantages the royal conquerors laid wade the fcttlements on the banks of Savannah river for forty miles up and down, and for feve- ral miles acrofs the country. They dripped the inhabitants, both men and women, of their clothes — turned them out of doors in the midfl of winter — and then fet fire, to their houles. Not- withflanding all thefe feverities, captain M'Koy foon returned to his old ftation, on the banks of the Savannah, and had the addrefs to keep together a party furlicient to intercept fupplies going up the river to the Britilh garrifon at Au- gufta. I now return to trace the progrefs of the continental army. Agreeably to a plan fettled at Deep River, when the refolution was formed of returning to South-Carolina, general Pickens and colonel Clark, with a body of militia, had for fome time continued in the neighbourhood of Auguf- ta. Lieutenant-colonel Lee, the day after the furrender of fort Granby, began his march for that place, and in four days completed it. Fort Galphin, on the Carolina fide of the Savannah river, with feventy men, a field-piece, and valua- ble (tores, were furrcndered to a detachment of lieutenant-colonel Lee's legion, under captain Ru- dolph, ( 239 ) dolph. Lieutenant-colonel Grierfon, with fome Britifh militia, occupied a ieparate out-work, de- pendent on the main fort at Augufta. This pofi he relinquifhed, with the view of throwing his force into fort Cornwallis, where colonel Brown commanded. In attempting his retreat he had above thirty of his men killed and wounded, and a greater number taken prifoners ; but the colo- nel, with a few of his followers, were fo fortu- nate as to efcape. There was now but one ob- ject, againft which the approaches were concluded with great judgment and rapidity, but no advan- tage could be gained over the vigilant and brave colonel Brown, In the courfe of the fiege feve- ral batteries, two of which were within thirty yards of the parapet, were erecled, which over- looked the fort. From thefe eminences the Ame- rican riflemen fhot into the in fide of the works with fuccefs. The garrifon buried themfelves in a great meafure under ground, and obftinately refufed to furrender till the neceflity was fo prefix- ing, that every man, who attempted to fire upon the befiegers, was immediately fhot down. On the fifth of June 178 1 the fort, with about three hundred men, after a gallant defence, furrender- ed by capitulation. " The Americans, during the fiege, had about forty killed and wounded ; among the former was the brave major Eaton. Lieutenant-colonel Grierfon, who was greatly obnoxious to the Americans, was, after his fur- render, by fome unfeen markfman, put to death. A " See note xxxiv. ( 240 ) A reward of a hundred guineas was offered^ but in vain, for the perpetrator of this perfidious deed. Lieutenant-colonel Brown would proba- bly have fhared the fame fate, had it not been for the generofity of his conquerors, who fur- niflied him with an efcort to the royal gairiibn in Savannah. Though he had lately hanged thir- teen American prifoners, and delivered to the Indians fome of the citizens of the country, who fufFered from their hands all the tortures which favage barbarity has contrived to add poignancy to the pains of death, yet his conquerors, no lefs generous than brave, faved him from the fate he had fo much reafon to expect. On his way to Savannah he had to pafs through the inhabitants whole houfes he had lately burned, and whole relations he had recently hanged. At Silver-BlufF mrs. M'Koy, having obtained leave of the Ame- rican officer who commanded his fafe-guard to fpeak with him, addrefled him in words to the following effect : ' Colonel Brown, in the late day of your * proiperity, I vifited your camp, and on my knees ' ilipplicated for the life of my Ion, but you were ' deaf to my entreaties. You hanged him, though ? a beardieis youth, bciore my face. Thcfe eyes 4 have feen him fcalped by the lavages under * your immediate command, and ior no better ' reafon than that his name was, M'Koy. As ' you are now prifoner to the leaders of my coun- 6 try, for the prefent I lay afide all thoughts of c revenge f ( 24t ) * revenge ; but when you refume your fword, 1 * will go rive hundred miles, to demand fatisfadti- * on, at the point of it, for the murder of my fon.' While thefe operations were carrying on againft the fmall pofts, general Greene proceeded with the main army to Ninety-Six. This place.; being of much more confequence than the others^ was defended by a confiderable force. Lieute- nant-colonel Cruger commanded in the garrifon. He, with the officers and men under his orders, conducted their defence with great bravery and judgment. Major Green, in particular, acquired diftinguifhed reputation by his fpirited and judi- cious conduct in defending the redoubt againft which the Americans made their principal efforts. On the left of the befiegers was a work erected in the form of a ftar ; on the right was a ftrong ftockade-fort, with two block-houfes in it. The town, flanked by thefe two works, was alfo pic- quetted in with ftrong picqucts, and furrcunded with a ditch, and a bank near the height of a common parapet. There were alfo feveral fluffier in different parts of the town, and all the works communicated with each other by covered ways. On the twenty-third of May 1781, the main bo- dy of the American army encamped in a wood within half a mile of Ninety-Six, and, on that night, threw up two flumes within one hundred and fifty yards of the ftar fort. The next morn- ing the enemy made a fally, and being fupported Vol. II. H h bv ( 242 ) by the artillery and mulketry from the parapet of the flar redoubt, drove the befiegers from, them. The next night two ftrong block batteries were erected at the diftance of three hundred and fifty yards, which were opened in the morning. Another battery twenty feet high, ere&ed within two hundred and twenty yards, was finifhed in a few days, and foon afterwards another of the fame heieht was erected within one hundred yards of the main fort. Approaches were gra- dually carried on at the fame time againil the re- doubt on their left. Colonel Kozinfco, a young gentleman of diftindYion from Poland, fuperin- tended the operations of the befiegers, and, by his affiduity and firmnefs, promoted the bufinefs with fuch expedition, that, though the ground was exceffively hard, and the fituation extremely unfavourable, on the fourteenth of May a third parallel, within thirty yards of the ditch, was completed, and a rifle-battery, upwards of thirty feet high, eredfced at the fame diftance. On the feventeenth the abbatis was turned, and two trenches and a mine were extended, fo as to be within fix feet of the ditch. Few fieges afford greater inftances of perfeverance and intrepidity than were exhibited on this occafion by the be- fiegers and befieged. Riflemen were employed on both fides, who immediately levelled at every perfon who appeared in fight, and very feldom miffed their object. Various fuccefs attended the conflicts between the feveral covering parties of the workmen, and thofe who repeatedly fal- lied from the garrifon. On ( 243 ) On the third of June, twelve days after the commencement of this fiege, a fleet arrived at Charlefton from Ireland, having on board the third, nineteenth and thirtieth regiments of his Britannick majefty, a detachment from the guards, and a confiderable body of recruits, the whole commanded by lieutenant-colonel Gould. Earl Cornwaliis had given permiflion to the command- ers of the Britifh forces in South- Carolina, to detain thefe reinforcements if they conceived that the fervice of his Britannick majefty requir- ed it ; otherwiie they were to be fent forward to join his lord/hip. On the feventh of June 1781, lord Rawdon marched from Charleflon, with thefe newly arrived troops, for the relief of the garrifon at Ninety-Six. Great were the difficul- ties they had to encounter, in rapidly marching under the rage of a burning fun through the whole extent of South-Carolina ; but much greater was their aftoniihment at being informed, that their fervices in the field were neoeflary to oppofe the yet unfubdued rebels in the province. They had been amufed with hopes, that nothing remained for them to do, but to fit down as fettlers on the forfeited lands of a conquered country. The American army had advanced their ap- proaches very near that critical point, after which farther refiftance on the part of the garrifon would have been temerity. At this intcrefting moment intelligence was received, that lord Raw- don ( 244 ) don was near at hand, with a reinforcement of about two thoufand men. An American lady, who had lately married an officer then in the Britiih garrifon of Ninety-Six, had been bribed by a large mm of money to convey a letter to lieutenant-colonel Cruger with the welcome news of their approach. Attempts had beeir made to retard their march, but without the defired effecT:. Their vicinity made it neeeffary, either to raife the liege, or attempt the reduction of the place by a coup-de-main. The laft was agreed upon, and the neeeffary difpofitions made on the eigh- teenth of June. Lieutenant-colonel Lee, with his legion infantry, and captain Kirkwood's light- infantry, made the attack on the right. Lieute- nant-colonel Campbell, with the firfr. Maryland and iirfl Virginia regiments, were to have flormed the ftar redoubt, the ditch of which was eight or nine feet deep, the parapet eleven or twelve feet high, and raifed with land-bags near three feet more. The forlorn hopes were led on by lieute- nants Duval and Sheldon, and were followed by a party with hooks and entrenching-tools to pull down the fand-bags, and reduce the parapet, Had this been effected, the befieged could not have annoyed the affailants without expofing themfelves to the American markfmen. The ar- tillery foon made fufficient breaches on the forti- fied redoubt on the right for the infantry, under the command of lieutenant-colonel Lee, to affault the garrifon. It was therefore abandoned, and they took poffeflion without lols. On the left the Htmofl ( *45 ) utmod exertions of refolution and fortitude were difplayed, but failed of fuccefs. The parties led on by Duval and Sheldon entered the ditch, and, though galled by an inceffant fire, made every effort to get down the fand-bags. Both thefe gallant officers were wounded, and not more than one in fix of their party efcaped. The near ap- proach of lord Rawdon, and the uncertainty of final fuccefs, induced general Greene to raife the fiege and to retreat over the Saluda, after having loft about one hundred and fifty men. kk Truly diftreffing was the fituation of the Ame- rican army. When in the grafp of victory, to be obliged to expofe themfclves to the dangers of an hazardous affault, and afterwards to abandon the fiege. When they were nearly mailers of the whole country, to be compelled to retreat to its extremity. After fubduing the greateft part of the force lately oppofed to them, to be under the neceffity of encountering ftill greater rein- forcements, when their remote fituation precluded them from the hope of receiving a fingle recruit. In this gloomy fituation there were not wanting perfons who advifed general Greene to leave the ftate, and retire with his remaining force to Vir^ ginia. To arguments and fuggeftions of this kind he nobly replied, ' I will recover the coun- ' try, or die in the attempt.' This diftinguifhed officer, whole genius was moil vigorous in thofe perilous extremities, when feeble minds abandon themfelves kk See note xxxv. ( ^46 ) themfelves to defpair, adopted the only refource now left him, of avoiding an engagement till the Britiih force mould be divided. Lord Rawdon, who by rapid marches was very near Ninety-Six at the time of the aflault, purfued general Greene as far as the Enoree ; but finding it impoffible to overtake the light retreating American army, and fuppofing that they had gone to North-Carolina or Virginia, his lordfhip confoled himfdf with the imaginary ad- vantage of having driven the rebels out of the country. On this occafion general Pickens ex- hibited an illuftrious inftance of republican vir- tue. When the retreat was ordered, the gene- ral's family and private property was fent off with the baggage of the army. This precaution, though wifhed for by all, and juftified on every principle of prudence, gave an alarm to many who either had not the fame means of tranfporta- tion, or who could not have attended to it with- out deferting the American army. To encourage the men to ftay in camp, and their families to remain on their plantations, general Pickens or- dered his family and property back again to his houfe within twenty miles of the Britiih garrifon. His example faved the country in the vicinity from depopulation, and the army under general Greene from fuftaining a great diminution of their numbers, by the dei'ertion of the militia to take care of their families. The ( *47 ) The arrival of the Britifh reinforcement, and the fubfequent retreat from Ninety-Six, induced a general apprehenfion, that the Britifh would foon re-eftablifh the pofts they had loft to the fouthward of Santee. The deflination of the main army under lord Cornwallis, having been, for fome time known, the Britifh commanders in South-Carolina had contracted their bounda- ries to that extent of country which is in a great meafure enclofed by the Santee, the Congaree and the Edifto. Within thefe rivers lord Rawdon intended to confine his future operations, and to canton his forces in the mofl eligible pofitions* His lordiliip, taking it for granted that the Ame- ricans had abandoned South-Carolina, refolved, upon his return from purfuing general Greene, to divide his army, with the intention of fixing a detachment at the Congaree ; but he foon found that his adverfaries were not difpofed to give up the prize for which they had fo long con- tended. General Greene, on hearing that lord Rawdon had marched with a part of his force to Congaree, faced about to give him battle. Lord Rawdon, no lefs furprized than alarmed at tills unexpected movement of his lately retreating foe, abandoned the Congaree in two days after his arrival there, and retreated expeditioufly to Orangeburgh. In this pofition he was fecured on one fide with a river, and on the other with ftrong buildings little inferior to redoubts. Ge- neral Greene purfued — encamped within live miles of this poll — and offered him battle. His iordihip, ( M ) lordfhip, fecure in his ftrong hold, would not venture out, and general Greene was too weak to attack him in his works with any profpect of fuccefs. In the courfe of thefe movements, on the fecond of July, captain Egglefton, of lieute- nant-colonel Lee's legion, fell in with forty-nine Britifh horfe, near the Saluda, and took forty- eight of them prifoners. Whilft the American army lay near Orangeburgh, advice was received that lieutenant-colonel Cruger had evacuated Ninety-Six, and was marching, with the troops of that garrifon, through the forks of Edifto to join lord Rawdon at Orangeburgh. As the north fork of Edifto is not palfable by an army without boats, for thirty miles above or below the Britifh encampments, general Greene could not throw himfelf between with any profpect of preventing the junction ; he therefore retired to the high hills of Santee, and lord Rawdon and lieutenant- colonel Cruger the day after made a junction. The evacuation of Camden having been effected by linking at the pofts below it, the fame ma- noeuvre was now attempted to induce the Britifh: to leave Orangeburgh. With this view, on the day that the main American army retired from before that port, generals Sumpter and Marion, with their brigades, and the legion cavalry, were detached to Monk's Corner and Dorchefter. They moved down by different roads, and in three days commenced their operations. Lieute- nant-colonel Lee took all the waggons and wag- gon-horfes belonging to a convoy of provifions. Colonel ( M9 ) Colonel Wade Hampton charged a party of Bri- tifh dragoons within five miles of Charlefton. He alfo took fifty prifoners at Strawberry ferry, and burned four veffels loaded with valuable ftores for the Britifh army. General Sumpter appeared before the garrifon at Biggin's church, which confided of five hundred infantry and up- wards of one hundred cavalry. Lieutenant-colo- nel Coates, who commanded there, after having repulfed the advanced party of general Sumpter, on the next evening, deflroyed his ftores and retreated towards Charlefton. He was clofely purfued by lieutenant-colonel Lee with the legion, and lieutenant-colonel Hampton with the ftate cavalry. The legion came up with them near Shubrick's plantation, took their rear guard, and all their baggage, Captain Armftrong, of Lee's legion, at the head only of five men, charged through a confiderable part of their lines, and efcaped with the lofs of two men. General Sumpter and general Marion, after fome hours, came up with the main body ; but by this time the Britifh had fecured themfelves by taking an advantageous poll in a range of houfes. An at- tack was however made, and continued with fpi- rit till upwards of forty were killed or wounded by the fire from the houfes. The Britifh loft in thefe different engagements one hundred and for- ty prifoners, befides feveral killed and wounded, all the baggage of the nineteenth regiment, and above one hundred horfes and feveral waggons. Vol. II, I i Thus ( 25° ) Thus was the war carried on. While the Britifh kept their forces compact, they could not cover the country, and the American general had the precaution to avoid fighting. When they divided their army, their detachments were feparately and fuccefsfully attacked. While they were in force in the upper country, light parties of Americans were annoying their fmall pofts in the low country near Charlefton. The people foon found that the late conquerors were not able to afford them their promifed protection. The fpirit of revolt became general, and the Britifh intereft daily declined. Soon after thefe events lord Rawdon, driven from almofl the whole of his pofls — baffled in all his fchemes — and overwhelmed with vexation, in a fit of revenge, as fhall hereafter be more fully related, made an oblation to his waning military fame, by executing the brave, the amia- ble and the worthy colonel Hayne. His lordfhip, immediately after this execution, failed for Eu- rope, leaving his brother officers, in South-Caro- lina, objects of retaliation. In the courfe of his command, he aggravated the unavoidable cala- mities of war by many ads of feverity, which admit of no other apology than that they were fuppofed to be ufeful to the interefl of his royal mafler. About the fame time that generals Sumpter and Marion were detached to the lower parts of the ( 251 ) the ftate, the main American army retired to the high hills of Santee, and the Britifh returned to their former ftation near the junction of the Wateree and the Congaree. General Greene, in a little time, began to concert meafures to force them a fecond time from thefe pods. Though the two armies were within fifteen miles of each other on a right line, yet, as two rivers intervened, and boats could not be procured, the American army was obliged to take a circuit of feventy miles with the view of more conveniently croffing the Wateree and the Congaree. Soon after their croiTing thefe rivers, the continental army was joined by general Pickens, with a party of the Ninety-Six militia, and by the ftate troops, un- der the command of lieutenant-colonel Hender- fon. General Marion, with his brigade of mili- tia, had been on an expedition towards Ponpon, to co-operate with colonel Harden, in oppofing fome detachments of the Britifh who had taken pofl near Combahee ferry. From this pofition they had ilTued orders to the inhabitants to bring their rice to the neighbouring landings, in order that it might be carried to Charlefton. Colonel Harden exerted himfelf to fruftr--.te their defigns ; but he foon found it necellary to call to his aid the militia of the other extremity of the ftate. As the Britifh difperfed themfelves over the coun- try on this bufinefs, a variety of ikirmifhes took place, in which they loft upwards of a hundred of their number. On the termination of the expedition, general Marion, with his brigade, joined ( *5* ) joined general Greene. The whole American force, thus collected, proceeded the next morning to attack the Britim army commanded by lieute- nant-colonel Stewart. On the approach of the Americans the Britim had retired from the Con- garees about forty miles nearer Charledon, and taken pod at the Eutaw Springs. General Greene drew up his little force, confiding of about two thoufand men, in two lines. The front confided of the militia from North and South- Carolina, and was commanded by generals Marion and Pickens, and by colonel De Malmedy. The fe- cond confided of the continental troops from North-Carolina, Virginia and Maryland, and was led on by general Sumner, lieutenant-colonel Campbell, and colonel Williams. Lieutenant- colonel Lee, with his legion, covered the right flank ; lieutenant-colonel Henderfon, with the date-troops, covered the left. Lieutenant-colo- nel Wafliington, with his cavalry, and captain Kirkwood, with the Delaware troops, formed a corps of referve. As the Americans advanced to the attack, they fell in with two advanced parties of the Britifh three or four miles ahead of their main army. Thefe, being brifkly charg- ed by the legion and date-troops, foon retired. The front line continued to fire and advance on the Britifh till the action became general, and till they, in their turn, were obliged to give way. They were well fupported by general Sumner's North-Carolina brigade of continentals, though they had been under difcipline only for a few weeks, ( 253 ) weeks, and were chiefly compofed of militiamen who had been transferred to the continental fer- vice, to make reparation for their precipitate flight in former actions. In the hotteft of the engagement, when great execution was doing on both fides, colonel Williams, and lieutenant-co- Jonel Campbell, with the Maryland and Virginia continentals, were ordered by general Greene to charge with trailed arms. Nothing could furpafs the intrepidity of both officers and men on this occafion — They rufhed on, in good order, through a heavy cannonade, and a fhower of mufketry, with fuch unfhaken refolution, that they bore down all before them. The (late-troops of South- Carolina were deprived of their gallant leader, lieutenant-colonel Henderfon, who was wounded very early in the action ; but they were nevcrthe- lefs boldly led on by the fecond in command, lieutenant-colonel Hampton, to a very fpirited and fuccefsful charge, in which they took up- wards of a hundred prifoners. Lieutenant-colo- nel Wafhington brought up the corps-de-referve on the left, and charged fo brifkly with his ca- valry, and captain Kirkwood's light-infantry, as gave them no time to rally or form. The Bri- tifh were clofely purfued, and upwards of five hundred prifoners were taken. On their retreat they took their ports in a ftrong brick-houfe and in impenetrable fhrubs and a picquetted garden. From thefe advantageous pofitions they renewed the action — Lieutenant-colonel Wafhington made every poffible exertion to diflodge them from the thickets, ( 254 ) thickets, but failed in the attempt — had his horfe {hot under him — was wounded and taken prifoner. Four fix-pounders were ordered up before the houfe from which the Britifh were firing under cover. Thefe pieces finally fell into their hands, and the Americans retired out of the reach of their fire — They left a ftrong picquet on the field of battle, and retreated to the nearefl water in their rear — In the evening of the next day, lieu- tenant-colonel Stewart deftroyed a great quantity of his (tores, abandoned the Eutaw, and moved towards Charlefton, leaving upwards of feventy of his wounded, and a thoufand ftand of arms. He was purfued for feveral miles but without effect. Though major M'Arthur, with a large reinforcement, formed a junction with lieutenant- colonel Stewart fourteen miles below the Eutaw, yet the action was not renewed. The fuccefs of the American army in the firfl part of this en- gagement fpread fuch an alarm, that the Britifh burned their ftores at Dorchefter, and evacuated their pods near Monk's Corner. The gates of the town were fhut, and a number of negroes employed in felling trees acrofs the road on Charlefton Neck. The lofs of the Britifh amount* ed to upwards of eleven hundred men. That of the Americans was about five hundred, in which number were fixty officers. " Among the killed of general Greene's army, the brave lieutenant- colonel Campbell, of the Virginia line, was the theme of univerfal lamentation. While with H See note xxxvi. great ( tS5 ) great firmnefs he was leading on his brigade to that charge which determined the fate of the day, he received a mortal wound. After his fall he enquired who gave way, and being informed the Britifh were fleeing in all quarters, he added, ' I die contented/ and immediately expired. Congress honoured general Greene, for his decifive conduct, in this action, with a Britifh ftandard, and a golden medal ; and they alfo voted their thanks to the different corps and their commanders. mm After the action at the Eutaws, the Ameri- cans retired to their former pofition on the high hills of Santee, and the Britifh took pofl in the vicinity of Monk's Corner. While they lay there, a fmall party of American cavalry, commanded by colonel Maham, took upwards of eighty pri- foners within fight of their main army. The Britifh no more acted with their ufual vigour. On the flightefl appearance of danger, they dif- covered a difpofition to flee fcarcely inferior to what was exhibited the year before by the Ame- rican militia. Though the army under general Greene was too weak to rifk another general action, yet it became neceflary, in the clofe of the year 1781, to move into the lower country, to cover the col- lection of provifions for fubfiflence through the winter. nn See note xxxvn, ( *5<5 ) winter. In about two months after the acYion at Eutaw, the main body of the American army- was put in motion under colonel Williams. Ge- neral Greene, with two hundred horfe, and two hundred infantry, advanced by private roads, and appeared near Dorchefler fo unexpectedly, and with fuch confidence, as induced the Britifh to believe that the whole army was clofe in his rear. This manoeuvre had the intended effecl:. They abandoned their out-pofls, and retired with their whole force to the Quarterhoufe on Charlef- ton Neck. By this means all the rice between Edifto and Afhley rivers was faved to the Ame- ricans. The defence of the country was given up, and the conquerors, who had lately carried their arms to the extremities of the date, feldom aimed at any thing more than to fecure themfelves in Charlefton Neck, and to keep a communication with the fea iflands on which they had collected great numbers of cattle. Though the Britim made no attempts to pre- ferve permanent polls at a diftance from Charlef- ton, after the clofe of the year 1781, yet they made fome excurfions with cavalry. Thefe were of too little confequence to merit particular men- tion, being chiefly directed againft fome unco- vered part of the (late, or fome detached corps of militia. One of the mod important was made in February 1782. "While general Marion was attending C 257 ) attending his duty as a member of the legifla- ture at Jackfonborough, his brigade was furprizcd near the Santee, by a party of Britifh horfe, com- manded by that fpirited and judicious officer lieutenant-colonel Thomfon. Major Benfon, an American officer highly efteemed by his country, mr. Thomas Broughton, a young gentleman of a refpectable family in South-Carolina, with fome others, were killed. The remainder of the bri- gade, then in camp, was for fome time difperfed. In a few days the Britifh retired within their lines, and the militia re-affembled. Though the battle of Eutaw may be confi- dered as clofing the national war in South-Caro- lina, yet after that period feveral fmall enter- prizes, greatly to the credit of individuals, were fuccefsfully executed. The American army felt the elevation of conquerors, while the Britifh, from the recollection of their former prowefs, and the exaclnefs of their difcipline, though reduced in their limits, could not bear to be infulted. From among a variety of projects which were undertaken by detached parties of Americans, in the year 1782, the following is felected as me- riting particular notice. On the nineteenth of March captain Rudolph, of Lee's legion, and lieutenant Smith, of the Virginia line, with twelve men, captured and burned the Britifh galley Al- ligator, lying in Afhley river, which mounted twelve guns, befides a variety of fwivels, and was manned with forty-three feamen. The Ameri- Vol. II. K k cans ( *S* ) Cans had the addrefs to pafs themfelves for ne- groes who were coming to market with poultry. They were therefore permitted to come fo near the galley that they boarded her with eafe, while their adverfaries fufpe&ed no danger. Three or four of the Britifh were killed, and twenty-eight Were brought off prifoners. After general Greene moved from the high hills of Santee into the low country near Charlef- ton, a fcene of inactivity fucceeded different from the bufy operations of the late campaign. He was unable to attempt any thing againfi: the Bri- tish within their lines ; and they declined rilking any general acYion without them. While the American foldiers lay encamped in this inactive fituation, their tattered rags were fo completely worn out, that feven hundred of them were as naked as they were born, excepting a fmall flip of cloth about their waifts ; and they were nearly as deftitute of meat as of clothing. In this condition they lay for three months with- in four hours march of the Britifh garrifon in Charlefton, which contained in it more regular troops than there were continentals in the Ame- rican army. Though they had abundant reafon to complain, yet, while they were every day marching, and almoft every week fighting, they were in good health, good fpirits, and good hu- mour ; but when their enemy was confined with- in their fortifications, and they were inactive, they ( 259 ) they became fickly and difcontented, and a few began to be mutinous. Their long arrears of pay, the deficiency of their clothing, and their want of many comforts, were forgotten whilft conflant action employed their minds and bodies ; but when an interruption of hoftilities gave them leifure to brood over their calamities, thefe evils were prefented to their imaginations in the molt aggravated colours. A plan was ferioufly laid to deliver their gallant and victorious leader into the hands of the Britifh ; but the whole defign was happily difcovered and prevented from being carried into execution. To the honour of the continental army, it may with juftice be added, that, notwithstanding the preifure of their many fufferings, the whole number concerned in this plot did not exceed twelve. In the courfe of the year 1782, John Ma- thews, efquire, governor of South-Carolina, con- certed meafures with fome of the citizens in Charleflon, who wifhed to make their peace with their countrymen, for fending out of the Britiih lines neceffary clothing for the aimoft naked continentals. When their diflreffes had nearly arrived to that point beyond which human nature can bear no more, mr. Jofhua Lockwood, under the direction of governor Mathews, brought out of Charleflon a large quantity of the articles which were mofl needed in the American camp. This feafonable fupp'.v, though much Ihort of their due, quieted the minds of the fuflfering foidiers, ( 260 ) foldiers. Tranquillity and good order were re- ftored in the camp, and duty was cheerfully per- formed. It is impoffible to do juflice to that invincible fortitude which was difplayed by both officers and men in the campaigns of 1780 and 1781. They encountered fatigues which, if par- ticularly related, would appear aimed incredible. They had fcenes of fullering to bear up under, of which citizens, in the peaceable walks of pri- vate life, can form no adequate idea. Without pay, almofl: without clothing, and often with but a fcanty portion of the plaineft provifions, they were expofed to the fcorching heat of the day, and the baleful vapours of the night. When finking under the fatigues of repeated fucceffions of forced marches, they were deftitute of every comfort fuitable to their fituation. But to all thefe accumulated hardfhips the greateft part of them fubmitted with patience and magnanimity, which reflected honour on human nature, and which was never exceeded by any army in the world. CHAPTER ( tfl ) CHAPTER THIRTEENTH. Of the board of police \ and other Britijh eflablijh- ments. The animofities between whigs and tories, and the dijlre(fes of the inhabitants. The execu- tion of colonel Hayne. The treatment of prif oners. The violation of publick faith with the royalifis. Of the affijiance given to the Americans by the French army and navy. Of the operations in Virginia in 1781, and the reduclion of lord Corn- ivallis. The re-eftablifhment of civil government. The Jackfonborough affembly. Conffcation of eftatcs. The operations in Georgia^ and the evacuation of Savannah. Compacts with the Briiijh for fecurity of property. Fall of lieute- nant-colonel Laurens. The evacuation of Charlef- ton. Peace. AFTER the reduclion of Charlefton, on the twelfth of May 1780, followed the efta- blilhment of a military government. A com- mandant was appointed to fuperintend the affairs of the province. His powers were as undefined as thofe of the American committees which took place in the early flages of the difpute between Great-Britain and America, while the royal go- vernments were fufpended, and before the popu- lar eftablifhments were reduced to fyftem. To foften the rigid and forbidding afpecl of this new mode of administration, and as far as poffible to temper it with the refemblance of civil authority, a ( 262 ) a board of police, for the fummary determina- tion of difputes, was instituted. Under the di- rection of the honourable James Simpfon, in- tcndant of the board, a table was drawn up, afcertaining the depreciation of the paper cur- rency at different periods, from which the friends of royal government, who had fuftained loffes by paper payments, were induced to hope for reim- burfement. This meafure, though juft in itfelf, was productive of unexpected and ferious confe- quences, fatal to the reviving fondnefs for the royal interefl. Among the new-made Britifh fubjects, many were found who had been great gainers by the depreciation of the American bills of credit. Thefe, by the proportion of a fecond payment of their old debts, were filled with afto- nifhment. From the circumftances of the coun- try, a compliance with it was, to the mod opu- lent, extremely inconvenient, and to multitudes absolutely impracticable. The paper currency, before the reduction of Charlefton, had fupplant- ed the ufe of gold and filver, and banifhed them from circulation. The ravages of war had defo- lated the country, and deprived the inhabitants of the means of payment. Creditors became clamorous for their long arrears of interefl, and debtors had either loll their property or could not exchange it for one half of its value. Many fuits were commenced, and great numbers ru- ined. The diitreffes of the reclaimed fubjects, within the Britifh lines, were in many inflances greater than thole of their unfubdued countryr men ( &$ ) men who had forfaken all in the caufe of liberty. After the Americans had recovered poflefiion of a confiderable part of the (late, it was prefumed that the proceedings of the board of police would be reverfed. This redoubled their difficulties. Creditors became more prefiing, and at the fame time the doubtfulnefs of Britiffi titles induced a depreciation of real property not far behind that of the American paper currency. Fear and in- tereft had brought many of their new fubje&s to the Britiih ftandard ; but, in confequence of the plans they adopted, in a little time both thefe powerful motives of human actions drew in an oppofite direction. The Americans purfued a different line of conduct. In every period of the conteft they facrificed the few creditors to the many debtors. The true whigs, who fuffered on this fcore, confoled themfelves with the idea that their country's good required it, and that this was the price of their independence. A difpofi- tion to fuffer in behalf of the royal intereft was not fo vifible among the profeffed adherents to Britifh government. That immediate juitice might be done to a few, great diftrefs was brought on many, and the caufe of his Britan- nick majefty injured beyond reparation. Several commandants were fuccemvely ap- pointed to fuperintend the affairs of the town. Among thefe lieutenant-colonel Nifbet Balfour had the greateft mare of adminiftration. This gentleman, having raifed himfelf in the army by his ( ^64 ) his obfequious devotednefs to the humours and pleafures of fir William Howe, difplayed, in the exercife of this new office, all the frivolous felf- importance, and all the difgufting infolence, which are natural to little minds when puffed up by fudden elevation, and employed in functi- ons to which their abilities are not equal. By the fubverfion of every trace of the popular go- vernment, without any proper civil eftablifhment in its place, he, with a few coadjutors, affumed and exercifed legiflative, judicial and executive powers over citizens in the fame manner as over the common foldiery under their command. A feries of proclamations was iffued by his autho- rity, which militated as well againft the princi- ples of the Britifh conflitution, as thofe of juftice, equity and humanity. For flight offences, and on partial and infufficient information, citizens were confined by his orders, and that often without any trial. The place allotted for fecuring them, being the middle part of the cellar under the Exchange, was called the Provoft. The dampnefs of this unwholefome fpot, together with the want of a fire-place, caufed, among the unhappy furlerers, lome deaths, and much ficknefs. Colonel Stark, colonel Beard, captain Moore, and mr. Pritch- ard, after being put in irons, were brought on foot to Charlefton by rapid marches from diftant parts of the country. Thefe gentlemen, in con- junction with meflrs. Peter Bocquet, Samuel Legare, ( **5 ) Legare, Jonathan Larrazin, Henry Peronneau and Daniel Stevens, were fhut up in this place of confinement. Two young ladies, of molt amiable characters and refpectable connexions, on a groundlefs fufpicion of giving intelligence to the Americans, were, for a fhort time, fubjected to the fame indignity. Thefe were crowded to- gether with the fick, labouring under contagious difeafes, with negroes, deferters, and women of infamous characters, to the number of fifty-fix, within