jJtflY OF rmcETo^ Logical sev^ DC 111 .B7 1845 Browning, William Shergold, d. 1874. A history of the Huguenots Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2015 https://archive.org/details/historyofhuguenoOObrow A HISTORY OF THE HUGUENOTS. A NEW EDITION, CONTINUED TO THE PRESENT TIME. W. S. BROWNING. PHILADELPHIA : LEA & BLANCHARD. 18 45. PREFACE. The volume now presented to the Public comprises the History of the Hugue- nots during the Sixteenth Century, (published in 1829,) and the continuation of the same subject to 1838, which appeared within the last year. The whole has been carefully revised, with considerable additions. Yet although no pains have been spared to render this Publication complete, it is obvious that its very nature excluded minute detail on incidents not connected with the general history. Many episodes concerning the biography of eminent Huguenots might have been interwoven, but for the limits which the Author had laid down for his undertaking. His views are amply explained in the original Preface, (which is reprinted,) and in the following passages which introduced his last work. " The vicissitudes which befell the French Protestants, during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, embrace a series of most affecting incidents, which have tended to produce important political results; and in addition to the innate inte- rest of the occurrences, a connected narrative has an additional claim on atten- tion, from the almost general silence of French authors. Before the Revolution of 1789, a succinct history of the Huguenots would assuredly have been branded as libellous, and the few works composed in reference thereto were either printed clandestinely, or in foreign countries. "With respect to the violence and persecutions of 1815, the difficulty expe- rienced by the Author in procuring exact information" proves the want of a gene- ral detail, and renders the present publication more necessary, the events of that terrible period being known to very few persons. Even among well-informed Frenchmen, there are many whose knowledge of the troubles of Nismes is limited to a few striking incidents. " In composing the accounts of that comparatively recent time, the Author has been favoured with ihe acquaintance and correspondence of several inhabitants of iv PREFACE. Nismes — both Catholic and Protestant — some of them victims of what has been often represented as the effect of political reaction. He has also enjoyed the in- appreciable advantage of submitting his statement to individuals, qualified by their official experience to correct any erroneous assertions. " Conscious of an honest endeavour to relate the truth impartially, unbiassed by national or religious prejudice, the Author is nevertheless aware that his uncere- monious strictures upon certain functionaries will ensure him the animadversions of a powerful party. The interesting narrative of the events of Nismes in 1830, by the pastor Frossard, although composed with studied moderation, has been dis- dainfully treated as a libel — the present volume therefore can hardly escape cen- sure. The most careful investigations may have left the Author in some instances under a wrong impression ; but if errors exist in consequence, they are uninten- tional. Amenable to the tribunal of criticism, he Will respect its verdict ; and if any admirer of those principles, which desolated the south of France in 1815, will indicate mis-statements, and assist in establishing the facts, his suggestions shall be cheerfully attended to, in the event of a future edition." No attempt at refutation has come to the Author's knowledge, and he has con- sequently no justification to present on behalf of the latter period of his history. But with respect to the sixteenth century, he feels bound to offer some explana- tion, in reply to a charge of "careless examination of authorities," advanced in the British Critic for July, 1829. Three particular instances are indicated by the reviewer. The first relates to the apocryphal character of Davila's account of the Legate Morosini's connivance, when Henry III. proposed to murder the Cardinal of Guise; which the critic ob- serves " has been adopted without giving a hint that his story is naught." To this assertion the Author invites the reviewer's attention to the volume on which he was passing judgment, and he will find a note containing the reasons why Davi- la's version was preferred to that of Maimbourg. The second article in the indictment is, " That the author has either mistaken or misrepresented the authority on which he relied," in narrating the minor cir- cumstances that immediately followed the battle of .Tarnac. The critic's suscepti- bility is wounded by its appearing in these pages that the Duke of Anjou slept at Jarnac, in the same house where Conde had lodged the preceding night — and in addition, that the victor's bearing was indecorous and cruel; while it appears that, according to Davila, the duke entrd la medesima sera dtlla giornata viltoriosa in Giarnacco, without stating where he slept ; and with respect to his demeanour, non permcsse il dnca die a' cadaere di lui fosse asato scherno. To this the Au- thor cannot advance a direct plea of not guilty ; because, unfortunately, the refe- rence to Davila appears alone in the copy. The fact in itself is so trivial, that it PREFACE. V may appear pedantic to adduce a list of authorities. De Thou, lib. 45, sect. 4, is more laconic than Davila : — "Jlndinus victor Jarnacum venit ;" leaving it doubtful whether he reposed there or not: but that author describes the duke as juvenili- ter exu/tans, and afterwards alludes to the current report quasi ipsius jussu in- terfeclus essef. The Author is, however, of opinion that, having Brantome con- stantly before him, his statement was borrowed from the facetious Abbe, and that he inadvertently omitted to place his name in the margin. Brantome is well known to have considered a warrior's death one of the themes most worthy of contem- plation ; and being a well-placed contemporary, his account is worth perusal. It is as follows : — " Pour tourner & Monsieur le Prince, estant mort, Monsieur n'en fut nullement marry, mais tres joyeux; car il avoit opinion qu'il luy en eust fait faire de mesme: car d'ennemy a grand ennemy il n'y a que se garder. Monsieur le voulut voir apres la battaille achevee; et son corps fut charge sur une vieille asnesse qui se trouva la apropos, plus par derision que pour autre sujet, et fut porte ainsi, bras et jambes pendantes, a Jarnac, en une salle basse sous celle de Monsieur et la chambre, on le dit prince le jour avant avoit loge. Quel change- ment ! comme a Courtras le roy de Navarre logea en la chambre de Monsieur de Joyeuse, ou il avoit couche le soir auparavant, et l'autre estoit estendu mort des- sous. Si on leur eust dit a tous tels revers de fortune, ils ne l'eussent pas cru. Le dit prince demeura assez en spectacle a tous ceux du camp qui le voulurent aller voir." — Vie di M. le Prince de Conde. The third instance adduced by the critic arose from an error in copying; for in this instance, the missing reference existed in the original MS., and the omission was discovered before the criticism was published. The reviewer observes (page 189) that, " unless the author has relied on other authorities than De Thou and Brantome, (and he has not cited any other,) he has fallen into very great inaccu- racies in his transcription." In the statement thus commented upon, the Author had consulted also Le Discours du Hoi Henri J If. a un personnage d'honneur, &c. (Miron.) This piece is preserved in the Memoires d'Etat de Villeroy; and mentions large pictures, in which les execution* de la Saint Barthelemi, failes a Paris el autres lieux, etoient peintes an vif, et lea figures representees apres le nalurel, §-c. The other strictures have been received with due deference, and if all the de- fects have not disappeared, it is less from a refractory feeling, than from the im- possibility to re-write a long work. The Author cannot refrain from expressing his acknowledgments to several friends for their assistance in the latter portion of the history. He is particularly indebted to the pastors Juillerat and Monod, for the details respecting Paul Rabaud and his sons: through their kindness, he has had the benefit of Madame Rabaut- 1* VI PREFACE. Pomier's recollections; and some interesting facts have been supplied by Madame .luillerat, who received her religious instruction from Rabaut St. Etienne. The Reverend Charles Cook, of Nismes, has also rendered the Author very va- luable assistance, by making inquiries concerning 1815, of M. Cavalier, at that time Procureur-General, and subsequently Mayor of Nismes. His official charac- ter gave him great facility for being well acquainted with the events of that time : and he kept a regular journal, writing by night, at great peril of his life, the facts of each day, in the hope that some of the criminals might be brought to justice. But, unsupported as he was by the authorities, with the gens-d'armes abetting the assassins, he could do nothing. Two individuals, who successively filled his post, applied to M. Cavalier for a copy of his journal, but neither made any use of it. M. Cavalier's generous defence of the persecuted Protestants is the more praise- worthy, as he is a Roman Catholic, and had two brothers priests at the time. His testimony in favour of Lauze de Peret's statement justifies the frequent reference to that work in these pages; and his readiness to communicate the rich stores of his memory gives him a lasting claim on the Author's gratitude. Paris. January, 1840. EXTRACT FROM THE PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. In the vast range of subjects for the pen of the historian, one of the most inte- resting presents itself in the violent disputes which have from time to time occur- red among the public teachers of religion. Their conflicting opinions have pro- duced effects of such magnitude, that centuries have rolled away while they were still in operation. The partisans of opposite systems have considered it their duty to condemn, often to misrepresent, each other; strong efforts have been made to c all the public feelings into action, and a difference which ought to have been set- tled in a cloister or a consistory, has generally ended in the desolation of a king- dom. The more, therefore, we enlarge the sphere of our information upon this important subject, we shall be the more inclined to cultivate that enlightened humanity which inculcates indulgent sentiments towards every creed : such at least will be the consequence with all reflecting minds. The work now submitted to the public is one, which in its progress offered end- less opportunities for polemical discussion ; but for the writer to have availed him- self of them would have been at once imprudent and unwise. While recording PREFACE. vii the wild rage of religious persecution, and the (rightful excesses of religious zeal, he has abstained from partiality and controversy : his duty has been to narrate the truth without becoming the accuser or the champion of either of the contending parties, whose disputes no good mind can reflect upon without wishing they should be set at rest for ever. The Author has in no case been tempted by prejudice or party feeling to give a colouring to facts which the truth would not warrant: he has laid them before the reader with that attention to accuracy which can alone give value to history, and the want of which can never be compensated by any charms of eloquence, or flights of imagination. Unhappily there is enough in the history of religious fac- tions to excite the reader's indignaton without any effort to that purpose on the part of the writer. In contemplating these events, we must make due allowance for the barbarous period when they occurred ; congratulate ourselves that we live in an era of religious liberty ; and rejoice in the progress of those principles which give assurance, that the altar of the God of mercy will never again be reddened by the brand of the bigot, nor stained with the blood of the martyr. The period which occupies these volumes has engaged the attention of many writers. The sixteenth century is justly styled the Age of Persecution: indi- vidual experience was at that time very eventual ; and contemporaries, in their private memoirs, have left abundant materials for examination and inquiry. The century that followed was the Age of Controversy. Numerous works upon ecclesiastical history then made their appearance; and the auto-biographies of the preceding times beheld a progeny of histories of particular events, persons, and parties. But those histories were written in a controversial spirit ; and it is therefore pre- sumable that an account, divested of all theological discussion, would be both useful and interesting. The object of this work is to give a clear detail of the circumstances connected with the troubles generally called the religious wars of France. Those events are interwoven with our own history, and are frequently referred to in the present day. Among the many works which relate to the Huguenots, there is scarcely one that comprises the whole in a connected narrative ; and not one, in the Eng- lish language at least, that is exclusively historical. The facts prove (and, therefore, the assertion is not partial) that the church of Rome both instigated and promoted the persecutions of the Huguenots. If we compare the preaching of the Reformation in England with its introduction into France, we cannot fail to observe, that though the circumstances of those king- doms were widely different the consequences were the same; similar in character, though differing in degree. The priests were unwilling to resign their authority. viu PREFACE. and persecutions arose in butli countries; but, happily, the struggle which our forefathers had to maintain was shortened by the difference between Henry VIII. and the Pope, and the circumstances which sprang out of that quarrel. Had so powerful a stimulus operated on the sovereigns of France, the Vatican could not have had such influence on their decisions; and the troubles of that country would have been settled without difficulty, at any rate without the delay of half a century. /Wis, March. 1*29 CONTENTS. Page , Preface . . . . iii I Contents ix Chap. I. Containing an Outline of the early History of the Refi >rmation ; Ac- count of the Paulicians, Vau- dois, Lollards, Hussites, &c. &.c. 13 II. The Reformation preached in France — The Huguenots, or Protestants, are persecuted by Francis I. — Massacres at Me- rindole and Cabrieres. . . 20 III. Reign of Henry . II. — Divided State of his Court — Revolt in Guyenne — Peace between Eng- land and France . . .24 IV. Persecution under Henry II. — Edict of Chateaubriant — War with the Emperor — Siege of Metz — Abdication of Charles V. 26 V. Increase of the Protestants — Mat- thew Orri appointed Inquisitor — Seguier's Speech to the Coun- cil— Attack of the Populace on the Protestants — Renewal of Hostilities — Inquisition esta- blished 29 VI. Treaty of Cateau Cambresis — Meetings at the Pre-aux-Clercs — Du Bourg and five other Counsellers arrested — Death of Henry II. .• . .32 VII. Accession of Francis II. — Re-es- tablishment of the Guises — Ex- ecution of Ann Dubourg for heresy . . . . .36 Chap. Page VIII. Conspiracy of Amboise . . 39 IX. Death of the Chancellor Olivier, who is succeeded by Michael de l'Hopital — Assembly of the Notables at Fontainebleati — Slates-general at Orleans — Ar- rest and condemnation of the Prince of Conde — Death of Francis II 43 X. Reign of Charles IX. — Assembly of the States-general — Forma- tion of the Triumvirate — Edict of July 47 XI. States-general at Pontoise — Con- ference of Poissy — The King of Navarre deserts the Protestant party . . .- .51 XII. Edict of January, 1562 — Discon- tent of the Catholics — Massa- cres at Vassy, Tours, and Sens — Guise enters Parisin triumph — The Triumvirs seize the king's person . . . . .55 XIII. The Protestants take Orleans and other Towns; — They negotiate for Assistance from Abroad — Conferences of Toury and Talsy — IWugoncy taken and Plun- dered 60 XIV. Hostilities between the Catho- lics and Huguenots — Sieges of Bourges and Rouen — Death of the King of Navarre — Battle of Dreux — Sieges of Orleans and Caen . . . . .65 XV. Assassination of the Duke of Guise 72 X CONTENTS. Chap. Page XVI. Edict of Amboise — Havre taken — Charles IX. declared of age — Coligny accused of the murder of Guise — Pius IV. excommunicates the Queen of Navarre and some Bishops — Encroachments on the liberty of the Protest- ants .... 77 XVII. Conclusion of the Council of Trent — Secret arrangements made for the destruction of heresy — Arrest of Charles de Moulin — Journey to Bay- onne — Interviews between Catherine and the Duke of Alva — Plot for seizing the Queen of Navarro and her son . . . . .81 XVIII. Affair between Marshal Mont- morency and the Cardinal of Lorraine — The Attempts to assassinate Coligny — Perfi- dious conduct of Charles IX. 85 XIX. Project for suppressing the protestant religion — Attempt to seize the King at Meaux — Battle of St. Denis — Death of the Constable . 89 XX. Protestants advance to meet the ReUtres — General contri- bution of the Army to pay their Allies — Capture of Or- leans and Rochelle — Peace of Longjumeau — Settlement of the Protestants in Ame- rica— Bold enterprise of Dominic de Gourges . . 94 XXI. Plan for seizing the Protest- antleaders — Flight ofCondfl and Coligny from Noyers — Renewal of the war. . . 97 XXII. Battle of Jarnac— Death of the Prince of Conde . . 101 XXIII. The Prince of Bean, pro- claimed chief of the Pro- testant party — Arrival of re- enforcements from Germany — Attackon Laroche-Abeille —Letters of Pius V. . . 105 XXIV. Siege of Poictiers— Defeat of the Protestants at Montcon- tour Ill XXV. Sieges of Niort and St. Jean d'Angely — The Princes and Coligny retire into Beam — Battle of Arnay-le-Duc — Peace of St. Germain-en- Laye 117 Chap. Page XXVI. Artifices of the Court to draw the principal Protest- ants to Paris — Death of the Queen of Navarre . . 123 XXVII. Review of the proofs of a pre meditated attack upon the Protestants — Attempted as- sassination of Coligny . 129 XXVIII. Massacre of the Saint Bar- tholomew .... 135 XXIX. Massacres in the Provinces . 148 XXX. Conversion of Navarre and Conde — Execution of Brique- maut and Cavagnes — Fourth civil war — Siege of Rochelle — Conspiracy of the Poli- liques— Death of Charles IX. 159 XXXI. Capture and execution of Montgomery — Flight of Hen- ry III. from Poland — Death of the Princess of Conde and of the Cardinal of Lorraine . 169 XXXII. The Duke of Alengon es- capes from court to join the malcontents — Defeat of the Reitresat Dormans — Escape of the King of Navarre . 174 XXXIII. Rise of the League — Estates of Blois— War of 1576 . 180 XXXIV. Edict of Poictiers— Death of the king's minions — Treaty of Nerae — Attempt on Li- mnoes — The Lovers' war — Taking of La Fere, Mon- taign and Cahors . . 18? XXXV. Ill-jiidgeil deportment of Hen- ry HI.— Death of fire Duke of Anjou — Revival of i lit? League — Notice of the Ji- suits . . . . .193 XXXVI. The Cardinal of Bourbon head of the League — Treaty of Philip II. with the League — Treaty of Nemours — Ex- communication of Navarre and Conde by Sixtu, V. . 199 XXXVII. Unsuccessful attempt of the Duke of Mercosur against the Huguenots — Siege of Brouage — Enterprise on An- gers— Capture and defence of Oleron — Conferences be- tween the Queen-mother and the King of Navarre — Renewal of the War — Bat- tle of Courtras . . . 205 CONTENTS. XI Ciiap. Page XXXVIII. Tumult at St. Severin— Defeat of the Germans at Vimory and Auncau — In- creased insolence of the League — Meeting at Nancy — Death of Conde — The Barricades .... 214 XXXIX. Flight of Henry III. from Paris — Deputations to Char- tres — Edict of union — At- tack on the Duke of Epernon — States-general of Blois — Death of the Duke and the Cardinal of Guise . . 222 XL. Death of Catherine de Medicis — Conclusion of the States- general — Violence of the League in Paris — Mayenne appointed Lieutenant-gene- ral 232 XLI. Review of the Affairs of the Huguenots — Meeting at Ro- chflle — Reconciliation be- tween Henry III. and the King of Navarre — Attack upon Tours by the Duke of Mayenne — Paris invested by the Royal Armies . . 238 XLI I. Assassination of Henry III. by Jacques Clement — Acces- sion of Henry IV. . . 243 XLIII. Rejoicings of the League at the death of Henry III. — Battle of Arques — Attack on the suburbs of Paris . . 250 XLIV. Henry IV. takes Vendome — Is acknowledged by the se- nate of Venice — Sieges of Falaise and Honrleur — Ar- rival of the Legate Cajetan — Defence of Meulan . 256 XLV. Battle of Ivry and Siege of Paris . . . .261 XLVI. Death of the Cardinal of Bourbon and Sixtus V. — At- tack on St. Denis — Siege of Chartres — Edict of Nantes — President Jeannin sent to Spain — Conspiracy of the young Cardinal of Bourbon —Siege of Noyon . . 268 XLVII. Murder of the President Bris- son and others — Siege of Rouen . .274 XLVIII. Negotiation for a peace— As- sembly of the States-general at Paris — Conference at Su- resne — Abjuration of Henry IV 284 Chap. Page XLIX. Barriere meditates an attempt on the King's life — Reduc- tion of Paris — John Chatel stabs the King — Banishment of the Jesuits . . . 289 L. Henry absolved by the Pope — Battle of Fontaine Fran, cjaise — Ham taken by Hu- mieres — Capture of Dour- lens and Cambray by the Spaniards — Sieges of La Fere and Calis — Assembly of Notables ai Rouen — Siege of Amiens — Edict of Nantes — Peace with Spain . . 295 LI. Condition of the Huguenots under Henry iV. — Biron's conspiracy — Restoration of the Jesuits .... 303 LI I. Death of La Treinouille — D'Aubigne's conversation with the King — Meeting at Chatellerault — Reduction of Sedan— Death of Henry IV. 310 L1II. Regency of Mary de Medicis — Assembly at Saumur — States-general — Insurrection of 1616 .... 320 LIV. Condc arrested — Death of Marshal D'Ancre — Ri-esta- blishment of the Romish rr. Jigion in Beam — Notice of D'Aubigne . . . 329 LV. Assembly at Rochelle — Riots at Tours — St. Jean D'Ange- ly subdued — Siege of Mon- tauban — Violence of a mob in Paris . . . .335 LVI. Military movements in the south — Expedition to the Isle of Ries, tinder Soubise — La Force submits to the King — Sieges of Negrepelisse and Montpellier — Richelieu named Prime Minister . 340 LVII. Siege of Rochelle . .347 LVIII. Conde's expedition against the insurgents — Rohan's treaty with Spain — Sack of Privas — Pacification of 1629 — Synod at Charenton — Death of Rohan, Montmorency, and Urban Grandier . . . 354 LIX. Mazai in's administration — Encroachments on the edicts by Louis XIV.— Madame de Maintenon's influence — Commencement of the dra- gonnades .... 361 xu CONTENTS. Chap. Page LX. Letters of Christina, ex-Queen of Sweden — Sufferings of Jean Migaull — General per- secution of the Huguenots — Forced conversions . . 371 LXI. Revocation of the Edict of Nantes .... 378 LXII. Troubles in the Vivarais — Notice of Claude Brousson — Severities at Orange — Remarks on the intendant Basville, and on the emigra- tion of the Huguenots • 385 LXIII. Commencement of the Ca- misard War under the Count de Brosrlie . . . .390 Chap. Page LXIV. Continuation of the Camisard war under Marshal Montre- vet LXV. Conclusion of the Camisard war under Marshal Villars . LXVI. Reigns of Lou is XV. and XVI. LXVII. Restoration of Louis XVIII. — Troubles at Nismes and environs . LXVIII. Administration of M. de Cazes — Intrigues of the Ultras — 309 405 412 420 Appendix Revolution of 1830 — Present condition of the Protestants 434 . 441 A HISTORY OF THE HUGUENOTS. INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. Containing an Outline nf the early History of the Re- f'irinalion; Account of the Paulicians, Vauclois, Lol- lards, Hussites, &x., &c. An almost general consent has fixed upon the commencement of the sixteenth cen- tury as the era of the Reformation; of the establishment of the Protestant religion: but its origin is of a far more ancient date ; although the invention of printing, which took place about fifty years previous to that period, enabled Luther and Calvin to triumph over obstacles which had pa- ralyzed the energies of Wickliffe, and brought Huss and Jerome of Prague to the stake. So early as the year 660, an inhabitant of Mananalis, near Samosata, named Con- stantine, having obtained a copy Of the New Testament, devoted himself to the study of it, as the rule of his faith. The society which he formed took the name of Paulicians, from the circumstance of their endeavouring closely to imitate St. Paul: they went so far as to assume the names of the apostle's companions; and as a si- milar practice had been adopted by the Manichaians in the third century, that epi- thet was applied to them, and they were soon doomed to experience the persecu- tions with which that sect had been visited. The Paulicians, however, condemned the opinions of the Manichaeans, and the ap- plication of the term was considered an act of injustice. Their form of worship was very simple, and the unceremonious manner with which they freed themselves from relics, images, and saint worship, bears a great resemblance to the Reformation preached by Knox. As novelty captivates the mul- titude, it is not surprising that Constantine, 2 who assumed the name of Sylvanus, be- held an increase of his followers. He pursued his apostolical career for twenty- seven years, when he fell a victim to per- secution. The most cruel decrees were issued against him and his flock; and one Simeon was sent from Constantinople, armed with every power to reclaim the wanderers and punish their leader. The unfortunate Constantine was placed in front of his disciples, who were command- ed by Simeon to murder their spiritual teacher, as the price of their own pardon : but, with the exception of an individual named Justus, they all refused to perpe- trate so foul a crime. One circumstance, however, renders this persecution very remarkable: Simeon, whose commission was to destroy or bring back the Paulicians, himself adopted their opinions, and after putting their leader to death, became a martyr for their cause. They endured persecutions during a pe- riod of one hundred and fifty years, but were roused to revolt in 845. Carbeas was their leader; his father had been im- paled by the Catholic inquisitors, and a desire to be avenged of that circumstance might urge him on, as well as the wrongs of his fellow-worshippers. Being joined by five thousand of his brethren, he re- nounced all connexion with Rome; and sought and obtained the protection of the Saracens. The city of Tephrice, in Ar- menia, then became the head quarters of the Paulicians, and a war was maintained against the eastern emperors till 880. Their society, without a leader, remained scattered among the mountains till 970, when John Zimisces conducted a number of them to Thrace, whither some Pauli- cians had emigrated during the persecu- 14 rAULICUNS, VAUDOIS. tion in the seventh century. They were joined by numbers of the Bulgarians ; es- tablished themselves in Macedonia, Epirus, Croatia, and Dalmatia; and in course of time spread into Italy and France.* Gregory VII. was elevated to the papal throne in 1073: he is well known in his- tory as Pope Hildebrand, and a more au- dacious, proud, and fiery priest, was never elected to that office. Under such a pon- tificate, it can be readily imagined that the disciples of St. Paul would meet with that sort of treatment most likely to prevent the publication of their opinions; their ex- istence, therefore, as a society was kept secret, and we hear no more of the Pauli- cians. But Gregory's conduct towards the emperor Henry IV., and the insolence of his decrees, raised such a stormfcgainst him, that he was forced to flee from Rome, and died at Salerno.f The avarice and despotism of the priests, the corruptness of their manners, and the grossness of the superstitions which were rapidly in- creasing with every succeeding council, all combined to prepare the minds of many for embracing a purer form of wor- ship, whenever it should be held out for their adoption. The clergy were so much detested by all classes during the eleventh and twelfth centuries, that, according to an unquestionable authority, it was com- mon, in condemning an action, to say, "I would rather be a priest than have done it."| An attempt to enforce the law of celi- bacy on the clergy, was the means of keeping alive this germ of the Reformation. ~Sot long before Gregory's death, several ecclesiastics of Milan refused to put away their wives. They withdrew from the communion of Rome, and held assemblies in a place called Patara. Their numbers increased very considerably, and they formed that society known by the several names of the Vaudois, Waldenses, and Albigenses. The fact of Peter Valdo, a rich citizen of Lyons, devoting his time and property to comforting the poor, and circulating the Scriptures, has caused an idea that he was their founder; but erro- neously, for he flourished in 1 170, and the term Vattdis occurs in a book written in * Spe Appendix, No. I. f 241 h May, 10S5. Bayle, art. O din Hist. Eccles. I D Vuiss 'regory VII. and Tur- :. Eccles. lissetts, I.'ist. de Langutioc, vol. iji. p. 129. the year 1 100.* The epithet Manichaeans was also applied to them by their enemies, but without a shadow of reason, for their confession of faith, which is given by Lampe in his Church History, is pure pro- testantism, and would have obtained the approbation of Calvin or Beza. That their morals were good, we have the testimony of an anonymous writer, reported by Gretzer, a Jesuit, who laments that the clergy should give such examples of pride, avarice, incontinence, anger, envy and drunkenness, because it makes them (the Vaudois) place more faith in their heresi- archs, who give them good examples of humility, chastity, sobriety, peace, bro- therly love, and other virtues. t Popery, uniform in its hatred of every attempt to restore Christianity to its ori- ginal simplicity, was not backward in hurling its thunders at these unoffending people. The third council of Lateran was held in 1179, under Alexander III.: the twenty-seventh canon of that council calls upon all princes to wage war against them, and promises indulgence to those who obey the call, while a severe curse is threatened against " whoever shall give any of them shelter, protect them on his estates, or have any commerce with them." The persecution which followed tended only to increase their zeal, and their dis- persion caused a great dissemination of their doctrines ; their opinions spread over Languedoc and Provence, and the Pyre- nees at last became the limits of the re- formed church. In the year 1198, Lothaire, son of the Count of Signia, was elected Pope, and took the title of Innocent III. Matthew Paris says of him, that he was the proud- est and most ambitious of all mortals, and the history of his pontificate verifies the assertion. He gave orders for conferences to be held in the canton of Albi and other parts inhabited by these heretics, with a view to lead them back to orthodoxy: but finding persuasions ineffectual, he sent two legates in 1204, to reduce them by vio- lence and terror. Raymond VI., Count of Toulouse, felt indignant at a foreign power setting up a tribunal in his domi- nions. The sufferings of his grandfather during the crusades had destroyed in him that blind and infatuated obedience to the * Appendix, No. II. t Lampe, Hist. Eccles. p. 246—249. PAULICIANS, VAUDOIS. 15 see of Rome which had induced the com- panion of Godfrey of Bouillon to gather barren laurels on the Syrian shore. He therefore paid no attention to the general call, and was so far from joining in the persecution, that he afforded an asylum to the sufferers. Nothing more was want- ing for his denunciation as a heretic : and from that time, the church waited only for a favourable opportunity of wreaking her vengeance upon him, for his boldness in daring to hesitate when she required his aid, and for his impiety in showing com- passion to those whom she had doomed to misery. The Count of Toulouse was still desi- rous of avoiding a rupture with the holy see, and took skilful measures of modera- tion, to heal the differences which had been made known. But Peter Castelnau, who was the pope's chief legate at the time, conducted himself in such a manner as to prevent any kind of reconciliation ; he was proud, inflexible, and averse to every concession. He threatened Ray- mond in his own dominions; and required him to proscribe his own subjects. The count, disgusted with his behaviour, and indignant at his demands, sent him away : as he was returning to Rome, he was assassinated, and Innocent, resolved to' avenge his legate's death on Raymond, put his estates under an interdict.* The clergy, docile instruments of the pontifical power, called on the King of France to assist the church. Philip Augustus, on his side, was well pleased at having an opportunity of confiscating the domains of the Count of Toulouse: he raised four thousand men at arms, whom he sent into Languedoc, and authorized the preaching of a crusade in his kingdom. The approach of more than fifty thou- sand crusaders, who were in arms, and ready to destroy every one of his subjects, alarmed Raymond ; he endeavoured to allay the storm which was ready to burst over him, by telling the legate, that he was willing to make a public penance. He appeared in his shirt at the door of a church, and made a solemn abjuration of his errors. The legate passed his stole over his neck, and drew him to the altar, where he promised entire obedience to * 15th Jan. 1208. Fleury, Hist. Eccles. liv. 76. Du Haillan, Hist, de France, liv. 10, p 510. Pierre de Vaulx Cernay, Hist, des Albigeois. Dan Vaissette, Hist de Lan- guedoc, vol. iii. p. 153. the court of Rome, and was relieved from his excommunication, on his engaging to fight against his own subjects. The cru- saders then ravaged Languedoc, and put every thing to fire and sword. At Be- zieres alone thirty thousand persons are said to have been killed by the crusaders, under Montfort, Earl of Leicester ; and seven thousand persons who had taken refuge in the churches, were not allowed the benefit of the sanctuary, respected for every crime at this period, but were cruelly put to the sword.* Wherever the Vaudois were seized, they were burnt alive ; and many were murdered who fled to England and Ger- many. It is difficult to describe the hor- rors of this continued massacre; the fana- ticism of an ignorant soldiery was worked upon, to make them think they were act- ing in a meritorious manner ; but what language can be strong enough to charac- terize the horrible councils of Rome — of that church which arrogates to itself the attribute of infallibility, and which not only excited this persecution, but canon- ized two monsters, who were the most active in the work of murder and devas- tation ? They were Dominick Gusman, and Francis d'Assise, who each of them founded an order of monks called after their respective names. The Dominicans have zealously imitated their founder, and we find that the offices of the Inquisition have almost always been filled by them. "I can never admit," says Pasquier in a letter to the* President Brulart, " that the material arms of Montfort would have overcome the Albigenses, without the holy exhortations and preachings of St. Domi- nic, who was with him throughout the ex- pedition."! While Languedoc was being laid waste, Raymond went to find the pontiff at Rome, and entreated him to put an end to the work of destruction. The pope sent or- ders to his legate to suspend hostilities, but his commands obtained no attention. Raymond then became indignant, and hastened to join the ranks of the Albigen- ses, invoking the support of the Emperor Otho, then suffering papal excommunica- tion. That emperor paid no attention to his prayer, but Peter II. of Arragon, his * In July 1209. Fleury, Hist. Eccles. liv. 76. De Thou liv. 6. f (Euvres, vol. ii. p. 268. 1G LOLLARDS, HUSSITES, &C. kinsman, came with an army to his as-i sistance* At the siege of Toulouse, in 1218, Simon Montfort, the barbarous chief of the crusaders, was killed, by which event Raymond was enabled to recover most of his estates. But it was not till six years afterwards that the pope could be induced to restore the title to the fa- mily; for he had made the cruel Montfort Count of Toulouse, during Raymond's excommunication. The latter part of the thirteenth century was occupied with the struggles between the Guelph and Ghibe- line factions, which, added to another cru- sade in the East, left the Vaudois in com- parative obscurity, and their persecution abated. John Wickliffe, an Englishman, was the next who entered the lists for the cause of the Reformation. His first at- tacks were directed in 1360, against the abuses of the mendicant friars ; he after- wards preached against the errors of popery in general. He earnestly recom- mended the study of the Scriptures, and translated the Bible into English. The powerful protection which he received from John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, alone preserved him from the severe pu- nishment which the enraged monks would have inflicted on him. He died at Lutter- worth, on the 31st of December, 1387; thirty years after, by order of the council of Constance, his body was dug up from the grave, burned, and the ashes thrown into a neighbouring stream. His follow- ers were called Lollards or Wickliffites, and they very soon began to experience persecution. Lord Cobham, who had professed their doctrines, was hung up by a chain round his waist, and was burned or rather roasted to death. About the same time, John Huss and Jerome of Prague were burned alive for the same opinions: Huss had obtained a safe con- duct from the emperor, before he would answer the summons to appear ; but the council of Constance refused to recognise it, declaring, " that faith need not be kept with heretics."! Although it is not clear that any of the Vaudois were able to establish themselves in England; it can hardly be doubted, that a considerable portion of Wickliffe's he- * Peter of Arrajon was killed at the siege of Muret in 1213 Fleury, Hist, t ccles. Iiv.77. Du Haillan, liv. 10. t John Huss suffered 15th July, 1415. Jerome of Prague, 30th May, 1416. Lord Cobham in 1416. resy was acquired when he was sent by Edward III. on different missions to the popes of Rome and Avignon, for at that time, the church had two infallible heads. At that period, the unfortunate Vaudois were burned whenever they were taken ; and their opinions having been once de- scribed, his acute intellect was thenceforth occupied in inquiring whether they were not right, and if the church herself was not wallowing in heresy. A great many of the Vaudois took refuge in Bohemia, and different parts of Germany; and when Wickliffe's preaching and writings were made known, they rallied, and resumed existence as a reformed church. A war ensued, which lasted thirteen years. The Hussites were headed by John Zisca, who led them to repeated vic- tories, which, we must confess, were ac- companied at times with cruelty and fanaticism.* He died in 1424, and was succeeded by Procopius, who was equally serviceable to them. By a well-timed concession respecting the use of the cup by the laity in the Sacrament of the Lord's Slipper, the church of Rome regained its authority over a considerable number of the Hussites. The rest remained firm, and in the succeeding age were among the first to join the followers of Martin Luther. There were still some Vaudois in France in the reign of Louis XII., and those of Cabrieres and Merindole sent de- puties to plead their cause before that king : they obtained a-n audience, in spite of the opposition of the clergy. Having declared that they received and adopted the Scrip- tures, the Apostles' Creed, the Decalogue, and the Sacraments, but that they did not believe in the pope, nor in his doctrines, the king sent persons to inquire on the spot if their assertions were true. The commissioners, on their return, reported, "that in those parts, baptism was admi- nistered ; the articles of faith, and the ten commandments were taught ; the Sabbath was solemnly observed ; and the word of God expounded : and that as to the forni- cations and poisonings of which they were accused, there was no instance of it to be found." The king, on hearing this, de- clared, " these people are much better than myself, and all the rest of my Catholic* subjects."! * Lenfant, Hist, dc la Ouerre des Hussites et du Coa- cile de Bale. t Lanipe, Hist. Eccles p. 231. REFORMATION IN GERMANY. 17 At the begirtning of the sixteenth cen-jof penance enjoined by the church, they tury, the chair of St. Peter was filled by preached them as celestial favours, which three popes in succession, (for the ponti- by themselves abolished the most enor- ficate of Pius III. lasted only twenty-six mous crimes; and at the suggestion of days,) whose characters, though widely different, contributed to discredit the holy see, and to ensure success to the preach- ers of a reformation. Roderic Borgia, who assumed the title of Alexander VI., is so well known in history, that his very name inspires horror; he died in 1503. Julian de Rovero, or Julius II., after pro- curing his election by presents and pro- mises, filled Europe with wars and fac- tions. To such a degree did he annoy Louis XII., King of France, that although styled the eldest son of the church, he re- solved on attempting to destroy the pa- pacy.* So undisguised was this pope's passion for arms, that when Michael An- gelo, who was employed in making a statue of him, asked if he would not like to have a book placed in his hand, he an- swered, " Rather a sword, for I should know better how to make use of it."f Julius II. died in February, 1513, and was succeeded by the Cardinal John de Medicis, who took the name of Leo X. ;} a man insatiate of luxury and splendour: when he was asked, in what style he would be treated; he answered, "As a great prince." Highly gifted by nature, he became the chief ornament of his own court, and the acting statesman of his own cabinet. He was a great patron of let- ters, and thus promoted the means of at- tacking superstition ;o he was a great friend to the arts, and was by that means led into expenses, which brought about the memorable sale of indulgences for the re- plenishment of his treasury. The Domi- nican monks, who were commissioned to Cardinal Pucci, the power of the indul- gences was extended even to the dead, whose souls were released from purgatory directly after the money was paid* The people of Germany received these pardon-mongers in a manner very differ- ent from the inhabitants of Italy, France, and Spain; they had suffered too much from the quarrels between the emperors and popes, to entertain much veneration for the Roman hierarchy. Besides, every one who was sufficiently qualified by edu- cation, occupied himself with the discus- sions which had followed the preaching and the persecution of the Hussites; and but little was requisite to excite a violent feeling against the indulgences. Among the preachers who exerted themselves to display the folly of the in- dulgences, and the profaneness of the Do- minican monks, the most conspicuous was Martin Luther, a young theologian of Wittenberg, in Saxony: his bold philip- pics struck them into absolute discredit. Had the Dominicans been withdrawn from Germany, the discussion would have been forgotten, and Luther's name would have been scarcely known; but the loss of what had been reckoned upon as sure profit made the Dominicans outrageous, and abuse was directed against the preacher by all who had expected to share in the spoil. Having once excited the hatred of the Dominicans, and rendered himself obnoxious to the Vatican, Luther could easily perceive that his only chance of safety was in a complete victory, in a thorough reform. He was well acquainted sell them, abused their trust, and defeated ' with the state of Rome under Alexander its very object; instead of announcing them as pardons proper for the remission * Louis XI I. had a medal struck with i Ins inscription •' Perdam babylonis nomen." — Turretin, Hist Eccles. t Arniand Smiles, Portraits Historiuvcs efes Pu]>rs. I Guicciardini, Pa'ulua Jovius, and Fra Paolo S.irpi have each described the character of thia pope; ami rhey all differ in their account of his ruling passion Guic- efcrdini represents him as influenced hy political craft. Paulus Jovius declares pride anil vanity to have ope- rated on his resolutions ; and Fra Paolo describes him as a voluptuary, passionately fond of pageantry, and willing at all tunes to sacrifice the interests of the church, in order to gratify his own desires. It is possi hie that all three characters may he true, if his life be examined at different periods. § He was so anxious that his briefs should be well written, and free from the barbarisms which abounded in those of his predecessors, that he look for his secre- taries Hemlio ami Sadolet, Ihe two best writers of the ajje. Varillas, /list. sec. de la Muison de Medicis, liv. G 2 VI. ; he knew to what extent every kind of vice was encouraged by the example of the superior clergy; and he boldly at- tacked the papacy with all the force of his satire and his indignation. Leo X. receiving the homage of men of science, and beholding the great im- provements which his fostering care had produced in the fine arts, at first would hardly condescend to notice the audacity of this monk, whose object was to over- turn his government ; to free modern Eu- * Histoire du Concile de Trcvte, par Fra Paolo Sarpi, p. 4, traduction de Houssaje. Edit. 4to, Amjtedam, 1G8C>. 18 REFORMATION IN GERMANY. rope from rites more superstitious than those of Paganism ; and, in a word, to re- store Christianity to Christendom. But when the pontiff found that Luther's preaching produced conviction in the minds of several princes, and that the old heresy of the Hussites was rekindled by him, he summoned Luther to appear at his tribunal, and give an account of his conduct. The unhappy fate of Savona- rola, who was burned for having expa- tiated on the vices of Alexander VI. was church is traced in a chain of descent from the Paulicians to the Vaudois, Lol- lards, Hussites, Lutherans, and Hugue- nots, our attention will be confined to the long and arduous struggle which the French Protestants had to maintain, not only for their social and religious exist- ence, but also for the preservation of their lives. 1. Germany being the scene of Lu- ther's operations, it is natural that his doc- trines should produce an earlier effect in too recent an example for Luther not to j that country, than in any other; we have take warning by; he refused to appear, [already seen that he was cited to Rome, and proceeded in his labours with the i but refused to go. Having a great friend more earnestness, as the pope had become in the Elector of Saxony, interest was his declared enemy. made that he should be allowed to an- It is possible, that if the Augustine ,swer the accusation in Germany: heap- monks had been appointed to sell the in-!peared, in consequence, at Augsburg, be- dulgences instead of the Dominicans, the fore Cardinal Cajetan, the pope's legate, former community would not have been j As Luther refused to renounce his opi- the first to attack their utility ; and conse- [ nions, Leo X. issued two bulls, one to con- quently Luther would not have been j firm and recommend the indulgences, the raised from privacy, to perform the emi- j other to condemn Luther's doctrine as im- nent part he afterwards undertook. But; pious and heretical; at the same time or- to assume that if Luther had remained j dering his books to be burned, arid Luther quiet, the Reformation would not have (himself to be excommunicated and pro- been preached, is an hypothesis which can 'scribed, if he did not return to his duty never be acceded to; and it is therefore within two months.* Luther appealed to no argument against Protestantism, to as- a general council, and publicly burned the sert that disappointed avarice was its prin- Pope's bull at Wittenberg. In 1521, Lu- cipal cause.* The numerous body of ther attended the diet at Worms, having learned men who were living at that time previously been furnished with a safe con- could not all have remained silent; and (duct. Pie was sent away in safety, but the only difference would have been a! immediately after was proscribed, and trifling postponement of the date, and a 'would certainly have been overpowered change in the name of the Reformer. In-! by his enemies, but for the protection of deed we are informed that Zuinglius com-J the elector Frederic, who concealed him menced preaching in Switzerland in 1516, |nine months in the castle of Westberg. the year before Luther began his attack.tj On his enlargement, he prosecuted his The history of Luther's labours does preaching and writing with great success, not belong to our subject ; he is too well j His followers were first called Protestants known as the leading Reformer, to re- 1 in 1529, when the diet of Spire having for- quire any further account of him; a mere! bidden the abolition of the mass, several outline of the progress of his doctrines is! princes protested against the decree, and therefore all that is necessary to form a I formed the league of Smalcalde. That just opinion of the succeeding history. 'appellation now includes all who protest We shall mark their establishment in Ger- ; against the authority of the pope and the many, Switzerland, Sweden, and Den- (councils, whatever may be their particular mark, Great Britain, Holland and France; 'tenets. After a long struggle, the treaty and when once the original Christian [of Passau, decreed in July 1552, and con- firmed at Augsburg in 1555, assured tran- quillity to the Protestants, who by that time amounted to one half of the German population. Martin Luther died 18th of February, 1546, aged sixty-three years. * Even Cardinal Pallavicini refutes this ; for lie states that it was not customary to employ t lie Augustine monks on "rich occasions : the Fra nciscans, nominicans and Teutonic knights having had that privilege, with- out any claim being put in hy the Augustines. hist. Omeilli Tridentini, lib. J, c. 3. t Turretin, Hist. Ecclcs. Beside!? which there is the preaching of John Weselius, or de VVesel, a Fleming, uliuse doctrines were condemned in 1478. Dated, 15 June, \5!t). Hist, du Coneile de Trente, p 10- REFORMATION IN SWITZERLAND, SWEDEN AND ENGLAND. 10 2. Switzerland was prepared by Zuin- glius, CEcolnmpadius, and others, to em- brace with eagerness the Reformation. Bernardin Samson, a Franciscan monk, was employed to sell the indulgences in that country ; and his avidity and impu- dence outdid Tetzel, the Dominican, who had excited Luther's indignation in Sax- ony. He promised the remission of every crime, whatever it might be, to those who brought him their money; and declared that such was his power over purgatory, that at his wish alone the souls were re- leased.* The whole country was a fer- ment, and the monks complained of the preaching of Zuinglius; the senate thought it best to have the case publicly argued; and Zuinglius maintained his opinion by the. Scriptures in opposition to traditions, councils, &c. so that he overcame all op- position, and found himself supported by the magistracy of Zurich. This was in 1523. The reform made great progress : at first processions were prohibited ; the tombs said to contain relics, &c. were afterwards opened, and their contents, which consisted of bones and rubbish, were buried; the images were then re- moved from the churches; and in April, 1525, the mass was abolished. ' The ex- ample of Zurich was followed by Berne, Bale, Schaffhausen, St. Gall and Geneva; Fribourg, Soleure, and the small cantons, not only adhered to popery, but made war with Zurich and Berne. The Pro- testants were defeated at Cappel, the 1 1th of October, 1531, when Zuinglius was killed. His death was afterwards avenged, and, after a sanguinary struggle, all the cantons united in proclaiming toleration. 3. The Reformation was preached in Sweden by Olaus Petri, who had heard Luther in Germany. The change of re- ligion was effected with great facility in this kingdom, as it was a question of in- dependence rather than theology. Gus- tavus Vasa encouraged it, secretly at first, but when he found the clergy would not contribute a portion of their revenues to- wards the necessities of the state, he sent to Wittenberg for preachers to assist Olaus Petri: the Protestant religion was esta- blished by law in 1527. In Denmark, the opposition was very trifling; the so- vereigns of that country, particularly Christian III , giving their protection to the Lutheran preachers; but it was esta- blished in Denmark rather later than in Sweden, although introduced at the same time into both countries. 4. When Luther began to preach the Reformation, the throne of England was occupied by Henry VIII., a man whose abilities would have rendered him con- spicuous, had he been born in a private station; as a king, he would have been memorable for his violence and rapacity, even if his reign had not been so much connected with this most important era of our history. The first news of Lu- ther's attack on the church of Rome kindled his zeal to such a degree, that he wrote a Defence of the Seven Secraments, for which he was rewarded by the pope with the title of Defender of the Faith.* But so liable are all men to yield to cir- cumstances, when their interests or pas- sions are concerned, that Henry, on the pope's refusing him a divorce, threw off his allegiance to the see of Rome, and declared himself head of the church in his own dominions. The ice being once broken, his impetuosity could not be re- strained; he robbed the monasteries to raise funds for his extravagance, and at- tacked the papacy in every possible man- ner, because it thwarted his views ; but the advantage which accrued to the Re- formation was never contemplated by him. A well known writer has so ably defined his character and conduct, that I shall quote his words:t "The Reformation owed nothing to the good intentions of King Henry: he was only an instrument of it by accident; nor doth he appear, throughout his whole reign, to have had any other views than those of gratifying his insatiable love of power, cruelty, op- pression, and other irregular appetites. ! But this kingdom, as well as many other j parts of Europe, was at that time gene- rally weary of the corruptions and im- positions of the Roman court and church; and disposed to receive those doctrines which Luther and his followers had uni- versally spread. Cranmer, Cromwell, and others of the court, did secretly em- brace the Reformation; and the king's abrogating the pope's supremacy, made the people in general run into new the * Turret! n, Hist Eccles. * Leo at the same time conferred indulgence on all who peruseil the king's work — Hallavicini, lib. 2, c. 1. t Swift, Preface to the Bishop of Salisbury's Intro- duction. 20 HUGUENOTS PERSECUTED BY FRANCIS I. doctrine with greater freedom, because they hoped to be supported in it by the authority and example of their prince, who disappointed them so far, that he made no other step, than rejecting the pope's supremacy as a clog upon his own power and passions, but retained every corruption besides, and became a cruel persecutor, as well of those who denied his own supremacy, as of all others who professed any Protestant doctrine. Nei- ther hath any thing disgusted me more in reading the histories of those times, than to see one of the worst princes of any age or country, celebrated as an in- strument in that glorious work of the Re- formation." On his death, in January, 1547, the sceptre passed into the hands of his son, Edward VI., then only nine years of age. He had been educated as a Protestant, and had he lived to manhood, he would, in all probability, have perfected what his guardians had begun during his youth. But his premature death in July, 1553, al- lowed the bigotted venom of his sister Mary, who became queen, to wreak itself on the Protestants, and her reign of five years is one continued tale of blood. None have more cause to lament this reign than the Roman Catholics, for the persecution she excited has left such a deep remem- brance, that the popish religion has ever since been detested by the nation. Elizabeth, daughter of Henry VIII. by Anne Boleyn, would naturally encourage the Reformation when she succeeded to the crown. Her reign lasted forty-five years, and the Protestant religion was firmly established. The church of Eng- land combines some of Luther's doctrines, with others of Zuinglius and Calvin: the most eminent divines of the age were em- ployed in organizing the new church, and so careful were they to follow the doctrines of the Bible, that there are very few Pro- testant dissenters who do not approve of the thirty-nine articles, although they may reject the discipline and liturgy of the church. 5. In Scotland, like most countries, the priests would not resign their authority without a struggle, and the early preach- ers of the Reformation became martyrs. But the vehemence of John Knox, who re- ceived his notions from Calvin, added to the confusion which followed all the three marriages of Mary Queen of Scots, ena- bled the Reformers to effect a more com- plete change than had been made in Eng- land. In the latter country, the monarch directed the reform, in Scotland the people did it all; and that is sufficient to account for the difference. 6. The Netherlander, in addition to the effects of Luther's preaching, were excited to revolt by the tyranny of Philip II. and the cruelty of the Duke of Alva; the new doctrines had been received there in 1550, and the Lutherans were rather numerous at that time. After an arduous struggle, they not only succeeded in establishing the rights of conscience, but also obtained a national independence. There remains yet to be described the preaching of the Reformation in France ; and we approach the immediate subject of this history. CHAPTER II. The Reformation preached in France — The Huguenots, or Protestants, are persecuted hy Francis I. — Massa- cres at Merindole and Cabiieres. At the eventful period which now occu- pies our attention, two illustrious women were very instrumental in the encourage- ment of the Reformation; they were Renee, Duchess of Ferrara, daughter of Lewis XII. ; and Margaret, Queen of Na- varre, sister of Francis I., and mother of the celebrated Jane d'Albret. The Duchess of Ferrara, with a vigo- rous mind, indulged in the prevailing sub- ject of inquiry, and listened with attention to the preachers of the new doctrines. But the vicinity of her husband's domi- nions to Rome, made him fearful of ex- citing the temporal, as well as the spiritual wrath of his neighbour, and the duchess was compelled to dissemble her sentiments during his life. When she became a widow, she resolved on returning to France; she resided at the castle of Mon- targis, not far from Paris; and in the midst of their persecution, she constantly afford- ed an asylum to the Huguenots* The Queen of Navarre, without em- bracing openly the new opinions, con- tented herself for a long time with pro- * Gibbon. Antiquities of the House of Brunswick ; atvd Brantome, vol. i. p. 3'i8. HUGUENOTS PERSECUTED BY FRANCIS I. 21 tecting the learned men of that party, and giving them shelter in her states from the cruel death which awaited them in France. By degrees, however, she changed her opinions so much, that the constable Mont- morency, discoursing with Francis upon the means of extirpating heresy, had no hesitation in saying, " that if he wished it to be exterminated, he must begin with the court and his relatives, naming the queen, his sister." Francis answered, " Do not speak to me upon that matter, she loves me too well to think otherwise than I approve of."* It was under such auspices that John Cauvin, or Calvin, began to preach the gospel. He was born at Noyon, in Pi- cardy, in 1509, and was ordained a priest at sixteen years of age: he had received his religious instruction principally from a relation named Olevitane, who inhabited one of the valleys of Piedmont, and had translated the Scriptures into French in 1520. Bucer and Melancthon had visited France just before, and created a taste for reform. f A Protestant congregation was established at Meaux the following year, and the doctrines of the Huguenots,f (the name by which they were subsequently called,) made so much progress, that the clergy were alarmed, and made such re- presentations to Francis I, that from being rather favourably inclined towards the Reformation, they persuaded him to be- come a cruel persecutor. An edict against the heretics was pub- lished the 9th of June, 1523, and the con- gregation of Meaux was dispersed. Some fled to Metz, others to Switzerland, and their minister, John Leclerc, became a martyr : he was tortured in a most horri- ble manner, and his mangled body was then burned. The Jesuit Fleury mentions this perse- cution, in the following unfeeling terms: — " From time to time some false prophet appeared upon the scene, to publish his fanaticism, or sound the disposition of the court. But repression was prompt: it cost dear to one Berquin of Arras ; to Jean Leclerc, a wool-carder of Meaux ;$ and to * Biantome, vol. i. p. 335 (fie de Margaret!) t Maimbnurg complains of Ihese pretended doctors taking the insolent liberty of interpreting Hie Bible in a sense different from the Catholic church.— Hist, du Calvanisme, liv. 1, p. 10. Paris 1682. t See Appendix, No. III. § Leclerc was banished from Meaux for calling the pope Antichrist; he was burnt at Metz, in 1523, for breaking an image; Berquin suffered at Paris, 152U. Benoit, Hist, de I' Edit de JfanUs' vol. i. p. 8. Jacques Pavane, a clothier of Boulogne, for having spoken under pretended inspi- ration. They were all burnt alive ; and a dread of the fire silenced the spirit of se- veral oracfts. History mentions these despicable names, doubtless to perpetuate the reproach of their birth or their impiety, rather than to celebrate these vile found- ers of the Calvanistic church."* These martyrdoms were followed by many others ; and such havoc was made among the Huguenots, that an annual procession was instituted to render thanks to the Almighty that they had got rid of the heretics. It would be a painful task to give an account of the many examples of constancy on one side, and Satanic rage on the other; so numerous were the cases which occurred, that to describe them would convert this work into a mar- tyrology ; one circumstance, however, cannot be passed in silence, as it shows what encouragement was personally af- forded to the murderous zeal of the priests by Francis I. When Dymond Levoy was burned with five others in 1528, that king went bare-headed to witness the exe- cution, and was accompanied by a proces- sion of priests and monks.f Francis, Cardinal de Tournon, Arch- bishop of Lyons, was at this period the king's principal adviser. He is celebrated as a negotiator and statesman, but espe- cially as a persecutor. Born in 1489, at Tournon, in the Vivarais, he entered an Augustine monastery at the age of twelve; and in his twenty-eighth year was elevated to the archbishopric of Embrun. During the captivity of Francis I. he was frequently consulted on public affairs, and was com- missioned to negotiate for that monarch's liberty: from that time he possessed the king's entire confidence. He passed suc- cessively to the sees of Bourges, Auch, and Lyons ; and was raised to the dignity of cardinal in 15304 He was long employed in attempts to reconcile the King of England with the pope ; and was subsequently engaged in negotiations with Charles V. But when the return of peace, in 1538, gave him * Hist, du Cardinal de Tournun, par le P. Charles Fleu- ry, de la compagnie de Jesus, p 215. Paris, 1728. This violent writer must not be confounded with Claude Fleury, author of the Hist. Eccelsiastique. t See Beza, D'Aubigne, and De Thou for an account of these martyrdoms. Even Maimbourg adds his testi- mony to the " rigouis exercised against these pretended martyrs."— Hist, du Calvanisme, liv. 1. t Biographie Umverselle, art. Tournon. 22 HUGUENOTS PERSECUTED BY FRANCIS I. leisure to attend to the internal affairs of France, all his efforts were devoted to the suppression of heresy ; which object he pursued to the end of his life, although the decease of his patron Franeis, deprived him of the means of entirely accomplish- ing, it. The influence of such a man was unfor- tunate for the Protestants, who were re- covering from the consternation caused by the first persecution. The Q,ueen of Na- varre openly encouraged the Reformation, and gave the Protestant ministers a refuge in Beam: she even appointed a Calvanist, named Roussel, to the bishopric of Oloron; and united her influence with that of the Duchess d'Estampes, to give the king a favourable impression of the reformed re- ligion.* By their persuasions, Francis was induced to hear a sermon preached by Lecoq, curate of St. Eustache. He publicly professed Catholicism and a hatred of Luther; " but," observes Maim- bourg, " he preached the doctrines of Zu- inglius, and the king could not at first discern the venom concealed in his fine phrases." The cardinals of Lorrainf and Tournon compelled Lecoq to make a pub- lic recantation of his errors; but the Queen of Navarre was not discouraged; she ex- tolled the merits of Melancthon, and per- suaded the king to invite him to a confe- rence with the French divines, upon the best means of restoring harmony in the church.f Melancthon being renowned for learn- ing and .eloquence, the Catholic clergy were alarmed in the same degree that the Protestants were elated at the prospect of his visit. Tournon, however, succeeded in changing the king's opinions, by a scheme, described by Maimbourg, as worthy of immortality. He entered the royal apartment, reading, or pretending to read, a work of St. Irenaeus. Francis in- quired what book engaged him, and the cardinal instantly directed his attention to a page, where Irenaeus had given full scope to his feelings against heretics; showing that the apostles would not even frequent any public place where they were admitted. Tournon then expressed his grief that with such examples, the eldest son of the church should have sent for an * Mirapnu, Hist, des Troubles de Beam, p. 107. t John, Cardinal of Lorrain, brother of Claude, Duke of Guise. X Maimbourg, Hist, du Calvinisme, liv. 1. p. 26. heresiarch, the most celebrated of Luther's disciples. His observations produced the intended effect : Francis revoked the invi- tation of Melancthon ; protested upon oath, that he would never desert the Catholic faith ; and issued orders to prosecute the heretics with rigour. Upon which the learned father observes: — "This sudden and generous resolution was like a thun- derbolt to the Protestants, who had no idea of such a reverse under the protec- tion of the Q.ueen of Navarre."* In the meanwhile, Calvin was diligently employed preaching at Bourges and Ligneres ; and it was not until the danger was most imminent that he retired from ■France. He took refuge in Italy with the Duchess of Ferrara, but persecution fol- lowed him, and he went into Germany. Passing through Geneva, in 1536, he was induced to remain there by the persua- sions of William Farel, who, like himself, had been compelled to quit his native land, on account of his religion. Calvin became the head of the church at Geneva, and wrote there his Christian Institutes, which he dedicated to Francis I., im- ploring his compassion for the Protest- ants.t Cardinal Tournon represented to that monarch, that the dedication of such a work was an outrage on the royal ma- jesty, and the religion of his ancestors. The book tended to increase, rather than to diminish the rage of persecution in the king's breast ; influenced by the cruel sug- gestions of the clergy, he gave fresh orders for punishing the Calvinists wherever they could be found, and persons were em- ployed to hunt after them : it was even de- clared a crime to pray in French. :f Num- bers of pious men and women were burned alive ; and as the speeches delivered by the martyrs at the stake became a power- ful means of conversion, measures were taken to prevent them from addressing the spectators. Tournon's orders were rigorously exe- cuted. To use his biographer's expres- sion, " it was as dangerous to converse in secret, as to discuss in public. Nothing escaped this great man, who seemed to * Maimbourg, Hist, du Calvinisme, liv. 1, p. 29. t The Abbe Anquetil, in his work entitled Esprit dc la Ligue, considers this publication as the grand support of the heresy, for it systematized the doctrines of the Protestants, and enabled the different congregations to keep together, even if their minister were taken from them. X Hist, du Concile de Trenle. p. 95. MASSACRE AT MER1ND0LE. 23 multiply himself, in order to discover arti- fice or punish temerity; so that foreign princes were accustomed to say, that he alone was equal to an inquisition in France."* But cruel as was the general persecution of the Huguenots throughout France, it appears almost nothing compared with the massacre of the inhabitants of Merindole and Cabrieres. They were the descend- ants of the ancient Vaudois, who had taken refuge in different countries, and amongst others in the mountains of Dauphiny; where they procured the means of subsist- ence by unwearied industry. Directly they heard of the Reformation in France, they declared the Huguenots to be their brethren; and the identity of their faith drew upon them the same kind of ven- geance. They were summoned by the parliament of Aix on account of their re- ligion, but were restrained from appearing by the imminent danger which would at- tend their compliance. It was then de- creed that they should be exterminated as rebels, their goods confiscated, their houses destroyed, and that even the trees of their plantations should be dug up.t During the life of the President Chassante this horrible sentence was not executed ; but his successor, the Baron d'Oppede, ob- tained from Francis I. permission to car- ry it into execution, which he did with the troops returning from Italy ; and to pre- vent the charge of having highly coloured this tale of wo, the account is taken from a Catholic writer, who will not be sus- pected of exaggeration.} " Uninterrupted executions, however, did not arrest the progress of the seduc- tion ; the innovators continued to increase, although the sword of justice was constant- ly hanging over their heads; at length, in 1545, Francis I. gave permission to em- ploy the aid of arms against' them. It was granted at the solicitation of the Ba- ron d'Oppede, first president of the parlia- ment of Aix, a violent and sanguinary man, who revived against the Vaudois, assembled in the vaileys of the Alps on the side of Provence, a decree of that par- liament given five years before. Every thing was horrible and cruel, says the historian De Thou, in the sentence pro. * Charles Fleury, ut antca, p. 214. t Decree, dated Idlh November, 1540, Hist, du Calvin- ismc. liv. 2. J Abbj Anquetil, Esprit dela I.igue, vol. i. p. 14, ctsrq nounced against them, and every thing was still more horrible and more cruel in the execution. Twenty-two towns or vil- lages were burned or sacked with an in- humanity, of which the history of the most barbarous people hardly presents examples. The unfortunate inhabitants, surprised during the night, and pursued from rock to rock by the light of the fires which consumed theirdwellings, frequently escaped one snare only to fall into another ; the pitiful cries of the old men, the women, and the children, far from softening the hearts of the soldiers, mad with rage like their leaders, only set them on following the fugitives, and pointed out the places whither to direct their fury. Voluntary surrender did not exempt the men from execution, nor the women from excesses of brutality, which make nature blush. It was forbidden under pain of death, to af- ford them any refuge. At Cabrieres, one of the principal towns of that canton, they murdered more than 700 men in cold blood ; and the women who had remained in their houses, were shut up in a barn, filled with straw, to which they set fire: those who attempted to escape by the win- dow were driven back with swords and pikes; finally, according to the tenor of the sentence, the houses were razed, the woods cut down, and the fruit trees pulled up; and in a short time this country, so fertile and so populous, became unin- habited and uncultivated. Historians agree that on this occasion the orders of Francis were exceeded ; and many add that this prince when dying, enjoined his son severely to punish the guilty."* De Thou, in his history, states more than has been related by the Abbe An- quetil, for he says that previous to per- mitting this horrible affair, Francis com- manded William Du Bellay, to make inquiry respecting the doctrines and morals of these people, and that he had sufficient evidence of their innocence and piety, with the exception of their holding in horror the superstitions of the church of Rome. But what was the result of this inquiry and report? only a delay of three months, which was allowed them to amend themselves in ; with the threat, that if they still persisted in their error at the * Maimboiirp, in describing this massacre, says, thai above '.MM persons were killed, and !)0il houses were plundered, and ihen destroyed. Hist. du. Cahintimt, liv. i. 24 REIGN OF HENRY II. expiration of that period, the punishment would be inflicted on them.* The following account of this persecu- tion is from a source beyond suspicion — a report to the Jicademie des Inscriptions, on the preliminaries of the execution at Cabrieres and Merindole.f The Vaudois of the latter place had petitioned the par- liament of Aix. The perusal of this docu- ment, observes the reporter, brought tears into our eyes; we notice at the commence- ment, a confession entirely Calvinistic; such doctrine having been either derived from Valdo, or communicated by the preachers of Geneva. The Vaudois of- fered to renounce all opinions contrary to the Scriptures; but the parliament replied, that as they were notorious heretics, they must abjure ; for there was no alternative. The parliament was anxious to be spared the severe measures which would be forced upon them, if the Vaudois did not change their opinions: an endeavour was made to soften their obstinacy, but in vain. Among them were several Ca- tholics, who were involved in their fate. The report states, " God offered to spare a criminal city, if ten righteous persons were to be found there; but a greater number of orthodox Christians could not save Merindole. Unfortunately the presi- dent Chassanee died about this time. (1542.) His death did not appear natu- ral ; it was believed to be the work of those who meditated the sanguinary exe- cution, of which Oppede was the principal instrument." The people of Cabrieres were subjects of the pope ; while their brethren of Me- rindole were engaged in parleys about abjuration, they resorted to arms; and drove up the papal troops to the gates of Avignon. The pontiff implored assistance from the King of France, who ordered the Count de St. Grignan to employ the mili- tary against the rebels.}: The excesses committed were fully sub- stantiated on the trial before the Parlia- ment of Paris, which occupied no less than fifty sittin«s.§ The Baron d'Oppede's de- fence, which is deemed an extraordinary specimen of eloquence, admits the accu- sation in full, but justifies the deed by the Divine command, and casts the entire re- sponsibility on the precise orders of the king:* he was acquitted ; but Guerin, ad- vocate-general of the parliament of Aix, was beheaded at the Greve. He had acted under the instructions of Cardinal Tournon;f but the terrible influence of that ecclesiastic had been greatly dimi- nished in the interval previous to the pro- ceedings; or he would unquestionably have prevented their being instituted. Justice was demanded of Francis, imme- diately after the commission of such atro- cities ; but the representations of the par- liament of Aix, induced him to give a let- ter of approval, with orders to continue the prosecution of the remaining heretics. And it was only the approach of death, that caused him to enjoin a scrupulous inquiry upon his son.J » Such was the condition of the French Protestants at the death, of Francis I. which took place the 31st of March, 1547; he was succeeded by his son Henry II. ; but so divided was the court at his acces- sion to the throne, that the Protestants obtained considerable support and protec- tion. Many nobles, and even some princes of the blood, gave them countenance; the motives of most of whom might have originated in court intrigue, but the great- er part finished by embracing the Pro- testant religion from absolute conviction. * l)e Thou, liv. 6. t Mem. de I'AcaU. des Inscriptions, torn, xviii. p. 375. t Ibid. p. 3£3. § Cause deferred to Parliament of Paris, 17th March, 1551. CHAPTER III. Reign of Henry II. — Divided State of his Court— Revolt in Uuyenne — Peace between England and France. On the accession of Henry II. every thing seemed to promise a happy and a prosperous reign ; the kingdom was at peace, and the finances were in good or- der; the state being not only free from debts, but having a considerable sum in the treasury.§ The new king was also of an age to induce an idea of experience in him; especially as his father had early initiated him into the secrets of govern- ment, and had introduced him to his councils. Added to this the state of the forces was satisfactory ; the troops being * Maimbourg. ut anttn, liv. 2. t Charle- Fleury. p. J52. i Maimbourg, lit supra. J Brantome, vol. vn p. 2. REIGN OF HENRY II. 23 numerous, well disciplined, and command- ed by skilful generals. The expectations, however, in which the nation had indulged, were soon re- duced to nothing. The court became very soon divided into four parties; and their mutual opposition and jealousy pro- duced the long series of wars, with which France was torn during the remainder of the sixteenth century. The party first in importance was that of the constable Montmorency, who had been exiled from court by the late king, but who enjoyed the friendship of the young monarch, and possessed very great influence. Francis I. had cautioned his son against recalling the constable ;* but Henry paid no respect to his father's ad- vice, for the first thing he did was to send a courier to Montmorency, ordering his return. The constable mounted his horse the moment the courier reached him, and soon arrived at the palace, where he was kindly received by the king, who con- versed with him for full two hours in his chamber.! Such marks of favour were enough to make his friendship sought byj many of the nobility, and even some ofj the princes of the blood, who loaded him with their civilities. The second party, which was equally powerful with the former, if the king's fa- vour be not taken into the account, was that of the princes of Lorrain, generally called the Guises.t. Francis I. had viewed the whole of their conduct with a suspi- cious eye : he considered the pitch to which their ambition might carry them, and the subsequent history of France has justified his fears ;§ for he is said to have warned his son that their great fortune would create troubles in France || Henry II. * The cause of this dislike was Montmorency's in- terfering when the Cardinal Tournon recommended Francis to make Charles V. sign a promise to give up the Milanese. The constable contended that the empe- ror's word was sufficient. Viellcuille, vol. i. p. 284. Fleury. Hist, du C. Tournon. p. 1-4 t Braniome. vol. vii. p. 147. Vie de Coligny, p. 79. I Claude of Lorrain. Duke of Guise, had six sons, viz. 1. Francis, who succeeded him in 15.jl) as Duke of Guise: he is sometimes called Prince of Joinville, some- times Count d'Aumale. 2. Charles, Archbishop of Rheims and Cardinal of Lorrain. 3. Claude, created Duke of Aumale in 1.147. 4. Louis, Cardinal of Guise. 5. Fiancis. Grand Prior. 6. Rene, Marquis d'ElbcBuf. 5 The following quatrain was very common in France: Le roy Francois ne faillit poin t, Qnnnd il predtt que ceux de Guize, Mettroient ses enfans en pourpoint SLt tous ses sujets en chemise. See Mnn. de Condi, and Satyre Menippie. D Davila, liv. 1, traduction de Baudoin, 12mo., Paris, 1066. 3 was therefore bound to keep them out of power as much as possible. This party had the advantage of having two leaders, who were constantly in good intelligence, because they could not become each others rival; the Cardinal of Lorrain was at work about the court, while the Duke of Guise was in the field, and as the de- fence of the Catholic religion was the plea for every act of this party, the clergy were all engaged in its support. Diana of Poictiers, Duchess of Valen- tinois, the king's mistress, was at the head of a third party.* She possessed great influence over the king by her beauty and her wit ; but it does not appear that she abused her power. Brantome says of her, that she was a very good Catholic, and bore a great hatred to those of the relio-ion.j The fourth party was that of the queen, Catherine de Medicis, whose character could barely show itself in the life-time of her husband, but who afterwards possessed supreme influence in the government of France, during the successive reigns of her three sons. She surpassed Machia- velli himself in political craft : by constantly adjusting the equilibrium of the contending parties, she prevented each from over- whelming the other; and by prolonging the sanguinary struggle, she extended the duration of her own power. These four parties were eagerly looking out for the means of increasing their influ- ence, and enriching themselves and their connexions ; and to effect their object, they made use of every kind of manoeuvre to deceive the king, whose authority was in a great measure laid aside during the struggle. J: The constable plainly saw that his only strength lay in coinciding with the Duchess of Valentinois, and flattering the king's passion for her. The dismissal of Cardinal Tournon, and other ministers of Francis I., was the consequence. A very few months had elapsed, before the internal peace of the kingdom was dis- turbed by a revolt in Guyenne and Sain- tonge. Some violence had accompanied the collection of the taxes in those pro- vinces, and the people made loud com- plaints. No attention being paid to them, their complaints were changed into threats * De Thou, liv. 3. f Brantome, vol. vii. p. 11. {Vie de Henri II. I Vielleville, vol. l. p 2113, el scq. 26 PERSECUTION UNDER HENRY II. which soon produced a rebellion. The public indignation was very great, and fifty thousand men were assembled, and fought several actions with the king's troops. The magistrates and the parlia- ment of Bordeaux succeeded in calming the tumult in that quarter, and thus saved that great city from the horrors of pillage. But in other parts the insurrection was quelled with more difficulty. Moneins, the king's lieutenant in Dauphiny, was killed by the insurgents. Montmorency represented to the king, how necessary it was to make some severe examples, and by the most rigorous justice prevent any repetition of such disorders.* Two divi- sions of the army in consequence marched towards these provinces ; one was com- manded by Francis of Lorrain, afterwards Duke of Guise; the severe constable him- self commanded the other. The former commander exercised some clemency, and punished only the leaders of the sedition; but Montmorency made preparations for the most ample vengeance. The inhabi- tants of Bordeaux were terrified at his approach, and sent deputies to try to soften him ; they offered him the keys of the city, which he refused to receive at their hands. " Begone," said he, " with your keys, I will open your gates with mine, (meaning his cannons;) I will have you all hanged; I will teach you how to rebel against your king, and to kill his lieutenant and go- vernor, "t The erection of a tribunal of blood, was the consequence of Montmorency's arri- val at Bordeaux. Executions took place without intermission, and a dreadful number of the inhabitants were burned alive or hanged. Bordeaux was treated like a town taken by assault by a foreign army ; the bells were taken from the churches to make cannon; the Hotel-de- Ville was demolished ; and a heavy con- tribution levied on the inhabitants. The constable's cruelty was not however sa- tiated by ruining one great city; he ra- vaged every district which had partici- pated in the revolt, and exercised his ven- geance on those towns, which had even been visited by the other division of the army.J "While the domestic peace of France was thus affected by revolt, Germany was * Vi' lleville, vol. i. p. 433. De Tliou, liv. 5, p. 343. t Brantoine, vol. vii. p. 87. j Viellevi lie, vol. i. p. 437, et seq. Te Thou, liv. 5. the scene of a violent struggle. The Pro- testants had formed a union called the League of Smalcalde, and the emperor Charles V. had entertained fears, lest he should be compelled to come to terms with the Lutheran party. The battle of Muhl- burg, which was fought the 4th of April, 1547, put an end to the war, by the vic- tory which he gained over that body. During the reign of Francis I. the rivality between that king and the emperor be- came the motive of considerable assistance in favour of the German Protestants. Henry on succeeding to the crown of France, had sent Vielleville to London, to propose a peace with Edward VI. ; that failing, he was afterwards absorbed in a plan for taking Boulogne from the English ; and by discontinuing the reinforcements for the Protestants of Germany he insured success to the emperor. Henry com- menced the siege of Boulogne in the sum- mer of 1549; but Charles V., having set- tled his own affairs, was ready to oppose him, in his quality of guardian of the young King of England ; and he remonstrated with Henry II. against the siege of Bou- logne, which was raised in consequence. That town was afterwards redeemed from the English for four hundred thou- sand crowns, besides the loss of all the ex- penses of a long siege. A treaty of peace was then concluded between England and France, in which it was stipulated that Edward VI. should marry the princess Elizabeth, daughter of Henry II.* The prospect of a lasting peace with England was highly gratifying to the king, who began to grow weary of the fatigue of government, and longed for an oppor- tunity of indulging his bias for pageantry and pleasure. He had been absent from Paris above two years, and his return was celebrated by the most splendid fetes.t CHAPTER IV. Persecution under Henry II.— Edict of Chateauhriant— War with the emperor— Siege of Metz— Abdication of Charles V. The system of persecution which had been adopted by Francis I. as the means of extirpating heresy, was vigorously con- * Treaty dated 24th March, 1549-50. t 15th May, 1550. WAR WITH THE EMPEROR. 27 tinned during the reign of his successor.* But the Huguenots were not to be de- terred from following the dictates of their conscience ; on the contrary, the danger of martyrdom, while it excited every gene- rous feeling in the breasts of the sincere, became a preventive to desertion with the wavering, who though willing to acknow- ledge themselves persuaded in matters of theology, would avoid liability to an accu- sation of dreading personal danger. It was in vain that the funeral piles were kindled incessantly in every town in France ; the Protestants persisted in hold- ing their assemblies, and making a profes- sion of their doctrines. Henry, to add to the importance of the executions, went in person to several ; and on his return to Paris, the fires were kindled in different parts of the city. At one of these piles, an old domestic of the king's was dying in the flames when the monarch passed by: he was seized with horror, and retired im- mediately to his palace, to conceal his agi- tation and remorse.f At length it suited the political views of the Cardinal of Lorrain to arrest so horri- ble a persecution ; he was desirous of en- j gaging Henry in a war with Charles V., and of coining to an arrangement with the Pope Julius W.fwho had joined the empe- ror in attempting to expel Octavius Far- nese from his duchy of Parma ; notwith- standing the latter had married Charles's natural daughter. None of the princes of Italy would dare to assist Farnese, and but for the help which he received from France, the duke must have been over- whelmed. The struggle in Italy ended by the pope's seeking peace; a measure to which he was driven by an edict passed in France, forbidding any money to be' sent to the court of Rome. Another edict was published at the same time, which stopped in some degree the violence of the persecution, by placing the Calvinists under the secular jurisdiction : it was called the edict of Chateaubriant.