narrow limits. So little regard was paid to decency, that the calls of nature could not be fatisfied but in the open view of both fexes pro- mifcuoufly collected in one apartment. The American ftate-prifoner, and the Britilh felon, fhared the fame fate. The former, though for the mod: part charged with nothing more than an active execution of the laws of the ftate, or having fpoken words difrefpectful or injurious to the Britilh officers or government, or of corre- fponding with the Americans, fuffered indignities and diftreffes in common with thofe who were accufed of crimes tending to fubvert the peace and exiitence of focietv. Such was the adminiftration of police by lieu- tenant-colonel Balfour. His conduct, on the whole, tended greatly to ftrengthen the whig intereft, and to diminilh the number of royalifts. It has already been obferved, that on the ar- rival of the Britilh in South-Carolina, the inhabi- Vol. II. L 1 cants ( 266 ) tants were encouraged to ftay on their plantations, with the profpecl of neutrality, and that, in a lit- tle time, thefe delufive hopes vaniihed, they be- ing called upon to arm and embody in fupport of royal government. Inftead of drawing off the people gradually from an attachment to their late conftitution, which had acquired (lability by a duration of four years, the conquerors were fo far miftaken as to fuppofe that men could inftant- ly be transformed from cjbilinate revolters to zealous royalifts. In a very fhort time after their fubmifiion, they were called upon to promife that, by force of arms, they would oppofe men who were their friends and neighbours, and by whofc fides they had lately fought. In effecYmg a revo- lution from the regal to the republican govern- ment, a very different policy was purfued. The popular leaders proceeded gradually. The com- mon people were not (hocked by any proporti- ons too repugnant to their antient prejudices, or too remote from eftablifhed opinions. Though the leading-men in the counfels of America were far from being adepts in the maxims of refined policy, yet they were led, by a providential con- currence of circumflances, to carry on their ope- rations in a manner which contributed more to their fuccefs than if every ftep they took had been prefcribed by the moil confummate art. When they firft began to oppofe the claims of Great-Britain, they were far from intending that feparation which they afterwards effected, and would have trembled with horror at the thoughts of ( *67 ) of that which at lafl they gloried in accomplifhing. Strange and undefigned confequences followed in the gradual fucceffion of caufes and effects. In confuting the extravagant opinion of taxation without reprefentation, the Americans were in- fenfibly led to enquire into the nature of civil liberty, and of their connexion with Great-Bri- tain. From a denial of the Britifh right of taxa- tion, the way was opened for an inveftigation of the reftrictions on their commerce, and of the difadvantages of their fubordinate ftation. A direct renunciation of the mother-country, in the firft inftance, would have drawn on the Ameri- cans the whole weight of her vengeance, and would probably have difunited the colonifts ; but as this was far from the thoughts of the popular leaders, they continued to profefs, and with fin- cerity, great refpecl for their King and his go- vernment, till ftep by ftep they came to erect the ftandard of independence. The fentiments of a great majority of the people coincided with the rcfolutions of their leaders. Nothing was recom- mended, but what was in unifcn with the prevail- ing opinions. A prudent refpecl was paid to antient prejudices, and nothing r>ew was impofed till the publick mind was gradually reconciled to its favourable reception. The firft popular af- femblies conducted their oppofition on legal grounds, and in a manner compatible with their allegiance. It was the acknowledged right of the fubjecls to meet together, and petition for a redrefs of their grievances. Their committees and ( 268 ) and congreftes, their resolutions of non-impor? tntion and non-exportation contained nothing unconftitutional. The aflfocratioa, which was the firft band of popular union in South-Carolina, was fanctioned by no other penalty but that of wkh-holding all intercouife with thole who mould refufe to concur with the fame meafures. The republican government had exifted upwards of two years. General Burgoyne's army had been captured, and the alliance with France ratified, before an oath of allegiance to the flate of South- Carolina was generally exacted from tne inhabi- tants. During the whole war an abjuration of the King of Great-Britain was required of none but thofe who were in the publick fervice, with the exception of crown officers, and a few other fufpected characters. It was not only by the violence that was done to the publick fentiments, in arming the inhabi- tants againft their countrymen, that the Britifh rulers injured their intereft. The circumflances attending that meafure were productive of diftrefs to the new-made fubjedts, as well as of differvice to the caufe of his Britannick majefly. The officers who obtained commiflions in the royal milkia were, for the moil part, men of unpopu- lar character. They had been confidered either as timid and luke-warm friends, or difguifed enemies, and were objects of contempt to the active ipirited whigs. All commiflions from the Americans being extinct, the officers who had lately ( *69 ) iarely acted by their authority were inftantly called upon to do duty as privates under men whom they lately commanded, and whom they generally defpifed. This revolution gave an op- portunity for the gratification of private refent- ments. The Britifh militia-officers perfecuted individuals, whom they difliked, with fo much feverity, that many of them, who would have wifhed to remain quiet at home, were driven in felf-defence to join American parties. After their fecond revolt, they foon obtained followers from among their former friends and connexions who were in the fame predicament with themfelves. The diftincYion of Whig and Tory took its rife in the year 1775. Both parties in the interior country were then embodied, and were obliged to imprefs provihons for their refpective fupport. The advocates for Congrefs prevailing, they paid for articles cenfumed in their camps ; but as no funds were provided for difcharging the expences incurred by the royalifts, all that was confumed by them was confidered as a robbery. This laid the foundation of a piratical war between whigs and tories, which eventually was productive of great diftrefs, and deluged the country with blood. In the interval between the infurreclion ot 1775, and the year 1780, the whigs were occahonally plundered by parties who had at- tempted infurrections in favour of royal govern- ment. But all that was done prior to the fur- render of Charlefton was trifling when compared to ( 270 ) to what followed. After that event political hatred raged with uncommon fury, and the ca- lamities of civil war defolated the ftate. The ties of nature were in feveral inftances diffolved, and that reciprocal good- will and confidence, which hold mankind together in fociety, was in a great degree extinguifhed. Countrymen, neigh- bours, friends and brothers, took different fides, and ranged themfeives under the oppofing ftand- ards of the contending factions. In every little precinct, more especially in the interior parts of the (late, King's-men and Congrels-men were names of diftincYion. The palnons on both fides were kept in perpetual agitation, and wrought up to a degree of fury which rendered individu- als regardlefc. not only of the taws of war but of the principles of humanity. While the Britifa had the afcendency, their parti zans gave full fcope to their intereded and malicious pallions. People of the word characters emerged from their hiding-places in fwamps — called themfeives King's-men — and began to appropriate to their own ufe whatfoever came in their way. Every act of cruelty and injuftice was fandified, pro- vided the a&or called himfelf a friend to the King, and the fufferer was denominated a rebel. Of thofe who were well-difpofed to the claims of America, there were few to be found who had not their houfes and plantations repeatedly rifled. Under the fancYion of fubduing rebellion, pri- vate revenge was gratified. Many houfes were burned, and many people inhumanly murdered. Numbers ( V1 ) Numbers for a long time were obliged, either entirely to abandon their homes, or to fleep in the woods and fwamps. Rapine, outrage and murder, became fo common, as to interrupt the free intercourie between one place and another. That fecurity and protection, which individuals expecl. by entering into civil fociety, ceafed al- moft totally. Matters remained in this fituation for the greateft part of a year after the furrender of Charlefton. When general Greene returned to South-Carolina, in the fpring of 1781, every- thing was reverfed. In a few weeks he difpoffefl- ed the Britifh of all their pods in the upper coun- try, and the exafperated whigs once more had the fuperiority. On their return to their homes, they generally found ftarving families and defoiate plantations. To reimburfe their lofTes, and to gratify revenge, they, in their turn, began to plunder and to murder. The country was laid wafte, and private dwellings frequently ftained with the blood of hufbands and fathers inhuman- ly fhed in the prefence of their wives and children. About this time governor Rutledge returned to South-Carolina, and exerted his great abilities in re-eftablifhing order and fecurity. To this end he iffued a proclamation, ftrictly forbidding all violence and rapine. nn Magiftrates were appoint- ed in every part of the ftate recovered from the Britifh. Civil government was reftored. Property- was fecured. Confufion and anarchy gave place to nn Seenote xxxvnr. C 272 ) to order and regular government. The people were happy, and rejoiced in the revolution. In the clofe of the year 1781, when the fuc* ceffes of the American army had confined the late conquerors to the vicinity of Charlefton, a defperate band of tories adopted the infernal fcheme of taking their lafl revenge, by carrying fire and fword into the fettlements of the whig militia. To this end major William Cunningham, of the Britifh militia, collected a party, and hav- ing furnifhed them with every thing necefTary for laying wade the country, fallied from Charlefton,. He and his affociates concealed themfelves till they arrived in the back fettlements, far in the rear of the American army, and there began to plunder, burn and murder. In the unfufpe&ing hour of fleep and domeftick fecurity, they en- tered the houfes of the folitary farmers, and fa-* crificed to their revenge the obnoxious head of the family. Their cruelties induced fome fmall parties to affociate and arm in felf-defence. Cap- tain Turner and twenty men had, on thefe prin- ciples, taken poll: in a houfe, and defended themfelves till their ammunition was nearly ex- pended. After which they furrendered on re- ceiving afifurances that they mould be treated as prifoners of war. Notwithstanding this folemn agreement, captain Turner and his party were put to inltant death by Cunningham and the men under his command. Soon after this maflacre the fame party of tories attacked a number of the ( 273 ) the American militia, in the diftrict of Ninety- Six, commanded by colonel Hayes, and fet fire to the houfe in which they had taken fhelter. The only alternative left was either to be burned, or to furrender themfelves prifoners. The lafl being preferred, colonel Hayes and captain Da- niel Williams were hung at once on the pole of a fodder-flack. This breaking, they both fell, on which major William Cunningham cut them into pieces with his own fword, when, turning upon the others, he continued on them the ope- rations of his favage barbarity, till the powers of nature being exhaufted, and his enfeebled limbs refufing to adminifter any longer to his infatiate fury, he called upon his comrades to complete the dreadful work by killing whichsoever of the prifoners they pleafed. They inftantly put to death fuch of them as they perfonally difliked. Only two fell in a&ion, but fourteen were deli- berately cut to pieces after their furrender. Their names and rank were as follows : colonel Jofeph Hayes, captain Daniel Williams, lieutenant Chri- ftopher Hardy, lieutenant John Neel, Clement Hancock, Jofeph Williams, Jofeph Lby, fenior, Jofeph Irby, junior, John Milven, James Feris, John Cook, Greaf Irby, Benjamin Goodman, Yancy Saxon. About the fame time, and under the fame influence, emiflaries from the Britifh induced the Cherokee Indians to commence hoflilities. Early in the year 1781 general Greene had concluded . Vol. II. M m a ( 274 ) a treaty with them, by which they had engaged to oblerve a neutrality. This was attended with the beneficial effects of faving the frontier fettle- ments both of North and South-Carolina from their incuriions, while the inhabitants were left at full liberty to concentrate their force againfl the army under the command of lord Cornwallis. When the co-operation of the Indians could be of the leaft fervice to the Britiih forces, they were induced to break through their engage- ments of neutrality. They, with a number of difguifed whitemen, who called themfelves the King's friends, made an incurlion into the dif- tricl of Ninety-Six, maffacred fome families, and burned feveral houfes. General Pickens collected a party of the American militia, and penetrated into the fettlements of the Cherokees. This he accomplilhed in fourteen days, at the head of three hundred and ninety-four horfemen. In that ihort fpace he burned thirteen towns and vil- lages, killed upwards of forty Indians, and took a greater number prifoners. Not one of his par- ty was killed, and only two were wounded. None of the expeditions carried on againff. the Cherokees had been fo rapid and decifive as the prefent one. General Pickens did not expend three pounds of ammunition, and yet only three Indians efcaped, after having been once feen. On this occahon a new and fuccefsful mode of fighting the favages was introduced. Inftead of firing, the American militia ruihed forwards on horfeback, and charged with drawn fwords. This was ( *t5 ) was the fecond time during the American war that the Cherokee Indians had been chaftifed in their own fettlements, in confequence of fuffer- ing themfelves to be excited by Britifh emiffaries to commence hoftilities againft their white neigh- bours. They again fued for peace, in the mod fubmiffive terms, and obtained it, after promihng that, inftead of liftening to the advice of the royalifts inftigating them to war, they would de- liver thofe of them that vifited their fettlements, on that errand, to the authority of the (late. In confequence of thefe civil wars between the whigs and tories — the incurfions of the fa- vages — and the other calamities refuking from the operations of the Britifh and American ar- mies, South- Carolina exhibited fcenes of diftrefs which were mocking to humanity. The fingle diftrict of Ninety-Six, which is only one of lix diftricls into which the (fate of South-Carolina is divided, has been computed, by well-informed perfons refiding therein, to contain within its limits fourteen hundred widows and orphans, made fo by the war. Nor is it wonderful that the country was involved in fuch accumulated diftrefs. The American government was fui- pended, and the Britiffi conquerors were carelefs of the civil rights of the inhabitants. They con- dueled as though interior order and police were fcarcely objects of attention. The will of the ftrongeft was the law. Such was the general complexion of thofe who called themfelves royal- ifts, ( *7<5 ) ids, that nothing could be expected from them, unreflrained as they were by civil government, but outrages againft the peace and order of fo- ciety. Though among the tories in the lower parts of South-Carolina there were gentlemen of honour, principle and humanity, yet, in the in- terior and back parts of the (late, a great pro- portion of them was an ignorant unprincipled banditti, to whom idlenefs, licentioufnefs, and deeds of violence, were familiar. Horfe-thieves and others, whofe crimes had exiled them from fociety, attached themfelves to parties of the Britiih. Encouraged by their example, and in- ftigated by the love of plunder, they committed the mod extenfive depredations. Under the cloak of attachment to the old government, they covered the bafeft and moft felfifh purpofes. The neceflity which their indiscriminate plundering impofed on all good men of defending them- felves, did infinitely more damage to the royal caufe than was compenfated by all the advan- tages refultitig from their friendship. They could fcarcely ever be brought to the field of battle. They fometimes furnifhed the Britifh army with intelligence and provifions, but on all other ac- counts their fervices were of very little import- ance. When the war was ended, though the pre- tence of crushing rebellion was no more a cloak to their robberies, the fame depredations were continued, not only on the frontiers of South- Carolina ( *77 ) Carolina and Georgia, but in Eafl-Florida. Mr. Tonyn, governor of' the lad-mentioned loyal province, granted a commiflion to a horfe-tbief, of the name of M'G'irth, who, at the head of a party, had lor feveral years harafTcd the inhabi- tants of South-Carolina and Georgia. By his frequent incurfions he had amafled a large pro- perty, which he depoiited in the vicinity of St. Auguftine. After peace was proclaimed, he car- ried on the fame practices againfl his former protectors in Eafl-Florida, till they were obliged, in felf-defence, to raife the royal militia of the province to oppofe him. So dangerous is it ro confer offices on men devoid of principle ; for villians, when it is their interefl, will turn againfl their employers. As foon as the American army obtained re- pofTeiHon of the country, the inhabitants, after returning to their former allegiance, refolutely put all to the rifk in fupport of independence. Though the Britifh, in the career of their con- quers, had inculcated the neceffity and propriety of transferring allegiance from the vanquifhed to the victor, yet they treated with the utmoft feverity thofe unfortunate men, when in their power, who, having once accepted of Britifh protection, acted on thefe very principles in af- terwards re-joining their victorious countrymen. Among the fufferers on this fcore, the illuflri- ous colonel Hayne (lands confpicuous. During the ( 178 ) the fiege of Charlefton that gentleman ferved his country in a corps of militia-horfe. After the capitulation, there being no American army in the itate, and the profpecf. of one being both diftant and uncertain, no alternative was left but either to abandon his family and property, or to furrender to the conquerors. This hard dilem- ma, together with well-founded information, that others in fimilar circumftances had been paroled to their plantations, weighed with colonel Hayne fo far as to induce a concluiion, that, inftead of waiting to be captured, it would be both more fafe and more honourable to come within the Britifh lines, and furrender himfelf a voluntary prifoner. He therelore repaired to Charlefton, and offered to bind himfelf by the honour of an American officer, to do nothing prejudicial to the Britifh intereft till he mould be exchanged. Reports which were made of his fuperior abilities and influence, uniformly exerted in the American caufe, operated with the conquerors to refufe him a parole, though they were in the habit of daily granting that indulgence to others of the inhabi- tants. To his great aftonilhment he was told, ' that he mult either become a Britifh fubjecr., or 4 fubmit to clofe confinement.' To be arretted and detained in the capital, was to himfelf not an intolerable evil ; but to abandon his family both to the ravages of the fmall-pox, a difeafe then raging in their neighbourhood, and which in a fliort time a iter proved mortal to his wife and two of his children, and to the infults and depredations ( 279 ) depredations of the royal army, was too much for a tender hufband and a fond parent. To ac- knowledge himfelf the fubjccT: of a king whofe government he had from principle renounced, was repugnant to his feelings ; but without this he was cut off from every profpect of a return to his family. In this embarratiing fituation he waited on the author of this hiitory, with a de- claration to the following effect : ' If the Brittih would grant me the indulgence which we, in the day of our power gave to their adherents, of removing mv family and property, I would feek an afylum in the remotett corner of the United States rather than fubmit to their go- vernment ; but as they allow no other alter- native than fubmiflion or confinement in the capital, at a diftance from my wife and family, at a time when they are in the mod preffing need of my prefence and fupport, I mull for the pre- fent yield to the demands of the conquerors. I requeft you to bear in mind, that, previous to my taking this flep, I declare, that it is con- trary to my inclination, and forced on me by hard necefiitv. I never will bear arms aeainft my country. My new mafters can require no fervice of me but what is enjoined by the old militia-law of the province, which fubftitutes a fine in lieu of perfonal fervice. That I will pav as the price of my protection. If my conduct mould be cenfured by my countrymen, I beg that you would remember this converfation, and bear witnefs for me, that I do not mean to de- fert the caufe of America.' Is ( 23o ) In this itate of durefs colonel Hayne fubfcrib- ed a declaration of his allegiance to the King of Great-Britain, but not without exprefsly object- ing to the claufe which required him, ' with his * arms, to fupport the royal government.' The commandant of the garrifon, brigadier-general Paterfon, and James Simpfon, efquire, intendant of the Britifli police, allured him, that this would never be required, and added farther, ' that ' when the regular forces could not defend the ' country without the aid of its inhabitants, it * would be high time for the royal army to quit ■ it.' Having fubmitted to their government, he readily obtained permiflion to return to his family. In violation of the fpecial condition under which he fubfcribed the declaration of his allegiance, he was repeatedly called on to take arms againft his countrymen, and was finally threatened with clofe confinement in cafe of a farther refufal. This open breach of contract, together with the inability of the late conquerors to give him that protection which was promifed as a compenfation for his allegiance, the Americans having re-gain- ed that part of the flate in which he rcfidcd, in- duced him to confider himfelf as releafed from all engagements to the Britifli commanders. The inhabitants of his neighbourhood, who had alfo revolted, fubfcribed a petition to general Pickens, praying that colonel Hayne might be appointed to the command of their regiment. Having thus re fumed ( 281 ) refumed his arms, and the tide of conqueft being fairly turned in the fhort fpace of thirteen months after the furrender of Charleflon, he fent out, in the month of July 1781, a fmall party to re- connoitre. They penetrated within feven miles of the capital — took general Williamfon prifoner, and retreated to the head-quarters of the regi- ment. This was the fame Williamfon, who, having been an active and ufeful officer in the militia of South-Carolina, from the commence- ment of the war to the furrender of Charleflon in May 1780, became, foon after that event, a Britifh fubject. Such was the anxiety of the Britifh commandant to refcue general Williamfon, that he ordered out his whole cavalry on that bu- finefs. Colonel Ilayne unfortunately fell into their hands. Though he had conducted himfelf peaceably while under the Britifh government, and had injured no man, yet, for having refumed his arms, after accepting Britifh protection, he was, when brought to Charleflon, confined in a loathfome provoil. At firft he was promifed a trial, and had counfel prepared to juflify his con- duel by the laws of nations and ufages of war ; but this was finally refufed. Had he been confi- dered as a Britifh fubject, he had an undoubted right to a trial — if as an American officer, to his parole ; but in violation of every principle of the conflitution, he was ordered for execution by the arbitrary mandate of lord Uawdon and lieutenant- colonel Balfour. Vol. II, N n Tm ( •** ) The royal lieutenant-governor Bull, and a great number of inhabitants, both loyalifts and Ameri- cans, interceded for his life. The ladies of Charlefton generally figned a petition in his be- half, in which was introduced every delicate fen- timent that was likely to operate on the gallantry of officers, or the humanity of men. 0o His chil- dren, accompanied by fome near relations, were prefented on their bended knees, as humble fuit- ors for their father's life. Such powerful inter- ceffions were made in his favour as touched many an unfeeling heart, and drew tears from many an hard eye ; but lord Rawdon and lieutenant- colonel Balfour remained inflexible. After his £ate was fixed, he was repeatedly vifited by his friends, and converfed on various fubjefts with the fortitude of a man, a philofo- pher and a chriftian. He particularly lamented that, on principles of reciprocal retaliation, his execution wrould probably be an introduction to the fhedding of much innocent blood. His chil- dren, who had loft their other parent, were brought to him in the place of his confinement, and received from his lips the dying advice of an affectionate father. On the lad evening of his life he told a triend, * that he was no more c alarmed at the thoughts of death than at any ' other occurrence which was necellary and una- u voidable.' He requefted thofe in whom the iupreme power was vefted, to accommodate the mode *° See note xxxix. ( **]> ) mode of his death to his feelings as an officer ; but this was refufed. On the morning of the fatal day, on receiving his fummons to proceed to the place of execu- tion, he delivered the annexed papers tohiseldeft fon, a youth of about thirteen years of age — ' Prefent,' faid he, * thefe papers pp to mrs. Ed- £ wards, with my requeft that me would forward c them to her brother in Congrefs. You will c next repair to the place of execution — receive ' my body, and fee it decently interred among * my forefathers.* They took a final leave. The colonel's arms were pinioned, and a guard placed round his perfon. The proceffion began from the Exchange, in the forenoon of the fourth of -Augufl 1 78 1. The ftreets were crowded with thoufands of anxious fpectators. He walked to the place of execution with fuch decent firmnefs, compofure and dignity, as to awaken the com- paffion of many, and to command refpect from all. There was a majefty in his fufferings which rendered him fuperior to the pangs of death. When the city barrier was part, and the inftru- ment of his cataftrophe appeared full in view, a faithful friend by his fide obferved to him, c that c he hoped he would exhibit an example of the 6 manner in which an American can die.' He anfwered with the utmoft tranquillity, ' I will * endeavour to do fo.' He afcended the cart with a firm ftep and ferene afpe£t. He enquired of the pp See note xl. ( ^84 ) the executioner, who was making an attempt to get up to pull the cap over his eyes, what he wanted ? Upon being informed of his defign, the colonel replied, 8 I will fave you that trouble,' and pulled it over himfelf. He was afterwards afked, whether he wifhed to fay any thing, to which he anfwered, * I will only take leave of ' my friends, and be ready.' He then affection- ately fhook hands with three gentlemen — recom- mended his children to their care — and gave the fignal for the cart to move. Thus fell, in the bloom of life, a brave offi- cer, a worthy citizen, a jufl and upright man, furnilhing an example of heroifm in death that extorted a confeflion from his enemies, * that, ' though he did not die in a good caufe, he mud 6 at lead have acled from a perfuafion of its being See note lit. ( 373 ) thefe offers. It would have been the means of retaining in the date many thoufand pounds in gold and filver, befides faving the country from depredation. But as it was then believed that the Britifh meant to fupply themielves largely with provifions, the better to enable them to transfer the war to the French Weft-India Iflands, a fenfe of honour — of what was due to national cha- racter— and to their French allies, forbad an af- fent to the advantageous oifers of general Leflie. Every effort was made by the commander of the American army, and by the governor of the (late, to reftrain the intercourfe between town and country on private account, though the necefiities of the American army made a fmall deviation neceffarv for the fake of obtaining fupplies for publick fervice. General Leflie, rinding it im- poflible to purchafe, fent out parties to ieize pro- vifions near the different landings, and to bring them by water to Charlefton. This was effected in fome inftances before the Americans could be collected in fufficient force for the defence of their property. One of the moft confiderable parties ordered on this bufinefs was fent to Combahee ferry, where they arrived on the twenty-fifth of Auguft 1782. Brigadier-general Gift, with about three hundred cavalry and infantry, of the continental army, was detached to oppofe them. He fucceeded fo far as to capture one of their fchooners, and in a great degree to fruftrate their defigns. Lieute- nant- ( 374 ) nant-colonel John Laurens, though he had been confined for feveral days immediately preceding, yet, on hearing of the expedition, rofe from his bed, and followed general Gift. When the Bri- tifh and American detachments approached within a few miles of each other, lieutenant-colonel Lau- rens, being in advance with a fmall party of re- gulars and militia, engaged with a much fuperior force, in expectation of fupport from the main body in his rear. In the midft of his gallant exertions, this all-accomplilhed youth received a mortal wound. Nature had adorned him with a profufion of her choiceft gifts, to which a well- conducled education had added its moft ufeful as well as its mofl elegant improvements. Though his fortune and family entitled him to pre-emi- nence, yet he was the warm friend of republican equality. Generous and liberal, his heart ex- panded with genuine philanthropy. Zealous for the rights of humanity, he contended that per- fonal liberty was the birth-right of every human being, however diverfified by country, colour or capacity. His insinuating addrefs, won the hearts of all his acquaintances : his Sincerity and virtue, fecured their lading efteerm Acting from the moft honourable principles — uniting the bravery and other talents of a great officer with the know- ledge of a complete Scholar, and the engaging manners of a well-bred gentleman, he was the idol of his country — the glory of the army — and an ornament of human nature. His abilities ihone in the legiflature and in the cabinet, as well ( 375 ) well as in the field, and were equal to the higheft flations. His admiring country, fenfible of his rifing merit, flood prepared to confer on him her mod diftinguifhed honours. Cut down in the midfl of all thefe profpects, he has left mankind to deplore the calamities of war, which, in the twenty-feventh year of his life, deprived fociety of fo invaluable a citizen. Throughout the year 1782 the American army acted chiefly on the defenfive. A fhort time before the evacuation, an attempt was made againfl a Britifh detachment on James-Ifland. In this unfuccefsful enterprize captain Wilmot, a brave and worthy officer of the Maryland line, loft his life. This was the lafl drop of blood which was fhed in the American war. When the long-expected evacuation of Charlei- ton really drew nigh, it was apprehended by the inhabitants, that the Britifh army, on its depar- ture, would carry off with them fome thoufands of negroes which were within their lines. To prevent this, governor Mathews wrote a letter to general Leflie, dated Auguft feventeenth, 1782, in which he informed him, ' that, if the * property of the citizens of South-Carolina was i carried off from its owners by the Britifh army, < he mould feize on the debts due to the Britifh ' merchants — and to the confifcated cftates — and ' the claims on thofe eftares by marriage fettle- ' ments — which three articles were not included 8 in ( 37« ) 6 in the confiscation acV This conditional refolu- tion operated as a check on fome, fo as to reftrain their avidity for plunder, and induced general Leflie to propofe a negotiation, for fecuring the property of both parties. The honourable Ben- jamin Guerard and Edward Rutledge, efquires, were appointed commiflloners in behalf of the ftate, and Alexander Wright and James Johnfon, efquires, in behalf of the royalifts. After fundry converfations, the commiflioners on both fides, on the tenth of October 1782, ratified a compact on this fubject, of which the following are the principal articles : ' First, That all the flaves of the citizens of c South-Carolina, now in the power of the ho- * nourable lieutenant-general Leflie, fhall be re- ' ftored to their former owners, as far as is prac- ' ticable, except fuch flaves as may have rendered c themfelves particularly obnoxious on account ' of their attachment and fervices to the Britilh ' troops, and fuch as had fpecifick promifes of * freedom. ' That the faith of the ftate is hereby folemnly 6 pledged, that none of the debts due to Britilh ' merchants, or to perfons who have been ba* ' nifhed, or whofe eftates have been confifcated, e or property fecured by family fettlements fairly c made, or contracts relative thereto, fhall now, * or at any time hereafter, be arreiled or with- * held by the executive authority of the ftate — * that ( 377 ) 4 that no act of the legiflature (hall hereafter pafs 4 for confifcating or feizing the fame in any man- 4 ner whatever, if it is in the power of the exe- 4 cntive to prevent it — and that its whole power * and influence, both in its publick and private 4 capacity, mall at all times be exerted for that * purpofe. c That the fame power (hall be allowed for ' the recovery of the debts and property, hereby ' protected and fecured by the parties or their 4 reprefentatives, in the courts of juftice or other- £ wife, as the citizens of the ftate may at any 4 time be entitled unto, notwithstanding any acl: 4 of confifcation or banimment, or any other dif- * ability whatever — and that the fame may be 4 remitted to whatever part of the world they ' may think proper, under the fame, and no 4 other, regulations than the citizens of the ftate * may be fubject to. 4 That no flaves reftored to their former own- * ers, by virtue of this agreement, mail be pu- 4 nifhed by authority of the ftate for having left ' their mailers, and attached themfelves to the 4 Britifh troops ; and it will be particularly re- 4 commended to their refpeclive owners to for- 4 give them for the fame. 4 That no violence or infult (hall be offered 4 to the perfons or houfes of the families of fuch 4 perfons as are obliged to leave the ftate for their Vol. II. 'I A 4 adherence ( 378 ) * adherence to the Britifh government, when the ' American army mall take pofleflion of the town, c or at any time afterwards, as far as it is in the 4 power of thofe in authority to prevent it. ' That Edward Blake and Roger-Parker * Saunders, efquires, be permitted to refide in ' Charlefton, on their parole of honour, to aflifl 4 in the execution of the firft article of this 6 compact,' In confequence of this agreement governor Mathews gave a commiffion and a flag to the ho- nourable Thomas Fergufon and Thomas War- ing, efquires, to refide near the Britifh lines, with inftru&ions to receive fuch negroes as mould be delivered from the garrifon. Edward Blake and Roger-Parker Saunders, efquires, had alfo a com- miflion and a flag given them to refide in Charlef- ton, and forward the delivery of the 'negroes to the gentlemen who were waiting to receive them without the garrifon. Governor Mathews re- quefted the citizens of the date to attend for the purpofe of receiving their negroes, and earnefily entreated that they would forgive them for hav- ing deferted their fervice and joined the Britifh. Great were the expectations of the fullering in- habitants, that they would foon obtain re-polfeffi- on of their property j but thefe delufive hopes were of fhort duration. Notwithstanding the fo- lemnity with which the compact had been ratified, it ( 379 ) it was fo far evaded as to be in a great meafure ineffectual for the end propoied. Edward Blake and Roger-Parker Saunders, efquires, having waited on general Leflie, were permitted to examine the fleet bound to St. Au- guftine ; but were not fuffered to examine any veffel that wore the King's pendant. Inftead of an examination the word of the commanding officer, to relfore all the Haves that were on board, in violation of the compact, was offered as an equivalent. In their fearch of the Auguf- tine fleet, they found and claimed one hun- dred and thirty-fix negroes. When they attend- ed to receive them on ihore, they were furprized to find no more than feventy-three landed for deliverv. They then claimed this fmall refi- due of the original number to be forwarded to the other commiflioners without the lines, but they were informed by general Leflie, that no negroes would be delivered till three foldiers were reftored that had been taken by a party of ge- neral Greene's army. On that occaiion the fol- lowing letter was written to Edward Blake and Roger-Parker Saunders : 'Head-Quarters, Oft. 18, 1782. ' Gentlemen, 1 General Leflie was much furprized on find- ' ing that a large patrole from general Greene's c army, two days ago, came down fo near our ' advanced ( 38° ) ' advanced poft on Charlefton Neck, as to carry ' off three foldiers who were a little way in the 6 front. At the time this act of hoftility was 4 committed, mr. Fergufon and another perfon * was at Accabee, where I believe they ftill re- ' main, in expectation of receiving the negroes 6 to be delivered up, without any fanction but * that of the agreement entered into. 'I am directed to obferve, that if a line of * conduct on the part of general Greene, fo dif- ' ferent from ours, is adopted, that it muft of ' courfe put an end to the pacifick intentions ge- ' neral Leflie means to follow in regard to this * province, during the fhort time he is to remain « in it. ' He wifhes you will inform governor Mathews, * that he expects the foldiers taken away will be * returned, and that the governor will take pro- c per meafures to have this requifition complied ' with. Until this is done general Leflie mull be * under the neceility of putting a flop to the ' farther completion of the agreement. ' I am, gentlemen, ' your moft obedient, * humble fervant, « J. Weyms, D. A. General. e Iloger-P. Saunders and ' Edward Blake, efquires.' This ( 3»' ) This letter being forwarded to governor Ma- thews, he replied to it in a letter to general Leflie, in the following words : 'Sir, * October 19, 1782. 1 I was a few minutes ago favoured with a let- ' ter from meflrs. Blake and Saunders, enclofing ' one to them from major Weyms, written by ' your authority. As I do not like a fecond-hand ' correfpondence, I therefore addrefs myfelf im- ' mediately to you. c I addressed a letter to you this morning, ' by which you will find, that I was not even ' then without fome apprehenfions of an intended ' evafion of the compact entered into on the tenth * inftant ; but on the receipt of major Weyms's 6 letter, no room was left me for doubt ; which e obliges me, without giving farther trouble to 6 thofe engaged in the bufinefs, and introducing ' farther altercation between us, to declare, that * I look on that agreement as diflblved, and have 6 accordingly ordered my commiffioners immedi- ' ately to quit your lines. But, before I take ' my final leave of you, permit me to make one ' or two obfervations on major Weyms's letter, " as probably the whole correfpondence between * us may one day be brought to publick view. ' On the twelfth inflant I wrote to you, to e know whether perfons going to Accabee, to ' bring off their negroes when brought there, 6 mould ( 3^ ) * mould be prote&ed from your armed parties ; c and farther, to permit me to fend a party of 6 militia to guard the negroes remaining unclaim- ' ed to fome part of the country where they £ could be fupplied with provifions. To this ' letter I have received no anfwer, which has c obliged me to ufe the precaution of giving * flags to all perfons who have applied to go to * Accabee, as I could on no principle look on ' that ground as neutral until it had been mutu- * ally agreed on as fuch. Indeed I was left to 4 conclude the contrary was intended on your ' part, both by your tedious filence, and detach- ' ments from your army making excurfions as c far as Afhley ferry, which was abfolutely the * cafe the morning of the day that the party from * general Greene's army took the foldiers you ' fo peremptorily demand of me. And, if I am ' rightly informed, hoftilities were commenced ' by your party. But be that as it may, I con- ' ceive it of little confequence, as either party * had a right to commence hoftilities on hoftile c ground, and between enemies every fpot muft 6 be confidered as fuch until mutually agreed 6 upon to be otherwife. Befides, it is a well- ' known fact, that there is not a day but fome ' of your armed parties are on that very ground ' which you affect to hold neutral. ' With regard to meffrs. Fergufon and War- ' ing remaining at Accabee unmolefted : I hold * myfelf under no manner of obligation to you 6 for ( 33.3 ) ' for this forbearance, as I informed you they * were there under the fanction of a nag — that 4 they were to remain there for the purpofe of ' receiving the negroes lent out by the agents in ! Charleston. They were therefore authorized ' to continue there till you fignihed the contrary * to them. Flags from you have remained within ' half a mile of our lines for feveral days, even ' on private bufinefs, without the lead moleftation 1 whatever. Befides, fir, if your reafoning, as £ far as it applies to thofe gentlemen, proves any * thing, it proves too much, becaufe, on the ' fame principle, the other two commiffioners, be- ' ing in Charleflon, ought to make that neutral ' ground alfo, notwithstanding no Stipulation for ' that purpofe had been entered into. I never c interfere with general Greene's military plans, ' therefore the paragraph which relates to hi* ' operations ought to have been addreffed to him ; 1 but I believe he pays as little regard to threats 4 as I do. c I have the honour to be (Signed) ' John Mathews. ' Lieutenant-general Leil'ie.' This was the unfuccefsful termination of a benevolent fcheme originally calculated for miti- gating the calamities of war. Motives of hu- manity, together with the facred obligation of the provisional articles of peace, prevented the flate of South-Carolina from extending their con- futation laws. Inflead of adding to the lilt of the ( 3U ) the unhappy fufferers on that fcore, the fuccef- five affetnblies diminifhed their number. The profpects of gain, from the fale of plun- dered negroes, were too feducing to be refifted by the officers, privates and followers of the Bri- tifli army. On their departure from Charlefton upwards of eight hundred flaves, who had been employed in the engineer department, were (hip- ped off for the Weft-Indies. It was faid and be- lieved, that thefe were taken by the direction, and fold for the benefit of lieutenant-colonel Moncrieff. The profefhonal abilities of that dif- tinguiihed officer cannot be too much applauded, nor his rapacity too much detefted. The Haves carried off by the chief engineer were but a fmall part of the whole taken away at the evacuation, but their number is very inconhderable when compared with the thoufands that were loft from the fir ft to the laft of the war. It has been com- puted by good judges, that, between the years 1775 and 1783, the ftate of South-Carolina was deprived of negroes to the amount of twenty -five thoufand. The evacuation, though officially announced by general Leflie on the feventh of Auguft, as a meafure foon to be adopted, did not take place till the fourteenth of December 1782. On that and the fucceeding days the Britifli went on board their mipping, and the town was entered by governor Mathews, and the American army, without ( 385 ) without any confufion or diforder. Thofe who remained in Charlefton felt themfelves happy in being delivered from the feverities of a garrifon life. The exiled citizens experienced fenfations more eafily conceived than exprefled, on return- ing to their houfes and eftates. To crown their other bleffings provifional articles of peace were foon announced to have been figned at Paris, on the thirtieth of November 1782, by which the King of Great-Britain acknowledged * the United * States of New-Hampfhire, MaiTachufetts, Con- c necticut, Rhode-Ifland, New- York, New-Jerfey, ? Pennfylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, * North-Carolina, South- Carolina and Georgia, « to be free, fovereign and independent Mates j that 6 he treated with them as fuch ; and, for himfelf, 6 his heirs and fuccefibrs, relinquifhed all claim * to the government, propriety or territorial rights * of the fame.' ccc The patriot exulted in the ac- knowledged independence of his country. The foldier rejoiced that the toils of war were ended, and the objects of it fully obtained. The farmer redoubled his induftry, from the pleafing con- viction that the produce of his labour would be fecured to him without any danger from Britifh bayonets or American imprefs-warrants. Cheer- fulnefs and good humour took poffeffion of minds that, during feven years, had been continually occupied with anxiety and diftrefs. The army was foon after difbanded. Such, at that time, was the fituation of the finances of the United Vol. II. 3 B States, ccc See note liii. ( 386 ) States, that Congrefs was fcarcely able to dif- charge to that virtuous army, which with the price of their blood had fecured their indepen- dence, as much of the arrears of many years pay, as was fufHcient to defray their expences in re- turning to their refpecYive habitations. The lau- rels they had dearly earned, the applaufe of their countrymen which they had eminently ob- tained, and the plaudits of their confeiences which they honeflly pofTeffed, were almofl the only rewards they carried home, at the termina- tion of a war in which many had injured their conftitutions, and all had diminifhed their for- tunes. Sympathizing with the diftreffes of their countrymen — fcnfible of their inability to pay them their ftipulated due — and confiding in their juflice to make them future retribution, they cheerfully relinquished the uniform of the mili- tary for the plain garb of the citizen. The pri- vate foldier exchanged his bayonet and firelock, for the implements of hufbandry, and betook himfelf to rural occupations. Subalterns, cap- tains, field and general officers returned with pleafure to their ancient civil employments. No man aimed at more than the equal rights of citi- zenfhip ; and every citizen felt hinuelf free and independent. A spirit of induftry took place. The citi- zens, inftead of repining at their loflfes, generally fet themfelvts to repair them by diligence and economy. The continental officers who had ferv- ed ' ! ( 3»7 ) ed in the ftate, and whofe bravery and exertions had rendered them confpicuous, were fo well received by the ladies, that feveral of them had their gallantry rewarded by the poffefiion of fome of the fined women and greateft fortunes in South- Carolina. The unfortunate adherents to royal government were treated by thofe in power with moderation and lenity. In conformity to the treaty of peace, and the recommendation of Congrefs, the legiflature permitted the greater part of the exiles to return. Thefe were divided into three claries. Thirty-one were fully reftored to their property and citizenfhip, thirty-three were difqualified from holding any place of truft within the ftate for the fpace of feven years, and they, with fixty-two others, were relieved from total confiscation on the condition of their paying twelve per cent on the equitable value of their property. Though the ftate laboured under an immenfe load of publick debt, contracted during the war, it generoufly reftored confifcated pro- perty in its actual pofTemon, to the amount of four hundred and fifty-fix thoufand one hundred and eleven pounds fterling. The bleffings of peace were diffufed among the people, and no- thing is now wanting but the fmiles of Heaven, and their own good conduct, to make them a great and a happy republick. NOTES. NOTES. N O E S. NOTE I. Page 13. A lift of the Americans who were killed or wounded at the aclion near Beaufort, on the ninth of Fe- bruary 1779. Killed. Lieutenant Benja- min Wilkins, John Frafer, John Craig, John Williams, Alexander Douglafs, Charles Smith, James Heathcott, Jofeph Solomon. Wounded. Honourable captain Thomas Heyward, Captain Thomas M'Laughlin, Lieutenant Brown, Lieutenant Sawyer^ John Calvert, Francis Dearing, John Righton, John Lawrence, John Green, Wounded, ( 392 ) Wounded. John Anthony, I. D. Miller, Anthony Watts, John Collins, Stephen Deveaux, William Rea, John Crofkeys, Wounded. Michael Campbell, Ephraim Adams, Samuel Howard, John Graves, Thomas Feapue, John Oliphant. The laft-named in the lift of the wounded was a private continental foldier — all the others were of the militia. NOTE II. Page 18. THE territory of the United States contains by computation a million of fquare miles, in which are 640,000,000 of acres. Deduct for water 51,000,000 Acres of land in the United States, 589,000,000 of ditto. That part of the United States comprehended between the weft temporary line of Pennfylvania on the eaft, the boundary line between Britain and the United States extending from the river St. Croix to the north-weft extremity of the Lake of the Woods on the north, the river Miifidippi to the mouth of the Ohio on the weft, and the river Ohio on the fouth to the aforementioned bounds of Pennfylvania, contains by computation about ( 393 ] about four hundred and eleven thoufand fquare miles, in which are 263,040,000 acres. Deducl for water 43,040,000 To be difpofed of by order of Congrefs, 220,000,000 of acres. The whole of this immenfe extent of unappro-. priated weftern territory, containing, as above flated, 220,000,000 of acres, has been, by the ceflion of fome of the original thirteen ftates, and by the treaty of peace, transferred to the federal government, and is pledged as a fund for finking the continental debt. It is in contemplation to divide it into new itates, with republican con- ftitutions fimilar to the old itates near the At- lantick ocean. Ejiimate of the nwnber of acres of water y north and weftward of the river Ohio, within the territory. of the United States. Acres. In lake Superior, - - 21,952,780 Lake of the Woods, - 1,133,800 Lake Rain, &c. - - 165,200 Red lake, - - 551,000 Lake Michigan,- - - 10,368,000 Bay Puan, - - 1,216,000 Lake Huron, - - 5,009,920 Lake St. Clair, - - 89,500 Lake Erie, weftern part, - 2,252,800 Sundry fmall lakes and rivers, 301,000 43,040,000 Vol. II. 3 C Ejiimate ( 394 ) Eftimate cf the number of acres of water within, the thirteen United States. Brought forward, 43,040,000 In lake Erie, weftward of the line extended from the north-weft corner of Pennfylvania, due north to the boundary between the Britifh territory and the United States, - 410,000 In lake Ontario, - 2,390,000 Lake Champlain, 500,000 Chefapeak bay, - 1,700,000 Albermarle bay, - 330,000 Delaware bay, - 630,000 All the rivers within the thirteen ftates including the Ohio, - - 2,000,000 7,960,000 Total, 51,000,000 The above calculations were made from a&ual meafurement of the beft maps, by Thomas Hutchins, geographer to the United States. NOTE ( 395 ) NOTE III. Page 3°« "Names of American officers who were either killed or wounded in the attack on the Britifh lines at Stono, June twentieth 1779. CAPTAIN Hext, Lieutenant Fifby3 Lieutenant Smith, Captain Pagget, Captain Goodwin, Lieutenant Fifhbourn, Lieutenant Hamilton, Lieutenant Pollard, Lieutenant Deal, Lieutenant Brown, Lieutenant Prince, Colonel Roberts, Captain Mitchell, Colonel Armftrong, Colonel Little, Major Dixon, Captain Rhodes, Lieutenant Charlton, Lieutenant Campbell, Captain Sheed, Captain Camplin, Lieutenant Jones, Colonel de Laumoy, engineer. Lieutenant Davie, militia horfe. Mr. Witing, Mr. Ancrum, Second battalion light infantry. South-Carolina continental brigade. South-Carolina militia. South-Carolina artillery. North-Carolina continental brigade. North-Carolina militia. Volunteers, ( 30 ) NOTE IV. Page 40. A lift of the killed and wounded officers in the attack on the lines of Savannah on the ninth of October 1779. Killed. Wounded. Tk/TAJOR Motte, lVX Major Wife, Captains, Roux, Major Beraud, Rendelo, Captain Shepherd, (Farrar, Captain Donnom. Giles, Smith, Lieutenants, . Warren ; Hume, Hogan, Wickham, Davis, Bum, Treville. Bailey. Lieutenants; Wounded. Gray, Brigadier-general Petrie, count Pulaflii, Gallon, Major L'Enfant, Defaufure, Parker, W^alker, Bonneau, Wade, Wilkie, Vlelandj Par fon s. Volunteers, mr. Jones killed, mr. Lovd and mr. John Owen, wounded. The ( 397 ) The following noie was intended to be referred to from page 51, line 12, but the reference was omitted by miftake, THAT the American fleet abandoned the defence of the Bar, has been confidered by fome as a capital error. The reafons that led to this meafure, are laid down in the following letter, written, in anfwer to fundry requifitions of general Lincoln, by the fubferibers, the firfl four of whom were officers of the continental navy, and the remaining five branch pilots of the har- bour of Charleflon : To the honourable major-general Lincoln, Charleflon, February 27, 1780. Honoured fir, Your's of yeflerday we have received, and, after having carefully confidered and attended to the feveral requifitions therein contained, beg leave to return the following anfwers : at low water there are eleven feet in the channel from the bar to Five Fathom Hole. Five Fathom Hole is three miles from the bar, where you will have three fathoms at low water. They cannot be anchored until they are at that diftance from the bar. In the place where the fhips can be anchor- ed., the bar cannot be covered or annoyed. OfT the north Breaker Head, where the fhips can be anchored, to moor them that they may fwing in fafety, ( 39» ) iafety, they will be within one mile and an half of the fhore. If any batteries are thrown up to ad in conjunction with the mips, and the enemy's force fhould be fuperior, fo much as to caufe a retreat to be neceffary, it will be impomble for us to cover or take them off. Our opinion is, that the fhips can do the mod effectual fervice for the defence of the town and its fecurity, to ad in conjunction with fort Moultrie, which we think will bed anfwer the purpofe of the mips being fent here, and confequently, if fo, the views of Congrefs. Our reafons are, that the channel is fo narrow between the fort and the middle ground, that they may be moored fo as to rake the channel, and prevent the enemy's troops being landed to annoy the fort. The ene- my, we apprehend, may be prevented from founding and buoying the bar by the brig Ge- neral Lincoln, the (late brig Notre Dame, and other fmall veffels that may be occafionally em- ployed for that purpofe. We are, with refped, your honour's mod obedient humble fervants, Abraham Whipple, Luke Swain, Hoysted Hacker, John Whitaker, Samuel Tucker, Stephen Duvall, Thomas Simpson, Thomas Tucker. John Tarron, NOTE ( 399 ) NOTE V. P a g e 59. Copy of the fummons fent to major-general Lincoln the tenth of April 1780. Camp before Charleflon, April 10, 1780. SIR Henry Clinton, K. B. general and com- mander in chief of his majefty's forces in the colonies lying on the Atlantic, from Nova- Scotia, &c. &c. and vice-admiral Arbuthnot, commander in chief of his majefty's mips, &c. in North-America, &c. &c. regretting the effufion of blood, and the diftreffes which mull now com- mence, deem it confonant to humanity to warn the town and garrifon of Charleflon of the ha- vock and defolation with which they are threat- ened from the formidable force furrounding them by land and fea. An alternative is offered at this hour to the inhabitants of faving their lives and property, contained in the town, or of abiding by the fatal confequences of a cannonade and florin. Should the place, in a fallacious fecurity, or its commander, in a wanton indifference to the fate of its inhabitants, delay the furrender, or fhould publick flores or (hipping be deftroyed, the refentment of an exafperated foldiery may intervene j but the fame mild and companionate offer can never be renewed. The ( 4oo ) The refpedYive commanders, who hereby fum- mon the town, do not apprehend ib rafli a part as further refiftance will be taken ; but rather that the gates will be opened, and themfelvts received with a degree of confidence which will forebode further reconciliation. (Signed) H. Clinton, M. Arbuthnot. Copy of a letter from major-general Lincoln to gene- ral fir Henry Clinton and ^ice-admiral Arbuthnot, dated Charlejhn, April 10, 1780. Gentlemen, I have received your fummons of this date. Sixty days have paffed fmce it has been known that your intentions againfl; this town were hoftile, in which time has been afforded to abandon it ; but duty and inclination point to the propriety of fupporting it to the laft extremity. I have the honour to be, &c. (Signed) B. Lincoln. Commanding in the fouth department. Copy of a letter from fir Henry Clinton to major* general Lincoln, dated camp before Charlejlon-, May 8, 1780. Si R, Circumstanced as I now am, with refpeel 10 the place invefted, humanity only can induce me ( 4oi ) me to lay within your reach the terms I had determined fhould not again be proffered. The fall of fort Sullivan, the deftrucYion on the fixth inflant of what remained of your caval- ry, the critical period to which our approaches againft the town have brought us, mark this as the term of your hopes of fuccour, could you ever have framed any, and as an hour beyond which refi fiance is temerity. By this laft fummons, therefore, 1 throw to your charge whatever vindictive feverity exafpe- rated foldiers may inflict on the unhappy people whom you devote, by perfevering in a fruitlefs defence. I shall expect your anfwer until eight o'clock, when hoflilities will commence again, unlefs the town be furrendered. I have the honour to be, See. (Signed) H. Clinton. In confequence of this letter, articles of ca- pitulation were propofed by major-general Lin- coln, and anfwered by their excellencies general fir Henry Clinton, knight of the bath, and vice- admiral Arbuthnot ; which anfwers being deemed by general Lincoln to be inadmiffible, he pro- pofed that other articles, which he then fent, might be acceded to. Thofe articles were re- jected by fir Henry Clinton and vice-admiral Ar- Vol. II. 3 D buthnotj ( 402 ) buthnot ; and on the eleventh of May major-ge- neral Lincoln wrote the following letter : Copy of a letter from major-general Lincoln to gene- ral fir Henry Clinton, dated Charleflon, May 1 1 , 1780. S IR, The fame motives of humanity which inclined you to propofe articles of capitulation to this garrifon induced me to offer thofe I had the ho- nour of fending you on the eighth inftant. They then appeared to me fuch as I might proffer and you receive with honour to both parties. Your exceptions to them, as they principally concerned the militia and citizens, I then conceived were fuch as could not be concurred with ; but a re- cent application from thofe people, wherein they exprefs a willingnefs to comply with them, and a wifli on my part to lefTen as much as may be the diftreffes of war to individuals, lead me now to offer you my acceptance of them. I have the honour to be, &c. (Signed) B. Lincoln. His excellency fir Henry Clinton. Copy of a letter from fir Henry Clinton to major- general Lincoln, dated camp before Charlejlon, May 11, 1780. Sir, When you rejected the favourable terms which ( 403 ) which were dictated by an earned defire to pre- vent the efFufion of blood, and interpofed articles that were wholly inadmiffible, both the admiral and myfelf were of opinion that the furrcnder of the town at difcretion was the only condition that mould afterwards be attended to ; but as the mo- tives which then induced them are ftill prevalent, I now inform you that the terms then offered will ftill be granted A copy of the articles fhall be fent for your ratification as foon as they can be prepared ; and immediately after they are exchanged, a detach- ment of grenadiers will be fent to take poffeffion of the horn work oppofite your main gate. Every arrangement which may conduce to good order in occupying the town, fhall be fettled be- fore noon to-morrow, and at that time your gar- rifon will march out. I have the honour to be, &c. (Signed) H. Clinton. Major-general Lincoln. S O U T H- ( 404 ) SOUTH-CAROLINA. Articles of capitulation between their excellencies fir Henry Clinton, knight of the bath, general and commander in chief of his majeflf s forces in the fever al provinces and colonies on the Atlantic, from Nova-Scotia to Wejl-Florida inch/five, Ma- riot Arbuthnot, efquire, vice-admiral of the Blue, and commander in chief of all his majejiy' *s Jhips and vcjfels in North- America, and major-general Benjamin Lincoln, commander in chief in the town and harbour oj Charlejlon. Article I. That all acts of hoflility and work fhall ceafc between the bcfiegers and the befieged, until the articles of capitulation ihall be agreed on, figned and executed, or collectively rejected. Answer. All acts of hoflility and work fhall ceafe, until the articles of capitulation are finally agreed to or rejected. Article II. The town and fortifications fhall be furrendered to the commander in chief of the Britifh forces, fuch as they now fland. Answer. The town and fortifications, with the (hipping at the wharves, artillery, and all other publick (lores whatfoever, fhall be furrendered in their prefent ftatc, to the commanders of the inverting forces ; proper officers (hall attend from the refpective departments to receive them. Article ( 4©5 ) Article III. The continental troops and Tail- ors, with their baggage, fhall be conducted to a place to be agreed on, where they will remain prifoners of war until exchanged. While pri- foners they fhall be fupplied with good and whole- fome pro vifions in fuch quantity as is lerved out to the troops of his Britannick majefty. Answer. Granted. Article IV. The militia now in garrifon fhall be permitted to return to their refpective homes, and be fecured in their perfons and property. Answer. The militia now in garrifon fhall be permitted to return to their refpective homes as prifoners on parole ; which parole, as long as they obferve, fhall fecure them from being mo- lefted in their property by the Britifh troops. Article V. The fick and wounded fhall be continued under the care of their own furgeons, and be fupplied with medicines, and fuch necef- faries as are allowed to the Britifh hofpitals. Answer. Granted. Article VI. The officers of the army and navy fhall keep their horfes, fwords, pillols, and baggage, which fhall not be fearched, and retain their fervants. Answer. ( 406 ) Answer. Granted, except with refpect to the horles, which will not be allowed to go out of town, but may be difpofed of by a perfon left from each corps for that purpofe. Article VII. The garrifon (hall, at an hour appointed, march out with mouldered arms, drums beating, and colours flying, to a place to be agreed on, where they will pile their arms. Answer. The whole garrifon fhall, at an hour to be appointed, march out of the town to the ground between the works of the place and the canal, where they will depofit their arms. The drums are not to beat a Britifh march, or colours to be uncafed. Article VIII. That the French conful, his houfe, papers, and other moveable property, fhali be protected and untouched, and a proper time granted to him for retiring to any place that may afierwards be agreed upon between him and the commander in chief of the Britifh forces. Answer. Agreed, with this reftriction, that he is to confider himfelf as a prifoner on parole. Article IX. That the citizens fhall be pro- tected in their perfons and properties. Answer. All civil officers, and the citizens who have borne arms during the fiege, mult be prifoners ( 407 ) prifoners on parole ; and, with refpect to their property in the city, mall have the fame terms as are granted to the militia ; and all other perfons now in the town, not described in this or any other article, are notwithstanding understood to be prifoners on parole. Article X. That a twelvemonth's time be allowed all fuch as do not choofe to continue un- der the Britifh government to difpofe of their effects, real and perfonal, in the ftate, without any molestation whatever, or to remove fuch part thereof as they choofe, as well as themfelves and families ; and that, during that time, they or any of them may have it at their option to refide occasionally in town or country. Answer. The difcuflion of this article of courfe cannot poflibly be entered into at prefent. Article XI. That the fame protection to their perfons and properties, and the fame time for the removal of their effects, be given to the subjects of France and Spain, as are required for the citizens in the preceding article. Answer. The subjects of France and Spain fhall have the fame terms as are granted to the French conful. Article XII. That a veflcl be permitted to go ( 4o3 ) go to Philadelphia with the general's defpatches, which are not to be opened. Answer. Granted; and a proper vefiel with a flag will be provided for that purpofe. All publick papers and records mud be care- fully preferved, and faithfully delivered to fuch perfons as fhall be appointed to receive them. Done in Charlefton, May 12, 1780. B. Lincoln. Done in camp, before Charlefton, May 12, 1780. (Signed) H. Clinton, M. Arbuthnot. NOTE VI. P a g e 86. In Congrefs, January 2, 1779. RESOLVED, that whereas many counter- feits have appeared in circulation, of vari- ous denominations, or the emiflions of May twentieth, 1777, and April eleventh, 1778, and counterfeits of thefe emifiions have lately been iffued by our enemies at New- York, and are found to be fpreading and increafmg fail in vari- ous parts of thefe United States, whereby indi- viduals are defrauded, prices enhanced, and the credit ( 4©9 ) credit of the paper currency greatly injured ; and it is become neceffary for the fecurity of indivi- duals, and fafety of the publick, that thofe two emiffions mould ceafe to be a circulating medium, and mould be called in and exchanged, or other- wife provided for as foon as may be, with con- venience to the prefent holders : Therefore, Resolved, That the following bills be taken ', out of circulation, namely, the whole emiffions of ! May twentieth, 1777, and April eleventh, 1778. That they be brought in for that purpofe in the manner hereafter provided, by the firft day of June next, and not afterwards redeemable. That they be received for debts and taxes into the continental treafury, and into the ftate treafuries for continental taxes, until the firft day I of June next. That they be received until the firft day of June next, into the continental loan offices, either on loan, or to be exchanged at the election of the owners, for other bills of the like tenor, to be provided for that purpofe. That the bills lodged in the faid offices to be fo exchanged, be there regiftered, and indented certificates thereof given to the owners by the refpective commiffioners of the faid offices. Vol. II. 3 E That ( 4io ) That the commiffioners of the loan-offices make returns to the treafury board, immediately after the firft day of June next, of the amount of the bills received into their refpective offices to be exchanged as aforefaid, and that proper bills to exchange the fame be furnifhed, and rea- dy to be delivered out at their faid offices, within fixty days from and after the faid firft day of June. That the firft-mentioned bills, as they are brought into the treafuries and loan-offices, be immediately erofled and ftruck through with a circular punch of one inch diameter, to be after- wards examined and burned, as Congrefs fhall direct. Extract from the minutes, Cha. Thomson, fecretary. NOTE VII. Page 93- THESE events, though extraordinary, were not without a precedent in the annals of the province, and ought to caution the people of that country againft a legal tender of any paper cur- rency. In the narrative of the proceedings of South-Carolina, in the year 17 19, by Francis Yonge, printed in London in 1726, page 8, are found the following words : ' The publick emer- 6 gencies, in the year 171 5, had occafioned the « ftamping the aforefaid fum of eighty thoufand ' pounds ( 4" ) * pounds in bills of credit, to pay their foldiers ' and other charges the country was forced to be * at j and it was enacted by the affembly they * mould be current in all payments between man * and man. From whence it followed that thofe * who had money owing them on bond or other- c wife before the war, and who mult have been ' paid in gold or filver, or its value, if thefe bills * had not been made current in all payments, loll 4 feven-eighths of their money. Thefe loffes fell ■ chiefly on the merchants, and fuch of the inha- * bitants of Charleflon as were monied men, and, ' on the contrary, the planters, who were their * debtors, were the gainers.' NOTE VIII. Page 96. Circular letter from the Congrefs of the United States of America , to their conjlituents. Friends and fellow-citizens, IN governments raifed on the generous princi- ples of equal liberty, where the rulers of the ftate are the fervants of the people, and not the mafters of thofe from whom they derive authori- ty ; it is their duty to inform their fellow-citizens of the ftate of their affairs, and by evincing the propriety of publick meafures, lead them to unite the influence of inclinations, to the force of legal obligation in rendering them fuccefsful. This duty ceafes not, even in times of the moft perfect ( 412 ) perfect peace, order and tranquillity, when the fafety of the commonwealth is neither endangered by force of feduclion from abroad, or by facYion, treachery, or mifgu'uied ambition from within. At this feafon, therefore, we find ourfelves in a particular manner imprefTed with a fenfe of it, and can no longer forbear calling your attention to a fubjecl much mifreprefented, and refpecYing which dangerous as well as erroneous opinions have been held and propagated j we mean your finances. The ungrateful defpotifm and inordinate love of domination, which marked the unnatural de- figns of the Britifh King and his venal parliament to enilave the people of America, reduced you to the neceility of either aiferting your rights by arms, or inglorioufly pairing under the yoke. You nobly preferred war. Armies were then to be raifed, paid and fupplied ; money became ne- ceffary for thefe purpofes. Of your own there was but little ; and of no nation in the world could you then borrow. The little that was fpread among you could be collected only by taxes, and to this end regular governments were cflcntial ; of thefe you were alfo deftitute. So circumftanced, you had no other refource but the natural value and wealth of your fertile country. Bills were iiiued on the credit of this bank, and your faith was pledged for their redemption. After a confj.derable number of thefe had circu- lated, loans were folicited, an.d offices for the purpofe ( 4>3 ) purpofe eftabliflied. Thus a national debt was unavoidably created, and the amount of it is as follows : Dollars. Bills emitted and circulating, 59,948,880 Monies borrowed before the firft of lyiarch, 1778, the interefl of which is payable in France, 7,545,196 67-90 Monies borrowed fmce the firft of March, 1778, the interefl of which is payable here, 26,188,909 Money due abroad, not exactly known— the balance not hav- ing been transmitted, fuppof- ed about 4,000,000 For your further fatisfaction we fhall order a particular account of the feveral emiffions, with the times limited for their redemption, and alfo of the feveral loans, the interefl allowed on each, and the terms afligned for their payment, to be prepared and published. The taxes have as yet brought into the trea- sury no more than 3,027,560, fo that all the mo- nies fupplied to Congrefs by the people of Ame- rica, amount to no more than ^^J^i^S cl°^ars and fixty-feven ninetieths, that being the fum of the loans and taxes received. Judge then of the neeeffity of. emiffions, and learn, from whom and from whence that neeeffity arofe. We ( 414 ) We are alfo to inform you, that on the firft day of September inftant, we refolved, ' that we ' would on no account whatever emit more bills • of credit than to make the whole amount of ' fuch bills two hundred millions of dollars,' and as the fum emitted and in circulation amounted to 159,648,880 dollars, and the fum of forty mil- lions fifty-one thoufand one hundred and twenty dollars remained to complete the two hundred millions above-mentioned, we on the third day of September inftant, further refolved, ' that we ' would emit fuch part only of the faid fum of ' 40,051,120 dollars as mould be abfolutely ne- 6 ceffary for publick exigencies before adequate 4 fupplies could otherwife be obtained, relying c for fuch fupplies on the exertions of the feveral « ftates.' Exclusive of the great and ordinary ex- pences incident to the war, the depreciation of the currency has fo fwelled the prices of every neceflary article, and, of confequence, made fuch additions to the ufual amount of expendi- tures, that very confiderable fupplies mufl be immediately provided by loans and taxes : and we unanimoufly declare it to be eflential to the welfare of thefe flates, that the taxes already called for, be paid into the continental treafury by the time recommended for that purpofe. It is alfo highly proper that you mould extend your views beyond that period, and prepare in feafon as well for bringing your refpective quotas of troops ( 4<5 ) troops into the field early in the next campaign, as for providing the fupplies neceffary in the courfe of it. Wc (hall take care to apprize you from time to time of the ftate of the treafury, and to recommend the proper meafures for fup- plying it. To keep your battalions full, to en- courage loans, and to affefs your taxes with pru- dence, collect them with firmnefs, and pay them with punctuality, is all that will be requifite on your part. Further ways and means of provid- ing for the publick exigencies, are now under confideration, and will foon be laid before you. Having thus given you a fhort and plain flatc of your debt, and pointed out the neceffity of punctuality in furnifhing the fupplies already re- quired, we mail proceed to make a few remarks on the depreciation of the currency, to which we entreat your attention. The depreciation of bills of credit is always either natural or artificial, or both. The latter is our cafe. The moment the fum in circulation exceeded what was neceffary as a medium in com- merce, it began and continued to depreciate in proportion as the amount of the furplus increaf- ed ; and that proportion would hold good until the fum emitted mould become fo great as nearly to equal the value of the capital or flock, on the credit of which the bills were iffued. Suppofing, therefore, that 30,000,000 was neceffary for a circulating medium, and that 160,0.00,000 had iffued, ( 4i6 ) iflued, the natural depreciation is but little more than five to one : but the actual depreciation ex- ceeds that proportion, and that excefs is artificial. The natural depreciation is to be removed only by lefTening the quantity of moriey in circulation. It will regain its primitive value whenever it fhall be reduced to the fum neceflary for a medium of commerce. This is only to be effected by loans and taxes. The artificial depreciation is a more ferious fubject, and merits minute inveftigation. A dif- truft, however occafioned, entertained by the mafs of the people^ in the ability or inclination of the United States to redeem their bills; is the caufe of it. Let us enquire how far reafon will juftify a diftruff. in the ability of the United States. The ability of the United States mud depend on two things : firfr., the luccefs of the prefent revolution, and, fecondly, on the fuffieiency of the natural wealth, value, and refources of the country. That the time has been when honed men might, without being chargeable with timidity, have doubted the fuccefs of the prefent revolu- tion, we admit ; but that period is parted. The independence of America is now as fixed as fate, and the petulant efforts of Britain to break it down are as vain and fruitlefs as the raging of the ( 4>7 ) the waves which beat againfl their cliffs. Let thole who are (till aifli&ed with thefe doubts con- fider the character and condition of our enemies. Let them remember that we are contending againll a kingdom crumbling into pieces ; a na- tion without publick virtue ; and a people fold to, and betrayed by, their own reprefentatives ; againfl: a prince governed by his paffions, and a miniftry without confidence or wifdom ; againfl armies half paid, and generals half trufted ; againfl a government equal only to plans of plun- der, conflagration and murder — a government by the molt impious violations of the rights of religion, juflice, humanity and mankind, court- ing the vengeance of Heaven, and revolting from the protection of Providence. Againfl the fury of thefe enemies you made fuccefsful refinance, when fingle, alone, and friendlefs, in the days of weaknefs and infancy, before your ' hands had 6 been taught to war or your fingers to fight.