} A new war was preparing in Germany : Maurice of Saxony and Albert of Bran- denburg put themselves at the head of the Protestants, and marched against the em- 1 peror. They sent an embassy to Henry II. reminding him of his engagements and promises, and urging him to establish an alliance with them* The King of France could not recede with honour; not to as- sist the Protestants would be imputed to the fear of Charles V., and the war was ardently desired by the young nobles of the court, who demanded an opportunity of exercising their valour. The most la- vish flattery was bestowed upon the king, who was excited by the description which was given of his father's chivalry. Still Henry was averse to renew the expedi- tions of Francis I. ; he preferred the image of war in tournaments to the honour of undergoing the reality with arms in his hands. The deputies, before they left Paris, were entertained with brilliant fetes, in October, 15514 A bed of justice was held the 12th of February, 1552, when the king announced to the parliament the motives of the war, and directed the measures necessary for supplying the funds for its expenses. The speech, however, which Henry addressed to the assembly, contained the most incon- gruous ideas; he justified the war by showing that he was bound to assist the Protestants of Germany, and at the same time recommended the most severe mea- sures against the Protestants of France. The taking of Metz was the first event in this war. The Constable Montmorency gained possession of that town by a stra- tagem which excited the admiration of Charles V. himself.}: But the approach of the French forces, and some successes which the allies had gained, induced the emperor to take other measures. He be- gan to be tired of opposing the Reforma- tion, which all his power had proved un- able to quell, or even to repress. He perceived that he was fighting the battles of Rome at his own cost; and he proposed to the Elector of Saxony to hold a con- gress at Passau, the 26th of May, and that a truce should be kept till the 8lh of June.§ But so zealous was the emperor in sup- port of the Catholic religion, that he could hardly bring him'self to relinquish the struggle with heresy; and when he pro- posed the truce, he most likely contem- plated the advantage which might be taken of the interval, in sending to Italy * Fra Paolo, Hist du Concile de, Trcnle, p. 280. t Hi9t. lie U V jlle de Paris, par M Fehbien, vol. ii. p. 103-2. D'Aubigue, I I'm. Univtrselle. vol. i. p. 75. t Dated 27th June, 1551. * Hist, du Cardinal Granvelle, p. 170. Paris, 1761. t Vielleville, liv. 4. i Brantome, vol. vii. p. 134. Metz was taken 10th April. 1552. § Hist, du Cardinal Granvelle, p. 178. 23 SIEGE OF METZ. for fresh troops. However, the conduct of the pope himself decided Charles; di- rectly the fortune of war appeared adverse to his party, the pope took measures ac- cordingly, and immediately dissolved the council of Trent. The treaty of Passau was concluded in July, 1552, and the pa- cification of Germany enabled the empe- ror to direct his whole force against France.* Henry was very much vexed at having drawn upon himself so formidable an en- em}', who resolved on carrying the war into the heart of his kingdom : he would willingly have purchased peace by the res- titution of the places he had taken, but the emperor's anger gave no opportunity for an accommodation.} All that could be done was to put strong garrisons in those towns which the emperor would probably attack first. Coligny offered to defend Metz, but the Duke of Guise was pre- ferred: there was, however, employment for him elsewhere, for the emperor had a hundred thousand soldiers, besides twen- ty-five thousand which he had in Flanders, most of them veteran troops who had as- sisted in his previous campaigns. The king was so embarrassed that every one expected the constable would be disgraced, as he had advised the king to go to war. Anthony of Bourbon, Duke of Vendome, afterwards known as King of Navarre, commanded the forces sent against the army of Flanders ; but as his military judgment was not very highly esteemed, he was accompanied by the Admiral Co- ligny.{ Meanwhile the emperor was making the most formidable preparations for the siege of Metz. He had collected around him all his most skilful generals; and he was supplied with the most nume- rous train of artillery ever seen at any; siege. On reviewing his forces, Charles I exclaimed, " I will take Metz, or I will pe- rish before the place."§ On the other hand, the Duke of Guise was resolved to defend the town to the utmost: the desertion of the Elector of Brandenburg, who joined the emperor with his troops, did not disconcert him. The breaches were repaired as soon as made, and such was the duke's confidence in his garrison, that he sent a letter to the king with the assurance that he would * De Thou. Iiv. 2. t Vie de Coligny; p. 125. J Vie ile Coligny, p. 12fi. De Thou, liv. 2. § Hist, du Cardinal Grenville, p. 193. answer for Metz, and that the troops col- lected in Champagne and Lorrain might be disposed of in other parts.* Frequent sorties were made, and were generally directed against the quarters of the treach- erous Elector of Brandenburg: his army was by that means almost destroyed in detail; had the elector himself fallen, it would have been a just punishment for his ingratitude to a king, who was involved in the war solely by serving him. The examples of bravery were so fre- quent and vigorous on the part of the be- sieged, that when a general assault was ordered, the army remained mute. The emperor was indignant, and after losing thirty thousand men, he raised the siege and retired to Brussels, overwhelmed with vexation, and resolved to effect something to remove his disgrace.t Early in 1553, he attacked Therouanne. Henry II. was indulging in fetes and tournaments when the news reached him, and Coligny was sent with assistance immediately; Francis de Montmorency, the constable's son, commanded the town, but was obliged to propose a capitulation. Charles seemed to acquiesce, and while the garrison were waiting the result of the terms they had offered, the emperor ordered an assault and the place was taken. The garrison were put to the sword, and the town was destroyed.} The emperor then attacked Hesdin with success, but failed in his attempt upon Doullens, where the admiral Coligny had the command. The operations in the course of the following year were varied. The battle of Renti, fought on the 13th of August, 1554, was the only event of con- sequence: both parties claimed the vic- , tory, but the emperor's object was effected, j He wished to raise the siege of Renti, ; | which place the admiral had invested, and the battle rendered that measure neces- sary.§ Charles was nearly made prisoner i on the occasion, and escaped only by the • excellence of his horse. || f Both parties at last grew tired of the ■ war, yet neither would make, a proposal for peace, and the war was carried on ; until the accession of Philip II. in February, * [bid, p. 194. t 21st Jan 1553. I Hist, du Cardinal Granvelle, p. 200. Mathieu, Hist, des Ouerres enlre les Maisoiis de France U d'Espagne, p. 18. § Vie de Coligny, p. 151. Mem. de Tavannes, p. 173, fo. edit. || Brantome, vol. iv. p. 14. INCREASE OF THE PROTESTANTS. 29 1550. In the interim Pope Julius III. died, on the 23d of March, 1555; he was pos- sessed of but little abilities, or he would have contributed to disgrace the see of Rome. To increase his superiority over the cardinals, he endeavoured to lower them ; perhaps from the consciousness of his being unable to elevate himself: he be- stowed a cardinal's hat on a boy who had the care of a monkey, and assigned that as a reason, when the college remonstrated with him about it.* Marcellus II., who succeeded him, survived only a few days, and the chair was then filled by John Peter Caraffe, who took the title of Paul IV. As Charles V. had thrown great im- pediments in the way of his election, he was desirous of being avenged, and un- dertook to drive the emperor out of Italy. He openly espoused the interest of France, and did everything to excite the zeal of Henry Iff He promised him the investi- ture of the kingdom of Naples, and de- clared Charles to be an enemy of the church. A division of the spoils of that monarch was projected by the pontiff, who distributed crowns and territories to those who would join his cause. But whilst Europe was in suspense respecting the turn affairs might take, the monarch himself retired to the monastery of St. Just, in Estremadura, abdicating his vast dominions, and resigning all his riches, with the exception of one hundred thou- sand crowns per annum: Charles V. died the 21st September, 155&, aged fifty-eight years. CHAPTER V. Increase of the Protestants— Matthew Orri appointed Inquisitor— Siguier's Speech to the Council— Attack of the Populace on the Protestants— Kenewalof Hos- tilities—Inquisition established. A truce for five years between France and Spain immediately followed the abdi- cation of Charles V. : neither of the mo- narchs, however, intended to conclude a peace by that means; they only reposed in order to be better prepared for new combats. Henry took the opportunity of fortifying himself in his new acquisitions, while Philip, who penetrated Henry's de- signs, was equally anxious for a renewal * Arniand Saifites, Portraits Historiau.cs des Papcs. ( Mem. de TaVannes, p. 192 of the war; an event which the pope like- wise was eager to bring about. The truce was at length broken, but the state of the Protestants in France requires some mention : to that subject, therefore, we now return. The neighbourhood of Geneva had fa- cilitated the introduction of the reformed doctrines at Lyons, and the spread of Pro- testantism was very rapid. Tournon hastened from Rome to purify his diocess from heresy : he found, on reaching Lyons, that the Calvinistic worship was regularly organized, and that a synod was soon to be held in that city. Five ministers were instantly arrested by his orders; they were tried as deserters from the faith of their fathers — as rebels to the edicts of their prince ; and as such were condemned to be burned. This severe treatment of the pastors struck terror into their flocks; and the measures of vigilance adopted for detecting further attempts to preach the proscribed tenets, were very successful. " The archbishop's cares were not fruit- less," observes his eulogist ; " Lyons pre- served its faith in the midst of contagion, and in the vicinity of Babylon."* It has already been mentioned, that by the edict of Chateaubriant. the crime of heresy was made cognizable by the civil power. The parliament of Paris, not- withstanding its recent degradation, by the creation of judiciary charges, which were sold to replenish the treasury, was still a respectable body, and included among its numbers many men eminent for their talents and virtue. Thirty years had not slackened the fires of persecution, while the priests were judges of the here- tics; but no sooner was the parliament entrusted with the charge, than the Pro- testants experienced a great improvement in their condition. The inutility of the executions became evident to that body., and the rigour of the law was suspended. The Calviriists took advantage of the op- portunity to strengthen their cause, and in 1555 a church was erected for the re- formed worship.f The clergy were en- raged at this indulgence, but the parlia- ment remained firm ; the enemies of tole- ration, finding their influence was decay- ing with the magistracy, had recourse to every machination they could devise, to. * Fleury, Wist, da Card. Tournon, pp. 274— 279. t Beza, hist. Eccles. Gartner, Hist, de tranc; vol.. xiv. p. 3. 30 seguier's speech to the- council. excite the hatred of the populace, and the vengeance of the government, against the followers of the reformed religion ; by the influence of the Cardinal of Lorrain, they obtained an edict which again enabled them to wreak their bigotry upon the Pro- testants.* One method of depriving the Oalvinists of an indulgent interpretation of the edict of Chateaubriant, was the appointment of an Inquisitor of the Faith in France, Matthew Orri, a Dominican monk, had been appointed by the pope to that office, f He was authorized to cite all heretics be- fore him, to interrogate, and condemn them ; in addition to which, he possessed the power of penetrating into the privacy of families by means of a secret police, and of exercising a surveillance over the religious opinions of every one, by his nu- merous band of spies. Even the bishops themselves were disgusted with such an investiture of authority, and remonstrated against it ; the king's council, however, approved of the plan, and it was very soon presented to the parliament in the form of an edict. The odious tendency of the proceeding excited the indignation of the parliament. Seguier, one of their presidents, was charged to declare their remonstrance, in presence of the council.! In his speech, that orator traced out all the dangers of the proposed measure; he also dwelt with great force upon the right of appeal, which lie invoked for the accused. " We abhor," continued he, "the establishment of a tri- bunal of blood, where secret accusation takes the place of proof; where the accused is deprived of every natural means of de- fence, and where no judiciary form is res- pected. . Begin, sire, by procuring for the nation an edict which will not cover the kingdom with funeral piles, which will not be wetted either with the tears or the blood of your faithful subjects. At a dis- tance, sire, from your presence, bowed down under the pressure of rural labour, or absorbed in the exercise of arts or of * De Thou. liv. l(i. t heza.Hist Eccles. X Pierre Seouier, born in 1.304, died 1.580, was elevated tothe rank of president d morlicr, in 1554. His speerbes, which are remarkable fur tlieir bold sentiments have been collected and printed, as well as bis treatise De Cognititne Dei. Tin- speech in question is one of the finest lie ever made, and has been inserted at length by Garnier. Mai aire de France, vol. xiv. p. 2H. Fleury also gtvea a part of it in bis Ecclesiastical History. The ex- tract in the text is but a small portion of the speech, Abich was delivered ltilh OcloLer, 1555. trade, they are ignorant of what is pre- paring against them ; they do not suspect that at this moment it is proposed to sepa- rate them from you, and to deprive them of their natural guardian. It is for them, it is in their name, that the court presents you its humble remonstrances, its ardent supplications. As for you, sirs," said he, turning himself towards the ministers and counsellors of state, " you, who so tran- quilly hear me, and apparently think that the affair does not concern you, it is fit that you should be divested of that idea. So long as you enjoy favour, you wisely make the most of your time; benefits and kindnesses are showered on your heads: everybody honours you, and it enters the mind of no one to attack you ; but the more you are elevated, the nearer you are to the thunderbolt; and one must be a stranger to history, not to know what is often the cause of a disgrace. Even al- though this misfortune should befall you, you would retire at least with a fortune, which would in a measure console you for your fall, and which you might transmit to your heirs. But to date from the re- gistering of this edict, your condition would cease to be the same ; you will have, as before, for successors, men poor and hungry, who, not knowing how long they may remain in office, will burn with a de- sire to enrich themselves at once, and they will find a wonderful facility in so doing: for, certain of obtaining your confiscation of the king, it will only be necessary to make sure of an inquisitor and two wit- nesses, and though you may be saints, you would be burned as heretics." This speech made a very deep impression on the council, and the king was so much af- fected, that he remitted the affair to ano- ther examination. Notwithstanding the opposition of the government, and the appointment of an inquisitor, the doctrines of the Reforma- tion made astonishing progress. A simple and reasonable form of worship, in which the preachers expounded the Holy Scrip- tures in their vernacular tongue, and as- sured the congregation that their worship, to be accepted, must proceed from the heart; a service stripped of a number' of unmeaning ceremonies, and free from the gaudy trappings of the Roman church, I must necessarily make converts with all I who dared to think seriously upon the sub- ATTACK ON THE PROTESTANTS. 31 ject. The papists denied to man the right of thinking for himself; they asserted that the Scriptures having been examined by the councils, their meaning was fixed, and to investigate them was impious ; the Protestants, on the contrary, invited their congregations to search the sacred writings; to take nothing from their bare assertion, but to try their sermons by the test of Scripture ; an immense number of converts was the necessary consequence of the difference. But another motive, and a very power- ful one too, contributed to increase the number of Calvinists. The government had declared in favour of the Romish clergy, and had shown a resolution to support the Catholic religion in every pos- sible way ; in consequence, every one who was dissatisfied with the ministry, felt in- duced to join the ranks of its declared ad- versaries. While the enemies of the court were affected by the disappointment of their hopes, and induced to join the Cal- vinists out of spite, a very considerable number of the nobility, who were actually belonging to the court of Henry II., were stimulated by curiosity to attend the Pro- testant service, principally because it was forbidden. Many of them were seriously affected by what they heard, and some openly professed themselves Protestants. In spite of his severity, Henry II. found himself surrounded by Calvinists.* In the month of May, 1557, a tumult took place, which sufficiently announced the hostile disposition of the Catholics. Four hundred Protestants were assembled one evening to celebrate the Lord's Sup- per, at a house in the Rue St. Jacques, opposite the College Plessis. The oppor- tunity was too good to be lost, and their enemies collected a mob around the house. No effort was made to interrupt the ser- vice, but when the Protestants wished to quit the place, and retire to their respec- tive homes, they were assailed with such abuse and threats, that they could plainly perceive their lives were in danger. The darkness of the night would have enabled most of them to escape through the crowd, and thus avoid the fury of their numerous enemies, had not lanterns been placed in the windows of tiie neighbouring houses. Many were murdered ; some few who had arms succeeded in cutting their way through the mob ; but there remained some old people and women, who would certainly have been massacred, had not a magistrate appeared, accompanied by some soldiers, who took them into cus- tody to the number of two hundred; the mob then dispersed.* Proceedings were immediately com- menced against the prisoners, among whom were persons of great family con- nexions. The Cardinal of Lorrain de- manded the condemnation of all of them ; but the parliament was not so blood- thirsty, and after a long process, and great delay, five Protestants were con- demned to the fire.t Fortunately for the others, the king required some levies in Germany and Switzerland ; the Elector Palatine solicited the enlargement of the prisoners; and as it would have been in- convenient for Henry to lose the friend- ship of that prince, he ordered them to be treated with moderation, to the infinite regret of Pope Paul IV., who loudly com- plained of it in the Consistory. f Hostilities had been renewed some time : the pope flattered Henry with a prospect of the empire, and the possession of Italy. The Duke of Guise took the command in that country, where he was opposed to the Duke of Alva ; but no ac- tion was fought in that quarter; and though he took Naples, he could not keep it. On the side of the Netherlands, the Admiral Coligny made an attempt on Douay; he ravaged Artois, which be- longed to the King of Spain, and pillaged the town of Lens. The English taking part with Spain, sent reinforcements to Flanders, and the Spaniards prepared to take St. Quentin, whither Coligny had retired. On the 1 Oth of August, 1557, the Constable Montmorency, having ad- vanced to relieve the town, contrary to the wish of Marshal St. Andre, was sud- denly attacked by the enemy, who had treble his force. The event was most dis- astrous: John of Bourbon, brother of the King of Navarre, was killed; St. Andre and Montmorency were taken prisoners, all the baggage was lost, and six hundred gentlemen of rank were left upon the field * Uarnier, vol. liv. p. 33. This * De Thou, liv. 19. Pascjuier, vol. ii. writer, however, says it occurred in August. t Tliey were burned 13th September, lo57. Felibicn vol. ii. p. 106P. { Hist, du Concile de Trente, p. 338. Soulier, Hist, du Calviaitme, p. 15. 32 TREATY OF CATEAU CAMBRESIS. of battle. Coligny, however, detained the enemy seventeen days before the feeble ramparts of St. Quentin, and thus pre- vented the Spaniards from taking the full benefit of their victory.* The king was alarmed at the news, and despatched se- veral couriers to the Duke of Guise, or- dering him to come with his army from Italy. The duke resolved secretly to avenge the disgrace of St. Quentin upon Calais,! which town he took the 8th of January, 1558, after it had been in posses- sion of the English above two hundred years. Vielleville followed up this success by besieging Thionville, a strong town, from which the Spaniards frequently dis- turbed the French territory ; and Guise arrived with his forces and took the place.}: As a contrast to his great success, Mar- shal Termes was defeated at Gravelines, and taken prisoner by the Spaniards, when a great many persons of rank were killed. On this occasion, also, the oppor- tune arrival of the Duke of Guise pre- vented the victor from pursuing his ad van- tage. 5 The duke's reputation acquired great lustre from the success of his operations. The court were enraptured with him, and j his influence increased considerably. The j use which was made of it was injurious to the Protestants; for the Cardinal of Lor-.j rain, his brother, persuaded the king tOj establish the Inquisition by edict. Three inquisitors general were appointed, viz., [ the Cardinal of Lorrain ; the Cardinal of Bourbon, brother of the King of Navarre ; ; and the Cardinal of Chatillon. They had power to inflict capital punishment on all persons found guilty of heresy. || The parliament could not well refuse to register this edict, as it proceeded from the king himself in a bed of justice; but i they mitigated its severity, by allowing all laymen an appeal from such a tribunal, j The power of life and death was once more snatched from the clergy, although they had given a million crowns at the states-general to induce the king to grant their wishes. But on the other hand, an I * Vie de Coligny. p. 1?0. Vie de Crillon, vol i. p. 1G ' In: Tliou, liv. 19. D Aubigne, vol. i. p. 20. Brantome, vol. v. p. 101. t Pasquier, vol. ii. p. 76. Mem. de Tavannes. p. 203. De Thou, liv. 20. t 23d June, 1558 Marshal Strnzzy was killed at this siege. Brantome, vol. v. p. 320. Vielleville, vol. iv. pp. 30 and 92. 5 Brantome, vol. v. p. 102. D'Aubignu, vol. i. p. 26. ij Hist, du Coucile de Tiente, p. 3D5. edict was published, forbidding the judges to commute the sentence of death and con- fiscation of property for any convicted, not only of heresy, but also of having brought into France books printed at Ge- neva against the Catholic religion.* CHAPTER VI. Treaty of Cateau Cambresis— Meetings at the Pre-aux- Clercs— Du linurg and live other Counsellors arretted —Death of Henry II. The captivity of the constable had thrown the direction of affairs into the hands of the Cardinal of Lorrain, and the Guises had availed themselves of the eclat of the duke's victories, to promote the marriage of the Dauphin with Mary Queen of Scots, their niece; the power and influ- ence of that family was paramount. But the king's esteem for Montmorency re- mained undiminished; so great was Hen- ry's attachment to him, and such delight did he take in his conversation, that he would often sleep with him.f His impri- sonment, therefore, would be a cause of great regret to that monarch. On the other hand, Philip was well in- formed of Henry's weakness ; he knew that no event would please him like the constable's liberation ; and having himself a great desire for peace, he craftily allowed his prisoner to have an interview with his sovereign. A conference at Cercamp fol- lowed; plenipotentiaries met for France, England, Spain, the Empire, and Savoy. The terms offered were too humiliating to be accepted, the negotiations were broken off, and Montmorency went back to his confinement. At length, after seve- ral ineffectual attempts at a treaty, the King of Spain consented to more reason- able terms; the death of Mary Queen of England, had removed a considerable part of the difficulty. Peace, let the treaty which might pro- duce it be ever so good, would do away with the greater part of Guise's power, and would therefore be opposed by him; the Cardinal of Lorrain also was too canning to promote a measure calculated to de- stroy his authority. But in vain did that party exert themselves to prolong the war, * Maimbnurg, Hist. du. Calcinisme liv. 2 t Vie de Cohgny, p. 102. MEETINGS AT THE PRE-AUX-CLERCS. 33 for the resentment of the Duchess of Val- entinois counteracted all their plans, by using her influence with the king in fa- vour of the constable. The cardinal find- . ing his family at the highest pitch of favour, considered he had no further oc- casion for support. Forgetful of his great obligations to the Duchess of Valentinois, he began to think it a humiliation to pay her the accustomed deference. He even went so far as to make use of railleries against her, which she could not forgive. Her influence over the king continued in a surprising degree, and she was deter- mined to show him that she would not be insulted with impunity, and that she had power enough to shake his credit. She resolved to get back the constable, and oppose him to the Guises. She was able not only to persuade the king to make peace, but even to appoint Montmorency himself as the negotiator.* She secretly informed him of what she was doing in his behalf; and to unite his interests more closely with hers, she proposed the mar- riage of her neice, Henrietta of Bouillon, with d'Amville, his second son.f The conferences of Cercamp were again resumed, and the treaty of Cateau Cambresis was signed the 3d of April, 1559. The following articles were agreed to, among others ; that Calais, and several other towns in that quarter, should be given up to France ; that Elizabeth, daugh- ter of Henry II., should marry the King of Spain ; and that the Duke of Savoy should have Piedmont, and marry Margaret, daughter of Francis I. The Guises were completely stripped of their power by this treaty. The cardinal sought for an occasion of making himself necessary to his sovereign : he considered that religion was the subject most fertile in circumstances, calculated for his object, and it was not long before an occasion presented itself. At this time the most frequented promenade in Paris was the Pre-aux-Clercs, situated where a part of the Faubourg Saint Germain is at present. The students of the university were gene- rally in favour of the reformed religion, * Vie de Crillnn, vol. i. p 30. f Thi; constable, Annede Montmorency, had five sons, viz. L Francis, generally known as Marshall Montmo- rency. 2. Henry J)uc d'Amville, also a marshal; and as his brother died in 1570 without issue, he look the title of Montmorency; he was constable under Henry IV. 3. Gabriel, Lord of Moritheron. killed at the battle of Dreux. 4. Charles, Lord of Mem, and subsequently d'Amville. 5. William, Lord of Thore. and not only made a profession of it, but publicly defended its principles. They had been in the habit of meeting at this place for several years, and the monks of the abbey St. Victor having refused to let them assemble in the Pre-aux-Clercs, a very serious affair sprang out of the refu- sal, at the commencement of this reign.* So far from confining their dispute to wrangling, or even invective, they had se- veral recounters in which blood was shed. The students, being the more numerous party, carried their point; the monks re- signed the field to them, and the Pre-aux- Clercs was more than ever frequented. It became at this time the grand rendez- vous of all the Protestants, who would sing Marot's psalms during the summer evenings.f Such numbers giving confi- dence, many persons declared themselves Protestants whyse rank had hitherto de- terred them from such a step. Among such, the most eminent was Anthony of Bourbon, first prince of the blood, and in right of his wife, King of Navarre. The Bourbon princes had been kept aloof from court as much as possible, during the late and the present reigns : the example of the Constable of Bourbon had caused it to be thought dangerous to give them power :% this circumstance, added to the hatred subsisting between them and the Guises, explains why the King of Navarre and the Prince of Conde would join the Huguenot party. The Queen of Navarre, Jane d'Albret, had early imbibed the doctrines of the Reformation from her mother, Mar- garet, sister of Francis I. : she had besides received great injuries from the most Ca- tholic King, who had seized upon part of her dominions. At length the public attention was so much drawn to this assembly, that games and dances were neglected for the sake of going there. Prohibition only served * In 1548. De Thou, liv. 5, p. 337. Felibien, Hist, de Paris, vol. ii. p. 1005. t Clement Marot had recently published a translation of the psalms in French verse; they had been set to music, and were very much admired by the king and court. But when the Protestants made use of them as part of their worship, these psalms were considered the characteristic of heresy, and were consequently forbid- den among the Catholics. J The Bourbons descend from Robert, fifth son of Louis IX., commonly called Saint Louis. Charles of Uourbon, Count de Vendome had seven sons, viz. 1. Louis; 2. Anthony, King of Navarre; 3. Francis, Count d'Enghien ; 4. A second Louis; 5. John, killed at the battle of St. Quentin ; ti. Charles, Archbishop of Rouen and Cardinal; 7. Louis, Prince of Conde; none left any issue except the King of Navarre and the Prince of Conde. 34 MEETINGS AT THE PRE-AUX-CLERCS. to excite a desire of joining the Huguenots, and exhortation upon its dangerous ten- dency was unheeded. Every day pro- duced some new writing either to defend the reformed doctrines, or to attack the errors of popery. The Catholics pub- lished replies; but discussion tended to in- crease the mischief still more, for the re- plies being serious,-instead of persuading, produced only disgust and ennui, while the satire awakened attention, and forti- fied prejudice. The evil pervaded every condition ; the court and the army, the cities and the country places, and even the tribunals, hitherto inaccessible to heresy. The Ca- tholic clergy could be restrained no longer ; they resolved to do something which should stay the moral pestilence; and the Cardinal Bertrand denounced the assem- bling at the Pre-aux-Clercs, as factious and seditious* The parliament could not entertain a question which would accuse many of its own members of heresy, and Bertrand's summons produced no effect, notwithstanding the powerful appeal made to their fanaticism, by Bourdin, the attor- ney-general.f The Cardinal of Lorrain was indignant at such a want of bigotry in the parlia- ment, and persuaded the king to hold a bed of justice, when he might appear to consult the counsellors on the measures to be taken with the heretics ; but that the different persons should be minutely ob- served, and if possible their secret senti- ments ascertained : he proposed also that some measure should be submitted to their consideration and judgment, which might draw from them avowals, proving their own heresy. Montmorency, instead of dissuading the king from such black treachery, approved of the cardinal's ad- vice in the council. Vielleville alone raised his voice against it, as a measure degrading the royal dignity. To induce the king to adopt his proposal, the cardinal is said to have expressed himself as fol- lows:— "Sire, although it should serve for nothing more than to show the King of Spain that you are firm in the faith, and that you will not suffer in your king- dom any thing whatsoever which may dis- parage your excellent title of Most Chris- * De Thou, liv. 20 t La vraye Hisloire de la fansse Procedure contre Anne Dubour;;, &c. first printed in 1501, republished in Mem. de Condi, vol. i. tian King, still you ought to proceed about it boldly and with great courage; you must gratify all these grandees and nobles of Spain (who have accompanied the Duke of Alva for the solemnity and honour of their king's marriage with your daughter) by ordering half a dozen coun- sellors of the parliament to be burned in the public place, as Lutheran heretics, which indeed they are. By so doing we shall preserve the body of the parliament. But if you do not take these measures of precaution, the whole court will be infected and contaminated with it, even to the clerks, attorneys, and tipstaves." As Vielleville was averse to the Lorrain party, he may have exaggerated the cardinal's proposition ; but he declares, that when it was his turn to speak upon the subject, he opposed the measure to the utmost, and told the king to his face, " that he was going to take upon himself the office of an inquisitor of the faith, and that the cardi- nal's proposal would entirely destroy the joyous feeling of the public."* The cardinal's opinion, however, pre- vailed, and on the 15th of June, 1559, the king, accompanied by the constable, the Duke of Guise, the Cardinals of Lorrain and Bourbon, and a crowd of the nobility, went to the parliament unexpectedly, and opened a bed of justice without any pre- paration having been made for that so- lemnity. The palace had been given up for the fetes of the royal marriages about to take place, and the parliament was at this time sitting at the convent of the Au- gustins, which on the king's arrival was immediately surrounded with soldiers.t The counsellors were then engaged in framing certain regulations respecting the judgments to be given against the Protest- ants. The king's arrival not only created surprise, but even great uneasiness among them: which perceiving, the monarch en- deavoured to conceal his violent indigna- tion, and tried to assuage their alarm by mild and courteous observations. He de- clared himself free from every kind of an- gry feeling against those counsellors who had adopted the new religion, and begged them all to speak their opinions freely, and to recommend what to each seemed best calculated to pacify the kingdom. The counsellors readily fell into the * Vielleville, liv. 7, c. 24. t De Thou, liv. 22. 0 PU BOURG AND FIVE OTHER COUNSELLORS ARRESTED. 35 snare. For they were invited to speak openly and candidly by their sovereign ; and that sovereign too the son of Francis I., who considered the word of a gentle- man the most binding obligation ; and whose usual adjuration was to that effect, foi de gmtilhomme .' Many of the counsellors urged the cause of justice and humanity ; and while they recommended a milder legislation for the Protestants, they pointed out the clan- ger of continuing a useless rigour towards a party now become so numerous. The more experienced judges confined their remarks to general ideas, but some used less caution. — "Let us begin," said Louis Faur, " by examining who is the real au- thor of our troubles, for fear lest the same answer should be made to us, which Eli- jah formerly made to Aha!), 'It is thou that troublest Israel!'" A look at the Cardinal of Lorrain directed the applica- tion of the passage to him. Anne Dubourg excited considerable surprise by the bold- ness of his remarks: he had enlarged upon the cruelty with which the Protestants were pursued, and energetically observed, " While men are conducted to the stake for the sole crime of praying for their prince, a shameful license encourages and multiplies blasphemies, perjuries, debauch- eries, and adulteries." The courtiers be- came uneasy, for they considered the re- mark was intended for the king and the Duchess of Valentinois.* Among the counsellors who supported the cause of mercy and toleration were Seguier, De Thou,+ and Harlay. The president, Lemaitre, was for continuing rigorous measures, and eulogized in his speech the different monarchs who had distinguished themselves in the suppres- sion of heresy, particularly Philip the Fair, who condemned to the fire six hundred heretics in one day.| Henry's purpose was decided before he went to the parliament; the speeches which he heard there were not the cause of the proceeding which followed, but were a strong reason for exciting his per- sonal displeasure against several of. the counsellors. He rose in a great passion, and gave vent to a torrent of reproaches * Pasqnier, vol. ii p. 77. D'Auuigne, vol. i. p. 84. De Thou, liv. 21. — La vraye Ilisloire. &c t Christopher De Thou, father of the historian; he was made chief president in 150-2. I Hist, dti Oonciln de frenle. p. 396-7. D'Aubignc, el supru, and La vrayc Histuirc, Sec. against all those who had called for lenient measure. On leaving the place, he made a sign to the Count Montgomery, captain of his Scotch guards ; a fierce look directed toward Dubourg, Faur, and three others, were sufficient instructions for him ; he im- mediately arrested them in the midst of the parliament, and conducted them to prison.* The king gave orders that their trials should be proceeded with immediately, especially that of Dubourg, whom he was desirous of seeing burnt with his own eyes.f The arrest of the counsellors was followed by the apprehension of all known Protestants. The prisons were filled with persons accused of heresy; informers re- ceived encouragement for denunciations; and the dread of being enveloped in their punishment, prevented every one from affording them protection or concealment. The destruction of the reformed religion was resolved upon, and when the ambas- sadors of several Protestant princes of Germany endeavoured to obtain some mi- tigation of the severity with which they were treated, the king refused to attend to their observations.^ Every hope was destroyed for the Huguenots, not one of whom was to be left in France, when, un- expectedly, an event occurred which com- pletely changed the face of affairs, and re- moved their persecutor from this world, by the hands of the same man, whom he had just employed in violating the law of the land, and that too in the very sanctu- ary of justice. In order to add splendour to his daugh- ter's marriage, a tournament was held in the Faubdiyg St. Antoine, the 29th of June, 1559; fourteen days after the king's visit to the parliament. A vast concourse of people assembled to behold the chief nobility display their prowess. The four champions were the king, the Prince of Ferrara, the Duke of Guise, and the Duke of Nemours.^ Among such true-bred courtiers, the king of course would be the conqueror; and he was so delighted with his achievements, that he called upon Montgomery to appear in the lists, and take one of a pair of lances, which had not yet been broken. The count made * Pasquier, D'Aubigng, Fdibien, vol. ii. p. 1006, and Hist, dii Calvinisme, liv. 2. t Hist, du Concile de Trentc, p. 400. Vielleville, vol. iv. 158. } Hist, du Concile de Trente, p. 397. § See ISraiitomc, Pasquier, and Tavannes, p. 217. 36 RE-ESTABLISHMENT OF THE GUISES. every excuse, and the queen did all in her power to dissuade her husband from re- newing the combats ; it would seem that she had anticipated some accident.* The king persisted, and the champions rushed on each other. In the rencounter, a splinter from Montgomery's lance struck the king in his left eye, at the instant when the sudden shock had moved his visor : Henry fell immediately, and was carried to the palace of Tournelles, where he expired eleven days alter, the 10th of July, 1559, in the forty-first year of his age. The character he has left behind him has es- caped a considerable part of the obloquy which it deserves, on account of his de- fects being carried to such excess by his sons, Charles and Henry. It must, how- ever, be borne in mind, that it was his fixed intention to destroy all the Protest- ants,! and that his sudden death alone has preserved him from the execration which clings to the name of Charles IX. Weak- ness and deceit were as predominant in him as in his son Henry III., but in conse Francis Hercules, Duke of Alengon; the eldest, barely sixteen years of age, suc- ceeded him as Francis II. The young king, of a mild temper and a feeble mind, gave himself up entirely to his wife, Mary Queen of Scots, a niece of the princes of Lorrain; which was suffi- cient to restore the Guises to power, in- dependent of the hatred which the queen mother had conceived for Montmorency, on account of the alliance between his family and the Duchess of Valentinois. Francis himself had also taken a great dislike to the constable, for having pre- vented his joining the army two years before.* To win the queen mother en- tirely to their party, the Guises joined in her views of vengeance against those who had displeased her; particularly the late king's mistress, who was immediately exiled from the court. t The Bourbon princes, whom the Guises considered their natural rivals, were re- moved more than ever from any influence. During the interval which elapsed be- quence of some favourable circumstances,! tween tne unfortunate tournament and he was less embarrassed ; an estimate ofi the king's death, Montmorency had ex- his government may be properly made.jerted himself to induce the princes of the by comparing the flourishing state of the j blood to join him in keeping the Guises treasury at the death of Francis I. with [from the supreme authority. The King its miserable condition at the accession of of Navarre was not sufficiently alert; the Francis II. Guises were powerful and on the spot; the princes of the blood were sent on some errand into Spain; and the constable was recommended, by the king himself, to take the benefit of the air at his country seat. Montmorency's vexation was soothed by the hope that his cause would be avenged- by his nephews the Chatillons, The death of Henry II. caused a com- better known by their seignorial appella- plete revolution in the court, by changing tions of Goligny and Andelot.j Their the relative power of the different factions; , importance was considerably increased the nation at large, too, was considerably | by their becoming leaders of the Protest- affected by the circumstance, as the civil ant party; and at this time, they indulged wars which afterwards desolated France, | the idea of persuading their aged uncle to although not entirely caused by the mea- Join that interest. They were indebted to him for their advancement, and he could plainly see that they would become CHAPTER VII. Accession of Francis II.