* And can there be any reafon to apprehend that the Divine Difpofer of human events, after having feparated us from the houfe of bondage, and led us fare through a fea of blood, towards the land of liberty and promife, will leave the work oi our political redemption unfinifhed, and either permit us to perifh in a wildernefs of difficulties, or fuffer us to be carried back in chains to that country of oppreffion, from whofe tyranny lie hath mercifully delivered us with a flrelched-out arm. Vol. II. 3 1 IN ( 418 ) In clofe alliance with one of the mod power- ful nations in Europe, which has generoufly made our caufe her own ; in amity with many others, and enjoying the good- will of all, what danger have we to fear from Britain ? Inftead of acquir- ing acceflions of territory by conqueft, the limits of her empire daily contract ; her fleets no lon- ger rule the ocean, nor are her armies invincible by land. How many of her ftandards, wrefled from the hands of her champions, are among your trophies, and have graced the triumphs of your troops ? And how great is the number of thofe, who, fent to bind you in fetters, have be- come your captives, and receive their lives from your hands ? In fhort, whoever confiders that thefe ftates are daily increafing in power ; that their armies are become veterans ; that their go- vernments, founded in freedom, are eftablifhed ; that their fertile country, and their affectionate ally, furnifh them with ample fupplies ; that the Spanifh monarch, well prepared for war, with fleets and armies ready for combat, and a trea- fury overflowing with wealth, has entered the lifts againft Britain ; that the other European na- tions, often infulted by her pride, and alarmed by the ftrides of her ambition, have left her to her fate ; that Ireland, wearied with her oppreffi- ons, is panting for liberty, and even Scotland difpleafed and uneafy at her edicts — Whoever confiders thefe things, inftead of doubting the iflue of the war, will rejoice in the glorious, the lure and certain profpec~t of fuccefs. This ( 419 ) This point being eflablilhed, the next queftion is, whether the natural wealth, value and refources of the country will be equal to the payment of the debt ? Let us fuppofe, for the fake of argument, that at the conclufion of the war, the emiffions ihould amount to 200,000,000 ; that exclufive of fupplies from taxes, which will not be inconfide- rable, the loans fhould amount to 100,000.000; then the whole national debt of the United States would be 300,000,000. There are at prefent 3,000,000 of inhabitants in the thirteen dates ; three hundred million of dollars divided among three million of people would give to each perfon one hundred dollars ; and is there an individual in America unable in the courfe of eighteen or tv/enty years to pay it again ? Suppofe the whole debt affefled, as it ought to be, on the inhabi- tants in proportion to their refpeclive eftates, what would then be the fhare of the poorer peo- ple ? Perhaps not ten dollars. Befides, as this debt will not be payable immediately, but proba- bly twenty years allotted for it, the number of inhabitants by that time in America, will be far more than double their prefent amount. It is well known that the inhabitants of this country increafed almofr. in the ratio of compound inte- rcft» By natural population they doubled every twenty years, and how great may be the hoft of emigrants from other countries cannot be afcer- tained. We have the higheft reafon to believe the ( 42o ) the number will be immenfe. Suppofe that only ten thoufind mould arrive the firft year after the war, what will thofe ten thoufand with their fa- milies count in twenty years time ? Probably double the number. This obfervation applies with proportionable force to the emigrants of every fucceffive year. Thus you fee great part of your debt will be payable not merely by the prtfent number of inhabitants, but by that num- ber fwelled and increafed by the natural popula- tion of the prefent inhabitants, by multitudes of emigrants daily arriving Irom other countries, and by the natural population of thofe fucceffive emigrants, fo that every perfon's fhare of the debt will be conftantly diminifhing by others coming in to pay a proportion of it. These are advantages which none but young countries enjoy. The number of inhabitants in every country in Europe, remains nearly the fame from one century to another. No country will produce more people than it can fubfifl, and every country, if free and cultivated, will pro- duce as many as it can maintain. Hence we may form foine idea of the future population of thefe lxates. Extenfive wilderneffes, now fcarce- ly known or explored, remain to be cultivated, and vail lakes and rivers, whofe waters have for ages rolled in filence and obfcurity to the ocean, are yet to hear the din of induftry, become fub- fervknt to commerce, and boalt delightful villas, pfddcd fpires, and fpacious cities riling on their banks. Thus ( 4^1 ) Thus much for the number of perfons to pay the debt. The next point is their ability. They who enquire how many millions of acres are con- tained only in the fettled part of North-America, and how much each acre is worth, will acquire very enlarged and yet very adequate ideas of the value of this country. But thofe who will carry their enquiries further, and learn that we here- tofore paid an annual tax to Britain of three mil- lions flerling in the way of trade, and flili grew rich ; that our commerce was then confined to her ; that we were obliged to carry our commo- dities to her market, and confequently to fell them at her price ; that we were compelled to purchafe foreign commodities at her flores, and on her terms, and were forbid to eflabliih any manufactories incompatible with her views of gain ; that in future the whole world will be open to us, and we mail be at liberty to purchafe from thofe who will fell on the bed terms, and to fell to thofe who will give the beft prices ; that as this country increafes in number of inhabitants and cultivation, the productions of the earth will be proportionably increafed, and the riches of the whole proportionably greater : whoever examines the force of thefe and fimilar obferva- tions, muff fmile at the ignorance of thofe who doubt the ability of the United States to redeem their bills. Let it alfo be remembered that paper money is the only kind of money which cannot * make c unto ( 422 ) c unto itfelf wings and fly away.' It remains with us, it will not forfake us, it is always ready and at hand for the purpofe of commerce or taxes, and every induftrious man can find it. On the contrary, mould Britain like Nineveh (and for the fame reafon) yet find mercy, and efcape the ftorm ready to burft upon her, me will find her national debt in a very different fi- tuation. Her territory diminifhed, her people wafted, her commerce ruined, her monopolies gone, me mud provide for the difcharge of her immenfe debt by taxes to be paid in fpecie, in gold or filver, perhaps now buried in the mines of Mexico or Peru, or ftill concealed in the brooks and rivulets of Africa or Indoflan. Having fhewn that there is no reafon to doubt the ability of the United States to pay their debt, let us next enquire whether as much can be faid for their inclination. Under this head, three things are to be at- tended to : i ft. Whether and in what manner the faith of the United States have been pledged for the redemption of their bills. 2d. Whether they have put themfelves in a political capacity to redeem them — and, }d. Whether, admitting the two former pro- pofitions, ( 4*3 ) pofitions, there is any reafon to apprehend a wan- ton violation of the publick Faith. i ft. It muft be evident to every man who reads the journals of Congrefs, or looks at the face of one of their bills, that Congrefs have pledged the faith of their conftituents for the redemption of them. And it muft be equally evident, not only that they had authority to do fo, but that their conftituents have actually rati- fied their acts, by receiving their bills, palling laws eftablifhing their currency, and puniihing thofe who counterfeit them. So that it may with truth be faid that the people have pledged their faith for the redemption of them, and that not only collectively by their reprefentatives, but in- dividually. 2,d. Whether the United States have put themfelves in a political capacity to redeem their bills, is a queftion which calls for more full dif- cuftion. Our enemies, as well foreign as domeftick, have laboured to raife doubts on this head. They argue that the confederation of the fiates re- mains yet to be perfected ; that the union may be diffolved ; Congrefs be abolifhed, and each ftate refuming its delegated powers, proceed in future to hold and exercife all the rights of fo- vereignty appertaining to an independent ftate. In fuch an event, fay they, the continental bills of ( 4H ) of credit, created and fupported by the union, would die with it. This pofition being aflumed, they next proceed to afifert this event to be pro- bable, and in proof of it urge our divifions, our parties, our feparate interefts, diftinct manners, former prejudices, and many other arguments equally plaufible and equally fallacious. Examine this matter. For every purpofe efTential to the defence of thefe dates in the progrefs of the prefent war, and neceffary to the attainment of the objects of it, thefe dates now are as fully, legally, and ab- iblutely confederated, as it is poflible for them to be. Read the credentials of the different dele- gates who compofed the Congrefs in 1774, 1775* and part of 1 yj6. You will find that they efla- blifhed an union for the exprefs purpofe of op- pofing the oppreffions of Britain, and obtaining redrefs of grievances. On the fourth of July, 1776, your reprefentatives in Congrefs, perceiv- ing that nothing lefs than unconditional fubmiffi- on would fatisfy our enemies, did, in the name of the people of the Thirteen United Colonies, declare them to be free and independent flates ; and, c for the fupport of that declaration, with a ' firm reliance on the protection of Divine Pro- 6 vidence, did mutually pledge to each other their 6 lives, their fortunes, and their facred honour.' Was ever confederation more formal, more fo- lcmn, or explicit ; it has been exprefsly afTented to and ratified by every ftate in the union. Ac- cordingly, ( 425 ) cordingly, for the direct fupport of this declara- tion, that is for the fupport of the independence of thefe dates, armies have been raifed, and bills of credit emitted, and loans made to pay and fupply them. The redemption therefore of thefe bills, the payment of thefe debts, and the fettle- ment of the accounts of the feveral dates, for expenditures or fervices for the common benefit and in this common caufe, are among the objects of this confederation, and confequently while all or any of its objects remain unattained, it cannot, fo far as it may refpect fuch objects, be diflblved, confident with the laws of God or man. But we are periuaded, and our enemies will find, that our union is not to end here. They are midaken when they fuppofe us kept together only by a fenfe of preient danger. It is a fact which they only will difpute, that the people of thefe dates were never fo cordially united as at this day. By having been obliged to mix with each other, former prejudices have worn ofF, and their feveral manners become blended. A fenfe of common permanent intered, mutual affection, (having been brethren in affliction) the ties of fanguinity daily extending, condant reciprocity of good offices, fimilarity in language, in go- vernments, and therefore in manners, the im- portance, weight, and fplendour of the union, all confpire in forming a ftrong chain of con- nexion, which mud /br-ever bind us together. Vol. IT. 3 G The ( 4^6 ) The United Provinces of the Netherlands and the United Cantons of Switzerland became free and independent under circumdances very like our's : their independence has been long edablimed, and yet their confederacies continue in full vigour. What reafon can be affigned why our union mould be lefs lading? or why mould the people of thefe dates be fuppofed lefs wife than the in- habitants of thofe ? You are not uninformed that a plan for a perpetual confederation has been prepared, and that twelve of the thirteen dates have already acceded to it. But enough has been faid to mew that for every purpofe of the prefent war, and all things incident to it, there does at prefent exid a perfect folemn confedera- tion, and therefore that the dates now are and always will be in political capacity to redeem their bills, pay their debts, and fettle their ac- counts. 3d. Whether, admitting the ability and poli- tical capacity of the United States to redeem their bills, there is any reafon to apprehend a wanton violation of the publick faith ? It is with great regret and reluctance that we can prevail upon ourfelves to take the lead notice of a quedion which involves in it a doubt fo in- jurious to the honour and dignity of America. The enemy, aware that the drength of Ame- lica lay in the union of her citizens, and the wifdom ( 4*7 ) wifdom and integrity of thofe to whom they committed the direction of their affairs, have taken unwearied pains to difunite and alarm the people, to depreciate the abilities and virtue of their rulers, and to impair the confidence repofed in them by their condiments. To this end re- peated attempts have been made to draw an ab- furd and fanciful line of diflinction between the Congrefs and the people, and to create an opinion and a belief that their interefts and views were different and oppofed. Hence the ridiculous tales, the invidious infinuations, and the whimfi- cal fufpicions that have been forged and propa- gated by difguifed emiffaries and traitors, in the garb of patriots. Hence has proceeded the not- able difcovery, that as the Congrefs made the money they alfo can deftroy it ; and that it will exift no longer than they find it convenient to permit it. It is not furprifing, that in a free country, where the tongues and pens of fuch people are and mud be licenfed, fuch political herefies fhould be inculcated and diffufed, but it is really aftonifhing, that the mind of a fingle virtuous citizen in ilmerica ihould be influenced by them. It certainly cannot be neceffary to remind you, that your reprefentatives here are chofen from among yourfelves ; that you are, or ought to be acquainted with their feveral characters ; that they are fent here to fpcak your fentiments, and that it is conftantly in your power to remove fuch as ( 4*8 ) as do not. You furely are convinced, that it is no more in their power to annihilate your money than your independence, and that any act of theirs for either of thofe purpofes would be null and void. We mould pay an ill compliment to the under- Handing and honour of every true American, were we to adduce many arguments to fliew the bafenefs, or bad policy of violating our national faith, or omitting to purfue the meafures necef- fary to preferve it. A bankrupt faithlefs repub- lick would be a novelty in the political world, and appear among reputable nations, like a com- mon proftitute among chafte and refpe&able matrons. The pride of America revolts from the idea ; her citizens know for what purpofes thefe emiffions were made, and have repeatedly plighted their faith for the redemption of them ; they are to be found in every man's pofTeffion, and every man is interefted in their being re- deemed ; they mult, therefore, entertain a high opinion of American credulity, who fuppofe the people capable of believing, on due reflection, that all iVmerica will, againfl: the faith, the ho- nour, and the intereli of all America, be ever prevailed upon to countenance, fupport, or per- mit fo ruinous, fo difgraceful a meafure. We are convinced, that the efforts and arts of our ene- mies will not be wanting to draw us into this humiliating and contemptible fituation. Impel- led by malice, and the fuggeftions of chagrin and ( 4^9 ) and difappointment at not being able to bend our necks to their yoke, they will endeavour to force or feduce us to commit this unpardonable fin, in order to fubject us to the punifhment due to it, and that we may thenceforth be a reproach and a bye-word among the nations. Apprized of thefe confequences, knowing the value of national character, and impreffed with a due fenfe of the immutable laws of juftice and honour, it is impoffible that America mould think without horror of fuch an execrable deed. If then neither our ability or inclination to difcharge the publick debt, are juftly queftiona- ble, let our conduct correfpond with this confi- dence, and let us refcue our credit from its prefent imputations. Had the attention of Ame- rica to this objecl been unremitted, had taxes been feafonably impofed and collected, had pro- per loans been made, had laws been palfed, and executed for punifhing thofe who malicioufly en- deavoured to injure the publick credit ; had thefe and many other things equally neceffary been done, and had our currency, notwithftand- ing all thefe efforts, declined to its prefent degree of depreciation, ou| cafe would indeed have been deplorable. But as thefe exertions have not been made, we may yet experience the good effects which naturally refult from them. Our former negligences therefore mould now animate us with .hope, and teach us not to defpair of removing by ( 43<> ) by vigilance and application the evils which fu- pinenefs and inattention have produced. It has been already obferved, that in order to prevent the further natural depreciation of our bills, we have refolved to flop the prefs, and to call upon you for fupplies by loans and taxes. You are in capacity to afford them, and are bound by the ftrongeft ties to do it. Leave us not, therefore, without fupplies, nor let in that flood of evils which would follow from fuch ne- glect. It would be an event mofl grateful to our enemies, and depend upon it, they will redou- ble their artifices and induftry to compafs it. Be therefore upon your guard, and examine well the policy of every meafure, and the evidence of every report that may be propofed or menti- oned to you before you adopt the one or believe the other. Recollect that it is the price of the liberty, the peace and the fafety of yourfelves and pofterity, that now is required ; — that peace, li- berty and fafety, for the attainment and fecurity of which, you have fo often and fo folemnly de- clared your readinefs to facrifice your lives and fortunes. The war, though drawing faft to a fuccefsful iffue, (fill rages. Difdain to leave the whole bufinefs of your defence to your ally. Be mindful that the brighter!: profpecls may be cloud- ed, and that prudence bids us be prepared for every event. Provide, therefore, for continuing your armies in the field till victory and peace mall lead them home, and avoid the reproach of per- mitting ( 43' ) mitting the currency to depreciate in your hands, when, by yielding a part to taxes and loans, the whole might have been appreciated and preferved. Humanity as well as juftice makes this demand upon you, the complaints of ruined widows, and the cries of fatherlefs children, whofe whole fup~ port has been placed in your hands and melted away, have doubtlefs reached you — take care that they afcend no higher. Roufe, therefore ; drive who (hall do mofl for his country ; re-kindle that flame of patriotifm, which, at the mention of difgrace and flavery, blazed throughout Ame- rica, and animated all her citizens. Determine to finiih the conteft as you began it, honeflly and glorioufly. — Let it never be faid that America had no fooner become independent, than me be- came infolvent, or that her infant glories and growing fame were obfcured and tarnifhed by broken contracts and violated faith, in the very hour when all the nations of the earth were ad- miring, and almoft adoring the fplendour of her rifing. By the unanimous order of Congrefs, John Jay, prefident. Philadelphia, Sept. 13, 1779. NOTE C 432 ) NOTE IX. Page no. Waxhaws, May 30, 1780. My lord, I Have the honour to inform you, that yefter- day at three o'clock, P. M. after a march of one hundred and five miles in fifty-four hours, with the corps of cavalry, the infantry of the legion, mounted on horfes, and a three-pounder, at Waxhaws, near the line which divides North from South-Carolina, the rebel force, commanded by colonel Buford, confifting of the eleventh Vir- ginia and detachments of other regiments, from the fame province, with artillery, and fome ca- valry, were brought to a&ion. After the fummons, in which terms fimilar to thole accepted by Charlefton were offered and pofitively rejected, the action commenced in a wood ; the attacks were pointed at both flanks ; the front and referve by two hundred and feventy cavalry and infantry blended ; and, at the fame inftant, all were equally victorious, few of the enemy efcaping, except the commanding officer by a precipitate flight on horfeback. It is above my ability to fay any thing in com- mendation of the bravery and exertion of officers and ( 433 ) and men. I leave their merit to your lordfliip's confideration. I have the honour to be, &c. Ban. Tarleton, Lieutenant-colonel comm. B. legion. Lieutenant-general earl Cornwallis. Return of* rebels killed, wounded and taken, in the affair at Wax haws 9 the twenty-ninth of May, lySo. One lieutenant-colonel, three captains, eight fubalterns, one adjutant, one quartermafter, ninety-nine ferjeants and rank and file, killed. Three captains, five fubalterns, one hundred and forty- two ferjeants and rank and file, wound- ed, unable to travel, and left on parole. Two captains, one fubaltern, fifty ferjeants and rank and file, prifoners. • Taken, three ftand of colours, two brafs fix- pounders, two royals, two waggons with am- munition, fcne artillery forge-cart, fifty-five bar- rels of powder, twenty-fix waggons loaded with new clothing, arms, mufket-cartridges, new car- tridge-boxes, flints, and camp equipage. (Signed) Ban. Tarleton, Lieutenant-colonel comm. B. legion. Vol. IL 3 H Return ( 434 ) Return of Britijh killed and wounded in the affair at Waxhaws, the twenty-ninth of May, 1780. Cavalry. Two privates, eleven horfes killed; one fubaltern, eight privates, nineteen horfes, wounded. Infantry. Two fubalterns, one private, kill- ed ; three privates, wounded. N. B. Lieutenant Patefchall, feventeenth dragoons, wounded ; lieutenant Lauchlin M'Do- nald, of the legion infantry, killed ; enfign Camp- bell, of the legion infantry, ferving with the caval- ry, killed. (Signed) B. Tarleton. Lieutenant-colonel comm. B. L. NOTE X. Page 110. Camden, June 2, 1780. Si r, IN my letter of the thirtieth of laft month, I enclofed a note from lieutenant-colonel Tar- leton, wrote in great hafte from the field of acti- on, and I explained my reafons for fending the detachment under his command in purfuit of the enemy. I have now the honour of tranfmitting to you his account of the march and engagement, with the lofs on both fides. I ( 435 ) I can only add the higheft encomiums on the conduct of lieutenant-colonel Tarleton. It will give me the mod fenfible fatisfaction to hear that your excellency has been able to obtain for him fome diftinguifhed mark of his majefty's favour. I have the honour to be, &c. Cornwallis. His excellency fir Henry Clinton, K. B. &c. NOTE XI. Page no. SOUTH- CAROLINA. By his excellency fir Henry Clinton, knight of the moft honourable order of the bath, general com- mander in chief of all his majefy's forces ivithin the colonies lying on the Atlantic ocean, from Nova* Scotia to Weft-Florida inclufve. PROCLAMATION. WHEREAS, notwithstanding the gracious offers, which have been made to receiye to his majefty's peace and protection, with par- don and oblivion for their paft offences, all thofe his deluded and infatuated fubje&s, who mould return to their duty, and a due obedience to the laws ; yet there are fome wicked and defperate men, who, regardlefs of the ruin and mifery in which the country will be involved, are ftill en- deavouring to fupport the flame of rebellion, and, under ( 436 ) under pretence of authority derived from the late ufurped legiflatures, are attempting, by enormous fines, grievous imprifonments, and fanguinary punifhments, to compel his majefty's faithful and unwilling fubjecls to take up arms againft his authority and government ; and it is therefore become neeeffary, as well for the protection of the loyal fubjecls, as to procure the eftablifhment of peace and good government in the country, to prevent, by the terror of example, fuch enor- mous offences being committed in future j I have therefore thought fit to iffue this my proclamati- on to declare, that if any perfon mail hereafter appear in arms, in order to prevent the eftablifh- ment of his majefty's government in this country, or fhall, under any pretence or authority whatfo- ever, attempt to compel any other perfon or per- fons to do fo, or who fhall hinder or intimidate, or attempt to hinder or intimidate, the King's faithful and loyal fubje&s from joining his forces, or otherwife performing thofe duties their allegi- ance requires, fuch perfon or perfons fo offend- ing fhall be treated with that feverity fo hardened and criminal an obftinacy will deferve, and his or their eftates will be immediately feized in order to be confifcated. And for the encouragement of the King's faithful and peaceable fubjecls, I do again affure them, that they fhall meet with effectual countenance, protection and fupport ; and whenever the fituation of the country will permit of the reftoration of civil government and peace, they will, by the commimoners ap- pointed ( 437 ) pointed by his majefty for that purpofe, be re- flored to the full poflcflion of that liberty in their (perfons and property, which they had before ex- perienced under the Britifh government. And that fo defirable an event may be the more fpeedi- ly accomplifhed, I do hereby, in his majefly's name, require and command all perfons whatfo- ever to be aiding and affifting to his forces, when- ever they (hall be required, in order to extirpate the rebellion, and thereby reftore peace and prof- perity to this, at prefent, defolated and diflracled country. Given under my hand, at head- quarters, in Charlefton, the 22d day of May, 1780. (Signed) H, Clinton. By his excellency's command, (Signed) Nathaniel Philips, Afiifting fccretary. NOTE ( 438 ) NOTE XII. Page hi. SOUTH. CAROLINA. By fir Henry Clinton, knight of the bath, general of his majejly's forces, and Mariot Arbuthnot, efquire, vice-ad?niral of the Blue, his majefiy's comnuffioners to reftore peace and good government in the fever al colonies in rebellion in North - America. PROCLAMATION. I S majefty having been pleafed by his letters patent, under the Great Seal of Great- Britain, to appoint us to be his commiffioners, to reftore the bleffings of peace and liberty to the feveral colonies in rebellion in America, we do hereby make publick his mod gracious intentions, and in obedience to his commands, do declare, to fuch of his deluded fubjecls, as have been perverted from their duty by the factious arts of felf-interefted and ambitious men, that they will (till be received with mercy and forgivenefs, if they immediately return to their allegiance, and a due obedience to thofe laws and that govern- ment which they formerly boafted was their befl: birthright and noblefl inheritance, and upon a due experience of the fincerity of their profelli- ons, a full and free pardon will be granted for the treafonable offences which they have hereto- fore committed, in fuch manner and form as his majefty's commiflion doth direct. Nevertheless, ( 439 ) Nevertheless, it is only to thofe, who, convinced of their errors, are firmly refolved to return and to fupport that government under which they were formerly fo happy and free, that thefe gracious offers are once more renewed, and therefore thofe perfons are excepted, who, not- withftanding their prefent hopelefs fituation, and regardlefs of the accumulating preffure of the miferies of the people, which their infatuated conduct mufl contribute to increafe, are never- thelefs (till fo hardened in their guilt, as to en- deavour to keep alive the flame of rebellion in this province, which will otherwife foon be re- inftated in its former profperity, fecurity and peace. Nor can we at prefent refolve to extend the royal clemency to thofe who are polluted with the blood of their fellow-citizens, mod wantonly and inhumanly fhed under the mock forms of juftice, becaufe they refufed fubmiffion to an ufur- pation, which they abhorred, and would not op- pofe that government with which they deemed themfelves infeparably connected : and in order to give quiet and content to the minds of his majefty's faithful and well -affected fubjecls, we do again affure them, that they fliall have effec- tual countenance, protection and fupport, and, as foon as the fituation of the province will admit, the inhabitants will be re-inftated in the poffeliion of all thofe rights and immunities which they heretofore enjoyed under a free Britifii govern- ment, ( 440 ) ment, exempt from taxation, except by their own legiflature : and we do hereby call upon all his majefty's faithful fubje&s, to be aiding with their endeavours, in order that a meafure fo con- ducive to their own happinefs, and the welfare and profperity of the province, may be the more fpeedily and eafily attained. Given under our hands and feals, at Charleflon, the firft day of June, in the twentieth year of his majefly's reign, and in the year of our Lord, 1780. H. Clinton, M. Arbuthnot. By their excellencies command, James Simpson, fecretary. NOTE C 441 ") NOTE XIII. Page 116. SOUTH- CAROLINA. By his excellency fir Henry Clinton, knight of the mofl honourable order of the bath, general and commander in chief of all his majefly's forces ivithin the colonies lying on the Atlantic ocean, from Nova-Scotia to Weft-Florida inclujive, &c. &c. PROCLAMATION. WHEREAS, after the arrival of his ma- jelly's forces under my command in this province in February lad, numbers of perfons were made prifoners by the army, or voluntarily furrendered themfelves as fuch, and fuch perfons were afterwards difmifled on their refpeclive paroles : and whereas, fince the furrender of Charlefton, and the defeats and difperfion of the rebel forces, it is become unnecefTary that fuch paroles mould be any longer obferved ; and pro- per that all perfons mould take an acuve part in fettling and fecuring his majefty's government, and delivering the country from that anarchy which for fome time pad hath prevailed ; I do there- fore iflue this my proclamation to declare, that all the inhabitants of this province, who are now prifoners upon parole and were not in the milita- ry line (thofe who were in fort Moultrie and Charlefton at the times of their capitulation and Vol. II. 3 I furrender. ( 44^ ) furrender, or were then in actual confinement, exrcpted) that, from and after the twentieth day of June inftant, they are freed and exempted from all fuch paroles, and may hold themfelves as reftored to all the rights and duties belonging to citizens and inhabitants. And all perfons under the description before- mentioned, who mall afterwards negleft to re- turn to their allegiance, and to his majeffy's go- vernment, will be confidered as enemies and re- bels to the fame, and treated accordingly. Given under my hand, at head- quarters in Cbarleflon, the third day of June, 1780, and in the twentieth year of his majefty's reign. (Signed) H. Clinton. By his excellency's command, (Signed) Peter Russel, Aflifting fecretary. NOTE ( 443 ) NOTE XIV. Page 118. To their excellencies fir Henry Clinton, knight of the bath, general of his majefty's forces, and Mariot Arbuthnot, efquire, vice-admiral of the Blue, his majefty's commijfioners to refiore peace and good government in the feveral colonies in rebellion in North-America. The humble addrefs of divers inhabitants of Charlejion. THE inhabitants of Charlefton, by the ar- ticles of capitulation, are declared prifoners on parole j but we the under-written, having every inducement to return to our allegiance, and ardently hoping fpeedily to be re-admitted to the chara&er and condition of Britifh fubjects, take this opportunity of tendering to your ex- cellencies our warmed congratulations on the refloration of this capital and province to their political connexion with the crown and govern- ment of Great-Britain ; an event which will add luftre to your excellencies characters, and, we truft, entitle you to the moft diftinguifhing mark of the royal favour. Although the right of tax- ing America in parliament, excited confiderable ferments in the minds of the people of this pro- vince, yet it may, with a religious adherence to truth, be affirmed, that they did not entertain the moft diftant thought of diffblving the union that fo happily fubfifted between them and their parent ( 444 ) parent country ; and when, in the progrefs of that fatal controverfy, the doctrines of indepen- dency (which originated in the more northern colonies) made its appearance among us, our nature revolted at the idea, and we look back with the moil painful regret on thofe convulfions that gave exigence to a power of fubverting a conftitution, for which we always had, and ever fhall retain, the mod profound veneration, and iubftituting in its Head a rank democracy, which however carefully digefted in theory, on being reduced into practice, has exhibited a fyflem of tyrannick domination, only to be found among the uncivilized part of mankind, or in the hiftory of the dark and barbarous ages of antiquity. We fincerely lament, that after the repeal of thofe flatutes, which gave rife to the troubles in America, the overtures made by his majefly's commiffioners, from time to time, were not re- garded by our late rulers. To this fatal inatten- tion are to be attributed thofe calamities which have involved our country in a ftate of mifery and ruin, from which, however, we truft, it will loon emerge, by the wifdom and clemency of his majefty's aufpicious government, and the influ- ence of prudential laws, adapted to the nature of the evils we labour under ; and that the peo- ple will be reftored to thofe privileges, in the enjoyment whereof their former felicity confided.