— Re-establishment of Hie Guises— Execution of Anne Dubourg for heresy. sures which followed, were certainly hastened and heightened by them. Henry left four sons, viz. Francis, Charles and Henry, who reigned in succession; and * Brantome, vol. vii. p. 46. This writer also men- tions that a short lime previous. Henry had had his na- tivity cast, and the astrologer told him he would die in a duel or single combat. The constable, who was pre- sent, ridiculed the idea; hut the king observed, that those people sometimes spoke the truth; and that for his part he should prefer dying by the hand of some brave man. p. 58. (Vie de Henri II.) t Apologie de Louis XIV. par l'Abbe Caveyrac, p. 33. * Brantome, vol. ix. p. 409. (Vie de Charles IX.) t Davila. liv. I. J The Marshal de Chatillon married Louisa de Mont- morency, the constable's sister : he had three sons. viz. 1. Odet, Cardinal of Chatillon and Bishop of Beauvais; 2. Gaspard Chatillon de t.'oligny, Admiral of France : and 3 Francis Chatillon d'Andciot, colonel general" of the French infantry. The family of Chatillon had an- ciently exercised sovereign authority over Nantua and Monlouet, two small towns in the neighbourhood of Geneva. RE-ESTABLISHMENT OF THE GUISES. 37 formidable to the Guises. Montmorency, | testant he continued the same acts, however, was too determined a hater of, changing only tlie priests for Protestant the Huguenots, Jo think of' supporting their cause. Andelot was a warm, enthusiastic ad- mirer of the Reformation; he scorned to conceal his sentiments, and his conversa- tion was noticed by all the court. Shortly after his taking of Calais, Hency II., hearing that he had made some very heretical assertions, sent for him to his chamber, at the suggestion of the Cardinal of Lorrain, and interrogated him upon his opinions. Andelot, without being in the ministers.* When his brother was in prison, he blamed him for his conduct, showed him that to irritate vthe monarch was not the best method of serving his cause. With great difficulty, Coligny at length obtained from his brother a decla- ration of regret for having expressed him- self in such a manner, and by the influence of the constable he was set at liberty. So anxious were the Guises to ruin Mont- morency, that they set spies upon his conduct, while his nephew was in con- least disconcerted, answered the king with finement, in hopes of being able to accuse great firmness, notwithstanding he had been cautioned .to use prudence in his answer, "Sire, in matters of religion, I can use no disguise, nor can I deceive God. Dispose, as you please, of my life, my property and my appointments; but my sonl, independent of every other sovereign, is submitted solely to the Creator, from whom I have received it, and whom alone I believe it my duty to obey under present circumstances, as my Almighty master; in a word, I would rather die than go to mass." The king's anger was so excited, that he was about to stab the intrepid man, but he contented himself with sending him to prison at Melun, and depriving him of his office of colonel-general." Pope Paul IV. impe- riously demanded that Andelot should be burned for heresy, but that was not an easy matter to effect; for the constable, his uncle, had great influence at the time; him of openly favouring the Protestants.t But both the Chatillons, had become anxious for an opportunity of publicly declaring their sentiments; and the stale of affairs, at the beginning of the new reign, soon supplied them with occasions. The violent persecution which had sig- nalized the laft days of Henry's reign, had created a spirit of resistance; from existing by stealth and concealment, the Huguenots' were driven to defend them- selves: and they became an important party in the kingdom. Coligny and his brother publicly joined the Protestants, and induced many persons of distinction to do the same; among others the Count de la Rochefoucanlt, and Francis de Ven- dome, VidaHne of Chartres.J The queen mother also felt the tyranny of the Guises to such a degree, that the Protestants entertained great hopes of her joining their party, as the only means of coun- and the Cardinal of Chatillon, his brother, ■ teracting their power, was one of the inquisitors-general, and of j In the mean time Montmorency's plan, course would refuse to sacrifice so dear a relative. Coligny was remarkable for his caution in taking a step; but having once decided, he was inflexible; no one possessed greater intrepidity, or more perseverance; instead of overcoming him, difficulties served only to excite his ardour. It was his brother Andelot who first gave him a taste for the new opinions, but he was too wary to make public profession of them at once. He had been noticed for his very religious conduct when a Catho although it failed at first, was not altoge- ther without effect; the King of Navarre became the centre of a party, composed of the princes of the blood, and the heads of the principal families, who held an assembly at Vendome. The constable was not there, buf sent his secretary. Whatever difference there might be anions 11'' 0 them, was all merged in the grand ques- tion of hatred to the Guises. But no entreaties of Coligny, backed by the de- sire of vengeance, could induce the 'con- stable to join the Protestants: to change lie; lie had maintained several priests at I his religion, at the end of a long orthodox Chatillon, and established schools for the life, alarmed his conscience; and to him instruction of youth; on becoming a Pro * Iirnntome, Le Lalioureur, Commentaircs de Mont* luc, and Vie de Coligny. 4 * Vie de Coligny. p. 74. 1 Ibid. p. 192. I A viilame was a person who held lands under a bisnop.bn condition of defending the temporal interests of the see. 3S EXECUTION OF ANNE DUBOURG. it appeared impossible for an honourable man to he of a religion tl i lie re n t from that of the king. The general measure, how- ever, was discussed by the assembly. It resolved itself into two questions; whe- ther the authority ought to be removed from the Guises? and what means should be employed to bring it about? The first question was decided without a dissen- ■ tient voice; but as to the means of suc- cessfully acting upon that decision the meeting was divided; some being for negotiation, others for violence. The milder counsel prevailed, and the King of Navarre was sent to court to try to obtain the interest of the queen mother.* The Guises were informed of what was passing, and when Navarre went to court, they left nothing undone to worry and vex him. His arrival was announced, but the king had been persuaded to hunt in an opposite direction. t The apart- ments prepared for him were very unsuit- able to his rank; and whenever the Duke of Guise came in contact with him, he •was assailed with hectoring language, and insolent remarks. At last he obtained an audience of Francis, but it was in the presence of the two Lorrain princes: and when he exposed the complaints of the nobility against them, Francis dismissed him, observing that he was very well satisfied with theirservic.es. Having failed in his errand to the king, he tried how far the queen mother would befriend him; he had several conferences ■with her, which ended by her declaring herself in his favour, but she informed him at the same time, that she could do nothing for him. The populace in general were so attached to the Guises, that his appeal to them met with no better suc- cess; his commission disgusted him, and he resolved to rid himself of it.i After having conducted the Princess Elizabeth to Philip II., her husband, he retired to his principality of Beam, de- termined to have nothing more to do with affairs. He had consented to go to Spain, conceiving that he might make some arrangement respecting his domi- nions, which that monarch had seized; but Guise's cause and Philip's were identified, as the whole of the king's * Davila, liv. 1. D'Aubigne, vol. i. p. 87. \ tDe Thou. Iiv. 23. t Davila, Iiv. 1. D'Aubigne, vol. i. p. 87. reign testifies; and the same disappoint- ment awaited him in that quarter. The conferences of Vendome therefore pro- duced no other effect than to expose the wishes of the party, and indeed the per- sons composing it. It was now five months since Anne Dubourg had been in prison for heresy: a few days after the late king's death, he had been declared a heretic, and was ordered to be given up to the secular power for punishment; but he made appeals at every stage of the proceedings, and a long delay was the consequence. The other counsellors were liberated, but he was condemned to be hanged, and his body to be burned.* Minard presided at his trial; he displayed such partiality, and evinced such personal hatred to the accused, that Dubourg could not resist the impulse of his feelings, and upbraided the judge with his conduct; he concluded by telling him that he would soon have to appear at a more awful bar, when he would wish to be as innocent as he then vvas.t This prediction was soon verified, for on the 12th of December the presi- dent Minard was shot as he was returning to his house in the evening. The indivi- dual who murdered him was supposed to be Robert Stuart, a person of very good family in Scotland, and distantly related to the queen; a man of daring and in- triguing disposition.;!; He endured the torture without giving the least informa- tion, and the Guises persuaded the queen to disown him for her relation. Dubourg was executed on the 23d; his firmness on going to the fatal spot excited much sympathy among the spectators: but measures were taken to prevent his ad- dressing them; for the executioner had orders to gag him if he attempted to speak. At the foot of the gibbit, he re- fused to kiss a crucifix which was offered him, and was immediately pulled up and strangled, while the mob uttered shouts of Jesu Maria.§ A violent persecution of the Protestants then took place: the Cardinal of Lorrain established a commission for judging and condemning heretics.|| The judges of * Mem. de Conde, vol. i. p. 300. Edit. 4to. Paris, 1743- t Vie de Coligny, p. 197. J The same person who killed the Constable de Mont- morency, at the battle of St. Denis. § There is a proccs verbal of the execution in Mem. de Conde. vol. i. 300. H Mem. de Cavannes, p. 220. CONSPIRACY OF AMBOISE. 39 this bloody tribunal completely answered the cardinal's wishes; they even excited his surprise, by the extent of their opera- tions and alacrity in convicting' and exe- cuting heretics. A legion of spies, under the direction of the inquisitor Mouchares, were dispersed through Paris, and added daily to the number of victims.* The cardinal's object was to encourage the populace in their fanaticism. The Ca- tholics were permitted to assemble in the streets, and sing hymns before little images of the Virgin. Persons passing by were invited to join their devotions; if they refused to do so, they were ill- treated, and whatever complaints might be made, the excesses remained un- punished, f The Cardinal of Lorrain gave full scope to his passions: his haughty be- haviour excited the discontent of many of the nobility, and his cruel persecuting spirit kindled a general feeling of horror. Francis was king in name only, for the cardinal and his brother possessed all the authority; and instead of using their power in any manner beneficial to the country, they seemed to study the rea- diest methods of debasing it. When tyranny suffers crime to go unpunished, and makes no attempt to prevent its re- currence, it almost invariably drives the people into a conspiracy, which gives them a hope of overturning what would otherwise overwhelm them. The French Protestants were at this time reduced to that extremity. CHAPTER VIII. Conspiracy of Amboise. It may be owing to the mild character of the King of Navarre that the con- ferences at Vendome produced no effect: he felt an aversion to creating a civil war, and was besides of so undecided a cha- racter, that by a hope of regaining his wife's estates he could at any time be diverted from his main object. His bro- ther, the Prince of Conde, was a different kind of man; ambitious, restless, and en- * This is the origin of the term Mouchard, a spy of the police. t Hist, du Concile de Trente, p. 401. De Tliuu, liv. 23. terprising; detesting the Guises, and being allied to Montmorency and the Chatillons, he assumed an important rank in the discontented party, which .was now swelled by all the Protestants, and such Catholics as joined in the hatred of the Lorrain princes. At the close of the year 1559, several conferences had again been holden at Vendome and Lalerte: when, finding their party included six hundred gentle- men of family, a resolution was adopted to have recourse to arms, to take the king out of the hands of the Guises, and bring these latter to an account for their conduct. The Prince of Conde, in join- ing this association, is said to have made a restriction to his engagement; that no- thing should be undertaken agains the king, the princes, his brother, or the state.* In this affair, which arose as much from political discontent as from religious persecution, and which is named the con- spiracy of Amboise, the principal agent was John de Bari, Lord of La Renaudie, a gentleman of Perigord, who combined every quality requisite for directing such a movement. Having committed a for- gery, he had been assisted by the kind- ness of Guise himself in making his escape from the prison of Dijon,f and had subsequently led a life of concealment, of banishment. It was desirable that the head of the conspiracy should not be too distinguished a person, in order to avoid suspicion; it was at the same time neces- sary that he should be a Huguenot, in order to have the full co-operation of the Protestants. La Renaudie was, therefore, extremely well suited for the occasion: during his residence at Geneva he had be- come acquainted with all the French in that town who had been expatriated for their religion; he was active, intelligent and persevering, and had several times shown himself brave even to rashness.! The pjan of operation being decided on, he announced to all his friends that the Prince. of Conde would put himself at their head whenever their force was sufficient to warrant his so doing; at the same time he invited them all to meet him at Nantes, on the 1st of January, * L'Hisloire du Tinniille d' Amboise, reprinted in the first volume of Mum. de Conde, pp. 320 ct seq t lirantome, vol. viii. p. a->. J Uavila, liv. I. 40 CONSPIRACY OF AMBOISE. 1500, availing himself of the concourse of people which some fetes about to be given would collect, as a blind for the sudden arrival of so many persons from different parts. The gentlemen were punctual to the rendezvous; and though a considerable number of them were not informed of the full purpose of their meeting, they express- ed neither surprise nor backwardness: they agreed without hesitation to attack, in a time of peace and in the very presence of the king, the ministers invested with his authority. The tyranny of the Guises had excited such a feeling, that nothing could chill their ardour. La Renaudie addressed the meeting at length. After displaying the injuries which the ministry of the Lorrain princes had brought upon the country, he gave them to understand that they only waited for the death of Francis II. to establish their family upon the throne. " For my part," added the speaker vehemently, " I swear, I protest, I take God to witness, that I will never think or do, or say any thing against the king, against the queen his mother, against the princes his brothers, against any of his blood ; but that I will defend to my latest breath the majesty of the throne, the authority of the laws, and the liberty of the country, against the tyranny of foreigners."* We swear it ! exclaimed every one present. They signed the oath, shook hands in token of union, em- braced each other weeping, and loaded with imprecations any who should be perfidious enough to betray their associ- ates. Before they separated, they fixed the place and time for carrying their plot into execution: it was to be on the 15th of March, at Blois.f Brantome, who was personally attached to the Guises, and was constantly about them, declares that Coligny had no part in this conspiracy :| those concerned in it considering that he would not join in a mea sure personally against the Duke of Guise, who was not at that time his declared enemy. But he heard that the plot was in agitation, by letters from the Prince of Conde and Andelot, and they all three resolved to take the field immediately La Renaudie should have made himself mas- ter of Blois, when they would arrest the * De Thou, liv. 24. t Davila, liv. 1. % iSraiuome, vol. viii. p. 168. Guises in the king's name, and call the states-general.* Every 'thing happened at the outset en- tirely to their wishes, and they grew more sanguine and less reserved, or perhaps some member was either treacherous or indiscreet; but by some means the Guises had scent of the plot, and removed the king from Blois to Amboise, a town with a strong castle and garrison ; there, con- sidering themselves sufficiently safe from any sudden attack, they again became supine, and were on the eve of being sur- prised, when the too great confidence of the chief conspirator caused the entire failure of the plot.f La Renaudie lodged at Paris, at the house of a friend named Ava- nelles, a lawyer, who observing the num- ber of persons constantly calling at this house, conceived some suspicions ; and mentioning them to La Renaudie, he frankly acknowledged the existence of the conspiracy. Avanelles heard him atten- tively, and showed great good-will for the success of the enterprise: but turning over in his mind the importance of the affair, and foreseeing its difficulties and dangers, he was seized with fear, and de- cided upon revealing the whole to the Duke of Guise's secretary, then at Paris.t The secretary sent Avenelles to Amboise without delay, where he was interrogated: the Guises were thus informed of their danger. Hitherto they had fancied the conspiracy was confined to a few indivi- duals, but the confession of Avanelles gave them warning to prepare against a formidable and an organized party. They were, however, as yet, only in possession of the extent of the plot, and the name's of some of the conspirators, for Avanelles knew no more ; they were thus obliged to make exertions for discovering further particulars. Robert Stuart, who was suspected of having killed the presi- dent Minard, and who was at this time in a dungeon at Vincennes, was sent for, with several others, to be examined, on the supposition that they must have some knowledge of the plot.§ The majority of * Vie do Coligny, p 207. Mem. de Tavannes, p. 222- t Davila, liv. 1. Pasquier, vol. i. p. 860, and vol.ii. p. 79. I It is stated in rfflstqire du Tumuhe d'Jlmboisc, that Avenelles belonged to the conspiracy, and was induced to betray his friends by the hope of making a fortune ; but as that account was drawn up under feelings of irritation, I have preferred the statement of the princi- pal French historians. § The king wrote a letter to Montmorency, desiring CONSPIRACY OF AMBOISE. 41 the council considered the Chatillons as more likely to know the state of the case, and the queen mother sent for them, under pretence of consulting on the plan which ought to be adopted under such circumstances. Coligny and Andelot came very readily, and on being intro- duced to the queen mother's chamber, the admiral spoke warmly against the bad administration of affairs; he pleaded the cause of the Protestants, and recommend- ed that the penal statutes against them should be suspended. The chancellor Olivier and the more moderate of the council adopted his opinion, and an edict was drawn up in favour of the Calvinists.* But the remedy came too late to be of use; the declaration was not published before the 12th of March, and the day fixed for the enterprise was the 16th; it had been changed from the 15th when the court removed from Blois to Amboise. The Prince of Conde not despairing of the case, came to Amboise with some resolute men, who were to be concealed in the castle, as well as in the town, and ready to second La Renaudie's attack from without. Neither the nearness of the danger nor its magnitude were able to disconcert the Duke of Guise, who gave orders well calculated for the circum- stances. He sent instructions to the governors of the provinces to arrest all persons taking the road to Amboise ; he collected troops and called upon all the neighbouring nobility to attend the king. Such officers as hecould not depend upon, were sent upon distant commissions; still, in spite of these precautions, the conspi- racy would have succeeded, had not some one given Guise the plan of operations ; he required no more, and prepared every thing accordingly. On the 16th of March the troops of the conspirators appeared, and, as far as they could, they followed the plan agreed upon at Nantes. It was there arranged that a a troop of Calvinists, unarmed, should enter the town on pretence of petitioning the king: if they were admitted they would soon be able to get possession of linn to proceed immediately to Amboise, with his son the Marshal, and to take with tliein those persons » ho know something of the plot : one of them was Robert Stuart. -The letter was dated 25th Feb. —Mem. de Condi, vol i. p. 3114. * D'Aubigne, vol. i. p. 93. The edict, dated 11th March, 1559-60, is given in the Memoirs of Conde: the Huguenot preachers were excluded from its benefits. 4* the ramparts; if they were refused ad- mittance, a large body of cavalry in the neighbourhood was to hasten up, and make themselves masters of the gates of the town. While this was taking place, those who had come in with the Chatillons and Conde were to go at once to the Guises and arrest them ; or, if they re- sisted, to kill them on the spot. As the duke knew all this plan, he changed the king's guard, and ordered the walls to be built up. He posted the Chatillons and the Prince of Conde in the most conspicuous places, and surrounded them with confidential persons, who would prevent their joining the assailants.* Parties of cavalry were also sent to scour the country before the conspirators had assembled; they were thus attacked in detail, and all the prisoners then taken were hanged up on the battlements of the castle. Still the conspirators persevered: the fate of their companions did not deter them from continuing their operations. La Renaudie exerted himself to collect the different parties: in so doing he some- times traversed the country attended by one man only. On one occasion he was near the castle of Noizai, the arsenal of the conspirators, defended by the Baron de Castelnau.f A detachment of royalists surrounded him, with orders to take him alive, if possible: a relation of his, the Baron de Pardaillan commanded it. Finding it impossible to gain the castle, La Renaudie resolved to sell his life dearly; he rushed on Pardaillan, and killed him with his own hand : he very soon after received a bull from a carbine, fired by a page of the baron's; he had sufficient strength to kill the person who had shot him, and then expired. His little band on losing their leader, fled in every direction; many of them were killed on the spot, and others were made prisoners and hanged. La Renaudie's body was placed on a gibbet with the inscription — Chief of the rebels.]; The death of the leader having to all appearance put an end to the conspiracy, the Chancellor Olivier recommended an amnesty to all who would return to their homes. Many had availed themselves * Uavilla, liv. 1. t Noi/.ai, in the Touraine, is two leagues N. W. of Amboise. t Ilavila, liv. 1 — Pasquier. vol. i. p. P(iO — ne Thou, liv. 24.— D'Aubigne, vol. i , Hist, da Tumulte d Jlmboisc. 42 CONSPIRACY OF AMBOISE. of the proclamation, and had set out on their journey, when a last effort of some of their party in the neighbourhood of Amboise, brought on their destruction : they had attempted to enter the town during the night; their object was foiled, but the Guises were indignant; the am- nesty was revoked, and above twelve hundred persons were put to the sword, hanged, or thrown into the Loire with their hands and feet bound.* Many per- sons were put to the torture in order to obtain sufficient evidence for attacking Conde and the Chatillons, upon the grounds of the conspiracy; but among so many conspirators, there was only one who implicated them, and even he could only speak from report.f One of the most considerable victims on this occasion was the Baron de Castelnau; a man greatly distinguished for his virtues and his ser- vices. The Duke of Nemours having met him one day at the head of a detach- ment, called to him, asking how he came to be in arms against his king] Castelnau answered, " that their plan was not to make war against the king, but only to make remonstrances against the tyranny of the Guises." " Lay down your arms then," said Nemours, "and if you wish to address the king as becomes a faithful subject, I promise you, upon my faith, to enable you to speak to the king and to bring you back in safety." Castelnau, in consequence, surrendered the castle of Noizai to the Duke of Nemours, who took an oath and signed it, that no harm should happen to him or his followers. They went together to Amboise, where the un- fortunate baron found that the promise which had been made him was not bind- ing, for the' Duke of Nemours had ex- ceeded his orders. Castelnau's bravery did not forsake him on the scaffold, where he died a martyr to his religion ; the Duke of Nemours felt very indignant at the cir- cumstance, as he had given his signature, which tormented him probably much more than it would have done if his word alone had been passed 4 The Prince of Conde could not expect to escape the suspicion of being concerned in the conspiracy; scarcely any charge * D'Anbigne. ?/f supra. — Tlie edict is given in the Journal-tie Brulart. t Vie de Coligny, p. 20?. t D'Anbigne, vol. i. p. 94. Hist, du Tumulte d'Am- bmse Vielleville, vol. iv. p. 191. Brantome, vol. vi. p. 410 De Thou. liv. 24. could be made out from the confession of La llenaudie's secretary, who had been racked for that purpose, but some letters were discovered, which, whether genuine or not, afforded materials for an accusa- tion. The Guises kept secret the contents of the letters in question, and waited a fa- vourable opportunity for laying hold of the prince. His friends, however, sent him advice of what had occurred, and warned him not to come to court ; but the queen mother sent him word that she would answer for his safety, and he came directly and demanded to have his cha- racter cleared of the charge. The king gave him an audience before the whole court, and the different ambassadors, when the prince pleaded his cause with great ability. He complained of the suspicions which had been raised against him; that some persons had represented him as a man who meditated designs against the king's person ; he showed that his arrival was sufficient proof of his innocence, for that if he felt himself guilty, he should not have been mad enough to surrender him- self as he had done. He took a review of the accusations against him, declaring them the calumnies of his private enemies, who would not dare to state them in his presence. " But," said the prince in con- clusion, " if any one is bold enough to maintain that I have tempted the French to revolt against the sacred person of the king, and that I am author of the conspi- racy, renouncing the privilege of my rank, I am ready to prove him a liar in single combat.1' The Duke of Guise plainly perceived that these words were addressed to him, but he took care not to notice them; on the contrary, he pretended to be persuaded of Conde's innocence ; for he immediately rose in the assembly, and said aloud, " that he would not suffer so great a prince to be thus aspersed ; and begged to be chosen as his second."* Those who had seen the letters upon which the charge- was grounded, could not comprehend the reason of the duke's conduct; reflection, however, made it generally thought that the queen mother's influence had drawn the Prince of Conde from his unpleasant situation in order to display her power to * Davila. liv. 1. De Thou. liv. 24. D'Anbigne, vol. i. p. 9i, and Hist. des Usurers Troubles de France, vol. i. p. 4. Paris, 1000. 1 DEATH OF THE CHANCELLOR OLIVIER. 43 the Guises, that they might not fail in due deference to her will in future.* It was otherwise with the nation at large, who were astonished at Guise's ge- nerosity to his greatest enemy. The duke's cruelty to the other conspirators was forgotten, and every prejudice against him was effaced. The king could not condemn, and yet was afraid to absolve the Prince of Conde ; he remained a short time about the court, when his presence being a burden to the Guises, he was al- lowed to retire to his chateau at La Ferte- sous-Jouarre. CHAPTER IX. Dcatli of the Chancellor Olivier*, who is succeeded hy Michael de I'Hopital — Assembly of the Notables at Fontainebleau — States General at Orleans — Arrest and condemnation of the I'rince of Conde — Death of Francis II. The executions which took place in consequence of the conspiracy of Amboise, were both numerous and summary; a ju- dicial process was not even thought of, and capture was followed by immediate punishment.! But when the first feelings of indignation had subsided, and the greater part of the malcontents were killed or dispersed, the government took measures for a more moderate line of con- duct. The chancellor Olivier had always advocated gentle methods, and had shown great reluctance in condemning the nu- merous victims, required by the revenge of the Lorrain princes. The chancellor trembled lest the nation should charge him with so much bloodshed; while the Guises entertained strong suspicions that he belonged to the conspiracy. The con- flict of his feelings so affected this eminent judge and excellent man, that he was taken ill and died a few days after.J He deplored to the last the sad necessity which had reduced him to appear an in- strument of Guise's despotism; he turned his face to the wall, and refused to see the Cardinal of Lorrain. who called on him just before he died, saying, that he was the accursed cardinal who had been the cause of all the condemnations.5 The person appointed to succeed him was Michael de I'Hopital, than whom no one could be found more deserving or more capable. He was born about the year 1503 ; his father was physician to the Constable of Bourbon, and accompanied him to Italy, taking with him his son Mi- chael. When he returned to Paris his talents soon brought him into notice, and he passed with honour through the differ- ent gradations of the magistrature. While a counsellor of the parliament, he had exerted himself to reform the different abuses, which long neglect had suffered to arrive at a disgraceful pitch : he re- ceived, as might be expected, but little support, and his single arm could do scarcely any thing in furtherance of his laudable undertaking; still his endeavours ultimately produced benefits, for which France is bound to revere his memory. The persecution of the Protestants had occupied his attention, from the first at- tempt to establish the inquisition ; and on every occasion his powers had been ex- erted in the promotion of tolerant mea- sures. At every step of his advancement, so highly was his character esteemed, that the appointment was universally ap- plauded. . He was, however, very austere, and was feared by all the magistracy, who dreaded his inquiring into their lives and capacities. Brantome calls him a se- cond Cato, having his appearance in everything, with his long white beard, his pale face, and grave manner : he mentions also that many persons at court used to say he was a perfect likeness of St. Jerome.* The favourite object of the new chan- cellor was to calm the public mind, by having the great question of toleration discussed in an assembly of the states-ge- neral; and to call a national council for regulating and defining the theological disputes and differences then prevalent.! He feared at first that the Duke of Guise would be opposed to such a plan ; but to his surprise, both the duke and the cardi- nal consented to call an Assembly of the Notables at Fontainebleau, on the 21st of August. L'Hopital indulged the idea of establishing peace in the kingdom, and an- * Vie de Cohgny, p. 210. t Us ealoyent pendua toua bottcz etesjieronnez. Hist, des thrniers Troubles, liv. 1. t 30th March, IMu. § Viellevillc, vol. iv. p. 193. Hist, du Tumulle cl'Am- boise. * Brantome, vol. vii. p. ill. t One of his first measures was the Edict of Romoran- I tin, dated 4th May, loiiO. De Thou says, that it was framed solely with a view to prevent tiie Guises frou: establisbing the inquisition in France. 44 ASSEMBLY OF THE NOTABLES AT FONTAINEBLEAU. ticipated a happy conclusion to the solemn deliberations about to take place. The Guises it appears looked forward with equal complacency to the probable conse- quences of such a discussion ; they consi- dered that in the collision of the opposite parties, in the warmth of debate, the real opinions of different persons might be per- fectly ascertained ; they could then count their enemies with ease, and take the most effectual measures for strengthening their own cause. The persons invited to the assembly were the princes of the blood, the more powerful nobles, and the princi- pal magistrates. The general conduct of the Guises dis- played such haughtiness to the whole noblesse, and such rancour against a con- siderable number of families, that the as- sembly at Fontainebleau was looked upon as a snare. The dreadful example of Am- boise showed how far their revenge would carry them, and the more the character of those princes was considered, the greater distrust was excited in the public mind. The King of Navarre and the Prince of Conde paid no attention to the king's summons; they retired to the cha- teau of Nerac in Gascony. The Mont- morencies and Chatillons did not dare to disobey the call, but went to the assembly as to a military conference, being escorted by a large body of horsemen.* When the business of the assembly was opened, the admiral went on his knees before the king, and presented a petition from the Protest- ants. The king handed it to l'Aubespine, his secretary, who having read "a request of the people, who address their prayers to God according to the true rule of piety," all those who were in favour of the Guises began to murmur. The king ordered si- lence, and the secretary continued reading the petition, which contained a very hum- ble prayer that the persecutions might cease ; it showed also, that though they were called heretics they were quite ready to abide by the Scriptures; that the pope was not a proper person to decide u\mn such matters, as his decisions had more partiality than justice; and concluded with supplicating the king to reflect upon their miseries, and adopt such remedies as his prudence might suggest.! Coligny's proceeding went directly to * Davila, liv. 2. t Vie de Coligny, p 213. De Thou, liv. 25. excite the opposition of the violent Catho- lics, and the Cardinal of Lorrain spoke at length against the Protestants. Coligny in his reply observed, that " he spoke on behalf of fifty thousand persons," which so enraged the Duke of Guise, that he de- clared vehemently, " that he would break all their heads with a hundred thousand good Catholics, whom he would lead against them."* This is said to be the be- ginning of the mortal feud which arose between the Duke of Guise and the admi- ral. Marillac, Archbishop of Vienne, and Montluc, Bishop of Valence, both ad- dressed the assembly, and proposed (as the best and safest way of settling the question) to submit to the resolution of a general council freely and legitimately as- sembled ; it was concluded that the states- general should be held in December, and the national council in January.! Opinions are divided respecting the con- duct of the Guises on this occasion ; some writers maintain that, but for the hostile movements of the Prince of Conde, the states general would have been conducted without any violent measure on their part ; others, however, contend that their design from the first was to collect the Protestant leaders, and arrest them all at once; but the secret information which reached the prince compelled him to take arms in his own defence. Secrecy was no longer necessary, and the Guises openly pursued their principal object, the destruction of the Bourbon princes, who were a barrier to their ever obtaining the throne. With this view they changed the com- manders of the different provinces, in order to have all the forces at their dis- posal, and surround the King of Navarre and his brother with their emissaries. They had therefore the earliest intelligence of Conde's collecting troops in Dauphiny ; they seized a person in his employ, named Lasague, who had on his person some of the prince's correspondence.! The letters appeared to contain nothing of impor- tance; but the bearer was tortured to make him give sufficient information for [ * Brantome, vol", viii, p 170. Pasquier, vol. ii. p. 80 Davila, liv. 2. t 1 1 1 ^-t des derniers Trouvjes, liv. ]. p. 4. D'Aubigni, vol. i. p !)7. Hisl. ilu Concilc de Tiente, p. 413. Mem, ,de Conde, vol. i. p. 555. X De Thou, liv. 25, p. 536— Snmmaire rpcit de la Ca- I lomnieiiBe Accusation de M. le Prince de Conde, &c, &.C. Inserted in vol. ii. of Mem. de Conde. INTRIGUES OF THE GUISES. 45 them to put the prince on his trial. La- sagne informed them, that there was a project for a general movement to demand the disgrace or the death of the Lorrain princes. It was not, however, till his life was threatened, that he gave them the de- sired information; he told them to dip in water the wrapper of a letter written by the Vidame of Chartres. The hand-wri- ting of Dardois, the Constable's secretary, became visible ; they learned the continued and unchangeable resolution of that noble- man to destroy the Guises, with his opi- nion that he hoped to succeed in spite of the King, and that they must no longer hesitate, but attack them with open force.* The Vidame of Chartres was immedi- ately put in the Bastille, where he was treated with great rigour ;f the queen- mother was said to have entertained a great passion for him, but she deserted him on this occasion. After remaining for some time in suspense as to his fate, he was set at liberty, and died soon after, with a suspicion of having been poisoned. £ The Bourbon princes received at first the most pressing invitations, and after- wards imperative orders to attend the states-general at Orleans: if they were absent, they were informed that they would be treated as criminals. Conde was for setting the court at defiance, but the King of Navarre would not risk the loss of his estates. They had already as- sembled a considerable number of gentle- men, both catholics and protestants, who traversed Gascony with them, and who would have supported the undertaking, as recommended by the Constable Montmo- rency. Repeated commands from the court at length intimidated the King of Navarre, and he dismissed his little army, saying, •" I must obey, but I will obtain your pardon of the King." "Go," said an old captain, " and ask pardon for your- self; our safety is in our swords."J The gentlemen became indignant, and went away to their different homes. In the month of October the Bourbon princes set out for Orleans. They were cautioned not to go, as they would be called to account for several tumults which had taken place in different parts; but * Davila, liv. 2. D'Aubigne, vol. i. p. 'J7. DeThou, liv. 25, p. 542. t 2'J Aug, 1560. Journal de Brulart. I Bran tome. vol. x. p. 365. § Voltaire, Essai sur les guerrcs cicilcs tic France. they considered that their friends who would be at the meeting, were sufficiently numerous to prevent any measure of that kind. Some of their well-wishers who were about the court, proposed to seize the children of the Duke of Guise as hos- tages ; others suggested that Conde should remain in security, while Navarre went to Orleans. This latter counsel was in vain urged by the Princess of Conde and her mother ; contrary advice, given by the Cardinal of Bourbon prevailed, and the two brothers pursued their journey toge- ther.* The Admiral had received similar cautions, and his brother, the Cardinal of Chatillon, was very urgent in persuading him to stay away: he had, however, so great a wish to obtain the edict for liberty of conscience, that nothing could restrain him ; he considered also that his friends would require his presence, and that he should not doubt the word of the king, who had promised personal safety to all whom he summoned.! The Bourbon princes and the Chatil- lons arrived at Orleans about the same time ; the Prince of Conde was immedi- ately arrested ; the King of Navarre was watched so closely that he could not be said to be at liberty ; and Coligny and Andelot were surrounded by persons, who were to keep a constant eye upon them4 The friends upon whom all four had reckoned, thinking their cause hope- less, abandoned them; indeed the king showed such indignation against the Prince of Conde, that his destruction ap- peared inevitable. A commission was appointed to try him: the prince refused to plead to such a tribunal, alleging that a prince of the blood could be tried only by the parliament of Paris, assisted by the peers: he was told that the king's pleasure was, that he should be so tried, and that if he did not plead, they should proceed at once to condemn him. j The prince displayed great intre- pidity, and protested against the power which put him on his trial contrary to law; he was found guilty, and condemned to be beheaded. Although the greatest despatch was used in every stage of the * D'Aubigne, vol. i. p. 101.— Davila, liv. 2. De Tliou, liv. 2b\ f Vie de Coligny, p. 218. i D'Aubigne, vol i. p. 101. Pasquier, vol. ii. p. 81. § An arrit to that ellect was gnen 2Jtll Nov, 150U.— Mem. de C'oude, vol. i. 46 INTRIGUES OF THE GUISES. proceeding, a delay inevitably took place, and postponed the conclusion of the affair. The relations of the prince availed them- selves of this interval, in trying to obtain his pardon. The Princess of Conde threw herself at the king's feet, bathed in tears. Francis said to her, " Your husband has wished to take away my crown and my life." When the Guises were applied to, they observed, " We must with one blow cut off the head of both heresy and rebel- lion."* The complete destruction of he- resy wis to follow the prince's execution, and every one was to be compelled to sign a confession of faith, drawn up by the Sorbonne, in 1542.t The King of Navarre made great efforts to save his brother's life, little thinking that his own was in danger at the same time.} The Duke of Guise had formed a plan for murdering him in the king's chamber; and had even obtained the con- sent of Francis II. Navarre was sum- moned to the king's presence, but at first refused to go, having been told, that at a sign from Francis, the assassins would fall upon him. When the order came a third time, he went, making this remark to Reinsy, one of his gentlemen, " I will go, I will fight as long as I have a breath of life. If I fall, take my shirt, stained with my blood ; carry it to my son, and let him give up his life rather than the desire of avenging it." Francis did not dare to at- tempt so foul a crime; the signal was not given, and Navarre returned without harm. The Duke of Guise, quite vexed at seeing him escape, exclaimed with in- dignation, " what a poor king we have."§ No entreaties could move the king to pardon his kinsman, whose execution was now urged by the Guises. Every delay which occurred was a disappointment to them ; and Francis had resolved on a jour- ney to Chambord, in order to avoid wit- nessing the dreadful spectacle, when sud- denly be was taken ill, and compelled to keep his bed. At this news the Chancel- lor sent for Ambrose Pare, the king's sur- * Davila, liv. 2. t Hist. . 1 t D'Aubigne, vol. i. p. 147. De Thou, liv. 31. t Mem de la Vie de ./. Jl. de Thou, p 10. This work- Was first published with a preface by Rigault, so framed as tu lead to the supposition that he was the author; but it is generally thought that De Thou himself wrote the memoir. 6 From the Etoile Paris newspaper of 3d September, 1836. The article from which this is extracted is upon the Saint Bartholomew which occurred in 1.572; the cruelties practised by Ues Adrets were in 15G2, and yet the writer does not scruple to say about the same lime. morse for the quantity he had shed. CHAPTER XIV. Hostilities between the Catholics and Huguenots — Sieges of liourgesand Rouen— Death of the King of Navarre — Battle of Dreux— Sieges of Orleans and Caen. Notwithstanding the ill-will which fol- lowed the rupture of the late negotiations, the queen continued her efforts to bring Conde to an accommodation, to persuade him to make some attempt at conciliation. She informed him, that the council was determined to pursue the heretics with the utmost rigour; and that the king would put himself at the head of the forces, on the arrival of some foreign troops which he expected, and which would enable him to suppress the revolt. The parliament of Paris gave a decree, authorizing all per- sons to take arms and fall upon the Hu- guenots, wherever they could meet with them. || And lest any thing should be wanting to frighten the Protestants, let- * Hist du Calvinisme, liv. 4. f In a note to his apoloey for Louis XIV. p. 7. i Hist, du Calvinisme, liv. 4. § Brantome, vol. vii. p '28f. I; Dated 3Ulh June, 1562; 6* 66 HOSTILITIES BETWEEN THE CATHOLICS AND HUGUENOTS. ters-patent were issued,* declaring rebels without coming to an engagement. As all those who had taken arms; it showed they were dispersed through the different that they were guilty of lese majesty, and provinces, it was a work of time; and Co- as such condemned them all to death, con- ligny sent word to the commander of the fiscated their property, and declared them town, to hold out as long as possible, as and their posterity for ever unfit for all there would be assistance ere long. But employs, honours, and dignities. To Courges was taken before the relief could avoid the consequences which might have arrive.* followed, had all hope of peace been ex- j A circumstance occurred during this tinguished, the Prince of Conde was ex- siege, which is highly characteristic of the cepted in this edict, on the ground of his violence of these times. Among the dif- being a prisoner in the hands ofthe rebels.! ferent convoys which Coligny attacked, Considerable reinforcements of Swiss was a considerable one, commanded by a and Germans arrived to join the royal particular friend of Guise, named Chon. army, while the confederates had the mor- He, observing the admiral approach, called tification of observing their forces gradu- out to him, that he should be delighted to ally diminish; and as the towns, which engage with him in single combat. Co- had declared for them, were very widely ligny's purpose not being to fight a duel, situated from each other, it frequently but to perform his duty as a general, an- happened, that, before Coligny could as- swered him by so brisk a charge, that his sist anyplace that was attacked, it was squadron was thrown into confusion, taken. In that manner the greater part , Chon did not lose sight of his object, which of Normandy was recovered by the Ca- was very discernible, for he called out to tholics.J But these reverses, alarming as his men, "Ah, cowards! is that what you they were, did not cause so much uneasi-' promised me?" Upon which two horse- ness to Coligny, as the attempts and in- men quitted the ranks, and tried to ap- trigues of the King of Navarre, to win proach the admiral, who, perceiving their over the Prince of Conde: his fears, how- intention, gave orders to take them alive, ever, on that subject were groundless, for . if possible. They fought desperately: one Conde assured the admiral that he would of them fell, after killing three of the admi- make no arrangement without consulting ral's men, preferring death to being taken him; and, to prove his sincerity, he in- 1 prisoner, although they called out to him formed him fully of every proposal which] that he should be spared. The other was was made 5 i taken after receiving several wounds. He The Triumvirs proposed to attack Or- j was carefully guarded, while Coligny leans, and finish the war by the capture continued the fight with Chon, who was of Conde and Coligny, who made that obliged to abandon his convoy, consisting town their residence; they, on the other; of provisions and ammunition. The fight hand, considering their reputation attached had scarcely finished, when some troops to the preservation of that city, took every were seen in the distance coming to measure for its defence. The King of Chon's assistance, which induced him to Navarre then turned his attention to return with them and again attack the Bourges, which was defended by a much Huguenots. But Coligny, observing that smaller garrison. Conde exerted himself their forces would be no longer equal, pru- to relieve the place, but his force was not dently resolved to set fire to all the plun- sufficient to break through the enemy's der, which would prevent his retreat ; and, lines: Coligny, with his division, then ho-! as soon as he was in safety, he examined vered about the besiegers, and attacked his prisoner, upon the reproach which such parties as were detached from the Chon had made him. At first he refused main body. to give any information, but at length ac- He despatched messengers, at the samei knowledged that Chon had promised him time, to urge the return of many gentle- and his companion a considerable reward, men, who had quitted him only from the if they could kill the Admiral Coligny du- dislike they had to remaining in arms ring the combat, and that they had been * Dated 20th July. t Hist. cluConcile de Trentr, p. 029. Mem. de Conde, * Davila, liv. 3, p 242. Vie de Coligny, p. 266. The ■vol. iii. p. 571. capitulation, dated 31st August, 1562, is in the 3d vol. } Vie de Coligny, P- 265. § Ibid. of Mem. de Conde. ROUEN TAKEN BY STORM. 67 each furnished with a proof cuirass, and'tlemen, who volunteered to perish in the good arms. In a chivalrous age, the fact of challenging, and the desire of fighting such a commander as Coligny, has no- thing reprehensible in it, rather the re- defence of the town.* The King of Na- varre commanded the besieging army. The place was vigorously attacked, and as obstinately defended. The queen, who verse; but the assassins, who were hired j was in the camp, several times summoned on this occasion, show that something the inhabitants to surrender. Theparlia- more than honourable fighting was in- tended. As Chon would not give any explanation of the affair, the original in- stigator could never be discovered.* Bourges being taken, the project of at- ment had been removed to Louviers, and the principal citizens had quitted the city before the siege; and those who remained were very determined, being influenced by their ministers, who were personally tacking Orleans was revived, but the \ interested in holding out to the last ex- queen-mother was opposed to it : she would not consent to a measure, which, if successful, would have given the Trium- virs too much influence: she recommended the siege of Rouen, and founded her argu- ment on the fear of the English again es- tablishing themselves in Normandy.| Her tremity, as the principal condition required by the queen was their banishment. In- stead of submitting, they replied that they were faithful subjects of their king, but that they would not submit to the Guises: they demanded the free exercise of their religion; and — asked to negotiate in the representations were backed by the ap-jname of their whole party, an honour peals of the Parisians, who promised the | which was not allowed them, notwith- king a present of two hundred thousand , standing a great wish on the queen's part crowns, if he would drive the Huguenot to save the town from plunder.! garrison from Rouen, as they suffered no-j This obstinacy, on the part of the be- thing to go up the river.J Such weighty sieged, irritated the assailants, who re- considerations could not be overlooked. ! doubled their attacks. A breach was no It was with difficulty the English had [sooner made than the active Montgomery been deprived of Calais, and already their j threw up an intrenchment behind it, losing troops were in Havre-de-Grace, to make no opportunity for prolonging the defence, up for that loss: again, the blockade ofj as he knew that Conde would endeavour the river might cause a disturbance in to assist him. A second assault was given Paris: the royal army, in consequence, on the 26th of October, when Guise led his marched into Normandy, and commenced ■ men to the attack after a spirited harangue, the siege of Rouen at the end of Septem ber. The town was commanded by Count Montgomery, the same who had unfortu- nately killed Henry II. in a tournament. He was an excellent officer, very coura- geous, and capable of turning to his ad- the effect of which he heightened by a display of great personal bravery. The explosion of a mine contributed to the suc- cess of the attack, which soon gave the Catholics possession of the town.} Montgomery had only time to leap into a galley, which was in the port, and by vantage the most untoward events: satis-; the promise of liberty, he induced the gal- fied that he could expect no quarter, he ley-slaves to row so well, that they got resolved to make the place his grave, and displayed an inexhaustible stock of inven- tions for impelling the enemy. 5 As the out to sea, although they had to pass a chain which was placed a few leagues be- ow, to prevent the English sending any Protestants had warning of this siege, the ( assistance up the river.g garrison had received a reinforcement of' Rouen, thus taken by storm, suffered two thousand English, twelve hundred i all the horrors of pillage during three days, choice infantry from Conde's army, four squadrons of horse, and one hundred gen- * Vic de Coligny, p. 2f>7. t Davila, liv. 3, p. 246. De Thou, liv. 33. Mom. do Comic, vol iii. Queen Elizabeth made a treaty with Comic, by which she engaged to assist the Huguenots against the Guises. Her disposition for securing an equivalent made this treaty a subject of uneasiness to Catherine The treaty is dated '20th Sept. 1562. t Vie de Coligny, p. 269. § Ibid., p. 271. It is said, that when Guise beheld the re- sult of his attack, while he was yet upon the ramparts, he recommended three things to his followers: to respect the ho- * Oavila, liv. 3. p 250. t Mem de Conde, vol. ii. p. 98, and vol. iv. pp. 45, 46. I Davila, liv 3, p. 258. § Vie de Coligny, p. 271. Brantume, vol. viii. p. 262. De Thou, liv. 33. 63 DEATH OF THE KING OF NAVARRE. nour of the women; to spare the lives of came the tool of intriguing persons: he such good Catholics as had remained in! thought himself the Duke of Guise's equal, the town from necessity ; and to show no while he was no more than his slave, mercy to the English, the ancient enemies Voltaire says of him* — "Anthony of of France.* Bourbon, father of the firmest and most The parliament of Rouen resumed its intrepid of men, was the weakest and functions when the siege was over, and gave the weight of its authority to the pu- nishments inflicted on the rebellious Hu- guenots. Several citizens and ministers, who had escaped the massacre, were put to death.f Among those who suffered was Augustin Marloratus, who had been conspicuous at the conference of Poissy : he was hanged in front of the cathedral. The constable and his son Montberon least decided. He was always so waver- ing in his Catholicism, that it is doubted in which religion he died. He bore arms against the Protestants, whom he loved ; and served Catherine of Medicis, whom he detested, and the party of the Guises, who oppressed him." Brantome states, "That he died, regretting his change of religion, being resolved to help the Protestants more than ever, if he had lived ; and that were so unfeeling as to insult the vene- he sent word to that effect to the prince rable minister when conducted to the place of execution. The Protestants at Orleans exercised reprisals on some pri- soners: they hanged the Abbe Gastines, and Sapin, one of the presidents of the parliament of Paris. J Such measures are greatly to be deplored, yet unhappily are of too frequent occurrence in civil wars. The taking of this important town cost the King of Navarre his life. He had be- haved with the greatest courage through- his brother."! His death deprived the Triumvirs of the influence of his name; but they had so firmly established their power, that the loss of it was of no im- portance. Guise having obtained a great acces- sion of glory by the success of his attack on Rouen, the queen's anxiety and unea- siness were again excited: she had re- course to her favourite plan of sowing dissensions: and, to check his growing as- out the siege, not sparing himself any ; cendency, she would again have consented more than the meanest soldier: he had I to protect the Huguenots. She attempted tried to eclipse, if possible, the prowess of to create a dispute between Guise and the Duke of Guise. § On the day before 'Montmorency, by recommending the im- the final assault, he went into the trenches [ mediate siege of Havre ; a measure which to observe the town, when a discharge ofjshe was sure was contrary to the duke's musketry struck him in the shoulder. At .intentions.} But the constable was proof first the surgeons thought lightly of the [against her insidious flattery : he perceived her object, and was only the more willing to second the measures which Guise might recommend. Her motives were equally discovered by the Duke of Guise, who, however, pretended not to have any sus- picion : he opposed her proposal with the same earnestness of reasoning, which he wound, and he had a great wish to make a triumphal entry into the conquered city; but symptoms of danger were soon evi- dent, and he expressed a desire to be trans- ported to St. Maur, a village near Paris. He did not live to reach that place, but died at Andelys, the seventeenth of No- vember, 15G2, in the forty-fourth year of would have used if he had not penetrated his age. || All writers who have given his her views. He proved, that as Havre character, describe him as deficient in [would certainly be assisted By the En- every princely quality, except personal glish, it was useless to attempt any thing bravery: he was ambitious, without pos- sessing foresight, or a capacity for seizing on the noble part which fortune seemed to have destined for him. He might have been the head of a powerful party, but be- " Brantome, vol, viii. p. 101. (Vicde Quisc.) * Journal de Brulart. Beza, liv. H. } D'Aubigne, vol, i. p. 15'J. Mem. ile Conde. vol. ii. p. 105 § Brantome, vol. viii p. 271. (Fie de Ji. de Bourbon.) |; Davila, liv. 3, p. 2G0; but De Thou (liv. 33) says he was forty two years of age. without a good fleet: he contended that * In a note to the Henriade t Brantome, vol. viii. p. 27-2. It is asserted by D'Au- bigne, that he refused to listen to n Dominican, who w ished to confess him. hot declared his attachment to the reformed religion.— Hist. Univ. vol. i p 15-i. Pec also liezn, Hist. Ecr.les. ; and Particularity, de la mortdu Roij de Jfavarrt, in the Mem de Conde, vol. iv. X The letters of the Spanish ambassador (Mem. de Condi, vol. ii.) show that the Huguenot* wished to es- tablish themselves securely in Normandy, to be more ready to communicate with England. Guise, therefore, would be desirous of attacking them in other parts, to draw away their forces. BATTLE OF DREUX. 69 the Huguenot force should be crushed in the different parts of Prance ; to effect which, they must atta™ and vanquish them, for otherwise they would always have ministers and preachings ; and con- cluded by showing that negotiation was useless, for any treaty would soon be broken by the Huguenots, if they fad not what they asked for, and by the Catholics, if they were obliged to endure heresy any longer. It was then resolved to march upon Orleans* On the other hand, Conde was in rather an embarrassed state, for the only towns of importance which remained to his cause were Lyons and Orleans; too remotely situated to assist each other. A strong body, which Count Duras was conducting to him, had been defeated and scattered; and he trembled lest an army of Reitres, which had been raised in Germany, should be unable to escape Marshal St. Andre, who watched that frontier with a very su- perior force. His anxiety was at length relieved by information, that La Roche- foucault had collected the remains of Du- ras' division, and was on his way to join him; and that Andelot was near at hand with between seven and eight thousand men : he had conducted the German army, before mentioned, by circuitous routes, and had undergone the greatest difficul- ties. A reinforcement, at such a time, and of such magnitude, made the Huguenots forget the loss of Rouen : they thought no more of the decree of the parliament against their chiefs, who were condemned to death as rebels ;f the greatest joy per- vaded their ranks, and, thinking their forces quite a match for their enemies, they calculated on a victory if once they met. The Prince of Conde marched di- rect upon Paris, and fixed his head-quar- ters at Montrouge, from whence his troops pillaged the faubourgs on that side. This movement brought back the royal army to the capital. | The queen-mother was not at ease on seeing an army of Huguenots under the walls of Paris : she had recourse as usual to negotiation, and sent proposals for peace, which she would have been pleased to conclude upon, had it been in her power. * Vie de Coligny. p. 273. t Decree, dated IGlti Nov. 1502. Mem. de Conde, vol. iv. p. 114. 1 Mem. deTavannes, p. 267. Pasquier, vol. ii. p. 101 . La Noue, p. 583. Davila, liv. 3. The constable and Guise pretended to ap- prove of them, because, by delaying the contest, they expected the arrival of Mont- luc, with five or six thousand men. Be- sides, they constantly kept at work on the fortifications, threw up intrenchments in the faubourgs, and took every advantage of the time which Conde gave them. Conde and Coligny were aware that if the negotiation did not succeed, the fault they had committed was irreparable ; but they both wished to terminate the war, and in- dulged in the hope of a new edict to con- firm that of January.* When the queen sent her proposals, she remarked, " that this time her terms were so reasonable, that she could not conceive that they could be rejected." She offered to allow the public exercise of the reformed religion, in all places allowed by the edict of January, except Paris and Lyons, the seats of sovereign courts, and the frontier towns: the Prince of Conde wished it to be extended to the suburbs of all towns and the houses of nobles and gentlemen; he also demanded one of the king's bro- thers, and a member of the families of Guise and Montmorency, as hostages, which could not be granted. The discus- sion was long; but when the expected re- inforcement had joined the royal army, the conferences were completely broken off.t The Protestant army was all this time suffering from the inclemencies of the sea- son, while their opponents were quartered in the town. Conde had projected an at- tack on Paris by night; but hearing of the arrival of some Spanish soldiers, and observing that an unusual stillness per- vaded the city, he had suspicions of some design against himself, and on the tenth of December, very early in the morning, he set out for Normandy, with a view of join- ing some English forces which Queen Eli- zabeth had promised to send him, accom- panied by a considerable sum of money for his use.| He was closely pursued by the royal army, and overtaken near Dreux, where he found it impossible to avoid giving battle.^ As a large body of troops had been left to protect Orleans from a surprise, there was a considerable * Vie de Coligny, p. 275. t Davila. liv. 3. Journal de Brulart, Doc. 1502. De Tliou, liv. 33. Mem de Conde, vol. iv. pp. 144 to 716. I lirantome, vol. viii. p. 109. (Vie de Ouise.) $ 19th Dec. 1502. 70 BATTLE OF DREUX. difference in the force of the two armies : , was lost, he rode up to his brother Ande- that of the royalists consisted of nineteen ; lot, and urged Injp to lose no time in get- thousand infantry and two thousand ca- 1 ting into Orleans with as many men as he valry ; the confederates had four thousand could ; for he foresaw that the next ope- horsemen, and only six thousand infantry. Montmorency and St. Andre each com- manded a division of the army, while Guise remained in reserve, the quiet spec- tator of a battle imprudently commenced by the constable attacking Conde's divi- sion with only five hundred gentlemen. The prince received his charge with such resolution, that the Catholics were thrown into complete disorder. The light cavalry, which came up to support the constable, was dispersed by Coligny. The veteran tried to rally his men : he led them a se- cond time to the charge, but with no bet- ter success. Being wounded in the face, I themselves to slay him, or perish and thrown from his horse, he was pre- sently surrounded and made a prisoner; his third son, Gabriel de Montberon, was killed at his side about the same time. So ' much was the constable detested by the I Huguenots, that two gentlemen, into whose j hands he had fallen, consulted whether j they ought not to put him to death ; but being joined by a person named Vesins, he persuaded them to abandon the idea of so shameful an act.t The fight lasted altogether seven hours, during which time the advantage was con- stantly wavering ; but at a moment when victory seemed to have declared for the Protestants, Guise, who had with difficulty restrained the ardour of his men, seized the opportunity of snatching the prize from the Prince of Conde. At the head of the troops who formed the reserve, he rushed forward upon the conquerors, ex- hausted by a long and bloody fight. "March!" said he to those around him, "March! the victory is ours!"t The shock of fresh troops was irresistible; the Prince of Conde, almost alone, fought amidst the Catholics, when his horse fell and delivered him into the hands of his enemies. Singular reverse of fortune! He had but just before considered his vic- tory as certain on the capture of Montmo- rency; and on the renewal of the conflict he became a prisoner in the hands of Damville, Montmorency's second son. Directly Coligny perceived the battle ration of the enemy would be against that town. Coligny then retired behind a wood, to a village called Blain ville, whither Guise followed him close, being determined if possible to annihilate the Huguenot army, in spite of the recommendations of his friends, who wished him to be satisfied with his success. The fight was renewed with great obstinacy ; and unlike the bat- tles of modern times, in which the can- non deals destruction without being di- rected against particular persons, on this occasion the object aimed at was Coligny's life. Several of Guise's army had devoted But the admiral's good fortune carried him through the dreadful day, while almost every one who aimed at assaulting his person was killed. One of them was dressed in Guise's armour, and called on Coligny to advance, and fight him. He dashed into the admiral's ranks in pursuit of his object, and was killed. So closely did this person resemble Guise, that for some time it was thought the duke himself was killed. The esquire rode a remark- ably fine charger of his master's, which deceived the Huguenots* Among the slain was Marshal St. Andre, who was taken prisoner, and afterwards murdered by a person who recognised him, and whom he had formerly injured.t Night at length put an end to the conflict; when the admiral, observing his men de- jected at the capture of the Prince of Conde, availed himself of the darkness to retire, and thus avoid renewing the fight, which would have taken place had he slept there. About eight thousand men were killed on this occasion ; among others, La Brosse, a great favourite of Guise, and who had begun the massacre at Vassy : his son was killed by his side.}: Guise re- mained master of the field, and attributed the victory to himself, although his loss was greater than that of the Protestants, * Hist, des Derniers Troubles, liv. 1. t Vie de Coligny, p. 1271. I Brantome, vol. viii. p. 112. * Beza, in lot. Brantome, Disc, sur les belles relraites- t There is some difference in the accuunts of the per- son who killed St. Andre. Brantome calls him Aunigny; others Baubigne; while, in the Life of Coligny, two Rei- tres are said to have killed bim. Mezeiay says it was Bnhigny Mezieres, son of the town-clerk of Paris Vielle. ville is very minute in his account of the Marshal's death. | Beza, liv. 6. ■ SIEGES OF ORLEANS AND CAEN. 71 in consequence of St. Andre's death. But he sent some standards to Paris, and re- port magnified his advantage, by announ- cing the death of Andelot, who not being seen any where was thought to be among the slain. This being the first pitched battle in these wars, the greatest import- ance was attached to it. The first ac- count, which ascribed the victory to the Huguenots, was soon carried to Paris. The queen, on hearing it, is said to have observed coolly, " Well, then, we will pray to God in French ;"* and when she received the subsequent accounts, she was far from expressing any joy at the event. She could not see without fear the degree of honour to which it raised the Duke of Guise, who had no longer any rival to share his triumphs; and who wrote a let- ter, demanding the disposal of St. Andre's baton, in so arrogant a style, that the king, as well as his mother, were astonished.t Conde was treated with great kindness by Guise, who conducted him to his quarters: they supped together, and the prince accepted of the offer of half the duke's bed. J He was afterwards taken to court, where the queen-mother exerted herself to win him back from the Hugue- not party; a task which offered some chances of success to her view, as, being removed from the counsels of the inflexi- ble admiral, she thought he might be easily biassed. The kindness and atten- tion he received from heron the occasion excited the disapprobation of the Spanish ambassador and many Catholics. § The Constable in the mean time was taken to Orleans, where he was attended by his neice, the Princess of Conde, who used every persuasive means in her power to promote a reconciliation be- tween that veteran and her husband. A proposal was made for the exchange of the two captive generals; but the royal army, with Guise at its head, did not re- quire Montmorency, while the confede- rates stood in need of the Prince of Conde. The queen would have promoted an ac- commodation, but she had no longer the power to oppose the ambition of the Duke of Guise. The Parisians prepared for conferring * Note to the 2d book of I lie Henriade. f Vielleville, vol. v. p. 7. t Brantome, vol. viii. p. 2-18. Mem. rte Conde, vol. ii. p 116. § Mem. oue, p. b03. the murderer to this terrible act ; and the enemies of the Reformation attempt to fix a stigma on the Protestant religion when they allude to it: it demands, in consequence, a full and candid inquiry. That such a charge should be encouraged by the house of Lorrain is not at all sur- prising: the members of that family knew the extent of the animosity which sub- sisted between the parties; they might also be privy to the projected attempt upon Coligny's life, and would suppose that the common feelings of revenge were sufficient to excite him to it. Neither is it to be wondered at, that the principal Catholic writers have perpetuated the ac- cusation; for the baneful spirit of perse- cution, which afflicted so many countries at this period, would envenom the ac- counts, either written or verbal, which were given of every occurrence. Still less can we be astonished, that such calumnies should be readily adopted and promulgated among a multitude devoid of instruction, imbued with fanaticism, and inflamed with bigotry; they would never doubt an accusation against men whom they were taught, not only to hate, but to abominate. But the truth cannot be en- tirely concealed, and among the numerous writers who lived at this time, there are several who, by their great minuteness, have contributed to render justice to Co- ligny's memory. Brantome is the most lemarkable among them, and his evidence is of great importance: he was a great friend of Guise's; he was an Abbe, and consequently his interests would never incline him to be favourable to the Hu- guenots; and he was present on the occa- sion. It appears that, very soon after the battle of Dreux, a gentleman of Angou- leme, named John Poltrot de Mere, ar- rived at the head-quarters of the Hugue- not army, with a letter of introduction from Soubise, who commanded for that party in Lyons. Finding, on his arrival, that the Prince of Conde was a prisoner, he addressed himself to the admiral, on whom the command had devolved. Co- ligny made several inquiries of him re- specting the state of affairs in the Lyon- naise; when Poltrot shook his head, say- ing, "That things did not go on very well there; and, fearing lest the religion should be endangered, he was resolved to sacri- ASSASSINATION OF THE DUKE OF GUISE. 73 lice himself for it: that the Duke of Guise was its most dangerous enemy; that lie believed him to be brave, because every body said so, but that after all, he was not more so than others ; and that, if he were so fortunate as to serve in an army engaged with him, he would find him out, if he were in the midst of fifty thousand men, and try his own courage against him. There was a considerable degree of temerity in this declaration, bul as it did not ill become a young man of five-and-twenty to exhibit an ardent dis- position, the admiral gave him encourage- ment; he permitted him to stay in his army, and made him a present of one hundred crowns, purposing to put his courage to the proof on the first opportu- nity* When Coligny suddenly quitted the neighbourhood of Orleans to hasten the arrival of some English troops, there ap- peared no chance of an opportunity for signalizing himself, and Pollrot proposed to pass into the duke's camp as a spy. His enthusiasm had become a gloomy fa- naticism: he burned with a desire of dis- playing his zeal for the faith which he again professed, after several changes; and no service which he could render it appeared equal to that of killing the most terrible enemy of the Protestants. A. re- solution to assassinate was very different from his first intention, which proceeded from a courageous principle; but the wretched man's mind was so bent upon it, that the enormity of the crime was lost sight of, in the benefits which he con- templated it would effect. He again pre- tended an abjuration of the religion he wished to serve, and presented himself to Guise, telling him, "That, being con- vinced of the errors of the Huguenots, he had entirely renounced them; and now wished to live in the good religion, and serve God and the king."t Changes of religion were so common at this period, that the duke had no sus- picion of Poltrot's veracitv; and, as he was a man of family, and possessed a good exterior, Guise received him with great kindness, ordered him an apart- ment, and invited him to dine with him.J But such affability was unable to subdue the terrible design which occupied exclu- * Vie de Coligny, p. 286. t Brantome, vol. viii. p. 123. J tbid. sively his gloomy imagination; and an opportunity was all he now wanted for executing his purpose. An occasion soon presented itself:' Guise, accompanied by a few persons, was passing from the trenches to his head-quarters; Poltrot, steady to his pur- pose, perceived his opportunity, and has- tened forward. Somebody asked him where he was going, to which he an- swered, that he wished to announce the duke's arrival to the duchess — an excuse which seemed plausible, as Guise had pre- viously intended sleeping in a tent, that he might better superintend some works.t A hedge offered a suitable place for his mur- derous purpose, and he waited behind it, ready to fire on Guise as he passed. The duskof the evening would have prevented his taking a good aim, but a white plume in the duke's hat served as a mark; the pistol was loaded with three balls, which struck him on the left shoulder. The blow made him stagger, and he is reported to have said, "That was to be expected; but I think it will be nothing."! Those persons who were with him paid little attention to the assassin, in their earnest- ness to help the duke. They carried him to his quarters, where the best surgical aid was summoned, for the preservation of a life so valuable to his cause. The balls were declared to have been steeped in poison, and Guise prepared to quit this world. On his death-bed he displayed consi- derable regret at many of the circum- stances of his violent, ambitious, and warlike life. His late repentance served only to inflict upon him the sharp pangs of remorse. The massacre of Vassy tor- mented his conscience, which could not be soothed by the praises of the priests, nor the admiration of the Parisians, who styled him the French Moses, and the modern Jehu. He accused himself of being the cause of the bloodshed which had accompanied the civil war, but re- peatedly declared that the massacre of Vassy was entirely accidental § He is * 16th Feb. 1563. t Vie de Coligny, p. 287. J Brantome. — The duke's expression is reported dif- ferently by almost every writer, as to the words, but they all agree in the significations 6 The Bishop of Kiez wrote an account of all that was uttered hy Guise after he was wounded. Accord- ing to the bishop he said to those around him, "Je vous prie cioire qeu I inconvenient adventl B ceuxde Vassy, est advent] contre ma vnlnnle . . . J'ai elu deliendeur, non agresseur." — Mem. de Condi, vol. iv. p. 258. 74 ASSASSINATION OF THE DUKE OF GUISE. said to have alluded to Coligny, when speaking of the assassination : " And you, too, I forgive, who are the author of it."* His wishes, which, all through his life had prompted him to the exter- mination of every heretic, had now changed; and his dying advice to the queen was in favour of mild and tolerant, measures/!" After going strictly through all the duties prescribed by his religion,! he heaved his last sigh, on the eighth day | from the assassination.^ The genius of! civil war seemed to make a halt before his bier; the animated attacks upon Or-; leans entirely ceased; and the animosity between the contending parties gave way! to the renewal of negotiations for a gene-; ral reconciliation. In the mean time the assassin was arrested. Directly he had fired on the! duke, he called out, " Take him ! take1 him!'' and began running, as if in pur- suit of some one;§ but terror having seized upon his mind, he was unable to act with sufficient promptitude to make his escape. He wandered about all night, and when he thought himself ten leagues from the camp, the return of day showed him that he wasstill in the neighbourhood. When seized, he declared that he had committed the act solely by divine inspiration, and that he was so far from repenting of it, that he would do the same thing over again. || But violent tortures were in- flicted upon him, to draw out a confession of the names of those who were supposed to have excited him to such a crime. He accused Coligny, La Rochefoucalt, Sou- bise, and the Viscount Aubeterre, of being his accomplices; some accounts include Beza in the charge. When particulars were demanded, he stated that he had re- ceived a present from the admiral for the promises he had made. The criminal was examined in the presence of the court, and made to sign a long confession implicating Coligny ; but it must be re- inembeied, that Catherine was very anx- ious to fix the stigma upon him for seve- ral reasons:H she thought it would weaken the Huguenot cause, by diminishing their confidence in, and esteem for their leader; she anticipated a greater compliance with her views on Coligny's part, if he had such a charge hanging over him; and she feared that otherwise she might be sus- pected herself: for, since the King of Navarre's death, she had been quite a slave to the ambition of Guise, and her complaints on the loss of her authority were generally known.* Poltrot's con- fession was printed and widely circulated; and orders were given to lose no time in executing the sentence of the parliament.- When Coligny heard of what had oc- curred, and that the assassin accused him of complicity, he wrote to the queen, de- manding a safe conduct in order to be confronted with him.t Such a request proves much, especially as his avowed enemies refused to grant it. If the court expected that Poltrot's confessions could have been substantiated, they would not have hurried his condemnation and exe- cution, which was not only precipitate, but barbarous: his breasts were torn with hot pincers, and his body was torn asunder by four horses: to add to the cruelty of his sentence, he was compelled to undergo an examination after suffering the first part of it.J While he remained in prison, he had always varied in his confessions. Bran- tome says,§ " he confessed every thing, and I spoke to him myself: he always ad- mitted that Soubise and Aubeterre had excited and persuaded him to it, but, as to the admiral, he varied and contradicted | himself very much in his examinations, i when tortured, and at his death." It is certain that he retracted before the chief president de Thou, and acknowledged j having made use of this means to retard his condemnation, and contrive eventual j chances of escape: nor is this affected by jhis renewal of the charge on going to ex- ecution; for the hope of postponing the moment of such a dreadful punishment might still make him utter a calumny. Upon what, then, is the charge against Coligny founded? On the accusations of a wretch who had yielded to the impulses * llranjome, vol. viii. p. 120. t [rAubigu'e, vol. i. p. 180. Hist, du Concile de Trente, p. 061. t Francis of Lorrain, Duke of Guise, died 24th Feb. 15(>3, aged 44 years. § BrantoniP, vol. viii p. ]24. | Vie de Coligny, p. 293. U Ibid. p. 288. * The queen subsequently said toTavannes, "Ceux de Guyse se vouloient faire Roys; je les en ay bien garde de vant Orleans." — Mem. de Tavannes, p. 87'. In another part, (p. 276,) he says the queen was said to have consented to the employment of Poltrot. t Vie de Coligny, p. 288. j Relation de la btessure, &c— Mem de Condi, vol. iv. p. 240. § Vol. v. iii. p. 127. ASSASSINATION OF THE DUKE OF GUISE. 75 of fanaticism, without partaking of the strength which that execrable feeling usually imparts; who had arranged every thing for his escape, and, failing in that, would hesitate at nothing calculated to procure a delay, or a commutation of his punishment. Poltrot alone is Coligny's accuser, and it has therefore been justly declared, that history should not hesitate to acquit him.* But the absence of proofs of guilt (espe- cially in an affair which from its nature would be shrouded in secrecy), although it may protect the accused before the. laws, must be accompanied with a con- viction that the charge was unfounded, or posterity will arraign the reputation of the individual. Here, then, the legal axiom is reversed, and it is our task to show that Coligny was innocent of this terrible crime. The principal points for and against him shall therefore be placed in array ; by which means, if the admiral's innocence be not entirely proved, at least the im- probability of his guilt will be made to appear. The arguments in support of the charge are as follow: — 1. The great interest which Coligny had in the death of Guise at that particular time. His brother, whom he tenderly loved, and Orleans, the stronghold of his cause, were both on the eve of falling into his power. There seemed no other chance of relief for the Protestants; and it was very difficult to persuade the nation, that an event so much to his advantage had occurred without his preparing it. 2. The probability that Coligny would wish to revenge some attempts on his own life, particularly that which was pro- jected during the siege of Bourges. There is reason to suppose that Cuise himself Poltrot: this is admitted to be a fact by almost every one, except Brantome, who gives a particular account of the purchase of a horse by Poltrot. He adds, "It was said, that the admiral had given him this money, but he was too wary to do such a thing: besides, Poltrot made no such avowal."* It must also be borne in mind, that, in this age, when a gentleman was obliged to serve without any remunera- tion, there was nothing extraordinary in a commander's helping to equip him. 4. The admissions of writers favourable to the Huguenots, particularly that of John de Serres, in his Commentaries,! which has been laid hold of by the Abbe Anquetil, who makes thereon the follow- ing remarks :| — " It appears from the nar- rative of Serres, that the admiral was ac- quainted with Poltrot's design against the Duke of Guise. He says, that Poltrot went to the admiral, charged with letters of recommendation from Roubise, and that he offered to join Guise's army as a spy, and even to kill the duke; that the admiral approved of the firmer proposal, and ridiculed the latter; that he gave him at first twenty golden crowns, and after- wards a hundred, to purchase a horse. This manner of receiving the proposal of an assassination as if it were a joke, and afterwards giving money, without being informed of the way in which it was to be employed, does not tend to clear the ad- miral." This extract alone is sufficient to show what inconsistencies may be written by the supporters of a false accusation. The Abbe states that the present was for the purchase of a horse, and afterwards as- sumes that it was given without inquiring to what use it was destined. D'Aubigne also admits, that Poltrot had thought so, for, when he received the publicly declared his intention of killing wound, he observed, " That it was to have been expected."! 3. The present which Coligny made to * Lacrclelle, Hist, ties Querres de Religion, vol. ii. p. 133 t It is related by V nril I as ami others, that an attempt was made nn I lie duke's life during tin: siege nf Knuen, and the assassin is said to have acknowledged "Thai he wished to deliver his religion from its worst enemy " The following reply lots been attributed to Guise: " If your religion teaches you to kill one who has never in. lured you. mine, conformable to the gospel, orders me to pardon you." Such an expression is ridiculous in the mouth of so notorious a persecutor, the very champion of bigotry; and Mr. Bayle has blended a little sarcasm with his remarks upon it in his dictionary — An Fran- Ch Duke of Quite. Guise, but that little attention was paid to him, for he was considered a madman. § But, whether he was believed or not in these declarations, it is scarcely possible that such a thing could be publicly talked of without reaching the ears of some of Guise's friends. Besides, Poltrot's propo- sal to become a spy is a reason for sup- posing that such persons were often em_ * Brantome, vol. viii. p. 123. t Commentariorum de statu religionis et reipublics in egno (iallia*, lihn ties 1 Preface to Esprit de In Ligue, p C7. j Hint. Univ. vol. i. p 170. 76 ASSASSINATION OF THE DUKE OF GUISE. ployed at this period ; and if Coligny had entertained any thought of such an at- tempt, he was too prudent to suffer its becoming the gossip of his camp. 5. An expression, which it is said the admiral would frequently repeat, de- claring, " That he had nothing to do with it, nor would he have been its author on any account, but that his death had deli- vered the Protestant religion from a dan- gerous enemy." Brantome observes thereon,* " that many were surprised that lie, who was usually so cool and sparing of his words, should continually allude to an event so long gone by." But Coligny could not forget that such a charge had not only been made, but was continually renewed ; for the queen con- stantly excited the family to demand jus- tice against him. His frequent allusion to the subject therefore amounts to no- thing. 