- Animated with thefe hopes, we entreat your excellencies ( 445 ) excellencies interpofition in alluring his majefty, that we fhall glory in every occafion of manifefl- ing that zeal and affection for his perfon and go- vernment, with which gratitude can infpire a free and joyful people. Charlefton, June 5, 1780. [Signed by two hundred and ten of the prin- cipal inhabitants.] NOTE XV. Page 120. SOUTH-CAROLINA. By the right honourable Charles earl Cornwallisy lieutenant-general of his maje/ly's forces, <&c. A PROCLAMATION. WHEREAS it hath been reprefented unto me, that fome of the inhabitants of this province have endeavoured to difpofe of great part of their property, and intended to remove with their effects out of the limits of his majefly's government, whereby the merchants in Great- Britain, and other lawful creditors, may be great- ly injured and defrauded of the juft debts which are due to them ; and, for many other reafons, the fame ought not at prefent to be permitted : I do therefore, by this my proclamation, ftrictly forbid all perfons whatever, from felling or dif- pofing of, or from offering to fale or difpofal, any lands, ( 446 ) lands, houfes or negroes, without having firft obtained a licenfe fo to do from the commandant of Charlefton, who, in fit and reafonable cafes, will grant the fame ; and all houfes, lands or ne- groes, which Ihall hereafter be fold or otherwife difpofed of, without fuch licenfe, will be feized and fequeftered. And whereas the privileges and advantages incident to the trade and com- merce which is carried on in this province, are by law limited to, and ought to be exclufively enjoyed by, his majefty's liege and faithful fub- jects j yet, neverthelefs, perfons who are prifoners have prefumed to interfere therein, and have opened fhops for the purpofe of carrying on trade and commerce in Charlefton ; all fuch perfons are hereby cautioned againft continuing fuch prac- tices, and if, in future, they do not defift there- from, their goods and merchandize will be feized and forfeited ; and all auctioneers and vendue- mafters, or other perfons, are hereby ftri&ly en- joined from carrying on any trade, or felling or difpofing of any goods, wares or merchandize, on account of, or for the benefit of fuch perfons, upon pain of having their licenfe taken from them, or being otherwife dealt with, according to the nature of the cafe. Provided neverthelefs, that nothing is hereby to be conftrued to extend to prevent bakers, butchers, or any handicraft tradefman, manufacturer, or labourer, from ex- ercifing or carrying on their ufual and accuftomed occupations and employments. And as fundry perfons may clandestinely withdraw themfelves from ( 447 ) from this province, to the prejudice of his maje- fty's fervice, and injury of their lawful creditors, I do hereby, in the mofl ftrict manner, prohibit and forbid all matters of tranfports, or other veflels employed in his majefty's fervice, from receiving on board, or carrying away any perfons ■whatever, either white or black, except the crew they brought with them, unlefs they ihall receive a written pafiport or permiilion from the com- mandant at Charlefton for that purpofe. And the more effectually to prevent the fame being done in the veflels employed in the trade and commerce of the country, the matters of all fuch veflels are hereby ordered to comply with the directions fpecified in two acts of the general aflembly of this province, the one entitled, c An ' act for the entry of veflels ;y and the other, ' An c additional act to an act for the entry of veflels,' upon pain of being profecuted for the penalties inflicted by the faid acts, in cafe of their neglect or refufal. Given under my hand at Charlef- ton, the twenty-fifth day of July, Anno Dom. one thoufand feven hundred and eighty, and in the twentieth year of his majefty's reign. CORNWALLIS. By his lordfhip's command, A. Ross, aid-de-camp. NOTE ( 448 ) NOTE XVI. Page 121. Philadelphia, Auguft 12. In Congrefs, June 25, 1780. WHEREAS it has been reported, in order to feduce the ftates of South-Carolina and Georgia from their allegiance to thefe United States, that a treaty of peace between America and Great-Britain was about to take place, in which thofe two ftates would be ceded to Great- Britain j Resolved unanimoufly, that the faid report is infidious, and utterly void of foundation ; that this confederacy is mofl facredly pledged to fup- port the liberty and independency of every one of its members, and, in a firm reliance on tbe Divine blefling, will unremittingly perfevere in their exertions for the eftablifhment of the fame, and for the recovery and prefervation of any and every part of thefe United States, that has been, or may hereafter be invaded or pofiefTed by the common enemy. Extract from the minutes, Charles Thomson, fecretary. NOTE ( 449 ) NOTE XVII. Page 145. Charlefton, Augufl 29. Copy of a proclamation ijfued by general Gates, at Peedee, the fourth injiant. By Horatio Gates, efquire, major-general and com- mander in chief of the army of the United States in the fouthern department of America, &c. &c. &c. A PROCLAMATION. THE patriotick exertions of the virtuous ci- tizens of the United States having enabled me, under the protection of Divine Providence, to vindicate the rights of America in this date, and by the approach of a numerous, well-ap- pointed, and formidable army, to compel our late triumphant and infulting foes to retreat from their moft advantageous ports, with precipitation and difmay ; I have judged it moft expedient, at this period of my progrefs, to give aflurances of forgivenefs and perfect fecurity to fuch of the unfortunate citizens of this ftate, as have been in- duced by the terror of fanguinary punifhments, the menace of confifcation, and all the arbitrary meafures of military domination, apparently to acquiefce under the Britifh government, and to make a forced declaration of allegiance and fup- port to a tyranny, which the indignant fouls of citizens Vol. II. % K ( 45° ) citizens refolved on freedom, inwardly revolted at, with horror and deteflation. And in order to afford an opportunity to the real friends of America to teilify their affection and attachment to the caufe of liberty, an invi- tation is hereby held out to them to aflert that rank among the free and independent citizens of America, in which their former exertions and zeal had defervedly placed them, and to join heartily, when called upon, in refcuing them- felves and their country from an oppofition of a government impofed on them by the ruffian hand of conqueft. Neverthelefs, I cannot at prefent refolve to extend thefe offers of pardon and fecu- rity to fuch, as in the hour of devaftation, have exercifed acts of barbarity and depredation on the perfons and property of their fellow-citizens ; nor to fuch, as being apprized of the fecurity afforded to them by the army under my com- mand, mail be fo loft to a fenfe of honour and the duty they owe to their country, as hereafter to give countenance and fupport to that enemy, who, but for the difaffe&ion of many of the apof- tate fons of America, had long ere this been dri- ven from the continent. The inhabitants of this ftate may rely on the affurance that an army compofed of their bre- thren and fellow- citizens cannot be brought among them with the hoftile vices of plunder and depredation. Such triumphs, under the co- lour ( 45' ) lour of protection and fupport, are left to grace the Britifh arms alone : but they may reft fatis- fied, that the genuine motive which has given energy to the prefent exertions, is the hope of refcuing them from the iron rod of oppreffion, and reftoring to them thofe bleffings of freedom and independence which it is the duty and inte- reft of the citizens of thefe United States, jointly and reciprocally, to fupport and confirm. Given at head-quarters, on the ri- ver Peedee, this fourth day of Auguft, in the year of our Lord one thoufand feven hun- dred and eighty, and in the fifth year of our independence. Horatio Gates. By the general's command, Christ. Richmond, fecretary. NOTE XVIII. Page i 49- A copy of a letter to generals Smallwood and Gi/i, from the chevalier Dti-Buyffon. Charlotte, Auguft 16, 1780. Dear generals, HAVING received feveral wounds in the action of the fixteenth inftant, I was made prifoner with the honourable major-general the Baron ( 45^ ) Baron de Kalb, with whom I ferved as aid-de- camp and friend, and had an opportunity of at- tending that great and good officer during the ihort time he languished with eleven wounds, which proved mortal on the third day. It is with pleafure I obey the baron's laft com- mands, in prefenting his moft affectionate compli- ments to all the officers and men of his divifion ; he expreffed the greatefl fatisfa&ion in the tefti- mony given by the Britifh army of the bravery of his troops, and he was charmed with the firm oppofition they made to fuperior force, when abandoned by the reft of the army. The gallant behaviour of the Delaware regiment and the companies of artillery attached to the brigades afforded him infinite pleafure, and the exempla- ry conduct of the whole divifion gave him an endearing fenfe of the merit of the troops he had the honour to command. I am, dear generals, with regard and refpect, your mofl obedient humble fervant, Le Chevalier Du-Buysson. To brigadier-generals Smallwood and Gift. Resolved, that the thanks of Congrefs be given to the brigadiers Smallwood and Gift, and to the officers and regular troops of Maryland and Delaware ; to the different corps of light infantry, under colonel Porterfield and major Armftrong- ( 453 ) Armftrong, and to the cavalry under colonel Ar- mand, for the bravery and good conduct which they difplayed in the a&ion of the fixteenth of Auguft laft, near Camden, in the ftate of South- Carolina. NOTE XIX. Page 150. CONGRESS having refumed the confide- ration of the report of the committee to which general Gates's letter had been referred, for the purpofe of decreeing the honours due to the memory of major-general Baron de Kalb, and the other officers and foldiers, it was Resolved, that a monument be erected to the memory of the deceafed major-general Baron de Kalb, in the town of Annapolis, in the ftate of Maryland, with the following infcription : c Sacred to the memory of the Baron de Kalb, ' knight of the royal order of military merit, bri- ' gadier of the armies of France, and major-ge- 4 neral in the fervice of the United States or ' America. Having ferved with honour and re- * putation for three years, he gave a laft and c glorious proof of his attachment to the liberties ' of mankind, and to the caufe of America, in 4 the action near Camden, in the ftate of South- ' Carolina, where, leading on the regular troops * of Maryland and Delaware againft fuperior c forces, ( 454 ) ' forces, and animating them by his example to 6 deeds of valour, he was wounded in feveral ' places, and died the nineteenth of Auguft fol- * lowing, in the forty-eighth year of his age. The * Congrefs of the United States of America, in * acknowledgment of his zeal, of his fervices, and ' of his merit, hath ere&ed this monument.' NOTE XX. Page 153. Lift of continental officers killed, captivated, wound- ed and miffing, in the aclions of the fifteenth and eighteenth of Auguft, 1780. KILLED. The honourable major-general the Baron de Kalb ; captain Williams, fixth Maryland regiment ; captain Duvall, fecond do. lieutenant Donovan, fixth ditto ; lieutenant and adjutant Coleman, artillery. Wounded. Captain Somervell, fixth Mary- land regiment; Gibfon, fifth ditto; Roan, Vir- ginia flate artillery ; lieutenant Duvall, third Maryland regiment ; Sears ditto ; enfign Fickle, feventh. Prisoners. Lieutenant-colonel Woolford, fifth Maryland regiment, wounded ; lieutenant-colonel Vaughan, Delaware ; lieutenant-colonel Porter- field, Virginia flate, wounded ; lieutenant-colo- nel Du-Buyflbn, aid-de-camp to general de Kalb, ditto ; majors Winder, firft Maryland regiment ; Penton, ( 455 ) Penton, Delaware regiment ; Pinckney, aid-de- camp to general Gates, wounded ; captains Brice, third Maryland regiment ; Hoops, fifth ditto ; Lynch, fifth, Hamilton, fifth, Hardman, fecond, wounded ; Smith, third ditto ; Dorfet, artillery, ditto ; lieutenant Brune, legion, ditto ; Rhoads, Delaware regiment ; Lamout, ditto ; captain- lieutenant Waters, artillery ; lieutenant Shoe- maker, fourth, Maryland regiment, wounded ; Hanfon, fourth, ditto ditto ; Norris, fixth ditto ditto ; Wallace, artillery ; Foot, legion ; Mofely, artillery ; Doll, Delaware regiment ; Skillington, ditto ; lieutenant and adjutant Penvie, ditto ; enfigns, Burgis, fourth Maryland regiment ; Roach, Delaware regiment ; volunteers, Nelfon, fixth Maryland regiment, wounded ; Rutledge, fourth ditto. Missing. Captains Morris, feventh Mary- land regiment, wounded ; Gaffay, fecond ditto ; lieutenant GafTaway, fecond ditto ; captain Me- redith, artillery, captain-lieutenant Blair, ditto. Sir, The above is the molt accurate return at pre- fent — thofe who have received flight contufions, which do not hinder their doing duty, are not included. Your mod obedient humble fervant, O, H. Williams. Hillfborough, Auguft 29, 1780. Major-general Gates. NOTE ( 456 ) NOTE XXI. Page 154. Copy of general Gates* s orders. After orders. Camp, at Rugely's, 15th Aug. 1780. THE Tick, the extra artillery (lores, the hea- vy baggage, and fuch quartermafters fiores as are not immediately wanted, to march this evening under a guard to Waxhaws ; to this order the general requefts the brigadier-generals to fee that thofe under their command pay the mod exact and fcrupulous obedience. Lieutenant-colonel Edmonds, with the re- maining guns of the park, will take poft, and march with the Virginia brigade under general Stevens ; he will direct, as any deficiency hap- pens in the artillery affixed to the other brigades, to fupply it immediately ; his military ftafts, and proportion of his officers, with forty of his men, are to attend him and wait his orders. The troops will be ready to march precifely at ten o'clock, in the following order, viz. co- lonel Armand's advance, cavalry commanded by colonel Armand : colonel Porterfield's light in- fantry on the right flank of colonel Armand's, in Indian file, two hundred yards from the road ; major Armftrong's light infantry in the fame or- der as colonel Porterfield's on the left flank of the ( 457 ) the legion ; advance guard of foot, compofed of the advanced picquets, firfl brigade of Maryland, fecond brigade of Maryland, divifion of North- Carolina, Virginia divifion ; rear-guard volun- teers, cavalry on the right and left of the bag- gage, equally divided ; in this order the troops will proceed this night ; in cafe of an attack by the enemy's cavalry in front, the light infantry on each flank will indantly march up, and give, and continue the mod galling fire upon the ene- my's horfe ; this will enable colonel Armand's not only to fupport the enemy's charge, but fi- nally rout them ; the colonel will therefore con- fider the orders to ftand the attack of the enemy's cavalry, be their numbers what they may, as pofitive : general Stevens will immediately order one captain, two lieutenants, one enfign, three ferjeants, one drum, and fixty rank and file, to join colonel Porterfield's infantry ; thefe men are to be taken from the moll experienced woodf- men, and men every way fitted for the fervice. The general will like wife complete Armftrong's light infantry to their original number, thofe mufl be immediately marched to the advanced poft of the army. The troops will preferve the pro- founded filence on the march, and any foldier who offers to fire, without the command of his officer, mud be indantly put to death. When the ground will admit of it, and the near approach of the enemy renders it necefTary, Vol. IT. 3 L the ( 458 ) the army will, when ordered, march in columns ; the artillery at the head of their refpe&ive bri- gades, and the baggage in the rear. The guard of the heavy baggage will be compofed of the re- maining officers and foldiers of the artillery. One captain, two fubalterns, four ferjeants, four drums, and fixty rank and file, and no perfon whatever is to prefume to fend any other foldier upon that fervice. All batmen, waiters, &c. who are foldiers ta- ken from the line, are forthwith to join their re- fpective regiments, and aft with their matters, while they are upon duty. The tents of the whole army to be (truck at tattoo. NOTE XXII. Page 161. THE names of the other gentlemen were meffrs. Edward Blake, John Budd, Robert Cockran, John Edwards, Thomas Fergufon, George Flagg, William-Hafel Gibbs, William Hall, Thomas Hall, Thomas Hayward, jun. Ifaac Holmes, Richard Hutfon, William Johnfon, rev. John Lewis, William Livingfton, John Loveday, Richard Lufhington, William Mafl'ey, Edward M'Cready, Alexander Moultrie, John Mouatt, John Neufville, Edward North, Jofeph Parker, John-Erneft Poyas, Jacob Read, Hugh Rutledge, Edward Rutledge, John Sanfum, Thomas Sa- vage, Thomas Singleton, Jofiah Smith, James- Hamden ( 459 ) Hamden Thomfon, Peter Timothy, John Todd and Anthony Toomer. NOTE XXIII. Page 169. A Second cargo of the citizens who ftill re- mained prifoners on parole were {hipped off on the feventeenth of November following. Their names were as follows : meffrs. Joieph Bee, Richard Beresford, John Berwick, Benjamin Cudworth, Henry Crouch, John-Splatt Cripps, Edward Darrell, Daniel Deffauffure, George A. Hall, Thomas Grimball, Noble-Wimberley Jones, William'Lee, William Logan, Arthur Middleton, Chriftopher Peters, Benjamin Roftell, Samuel Prioleau, Philip Smith, Benjamin Waller, James Wakefield, Edward Weyman, Morton Wilkin- fon. In addition to thefe citizens of South-Caro- lina, mod of whom were entitled to the benefits of the capitulation of Charlefton, general Ru- therford and colonel Ifaacs, of the ftate of North- Carolina, who had been taken near Camden in Auguft 1780, were at the fame time fhipped off for St. Auguftine — thefe were treated with more politenefs. NOTE ( 46o ) NOTE XXIV. Page 169. SOUTH- CAROL l'N A. By the right honourable Charles earl Cornwallis, lieutenant-general of his majejiy's forces, <&c. A PROCLAMATION. WHEREAS, notwithftanding the modera- tion of the Britifh government, and his majefty's unparalleled clemency to thofe of his deluded fubje&s, who, from a fenfe of their er- rors, have returned to their duty and allegiance, there are feveral perfons of property in this pro- vince, who obftinately perfift in their guilty and treafonable practices, and are either in the fervice or acYing under the authority of the rebel Con- grefs ; or by abandoning their plantations, to join the enemies of Great-Britain ; or by an open avowal of rebellious principles, and other notori- ous a6ls, do manifeft a wicked and defperate per- feverance, in oppofing to the utmoft of their power, the re-eftablifhment of his majefty's jufl and lawful authority^: and whereas it is a duty incumbent upon me to take all due precaution to fecure the tranquillity of his majefty's govern- ment, and the peace and liberties of his faithful and loyal fubjedls in this province, and to prevent the wioked defigns of fuch ill-difpofed perfons, as are above defcribed, from taking effecT: : and whereas it might be of dangerous confequence to ( 46i ) to fuffer fuch perfons to poflefs and make ufe of their eftates in this province, thereby furnifhing them with the means of carrying on their mali- cious and traitorous defigns more effectually into execution ; and as it likewife appears to me both juft and expedient, that the property which they have voluntarily ftaked in fupport of rebellion, mould now be applied, on our part, to defray a portion of the expences occafioned by the obfti- nate delinquency of their faction. I have there- fore thought fit to iflue this proclamation, to notify to all perfons concerned, that I have or- dered the eftates, both real and perfonal, in this province, belonging to the wicked and danger- ous traitors above defcribed, to be fequeftered ; and I have conftituted and appointed John Cru- den, efquire, to be commiffioner to execute the purpofes of this proclamation, with full power and authority, on receipt of an order or warrant under my hand, or the hand of the officer com- manding the Britifh forces in this province, or of the commandant of Charlefton, and not other- wife, to take into his charge, cuftody and pof- feffion, the eftates, both real and perfonal, of thofe who have abandoned their plantations, to join the enemies of Great-Britain ; and of the eftates, both real and perfonal, not included in the capitulation of Charlefton, of thofe in the fervice, or acting under the authority of the rebel Congrefs j and of the eftates, both real and per- fonal, of thofe perfons, who, by an open avow- al of rebellious principles, or by other notori- ous ( 462 ) ous acts, do manifcfr. a wicked and defperate. perfeverance in oppofing, to the utmoPt of their power, the re-eftablifhment of his majelly's juft and lawful authority : and the faid commimoner lhall, within the term of twenty-one days after execution of every fuch order or warrant above mentioned, by feizure of the eftates or property therein defcribed, caufc notice thereof to be pub- lifhecl in three fuccefiive news-papers, that no perfon concerned may plead ignorance of the fame ; and the like term is allowed for the remov- al of pofleflbrs from the premifes fo feized. And to the end, that this trufi; of fo great impor- tance be duly and faithfully adminiftered for the publick benefit, I do hereby ft ric~V.lv require and enjoin, that the faid commiffioners do, in every cafe of the feizure of property, whether real or. perfonal, forthwith take upon the fpot, if in the country, in prefence of two perfons acting either as field officers, or captains of militia under his majelly's government, and, if in town, in pre- fence of two creditable freeholders, an exact in- ventory of the property fo feized, which they are hereby required to fign, and it is to be kept and produced by the commimoner, as a voucher on the exhibition of his accounts. And whereas it is dictated by humanity and companion, that due and reafonable confederation be had for the families of the traitorous offenders, whofe pro- perty is necefTarily become the object of this proclamation, I have authorized and directed the faid commimoner to pay, for the fupport and maintenance ( 463 ) maintenance of families, confiding of a wife and children, one fourth part of the net annual pro- duct of the feized eftates refpectively, and one fixth part where there is a wife and no children, as the cafe may be ; provided they are refidcnt, and continue to be refident, within this province; and the receipts and acquittances of the parties fhall be, and are hereby directed to be, confider- ed fufficient vouchers to the faid commiffioner at the fettlement of his accounts. And it being highly expedient, that accounts of all perfonal property, and of the iifues and produce of all eftates, confiding of land, negroes, cattle, and of every fpecies of property, feized by virtue of this proclamation, be kept in the moft clear and diftinct manner poffible : I do hereby direct, that the faid commiffioner do keep particular and feparate accounts of all property, real and per- fonal, under the names of: the perfons who were fuppofed and acknowledged to be the proprietors at the time of feizure : and I do hereby further direct and require the faid commiffioner to make up a general account of the expence of manage- ment, and of the amount of the fale and difpofal of all property whatfoever, that mall come into his hands, which is to be laid before the com- mandant and board of police of Charlefton, every -fix months, or oftener, if it mall appear necefla- jy and practicable ; and he mall be thereunto required, during fuch time as the faid eftates ihall remain under iequeftration : and the command- ant and board of police are hereby diiected and required ( 464 ) required to infpeft the faid accounts with all con- venient difpatch ; and if they appear to them to be juft and right, to grant a certificate thereof to the faid commimoner ; and the faid commiffi- oner is hereby further required, upon fuch cer- tificate being granted, to pay the balance arifing from the above defcribed eftates, into the hands of the paymafter-general of his majefty's forces, or his deputy, to be applied to the purpofe before- mentioned, or in any other manner that may be direded by his majefty's commiflioners for re- floring peace to America, or the commander in chief. And I do hereby declare, that any perfon or perfons obftructing or impeding the faid com- mimoner in the execution of his duty, by con- cealment or removal of any property he may be authorized to feize, or otherwife, {hall, on con- viction, be punifhed as aiding and abetting rebel- lion ; and if any perfon or perfons mall make difcovery where any effects are concealed, or at- tempted to be carried away, or fhall give any neceffary information to the faid John Cruden, efquire, fo that effects belonging to a perfon whofe eflate is fequeftered, may be fecured, the perfon or perfons giving fuch information fhall be moft liberally rewarded : and all officers, civil and military, and all other perfons whatfoever, are ftrictly enjoined and required to aid and affifl the faid John Cruden and his deputies, in the execu- tion of the trufl repofed in him. And whereas certain limited orders and powers have been giv- en by me to colonels and commanding officers of ( 465 ) of militia, in fome few of the diflricts of this province, to feize the horfes, cattle, negroes, and provifions of perfons concerned in the late revolt, more particularly defcribed in the faid orders, and to apply the fame, under certain re- gulations and reftricTions, to the indemnification of the King's loyal and faithful fubjetts in the re- fpeclive diflricts, who had fuffered by the depre- dations of the rebels : and whereas the colonels and commanding officers of militia were, by the faid orders, directed to report to me, at the head- quarters of the army, the property they mould feize, by virtue of the fame, fpecifying clearly its nature and value, and the application thereof, towards the relief and indemnity of his majefty's faithful fubjects, who have fuffered as aforefaid ; I do now hereby require and command them, in- flead of reporting to me their proceedings, as above directed, to tranfmit to the commandant of Charlefton, within the term of fourteen days after the diftribution of the property feized, par- ticular accounts of all fuch property feized, and of its application and diftribution, in writing, which are to be figned by the colonel or com- manding officer of the militia, and by the twelve men of the neighbourhood who condemned the property, and ordered diftribution of the fame ; and that they do tranfmit exact duplicates of the faid accounts, figned in the manner above di- rected, at the fame time, to John Cruden, tfquire, the commiffioner named in this procla- mation, to be lodged in his office at Charlefton, Vol. IT. 3 M to ( 466 ) to the end that it may appear and be ascertained how the property feized, under the above-recited orders, hath been applied and diflributed. Given under my hand and feal, at head- quarters, in the diftrict of Waxhaws, in the faid province, the fixteenth day of September, anno Domini 1780, and in the twentieth year of his majefty's reign. Cornwall is. By his lordfhip's command, J. Money, aid-de-camp. NOTE XXV. Page 172. To the right honourable Charles earl Cornwallis^ lieutenant-general of 'his majejifs forces ^ &c. &c. &c. The humble addrefs of divers loyal inhabitants of Charlejlon. WE, his majefty's dutiful and loyal fubje&s, inhabitants of Charlefton, finding our- felves difappointed in the expectation we enter- tained of your lordfhip's returning fhortly to this capital, whereby we are precluded of perfonal accefs ta-your lordfhip, take this opportunity, through the intervention of the commandant, of tendering to your lordfhip our joyful congratu- lations ( 4^7 ) lations on the total defeat and difperfion of the rebel army, by his majefly's forces under your command. When we reflect on the defolation and ruin with which this province was threatened by the unrelenting cruelty of a formidable and menac- ing enemy, we think ourlelves fortunate that we had no idea of our danger, until we were effec- tually relieved from it by the glorious victory obtained by your lordfhip, wherein the interpo- lation of a protecting Providence is evident ; which infpires us with gratitude to the Supreme Ruler of the univerfe ; and at the fame time ex- cites in our minds a due fenfe of the manifold obligations we have to your lordfhip, for your diftinguifhed conduct and courage, fo eminently confpicuous in the accomplifhment of that great event, which has refcued this province from im- pending destruction, and is no lefs advantageous to our moft gracious fovereign and the Britifh empire, than honourable to your lordfhip ; and which fame will tranfmit to the lateft pofterity, with that tribute of praife and admiration your lordfhip has fo juftly merited on this important occafion. Although a prevailing faction fubverted our excellent constitution, and eftablifhed a democra- tic kind of government in its ftead, yet, as that arbitrary fyflem of rule was annihilated by the furrender of this capital, and fubmiffion of the country, ( 4«8 ) country, every member of the community had an indubitable right to confult his own happinefs ; and as the people in general, induced by their predilection and veneration for the old conftitu- tion, have made an explicit declaration of their allegiance, and availed themfclves of the protec- tion of that government under \vhich they for- merly enjoyed the higheft degree of civil and political liberty, as well as fecurity in their pro- perties, we cannot but confider the late attempt of Congrefs to fubjugate the freemen of this pro- vince to their tyrannical domination, an additi- onal proof of their reftlefs ambition, and of the wicked machinations of the contemptible re- mains of that expiring faction, who have fo re- cently exercifed a defpotick and lawlefs fway over us ; and we truft that every other hoftile experiment, by the goodnefs of God, and your lordfhip's vigilance and animated endeavours, will be rendered equally futile. That Heaven, propitious to your lordfhip's active zeal in the fervice of your King and coun- try, may crown your future exertions with fuc- cefs, and incline our deluded fifter colonies to partake of thofe bleffings of which we have fo fair a profpecl, are the fincere and ardent wiflies, not only of us, but we are perfuaded of every other loyal inhabitant of Charlefton. September 19, 1780. [Signed by one hundred and fixty-four per- fons.1 NOTE ( 469 ) NOTE XXVI. Page iBg. Saturday, January 13, 1781. THE committee, to whom was referred the letter of December feventh from major- general Greene, delivered in a report ; where- upon, Congress taking into confideration the emi- nent fervices rendered to the United States by brigadier-general Sumpter, of South-Carolina, at the head of a number of volunteer militia, from that and the neighbouring dates, particularly in the victory obtained over the enemy at the Hang- ing-Rock, on the fixth of Auguft ; in the de- feat of major Weyms and the corps of Britifh infantry and dragoons under his command, at Broad river, on the ninth day of November, in which the faid major Weyms was made prifoner ; and in the repulfe of lieutenant-colonel Tarleton, and the Britifh cavalry and infantry under his command, at Black-Stocks, on Tyger river, on the twentieth day of November lait ; in each of which actions the gallantry and military conduct of general Sumpter, and the courage and perfe- verance of his troops, were highly confpicuous : Resolved, therefore, that the thanks of Con- grefs be prefented to brigadier-general Sumpter, and the militia aforefaid, for fuch reiterated proofs of their patriotifm, bravery and military conduct. ( 47° ) conduct, which entitle them to the higheft efteem and confidence of their country ; and that the commanding officer of the fouthern department do forthwith caufe the fame to be iflued in gene- ral orders, and tranfmitted to general Sumpter. NOTE XXVII. Page 199. In Congrefs, March 1781. Friday, March 9, 178 1. N the report of a committee, confiding of mr. Burke, mr. Varnum and mr. Bee, to whom were referred fundry letters from major- general Greene and brigadier-general Morgan, the following refolutions were pafled : The United States in Congrefs aflembled, con- fidering it as a tribute due to diftinguifhed merit to give a publick approbation of the conduct of brigadier-general Morgan, and of the officers and men under his command, on the feventeenth day of January laft ; when, with eighty cavalry and two hundred and thirty -feven infantry of the troops of the United States, and five hundred and fifty-three militia from the ftates of Virginia, North-Carolina, South-Carolina and Georgia, he obtained a complete and important victory over a felecl and well-appointed detachment of more than eleven hundred Britilh troops, commanded by ( 47» ) by lieutenant-colonel Tarleton ; do therefore re- folve : That the thanks of the United States in Con- grefs aflembled, be given ro brigadier-general Morgan and the officers and men under his com- mand, for their fortitude and good conduct dif- played in the action at the Cowpens, in the date of South-Carolina, on the feventeenth day of January laft : That a medal of gold be prefented to briga- dier-general Morgan, and a medal of filver to lieutenant-colonel Wafhington, of the cavalry, and one of filver to lieutenant-colonel Howard, of the infantry, of the United States, feverally, with emblems and mottos defcriptive of the conduct of thofe officers refpe&ively on that memorable day : That a fword be prefented to colonel Pickens, of the militia, in teftimony of his fpirited con- duct in the action before mentioned : That major Edward Giles, aid-de-camp of brigadier-general Morgan, have the brevet com- miffion of a major ; and that baron de Glafbeck, who ferved with brigadier-general Morgan as a volunteer, have the brevet commiffion of captain in the army of the United States, in confidera- tion of their merit and fervices. Ordered, that the commanding officer in the louthem ( 47* ) fouthern department communicate thefe refoluti- ons in general orders. NOTE XXVIII. Page 199. A lift of the commijfioned officers who fought in the aclion of January feventeenth, 1781, under ge- neral Morgan, and defeated lieutenant-colonel "Tarleton, Of the light infantry : JOHN Howard, lieutenant-colonel, command- ant, Benjamin Brooks, captain, and major of brigade, Captain Robert Kirkwood, Delaware, Captain Anderfon, Dobfon, Lieutenant Ervine, ^ Maryland. Watkins, Houfton, Lieutenant Barnes, ") Miller, > Virginia. Enfign King, 3 EnfignDyer > Maryland. Smith, 3 Lieutenant Andrews, Delaware. Of the third regiment of dragoons : Lieut, colonel William Walhington, ") Major Richard Call, i Captain Bennett, f Virginia. Lieutenant Bell, J ( 473 ) Cornet Simons, South-Carolina. Of the Maryland ftate regiment : Edward Giles, major and aid-de-camp* Of the Virginia militia : Major Triplet, Captain Buchanan, Captain Tate, Captain Gilmore, Enfign Combs, Enfign M-Corkill, Enfign Wilfon. The Baron de Glaibeck ferved as a volunteer in general Morgan's family, and mr. Andrews with lieutenant-colonel Washington's regiment. Colonel Pickens, and all the officers in his corps, behaved well ; but, from their having fo lately joined the detachment, it has been impoffi- ble to collecl: all their names and rank, fo that the general is conflrained not to particularize any, left it fhould be doing injuftice to others. By order of general Morgan, Edward Giles, A. D. C» January 17, 1781. Vol. II. 3 N NOTE C 474 ) NOTE XXIX. Page 213. By the right honourable Charles earl Cornwallis, lieutenant-general of his majejlf 's forces ', &c. A PROCLAMATION. \J HERE AS it has pleafed the Divine Pro- vidence to profper the operations of his majefty's arms in driving the rebel army out of this province : and whereas it is his majefty's molt gracious wifh to refcue his faithful and loy- al fubjecls from the cruel tyranny under which they have groaned for feveral years : I have thought proper to ifTue this proclamation to invite all fuch faithful and loyal fubjects to repair, with- out lofs of time, with their arms and ten days provifions, to the royal ftandard now erecled at Hillfborough, where they will meet with the moft friendly reception ; and I do hereby affure them, that I am ready to concur with them in effectual meafures for fuppreffing the remains of rebellion in this province, and for the re-efta- blifhment of good order and constitutional go- vernment. Given under my hand at head-quarters, at Hillfborough, this 20th day of February, in the year of our Lord 1781, and in the 1 1 ft year of his majefty's reign. Cornwallis. By his lordfhip's command, H. Brodkick, aid-de-camp. GOD fave the King. ( 475 ) NOTE XXX. Page 216. ■ Extracl from earl Cornzvallis's ' an fiver to the nar- ' rative of fir Henry Clinton.* Page 3,4. /^\UR hopes of fuccefs in offen- v_>/ five operations were not found- ed only on the efforts of the corps, under my immediate command, which did not much ex- ceed three thoufand men, but principally upon the mod pofitive affurances given by apparent credible deputies and emiffaries, that, upon the appearance of a Britifh army in North-Carolina, a great body of inhabitants were ready to join and co-operate with it, in endeavouring to re- flore his majefty's government. Page 5. The unexpected failure of our friends rendered the victory at Guilford of little value. I know it has been afferted, or infinuated, that they were not fufficiently tried upon this occa- fion : but can any difpallionate perfon believe, that I did not give every encouragement to peo- ple of all defcriptions to join and affift us, when our own reputation, the fafety of the army, and the interefts of my country, were fo deeply con- cerned in that junction and affiftance ? All in- ducements in my power were made ufe of with- out material effect ; and every man in my army muft have been convinced, that the accounts of our emiffaries had greatly exaggerated the num- ber ( 476 ) ber of thofe who had profeffed friendfhip for us ; as they mud have obferved, that a very conside- rable part of them could not be prevailed on to remain with us, or to exert themfelves in any form whatever. This difappointment, and the wants and dif- treffes of the army, compelled me to move to Oofs Creek ; but meeting there no material part of the promifed affiflance and fupport, I was obliged to continue my march to Wilmington. i Page 15. That our failure in North-Carolina was not occafioned by our want of force, to pro- tect the rifmg of our friends, but by their timi- dity and unwillingnefs to take an active and ufe- ful part, A letter from the board of loyalijis to earl Cornwallis. My lord, March 5, 1783. We, the board of agents for the American loyalifts, beg leave to addrefs a few lines to your lordfhip, with all poflible refpect, on a fubject which we feel ourfelves, and thofe we reprefent, fo deeply interefted in, that we cannot remain filent without neglecting the trufl repofed in us. Whilst in reading your lordfhip's late publi- cation, we entertain the highefl: admiration of your character, and are confeious that your hu- manity ( 477 ) manity equals that intrepidity and perfeverance, that have marked the whole of your conduct in America, and accompanied your lordfhip's march through wild extents of North-Carolina into Vir- ginia ; we cannot but obferve, with extreme re- gret, fome paffages that have dropped from your lordfhip's pen, relative to the conduct of the loy- alifts in North-Carolina, which, without fome explanation, may make impreflions never intend- ed by your lordfhip, to the difadvantage of a body of men, who have facrificed their all, by fteadily perlevering in their allegiance to their fovereign, and by maintaining, at every rifk, and with the utmofl: conftancy and unremitted exertions, his authority and juft rights in Ame- rica. The favourable opinion your lordfhip has fo frequently exprefled of this body of men will, we hope, be our excufe for troubling your lordfhip on this occafion. The very high efteem io juftly entertained of your lordfhip in this kingdom, gives great weight to every thing coming from you ; and we are ap- prehenfive, left the enclofed extracts from the introduction to your lordfhip's letters, by being either mifunderftood, or malicioufly mifreprefent- ed, may be detrimental to our intended applica- tion to parliament. People in this countrv are in general ignorant of (( 47« ): of the {fate of North-Carolina, its extent, and the fcattered fcarcity of its inhabitants, and, of courfe, from that . ignorance, are eafily led to form hafty opinions of the practicability of things, in their nature impoffible. We humbly conceive, we have only to fugged thefe our apprehenfions to your lordfhip's huma- nity and candour, on which vv - reiy with perfect confidence, that they will dictate, to your lord- fhip luch mealures as are befl adapted to pre- vent any pomble mifchief, which, we are well affured, was never dtiigned on your lord (hip's part. In this reliance, we have the honour of fubferibing ourfelves, with the higheft refpect, Signed on behalf of the board, J. Wright, preiident. A letter from earl Comwallis to the board of loyalijls. Mansfield-Street, March 8, 1783. Gentlemen, I have received the honour of your letter on the fifth inftant, and am extremely concerned to learn, that fome expreffions in my anfwer to fir Henry Clinton's narrative, have given pain to a body of men fo refpe&able, and fo peculiarly circumflanced, as the unfortunate American loy- aiifts. My I 479 ) My Cervices in North- America gave me num- berlefs opportunities to obferve the undoubted loyalty of a great body of people ; and, I hope, that the whole tenor of my con duel has proved, not only that I was even fenfible of their merits, but that, if at any time my friendfhip and pro- tection has not come up to their expectations, the want of power has been the fole caufe of .their difappointment. When I found myfelf called upon, by fir Henry Clinton's narrative, to publilh a vindica- tion of my own conduct during the campaign of 1781, it was as far from my intention, as it would have been cruelly unjuft, to convey a doubt of the loyal difpofition of a great number of the inhabitants of North-Carolina : convinced of their loyalty, it was with reluctance, even when difappointed, that I complained of their in- activity ; as it proceeded from caufes which will fave them from cenfure with all generous minds. North-Carolina being in proportion to its immenfe extent but thinly inhabited, and our friends being not only much difperfed, but mix- ed in every diftricl: with people of oppofite prin- ciples, who had poffefled themfelves of the power of government, their efforts to manifeft their- loyalty had been made under great difadvantages, and had been attended with many fatal confe- quences, previous to our march into that pro- vince. Many had loll their lives, and numbers had ( 48o ) had long languifhed in confinement, or had been driven out of the country, in confequence of the rifing in the year 