6. An insinuation of Brantome's must also be added to the preceding articles. " The admiral," says he, " was too keen to give Poltrot instructions or advice about it ; but he acted like the shepherd in the fable, who refused to tell the huntsmen where the stag had taken refuge, and at the same time pointed with his finger to the spot."f But it must be allowed that this observation is completely at variance with his remarks in general. Except the foregoing, I cannot find any argument for maintaining the accusation: let the witnesses for the defence be now examined. 1. Coligny's voyage to Normandy, and his attack upon Caen, are reasons for supposing he had no expectation of Guise's death. He would have remained in the neighbourhood of Orleans, to take advan- tage of the event, and not have been con- tented with the mere removal of a rival. Before he could with prudence approach, the treaty of peace was decided upon, very much against his wish. "This treaty," said he, " ruins more churches than the enemy's force could have destroyed in ten years."| Besides, if he had been nigh at hand, the murderer might have been sheltered from arrest ; the confessions would never have been extorted from him ; and it must be admitted that, in the * Vol. viii. p, 120, t Ibid, p, 12?. t Hist du (Joncile de Trente. p. 074. Davila, liv. 3, p. 306. absence of Poltrot's confession, the affair would assume a different aspect. 2. His letter to the queen bears great testimony in his favour. It was written from Caen* and stated that he feared nothing so much as the execution of Pol- trot before the truth was ascertained. After reminding the queen of circum- stances which would indicate the impro- bability of his projecting such a crime, it expressed his anxiety lest the parliament should hasten the condemnation and exe- cution of this prisoner, in order to fix a stigma upon him. He adds, " Do not think, however, that I feel any regret for Guise's death; for I consider it the best thing which could have happened to this kingdom, and to the church of God; and particularly to me and my family." A sentiment which no one would be very forward in avowing, who was conscious that the death in question had been effect- ed by his contrivance or subornation. 3. The demand of a safe-conduct, in order to be confronted with the prisoner, has already been mentioned: the refusal is a decided proof of the queen's doubts respecting the truth of the accusation ; while the haste of the parliament in exe- cuting the sentence of the law, betrays a fear lest the assassin should make known the means resorted to for modelling his confession.! His death prevented all cor- roboration; the thing to be desired above all others, where justice is the aim, and truth the object of a judicial inquiry. 4. Among the different means made use of to repel the charge arising from this assassination, " it was verified,'''' says Brantome,^ "that the admiral had sent word to Guise some days before, to take care of himself, for there was a man hired to murder him." I rather doubt of this information having been sent, as it is completely at variance with every re- ceived account, and is moreover impro- bable, as no measures of precaution were adopted. Coligny, it is true, might have sent such intelligence, and the letter miss its destination. But whether Brantome's account be true or false, the bare mention of such a circumstance, by one so devoted * 12th March, 1563. It is to he found in the Memoirs of Conde. f It was considered generally, at the time, that Pol- trot had been promised a pardon, if his instigator could be brought to justice — Vie de Coligny, p. 293. } Vol, viii. p. 120. EDICT Of AMBOISE. 77 to the House of Lorrain, and in a great measure dependent on that family, is a proof that he had not the least idea of the admiral's guilt. 5. In the narrative which precedes, no- tice has been taken of Brantome's account of the contradictory nature of Poltrot's What degree of importance is to be at- tached to these several arguments, for or against the accusation, is not here to be pronounced. The facts of history are ap- proved or condemned, according to the light in which they are viewed by poste- rity. That is the only tribunal compe- confessions ; the same writer gives positive tent for such decisions; and the lapse of testimony in favour of the admiral in ano- two centuries and a half leaves Coligny as ther place.* "The admiral who was | much as ever exposed to censure if guilty ; suspected of it (the death of Guise) was j while, on the other hand, the long duration not so guilty as was thought. Others were far more criminal, who never suf- fered anything on that account ; but this great captain was obliged to pay the reck- oning for all the others, and the young duke used to say, that he alone was wor- thy of his hatred and his vengeance." 6. The general tenor of Coligny's life may be fairly brought forward to show the improbability of his becoming the em- ployer of an assassin : a recent work on this subject contains the following remark: — "If the previous life of Coligny be an answer to this terrible accusation, what he did afterwards, in two other civil wars, repels the charge still better. of a calumny, so far from imparting au- thenticity to its own existence, becomes an additional reason for carefully and im- partially investigating the truth. CHAPTER XVI. Edict of Amboise— Havre taken — Charles IX. declared of age — Coligny accused of the murder of Guise — Pins IV. excommunicates the Queen of Navarre and some Bishops — Encroachments on the liberty of the Pro- testants. Guise's death put an end to the Trium- virate, and the queen-mother again pos- sessed the supreme authority. A generar How could | reconciliation became the wish of all par- a man capable of such a crime have so ties. The English had established them- constantly abstained from the fury of ven- selves in Normandy. The land, being geance, and reprisals, which appeared law- uncultivated, provided no means of alle- ful'f't viating the scarcity which afflicted the 7. An accusation, the malice of which I country ; and the labourers, taken from it is impossible entirely to conceal, must 'their usual occupations to swell the ranks be received with caution. What other motive could have induced the enemies of the Protestants to insert Beza's name in Poltrot's confessions ? Catholic writers refer to the document, and exultingly as- perse that eminent divine; but Brantome, who was on the spot, makes no mention whatever of his name. 8. There is in Poltrot's confession one of the contending parties, now Jived by robbery. Never was peace more requi- site for any kingdom. Catherine, more- over, was desirous of concluding some treaty, for the Huguenots would very soon have been able to dictate their own terms, as there was no one to be found capable of taking the command of the royal army ; the queen had offered that post to the point which bears the characteristic of a 'Duke of Wirtemburg, but he refused it.* false origin: Poltrot states that when he Her fears were excited by the known in- arrived at the camp he was referred to j flexibility of Coligny, who would be sure the Seigneur de Chatillon, &c, whereas! to insist upon the full establishment of the the persons who are said to have used that I Protestant religion, as the basis of the expression never called him otherwise than 'treaty ; it was therefore her interest to Monsieur PAmiral. Coligny, in his reply, | come to some conclusion while he was at published at the time, alludes to this, tola distance.! show that his enemies dictated the confes- sion to the suffering wretch, who would say what he thought would be most agree- able to the persons around him. * Hist, do Charles IX. (vol. ix. p. 417 ) t Lacrelellc, Hist, des Querrej de Religion, vol. ii. p. I?,J 7* * Beza's History, (Bonk li) contains the negotiation at length One of the Duke's reasons for declining the offer is, '• that as the Prince of Conde and his party de- [Handed only the observance of the edict of January, and as the troubles and cruelties proceeded from Ihe differ eiice of religion alone, he could not join in any thing which might be prejudicial to those of the same faith as himself, some trifling difference excepted." t Letter from the Spanish ambassador, dated 20th March. Mem. de Conde, vol. ii. p. 145. 78 HAVRE TAKEN. To win over the Prince of Conde she was exceedingly lavish of her caresses; she tenderly embraced the princess, and entreated her assistance in turning the ob- stinacy, not only of her husband, but of her uncle Coligny. An'interview between the prince and Montmorency was soon arranged, and the bases of a treaty were then discussed.* Conde demanded the full execution of the edict of January, and Montmorency protested that he would never subscribe to a measure so prejudicial to the Catholic religion. Each was persuaded to relax by repeated solicitations, and the result of the conference produced the edict of Ara- boise.t By it the Protestants were per- mitted the exercise of their religion, in all the towns which were in their possession on the 7th of March ; the general permis- sion to preach in the country places, which the edict of January allowed, was considerably restrained in the present. In order to heal animosities, the edict made no mention of amnesty, as that implied previous rebellion : but it carried complete oblivion of the past; declared the prince and his partisans faithful subjects of the king ; and acknowledged that they had taken arms with pure intentions, and for promoting the good of his cause.} An ad- ditional article stipulated, that both parties should concur in driving the English out of the kingdom. Some church-lands were sold to defray the expenses of the war: the pacification in consequence contained the seeds of future troubles.J and has been considered as both insulting to the king, and pernicious to religion.|| This edict, however, rendered it neces- sary to abandon many of their churches, which lowered Conde in the estimation of the Protestants. Coligny no sooner heard of it than he hastened to the prince, and remonstrated with him on the fault he had committed, in contenting himself with such trifling concessions, when his circum- stances placed him in such a commanding position.1T He saw clearly that there was no chance of such another opportunity, and had great fears that the present edict would be of very little protection to them when their forces were disbanded. But * Mem. de Conde, vol. iv p. 275 t Dated ]!)th March, 1562-3. J De Thou, liv. 34. § l'asquier, vol. ii. p 108. II Pallavicini, lib. 20, p. 407. IT Hist, du Concile de Tiente, p. G74. his observations had no effect upon the prince, who was weary of the war: con- siderations of humanity and the general interest were urged, to allay the vexation and doubts of the admiral ; and it appears that, if Conde had not felt himself bound to preserve appearances, he would have been contented with still less favourable terms.* Calvin, Beza, and other ministers, also reproached the prince with having sacri- ficed their cause: they all told him he would not be long before he repented of it: but the affair was concluded, and there was no revising it. The prisoners were set at liberty, the towns restored, and the troops disbanded. The registration of the edict, however, met with great opposition in all the parliaments.t The admiral, before he dismissed his companions in arms, paid them great at- tentions, that he might be able to calcu- late upon their assistance in case of need. The queen was displeased at this precau- tion, and complained of it to the Prince of Conde, whom she tried to separate from him by various methods. Conde told her in reply, that this con- duct of Coligny ought to be attributed solely to a grateful desire of acquitting his obligations to the nobility ; and that it was the least he could do for those who had quitted their homes and families to serve him. Catherine did not expect such an answer from the prince, whom she had endeavoured to impress with the belief, that the confidence of the Protestants in Coligny was to his prejudice ; but Conde was aware of her motives, and was cau- tious of taking the bait.}. The cessation of intestine commotions enabled the French to unite in expelling their common enemy; negotiations were at first entered into, but without success ;§ arms were then resorted to, and the En- glish were soon dispossessed of Havre. That town had been delivered to Queen Elizabeth, as a security for money she had lent the Prince of Conde. Nothing can justify this conduct of the prince; to give up an important town to another govern- ment, and thus facilitate the entry of an enemy into the heart of a kingdom, is a measure which will be reprobated by * Vie de Coligny, p. 281 t Davila, liv. 3. p. 308. J Vie de Coligny, p 291. $ Mem. de Conde, vol ii. p. 103. CHARLES IX. DECLARED OF AGE. 79 every one possessing the least spark of patriotism. The circumstances of this case still admit of some palliation, as it was apparently the only means of saving the Huguenots from extermination ; but Conde was so anxious to efface the blot, that he offered his services to retake the town. Havre was defended by the Earl of War- wick, with a garrison of four thousand men. In addition to the brisk attacks of the French, he was assailed internally by a pestilence, which rapidly destroyed his men. He also felt astonished at the fury with which the Huguenots repaid his coun- try, for the assistance which had been sent them ;* while they fought the more ear- nestly, in order to clear their character from the reproach of having introduced foreigners into France. The town capitu- lated on the twenty-seventh of July, and the next morning the governor had the mortification cf seeing an English fleet ar- rive with reinforcements. When the ships came in sight, the French commander sent Lignerolles in a small vessel to acquaint the English admiral " that the town was in the possession of the King of France ; and that if he wished to land for refresh- ments, the queen (Catherine) would re- ceive him in a friendly manner; for as the most Christian King had recovered what belonged to him, he did not pretend to continue at war with the Queen of En- gland, "f Elizabeth was very indignant when she heard of the loss of this town, which she hoped would have compensated for Ca- lais. She is reported to have said, that if the admiral again required her assistance, she should know how to act; but when her anger had subsided, she observed, that the King of France was happy in having such faithful subjects.:): As the king's minority had afforded pretexts for all the attempts against the government, Catherine was desirous that he should be declared of full age: that measure would not affect her influence over her son, while it would protect her from the intrusions of the princes of the blood, and the great personages of the state. Charles IX. entered his fourteenth year during the siege of Havre, and she * Piaconra an vray do la reduction du Havre-de-Grace, &c — Mem. de Conde, vol. iv. t Letter of Spanish ambassador. —Mem. de Condi, vol. ii. p. 171. \ Vie de Coligny, p. 297. wished the parliament to make the decla- ration without delay, according to the law of Charles the Wise, which fixed the ma- jority of the king at fourteen years. The Chancellor l'Hopital, who also wished for the measure, considered that the parlia- ment of Paris would not readily consent to it ; and he recommended the queen to apply to that of Rouen in preference. A bed of justice was held there the seven- teenth of August, and the king was de- clared of full age, the parliament agreeing with the chancellor, that the year being entered on was deemed complete. AH the other parliaments registered the edict, except that of Paris, which made strong remonstrances. As that was the repre- sentative of the states-general, and the first court in the kingdom, it was deemed very derogatory to its dignity, that such an edict should be presented to the other par- liaments before it had received the appro- bation of that body. The chief president and two counsellors were deputed to con- vey these sentiments to the king, who as- sumed as much severity as he was able, telling them to obey, and not meddle with public affairs which depended upon his will ; and dismiss the idle notion, that they were the guardians of the king, the de- fenders of the kingdom, and the protectors of the city of Paris * The king delayed returning to Paris till after the parliament had become con- formable : a further delay was occasioned by the queen's illness. Instead of pro- ceeding direct to the capital he made a stay at Meulan, to which place the mo- ther, the widow, and the children of Guise, with a numerous train of relatives and friends, all clothed in deep mourning, went in a body, and on their knees presented a request demanding justice on his mur- derer.t This step was at the queen's in- stigation ; and in order to blind the public, as to the part she had taken in urging the family to such a proceeding, she told them that she could not conceive why they should complain, for Poltrot had been punished as rigorously as they could pos- sibly wish. This gave them an opportu- nity of better explaining themselves, and they stated, that as Coligny had been charged by the confessions and declara- * Davila, liv. 3, p 318. Journal de Brulart, in he. t Mem. de Conde , vol. v. p. 24. Tlie request was dated ■2(>lh iept. 1503. 80 COLIGXY ACCUSED OF THE MURDER OF GUISE. tions of Poltrot, it was proper that he. should justify himself from the accusation,' or suffer the punishment due to such a I crime.* The king promised them his support, and the parliament commenced an inquiry. Many of the counsellors thought the duchess ought not to be] allowed to risk another civil war by pur- suing the affair; but the queen gave them to understand her wishes, and the parlia- ment commenced proceedings against the admiral. Catherine was in hopes of thus compelling Coligny to yield to her] authority and influence, but it only strengthened the union between him and Conde, who reproached the queen with having excited this odious accusation. A] memorial was also presented to the king, l representing that, as the government had refused to delay Poltrot's execution, it1 was not right to argue from his deposi- tion ; and that, as oblivion was promised for all that occurred during the war, if the duchess were permitted to accuse the: admiral, he ought to be allowed to insti-] tute proceedings against the duke's me-! mory and character, in order to condemn him for the massacre of Vassy, which was the cause of the civil wart It was evi- 1 dent that the duchess only acted from the queen's suggestions, and the proceeding! was looked upon as a persecution. Mar-j shal Montmorency, eldest son of the Con-i stable, warmly espoused Coligny's cause, and the queen became fearful of the con-i sequences of her conduct.} The admi-t ral's party appeared still more important when he entered Paris to join the king,] accompanied by a greater train of nobles, and gentlemen than had been seen for many ] years.§ The Guises were astonished, andt immediately placed their hotel in a state1 of defence. But they persisted in accusing Coligny, and at last the king issued a de- cree suspending all inquiry for three years, which put an end to the public discussion! of the affair.il In the mean time, the insufficiency of1 the edict of Amboise for securing the1 peace became very evident. Wherever the Protestants were most numerous, they * Vie de Coligny, p, 202. Davila, liv. 3. p. 321. t Vie tie Coligny, p. 293. J Letter of the Spanish ambassador.— Mem. dc Condi. vol. ii. p. 181. § Brief disconrs dc tout re quie a este negotie pour la querelle qui est entre les maisons de Guysc et de Chas- tillon, &c — Mem. de Condi, vol. v. I The decree is dated 5th January, 1563-4. extended the liberty of the edict; and when they were the weaker party, they were unable to enjoy its benefit. The Catholics in general were angry at the concessions made to the Protestants, and loudly manifested their discontent. No one was more displeased about it than the constable, notwithstanding the treaty was principally his own work. These mur- murs were repeated by a number of dis- contented persons, who made his house their rendezvous. Montmorency argued that the Huguenots would necessarily increase in numbers and influence if the peace continued, and that therefore a war was the only remedy for the evil. A plan was formed for raising a disturbance in the capital, and about three hundred of the principal protestants were marked out for destruction : this violent measure it was supposed would cause another war. Every thing was arranged for execution : persons were posted to stir up the popu- lace, and engage them to fall on the Cal- vinists, murder them, and plunder their houses. The constable himself gave orders for carrying the plan into effect; but the queen received timely information, and the plot was frustrated. Montmo- rency retired in confusion to Chantilly, and some of the most furious of his ac- complices were hanged at their own win- dows, without any form of trial: the others were allowed to escape.* This attempt was not confined to the capital. Damville, Tavannes, and other governors attempted similar measures. Like most persecutions, it received great encouragement from the clergy, whose zeal could not remain inactive when the Pope had hurled his thunders, and the council its anathemas, against the vic- tims; added to which, several foreign princes solicited severe measures against them, and sent embassies to convey their threats if such were not adopted.^ Pius IV., who at this time directed the politics of the Vatican, readily perceived that the temporal authority of his see would be undermined if the Protestants could enjoy liberty in France : his object was therefore to make them hateful to (he government. To prevent the clergy from giving them countenance, he determined on punishing those French prelates who * Vielleville, liv. 9, < h. 32 an I 35. t D'Aub!gne, vol. i. p. 197. De Tho i, liv. 33. COLIGNY ACCUSED OF THE MURDER OF GUISE. 81 had adopted the new doctrines, or had been guilty of tolerance. He excommu- nicated the Cardinal of Chatillon ; St. ltomain, Archbishop of Aix ; Montluc, Bi- shop of Valence; Carraccioli ofTroyes; Barbancjon, of Pamiers; and Guillart of Chartres: they were all summoned to ap- pear before him, and give an account of their conduct* The audacity of the pontiff was the means of saving those prelates from his wrath, by rendering it necessary for the king of France to interfere. The pope cited the queen of Navarre to give an account of her faith ;t and if within the space of six months she did not appear before the sovereign pontiff, he declared her proscribed, convicted of heresy, fallen from royalty, and deprived of her estates and dignities, which were given to the first occupant.} Such an attack upon a crowned head, and a near relative of the King of France, caused a strong represen- tation from the French ambassador; and the pope in consequence withdrew his bull.} A new edict was published about the same time: it was called a declaration, and was avowedly to explain the doubt- ful part of that of Amboise, but in reality to curtail the liberty of the Protestants. || Several of the clergy had performed i divine service in their churches, according to the new rite, and many had permitted it in their dependencies. By the new edict, all lands and buildings belonging to the church were excepted from the liberty of worship: similar means were resorted to for curtailing their liberty of preaching in general ; and as many persons had quitted the monastic life, and had married, they were enjoined to return to their convents, and renounce their illegal marriages, or quit the kingdom. Such an encroachment on the edict of Amboise could not be submitted to, with- out an attempt on the part of the Protest- ants to defend their rights. They inun- dated the kingdom with apologies, com- plaints, and remonstrances to the king, the queen, and particularly the. Prince of * Hist, du Concile de Trentc, p. 769. t The hull is dated 2Hih Sept. 1503; it is to be found in the fourth vol. of Mem. de Condi. t D'Auhigne, vol. i. p. 201. Maimbotirg, Hist, de Cal- vinisme, liv. 4. § Hist, du Uoncile de Trente, p. T96. Mem. de Conde, vol. iv. p. G80. II Dated Hth December, 1503. Conde, as he was in some decree answer- able for the fulfilment of the treaty, having prevented the admiral from securing better terms. But Catherine had artfully surrounded him with every charm and variety of pleasure, and he was too much engaged to bestir himself on their account. His amorous disposition made him an easy prey to the intrigues set on foot by the queen. She amused him with the hope of being lieutenant-general of the kingdom, and encouraged him to pursue his brother's claims to Sardinia: she pro- jected at the same time a marriage be- tween him and Mary Queen of Scots, as his princess had lately died. Conde's wit and vivacity, added to his reputation for courage and skill, made him a great favourite at court, and the widow of Mar- shal St. Andre and Isabella de la Tour cfe Turenne disputed for his hand : the prince resigned himself to luxury, and for a time the queen's object was effected.* Coligny had great difficulty in dis- suading the prince from marrying the widow, who was so deeply enamoured, that she gave him the chateau of Vallery ;f nor was this the only proof of her tender- ness, according to the memoirs of the ad- miral. The noblesse were ensnared in a simi- lar manner. Catherine's maids of honour, young and beautiful girls, were the syrens employed to captivate the Huguenot lead- ers. The queen hoped to lull them into security, in order more completely to have them in her power. Treachery was the leading feature of her conduct: her aim being bad, she would not be scrupulous about the means, and the morals of her court would be exposed to but little scru- tiny. Those who were most successful received the greatest honour; and de- bauchery and perfidy entered very early into the habits of Charles IX. CHAPTER XVII. Conclusion of the Council of Trent — Secret arrange- inents made for the destruction of heresy— Arrest of ( liarlesdu Moulin — Journey to Bayonne— Interviews between Catherine and the Duke of Alva — Plot for seizing the Ctueen of Navarre and her son. The month of December, 1563, was rendered remarkable by the conclusion * De Thou, liv. 35. | Brantome, vol. ix. p. 3. 82 CONCLUSION OF THE COUNCIL OF TRENT. of the Council of Trent. Pius IV. had renewed the sessions, with a determina- tion to come to some decision ; he was convinced that unless some fixed princi- ples were adopted, some boundary esta- blished for the church, the most sincere Catholics might be seduced into heresy, by the arguments of those who claimed the right of interpreting the Holy Scrip- tures for themselves. The different dis- cussions during the twenty-five sessions of this council embraced the whole range of subjects which affected the power, the wealth, and the supremacy of the court of Rome. The decrees were prefaced with the following style, " The holy (Ecu- menic Council, legitimately assembled under the guidance of the Holy Spirit, the apostolical legates presiding."* But as the pope had the council under his control, nothing was discussed beyond what the legates proposed : and instead of deliberating upon the spiritual interests of Christendom, for effecting a complete abo- lition of the corruptions and superstitions, which were the grounds of Luther's at- tack, there were only proposed some slight modifications of the most glaring abuses, while additional authority was conferred upon almost every point, in which the councils and traditions appeared at variance with the Scriptures; and what was intended to reform the church, thus served only to confirm its errors. It could hardly be otherwise, for the council was chiefly composed of men devoted to the pope, and whose number he could in- crease at his pleasure; while the most learned divines of the different nations were never invited to attend, and if any one ventured to express an opinion con- trary to the papal interests, he was soon put to silence. It was observed at the time, that the Holy Spirit was sent from Rome in a portmanteau.! The concluding act of the council, was to establish the dogma of the pope's infal- libility. The council declared that the authority of the holy see remained invio- late, and the decision of any difficulties, without exception, which might arise out of the decrees, was referred to the pope, as sovereign pastor of the church.} The Cardinal of Lorrain appeared at * Hist. avila, liv. 3, p. 329. t Davila, liv 3. Maimbourg adds, that the legate was mcrrcdleuscmr.vt. tatitfait With this conference. Hist, du Calcinisme, liv. 5 X Dated 4th Aug. 1504. $ Proclamations, dated Marseilles, 8th and 9th Nov. 15G4 ; ihey are given at length in (he first vol. of Mem. de Conde; the prince's remonstrance is in vol. v. p. 201. 84 JOURNEY TO BAYONNE. his sister, the Queen of Spain, who had been sent by her husband, Philip II., an unconscious instrument of his dark policy. She was accompanied by a numerous and brilliant suite, and her principal attendant was the ferocious Duke of Alva : an envoy quite equal to the commission confided to him, by his talents and his sanguinary, bigoted disposition. At this time, when all the luxury and pomp of the court of France was em- ployed in fetes and pageantry, when the French and Spanish courts endeavoured to outvie each other's splendour, the queen- mother wished it to be thought that her stay at Bayonne was only to divert her daughter. Her attention, however, was directed to another object; for, under pre- tence of going to see her, by a gallery which she had ordered to be constructed to connect their apartments, she conversed every night with the Duke of Alva.* Subsequent events have shown that these conferences were about a secret alliance between the two kings, for the entire ex- tirpation of heresy in France. j Cathe- rine was discussing the best means of ef- fecting that object, when the Duke of Alva observed, that " ten thousand frogs were not worth the head of a salmon."| These words were overheard by the young prince of Beam, whose penetration was far beyond his years : he considered them as applicable to Conde and Coligny, and immediately informed his mother, the Queen of Navarre, of what he had heard. This prince, who will hereafter occupy a very considerable share of our attention, was born at Pau in Beam, the 13th of December, 1553. He was the son of An- thony of Bourbon and the Queen of Na- varre. Henry d'Albret, King of Navarre, had a presentiment that his grandson would one day avenge the injuries he had received from the King of Spain ; and, while he lived, he superintended those who * De Tliou, liv. 37. t The following testimony is above suspicion, " Les Rnynesne France et d'Espagne a Bayonne. assistees do Due d'Albe, resoulent la mine des heretiques en Prance et Flandrcs."— Mem. de Tavanncs, p. 282. Strada's his lory also mentions it. J Mathieu, in his History of France, admits a consul- tation for crushing the I'rotestants, by previously re- moving their leaders, but rejects the idea of the Pt. Bar- tholomew being then in contemplation. The words used on this occasion are given in a different form by almost every writer, but the animus is the same in all. Ac- cording to Brantnine, it was a favourite phrase with the Duke of Alva, who made use of it when he entrapped the Counts Egmont and Horn to be massacred. See his Jiife of the I'rince of Orange. had the care of him.* His education was unlike that of princes, for he was exer- cised like a young Spartan, and nourished with food of the coarsest kind. His first years were passed amidst the rocks of Beam, and the children of the peasants were his companions. This hard ap- prenticeship prepared him for his heroic destinies. His mother, in the mean time, provided him an excellent tutor, named La Gaucherie, one of the most learned men of the day ; and his death occurring soon after, a Protestant, named Florent Chretien, was charged with his tuition. When he was presented at the court of France, the blunt frankness of the little mountaineer prince caused some amuse- jment to the courtiers; but his wit and [gracefulness gained him the kindness of Catherine, who liked to have him con- I stantly with her.t There was also a great [interest excited in his favour while at j Bayonne, on account of a conspiracy against him, which had recently failed. The object, was to seize and carry off the Queen of Navarre and her son, and deliver them into the hands of the King of Spain. What their fate would have been can only be conjectured, but there was every thing to be feared on their account from such a sanguinary prince, who found in religion a pretext for every crime, and who had authority from the pope to possess her kingdom. Elizabeth, Queen of Spain, heard of the plot, and trembled for the life of her relative: she sent immediate information to the Queen of Navarre and the queen-mother, and the project failed in consequence. It is uncertain whether this plot was of French or Spanish origin ; but memoirs of the time mention that Mont- luc and several Catholic generals knew of it. Catherine thought it sufficient to have prevented the effect of the conspiracy, and refrained from inquiring into the guilt of any one concerned in it : the rank and number of the criminals rendered that po- licy necessary.! The fetes at Bayonne being concluded, the Queen of Spain returned to her hus- band, and the French court set out for Nerac in Gascony, the residence of the * Henry d'Albret was born at Sangnesa. in Navarre, in 15t)3; he died 1555. Charles V. considered him one of the most accomplished men of his age. t Cayet, vol. i. p. 236, H seq. j Recitd'une enterprise faicteen 1'an 15(55 contre la royne de Navarre, &c, inserted in Villeroy, vol. ii. AFFAIR BETWEEN MONTMORENCY AND CARDINAL OF LORRAIN. 85 Queen of Navarre. Charles restored the Catholic worship in those parts, and at- tempted, but in vain, to bring back the queen to that faith. She joined the reti- nue of the court, and the king loaded her with civilities and attentions. Catherine, determined on keeping alive her son's hatred of heresy, pointed out to his notice the ruined monasteries, the overthrown crosses, and the mutilated images of saints, which were often in view. Her words were deeply impressed on the young king's mind, and created a distrust of the Pro- testants which nothing could remove. He frequently repeated the remark made by the Duke of Alva, and from that time adapted his policy to that object.* The court arrived at Blois at the close of the year; and an assembly of all the great personages was convoked to meet atMoulins, in the month of January, 1566: at that assembly an edict was passed which confirmed that of Roussillon, and others, which had been made during the king's journey; but whatever new dispo- sitions were made, were of a civil nature, and had no reference to the Protestants. t Catherine did not find events favourable to her views, or she would on this occa- sion have adopted the suggestions of the Duke of Alva : at least such was the gene- ral opinion among the Protestants, and all confidence in the queen was from that time destroyed.^ CHAPTER XVIII. Affair between Marshal Montmorency and the Cardinal of Lorraine— Attempts to assassinate Coligny — Per- fidious conduct of Charles IX. The king had been absent from Paris nearly two years. During that time a disturbance occurred, which warmly in- terested the whole court. An edict had prohibited all persons from carrying fire- arms, as the irritated state of the nation made it dangerous for either party to have weapons at hand: the prohibition extended to all ranks; but the Cardinal of * Davila, liv. 3. t Thanks to the energy of the chancellor, whose firmness in opposing the projects of the Cardinal of Lorrain obtained for him some insulting remarks in the assembly. The scene is detailed in the Mem. de LKstoile •vol. i. p. 12. Edit. Cologne, 1719. X Vie de Coligny, p. 314. Davila, liv. 3. De Thou, Lorrain, fearing a fate similar to his bro- ther's, had obtained permission under the great seal to be attended by guards well accoutred. On his return from the Council of Trent, in January, 1565, he invited all his friends to join him and swell his escort, that he might make a sort of triumphal entry into Paris. Marshal Montmorency was at that time governor of Paris, and was desirous of mortifying the cardinal's vanity: he well knew that certain persons were pri- vileged in spite of the edicts, and that the cardinal was among the number;' but to put a good appearance on his conduct, he went to the parliament, and said that he had information that somebody pro- posed coming to Paris with armed fol- lowers, which, if it occurred, he would resist with open force. The cardinal was informed of the mar- shal's design, but paid no attention to it, and entered boldly into the city. Mont- morency soon arrived, and ordered him and his followers to put away their pis- tols. He had sent a messenger to make the same communication before the car- dinal had entered; but that person was not well received, and the marshal im- mediately set out at the head of a bodv of horsemen. A skirmish ensued; the cardinal jumped from his horse, and ran into a shop, from whence he gained his own hotel in the night The cardinal felt the affront too much to overlook it. All the partisans of the Guises were summoned, and an explana- tion was demanded. The cardinal urged the permission he had to go armed: the marshal contended he ought to have ex- hibited that authority. Montmorency, far from yielding to the cardinal, paraded before his house with armed men; and having written to his different friends, he received a great reinforcement. Co- ligny brought with him twelve hundred- gentlemen;* Andelot also brought some with him; and the Prince* of Conde, and the Cardinal of Chatillon supported him by their presence. Th$ marshal ex- pressed his determination''^ compel the cardinal to obey him; while he fearing his hotel should be forced in the night, consulted some counsellors of the parlia- ment, who offered to convince Montmo- * According to De Thou, he arrived in Paris, 22d Jan., 1565. 8G ATTEMPTS TO ASSASSINATE COLIGNY. rency of his authority to carry arms. The admiral also joined in accommodating the business, as he feared otherwise ano- ther civil war might be kindled. The cardinal was induced to send a copy of the king's permission to carry arms, but Montmorency demanded the original. Upon this, Coligny persuaded the mar- shal that he ought to be satisfied with the deference which had been shown him; and that the cardinal was severely pu- nished, in undergoing such a mortifica- tion, in sight of a great city, where he had expected to be received with accla- mations. The Duke of Aumale, brother of the cardinal, was determined to resent the affront put upon his family. He col- lected a number of gentlemen, and ap- peared before Paris. Montmorency wished to go out and settle the affair in the field, but was dissuaded from it by Coligny, who knew that a renewal of the war would inevitably take place if they came to blows: still the marshal was about to give way to his feelings, when orders arrived from the king for both parties, to lay down their arms.* The whole noblesse was divided into two parties about this affair: one contend- ed that the marshal was right; the other blamed his conduct. The Prince of Conde observed respecting it, — "If not a joke, it is too little; if it be one, it is too much."t The Duke of Montpen- sier, receiving his account from the car- dinal, was led to take up the affair warmly: he wrote a severe letter to the marshal, giving him to understand that all the princes of the blood were affec ted by his behaviour to the cardinal. The marshal in his reply explained the dif- ference there was between princes of the blood and foreigners: he thus gave the affair a different appearance, and ap- peased the queen-mother.l Coligny quitted Paris when he found that his cousin had no farther occasion for his assistance. He had not been long at home, before he received clear evidence that the queen-mother had been busy in forming a league with the pope and the Spaniards, for the extermination * De Thou, liv. 37. Vie Tavennes. p. 297. t Vie df Coligny, p. 325. La Noue, p. C09. D'Aubignc, vol. i. p. 209. J Mem. de Castelnau, lay. 6, ch. 4. initted to send some one to observe the admiral's chateau." It was agreed to, and he sent his two brothers. The report of the first was to little purpose; that of the second induced the queen to retire at once to Meaux; while a nobleman, whom the king sent to Coligny upon some pre- text, brought back word, that he found him dressed as a farmer, and looking af- ter his vintage.* This was the 26th of September; and two days afterwards all France was in a flame. The rendezvous had been fixed at Ro- soy, in Brie, for the 28th of September. Conde, Coligny, Andelot, and La Roche- foucault, easily possessed themselves of the town, with about four hundred gentle- men, who had arrived one by one. Their plan was to seize the whole court the fol- lowing day, when the king would be holding a chapter of the order of St. Mi- chael. The queen having retired to Meaux, their attempt was foiled; and their next resolution was to march against the Swiss troops, which were scattered in some villages around Monceaux, and from whence they went by turns to guard the king's person. That force was his only protection, and if they had done this at once, they'might easily have defeated the different detachments, and there would have remained nothing to prevent their getting possession of Meaux. The queen, suspecting their plan, or perceiving the danger of their thinking of it, sent Marshal Montmorency to amuse them, while the Swiss troops were collected in Meaux. Andelot was for rejecting all discussion, till after they had executed their resolution; but others although they agreed with him, were reluctant to push things to extremity: they informed the marshal what they wanted, and he reported their demands to the king.t The Swiss having entered Meaux the fears of the court subsided: but the Hugue- not army was constantly increasing, and information arrived that they would soon be numerous enough to undertake any thing: a council was held in consequence, to consider if the king should not be con- ducted to Paris. The advice given by the constable was, that the king should * Mem. de Tavennes, p 299. Pasquier, vol. ii. p. 117- Mem. du Due de Bouillon, p. 35 (vol. xxxv. of Petitot's collection.) t Vie de Coligny, p. 326, et scq. Davila, liv. 4. De Thou, liv. 42. Journal de Brulart. Mem. de Castelnau , liv. 6, ch. 3. BATTLE OF ST. DENIS. 91 not quit Meaux, because that could not be done without the risk of an engagement, the result of which was uncertain. The chancellor said the same thing; and added that if once the sword were drawn, an ac- commodation could never be made: for the king would feel an eternal resentment against the Huguenots, while they would have a perpetual necessity for remaining armed, for fear of his vengeance. The Cardinal of Lorrain recommended the removal of the king; and it was the un- fortunate destiny of France that his party should prevail in the council.* The king set out for Paris in the night: he was in the midst of the Swiss, who surrounded him, and eight hundred horsemen of his suite — a train more likely to embarrass than to protect him. They had not proceeded many leagues, when the Prince of Conde appeared, and prepared to encounter them, with about five hundred horsemen. The Swiss were firm, and showed themselves ready to re- ceive the charge. Charles was in a vio- lent passion, and ordered them to attack the Huguenots; which would have been done, had not the constable prudently prevented it. He urged the king to quit the Swiss escort, and go on to Paris by another route, adding that it must be done promptly, for the prince to know nothing of it. Charles went away with two hun- dred men, while the confederates, thinking him still with the main body, hovered constantly about, with a view of attack- ing it if possible, and some skirmishes took place on the flanks and rear. The king arrived safe at Paris in the evening. Speaking of this affair he said, " With- out the Duke of Nemours, and my good companions the Swiss, my life and my liberty were in great danger." True it is that, but for their firmness, Conde would have made the whole court prison- ers.! The Protestants then seized upon the principal avenues leading to Paris: they occupied Montoreau, Poissy, and Argen- teuil, and their head quarters were at St. Denis. Their troops were not sufficient to establish a blockade; but by destroying the mills around Paris, and preventing the * De Thou says, that the cardinal considered the troubles of France highly suited to his views, as he wished to bring forward his nephews, liv. 42, vol. v. p. 352. t La Noue, p. 614. Vie de Coligny, p. 328. Davila, liv. 3. usual arrivals from the country, they con- trived to inflict great hardships and in- conveniences on the capital ; which, how- ever, only increased the king's anger, and the hatred of the Parisians.* One of the first acts of the king after his arrival in Paris, was to issue an edict, en- joining all the confederates to lay down their arms, promising amnesty for all who did so within twenty-four hours, and in- viting all loyal persons to help him to sub- due those who refused.! But the Protest- ants paid no attention to these menaces ; and they persevered in their attempt to blockade the capital with a handful of men. They were able to seize all the bridges, and stop the communications in every direction. The queen had recourse, as usual, to negotiations : she proposed terms of accommodation, which were discussed for eight days. But the Protestants having made an attempt to win the multitude by demanding a diminution of the taxes, ren- dered excessive by the Italian collectors, the queen took offence, declared that they asked more than could or would be grant- ed, and broke off all treaty.}: Another method became necessary, for the chancellor and the constable were very earnest in their attempts to prevent the shedding of blood by another civil war. A herald was sent to St. Denis§ with an order from the king, signed by two secre- taries of state, containing the alternative either to lay down their arms, or to de- clare that they confirmed their revolt; that then he might know how to act towards them. It was addressed by name to all the chiefs of the confederate army, and embarrassed them considerably, as it placed all the responsibility of the war upon them. When Conde saw the herald advance, he said to him angrily, "Take care about what you are going to do: if you bring hither any thing contrary to my honour, I will have you hanged." The herald replied, "I come from your master and mine; and your threats will not pre- vent me from obeying his orders." So saying, he presented the message. The prince announced that he would give an answer in three days: " You must give it in twenty-four hours," answered the he- rald, who then withdrew. || * Paequier. vol. ii. p. 118. t Journal de Brularl \ Mem de Castelnau, liv. C, ch. 5. De Thou, liv. 42. § 7 Oct. 15G7. || Da Vila, liv. 4, p. 394. D'Aubigne, vol i. p. 21& 92 DEATH OF THE CONSTABLE. The confederates resolved to address a new request to the king, drawn up with more moderation and less haughtiness than the former. The conferences were renewed by Conde and Montmorency, at La Chapelle, a village between Paris and St. Denis. Conde demanded as a sine qua non the public exercise, general' and irrevocable, of the reformed religion. Montmorency's powers did not go beyond the concessions of the last edict of Am- boise : a short conversation ensued in which the constable stated, that, in grant- ing the Huguenots their privileges, the king had never intended it for a perma- nency ; but, on the contrary, his intention was to suffer but one religion in his do- minions. Warm altercation ensued be- tween the parties, after which they sepa- rated, both resolving to decide the ques- tion in the field.* The confederate army was every day increasing, and Conde's intention was to wait the arrival of some Reitres, before he attempted any thing. Still the royal army in Paris was much more numerous, and the Parisians complained against the constable for suffering so small a force to insult the capital: they even said that he was in league with his nephew. Such imputations roused the bold veteran: he left Paris on the 10th of November, and attacked the confederates at St. Denis. As he went out with his troops, he said to the citizens that his fidelity would be proved on that occasion, and they would see him again either dead or victorious. The combat was most unequal, for the royal army consisted of sixteen thousand infantry and five thousand cavalry, while the confederates had only twelve hundred infantry and fifteen hundred horsemen, their force being so distributed in the oc- cupation of the surrounding places. Mont- morency thought that they would not dare to wait for him in the field, with such an insignificant force, and without artillery.! The Protestants, however, burned with impatience to engage, and well sustained the attack of the numerous troops who advanced against them. The shock was terrible.} The field and the spoil re- * Davila, liv. 4. De Thou, liv. 42. Mem. de Caslel- nau, liv. 6, ch. 6. t D'Auhiqne.vol. i. p. 214. La Noue, p 614. Davila, liv. 4. De Thou, liv. 42. Le Lahoureur. — Sdditions, &c. vol. ii. p 458. t The Cardinal de Chatilton was engaged : according mained to the Catholics, but the honour 'of the day belongs to the Huguenots, who fought so desperately that this victory was worse than many defeats.* The Catho- lics lost many of their valuable officers; their general, the constable, was among the number. He had received several wounds through his cuirass, which was barely proof on account of the weight, but still continued fighting in the midst of the enemy's horse. He was recognised and attacked by Robert Stuart, a Protestant officer. Montmorency tendered him his sword, but, instead of receiving it, Stuart drew his pistol — "You do not know me, then ?" said Montmorency. Stuart an- swered, " It is because I do know you that I give you that," and immediately fired. The ball struck the constable in the shoulder; he fell, and both parties con- tended for some time for the possession of this trophy. f The numbers of the Catho- lics prevailed ; their enemies were re- pulsed; and they conducted the expiring constable back to Paris, rather against his desire, for he wished to die on the field of battle.} He expired the next day, in the seventy-seventh year of his age. His character is a compound of bigotry, bravery, loyalty, and ambition. As a general, a negotiator, and a minister, he had on various occasions shown great ability and talents; but fortune was un- favourable to him, and the victory of St. Denis, the only one he gained in his long military career, cost him his life. His zeal for religion has been vaunted by some Catholic writers, but it was the zeal of a barbarian, and his religious ideas were entirely confined to formalities. Bran- tome's account of him is well known: — " He never failed in his devotions or his prayers, for every morning he would re- peat his paternosters, whether he was in the house, or on horseback, or among the troops; which caused the saying, Take care of the constable's paternosters; for while he was repeating, and muttering lo Bran tome, " II fit ires bien, et eombattit tres vaillam ment" vol. vi p. 420. * Tavannea, in his remarks upon this hattle, says. " Fan t confeaaer que I'Amiral de Coligny, estoit Capi taine. — Memoires, p. 83. t Davila. liv. 4. But Pnsquier (vol. ii. p. 122) stales that, when called upon tn surrender, the constable struck his antagonist on the mouth and broke Iwo of his teeth, which made Stuart lire upon him. De Thou states the same, liv. 42. I llrantome, vol. vii. p. 124. Dufaure says that he died at his residence, Hotel de Mesmes, Rue St. Avoye. DEATH OF THE CONSTABLE. 93 them, as occasions presented themselves, he would say, 'Go hang up such a one; tie him up to a tree; run him through with the pikes this instant ; shoot all those fel- lows before me ; cut in pieces those vaga- bonds who wished to hold out that church against the king; burn me that village; set fire to the country for a quarter of a league around ; and such like sentences of justice and of war he would utter ac- j cording to the circumstance, without leaving off his paternosters until he had quite finished them, and thinking he, should commit a great error if he had de- ferred saying them to another time ; so conscientious was he."* The same writer : adds, " That he fasted every Friday, and that, when he was at court, the queen placed a chair for him, and conversed j while they were at supper, but that he would never eat any thing." At the! closing scene of his life, when such minute attention to trifles would lead us to expect; something from his blind devotion, we are surprised by a display of stoicism quite inconsistent with his character. A Fran- ciscan monk attended to confess him, and, attempted to inspire proper sentiments, by long exhortations; "Leave me, father,"] said the constable, " leave me : do you think I have lived with honour near four-i score years, and not learned to die for a quarter of an hour!"f The news of the sad victory of Saint Denis was received at court with a sullen silence. " It is not your majesty who has gained the battle," said Marshal Vielleville frankly to the king. "And who then 1" Charles asked hastily. " The King of Spain," replied the marshal.]: Philip was pleased to see France again involved in a war; and whether the news of Coligny's proposal had reached him or not, the chance of the Flemings receiving assist- ance was always probable if France re- mained quiet. Pius V. had written a let- ter exhorting him to assist the King of France against the rebellious heretics. " Your majesty," says the letter^ " will do all in your power to help this king, both because it is religion which is concerned, * Brantome, vol. vii. p. 70. f Davila, liv. 4. p. 404. I Vielleville. vol. v. p. 175. § Dated 13tli October, 1567. The letters of Saint Pius V., winch will be frequently referred to, were published at Antwerp, in 1640, by Francil Goubau, se- cretary to the Spanish embassy at Rome. Those which concern the history of France have recently been pub- lished in Paris, translated by M. de Xotler. and because you are allied to him." But Philip did not desire a speedy destruction of the Protestants of France : he wished the war to continue, that he might have that fine country at his mercy when it was exhausted. The aid he sent was confined to some companies of infantry, which the Duke of Alva despatched from his army. The queen felt no regret at the loss of the constable, as she was thus freed from the remaining check upon her authority :* neither would she suffer the vacant office to be filled up. The king offered to con- fer the dignity on Vielleville; but he knew the wishes of the queen-mother, and de- clined the honour.f Catherine afterwards had the Duke of Anjou declared comman- der-general of the forces. That prince was only in his sixteenth year, and re- quired men of experience to assist him in the office : his mother took care to place around him persons upon whom she could depend for securing to herself the real direction of affairs. The commencement of this civil war appears to have had an extensive ramifi- cation. At the close of September, Jac- ques de Crussol, Seigneur d'Acier, arrived at Uzes, with instructions from Conde to prepare a general rising of the Protestants of Languedoc ; and, within a very few days, a dreadful scene occurred at Nismes. A number of Catholics were inhumanly butchered ; all, in fact, who were unable to conceal themselves or flee. This sad event is termed the Michelade, from its being intended to take place on Michael- mas-day. According to most Catholic writers the Protestants were the aggres- sors, and their crime is represented as al- together unprovoked. The odium is, on the other hand, almost generally admitted by the silence of Protestant writers; none of whom have attempted to extenuate the charge. Yet it is worthy of remark, that the accusation is in some degree modified by a historian, highly esteemed among the Catholics as a correct writer and diligent investigator. He observes: "They did no harm to the wives of the Catholics; their animosity being directed against priests, monks, and heads of families; and, among them, they selected as victims those only who had molested or declared against them." Four of the leaders in * Mem. de Tavannes, p. 306. t Vielleville, vol. v. p. 17!) etseq. 94 PROTESTANTS ADVANCE TO MEET THE REITRES. this butchery were condemned and exe- cuted at Toulouse in 15G9.* CHAPTER XX. Protestants advance to inept the Reitres— General con- tribution of the Army to pay their Allies— Capture of Orleans and RocheUe — l'eace of Longjnmeau — Settle ment of the Protestants in America — Hold enterprise of Dominic de Gourges. The battle of Saint Denis was far from destroying the hopes or the strength of the Protestants. Andelot arrived with his division the day after the fight, and en- couraged them to advance boldly upon Paris : they continued to destroy the mills and country-houses close to the walls. After employing a few days in this way, they set out to meet the troops expected from Germany, under Prince Casimir, son of the elector palatine. They were suffered to go away to some distance before the royal army made any attempt to pursue them; a circumstance which it is difficult to explain, as their ruin might have been completed without much risk, on account of the inequality of their forces. One reason which has been assigned is, that the queen feared her son would be master if he found he had no need of her counsel ; but, on the other hand, it is said that she dismissed those commanders, who by their negligence had allowed the Protestants to escape.t The Catholic army at length went in pursuit of them : they were overtaken and their rear-guard defeated at Chalons ; but, crossing the Meuse at St. Michael's in Bar, they were out of their enemies' reach. Here they waited the arrival of the Rei- tres. After staying five days they had no more news of them, says La Noue, than when they were before Paris, which cre- ated murmurs among many even of the noblesse, who displayed very rude impa- tience to their leaders upon it. J Every thing combined to make their attendance irksome, for the weather was extremely cold, the month of December being far advanced. The delay in the arrival of their auxilia- ries was caused by the queen's agency : she had sent ambassadors to the Protest- * Menard, Hist, de Nimes, vol. v. pp. 22 and 45. t Vie ile Coligny, p 333. I La Noue, Viscours politiques, &c. p. 024. ant princes of Germany, to inform them, that this war was not at all on account of religion, for full liberty was granted to the Huguenots, but that the royal authority was openly attacked. This representation induced the Duke of Saxony and the Mar- quis of Brandenburg to forbid' the levies in their dominions: the elector palatine was greatly inclined to do the same, and did retain those troops which his son had assembled ; but hearing the real account from some one who had returned to France with the envoy, and who had seen the Prince of Conde, he exhorted his son to continue his march.* But the joy which the Protestant leaders experienced on the arrival of the Reitres soon gave place to the vexations of a most serious embarrassment. The Prince of Conde had agreed to give their auxilia- ries a hundred thousand crowns directly they joined his army; but Elizabeth, Queen of England, on whom he relied for the money, feeling indignant at the way in which her last assistance had been re- quited, was not so forward in contributing to help the Huguenots; and the whole stock in the military chest did not exceed two thousand crowns. The case was very distressing for Conde; but his great popu- larity with his army enabled him to effect a thing unheard of with any other gene- ral ; his own troops received no pay from him, and yet he ventured to propose that they should pay the sum required for the Reitres.t An appeal was made to the zeal and devotedness of the Protestant army in their critical position, and every one answered the call; everyone made a sacrifice of his money, and effects which would produce it, such as chains, rings, and jewels. There was a general emula- tion of disinterestedness and patriotism : " Only," says a contemporary, already quoted on several occasions, "when it was proposed to press the disciples of plunder, who have the faculty of knowing how to take so boldly, and to give so basely, there was the struggle. For all that, they acquitted themselves in it much better than was thought for: to the very boys, every one gave; and the emulation was so great, that at last they thought it a dis- honour to have given so little."}. This reinforcement of the Reitres, * D'Aubigne, vol. i. p. 218. f Davila, liv. 4. I La Noue, p. 626. CAPTURE OF ORLEANS AND ROCHELLE. 95 added to others brought from the pro- vinces by noblemen of the Protestant party, increased their army to above twenty thousand men: they re-entered France in the beginning of January. Hitherto we have only noticed the pro- ceedings of the principal body of Protest- ants : the operations of their partisans in different parts have also a claim upon our attention. The rendezvous at Rosoy for seizing upon the whole court was natu- rally to be supported by movements in well as to have in his hands a city of such importance. La None was intrusted with the undertaking, and he, following care- fully the good instructions of Coligny, and being seconded by the inhabitants, became master of the town in a short time, to the great mortification of the Catholic party.* The Protestants, in addition, had posses- sion of many towns in the southern parts of the kingdom. Such was the position of affairs, when the army of the confederates entered other parts. La Rochefoucalt, Mouy, | France, in the beginning of 1568. It was and La Noue collected numerous troops no longer a wandering troop, retreating in Poitou, the Angoumois, and Saintonge; before a victorious enemy ; but a nume- indeed they were joined by more than rous and disciplined body, capable of they had the means of supporting: but the most eminent of their services was obtaining possession of Rochelle, which was for many years the refuge of Pro- testantism in France.* The reform had been early introduced effecting the designs of its leaders, and calculated to alarm the court and capital on its approach. The Protestants tra- versed Burgundy; laid siege to Chartres, which was obstinately defended by An- thony de Lignieres, who had a numerous there; and, in 1534, a girl named Mary i garrison ; and promised themselves that, Belandelle was burned for her religious ! after taking this town, they would again opinions. The obscurity of her condition I attack Paris. The besiegers, after some did not deter her from challenging a Fran- 1 delay, diverted from its channel the river ciscan to controversy: her dauntless con-j which turned the mills: had they done so duct ensured a capital condemnation; but I at the beginning of the siege, the inhabi- she beheld the fatal pile without emotion, tants would soon have felt the want of and died with constancy. In 1546, seve- ! bread ; but Catherine had not waited till ral nuns cancelled their vows, and were married; and in 1552, three Protestants were condemned to be burned before the church door; but only two suffered, the this time to set negotiation on foot, and a treaty was concluded time enough to save the town.t Even a few days after the battle of St. third being flogged and banished. This ! Denis, the queen had attempted to draw severity did not suppress the rising sect, j the Prince of Conde into a snare, and In 1558, when the King and Queen of Navarre made Rochelle their residence, a priest, named David, preached without a surplice in the church of St. Bartholomew, and expounded the new doctrines, which he had openly embraced. From that time, the reform took deep root in Ro- chelle.t Orleans was likewise attached to the Protestant cause ; and the queen, feeling doubts about that place, had placed there a governor entirely devoted to her. The inhabitants entertained a great dislike to this governor, who conducted himself in a haughty and distrustful manner; and they wrote to the admiral, begging him to send some one to enable them to throw off the yoke. Coligny was very willing to do so, on account of relieving them, as * D'Auhism;, vol. i. p. 218. f Arcere, IJist. de Rochelle, vol. i. pp. 323 and 333. made overtures to prevent his going to join Prince Casimir. But he having suddenly set out for the frontier, nothing more was done till the month of January, when the queen had a conference at Chalons with the Cardinal of Chatillon, who was invested with due powers by the confederates. Not being able to come to an agreement, Catherine appoint- ed another meeting at Vincennes; and that conference was equally unsuccessful.! At last, perceiving that there was no medium — that she must consent to a prompt peace, or have a battle in the heart of France — she appointed a final meeting at Longjumeau. The plenipo- tentiaries on one side were Gontaut de Biron, and Henry de Mesmes, Lord of * Vie de Ci>li!fny, p. 334. Biantome, vol. ix. p. 323. Davila, liv. 4. Amiraiilt, Vic dc La AT./iio, p. 14. t La Noue, p. 633. Davila, liv. 4. De Thou, liv. 42. X D'Aubign6, vol. i. p. 227. 96 PEACE OF LONGJUMEAU. Malassise, master of the court of requests; on the other, were the Cardinal of Cha- tillon and his counsel : several ambassa- dors were present as mediators.* The instructions given by the queen to her delegates were not very ample : they were to make peace on any terms, pro- vided the Prince of Conde was to take no part in the government of the country. In fact, the prince's intention was to that purpose, but Coligny counteracted him as much as possible, for two reasons: first, if Conde should obtain his demands, he feared that he would no longer trouble himself about the Protestants; secondly, it might cause slanders, for the Catholics would say, that it was solely for that ob- ject he had taken arms. The Cardinal of Chatillon understood his brother's views, and at the first meeting he declared, that the only thing to be agreed upon was the exercise of the reformed religion. Biron and Mesmes, seeing him inflexible on that point, signed the treaty, by which the king bound himself to execute the last treaty of pacification, revoking and annulling all edicts subsequently passed, which were contrary to it, and particularly the edict of Roussillon.t It was stipulated in this treaty, that the Protestants should restore all the towns, strong places, and castles which they had taken; that both parties should disband their foreign troops; and that the king should advance the funds for paying the Reitres. It was signed on the 20th of March, and verified and published the 23d of the same month : it was called the treaty of Longjumeau4 In consequence of the peace, the siege of Chartres was raised, and the Protestants gave up most of the towns they held ; but Rochelle refused to submit to the king, and the example was followed by some other towns. The queen called upon Conde to send away Prince Casimir and the Germans; without, however, intending to dismiss the Swiss, Spanish, and Italian troops which had come to her support. A large sum was due to the Reitres, and Catherine wished to pay them with her * Davila, liv. 4, p. 428. t Davila, 1 1 v. 4. Vie de Coligny, p. 341. X The Protestants in general were not satisfied with the treaty, and called it La paix boiteuse el malassise ; in allusion to Uiron's lameness and the seignorial ap- pellation of his colleague : it is also known as La petite faiz. valuable promises; but they were not satisfied with such a proposal, and threat- ened to attack Paris if they were not paid. It was considered necessary to treat with them, and Castelnau was charged with the commission. He paid them some money, and gave them reason to expect more when on their march ; they set out, confiding in that promise, but they found that the farther they went from Paris, the less chance there was of their being paid, and they resolved on carrying off Castel- nau himself as a hostage. The affair was at length terminated, and they left the kingdom, loaded with plunder, and gave Castelnau his liberty.* The perfidious Catherine, in order to prevent the Huguenots from again re- ceiving such help from Germany, wrote to Tavannes, who commanded in Bur- gundy, to attack and destroy them, in spite of the safe-conduct given by the king. Tavannes prudently refused to obey, knowing that the order would be disavowed by the queen; he would then be blamed for an infraction of the peace, and the princes of the blood would become his enemies.t Coligny was well aware that Catherine had made the peace with no other view than to be better able to choose her own time for effecting the ruin of the Protest- ants : he knew that so violent was her hatred to Conde and himself, that she would never rest so long as either of them lived. He did not consider it sufficient that Rochelle was well fortified, and that several other towns were in the hands of his party; he wished to establish some colonies of Protestants in the New World, | whither he and his friends could retire, if their affairs should ever render it neces- sary for them to leave France. J An ex- pedition had been sent to Brazil in 1555, which completely failed ; but he was not deterred from making another experi- ment. A settlement was also commenced in Florida, at the first peace in 1563, but dis- ease and scarcity of provisions prevented the colonists from making any progress. Ships were occasionally sent to join them; many, however, never reached their des- tination, for the Spaniards, having appro- * Mem. de Castelnau, liv. 6, ch. 11. t Mem. de Tavannes. p. 314. J Vie de Coligny, p. 345. BOLD ENTERPRISE OF DOMINIC DE GOURGES. 97 priated all that part of the world to them- , and two hundred soldiers. On landing selves, treated the French settlers as he entered into friendship with some pirates, and seized their ships whenever : tribes of natives, who had sufTered greatly they could. Coligny made great exer- from the Spaniards; he then attacked the tions to send substantial assistance to the! fort, of which he got possession, with two colonists, but that expedition was also 'others they had built in the neighbour- unfortunate.* A squadron was sent from the Ha vanna to destroy the infant colony, hood. The garrison consisted of eight hundred men: those who escaped into the woods were killed by the natives; such which, but for this cruel attack, might I as were made prisoners were hanged have afforded a retreat for many families, who were compelled to stay in France, having no place to flee to. The massa- cres, under Charles IX. and Louis XIV., might then have been rendered unneces- sary to the bigoted policy of those monarchs, as the kingdom would pro- bably have been freed from a great num- ber of those who so sturdily adhered to the reformation, in spite of their persecu- tions : like the ancient Israelites, they would willingly have quitted polished society for a wilderness, if when there, they could have been sure of enjoying the free exercise of their religion. with this inscription over them, Not as Spaniards, but as perfidious murderers.* On his return to France, Dominic de Gourges' life was in great danger: the Spanish ambassador demanded his head, and the court was quite willing to give it; but Coligny and his friends enabled him to escape from his perilous situation. t This would however have been scarcely possible, had not the Huguenots refused to receive the king's garrisons in several towns, viz. Rochelle, Sancerre, and Mon- tauban. It was a great point gained for their protection; but, at the same time, it compelled the court to think of more The Spanish squadron appeared off severe measures against them: besides Fort Charles very soon after the arrival which, Rochelle became the cause of of John Riband, who had been sent over complaints from the King of Spain, who by Coligny to help the colony: he had [accused the Huguenots of fitting out a brought with him seven ships, and directly ! considerable number of ships at that port, he saw the enemy approach he stood out for the assistance of the Prince of Orange to sea to attack them. Unfortunately a (in the Low Countries.^ hurricane arose, which drove several of his ships against the rocks of that coast. Those of the crews who reached the shore fell into the hands of the Spaniards; they took the fort, and put all their pri- soners to death in the most barbarous manner which can be conceived. Pedro Melandez, the Spanish commander, an- nounced that they were treated, not as Frenchmen, but as Lutherans and here- tics. The news of this affair produced no effect upon the court of France, which might be considered half Spanish in its interests, and entirely so in its views. No attempt being made to demand justice for the massacre, an individual named Domi- nic de Gourges, a native of Mont-Marsan in Gascony, undertook to avenge this in- sult on his country. By selling his own property, and borrowing money of his brother, he equipped a few ships and sailed to Florida, with a hundred sailors * De Thou, liv. 44. CHAPTER XXI. Plan for seizins the Protestant leaders— Flight of Cond* and Coligny from Noyers — Renewal of the war. The short duration of the peace of Longjumeau excited no astonishment, for the interval between the cessation and the renewal of hostilities had exhibited no signs of reconciliation. The contending parties seemed vexed that they must de- sist from assailing each other, and the treaty became a mere truce, to make pre- parations for soon entering on another campaign: the king kept his forces to- gether, and placed bodies of men at all the important posts. § Short however as it was, the peace was imbrued with the blood of the Protestants. In the large * D'Aubiane, vol. i. p. 355. De Thou, liv. 44. ■f De Thou states that he arrived in France, 13th June 1568. { Mem. de Castelnau, liv. 7, ell. 1. § Pasquier, vol. ii. p. 125. 98 PLAN FOR SEIZING THE PROTESTANT LEADERS. towns, the populace, excited by furious preachers, gave themselves up to the greatest excesses against the Protestants; and the representations of their chiefs were unavailing with the government, which scarcely deigned to apologize for the impunity which was allowed the per- secutors. Indeed, the system of the court appeared completely changed. Hi- therto the Protestants had met with pro- mises of protection, and had hopes of re- dress held out to them: the promises cost nothing, for they were never realized, and the hopes had invariably led to disappoint- ment; but at this time their complaints were not even attended to. The pulpits resounded with the horrid maxims, that faith need not be kept with heretics, and that to massacre them was just, pious, and useful for salvation.* Such dis- courses produced tumults and assassina- tions, which were never brought to jus- tice; and the dagger, poison, and the dungeon, awaited not only the Huguenots, but those also who were connected with them. The Protestants had neither peace, nor liberty of conscience, and were in greater perils than during the war. In three months' time there were murdered above two thousand of them. At Ligny in Bar, a Huguenot, having refused to ornament his house, on occasion of the Fete-Dieu in June, 1568, was dragged from his home bv the populace, in the presence of the magistrates: he was burned alive without any form of trial, and with wood actually taken from his own store.t Some Pro- testants, who were desirous of concluding the peace, are reported to have said, " We have committed a folly; do not let us therefore think it strange that we must drink of its effects; at any rate, it seems the draught will be bitter."! The different chiefs having retired to their chateaux, the queen beheld their de- pal ture with satisfaction, as she was glad to be freed from their surveillance and importunity; but she soon experienced alarm about them, and not without some reason. Coligny and Conde were visited in their retirement by all the Protestant nobility, who foresaw the approaching and unavoidable rupture. Conde Was at his castle of Noyers in Burgundy! Co- * De Thou, liv. 44. Vie de Coligny, p. 350. t De Thou, liv. 44. t La Noue, p. 638. ligny at his estate at Chatillon. " Their . retreat," says the admiral's historian, " would have been extremely satisfactory to this princess, if she had not seen that one-half of the kingdom paid their court to them; and, in fact, so great was the confluence at Chatillon and Noyers, that the Louvre was a desert in comparison. All the noblesse of their party went in crowds to see them, and when ten gen- tlemen went out by one door, twenty went in at another. This obliged the ad- miral to incur great expense; and, if he had not been a careful man in every thing else, it would have been enough to ruin him. However, he was so much be- loved, that a thousand presents were con- stantly brought to him; and although he forbade his attendants taking them, that did not prevent the same thing from being done every day. The different churches collected and sent a hundred thousand crowns to prevent the prince and him from entirely bearing such a charge.* As money is the nerve of war, the queen resolved to deprive the Prince of Conde of every financial resource. Pay- ment was demanded of a hundred thou- sand crowns, advanced on his account, to get the Reitres out of the country; fear- ful, however, lest the levying of this sum should afford him a pretext for collecting more, the king announced that he did not claim that money from the Protestants generally, but only from the chiefs who had guarantied the payment to the fo- reigners. The object of the demand was evident to all: to ward off such a blow, Teligny, a young man of great merit, was sent to court; and the Duchess of Savoy was applied to, that she should use her influence with Catherine, and conjure her not to drive them into a state of despera- tion.t The siege of Rochelle was already re- solved on; but the queen considered that it would be almost impracticable while the prince and the admiral were at large, and able to relieve the place: it became necessary therefore to seize upon their persons. With this object in view, she sent an engineer to Noyers, to see in what manner the castle was built, what people were there, and if it would be possible to get possession of it. He entered the * Vie de Coligny, p. 346. t Davila, liv. 4, p. 439. FLIGHT OF CONDE AND COLIGNY FROM NOYERS. 99 place without difficulty, under pretence of coming from a rich farmer in the neigh- bourhood: some fowls served him as a passport. He was well received, but when he began to talk, it was suspected that he was something more than he pre- tended: he was then watched by some of the prince's people. He was followed after he quitted the casde, and at night was detected sounding the moat. This discovery induced the prince to inform Coligny of the circumstance, that he might be on his guard; they then wrote to their friends, to inform them that, as they might soon require their help, they should all be ready for the first call.* Catherine was more than ever resolved on freeing herself and the kingdom from the ob- noxious Huguenot faction; and it became clear that she could never succeed in abolishing the different edicts in their fa- vour, unless she previously removed the Prince of Conde and the admiral. Such being her aim, she fortified and en- couraged the fanaticism of the different governors of provinces by bestowing fresh favours upon them; and at the same time she removed to a distance from her coun- cils every advocate of moderation. The virtuous Michael de L'Hopital was a great barrier to the queen's wishes: his advice had long since been unheeded and despised, but his presence troubled the bigoted party: in the midst of perfidy and corruption, he persisted in raising his voice in behalf of the oppressed; senti- ments of truth and justice, accompanied with unanswerable arguments, were de- livered by him in the council, with such perseverance, that Catherine found it im- possible to bring her son to a maturity of guilt, so long as he was awed by the pre sence of this respected chancellor. The party in the immediate interests of the pope had long endeavoured to decry his character; and insinuations of his being a heretic were very general. Had such a charge been capable of verification, he would probably have been arraigned upon it; for the Cardinal d'Este in his correspondence states, " There is no way of accusing him of heresy, because he is known to go regularly to mass and con- fession, and to communicate." A proverb however became very common, "Deliver us from the chancellor's mass."t In August, 1568, a bull was sent from Rome, permitting the king to alienate church property, to the value of one hun- dred thousand crowns, on condition that he should make war against the heretics, and utterly destroy, or bring them back to the church. The chancellor opposed the reception of the bull, and, addressing the queen, he entreated her to avoid a measure which would again deluge the kingdom with blood. His influence de- layed the reception of the bull; and ap- plication was made for another in lieu of it, which should authorize the use of the money to be applied to the public service, but without making war upon the Pro- testants.* This opposition excited the Romish agents to make fresh efforts. The Cardinal of Lorrain used all his in- fluence with the king and queen, being urged by a desire to avenge his brother's death on the Huguenots in general: back- ed by the whole body of the clergy, he at last succeeded in effecting the chancel- lor's dismissal, by representing him to have warned the Prince of Conde to es- cape from Noyers; a circumstance by no means improbable, as he was present when the queen proposed her cruel mea- sured Catherine's plan was decided upon: the secret attempt to seize upon the castle of Noyers had been discovered, and she was determined to compensate by force for the failure of her stratagem. The troops which had been destined for the siege of Rochelle were ordered into Bur- gundy; and Tavannes, who commanded in that province, had instructions to arrest the prince and his friends. On this oc- casion the queen's character thwarted her own design: Tavannes, like every ex- perienced courtier of that day, was well aware that, if any trouble arose in the kingdom on this account, the government would readily sacrifice him, as a means of allaying the storm. He would neither take upon himself this odious commission, nor suffer another to do it in his govern- ment. He therefore sent couriers with letters to the court, containing the intelli- gence that every thing was ready: these couriers were ordered to pass in the di- rection of Noyers, and, as Tavannes in- tended, were taken by Conde's people, as well as some others who were sent to * Vie de Colisny, p. 347. La Noue, p. 638. t Braatome, vol. vii. p. 103. * Villemain. Vie de I'Hopital. t Davila, liv. 4. 100 FLIGHT OF CONDE AND COLIGNY FROM NOYERS. sound the moat.* The answers which they gave, on being questioned, con- vinced the prince that any loss of time would be an imprudence. The admiral had feared some measure of the kind, ever since he heard of the engineer being discovered in disguise. He had taken his family to Noyers: they quitted the castle without delay, and had they been three days later their escape would have been impossible; for the province was filling with soldiers, the bridges and fords were guarded, and a number of troops were concealed in the environs. They quitted Noyers on the 25th of August, as secretly as it could be done with the embarrassing tra-in which ac companied them. They took, partly on horseback and partly in litters, the prin- cess and her children; Andelot's wife, and a child at the breast; Coligny's young family (his wife had died recently,) with nurses and female attendants: their escort was about. one hundred and fifty men. It was a painful sight to see so many women and children exposed to the fa- tigues of such a journey, and the dangers of being assailed on the road; but what man could leave any part of his family in the power of a king who had sworn his ruin ? The better to conceal their flight, the prince wrote the king a letter of complaint and remonstrance, and gave out that he should wait for an answer: but his time was too precious to lose a moment: a gen- tleman of that country, who by frequent hunting was perfectly acquainted with the fords and by-paths, conducted him to the banks of the Loire, opposite Sancerre. They crossed the river with the water scarcely above their horse's knees: a heavy storm of rain fell for two hours after they were on the other side, which swelled the river so much that it com- pletely screened them from pursuit. AVhile they were reposing on an emi- nence, they could distinctly see a body of horsemen waiting on the opposite bank, not daring to venture across the river to follow them. Coligny felt very grateful on the occasion, and impressed his companions with corresponding sen timents for so great a deliverance.! The remainder of their journey was full of dangers, the Catholic forces and themselves being directed towards the same point ; but they arrived in safety on the 18th of September, when the people of Rochelle received them with acclama- tions.* Similar measures had been planned for entrapping the other leading Protestants, but they all failed in the execution. The Cardinal of Chatillon, who was at his see (Beauvais,) escaped into Normandy, took the disguise of a sailor, and crossed over to England in a small vessel : he was of great service to the cause by his negotia- tions.! The Queen of Navarre, warned in time by the admiral's letter, hastened to Rochelle with her son and daughter, some money, and four thousand soldiers. The chiefs in general assumed the defen- sive, and immediately raised levies in their different provinces. The guerillas, main- tained by these persons, kept the Catholic army in full employment, and preserved Rochelle from an attack, till proper mea- sures had been taken for its defence. This general movement of the Huguenots con- vinced the queen-mother that her project had been betrayed : the accusation against the chancellor could no longer be doubted, and his dismissal took place accordingly.! Coligny's letters to his friends, in conse- quence of his early suspicions of treachery on the part of the court, had given the Protestants such an advantage, that they were in a few days assembled in great force in different parts of France. The queen, on the other hand, was astonished at the vigour of their measures; and, hoping to cajole them, published an edict, declaring the willingness of the govern- ment to protect them in future, as well as to render them justice for the past. The edict was so completely at variance with her conduct for some time previous, that it produced no effect on the minds of the Protestants. Catherine then gave the command of the army to the Duke of An- jou, and published several other edicts against the Protestants. Her behaviour on this occasion shows much spite and ittle management. She revoked every * Mem. cle Tavannes, p. 314. But Brantome, vol. jx p. 109, st.ites that the letters were intercepted contrary to the wish of Tavannes. f An advocate, in an inflated speech, compared the event to the passage of the Israelites through the Red Sea. Arcere, vol. i. p. 369. * D'Auhigne, vol. i. p. 262. Vie de Coligny, p. 346. Pasquier, vol. ii. p. 127. Davila, liv. 4 p 443. f Davila, liv. 4, p. 447. Castelnau, liv. 7, ch. 1. j 7th Oct. 1568. Journal de Brulart, and Davila, liv.4. BATTLE OF JARNAC. 