1776. The premature rifing at Ramfour's, colonel Bryan's junction with us in South-Carolina, both directly contrary to my recommendation, and colonel Fergufon's defeat on King's Mountain, in the year 1780, had occafioned the ruin of many families, and had furnifhed pretexts to ex- ercife cruelties upon individuals, to a degree nei- ther believed nor conceived in this country ; thofe rigours, joined to a long feries of former oppreffi- ons, had, in my opinion, totally broke the fpi- rits of the greateft number of our friends before our arrival among them. Hope of relief naturally induced their emiffa- ries (perhaps not fenfible of it) to conceal this from me, and I could only difcover it from ex- perience, when I called upon them for affiftance. I will freely confefs, that I was then convinced that we had been too fanguine on both fides ; our expectations had been too high of co-opera- tion and afliftance, and our friends had expected too much from the appearance of a Britifli army in the province. To account for fome parts of my own conduct, it was necefTary to (late this difappointment ; but when the fituation of thefe unfortunate people is fairly confidered, I am perfuaded that I cannot have C 481 ) have excited any emotion but companion for them, in the breads of all liberal men. The characters and principles of a great body of loy- alifts, at prefent in this country, or with our ar- my in North-America, can be (till lefs affected by mifconftructions of any expreflions of mine. Many, by gallantly taking arms in the common caufe, fome, by acting in civil capacities, and others, by abandoning their families and proper- ties in America, have proved their loyalty and attachment to this government beyond all pofii- bility of being controverted ; and have, there- fore, the bed founded claims for compenfation, upon the generofity and juftice of Britain. I beg leave to aflure the board of agents, that I am truly fenfible of the high value of the fa- vourable opinion that they have been pleafed to exprefs of my conduct: during this calamitous war ; and I (hall ever lament that my endeavours were fo ineffectual to promote the intereft of in- dividuals, and the re-union of the Britifh em- pire. I have the honour to be, with great refpeft, gentlemen, your mod obedient, and moft humble fervant, Cornwall is. Sir James Wright, bart. prefident, and the other members of the board of agents for the American loyalifts. Vol. IT. 3O NOTE ( 482 ) NOTE XXXI. Page 222. By Charles earl Cormvallis, lieutenant-general of his maje/iy's forces, &c. A PROCLAMATION. WHEREAS by the bleffing of Almighty God, his majefty's arms have been crowned with fignal fuccefs, by the complete vic- tory obtained over the rebel forces on the fifth inftant, I have thought proper to iflue this pro- clamation, to call upon all loyal fubjects to (land forth, and take an aclive part in restoring good order and government : and whereas it has been reprefented to me, that many perfons in this pro- vince, who have taken a fliare in this unnatural rebellion, but having experienced the oppreffion and injuftice of the rebel government, and hav- ing feen the errors into which they have been de- luded by falfehoods and mifreprefentations, are fincerely defirous of returning to their duty and allegiance, I do hereby notify and promife to all fuch perfons (murderers excepted) that if they will furrender themfelves, with their arms and ammunition, at head-quarters, or to the officer commanding in the diftricl: contiguous to their refpective places of refidence, on or before the twentieth day of April next, they will be per- mitted to return to their homes, upon giving a military parole ; and fhall be protected in their perfons and properties from all forts of violence from ( 483 ) From the Britifh troops ; and will be reftored, as foon as poffible, to all the privileges of legal and conftitutional government. Given under my hand at head- quarters, this eighteenth day of March, A. D. 178 1, and in the twen-ty-firft year of his majefty's reign. (Signed) Cornwallis. NOTE XXXII. Page 224. Estracl of brigadier-general Arnold's letter to fir Henry Clinton. Peterfburg, May 12, 1781. Sir, I Am extremely forry to inform your excellen- cy, that major-general Philips is reduced fo low by a fever, which feized him on the fecond inftant, that he is incapable of bufinefs, and the phyficians are not without fears for his fafety. In this fituation I think it my duty to tranfmit to your excellency by exprefs a detail of the pro- ceedings of the army under the orders of major- general Philips, fince they left Portfmouth, which his indifpofition prevented him from doing as he "intended. On the eighteenth of April the light infantry, part ( 4§4 ) part of the feventy-fixth and eightieth regiments, the queen's rangers, yagers, and American legi- on, embarked at Portfmouth, and fell down to Hampton road ; on the nineteenth, proceeded up James river to Burwell's ierry ; on the twentieth lieutenant-colonel Abcrcrombie, with the light infantry, proceeded up the Chickahomany in boats ; lieutenant-colonel Simcoe, with a detach- ment, to York ; lieutenant-colonel Dundas, with another detachment, landed at the mouth of the Chickahomany ; and rmijor-general Philips and myfelf landed with part of the army at Williamf- burg, where about five hundred militia were polled, who retired upon our approach. The militia at York crofTed the river before the arri- val of lieutenant-colonel Simcoe, who made a few prifoners, fpiked and deftroyed fome cannon, and next day returned to Williamiburg. On the twenty-fecend the troops marched to Chickahomany. We were met on the road, live miles from the mouth of the river, by lieutenant- colonel Dundas, with his detachment : this even- ing the troops, cavalry, artillery, kc. were re- embarked. The next morning we were joined by lieutenant-colonel Abercrombie, with the light infantry, who had been ten or twelve miles up the Chickahomanv, and deftroyed feveral arm- ed ihips, the ftate mip-yards, ware-houfes, kc. &c. At ten o'clock the fleet weighed and proceed- ed ( 485 ) ed up the James river, within four miles of Wed- over. The twenty-fourth weighed anchor at eleven o'clock, and run up to City Point, where the troops, &c. were all landed at fix o'clock in the evening. The twenty-fifth marched at ten o'clock for Peterfburg, where we arrived about five o'clock P. M. We were oppofed, about one mile from town, by a body of militia, under the orders of brigadier-general Muhlenburgh, fuppofed to be about one thoufand men, who were foon obliged to retire over the bridge, with the lofs of near one hundred men killed and wounded, as we have fince been informed ; our lofs only one man killed and ten wounded. The enemy took up the bridge, which prevented our purfuing them. Twfnty-sixth. Deftroyed at Peterfburg four thoufand hogfheads of tobacco, one fhip, and a number of fmall veffels on the flocks and in the river. Twenty-seventh. Major-general Philips, with the light-infantry, part of the cavalry of the queen's rangers, and part of the yagers, march- ed to Chefterfkld courthoufe, where they burned a range of barracks for two thoufand men, and three hundred barrels of flour, Sec. The ( 486 ) The fame day I marched to Ofborn's, with the feventy-fixth and eightieth regiments, queen's rangers, part of the yagers, and American legion, where we arrived about noon. Finding the ene- my had very confiderable force of mips four miles above Ofborn's, drawn up in a line to op- pofe us, I fent a flag to the commodore, propof- ing to treat with him for the furrender of his fleet, which he refufed, with this anfwer, c That 4 he was determined to defend it to the lad ex- ' trernity.' I immediately ordered down two fix and two three-pounders, brafs field-pieces, to a bank of the river, nearly level with the water, and within one hundred yards of the Tempeft, a twenty-gun ltate-fhip, which began immediately to fire upon us, as did the Ptenowrt of twenty- fix guns, the Jefterfon, a (late brigantine of four- teen guns, and feveral other armed fhips and bri- gantines ; about two or three hundred militia, on the oppofite fhore, at the fame time kept up a heavy fire of mufketry upon us. Notwithftand- ing which, the fire of the artillery, under the direction of captain Fage and lieutenant Rogers, took fuch place, that the fhips were foon obliged to ftrike their colours, and the militia drove from the oppofite fhore. Want of boats, and the wind blowing hard, prevented our capturing many of the feamen, who took to their boats, and efcaped on fhore ; but not without firfl fcuttling and fet- ting fire to fome of their fhips, which could not be faved. Two ( 43; ) Two fhips, three brigantines, five floops, and two fchooners, loaded with tobacco, cordage, flour, &c. fell into our hands. Four fhips, five brigantines, and a number of fmall veflels, were funk and burned. On board the whole fleet, none of which efcaped, were taken and deftroyed about two thoufand hogf- heads of tobacco, &c. &c. and very fortunately we had not a man killed or wounded this day ; but have reafon to believe the enemy fufiVred considerably. About five o'clock P. M. we were joined by major-general Philips, with the light infantry. Twenty-eighth. The troops remained at Ofborn's, waiting for boats from the fleet ; part of them were employed in fecuring the prizes, and carrying them to Ofborn's, as a place of fafety. Twenty-ninth. The boats having arrived, the troops were put in motion. Major-general Philips marched with the main body ; at the fame time I proceeded up the river, with a de- tachment in boats, and met him between Gary's mills and Warwick. Thirtieth. The troops inarched to Man- chester, and deftroyed twelve hundred hogfheads of tobacco. The marquis de la Fayette having arrived with his army at Richmond, oppofite to Manehefter, ( 488 ) Manchefter, the day before, and being joined by the militia drove from Peterfburg and Williamf- burg, they were fpectators of the conflagration, without attempting to moleif us. The fame even- ing we returned to Warwick, where we deftroy- ed a magazine of five hundred barrels of flour, and colonel Gary's fine mills were deftroyed in burning the magazine of flour. We alfo burned feveral warehoufes, with one hundred and fifty hogfheads of tobacco, a large (hip and a brigan- tine afloat, and three veflels on the flocks, a large range of publick rope- walks and ftore- houfes, and fome tan and bark-houfes full of hides and bark. May firft. Marched to Ofborn's, and difpatch- ed our prizes and boats down the river ; and in the evening marched to Bermuda Hundreds, oppofite City Point. May fecond. Embarked the troops, &c. &c. May third. Fell down the river to Weftover. May fourth. Proceeded down to Tappahan- nock. Fifth and fixth. Part of the fleet fell down to Hog-Ifland. Seventh. Major-general Philips having re- ceived a letter from lord Cornwallis, orders were given for the fleet to return up the river again. We ( 489 ) We arrived at Brandon about five o'clock, and moll or the troops, cavalry, &c. were landed this evening, though it blew a gale of wind. May eighth. Remained at Brandon. Major- general Philips being very ill, and unable to tra- vel on horfeback, a poft-chaife was procured for him. May ninth. The light infantry, and part of the queen's rangers, in boats, were ordered, with the Formidable and Spitfire, to proceed to City Point, and land there. The reft of the army were put in motion for Peterfburgh, where they arrived late in the night, having marched near thirty miles this day. On cur leaving Bermuda Hundred, and going down the river, the marquis de la Fayette, with his army, moved towards Williamfburg, and by forced marches had croffed the Chickahoma- ny at Long Bridge, when our fleet returned to Brandon, which retrogade motion of ours occafi- oned him to return as rapidly by forced marches to Ofborn's, where he arrived the eighth, and was preparing to crofs the river to Peterfburg when we arrived there, which was fo unexpected, that we furprized and took two majors, one of them aid-de-camp to Baron Steuben, the other to general Smalhvood ; one captain and three lieutenants of dragoons ; two lieutenants of foot, a commiiTary, and a furgeon : feme of thefe gen- Vol. II. t, P tlemen ( 49° ) tlemen arrived only two hours before us, with an intention of collecting the boats for the mar- quis to crofs his army. On the tenth the marquis made his appear- ance on the oppofite fide of the river with a flrong efcort, and having flayed fome time to reconnoitre our army, returned to his camp at Ofborn's ; and we are this day informed he is marched to Richmond, where it is faid Wayne, with the Pennfylvania line, has arrived ; this is however uncertain, but he is certainly expected there. An exprefs pafled through this place the day before our arrival here, who left Halifax on the feventh, and informed, that the advance of lord Cornwallis's arrived there that morning : this re- port we have from feveral quarters, and I am in- clined to believe it is true. Several expreffes have been fent to his lordfhip, informing him of our being-here ready to co-operate with his lord- fhip. We are in anxious expectation of having particular intelligence from him every minute. As foon as it is reduced to a certainty that lord Cornwallis has crofled the Roanoke, and is on his march for this place, the army will advance one or two days march from hence to meet his lordfhip, and carry a fupply of provifions for his army. ( 491 ) A confiderable magazine of flour and bread has fallen into our hands near this place, and the country abounds with cattle. Major-general Philips is fo weak and low, that it will be fome confiderable time before he can go through the fatigue of bufinefs. In this critical fituation, I am happy to have the a fii fi- ance of fo many good and experienced officers with me, commanding corps. If joined by lord Cornwallis, or the reinforcement faid to be com- ing from New- York, we fhall be in force to ope- rate as we pleafe in Virginia or Maryland. I have the honour to be, &c. (Signed) B. Arnold. Adjutant -general's office, New-Tor k, July 15, 1781. Sir, I am directed by the commander in chief to fend you the following account of the operations of the army in Virginia, under the command of lieutenant general the earl Cornwallis, which you will pleafe to publifh in your Gazette. I am, fir, your moft obedient fervant, A, Delancy, Ad. Gen. To mr. James Rivington. His lordfhip, after palling James river, at Weft- over ( 492 ) over, moved to Hanover courthoufe, and croffed the South Anna; : the marquis de la Fayette keep- ing about twenty miles diftant from him. From this place his lordfhip detached lieutenant-colo- nels farleton and Simcoe, the former of which took fome members of the affembly at Charlotte Ville, and deftroyed there, and on his return, one thoufand (land of good arms, fome clothing, and other (lores, and between four and five hun- dred barrels of powder without oppofition. Ba- ron Steuben, who commanded about eight hun- dred twelve months men and militia, retired with great precipitation, from the Point of Fork, before lieutenant-colonel Simcoe, who, after ufing every operation to attack the rear-guard, deflroy- ed there, and at the places adjacent, about three thoufand three hundred ftand of arms, (then un- der repair) fome fait, harnefs, &c. and about one hundred and fifty barrels of powder. His lordfhip then moved by Richmond, and arrived at Willi ainfburg on the twenty- fifth of June, having, in addition to the articles already men- tioned, deftroyed, on this expedition, in diffe- rent places, above two thoufand hogfheads of tobacco, a great number of iron guns, ten brafs French twenty-four-pounders, and brought off four thirteen-inch brafs mortars, five brafs eight- inch howitzers, four long brafs nine-pounders, all French, and a confiderable quantity of fhot and fhells. On the twenty-fixth, as lieutenant-colonel Simcoe was returning with his corps and the ya- gers, from the deftruction of fome boats and horfes ( 493 ) horfes on the Chickahomany, he was attacked by a much fuperior force of the enemy, who were repulfed with a confiderable lofs, and three officers, and twenty-eight privates taken prifon- ers. His lordfhip having an intention to crofs James river, marched on the fourth inftant, to a camp near James-Town, and made his arrange- ments accordingly. On the fixth, information was brought him about noon of the approach of the enemy, and about four in the afternoon attacked his out-pofts, but concluded that the enemy would not bring a confiderable force within his reach, unlefs they fuppofed that nothing was left but a rear-guard. His lordfhip took every means to convince them of his weaknefs, which had the defired effect ; for about fun-fet, a body of troops with artillery, began to form in front of his camp. He then put the troops under arms, and ordered the army to advance in two lines. The attack was begun by the firft line with great fpirit, there being nothing but militia op- pofed to the light infantry ; the action was foon over on the right, but lieutenant-colonel Dundas's brigade, confiding of the forty-third, feventy- fixth and eightieth regiments, which formed the left wing, meeting the Pennfylvania line, and detachment of the marquis de la Fayette's con- tinentals. ( 494 ) tinentals, with two four pounders, a fmart action cnfued for fome minutes, when the enemy gave way, and abandoned their cannon. The cavalry were ready to purfue, but the darknefs of the evening prevented his lordfhip making ufe of them. His lordfhip commends the fpirit and good behaviour of the officers and foldiers of the whole army, but the feventy-fixth and eightieth regiments, on whom the brunt of the action fell, had an opportunity to diftinguifh themfelves par- ticularly ; and his lordfhip fays, that lieutenant- colonel Dundas's conduct and gallantry deferve the higheft praife. The force of the enemy in the field was about two thoufand continentals and militia, and their lofs, he believes, between two and three hundred, and that half an hour more day-light would probably have given him the greatefl part of the corps. NOTE XXXIII. Page 231. Lift of American officers killed or wounded at the battle near Camden^ on the twenty-fifth of Aprily 1781. L lEUTENANT-colonel Ford, Maryland, dan- geroufly wounded in the elbow. LiEUTENANT-colonel Campbell, Virginia, a flight contufion on the thigh. Captain ( 495 ) Captain William Beatty, Maryland, killed. Captain J. Smith, third Maryland, taken prifoner. Captain Dunholm, Virginia, flight contufion. CAPTAiN-lieutenant Bruff, Maryland, wound- ed in both ancles, and prifoner on parole. Lieutenant M. Gallaway, Maryland, wound- ed flightly. Lieutenant Ball, Virginia, ditto, dangeroufly in the leg. Non-commiffioned officers and foldiers, killed, wounded and miffing. One ferjeant, feventeen rank and file killed. Seven ferjeants, one hundred and one rank and file wounded. Three ferjeants, one hundred and thirty-three rank and file miffing. NOTE XXXIV. Page 239. The following is general Pickens and lieutenant-co- lonel Lee*s report of the capitulation of fort Cornwallis. No. I. Sir, Augufla, May 31, 1781. THE ufage of war renders it neceflary that we prefent you with an opportunity of avoiding ( 496 ) avoiding definition, which impends your gar- rifon. We have deferred our fummons to this late date, to preclude the neceffity of much corre- fpondence on the occafion. You fee the ftrength of the inverting forces, the progrefs of our works, and you may inform yourfelf of the fituation of the two armies, by enquiries from captain Arm- ftrong, of the legions, who has the honour to bear this. We have the honour to be, fir, your mod obedient fervants, Andrew Pickens, B. G. Mil. Henry Lee, jun. Lieut. Col. commanding continental troops. Lieut. Col. Brown. No. II. Gentlemen, What progrefs you have made in your works I am no ftranger to. It is my duty and inclina- tion to defend this poft to the laft extremity. I have the honour to be, gentlemen, your mod obedient, humble fervant, Thomas Brown, Lieut. Col. commanding King's troops at Augufta. To B. G. Pickens, and Lieut. Col. Lee. Articles C 497 ) Articles of capitulation propofed by lieutenant-colonel Brown, and anfwered by general Pickens and lieutenant-colonel Lee. Article I. That all acts of hoflilities and works fhall ceafe between the befiegers and be- fieged, until the articles of capitulation fhall be agreed on, figned and executed, or collectively rejected. Answer. Hoflilities fhall ceafe for one hour, other operations to continue. Article II. That the fort fhall be furrender- ed to the commanding officer of the American troops, fuch as it now ftands. That the King's troops, three days after figning the articles of capitulation, fhall be conducted to Savannah with their baggage, where they will remain pri- foners of war until they are exchanged ; that proper conveyances fhall be provided by the commanding officer of the American troops for that purpofe, together with a fufficient quantity of good and wholefome provifions, till their arrival at Savannah. Answer. Inadmiffible. The prifoners to fur- render field prifoners of war. The officers to be indulged with their paroles ; the foldiers to be conducted to fuch place as the commander in chief fhall direct, Article III. The militia now in garrifon fhall Vol. II. 3 (^ b« ( 498 ) be permitted to return to their refpecYive homes, and be fecured in their perfons and properties, Answer. Anfwered by the fecond article, the militia making part of the garrifon. Article IV. The fick and wounded mall be under the care of their own furgeons, and be fupplied with fuch medicines and neceflaries as are allowed to the Britifh hofpitals. — Agreed. Article V. The officers of the garrifon, and citizens who have borne arms during the fiege, mall keep their fide arms, piftols and baggage, which fhall not be fearched, and retain their fervants. Answer. The officers and citizens who have borne arms during the fiege, fhall be permitted their fide arms, private baggage, and fervants ; their fide arms not to be worn ; and the baggage to be fearched by a perfon appointed for that purpofe. Article VI. The garrifon, at an hour appoint- ed, fhall march out with mouldered arms and drums beating, to a place to be agreed on, where they will pile their arms. Answer. Agreed, The judicious and gallant defence made by the garrifon, entitles them to every mark of military refpect. The fort to be delivered up to captain Rudolph at twelve o'clock, who will take pofleffion with a detachment of the legion infantry. Article ( 499 ) Article VII. That the citizens fhall be pro- tected in their perfons and property. Answer. InadmifTible. Article VIII. That twelve months fhall be allowed to all fuch as do not choofe to refide in this country, to difpofe of their effects, real and perfonal, in this province, without any molefta- tion whatever, or to remove to any part thereof, as they may choofe, as well themfclves as families. Answer. InadmifTible. Article IX. That the Indian families now in garrifon fhall accompany the King's troops to Savannah, where they will remain prifoners of war, until exchanged for an equal number of prifoners in the Creek or Cherokee nations. Answer. x^.nfwered in the fecond article. Article X. That an exprefs be permitted to go to Savannah, with the commanding officer's defpatches, which are not to be opened. Answer. Agreed. Article XI. Additional. The particular at- tention of colonel Brown is expected towards the juft delivery of all publick ftorcs, monies, &c. and that no loans be permitted to defeat the fpi- rit of this article. Signed ( 5°° ) Signed at head-quarters, Augufta, June $, 1781, by Andrew Pickens, B. G. Mil. Henry Lee, jun. Lieut. Col. Com. Thomas Brown, Lieut. Col. commanding King's troops at Augufta. N O T E XXXV. Page 245. Return of the killed, wounded and miffing, of the continental forces, during the fage of Ninety Six, in South-Carolina. ON-Commiffioned officers and rank and file : Virginia brigade, killed, forty-one j wounded, thirty-three ; miffing, fixteen. Maryland brigade, killed, twelve ; wounded, twenty-four j miffing, three. Light infantry, killed, one ; wounded, nine ; miffing, one. Legion infantry, killed, two ; wounded, two. Virginia militia, killed, one ; wounded, two. Total. Killed, fifty-feven ; wounded, feventy ; miffing, twenty. Captain Armftrong, of the Maryland line, killed ; captain Benfon, and lieutenant Duvall, wounded. Captain ( 5oi ) Captain Bentley, of the Virginia line, pri- foner ; lieutenants Evans, Miller, and Selden, wounded. Colonel Kofcuilzko, chief engineer, was flightly wounded. O. H. Williams, D. A. G. Publifhed by order of Congrefs, Charles Thomson, fecretary. NOTE XXXVI. Page ■54« Names of the continental commijjioned officers killed and wounded in the adion of Eittaw the eighth of September 1781. Maryland brigade. CAPTAIN Dobfon, ") Edgerly, L killed Lieutenant Dewall, f ' Gould, j Lieut, col. Howard, Captain Gibfon, Captain lieut. Hugon, Lieutenant Ewing, J> wounded. Woolford, Lynn, Enfign Moore, Virginia brigade. Lieutenant-col. Campbell, ") Captain Oldham, J> killed. Lieutenant Wilfon, j Captain C 502 ) Captain Edmonds, Morgan, Lieutenant Miller, Jonitt, wounded. j North-Carolina brigade. i I J i ■ I J killed. wounded. Captain Goodman, Goodwin, Potterfield, Lieutenant Dillon, Captain Hadley, Lieutenant Dixon, Andrews, Dudley, Enfign Lamb, Moore, South-Carolina line. Lieutenant-colonel Henderfon, wounded. Cavalry. Lieutenant-col. Wafhington, wounded, and prifoner of war. Captain Watts, "| Lieutenant Gordon, Simons, j> King, Steward, J Mr. Carlifle, volunteer, killed. Artillery. Captain-lieutenant Finn, wounded. Lieutenant Carfon, do. mortally. Drew, wounded. M'Gurrie, do. and prifoner of war. Legion ( 5°3 ) Legion infantry. Lieutenant Manning, wounded. Mr. Carrington, volunteer, wounded. O. H. Williams, D. A. G. South-Carolina state-officers. Major Rutherford, "j Lieutenant Polk, *> killed. Adjutant Lufh, J Lieut, col. Henderfon, com. brigade, wounded. Lieutenant-colonel Middleton, wounded. Captain Moore, do. Giles, do. N. Martin, do. Cowan, do. Lieutenant Erfkine, do. Culpeper, do. Hammond, do. Spragins, do. South-Carolina militia. Brigadier-general Pickens, wounded. Lieutenant-colonel Horry, do. Captain Gee, do. Pegee, do. Lieutenant Boon, do. Holmes, killed. Simons, do. NOTE ( 5°4 ) NOTE XXXVII. Page 255. By the United States in Congrefs affembled, Oclober 29, 1781. RESOLVED, that the thanks of the United States in Congrefs afTembled, be prefented to major-general Greene, for his wife, decifive and magnanimous conduct in the action of the eighth of September laft, near the Eutaw Springs,- in South-Carolina ; in which, with a force infe- rior in number to that of the enemy, he obtained a molt fignal victory. That the thanks of the United States in Con- grefs affembled be prefented to the officers and men of the Maryland and Virginia brigades, and Delaware battalion of continental troops, for the unparalleled bravery and heroifm by them dif- played, in advancing to the enemy through an inceffant fire, and charging them with an impe- tuofity and ardour that could not be refilled. That the thanks of the United States in Con- grefs affembled be prefented to the officers and men of the legionary corps and artillery, for their intrepid and gallant exertions during the action. That the thanks of the United States in Con- grefs affembled be prefented to the brigade of North-Carolina, for their refolution and perfeve- rance in attacking the enemy, and fuflaining a fuperior fire. That ( 5°5 ) That the thanks of the United States in Con- grefs aflembled be prefented to the officers and men of the (late corps of South-Carolina, for the zeal, activity and firmnefs by them exhibited throughout the engagement. That the thanks of the United States in Con- grefs aflembled be prefented to the officers and men of the militia, who formed the front line in the order of battle, and fuftained their pod with honour, propriety, and a refolution worthy of men determined to be free. Resolved, that a Britifh ftandard be prefent- ed to major-general Greene, as an honourable teftimony of his merit, and a golden medal em- blematical of the battle and victory aforefaid. That major-general Greene be defired to pre- lent the thanks of Congrefs to captains Pierce and Pendleton, major Hyrne and captain Shu- brick, his aids-de-camp, in teftimony of their par- ticular activity and good conduct during the whole of the action. That a fword be prefented to captain Pierce, who bore the general's defpatches, giving an ac- count of the victory, and that the board of war take order herein. Resolved, that the thanks of the United States in Congrefs aflembled be prefented to bri- gadier-general Marion, of the South-Carolina Vol. II. 3 R militia, ( 5°6 ) militia, for his wife, gallant and decided conduct, in defending the liberties of his country, and particularly for his prudent and intrepid attack on a body of the Britifh troops, on the thirtieth day of Auguft laft, and for the diftinguifhed part he took in the battle of the eighth of September. Extract from the minutes, Charles Thomson, fecretary. NOTE XXXVIII. Page 271. SOUTH-CAROLINA. By his excellency John Rutledge, efquire, governor and commander in chief of thefaidjiate, A PROCLAMATION. WHEREAS many perfons taking advan- tage of the late difturbed and unfettled condition of the ftate, and hoping in the confu- fion and diforder occafioned by the calamities of war to efcape punifhment, have committed the moft wanton and rapacious acts of plundering ; fome under colour of indemnifying themfelves for loiTes which they have fuftained ; others, un- der pretence that the perfons to whom fuch pro- perty belonged are tories or enemies of the ftate ; and others, from a wicked and inordinate defire of acquiring wealth by any means, however un- juftifiable, and from any perfons, whether friends or foes : and whereas the publick fafety requires that ( S°7 ) that the mod effectual meafures mould be taken for fupprefling fuch an unwarrantable and per- nicious practice, inafmuch as good and faithful fubjects fhould be fecured and protected in the full and free enjoyment of their property, and no man, although criminal, mould be defpoiled of his eftate but by due courfe of law : I have therefore thought fit to ilfue this proclamation, ffrictly forbidding ail perfons from plundering, taking, or holding the property of others under any pretence, or for any caufe whatever ; warn- ing perfons poffeffed of fuch property, of the danger which they will incur by continuing to withhold it, and charging them immediately to reflore fuch property to the owners of it, unlefs fuch owners are with the enemy ; and in that cafe, to deliver it to the brigadier-general of the diftrict in which it is, as they will anfwer the con- trary at their peril ; for fpeedy and effectual punifh- ment (hall be inflicted on the offenders : and I do direct all juftices of the peace diligently and faithfully to execute their office, and to ufe all lawful means that may be necelfary for appre- hending, fecuring, and bringing to juftice fuch perfons as are or may be accufed of the above- mentioned, or any other criminal offence. I do moreover command all military officers of this ftate to give fuch aid and affiftance to the civil magiftrates, as they may require for that purpofe : and I do exhort all thofe who know, or have rea- fon to believe, where any plundered property is concealed or fecreted, or by whom it is poffeffed, to ( 5°8 ) to make difcovery and give information touching the fame to the nearcft magistrate, in order that proper Steps may be taken for the recovery thereof. Given under my hand and the Great Seal, at the High Hills of Santee, this fifth day of Auguft, 1781, and in the nxth year of the independence of America. John Rutledge. By his excellency's command, John-Sandford Dart, pro fecretary. NOTE XXXIX. Page 282. Ladies'' petition for colonel JJaac Haync. To the right honourable lord Rawdon, commander in chief of his majejlf 's forces in South-Carolina, and to colonel Balfour, commandant at Charlcf- ton. My lord and fir, WE mould have reafon to reproach our- felves of having omitted a proper occafi- on of manifefting the tendernefs peculiarly cha- racteriftick of our fex, if we did not profefs ourfelves deeply interefted and affected by the imminent and mocking doom of the moil unfor- tunate mr. Hayne, and if we did not entreat you in ( 5C9 ) in the mofl earned manner gracioufly to avert, prolong or mitigate it. We do not even think, much lefs do we intend to imply, in the remotelt degree, that your fentence is unjufr. ; but we are induced to hope, that every end it propofes may be equally anfwered, as if carried into executi- on ; for to us it does not appear probable that any whom it is intended to influence and deter from fimilar delinquency, will be encouraged with the hope of impunity, by reafon of any fa- vour (hewn him, as they mufl furely reflect that it was owing to certain caufes and circumftances that will not apply to them. We prefume to make this interceilion for him, and to hope that it will not prove fruitlefs, from the knowledge of your difpofitions in particular, as well as from the reflection in general, that humanity is rarely fcpa- rable from courage, and that the gallant foldier feels as much reluctance to caufe, by deliberate decrees, the infliction of death on men in cold blood, as he does ardour in the day of battle and heat of action to make the enemies of his coun- try perifh by the fword. He may rejoice to be- hold his laurels fprinkled with the blood of arm- ed and refitting adverfaries, but will regret tc fee them wet with the tears of unhappy orphans. mourning the lois of a tender, amiable and wor- thy parent, executed like a vile and infamous felon. To the praifes, that men who have been wit- neffes and fharers of your dangers and fervices in the ( 5i° ) the field, may found of your military virtues and prowefs, we truft you will give the ladies occa- fion to add the praifes of your milder and fofter virtues by furnifhing them with a ftriking proof of your clemency and politenefs in the prefent inftance. May the unhappy object of our petiti- on owe to that clemency and politenefs, to our prayers and to his own merits in other refpe&s, what you may think him not entitled to if poli- cy and juftice were not outweighed in his behalf. To any other men in power than fuch as we con- ceive you both to be, we mould employ on the occafion more ingenuity and art to drefs up and enforce the many pathetick and favourable cir- cumftances attending his cafe, in order to move your paffions and engage your favour, but we think this will be needlefs, and is obviated by your own fpontaneous feelings, humane confide- rations and liberal reafonings. Nor mall we dwell on his mod excellent character, the out- rages and excefles, and perhaps murders pre- vented by him, to which innocent and unarmed individuals were expofed in an extenfive manner ; nor mall we here lay any ftrefs on the moft griev- ous fhock his numerous and refpectable connexi- ons muit fuftain by his death, aggravated by the mode of it ; nor (hall we do more than remind you of the complicated diftrefs and fufferings that mud befall his young and promifmg chil- dren, to whom perhaps death would be more comfortable than the ftate of orphanage they will be left in. All thefe things we underftand have been ( 5" ) been already reprefented, and we are fure will have their due weight with men of your humane and benevolent minds. Many of us have alrea- dy fubfcribed to a former petition for him, and hope you will regard our doing it again not as importunity, but earneftnefs ; and we pray mofl fervently that you will for-ever greatly oblige us by not letting us do it in vain. "We are, my lord and fir, with all refpecl your very anxious petitioners and humble fervants. NOTE XL. Page 283. No. I. To mr. Hayne. Sir, 26th July, 1781. I Am charged by the commandant to inform you, that a council of general officers will affemble to-morrow at ten o'clock, in the hall of the pro- yince, to try you. I am, &c. C. Fraser, major of the town. No. II. To mr. Hayne* Thurfday evening, 27th July, 1781. Sir, I am ordered by the commandant to acquaint you, ( 512 ) you, that inftead of a council of general officers, as is mentioned in my letter of this morning, a court of enquiry, compofed of four general offi- cers and five captains, will be alTembled to-mor- row at ten o'clock, in the province hall, for the purpofe of determining under what point of view you ought to be confidered. You will immediately be allowed pen, ink and paper ; and any perfon that you choofe to ap- point, will be permitted to accompany you as your council, at the fame hour and place. I am, &c. C. Fraser, major of the town. No. III. To ?nr. Hayne, in the provojVs prifon. MEMORANDUM. Sunday, 29th July, 178 1. The adjutant of the town will be fo good as to go to colonel Hayne in the provoft's prifon, and inform him, that, in confequence of the court of enquiry held yefterday, and the preced- ing evening, on his account, lord Rawdon, and the commandant, lieutenant-colonel Nefbit Bal- four, have refolved upon his execution on Tuef- day the thirty-fir ft inftant, at fix o'clock, for having been found under arms, and employed in railing ( 5i3 ) raifing a regiment to oppofe the Britifh govern- ment, though he had become a fubject, and had accepted the protection of that government, after the reduction of Charlefton. (Signed) C. Fraser, major of the town. A letter from colonel Hayne to lord Rawdon, and colonel Balfour. In the provof? s prijbn, igtb July, 1 7 8 1 . My lord, and fir, On Thurfday morning I had the honour of re- ceiving a letter from major Frafer, by which he informed me, ? that a council of general officers ' would be aflembled the next day for my trial,' and, on the evening of the fame day, I received another letter from the fame officer, acquainting me, * that inffead of that, a court of enquiry c would fit, for the purpoie of deciding under 4 what point of view I ought to be confidered.'— It was alfo told, ' that any perfon whom I ihould c appoint would be permitted to accompany me c as my counfel.' Having never entertained any other idea of a court of enquiry, nor heard of any other being formed of it, than of its ferving merely to precede a council of war, or fome other tribunal for examining the circumftances more fully, excepting in the cafe of a fpy ; and Vol. II. 3 S mr. ( 5'4 ) mr. Jarvis, lieutenant marfhal to the provoft, not having fucceeded in finding the perfon whom I named for my counfel, I did not take the pains to fummon any witneffes, though it would have been in my power to have produced many ; and I prefented myfelf before the council without any affiftance whatever. When I was before that af- fembly, I was farther convinced that I had not been deceived in my conjectures ; and I found that the members of it were not fworn, nor the witneffes examined upon oath ; and all the mem- bers, as well as every other perfon prefent, might eafily have perceived, by the queftions which I aiked, and by the whole tenor of my conduct, that I had not the lead notion that I was tried or examined upon an affair on which my life and death depended. Neither do I believe that the members themfelves had an idea of that fort. In the cafe of fpies, a court of enquiry is all that can be neceffary, becaufe the fimple fact, whether the perfon is, or is not a fpy, is all that can be the objed of their refearches, and his having entered the lines of the enemy's camp, or the garrifon, fubje&s him to military execution. As that accuiation neither is, nor ever has been brought againfl me, I humbly conceive that the information which I received, namely, that the court would make enquiry concerning what point of view I ought to be confidered under, could not be taken as a fumcient notice of their having an intention to try me then, but could only be thought ( 5>5 ) thought to fignify that they were to take it into confideration whether I ought to be looked upon as a Britifh fubjecl:, or as an American ; that in the firft cafe I (hould undergo a legal and impar- tial trial ; in the fecond, I mould be fet at liberty on my parole. Judge then, my lord, and fir, of the aftoniih- ment I muft have been in, when I found that they had drawn me by furprize into a procedure tending to judgment, without knowing it to be fuch, and deprived me of the ability of making a legal defence, which it would have been very eafy for me to have done, founded both in law and in facl ; when I law myfelf deflitute of the afliftance of counfel or of witneffes ; and when they abruptly informed me, that after the proce- dure of that court I had been condemned to die, and that in a very few days. Immediately upon receiving this notice, I fent for the lawyer whom I had originally chofen for my counfel. I here enclofe his opinion concerning the legality of the procefs held againft me ; and I beg that I may be permitted to refer myfelf to him. I can af- fure you with the utmoft truth, that I both had, and have many reafons to urge in my defence, if you will grant me the favour of a regular trial ; if not, (which I cannot however fuppofe from your juftice and equity) I earneftly entreat that my execution may be deferred, that I may at leaft take a laft farewell of my children, and prepare myfelf for the dreadful change. I ( 5*6 ) I hope that you will return me a fpeedy an- iwer j and am, with refpeft, &c. Isaac Hayne. No. V. Anfwer of lord Rawdon and colonel Balfour to my letter of the twenty-ninth of July, and delivered on the thirtieth, at one o'clock, into the hands of the town-major (Frafer.) 6 I have to inform you, that your execution is 6 not ordered in confequence of any fentence from ' a court of enquiry, but by virtue of the autho- ' rity with which the commander in chief in South- * Carolina and the commanding officer in Charlef- ' ton are inverted. And their refolves on this ' fubject are fixed and unchangeable.' I then beg- ged major Frafer that he would ferioufly entreat the abovefaid officers to grant a refpite, that I might have time to fend for my children, and take of them the lad farewell. At three o'clock, the town-adjutant (Cooper) brought me for an- fwer, that my requefl was rejected. On Tuefday, July thirty-one, at one in the morning, the de- puty provoft, (Marfhal) brought me information — * that it was time for me to prepare for death, ■ as he had juft received orders to that effect, and * that I was to leave my apartment at five o'clock.' In lefs than half an hour major Frafer came in and delivered the following melfage : ' Colonel ( 5>7 ) ' Colonel Hayne, I am to acquaint you, c that in confcquence of a petition figned by go- 8 vernor Bull and many more, as alfo of your e prayer of yefterday, and the humane treatment * fhewn by you to the Britifh prifoners who fell ' into your hands, you are refpited for forty-eight ' hours/ I thanked the commanding officer for this refpite : this gave me an opportunity of fee- ing my children. The major had been gone but a few mi- nutes, when he returned to tell me that he had forgot part of his meffage : this was, ' that if c general Greene mould offer to expoftulate in my ' favour, with the commanding officer, from that ' inflant the refpite would ceafe, and I mould be s ordered for immediate execution.' No. VI. August i, 1781, three o'clock, A. M. Mr. Cooper, the town-adjutant, came in and read to me the following written meffage : c Lord Rawdon * and colonel Balfour have confented to grant to ' mr. Hayne a refpite for forty-eight hours.' My anfwer was, ' that I thanked them.' No. VII. Consultation on the cafe of colonel Hayne, enclofed in his letter to lord Rawdon and colonel Balfour. Colonel ( 5*& ) Colonel Hayne being detained in the pro- voft's prifon, and taken, as it is given out, in arms againft his majefty, received from major Frafer, on Thurfday night, a notice in thefe words : ' A court of enquiry, compofed of four ' (lafF- officers and five captains, will affemble to- 6 morrow, at ten in the morning, in the province ' hall, in order to determine under what point of f view you ought to be confidered.' The court met at the time appointed, and the prifoner made his appearance. Neither the members nor wit- neffes were upon oath. The prifoner confidering it only as a court of enquiry, which was held previous to a formal trial, did not avail himfelf of the liberty granted him to employ counfel, nor did he produce any witnefs to afcertain a great number of fa els tending to his defence, for which, indeed, he was allowed but a very fhort time. He was apprized this morning, that the faid lord and colonel, on the rifing of the faid court of enquiry, came to the resolution of having the faid Hayne executed on Thurfday, July thirty- firfl. Query from the prifoner : ' Are fuch pro- ' ceedings authorized by any law, and is the ' fubfequent fentence lawful ?' ANSWER. I. In the notice given you, that the intention was to examine you before a court of enquiry, there is not, even according to the rules of mar- tial law, a fufficient certainty, nor any exprefs accufation ( 5'9 ) accufation which might be the object of the court's enquiry, or of your defence. II. No enemy can be fentenced to death in confequence of any military article, or any other martial procefs that I know of, without a previ- ous trial, except fpies, who, by the articles of war, are exprefsly debarred from that right. III. No fubject whatever can or ought to be deprived of his life, liberty or fortune, unlefs it be by the unanimous award of his peers, and according to the laws of the country. And, to my knowledge, there is not a law which can au- thorize a judgment and fentence like that which they have taken upon themfelves to pronounce in this affair. It is an invariable rule, eftablifh- ed by law, that every man is to be deemed inno- cent till his guilt is proved ; that being found or taken in arms does not argue criminality fo far as to hinder the culprit from making his defence, either by proving a commilnon, or upon any other ground ; and that many of thofe who had taken up arms have been acquitted upon fuch proofs. IV. In confideration of the principles above adduced, I am pofitively of opinion, e that tak- € ing you in the light of an enemy, (not of a * fpy) the procefs carried on againft you is not * lawful ; but if you are to be confidered as a ' fubjecl. ( 52° ) 4 fubjecl:, fuch proceedings militate againft, and * are diametrically contrary to all laws.' (Signed) John Colcock. Charleiton, July 2,9, 178 1. NOTE XLI. Page 285. Extracl of a letter from N. Balfour to major-gene- ral Greene, dated Charlejlon, September 3, 1781. I COME now to that part which has refpect. to the execution of colonel Hayne, on which head I am to inform you it took place by the joint-order of lord Rawdon and myfelf, in confe- quence of the mod exprefs directions from lord Cornwallis to us, in regard to all thofe who mould be found in arms, after being at their own requefts received as fubjecls, fince the capitula- tion of Charleiton and the clear conqueft of the province in the fummer of 1780 ; more efpecially fuch as mould have accepted of commiffions, or might diftinguifh themfclves in inducing a revolt of the country. To his lordmip therefore, as being anfwerable for this meafure, the appeal will more properly be made, and on fuch appeal I mud not doubt, every fit fatisfaction will be tendered •, but as the threat in your letter is of a nature which may extend its confequences to the mod difagreeable and ferious lengths, I cannot difmifs this fubjecl: without fome general remarks, (till referring for the particular juftification to the opinion ( $«' ) opinion and decifion of lord Cornwallis, immedi- ately under whom I have the honour to act. And firft I mufl conceive, without adverting to the particular caufe of difpute between Great- Britain and this country, that, on the fubjection of any territory, the inhabitants of it owe allegi- ance to the conquering power (in the prefent cafe a voluntary acknowledgment was given, and con- fequent protection received ;) and that, on any account to recede from it, is juftly punifhable with death, by whatever law, either civil or military, is then prevalent. To juftify retaliation I am convinced you will agree a parity of circumftances in all refpects is required ; without fuch every fhadow of juftice is removed, and vengeance only points to indif- criminate horrors. NOTE XLII. Page 285. Camp, fouthern army, High Hills of Santee, 20th Auguft, 178 1. THE fubfcribers, commiffioned officers ferv- ing in the fouthern army, beg leave to re- prefent to the honourable major-general Greene, that they are informed not only by current re- ports, but by official and acknowledged authori- ty, that, contrary to exprefs ftipulations in the capitulation of Charlefton, figned the twelfth day Vol. II. 3 T of ( 522 ) of May, 1780, a number of very refpectable inhabitants of that town and others were confined on board prifon-fhips, and fent to St. Auguftine, and other places diftant from their homes, fami- lies and friends. That notwithftanding the ge- neral cartel fettled for exchange of prifoners in the fouthern department, and agreed to the third of May laft, feveral officers of militia and other gentlemen, fubjects of the United States, have been and ftill are detained in captivity ; that the commanding officer of the Britifh troops in Charlefton, regardlefs of the principles, and even the exprefs tenor of the faid cartel, hath not only prefumed to difcriminate between the militia and other fubje&s of the United States prifoners of war, partially determining who were and who were not objects of exchange, but hath even dared to execute, in the mod ignominious manner, colonel Hayne, of the militia of the flate of South-Carolina, a gentleman amiable in character, refpectable in his connexions, and of eminent abilities : and this violent act, as cruel as it was unneceffary and unjufl:, we are inform- ed is attempted to be juflified by the imputed crime of treafon, founded upon the unfortunate fufferer's having, in circumftances peculiarly dif- trefling, accepted of what is called a protection from the Britifh government. If every inhabitant of this country who, being bound by the tender ties of family-connexions, and fettered by domeftick embarrafTments, is forced ( 5*3 ) forced to fubmit to the misfortune of falling into the hands of the enemy, muft therefore become a fubject of fuch inhuman authority, and if fuch fubjects are liable to be tried by martial law for offences againfl the faid civil government of the Britifh nation, their fituation is truly deplorable ; but we conceive forms of protection which are granted one day, and retracted, violated, dis- claimed or deferted the next, can enjoin no fuch condition or obligation upon perfons who accept them. We confider the citizens of America as independent of the government of Great-Britain as thofe of Great-Britain are of the United States, or of any other fovereign power, and think it juft the feverities and indulgences to prifoners of war ought to be reciprocal. We therefore, with fubmiifion, beg leave to recommend that a ftrict enquiry be made into the feveral matters menti- oned, and if afcertained, that you will be pleafed to retaliate in the mod effectual manner by a fimilar treatment of Britifh fubjects which are or may be in your power. Permit us to add, that while we ferioufly la- ment the neceffity of fuch a fevere expedient, and commiferate the fufferings to which individuals will neceffarily be expofed, we are not unmindful that fuch a meafure may, in its confequences, in- volve our own lives in additional dangers ; but we had rather forego temporary distinctions, and commit ourfelves to the moft defperate fituations, than ( 524 ) than profecute this juft and neceflary war upon terms fo unequal and fo difhonourable. We are, fir, with the greateft regard, and molt refpeclful fentiments of cfteem, your mod obedient and mod humble fervants. [Signed by all the officers of the army.] The honourable major- general Greene. NOTE XLIII. Page 285. P R O C L A M A T I O N. Bf Nathaniel Greene, ef quire, major -general*, commanding the American army in the /out hern department, HER E A S colonel Ifaac Hayne, com- manding a regiment of militia in the fer- vice of the United States, was taken prifoner by a party of Britim troops, and after a rigorous detention in the Provolt's prifon at Chariefion, was condemned and executed on the 4th of this month, in the mod cruel and unjuftifiable man- ner, in open violation of the cartel agreed upon between the two armies, for the releafe and ex- change of all prifoners of war ; and it being no lefs the duty than the inclination of the army to refent every violence offered to the good citizens of ( s^s ) of America, to difcountenance all thofe diitincli- ons which they have endeavoured to eitabltm, in making a difference in various orders of men, found under arms for the fupport of the indepen- dence of the United States ; and further confi- dering that thefe violences are committed with a view of terrifying the good people, and by that means preventing them from acYing in conformity with their political interefts and private inclinati- ons ; and that this method of trying and punifh- ing, in confequence of thofe diftinclions, is no lefs oppofite to the fpirit of the Britifh, than it is in- clufive of an unwarrantable infringement of all the laws of humanity, and the rights of the free citi- zens of the United States; from thefe confidera- tions I have thought proper to ififue the prefent proclamation, exprefsly to declare, ' that it is ' my intention to make reprifals for all fucli in- ■ human infults, as often as they mall take place.' And whereas the enemy feems willing to expoie the fmall number of the deceived and feduced in- habitants, who are attached to their interefts, if they can but find an opportunity of facrificing the great number that have flood forth in defence of our caufe ; I farther declare, ' that it is my in- * tention to take the officers of the regular forces, 6 and not the feduced inhabitants who have joined 1 their army, for the objects of my reprifals.' — - But while I am determined to refent everv infult that may be offered to the United States for having maintained our independence, I cannot but lament the ncceffity I am under of having re- courfe ( 5*6 ) courfe to mcafures fo extremely wounding to the fentiments of humanity, and fo contrary to the li- beral principles upon which I wifh to conduct the war. Given at the head-quarters at Camden, 26th of Auguft, 178 1, in the fixth year of Ameri- can independence. (Signed) Nathaniel Greene. NOTE XLIV. Page 288. The treatment of the prifoners of war taken by the Britijh in South '-Carolina, in the year 1780, is more particularly Jiated in the two following let- ters ; the jirfi of which was written by doclor Olyphant, direclor of the American hofpitals in the J out hern department, on the yth of May 1781, to general Moultrie, in, the following words i 1 "\7~OU will obferve by this month's return * X the number of lick among our people con- 8 tinues great, efpecially as this is a healthy fea- * fon of the year ; but when the reafons of it are * confidered, it is not much to be wondered at. fi Men fent immediately from a Tick hofpital on € board of prifon-fhips, and confined to a fait di- s et, cannot poffibly recover their health and ^vi- c gour. This likewife accounts for the many * deaths. fi I am farther to acquaint you of our convale- ' fcents ( 5*7 ) f fcents being difcharged before they are thought 6 fit by our phyficians to be difmified under fuch ' circumftances. This is dire&ed by doctor Hayes, ' the dire£tor-general of the Britifh hofpitals, who « is commanded, as he informs me, to do fo by 4 the commandant.' The fame fubjecl is more particularly Jiated in a let- ter addreffed to the author of this hijiory by the honourable Peter Fayffoux, M. D. member of the council of thefiate of South-Carolina, who ferved his country during the late war in the character of chief phyfician to the American hofpitals in the f out hern department, which was in the following words : i c harlefton, March 26, 1785. S 1 R, ' In compliance with your requeft, I now fend * you fome of the moft remarkable facts relative to * the treatment the American prifoners, the Tick in c particular, received, during their captivity in ■ Charlefton, from the Britifh. The dire&or-ge- ' neral having been confined by the Britifh, the im- * mediate charge of the American hofpital devolved ' on me, I can therefore anfwer for the truth of ' this account, as every circumftance was within my ' own knowledge. From the furrender of Charlef- Mon to the period of general Gates's defeat, I do ' not think we had any material caufe of com- * plaint, 6 The ( 5*8 ) 4 The regulations for the government of the 4 hofpital, the fupplies of medicine and diet, were ' in general prefcribed by ourfelves and acceded 1 to by the Britifh. ' After the defeat of general Gates our fuf- 4 ferings commenced. The Britifh appeared to 1 have adopted a different mode of conduct to- 4 wards their prifoners, and proceeded from one 4 ilep to another until they fully difplayed them- 4 feives, void of faith, honour or humanity, and 4 capable of the mod favage acts of barbarity. * The unhappy men who belonged to the mi- * litia, and were taken prifoners on Gates's defeat, ' experienced the firft effects of the cruelty of 4 their new fyftem. 4 These men were confined on board of pri- ; fon-ihips, in numbers by no means proportioned 4 to the iize of the veffels, immediately after a 4 march of one hundred and twenty miles, in the 4 mod lickly feafon of this unhealthy climate. ' These veffels were in general infected with 4 the final] -pox ; very few of the prifoners had 6 gone through that diforder. A reprefentation * was made to the Britifh commandant of their * fituation, and permiffion was obtained for one c of our furgtons to inoculate them — this was the ' utmoif. extent of their humanity — the wretched 4 objects were ftill conlined onboard of the prifon- ihips, ( 529 ) * fhips, and fed on fait provifions, without the * lead medical aid, or any proper kind of nourifh- ' ment. The effect that naturally followed, was a * fmall-pox with a fever of the putrid type ; and * to fuch as furvived the fmall-pox, a putrid dy- ' fentery — and, from thefe caufes, the deaths of at ' lead one hundred and fifty of the unhappy vic- * tims. Such were the appearances, and fuch was c the termination of the generality of the cafes ' brought to the general hofpital after the erupti- * on of the fmall-pox — before the eruption, not a * iingle individual was fufFered to be brought on * more. If any thing can furpafs the above rela- * tion in barbarity, it is the following account : — ' The continental troops, by the articles of ca- * pitulation, were to be detained prifoners in fome 4 place contiguous to Charleston ; the barracks * were pitched on as the proper place ; this was 4 agreed to by both parties. — The Britifh, in vio- * lation of their folemn compact, put thefe people i on board of prifon-fhips. — Confined in large * numbers on board of thefe veiTels, and fed on * fait provifions in this climate in the months of * October and November, they naturally gene- •' rated a putrid fever from the human miafma, 6 This foon became highly contagious. The fick 4 brought into the general hofpital from the pri- ' fon-fhips, generally died in the courfe of two or s three days, with all the marks of a highly fep- * tick flate. Application was made to mr. de * Rofette, the Britifh commiffary of prifoners ; the Vol. II, 1 U < vaft ( 53° ) 4 vaft increafe of the numbers of deaths was * pointed out, and he was requeued to have pro- 4 per fteps taken to check the progrefs of a dif- 4 order that threatened to deftroy the whole of * the prifoners. 4 In confequence of this application mr. Fifher, 4 our commiffary of prifoners, and mr. Frafer, 4 who formerly practifed phyfick in this country, ' but then acted as a Britifh deputy commiffary, 4 were ordered to infpe£t the (late of the prifoners 4 in the veffels. This report confirmed the truth 4 of what had been advanced — this can be proved 4 by a very particular circumflance. — My hopes 4 were very fanguine that fomething would be 4 done for the relief of thofe unhappy perfons, but 4 they were entirely fruflrated by a perfon from 4 whom I did not, and ought not to have ex- 4 peeled it. Dr. John M'Namara Hays, phyfi- 4 cian to the Britifh army, a perfon who had been 4 taken by the Americans on the capture of Bur- 4 goyne. who had received the politeff. treatment 4 from the Americans when a prifoner, and who 4 had the generofity to acknowledge the ufage 4 he had met with — this perfon was ordered to 4 report on the flate of the prifoners — to my aflo- 4 niihment, I was informed his report was, that 6 the prifon-fiiips were not crouded, perfectly 4 wholefome, and no appearance of infectious dif- c orders amongft the prifoners. * I th:">; determined to make one more effort 4 for ( 53' ) c for the relief of thefe unhappy perfons — for this ' purpofe I had two of the dead bodies kept in 6 the area of the hofpital, and, upon doclor Hays's 4 daily vifit to our hofpital, I marked to him the 4 appearances of the fubje&s, whofe bodies were s highly tinged with a yellow fuftufion, petechied * over the bread and trunk, with considerable ec- 4 chymofis from extravafated or diflolved blood ' about the neck, bread and upper extremities. I 4 inquired ir it waspoffible a doubt could remain re- 4 fpeeting the nature of their diforder, and expreff- 4 ed my furprife at the report he had made. The 4 words of his reply were, ' that the confinement 4 of the prifoners in prifon-fnips was the great eye- 4 fore, and there was no help for that, it mud be 4 done.' The diforder in confequence continued 4 until the cold weather ; the number of deaths, 4 joined with the number that were compelled by 4 this treatment to inlid with the Britim, removed 4 in a great meafure the caufe. Hitherto a num- 4 ber of our prifoners who were tradeimen had 4 been permitted to remain in the barracks, or in 4 the city, wjjere they were employed by the Bri- 4 tifh — about the month of January 1781, they 4 were all confined to the barracks, and there 4 Britim emiifaries were very bufy amongft them, 4 to perfuade them to inlid in their new corps. 4 About the fame time a fupply of clothing, and 4 fonie money to procure neceflaries, arrived from 4 the Congrefs for the ufe of the prifoners. * Mr, Fiiher, our commifiary, was prevented 4 from C 53* ) 1 from distributing the clothing, and the priibn- * ers were informed it was a deception, for no * fupplies had arrived for their ufe. Their motive 8 was, that by the complicated diftrefs of naked- ' nefs and imprifonment, their patience would be * exhaufted, and inliftment with them would * enfue. 8 To prevent this, means were found to have 8 feveral bales of the clothing brought to the pic- c quets which inclofed the barracks, and in fight c of our foldiers j this meafure eitabliihed the fact. 8 Disappointed from this quarter, the Britim '* commandant or his minifters determined to ob- 4 ferve no meafures but what would accomplish * their own purpofes. All the foldiers in the bar- 4 racks, including the convalefcents, were parad- ■ ed, and harangued by Frafer, the Britifh de» 4 puty commifTary, and one Low, a recruiting ' officer for one of the Britilh corps. The con- 8 clufion of the affair was, that fuch as chofe to 4 inlift with the Britim mould leave the ranks, and * the remainder go on board of the prifon-fhips. 8 A few who had been previoufly engaged with- 5 drew from the ranks ; the large majority that * flood firm, after three different folicitations 4 without effect, had this dreadful fentence pro- ; nounced by Frafer, c that they mould be put 4 on board of the prifon-fhips, where they could 4 not expect any thing more but to perifh mifera- * bly ; and that the rations hitherto allowed for 4 the ( 533 ) 4 the fupport of their wives and children, from 5 that day fhould be withheld ; the confequence ' of which would be, they muft flarve in the « ftreets.' ' Human nature recoiled from fo horrid a de- ' claration — for a few feconds the unhappy vic- * tims feemed flupifled at the dreadful profpecl ; a 4 gloomy and univerfal filence prevailed. — This 4 was followed by a loud huzza for general Wafh- * ington ; death and the prifon-fhips was the una- 4 nimous determination. 4 The hofpital at this time was reduced to the '' greatefl diftrefs imaginable — the fick without c clothing, covering, or any neceffary but one 6 pound of beef and bread — very little fugar, no ' wine, and rarely a fmall allowance of rum. « We had no refources, and the Britiih would 4 only furnifh the abfolute neceflaries of life. * The officers of the hofpital, on the mildeft re- ' prefentation, were threatened and infulted, fre- * quently prohibited from vifiting the fick, once ' I remember for three days. ' It was fcarcely poffible for men to fupport * fuch an accumulated load of mifery ; but when ' lead expected, a relief was adminiftered to us. * A fubfcription for the fupport of the fick was 4 filled by people of every denomination with amaz- * ing rapidity. Several of the ladies of CharJef- 4 ton, ( 534 ) 8 ton, laying afide the diftincYion of whig and tory> 6 were inftrumental and affiduous in procuring and * preparing every neceffary of clothing and pro- e per nouriihment for our poor, worn-out and de- e fponding foldiers. e Thus, fir, I have furnifhed you with fome of 6 the moft material occurrences ot that unhappy ' time. I have not exaggerated or written a fin- * gle circumftance from hatred or prejudice. I * could furnifh you with a long detail of cruelty " and diftrefs exercifed on individuals. — Major ' Bocquet's cafe, expofed in an open boat for 6 twelve hours in a violent fever, with a blifter- ' ing plafter on his back, extended at length in 4 the bottom of the boat, then put into the dun- 4 geon of the provoft with the vileft felons and ' murderers, left to languifh under his complaint ' until his death feemed morally certain, only re- * leafed from his confinement from the dread of ' a juft retaliation — the moment his recovery feem- ' ed probable, again hurried back to the provoft, * there to remain until the general exchange re- ' leafed him from their power. ' This inflance of feverity exercifed on an in- * dividual, whofe only crime was a fteady attach- x ment to the caufe of his country, and a deter- c mined refolution to keep facred the folemn oath e he had taken in its caufe, would appear as no- * thing, were I to enumerate the fcenes of woe * and dtilrefs brought on many citizens of this ' once ( 535 ') e once happy country, by Rritifh cruelty and * unneceffary feverity. I am fure every bread 6 would be foftened, even tears would fall from * Britifli eyes. ' I am, fir, with efteem, yours, &c. c P. Fayssoux.' NOTE XLV. Page 297. Charlefton, May 17, 178 l Gentlemen, SEVERAL prifoners on parole, having been this day taken up, and lent on board mip, the motives for which are explained in the enclof- ed copy of a letter to them ; I am directed by the commandant to defire you will infertthe fame in your next paper, for the information of the publick. I am, gentlemen, your mod obedient fervam, H. Barry, fecretary, and D. A. general, Meffrs. Wells and fon, printers to the King's mod excellent majedy. Charlefton, May 17, 178 1. Gentlemen, Many have been the reprefentations which the outrages committed by the American troops, and their violations of all the humaner principles of war, have ( 536 ) have compelled me to make to fuch of their offi- cers as commanded parties in this province : but more particularly have I been obliged to remon- ftrate againft the rigorous treatment, in many cafes extending to death, which the loyal mili- tia, when made prifoners, mod invariably expe- rience. These reprefentations, gentlemen, having been grounded on the trued principles of benevolence, and which it behoves each fide equally to have ad- vanced, I was as much furprized as I was morti- fied, to find them in all cafes practically disre- garded, and in many, wholly neglected. It is therefore become my duty, however irkfome to myfelf, to try how far a more decided line of con- duct will prevail, and whether the fafety of avow- ed adherents to their caufe, may not induce the American troops to extend a proper clemency to thofe whofe principles arm them in defence of Bri- tifh government. Induced by thefe motives, I have conceived it an act of expediency to feize on your perfons, and retain them as hoftages for the good ufage of all the loyal militia who are, or may be made pri- foners of war, refolving to regulate, in the full extent, your treatment by the meafure of theirs, and which my feelings make me hope may here- after be mod lenient. And as I have thought it neceffary that thofe perfons ( 537 ) perfons, who fome time fince were fent from hence to St. Auguftine, mould, in this refpeet, be con- fidered in the fame point of view as yourfelves, I mall fend notice there, that they be likewife held as fureties for a future propriety of conduct to- wards our militia prifoners. Reasons fo cogent, and which have only the mod humane purpofes for their objects, will, I doubt not, be confidered by every reafonable per- fon as a fufficient juftification of this mod necef- fary meafure, even in thofe points where it may militate with the capitulation of Charlefton; though indeed the daily infractions of it, by the breach of paroles, would alone well warrant this procedure. Having been thus candid in Hating to you the caufes for this conduct, I can have no objections to your making any proper ufe of this letter you may judge to your advantage, and will therefore, mould you deem it expedient, grant what flags of truce may be neceffary to carry out copies of it to any officer commanding American troops in thefe parts, and in the mean time the fulleft di- rections will be given, that your prefent fituation be rendered as eligible as the nature of circum- ftances will admit. I am, gentlemen, your mofl obedient humble fervant, (Signed) N. Balfour. To the militia prifoners of war late on parole in Charlefton, now on board a prifon-fhip. Vol. II. 3 W Prifon- ( 538 ) Prifon-fhip, Torbay, Charlefton harbour, May 18, 1781. In conformity to your letter of yefterday, wc embrace your offer of forwarding a copy of the fame, together with a roll of the prifoners on board this fhip, and a letter addreffed to major- general Greene, all which are enclofed. We could wifh one of our number might be fuffered to at- tend the flag of truce. We are, fir, your mod obedient humble fervants, Stephen Moore, lieut. col. John Barnwell, major. In behalf of ourfelves and one hundred and thir- ty other prifoners. Lieut, col. Nefbit Balfour. Torbay prifon-mip, off Charlefton, May 19, 1781. S 1 R, Yesterday we tranfmitted to you a letter, en- clofing a copy of yours, with a lift of one hun- dred and twenty-nine prifoners of war, confined on board this (hip, which we hope is forwarded to major-general Greene, agreeable to your promife, and make no doubt but that your feelings as a gentleman will, upon this occafion, induce you to do every thing in your power to liberate, from a moft injurious and difagreeable confinement, thofe againft whom there can exiit no charge of diflionour, and whofe only crime, if fuch it can poflibly ( 539 ) poffibly be termed by men of liberal ideas, is an inflexible attachment to what they conceive to be the rights of their country, and who have fcorned to deceive you by unmeaning profeflions. In juf- tice to ourfelves we muft fay, that if the Ameri- cans have at any time fo far diverted themfelves of that character of humanity and generofity, which have ever diftinguifhed them, we feel our- felves moft fenfibly mortified, but are induced, from the generous treatment of colonels Lech- mere, Rugely, Fenwicke and Kelfall, and their parties, and from a number of other inftances which might be eafily adduced, to believe, that the outrages which you complain of, mult be the effect of private refentment (fubfi fling between Britifh fubjects and thofe who, after having availed themfelves of the royal proclamation, have re- fumed their arms, in oppofition to that govern- ment) and totally unfanctioned by any American officer, and which we are well convinced they would reprobate and would punifh in the moft ex- emplary manner, could the perpetrators of fuch horrid acts be detected. In a war, circumrtanced as the prefent, there will be fome inftances of enormities on both fides. We would not wifh to particularize, but doubt not there are acts of cruelty frequently committed by the irregulars of your army, and are con- vinced, that on your part, as well as our own, they are generally to be attributed to an igno- rance of the rules of warfare, and a want of dif- cipline j ( 54o ) cipline ; but the idea of detaining in clofe cufto- dy as hoftages a number of men, fairly taken in arms, and entitled to the benefits of a folemn ca- pitulation, is fo repugnant to the laws of war, and the ufage of civilized nations, that we appre- hend it will rather be the means of increafing its horrors, than anfwering thofe purpofes of huma- nity you expect. As a mod Ariel: adherence to the terms of our paroles, and a firm reliance on your honour, have been the only reafons of our being in your pow- er at prefent, we trufl, that upon equitable pro- pofals being made for our exchange by general Greene, no objections will be raifed, but every thing done to bring the matter to the mod fpee- dy iffue. As you have thought proper to publifh your reafons for feizing upon our perfons, we requeft our anfwer may alfo be inferted in the next ga- zette. We are, fir, your mofl obedient humble fervants, (Signed) Stephen Moore, John Barnwell, Samuel Lockhart, John Baddeley, Benjamin Guerard, Charles Pjnkney, jun. in behalf of the whole. Lieut, col. Balfour, com. of Charlefton. Prifon- ( 54i ) Prifon-fhip, Torbay, Charlefton harbour, May 18, 1781. We have the honour of enclofing you a copy of a letter from colonel Balfour, commandant of Charlefton, which was handed us immediately on our being put on board this fhip ; the letter, fpeak- ing for itfelf, needs no comment j your wifdom will beft dictate the notice it merits. We would juft beg leave to obferve, that mould it fall to the lot of all, or any of us, to be made victims, agree- ably to the menaces therein contained, we have only to regret that our blood cannot be difpofed of more to the advancement of the glorious caufe to which we have adhered. A feparate roll of our names attend this letter. With the greateft refpecl we are, fir, your mod obedient and molt humble fervants, Stephen Moore, lieut. col. North-Carolina militia. John Barnwell, major, S. Carolina militia, for ourfelves and 1 30 prifoners. Major-general Greene. On board the prifon-Jhip 'Torbay. William Axon, Samuel Am. George Arthur, John Anthony, Ralph Atmore, John Baddeley, Peter Bonnetheau, Henry Benbridge, Jofeph Ball, Jofeph Bee, Nathaniel Blundell, James Bricken, Francis Bayle, William Bafquin, John Clarke, jun. Thomas ( 54* ) Thomas Cooke, Norwood Conyers, James Cox, John Dorfius, Jofeph Dunlap, revd. James Ed- monds, Thomas Elliot, Jofeph Elliot, John Evans, John Eberley, Jofeph Glover, Francis Grott, Mitchell Gargie, William Graves, Peter Guerard, Jacob Henry, David Hamilton, Thomas Harris, William Hornby, Daniel Jacoby, Charles Kent, Samuel Lockhart, Nathaniel Lebby, Thomas Lif- tor, Thomas Legare, John LeiTefne, Henry Ly- bert, John Michael, John Minott, fen. John Mon- crief, Charles M 'Donald, John Minott, jun. Sa- muel Miller, Stephen Moore, George Monck, Jo- nathan Morgan, Abraham Mariette, Solomon Mil- ner, John Neufville, jun. Philip Prioleau, James Poyas, Job Palmer, Jofeph Robinfon, Daniel Rhody, Jofeph Righton, William Snelling, John Stevenfon, junior, Paul Snyder, Abraham Sea- vers, Ripley Singleton, Samuel Scottowe, Stephen Shrewsbury, John Saunders, James Touiliger, Paul Taylor, Sims White, James Wilkins, Ifaac White, George Welch, Benjamin Wheeler, Wil- liam Wilkie, John Welch, Thomas You. On board the fchooner Pack-Horfe. John Barnwell, Edward Barnwell, Robert Barnwell, William Branford, John Blake, Tho- mas Cochran, Jofeph Cray, Robert Dewar, Wil- liam Defauffure, Thomas Eveleigh, John Edwards, jun, John W. Edwards, William Elliot, Benja- min Guerard, Thomas Grayfon, John Gibbons, Philip Gadfden, John Greaves, William H. Her- vey, C 543 ) .vey, John B. Holmes, William Holmes, Thomas Hughes, James Heyward, George Jones, Henry Kennon, John Kean, Stephen Lee, Philip Meyer, George Mofle, William Neufville, John Owen, Charles Pinkney, jun. Samuel Smith, William Wigg, Charles Warham, Thomas Waring, fen. Richard Waring, John Waters, David Warham, Richard Yeadon, Published by order of Congrefs, Charles Thomson, fecretary. N O T E XLVI. Page 305. Charleston, June 2. By the right honourable Francis lord Rawdon, colonel, commanding a corps of his ma jejly's forces in South-Carolina, &c. and Nesbit Balfour, efq. lieutenant-colonel and commandant of Charlef- ton, &c. ALTHOUGH attention to the general fecu- rity of the province has obliged his maje- fly's troops, for the prefent, to relinquifh fome of the upper parts of it, we truft, that it is unnecef- fary for us to exhort the loyal inhabitants of thofe diftrich to (land firm in their duty and principles ; or to caution them againft the infidi- ous artifices of an enemy, who mud fhortly aban- don to their fate, thofe unfortunate people whom they have deluded into revolt. But C 544 ) But being well informed, that many perfons, fincerely attached to his majefty's caufe, have, notwithftanding, been forced to join the enemy, as the only means of preferving themfelves and their families from the favage cruelty of the rebel militia, until efcape mould be practicable ; we de- fire all fuch to be confident, that they run no rifk of fuffering from us, through indifcriminate vengeance ; reminding them, that the Britifh go- vernment never extends its hand to blood, with- out the moft convincing proofs of intentional guilt. And we advife all perfons in the above pre- dicament, as likewife thofe who, from the oppref- fions of the enemy, have been obliged to quit their pofieffions, to take the earliefl: opportunity of coming in, with their arms, to any poll or de- tachment of the royal army. We give them af- furances of every fupport, and of every endea- vour on our part, to mitigate their prefent fuffer- ings : further declaring to them, that we mail feel ourfelves no lefs bound to reward the fidelity of thofe who have remained unfhaken in their allegiance, than to inflict the punifhment due to reiterated perfidy. Nor fhould we give them this invitation, were we not certain that, in conjuncti- on with the army, daily expecting powerful re- inforcement, their exertions will very fhortly re- inftate them in the full and peaceable poiTeflion of that property, which they will thus have only yielded ( 545 ) yielded for a time, to receive again with confirmed fecurity. Given under our hands in camp, at Monk's Corner, the twenty-fourth day of May, 1781, and in the twenty-nrfl year of his majefty's , reign. Rawdon, N. Balfour. By order of his lordfhip and the commandant, H. Barry, dep. adj. general. NOTE XLVII. Page 327. Articles of Capitulation fettled between his excellency general Wajhington, commander in chief of the combined forces of America and France ; his excellency the count de Rochambeau, lieutenant-ge- neral of the armies of the king of France ', great crofs of the royal and tnilitary order of St. Louis, commanding the auxiliary troops of his mojl chrif- tian majejiy in America ; and his excellency the count de Grafft, lieutenant-general of the naval armies of his mojl chriflian majefly, commander of the order of St. Louis, commanding in chief the naval army of France in the Chefapeak, on the one part : and the right honourable earl Corn- ivallis, lieutenant-general of his Britannic maje- fty's forces, commanding the garrifons of York and Gloucefler ; and Thomas Symonds, efquire, co?n- manding his Britannic majejly's naval forces in York river in Virginia, on the other part. Article I. rTT1HE garrifons of York and Glou- J_. cefter, including the officers and Vol, II. <* X feamen ( 546 ) feamen of his Britannic majefty's fhips, as well as other mariners, to furrender themfelves prifon- ers of war to the combined forces of America and France ; the land troops to remain prifoners to the United States, the navy to the naval army of his mod chriftian majefty. Article I. Granted. Article II. The artillery, arms, accoutre- ments, military cheft, and publick ftores of every denomination, fhall be delivered, unimpaired, to the heads of departments appointed to receive them. Article II. Granted. Article III. At twelve o'clock this day the two redoubts on the left flank of York to be de- livered, the one to a detachment of American in- fantry ; the other to a detachment of French gre- nadiers. The garrifon of York will march out to a place to be appointed, in front of the ports, at two o'clock precifely, with mouldered arms, co- lours cafed, and drums beating a Britifh or Ger- man march ; they are then to ground their arms, and return to their encampment, where they will remain until they are difpatched to the places of their deftination. Two works on the Gloucester fide will be delivered at one o'clock to detach- ments of French and American troops appointed to poflefs them ; the garrifon will march out at three o'clock in the afternoon ; the cavalry with their ( 547 ) their fwords drawn, trumpets founding ; and the infantry in the manner prefcribed for the garrifon of York : they are likewife to return to their en- campment, until they can be finally marched off. Article III. Granted. Article IV. Officers to retain their fide- arms : both officers and foldiers to keep their pri- vate property of every kind ; and no part of their baggage or papers to be at any time fubject to fearch or infpection ; the baggage and papers of officers and foldiers, taken during the fiege, to be likewife preferved for them. It is underflood, that any property obvioufly belonging to the in- habitants of thefe ftates, in the poiTefTion of the garrifon, ihall be fubject to be reclaimed. Article IV. Granted. Article V. The foldiers to be kept in Vir- ginia, Maryland, or Pennfylvania, and as much by regiments as poffible, and fupplied with the fame rations of provifions as are allowed to foldi- ers in the fervice of America ; a field-officer from each nation, to wit, Britifh, Anfpach, and Heffi- an, and other officers on parole, in the proporti- on of one to fifty men, to be allowed to refide near their refpective regiments, to vifit them fre- quently, and to be witneffes of their treatment ; and that thefe officers may receive and deliver clothing and other neceffaries ; for which paffports are to be granted when applied for. Article ( 548 ) Article V. Granted. Article VI. The general, ftafF, and other officers not employed as mentioned in the above article, and who choole it, to be permitted to go on parole to Europe, to New-York, or to any other American maritime pofts, at prefent in the poffeffion of the Britifh forces, at their own opti- on, and proper veffels to be granted by the count de Graffe to carry them under flags of truce to New-York, within ten days from this date, if pof- fible ; and they to refide in a diftrict, to be agreed upon hereafter, until they embark. The officers of the civil departments of the army and navy to be included in this article ; paffports to go by land to be granted to thofe to whom veffels can- not be furnifhed. Article VI. Granted. Article VII. Officers to be allowed to keep foldiers as fervants, according to the common prac- tice of the fervice. Servants, not foldiers, are not to be confidered as prifoners ; and are to be al- lowed to attend their mailers. Article VII. Granted. Article VIII. The Bonetta floop of war to be equipped and navigated by its prefent captain and crew, and leit entirely at the difpoial of lord Cornwallis from the hour that the capitulation is figned, to receive an aid-de-camp to carry de- marches ( 549 ) fpatches to fir Henry Clinton, and fuch foldiers as he may think proper, to be permitted to fail with- out examination when his defpatches are ready ; his lordfhip engaging on his part, that the (hip (hall be delivered to the order of the count de Graffe, if me efcapes the dangers of the feas ; chat fhe mall not carry off any publick (tores. Any part of the crew that may be deficient on her re- turn, and the foldiers, paffengers, to be accounted for on her delivery. Article VIII. Granted. Article IX. The traders are to prefer ve their property, and to be allowed three months to difpofe of or remove it ; and thofe traders are not to be confidered as prifoners of war. Article IX. The traders will be allowed to difpofe of their effects ; the allied army having the right of pre-emption. The traders to be confi- dered as prifoners of war on parole. Article X. Natives or inhabitants of differ- ent parts of this country, at prefent in York or Gloucefter, are not to be punimed on account of having joined the Britifli army. Article X. This article cannot be affentecl to, being altogether of civil refort. Article XL Proper hofpitals to be furnifh- cd for the fick and wounded ; they are to be at- tended ( 55=- ) tended by their own furgeons on parole ; and they are to be furnifhed with medicines and ftores from the American hofpitals. Article XI. The hofpital ftores now in York and Gloucefter (hall be delivered for the ufe of the Britifh fick and wounded ; paflports will be granted for procuring them further fupplies from New-York, as occafion may require ; and pro- per hofpitals will be furnifhed for the reception of the fick and wounded of the two divifions. Article XII. Waggons to be furnifhed to carry the baggage of the officers attending the foldiers, and to furgeons, when travelling, on account of the fick, attending the hofpitals, at publick expence. Article XII. They will be furnifhed if poffi- ble. Article XIII. The fhipping and boats in the two harbours, with all their ftores, guns, tack- ling and apparel, fhall be delivered up in their prefent ftate to an officer of the navy appointed to take poffeffion of them, previoufly unloading the private property, part of which had been on board for fecurity during the fiege. Article XIII. Granted. Article XIV. No article of the capitulation to be infringed on pretext of reprifal ', and if there ( 55' ) there be any doubtful expreffions in it, they are to be interpreted according to the common mean- ing and acceptations of the words. Article XIV. Granted. Done in the trenches before York, October 19, 1781. (Signed) G. Washington, Le Cte. de Rochambeau, Le Cte. de Barras, en n'on nom, et celui du Cte. de Grasse, Corn wallis, Tho. Symonds. NOTE XLVIII. Page 329. By the United States in Congrefs ajfsmbkd, Oclober 29, 1781. RESOLVED, that the thanks of the United States in Congrefs affembled be prefented to his excellency general Wafliington, for the eminent fervices which he has rendered to the United States, and particularly for the well-con- certed plan againft the Britifh garrifons in York and Gloucefter ; for the vigour, attention, and military (kill with which the plan was executed ; and for the wifdom and prudence manifefled in the capitulation. That ( 55* ) That the thanks of the United States in Con- grefs affembled be prefented to his excellency the Count de Rochambeau, for the cordiality, zeal, judgment and fortitude, with which he fe- conded and advanced the progrefs of the allied army againft the Britilh garrifon in York. That the thanks of the United States in Con- grefs affembled be prefented to his excellency count de Graffe, for his difplay of {kill and bra- very in attacking and defeating the Britifh fleet off the bay of Chefapcak ; and for his zeal and alacrity in rendering, with the fleet under his command, the mod effectual and diftinguifhed aid and fupport to the operations of the allied army in Virginia. That the thanks of the United States in Con- grefs affembled be prefented to the commanding and other officers of the corps of artillery and engineers of the allied army, who fuftained ex- traordinary fatig,ue and danger, in their animated and gallant approaches to the lines of the enemy. That general Walhington be directed to com- municate to the other officers and the foldiers under his command the thanks of the United States in Congrefs affembled, for their conduct and valour on this occafion. R-esolved, that the United States in Congrefs affembled will caufe to be erected at York, in Virginia, ( 553 ) Virginia, a marble column, adorned with em- blems of the alliance between the United States and his mod chriflian majefty ; and infcribed with a fuccinct narrative of the furrender of earl Cornwallis to his excellency general Wafhington, commander in chief of the combined forces of America and France, to his excellency the count de Rochambeau, commanding the auxiliary troops •of his moil chriflian majefty in America, and his excellency the count de GrafTe, commanding in chief the naval army of France in the Chefapeak. Resolved, that two (lands of the colours, taken from the Brkifh army under the capitula- tion of York, be prefented to his excellency ge- neral Wafhington, in the name of the United States in Congrefs affembled. Resolved, that two pieces of field ordnance, taken from the Britifh army under the capitula- tion of York, be prefented by the commander in chief of the American army to count de Rocham- beau ; and that there be engraved thereon a fhort memorandum, that Congrefs were induced to prefent them from confiderations of the illuflri- ous part which he bore in effectuating the fur- render. Resolved, that the fecretary of foreign af- fairs be directed to requeft the minifter plenipo- tentiary of his molt chriflian majefty, to inform his majefty, that it is the wifh of Congrefs that Vol. IT. ^ Y count ( 554 ) count dc Grafle may be permitted to accept a teftimony of their approbation, fimilar to that to be prefented to count de Rochambeau. Resolved, that the board of war be directed to prefent to lieutenant-colonel Tilghman, in the name of the United States in Congrefs afiembled, a horfe properly caparifoned, and an elegant fword, in teftimony of their high opinion of his merit and ability. November 7, 1781. Refolved, that the fe- cretary of foreign affairs be directed to prepare a fketch of emblems of the alliance between his mod chriftian Majefty and the United States, proper to be infcribed on the marble column to be erected in the town of York, under the refo- lution of the twenty-ninth day of October lad. Resolved, that an elegant fword be prefented, in the name of the United States in Congrefs aflembled, to colonel Humphrey, aid -de-camp of general Wafhington, to whofe care the ftandards, taken under the capitulation of York, were con- figned, as a teftimony of their opinion of his fidelity and ability ; and that the board of war take order therein. Extract from the minutes, Cha. Thomson, fecretary. NOTE ( 555 ) NOTE XLIX. Page 329. Head-quarters, near York, Oft. 31, 178 1. S 1 R, ID O myfelf the honour of tranfmitting to your excellency a letter from brigadier-gene- ral Du-Portail, in which he explains the motives of an intended application to Congrefs for per- miflion to go to France, and for the promotion of himfelf, and other officers of his corps. I should conceal fentiments with which I am very ftrongly impreffed, and do jnjuflice to very confpicuous merit, if I did not, upon the prefent occafion, offer my teftimony of the diftinguiihed abilities and fervices both of general Du-Portail and lieutenant-colonel Gouvion ; their claim to the particular attention of Congrefs at this junc- ture, is founded upon the practice of Europe ; a fiege being confidered as the particular province of the corps of engineers, and as entitling them, when attended with a fuccefs important in itfelf and its confequences, to the greateit military re- wards. Thefe officers, befides, are fupported by a feries of conduct in the line of their department, which makes them not depend merely upon the prefent circumdances. For thefe reafons I am induced to recommend general Du-Portail's me- morial to Congrefs for the grades which he fpeci- fies, and the leave of abfence ; the latter being by no means incompatible with the good of the fervice ( 55« ) icrvice at the prefent period, as I am reduced,- notwithstanding all my efforts, to the neceility of retiring into winter- quarters. The fame principles as thofe above-mentioned forbid me to be filent on the fubjecT: of general Knox, who is clofely united with general Du-Por- tail in the merits of the fiege, being at the head of the artillery, which is the other principal in- itrument in conducting attacks, the refources of his genius have fupplied on this and many other interefting occafions the defect of means. His diftinguifhed talents and fervices, equally impor- tant and indefatigable, entitle him to the fame marks of approbation from Congrefs as they may be pleafed to grant to the chief engineer. With fentiments of refpect and efteem, I have the honour to be your excellency's, &c. (Signed) Geo. Washington. By the United States in Congrefs ajfembled, Novem- ber 1 6, 1 78 1. Resolved, that brigadier-general Du-Por- tail, commanding officer of the corps of engi- neers, in confederation of his meritorious fervices, and particularly of his diftinguifhed conduct in the fiege of York, in the flate of Virginia, be, and he is hereby promoted to the rank of major- general. Resolved. ( 557 ) Resolved, that lieutenant-colonel Gouvion, of the corps of engineers, receive the brevet or colonel. Resolved, that captain Rochefontaine, of the corps of engineers, receive the brevet of major. March 22, 1782. BRiGADiER-general Knox, commanding officer of the artillery, being recommended by the com- mander in chief, by his letter of the thirty-firfl day of Oclober laft, to be appointed a major- general in the army of the United States, on ac- count of his fpecial merit, and particularly for his good conduct at the fiege of York-Town, in the ftate of Virginia ; Resolved, that brigadier-general Knox be, and he is hereby promoted to the rank of major- general in the line of the army, and that he take rank from the fifteenth day of November laft. NOTE L. Page 332. SOUTH-CAROLINA. By his excellency John Rutledge, efquire, governor and commander in chief of the faid ftate. w A PROCLAMATION. HEREAS the forces of the United States having compelled the troops of his ( 558 ) his Britannic majefty to furrender or evacuate the feveral ftrong ports which they held in the upper and interior fettlements, and retreat to the vicinity of Charlefton ; and the enemy, being therefore unable to give that protection and fup- port which they promifed to their adherents, left many inhabitants of this ftate, who had taken up arms with them, induced fo to do by their artful reprefentations, to become victims to their injur- ed country ; whereupon fuch perfons, to efcape or avoid the effects of its juft refentment, fol- lowed and remain with the Britifh army, or lurk and conceal themfelves in fecret places : and whereas the commandant of Charlefton having fent beyond fea the wives and families, which were in the faid town, of all the avowed friends of America j the feveral brigadiers of militia were ordered, as a retaliation of fuch treatment, to fend the wives and families, within their refpec- tive diftricls, of all perfons who had joined or adhered to, and remained with the enemy, into their lines : and whereas it is reprefented to me, in behalf of the unhappy men who are with the Britifh troops, or fecreting themfelves as afore- faid, that they are now convinced, being reduced with their families to great diftrefs and poverty, that they relied on falfe and fpecious engagements, and were flattered with vain expectations and de- lufive hopes, and that they are therefore anxious, if they may be admitted, to return to their alle- giance, and ufe their utmoft exertions to fupport American independence. On duly weighing and confidering ( 559 ) confidering the premifes, I have thought fit, by and with the advice and confent of the privy- council, to iffue this proclamation, offering, and I do hereby offer, to all perfons who have borne arms with the enemy, and who now adhere to or are with them in this ftate, or are lurking or con- cealing themfelves in fecret places in any part of the ftate, a FULL and FREE PARDON and OBLIVION, for fuch their offence of having borne arms with, or adhered to, the enemy, up- on the conditions following ; that is to fay, that fuch perfons do, and (hall, within thirty days af- ter the date hereof, furrender themfelves to a brigadier of the militia of this flate, and en- gage to perform conflant duty as privates, in the militia, for fix months next enfuing the time of fuch furrender, and that they actually perform fuch duty. And I do further offer to the wives and children of fuch perfons, upon their huf- bands or parents complying with the condition firft above-mentioned, licenfe and permiflion, to return to their habitations, and to hold and en- joy their property in this ftate without moleftati- on or interruption. Provided always, that if fuch perfons fhall defert from the militia fervice within the time above-limited, their families fhall be immediately fent into the enemy's lines, and neither they or their hufbands or parents, fuffer- ed to return to, or refide in this ftate. Never- thelefs, I do except, from the pardon hereby offered, and from every benefit of this proclama- tion, all fuch perfons, as having gone over to, or ( 5°° ) or joined the enemy, were called upon by me in and by two feveral proclamations, to furren- der themfelves to a magiflrate within forty days after the refpe&ive dates of thofe proclamations, in purfuance of an ordinance, entitled, c An or- ' dinance to prevent perfons withdrawing from < the defence of this flate, to join the enemies < thereof:' all fuch as were fent off or obliged to quit the flate for refufing to take the oath re- quired of them by law, who have returned to this country ; all thofe who fubfcribed a congra- tulatory addrefs, bearing date on or about the fifth day of June, one thoufand feven hundred and eighty, to general fir Henry Clinton, and vice-admiral Arbuthnot, or another addrefs, bear- ing date on or about the nineteenth day of Sep- tember, one thoufand feven hundred and eighty, to lieutenant-general earl Cornwallis ; all fuch as hold or have held any commiffion, civil or mi- litary, under the Britifh government, and are now with the enemy ; and all thofe whofe conduct has been fo infamous, as that they cannot, con- fidently with juflice or policy, be admitted to partake of the privileges of Americans. Not- with (landing which lad- mentioned exception* fuch perfons, if they mould be deemed by me, or the governor and commander in chief for the time being, inadmiffible to the rights and privi- leges of fubjecls, will not be detained as prifon- ers, but (hall have full and free liberty, and a pafs or permit to return. At a juncture, when the force of the enemy in this date, though lately ( 5«' ) lately confiderable, is greatly reduced by the many defeats which they have furTered, and par- ticularly in the late important action at Eutaw ; when they are difpoffeffed of every poll and gar- rifon, except Charleilon ; when the formidable fleet of his mod chriftian majefty, in Chefapeak bay, and the combined armies of the King of France and of the United States, under the com- mand of his excellency general Wafhington, in Virginia, afford a well-grounded hope, that, by the joint efforts of their armies, this campaign will be happily terminated, and the Britifh power in every part of the confederate ftates, foon to- tally annihilated ; it is conceived, that the true and real motive of the offer hereby made, will be acknowledged. It mufl be allowed to proceed, not from timidity, to which the enemy affect to attribute every a£t of clemency and mercy on our part, but from a wifh to imprefs, with a fenfe of their error, and to reclaim mifguided fubjects, and give them once more an opportunity of be- coming valuable members of the community, inftead of banifhing them, or for-ever cutting them off from it ; for even the moll difaffected cannot fuppofe that the brave and determined freemen of this ftate have any dread of their arms. "With the perfons to whom pardon is thus offered the choice {fill remains, either to return 'to their allegiance, and, with their families, be reftored to the favour of their country, and to Vol. II. 3 Z their ( 56* ) their potfeffions, or to abandon their properties in this (late for-ever, and go with their wives and children, whither, for what purpofe, on whom to depend, or how to fubfift, they know not — mod probably to experience, in fome ftrange and diftant country, all the miferies and horrors of beggary, ficknefs and defpair — This alternative is now, for the laft time, fubmitted to their judg- ment— It will never be renewed. Given under my hand and the great feal, at the High Hills of Santee, this twenty-feventh day of September, in the year of our Lord, one thoufand feven hundred and eighty-one, and in the fixth year of the independence of America. J. RUTLEDGE. By his excellency's command, John Sandford Dart, fee'ry. NOTE LI. Page 371. Articles of treaty between general Marion, in be- half of the Jiate of South-Carolina, and major Ganey, and the inhabitants under his command, which were included in the treaty made the f even- teenth day of June, 178 1. Article I. 1% yi" AJOR Ganey and the men J.VA under his command to lay down their arms, as enemies to the Hate, and are not ( 5^3 ) not to refume them again until ordered to do fo, in fugport of the intereft of the United States, and of this ftate in particular. II. We will deliver up all negroes, horfes, cat- tle, and other property that have been taken from this or any other ftate. III. We will demean ourfelves as peaceable citizens of this ftate, and fubmit ourfelves to be governed by its laws, in the fame manner as the reft of the citizens thereof. IV. We do engage to apprehend and deliver up all perfons within our diftridt, who (hall refufe to accede to thefe terms, and contumacioufly perfift in rebellion againft this ftate. V. We will deliver up, as foon as poffible, every man who belongs to any regular line in the American fervice, and every inhabitant of North- Carolina, of this, or any other ftate, who have joined us fince the feventeenth of June 1781, when the former treaty was made, or oblige them to go out of the diftricl, and whenever they re- turn, to take and deliver them into fafe cuftody in any gaol within the ftate. VI. Every man is to fign an inftrument of writing, profefling his allegiance to the United States of America, and the ftate of South-Caro- lina in particular ; and to abjure his Britannic majefty, his heirs, fucceflbrs and adherents, and promife ( JHH ) jiromife to oppofc all the enemies of the United States, and the ftate of Soutli-Carolina in parti- cular. VII. All arms, ammunition, and other war- like (lores, the property of the Britifh, to be delivered up. VIII. Thf, above feven articles being agreed on, they ihall have a lull pardon for treafons committed by them a gain ft the ftate, and enjoy their property, and be protected by the laws thereof. IX. Such men who do not choofe to accede to thefe articles, fhall have leave to go within the Britifh lines, and to march by the twenty-fifth inftant, and be fafely conducted with fuch of their wives and children as may be able to travel, and carry or fell their property, except cattle, fheep and hogs, which they may difpofe of, but not carry with them. Such women and children who cannot be removed, may remain until the fir ft day of September next. The officers to keep their piftols and fide-arms ; all other arms to be difpofed of, and not carried with them. Each field officer and captain to retain one horfe, not exceeding twelve in the whole, and no other perfon to take with him any more bodes that may be fit lor dragoon fervice within the Britifh line?. We ( 5^5 ) We have agreed to the before-mentioned nine articles, and have figned the fame at Birch's mill, on Peedee, this eighth day of June, 1782. Francis Marion, brig. gen. flate of South-Carolina. Mica j ah Ganey, maj. loyalifts, Peedee. NOTE LII. Page 372. Sir, Head-quarters, Auguft 13. THE meafure which I lately adopted, of fend- ing a force to collect provifions on the Lower Santec, for the ufe of this garrifon, was a neceflary confequence of the conduct your party had thought proper to obferve, in the pro- hibitions which prevented our receiving fupplies of the kind from the country. From the refpect which I owe to the fenti- ments which appear to govern the prefent con- duct of Great-Britain towards America, I fhould have given a willing preference to any means, lefs diftrefsful to the country, by which this ne- ceflary purpofe might have been obtained; I am equally defirous to forbear the further profecuti- on of thefe meafures ; and am ready to enter with you into any compofition to that effect, which may, I think, be eftablifhed on terms to the mutual advantage of both parties, affording to ( 566 ) to us a fupply to our future neceffuies, and to you fecurity from further depredation, and a vo- luntary compenfation for what the force of arms has already given us in poffefTion ; the fuccefs which has attended this enterprize mud con- vince you, that principles of benevolence and humanity are the true motives of a conduct, the moderation of which mull appear ftriking to you. I hope thefe confederations will induce you to accept a propofal fo evidently advantageous to the interefts of your own party ; and that you will in confequence order rice and other provifions to be fent into town, in quantities proportioned to our demand, which will be considerable, from the necemty of fupplying the King's fubjecfs who may think proper to remove from hence to the province of Eaft-Florida. If, notwithstanding thefe offers, you think proper to adhere to your former line of conduct, the necemty which conflrains will juflify the mea- fures which I mall be forced to take. I have the honour to be, &c. Alex. Leslie. To major-general Greene, &c. NOTE ( 5^7 ) NOTE LIN. Page 385. Provifional articles, figncd at Paris the thirtieth of Novc?nber, 1782, by the commijfioner of his Bri- tannic majcjty, and the CGmmiJfoners of the United States of America. Articles agreed upon by and between Richard Of- wald, ejquire, the commiffioner of his Britannic majejly for treating of peace with the commiffion- er s of the United States of America, in behalf of his f aid majejky, on the one part ; and John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, John Jay and Hen- ry Laurens, four of the faid commiffioners of the faid Jiates for treating of peace with the commiffi- oner of his faid majejiy, on their behalf, on the other part : to be inferted in, and to conftitute the treaty of peace propofed to be concluded be- tween the crown of Great-Britain, and the faid United States ; but which treaty is not to be con- cluded until terms of a peace jhall be agreed upon between Great -Britain and France, and his Bri- tannic majejiy Jhall be ready to conclude fuch treaty accordingly, WHEREAS reciprocal advantages and mu- tual convenience are found by experi- ence to form the only permanent foundation of peace and friendfhip between dates ;" it is agreed to form the articles of the propofed treaty on fuch principles of liberal equity and reciprocity, as that partial advantages (thofe feeds of difcord) being ( 56S ) being excluded, fuch a beneficial and fatisfa do- ry inrereourfe between the two countries may be eftablifhed, as to promife and fecure to both perpetual peace and harmony. Article I. His Britannic majcity acknow- ledges the faid United States, viz. New-Hamp- ihire, Maflachufetts-Bay, Rhode-liland and Pro- vidence Plantations, Connecticut, New-York, New-Jerfey, Pennfylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North-Carolina, South-Carolina and Georgia, to be free, fovereign, and independent Hates ; that he treats with them as iuch ; and for himfelf, his heirs and fucceflors, relinquimes all claims to the government, propriety and territo- rial rights of the fame, and every part thereof; and that all difputes which might arife in future, on the fubjeel of the boundaries of the faid United States may be prevented, it is hereby agreed and declared, that the following are, and mall be their boundaries, viz. Article II. From the north-weft angle of Nova-Scotia, viz. that angle which is formed by a line drawn due north, from the fource of Saint Croix river to the Highlands, along the faid High- lands which divide thofe rivers that empty them- felves into the river Saint Lawrence, from thofe which fall into the Atlantic ocean, to the north- weftern-moft head of Connecticut river ; thence down along the middle of that river to the forty- fifth degree of north latitude ; from thence by ( 5^9 ) a line due weft on faid latitude until it ftrikes the river Iroquois or Cataraquy ; thence along the middle of faid river into lake Ontario ; through the middle of faid lake, until it ftrikes the com- munication by water between that lake and lake Erie ; thence along the middle of faid communi- cation into lake Erie ; through the middle of faid lake, until it arrives at the water-communication between that lake and lake Huron ; thence along the middle of faid water-communication into the lake Huron ; thence through the middle of faid lake to the water-communication between that lake and lake Superior ; thence through lake Superior, northward of the ifles Royal and Phe- lipeaux, to the Long Lake ; thence through the middle of faid Long Lake, and the water-com- munication between it and the Lake of the Woods, to the faid Lake of the Woods ; thence through the faid lake to the mod north-weftern point thereof, and from thence on a due weft courfe to the river Miffiffippi ; thence by a line to be drawn along the middle of the faid river Miffif- fippi, until it (hall interfecl the northernmoft part of the thirty-firfl degree of north latitude. — South by a line to be drawn due eaft from the determi- nation of the line lad-mentioned, in the latitude of thirty-one degrees north of the equator, to the middle of the river Apalachicola or Cata- houche ; thence along the middle thereof to its junction with the Flint river ; thence ftraight to the head of St. Mary's river, and thence down along the middle of St. Mary's river, to the Vol. II. 4 A Atlantic ( 57° ) Atlantic ocean. Eaft by a line to be drawn along the middle of the river St. Croix from its mouth in the bay of Fundy to its fource ; and from its fource directly north to the aforefaid Highlands, which divide the rivers that fall into the Atlantic ocean, from thofe which fall into the river St. Lawrence ; comprehending all iflands within twenty leagues of any part of the mores of the United States, and lying between lines to be drawn due eaft from the points where the afore- faid boundaries between Nova-Scotia on the one part, and Eaft-Florida on the other, mail refpec- tively touch the bay of Fundy, and the Atlantic ocean ; excepting fuch iflands as now are, or heretofore have been, within the limits of the faid province of Nova-Scotia. Article III. It is agreed, that the people of the United States mall continue to enjoy, unmo- lefted, the right to take fifli of every kind on the Grand Bank ; and on all other banks of New- foundland ; alfo in the gulf of St. Lawrence, and at all other places in the fea, where the in- habitants of both countries ufed at any time here- tofore to fifli. And alfo that the inhabitants of the United States (hall have liberty to take fifli of every kind on fuch part of the coaft of New- foundland, as Britiih filhermen fliall uie, but not to dry or cure the fame on that ifland, and alfo on the coafts, bays, and creeks of all other of his Britannic majefty's dominions in America ; and that the American hfhermen ihall have liber- ( 57' ) ty to dry and cure fifh in any of the unfettled bays, harbours, and creeks of Nova-Scotia, Mag- dalen i Hands, and Labrador, fo long as the fame fhall remain unfettled ; but fo foon as the fame, or either of them, fhall be fettled, it fhall not be lawful for the faid fifhermen to dry or cure fifh at fuch fettlement, without a previous agreement for that purpofe with the inhabitants, proprietors or poffefibrs of the ground. Article IV. It is agreed, that creditors on either fide mall meet with no lawful impediment to the recovery of the full value in fterling mo- ney of all bona fide debts heretofore contracted. Article V. It is agreed, that the Congrefs fhall earneftly recommend it to the legiflatures of the refpeftive {fates, to provide for the reflitution of all eflates, rights and properties, which have been confifcated, belonging to real Britifh fub- jefts : and alfo of the eflates, rights and proper- ties of perfons refident in di drifts in the pofTeiiion of his majefly's arms, and who have not borne arms againft the faid United States : and that perfons of any other defcription mall have free liberty to go to any part or parts of any of the thirteen United States, and therein to remain twelve months unmolefted in their endeavours to obtain the reflitution of fuch of their eflates, rights and properties, as may have been confif- cated : and that Congrefs mall alfo earneftly re- commend to the feveral ftates a reconfideration and ( 57* ) and revifion of all a£ts or laws regarding the pre- mifes, fo as to render the faid laws or a&s per- fectly confident, not only with juitice and equity, but with that fpirit of conciliation, which, on the return of the bleffings of peace, fhould univer- fally prevail. And that Congrefs fhall alfo earneftly recom- mend to the feveral flates, that the eftates, rights and properties of fuch laft-mentioned perfons mail be reftored to them, they refunding to any perfons who may be now in poffeflion, the bona fide price (where any has been given) which fuch perfons may have paid on purchafing any of the faid lands, rights or properties, fince the confifca- tion. And it is agreed, that all perfons who have any interefl in conhTcated lands, either by debts, marriage fettlements or otherwife, fhall meet with no lawful impediment in the profecution of their juft rights. Article VI. That there fliall be no future coniifcations made, nor any profecutions com- menced againft any perfon or perfons, for or by reafon of the part which he or they may have taken in the prefent war, and that no perfon fliall on that account, fuffer any future lofs or damage, either in his perfon, liberty or property ; and that thofe who may be in confinement on fuch charges at the time of the ratification of the treaty ( 573 ) treaty in America, mail be immediately fet at liberty, and the profecutions fo commenced be difcontinued. Article VII. There fhall be a firm and per- petual peace between his Britannic majefty and the laid ftates, and between the fubjecls of the one and the citizens of the other, wherefore all hoftiiities both by fea and land fhall then imme- diately ceafe : all prifoners on both fides mall be fet at liberty, and his Britannic majefty fhall with all convenient fpeed, and without caufing any deftruction, or carrying away any negroes, or other property of the American inhabitants, with- draw all his armies, garrifons and fleets from the faid United States, and from every port, place, and harbour within the fame ; leaving in all for- tifications the American artillery that may be therein : and mall alfo order and caufe all ar- chives, records, deeds and papers belonging to any of the faid ftates, or their citizens, which in the courfe of the war may have fallen into the hands of his officers, to be forthwith reftored and delivered to the proper ftates and perfons to whom they belong, Article VIII. The navigation of the river Mifliftippi, from its fource to the ocean, mail for-ever remain free and open to the fubjecls of Great-Britain, and the citizens of the United States. Article ( 574 ) Article IX. In cafe it mould fo happen that any place or territory belonging to Great-Britain, or to the United States, fhould be conquered by the arms of either, from the other, before the arrival of thefe articles in America, it is agreed that the fame mall be reftored without difficulty, and without requiring any compenfation. Done at Paris, the thirtieth day of November, in the year one thoufand feven hundred and eighty-two. Richard Oswald, (L. S.) John Adams, (L. S.) B. Franklin, (L. S.) John Jay, (L. S.) Henry Laurens, (L. S.) Witnefs, Caleb Whitefoord, fecretary to the Britifh commiflion. W. T. Franklin, fecretary to the American commiflion. FINIS.