10! edict which had been given in their favour: their cause. To check their progress, the she forbade, under pain of death, the exer- cise of any religion besides the Roman, and she ordered all who professed the new Duke of Anjou set out to join the Catholic army, of which he had already been nomi- nated generalissimo. Conde, who was faith to quit their employs.* Her manner aware of the young duke's passion for of conducting affairs at this period was ' glory, fidt assured that he would lose no not of the sort usually adopted by her, and her crafty policy seems to have been dormant. The sudden revocation of the edicts was a public declaration that it was a war for religion. The Queen of En£r- time before he gave battle; he therefore sent orders to hasten the arrival of some troops which were coming from Langue- doc to join him: he even set out to meet them. A misunderstanding unfortunately land was more easily persuaded to help, arose between Dacier and Mouvens, who the confederates, and the numbers of men i commanded them, and the royal forces, who flocked to the Protestant standard ex- cited general surprise. The perfidious manner in which the Huguenots had been treated drove them to great excesses im- mediately they had the power of avenging themselves. Every thing therefore which was identified with the Romish worship experienced their fury: churches and mo- nasteries were pulled down, priests and monks were murdered, and it is said that many nuns suffered excesses of the most brutal kind, and which did not even save them from the sword. Oppression natu- rally creates resistance, and long irritation excites a thirst for revenge. When a people once gain the upper hand of their oppressors, they can set no bounds to their resentments, for their passions are uncurbed. We cannot wonder, therefore, that the popular wrath on this occasion fell upon the ecclesiastics, as the priests had uniformly been the approvers and even instigators of their sufferings, and the authority of the church had been always invoked to sanction the burning and mur- dering of their relatives and friends: no- thing done in retaliation, therefore, ap peared excessive in the eyes of the enraged Huguenots, who sullied their cause by such deplorable excesses. CHAPTER XXII. Battle of Jarnac— Death of the Prince of Conde. During the month of October, 15G8, the Protestants obtained possession of a con- siderable extent of territory beyond the Loire, and took all the towns in that part of the country, with the exception of Poic- tiers. Every thing seemed favourable to 7, ch. Journal tie Brulart. Castelnau, liv. under Brissac, completely routed them without difficulty.* The misconduct of the officers having caused this reinforcement to be greatly reduced in number, the Prince of Conde was of opinion that they should be tried for it by a court-martial ; but Coligny pru- dently remonstrated, and showed him, that, although it was quite reasonable that discipline should be strictly enforced, there were occasions when it became necessary to relax its rigour: those who had com- mitted this fault were persons of credit and authority, and therefore it would be more prudent to use persuasion than me- naces: the latter would do very well in the royal armies, where the king's name had a prodigious effect, but as they had taken arms against him on account of their religion, they had many things to manage with caution. f Conde was persuaded to adopt the milder course, and set out to attack the Duke of Montpensier, who commanded the royal army during the absence of the Duke of Anjou: he was coming on by short journeys to assume his post, but, hearing of the prince's movements, he hastened forward, and summoned a coun- cil of war directly he arrived: his propo- sal was to attack the confederates imme- diately, but some old captains persuaded him to defer such a measure, as the ene- my's force would certainly be diminished by a delay; the gentlemen, they said, would be tired of waiting, in a state of in- action, at their own expense, and would soon insist upon returning to their homes : the army weakened in that manner would be an easier prey.J The king's army at this time consisted of twenty-four thousand infantry and four * Vie de Coligny, p. 352. liv. 4. t Vie de Coligny, p. 353. La Noue, p. 646. J Ibid. p. 354. Davil5 102 SANGUINARY ZEAL OF ST. PIUS. thousand horsemen ; that of the confede- rates was less by a fourth, but was com- posed of very determined men, who had staked their all upon the success of their arms. Conde, relying upon their valour, sought every occasion for a battle; Anjou as carefully avoided it, but could not ho- nourably retire to winter-quarters. In the meantime it was disadvantageous to both parties that the affair should be thus spun a reinforcement for the Protestants: the Dukes of Aumale and Nemours, with six thousand men, were posted in Lorrain, to prevent his passing to the interior. Had the introduction of foreign armies into France been the only result of these applications for assistance from abroad, the page of history would have been spared the details of the most dreadful transac- tion ever recorded. The German, Spa- out, and a battle delayed: the Protestant ' nish, and Italian troops arrived; fought for chiefs had fears, lest the gentlemen in their their respective friends; and on the con- army should wish to go home; and the, elusion of a peace retired. But the chances king had difficulty in finding the means of war were too uncertain for the calcu- for keeping his army on foot, notwith- standing the exertions made in his behalf by the pope, Pius V.* The severity of the winter inflicted great hardships on both armies: the con- federates, however, suffered less than their enemies, as they were chiefly quar- tered in villages, and in the suburbs of towns. At length they were compelled to seek for refuge from the inclemency of the season, which carried off, in the two ar- mies, more than eight thousand men.t During the remainder of the winter, both parties were busy in strengthening themselves by every kind of reinforcement. Elizabeth, Queen of England, at the soli- citation of the Cardinal of Chatillon, sent the Protestants a quantity of money, pro- visions, and ammunition.!; But the most lations of the Vatican ; the sacred college was too anxious for victory over heresy to wait the result of policy and craft: a bold measure was requisite to bring about the extinction of the evil, and that measure ended in the massacre of the St. Bartho- lomew. Pius V. was so zealous in the cause of the Roman hierarchy, that he has been canonized for his holy intentions, as a compensation for his not having lived to see the fruit of his exertions* He had written pressing letters to different princes, in order to obtain help for the most Chris- tian king : at last he unbosomed himself to the Cardinals of Bourbon and Lorrain ; both letters were written on the same day.t After informing the Cardinal of Bour- fruitful source from whence they drewibon, that he was ready to face death in their supplies arose from the circumstance [the cause of religion, his holiness added, of Coligny being at the head of the French I " that gives us the right of earnestly ex- marine. In his quality of admiral, he com- 1 horting you by our letters, and of exciting missioned a fleet of nine ships, and some I you to make every effort to employ all frigates, and sent them to cruise off the your influence for procuring a definitive coast, from Brittany to Flanders. These enterprises were very successful: they and serious adoption of the measure, most proper for bringing about the destruction were sure of shelter in the English ports;: of the implacable enemies of God and the and they captured a great number of Spa-! king; a measure, without which it will be nish and Flemish vessels; and a tenth of the value of those prizes was the legal pro- perty of the admiral. { Both parties had sent into Germany for levies : the Catholics were joined by a considerable body, under the Margrave of Baden, and other captains. The Duke of Deux-Ponts at the same time conducted * The pope sent Charles IX. 10,000 pieces of gold towards defraying the expenses of the war. See the letters uf Pius V. to different personages during this year. •f Davila, liv. 4, p. 470. La Noue, p. 659. Castelnau, liv. 7 ch. 2. J DAubigne, vol. i. p. 2H3. Castelnau, liv. 7, cb. 2. § La Noue, p. 095. Davila, liv. 4, p. 452. always impossible to pursue warmly the operations of the war, and to conduct it to a happy issue." The letter then enlarges on the necessity of depriving the heretics of the time for collecting their scattered forces, and thus secure the advantage of a victory. "Expedition and ceaseless ac- tivity are moreover necessary, because the * Michael Ghislieri was born A D 1504. at Roschi. in Piedmont. His family was poor, and he joined the Do. minicans. By his severity to all heretics, he obtained the rank of cardinal, and the office of grand inquisitor. Elected pope in 156fi, he took the style of Pius V., and, until his death, in May, 1572, be was unceasingly em- ployed in fomenting persecutions for religion. t 17th January, 1569. BATTLE OF JARNAC — DEATH treasury is becoming more exhausted every day. The importance of the inte- rests which we discuss, and the dangers of the kingdom, reduced to the last ex- tremity, would possibly require fuller de- velopment ; but your known love for the Catholic religion, and the zeal which ani- mates you for the divine honour, render it unnecessary to dwell further upon these things with you." To the Cardinal of Lorrain, St. Pius writes : " we not only demand that you display the greatest zeal in doing what we desire, but we beg you also to inflame the spirits of the king, the queen, and all whom they employ in this war; and to excite them to execute with activity what has been neglected till now, as well as to pre- pare diligently, and without delay, what- ever may contribute to put an end to this disastrous war, by conquering and sub- duing the enemy." This letter contains remarks very similar to the other, urging a speedy termination of the war, by at- tacking the heretics at once, and following up the blow till they were all destroyed. These letters were followed soon after by another to Charles,* informing him that he had sent Sforza, Count of Santa- fiore, with some troops to help him: " We pray Almighty God, who is the Lord of Hosts, the King of Kings, and who directs and governs every thing by his wisdom, mercifully to grant your ma- jesty the victory over our common ene- mies. When God, as we trust, shall have given us the victory, it will be for you to punish, with the utmost rigour, the heretics and their leaders, because they are the enemies of God; and you must avenge upon them, not only your own injuries, but also those of Almighty God." Directly the season would permit, the contending parties renewed their opera- tions. Tavannes was nominally under the orders of the Duke of Anjou, but in reality possessed the chief command of the royal army. He was anxious to con- fine the confederates within their present limits, while Conde wished to gain the centre of France, that he might be more ready to join the Germans who were coming to his aid. Each party was con- stantly on the watch for an opportunity of surprising their enemy. At length a bat- * Dated 6th Murch, 1569^ OF THE miNCE OF CONDE. 103 tie was fought at Jarnac, a small town in the Angoumois, on the borders of the ri- ver Charente.* The Duke of Anjou had decided on at- tacking the confederates, but it was neces- sary to pass the river: in his first attempt he was repulsed by the admiral, with the loss of three hundred men. On the night preceding the battle, Tavannes effected the passage by making a false march, and suddenly returning to Chateauneuf, one of the outposts of the Protestants. The officer who commanded there was struck with such a panic fhat he made no de- fence : had he merely cut some ropes, which held together a bridge of boats at that part, there would have remained no means of crossing the river. Coligny flew to the spot the moment he heard of the affair, but before he could arrive, the detachment had crossed. Conde, thus surprised, was in a dilem- ma: he had not time to collect all his troops: if he gave battle, it would be to a great disadvantage; if he retreated, the consequences might be still worse. The prince's misfortune was increased by an inexcusable delay on the part of some gentlemen in his army, by which the Ca- tholics were enabled to strengthen them- selves still more in taking the post of Bassac : instead of taking horse at dawn, they laid in bed till half-past eight o'clock. The courage of the Prince of Conde during this battle was very remarkable. He had been wounded in the arm two days previous, and, while preparing for action on this occasion, he received a kick from the horse of his friend La Itochefoueault. Without complaining of the pain, he made an animated appeal to the nobles around him, and desired them to bear in mind the condition in which Louis of Bourbon went into action, on behalf of his religion and his country. His bravery, however, was not attended with the success it merited. From the first onset, fortune declared for the Duke of Anjou: he charged upon La Noue, who was at the head of the Protestant rear-guard; he was thrown into complete confusion, and would have been over- whelmed, had not Anclelot arrived to his assistance, and enabled him to rally his men. A second charge left him a priso- * 13th March, 1569. It is sometimes called the battle of Bassac, from its vicinity to that town. Jarnac is 2 leagues from Cognac. 104 DEATH OF THE PRINCE OF CONDE. ner in the hands of the Catholics, who obtained that advantage by his horse being killed under him. When he heard that La Noue was a prisoner, the Admiral observed, that he could better have spared any ten others. The strutrgrle continued for some time, and the Admiral firmly sustained the re- peated shocks of the royal army: but his force was unequal to the task, and it be- came evident that, unless he was assist- ed, he must soon yield. The Prince of Conde in consequence hastened to help him: he charged upon the main body of the enemy's cavalry, and, crippled as he was, he fought among them till his horse fell under him. To be dismounted on such an occasion rendered his capture in- evitable; and he surrendered himself to two gentlemen, named Dargence and St. John, who conducted him out of the fray, and seated him under a hedge. Montes- quieu, captain of the Duke of Anjou's guards, unfortunately chanced to pass at the time: he inquired who the prisoner was, and, on being informed, drew his pistol, and shot the prince through the head. Satisfied with the death of the Protestant general, the Catholics did not take the full advantage of their victory: they scarcely pursued the Protestants, who retired in good order under the com- mand of Coligny.* It was generally thought, that orders had been given to spare no Huguenot of distinction who might be taken in this battle. Brantome states,t " that it had been strongly recommended to several of the Duke of Anjou's favourites." Robert Stuart, among others, being made a priso- ner, was taken before the duke, by the Marquis of Villars, who entreated per- mission to put him to death, for having killed the Constable Montmorency at the battle of St. Denis. Anjou refused his consent; but, being strongly pressed by Villars, he turned his head away, and said, " Well, be it so!" Stuart was then led to a short distance, and killed.^ La Noue was brought before the severe Duke of Montpensier, who thus ad- dressed him: " My friend, your process is finished; yours, and that of all your companions: look to your conscience!"§ * Davila, d'Aubigne, De Tlinu, and Castelnau. t Vol. viii. p. 244. (Vie at Condi.) I Brantome, (Vie de Montmorency.) § Ibid. (Vie de Montpensier.) An old comrade of La Noue's, named Martigues, saved him from death, and af- terwards effected his exchange for Sessac, lieutenant of Guise's men-at-arms.* The Duke of Anjou slept at Jarnac, in the same house where the Prince of Conde had lodged the preceding night. He had the cruelty to behold the body of the unfortunate prince borne by an ass through the Catholic army. Conde's body became an object of derision with many who before had trembled at his name alone. It was afterwards sent to the Prince of Beam, who caused it to be interred at Vendome in the sepulchre of his ancestors.! Such was the end of Louis of Bourbon, Prince of Conde; a man distinguished for his bravery, skill, and wit, at a court where such qualities, to be distinguished, must have been possessed in a very great degree. His principal failing, an extreme susceptibility of tenderness for the fair sex, exposed him to many snares, by which he was impeded in his proper channel of advancement: but his charac- ter as a good, unflinching friend, a sin- cere and affable man, was free from the least imputation; and his good qualities made him regretted, even by the party opposed to him. He has been accused of ambitiously aspiring to the throne; certainly he was ambitious, for, in his day, that passion was cherished as a vir- tue by every person of distinction. He bore arms against his sovereign, but was driven to do so by the first instinct of na- ture— self-preservation. Those who accuse the Prince of Conde of having aimed at the crown, found their accusation principally on his coining money bearing his effigy, and the inscrip- tion, Louis XIII., King of France. Some particulars respecting this coinage have been preserved, and may not be misplaced here.} Brantome, after minutely describing the coining of this money, as the effect of the prince's vain-glory, mentions, " that the constable presented it to the council at the Louvre, in the year 1567, the se- » Amiranlt. (Vie de la Jfoue, p. 31.) ■f Davila. liv. 4, p. 4fi. j Tlie subject was discussed in 1741 by M. Secousse in an essay, entitled " Dissertation nullarum personaruin rerun)- que li imanarum respectus. te in earn mpnium adducere iiotcrit, ut Dei hosiibus pareas. —Edit. Oobau. well publicly as in the interior of the conscience. He afterwards desires him to convince the king of the notorious truth, that he could never satisfy the Re- deemer, nor obey his laws, but in show- ing himself inexorable to all who should dare to intercede for those abominable men. To the king himself he repeats the argument of his former letters; he assures him that if he neglects from any motive * Dated 13ih .April. 1509. t Q,uod ne fiat, atque hnmines sceleratiesjmi jusiis suppliriis afficiantur, curare te Qrtini studio airjiie iai- dustria oportet.— Edit. Ooubuu, liv. 3, p. 150. SIEGE OF POICTIERS. Ill to pursue and punish God's enemies, it will end in wearying his patience and pro- voking his wrath; and he cautions him against listening to any entreaties, or yielding to friendship or blood. It would fatigue the reader to produce every letter which proceeded from the pope at the time now under discussion. The conferences at Bayonne have been very generally considered the origin of the plan for the extirpation of the Pro- testants. There is, however, reason to believe that at that time (1565,) the pope, the King of Spain, and Catherine de Medicis, considered it sufficient to destroy the leaders; the multitude might then be scattered without difficulty, and their congregations and public existence would no longer be an eye-sore to the govern- ment; but when the Prince of Conde's place was immediately supplied by a chief of equal rank, and the vacancies in the Huguenot army were filled up with- out any delay, Catherine perceived the fallacy of her expectations. To assassi- nate the admiral would serve no other purpose than to irritate his party; and to seize and put to death any number of Huguenot captains would aggravate their followers without materially weakening their cause. The pope's advice was cal- culated to effect his object ultimately, but a civil war was fraught with every evil. She resolved on making another effort in the field before she concluded a peace; but policy and her own experience show- ed her that the result could be attained much easier, much quicker, and far more effectually by secret operations, which, striking the whole body at once, would prevent any organized resistance, and leave the entire party at her mercy. An- other victory she hoped might enable her to dictate her own terms for a cessa- tion of hostilities, and the war was con- tinued with vigour; not so much with a view of subduing the Huguenots by force of arms, as with the steady purpose of gaining some ascendency, suited for the development of her ulterior policy. CHAPTER XXIV. Siege of Poietiers— Defeat of the Protestants at Mont, contour. Coligny waited impatiently for an answer to the letter which he had sent the queen-mother: he perceived at last that there was no probability of his re- ceiving any reply, and resolved to employ his troops without wasting further time. How they should be employed was dis- cussed in a council of war: some pro- posed to seize upon Saumur, obtain a passage across the Loire, and thence pro- ceed direct to Paris. Those who were in favour of this measure- contended that there was no other method of compelling the queen to consent to reasonable terms; that when she perceived the heart of the kingdom ruined and Paris in danger, she would be so fearful of an intelligence with the inhabitants, that she would grant all their demands, rather than risk a bat- tle which would then be her only alter- native. In opposing the proposition it was argued that, by leaving Poietiers be- hind them in the hands of the Catholics, there was danger for all the towns they held beyond the Loire; but by taking that place they would so materially strengthen their position in those provinces, that it would be impossible to drive them out; that, though it was not desirable to carry- on war in their own quarters, it was ne- cessary for them, since in case of misfor- tune they required a secure retreat, the benefits of which they had experienced after the loss of the last battle, by reas- sembling and refitting so soon, that thev scarcely felt the loss they had sustained; but that it would be quite different if they ventured into the midst of an enemy's country without money, ammunition, ar- tillery, or provisions, unable to take any with them; and, what is most important of all, without any town or fortress in which to take refuge, should they require a place of retreat. Their prospect of suc- cess was also doubtful, with respect to the forces opposed to them; for the royal army, although separated, was not dis- banded, and could jeasily be collected together. They vfould therefore be ex- posed to great danger, without a cor- responding chance of success.* The latter advice prevailed, and the ad- miral despatched Teligny to master some places in the neighbourhood of Poietiers. Chatellerault was taken without difficulty: some persons in the town were in league with the Confederates; they created a tu- mult, and, in the confusion which fol- * Vie de Coligny, p. 365. Davila, liv. 5, p. 515. 112 SIEGE OF POICTIERS. lowed, obtained possession of one of the gates, by which the Huguenot soldiers entered. The governor made no further attempt to defend the place, but escaped to Poictiers. Several inconsiderable towns, and the rich monastery of Branthome, were plundered by the German troops, who required such incitements to keep them in obedience. Lusignan was the next object of at- tack: it was considered one of the strong- est towns in France, and had formerly withstood some long sieges, and violent assaults. But the valour of the garrison was very short of that of their predeces- sors, and they made scarcely any op- position. Some heavy pieces of ord- nance taken in this town contributed to strengthen the confederates for the siege of Poictiers, which was commenced very soon after, the admiral stopping only to take possession of Mirebeau and St. Maixant, two small places in his way.* The Duke of Anjou had anticipated such a measure from the regular way in which the surrounding towns had been taken, and had sent strong re-inforcements to Poictiers. That town was at this pe- riod the second in France in size and im- portance; and if the Protestants could have taken it, the influence which it must have given them would have been very considerable. The Duke of Guise, ac- companied by his brother Mayenne and a numerous body of noblesse, retired into the town. In addition to the usual gar- rison, the Count de Lude had entered with six thousand soldiers, and a number of peasants had been hired from the neigh- bourhood to work at the fortifications, and make every preparation which could be devised for defending the place. The young Duke of Guise was already in great esteem among the Catholics, who antici- pated the benefits which he would one day confer on their cause: he was anxious to avenge his father's 'death, and no less desirous of equalling his renown. The defence of Metz had procured unfading laurels for one, and that of Poictiers of- fered the other a fair chance of obtaining a brilliant reputation. The Count de Lude was governor of the province, and the command of the town by right de- volved on him; but he waived hispreten- * Davila, liv. 5, p. 5113. D'Aubigne, vol. i. p. 291. sions to that honour in favour of the young hero. The siege commenced on the 25th of July, when the admiral attacked the fau- bourg St. Lazare, which was unprovided with fortifications, and defended by only four hundred men. After three hours' fighting, the admiral obtained possession of the place. Guise counteracted this by making a sortie, and destroying every house, to deprive the assailants of shelter; he also made many other sorties and was always foremost in them, heedless of the number of men he lost provided he de- stroyed some of the besiegers. Coligny was as assiduous in repeating his assaults, and the siege was productive of excessive bloodshed. The admiral considered at length that the better way of reducing the town would be to turn the siege into a blockade. The number of the troops which consti- tuted its strength would also hasten a scarcity of provisions. The plan was good, but the acuteness of the Duke of Guise suggested to him the same idea, and measures were immediately taken for husbanding the provisions in the town: he retrenched the supply of his own table, and every body followed his example; by this measure the scarcity was not so soon felt in the place. The cannon of the besiegers had effect- ed a great breach in the walls of Poictiers, and by the 10th of August it was con- sidered sufficient to warrant an assault. A bridge constructed upon casks fastened together with ropes was thrown across the river: the admiral had reconnoitred the breach, and would have ordered the assault at once although he was aware of the besieged having thrown up some strong redoubts inside the wall to protect the breach; but on examining the bridge^ he found that it would not with safety allow the troops to march across it in suf- ficient numbers: he ordered another to be constructed and with more strength, so that even the cavalry might cross, if they once gained a footing in the town. The plan however was rendered abortive by a bold feat of one Capijuchy, a Roman gentleman, who took with him two good swimmers, and, diving under the bridge cut the cords in different parts: the current of the river soon carried the whole away, and, while the Protestants SIEGE OF POICTIERS. 113 were making another bridge, the besieged had time to repair the breach. Guise joined in the work, and helped to carry the baskets full of earth, which kindled such an emulation, that there was no' want of assistance.* In a short time the besiegers had con- structed three new bridges, much strong- er than the former, and had added to the strength of their batteries. The besieged at the same time succeeded in restoring their rampart. A fresh assault was made upon the town, and after some hard fight- ing the Protestants were able to effect a lodgement: but a fire was opened on them, from some small pieces of artillery placed in a convent, which soon compelled them to abandon their post. Several persons of note were killed, and La Noue was wounded on this occasion. This check did not destroy the ardour of the Hugue- nots, and they made such progress with their batteries in destroying the wall, that the town could not long have been de- fended on that side. As a last resource, the inhabitants contrived to dam up the river, which caused an inundation, and thus prevented the assailants from ap- proaching the breach. Coligny then di- rected his efforts against another part of the town, and succeeded in destroying the wall to the extent of sixty feet. An assault was attempted and a sanguinary conflict ensued, in which the leaders on both sides fought like private soldiers. The Protestants persisted in their attacks on the town, and the loss they sustained had no effect upon them; but a dysentery broke out among the troops, and the two princes and the leading officers retired from the army, leaving the admiral almost alone to conduct the siege. Although at- tacked with the disease himself, he would not slacken his efforts ; and, though he regretted that the siege had been under- taken, he could not think of abandoning the attempt. But he had' soon an oppor- tunity of retiring without disgrace; for Tavannes suggested to- the Duke of Anjou, that he might well fill up his time in taking some place, while the Huguenots were so fully employed. The royal army was then ordered to Chatellerault, and Coligny im- mediately quitted Poictiers.f to prevent any misfortune occurring to the two young princes, who had retired to that town. Coligny threw some reinforce- ments into the place, and was in hopes of taking the royal army by surprise; but a deserter informed the Duke of Anjou of his intention, and the attempt on Chatelle- rault was immediately abandoned* La Charite was the only town upon the Loire which was in the hands of the Huguenots: Sansac was sent by the Duke of Anjou to take it, that the confederates might abandon all thoughts of being able to extend their operations beyond that river. He made this attempt while the admiral was besieging Poictiers. The garrison made a desperate resistance, and Sansac was obliged to retire after losing several gentlemen and a considerable number of soldiers.t After such serious losses as the Protest- ant army had suffered by the dysentery and the sword, Coligny was desirous of refreshing his troops and raising new levies. He took up his quarters in the faubourgs of Chatellerault. The Duke of Anjou was advised to avoid an engage- ment; to retire for a short time; and in the interval to send for all those of his army who had not yet returned to the camp. The king and queen were at Tours, and the Dukes of Anjou and Guise went there to meet them. A coun- cil was held, and the result of their delibera- tions produced a decVee of the parliament of Paris,}; which condemned Coligny as a rebel and a felon ; and promised a reward of fifty thousand golden crowns to any one who should seize him dead or alive. The Vidame of Chartres and Montgomery were condemned to death about the same time ; and all three were executed in effigy at the Greve.§ An attempt was made to poison Coligny very soon after this proclamation was" issued. The criminal was his own valet: he was condemned to be broken on the wheel, but the admiral interceded, and the punishment was commuted into being hanged. Before he died he confessed his crime, and stated that he had been insti- gated by La Riviere, the captain of the Duke of Anjou's guards; a circumstance which made manysuspect the duke himself. H Davila, li.v. 5. Vie de Colignv. liv. G. Tlh September, 1509. 10* * La Noue, p. 032. Davila, liv. 5. Vie de Colony, p m~. t Davila, liv. 5, p.512. t Dated 13th September, 1569. § Journal de lirulart, ami ne Thou, liv 43, altaeerd. S Vie de Coligny, p. 372. De Thou, liv. 45. 114 BATTLE OF MONTCONTOUK. When the Protestants were refreshed, and ready fir action, the admiral regretted very much the absence of the Duke of Anjou. Many things made him wish for a battle ; but in a short time the royal army was considerably increased by the arrival of gentlemen and their followers from different parts ; and he was then as anxious to avoid an engagement, as be- fore he had been to seek it : he wished above all things to wait till he could be joined by the army under Montgomery, who had been employed for several months in recovering Guyenne and Beam, which had been seized by the Catholics, under the direction of Montluc and Ter- ride, some time previous.* Directly the admiral had ascertained that he could depend upon the arrival of the Germans in June, he sent Montgomery to oppose the progress of the Catholics in those provinces. By that person's exer- tions the Queen of Navarre's authority was restored ; he forced Terride to raise the siege of Navarrins and took posses- sion of Orthtz.f At the latter place he is accused of breaking the articles of capitu- lation, by cruelly murdering four barons who were in the town. An act so bar- barous cannot be defended; but the histo- rian}: who makes the charge also says, " That he had more regard for the orders of the Queen Jane, who had commanded him to treat them as traitors, than to his own honour and faith." The success of Montgomery's expedition may be attri- buted to a disagreement between Mont- luc and Terride, and the ill-will borne to them both by Damville, governor of Lan- guedoc. The Duke of Anjou joined the royal army at the close of September, and, by the advice of Tavannes, he marched upon the quarters of the Huguenots, resolved to force them to an engagement. The admiral on his side was quite averse to engaging at this time, although he was tormented by his officers-, and the Ger- man auxiliaries, who were weary of such a long campaign : he purposed to quit Poitou, and gain Guyenne, by crossing the rivers that lay in that direction ; at the same time, to encourage his men, he circulated among them a report that * Mirasson. Hist, des Troubles de Beam, p. 218. t D'Aullignfe, vol. i. p.295 1 Meseray.— Jibregi Chron. Montgomery was on his road to join them. If by this stratagem he could keep his forces quiet for some time, he knew that the royal army would suffer from a scar- city of provisions, should the Duke of Anjou make any attempt to follow him. But Anjou perceived his intention, and came up with him at Montcontour, on the 30th of September, to the great surprise of the admiral, who thought him at a con- siderable distance. The two armies were drawn out ready for action, within musket- shot of each other; a small river separated them; the Catholics would not venture to pass it in presence of their enemies, and, night coming on, the battle was avoided for that time.* Coligny was advised by several officers to give battle at once, as it could not be long avoided ; he had therefore more choice of position at that time, than if the royal army were to overtake him in his flight to Guyenne. Besides, by availing himself of the eagerness to fight which his men exhibited, he would have more chance of success than when they had become fatigued and dispirited : these reasons made the admiral consent to wait for the enemy in the plain of Montcon- tour. The army was divided into three parts: he led the van; the princes, with Count Louis of Nassau, the main body ; Count Wolrand and Muoy the rear.t We are informed by La None that the same discontent pervaded the royal army, and that, the evening before this battle, two Catholic gentlemen meeting some Protestants conversed with them : " We have," said the Catholics, " the appear- ance of enemies, but we in no way hate you or your party. Tell the admiral to avoid giving battle, for our army is won- derfully strong, from the reinforcements which have arrived. But let him tempo- rize for one month only ; for all the no- bility have sworn and told the Duke of Anjou, that they will not stay longer; yet, if he will employ them within that time, they will do their duty. And if they do not have a victory very soon, several rea- sons will constrain them to wish for peace, and you will have advantageous terms." Although this information came from an enemy, and was liable to suspicion, the admiral wished to follow the advice. It * Davila, liv. 5, [>. 542. t H>'d. p. 547. DEFEAT OF THE PROTESTANTS. 115 was agreed that nothing should be preci- pitated, and at any rate they should seek a better position than that of Montcontour. But unfortunately the Germans became mutinous when they received orders to decamp; a considerable time was lost in appeasing them, and, before order was re- stored, the royal army appeared, and it was impossible to avoid a battle.* The Duke of Anjou had made a circui- tous march during the night of the 2d of October, and crossed the river at a spot, where it was so shallow, that the passage was effected without the order of march being broken. The armies were in pre- sence in the morning, and the eagerness of the Huguenots to engage gave reason to expect an obstinate fight. The action commenced, on both sides, by a violent cannonading at about nine in the morn- ing. The Huguenots then rushed on their enemies with a blind fury : the Catholic battalions received the shock with great firmness, and charging in turn threw their opponents into great confusion. In spite of the exertions of the Protestant captains, the rout was complete. The Catholics gave no quarter : they called out to each other to spare no one, in revenge for their companions who were killed at Laroche- Abeille.t Most of the Protestants who fell into their hands were put to the sword, and entire regiments were coolly murder- ed, after they had thrown away their arms and surrendered. Out of an army of twenty-five thousand men, scarcely six thousand assembled with Coligny and the princes at Parthenay. The Duke of Anjou had exposed him- self in the hottest of the fight : the Mar- grave of Baden was killed at his side. The admiral had received two wounds in the beginning of the action, but so long as he could sit on horseback nothing was able to keep him from his post. The Count Rbinegrave, at the head of some cavalry, recognised and charged upon him : the count discharged a pistol, which struck the admiral on the lower jaw, and broke four of his teeth; he at the same time fired on the count and killed him.} Coligny was fearful of exposing the per- sons of the young princes, and had posted them on a hill in the rear, with four thou- * La None, p ti8G. t Krantoinr, vol. x p. '280. t Davila, liv. 5. p 550. sand men under Louis of Nassau. The Prince of Beam was eager to join the battle, but was prevented. At one time the Protestants had broken the ranks of their enemies, and the arrival of the re- serve at that moment must have secured the victory, but Louis of Nassau would not swerve from the admiral's instruc- tions: the Prince of Beam then exclaimed, " We lose our advantage, and the battle in consequence."* The admiral, covered with the blood which poured from his wounds, continued the fight till he saw it was impossible to prevent entire defeat. He then tried to make the best possible retreat, which was effected in better order than could have been expected. His life was in the greatest danger on this occasion, and the devoted- ness of his followers alone preserved him. A blow he received in the fight broke the buckle of his cuirass, which fell down : while thus exposed his enemies pressed around him, and some of his men encir- cled him while he adjusted it. In the re- treat he was pursued by two gentlemen who were close upon him; and, as he was so exhausted, he could not have escaped them, had not some one opposed the pursuers, killed one and fought the other, and thus allowed the admiral time to escape. This brave follower received a severe wound, but which happily did not prove mortal, and, while Coligny lived, he gave him a pension.! The battle lasted a very short time, but the overthrow of the Protestants was com- plete. All their artillery, baggage, and stores, fell into the hands of the Catholics. The numerous standards taken were sent to Rome, and solemnly dedicated as tro- phies in the church of St. John de Lateran. A few of the prisoners escaped slaughter; among others, Dacier, Blangon, and La Noue, whose singular fortune it was to fall into the enemies7 hands in almost every engagement, and who would cer- tainly have been put to death, if Anjou had not protected him. He was after- wards exchanged for Strozzy, who was destined by the Protestants to suffer ex- actly the same treatment as was shown to La Noue. The Cardinal of Lorrain opposed the exchange ; observing that there were many like Strozzy, but there * Pertfixe. t Vie de Coligny, p. 372. 1 16 DEFEAT OF THE was only one La Noue. Strozzy however had interest with the queen, and his safety purchased that of La Noue.* This terrible check was sufficient to overwhelm the hopes of the Protestant party, which might have been completely destroyed, had the Catholics properly ex- erted themselves to follow up their victory. Those who escaped from the field of battle had time allowed them to consider what they should do ; and, with such a leader as the admiral, they required no more to enable them once more to make head against misfortune: even his ene- mies allow that Coligny was never so great as when struggling with difficulties, and that dangers only served to confirm his courage and create fresh energies. On the evening after the battle he held a council of officers, and restored their drooping spirits. Many of them were cast down when they considered the loss they had just sustained, and reflected that they were destitute of almost every thing, in a remote quarter of the kingdom, and exposed to the vengeance of an irritated king. Coligny, although from his wounded jaw he could hardly speak, addressed them in an animated style. He reminded them, that after other defeats they had always found themselves stronger and more formidable to their enemies ; that the defeat of an army would not finish the war, provided they did not fail in courage and constancy ; that they could always calculate upon Germany as a vast and in- exhaustible nursery for soldiers; that the al- liance with England continued, and that the news of their defeat would cause reinforce- ments to be sent without delay ; that they had friends in many parts of the kingdom, who would create diversions in their fa- vour; that they had a good army under Montgomery, who would soon join them ; that if they submitted to any terms at present, they must yield to the will of the conqueror, whereas, if they held out a short time, and collected their forces toge- ther, they could treat for peace on more equal terms. The admiral's sentiments were approved by all present ; and the same night couriers were sent off to all the Protestant states, informing them ofj their defeat, and entreating further assist- ance, f Letters were also written to the * Amiratilt, p 40. I Davila, liv. 5, p 554; PROTESTANTS. different towns of France, to prevent any ill consequences arising from a report that Coligny was dead of his wounds.* The following day the confederates retired to Niort: their plan was to abandon the open country ; to strengthen the garri- sons of the principal towns, such as Ro~ chelle, St. Jean d'Angely, and Angou- leme; to retire with the remainder of their forces to the mountains of Auvergne and Gascony, and effect a junction withMont- ' gomery. By these means they hoped to prolong the war till assistance could come to them from abroad.f When Catherine heard of the defeat of the Huguenots at Montcontour, she consi- dered Coligny as lost beyond recovery, and congratulated herself on being freed from the only man who was able to- thwart her ambition. Hitherto the queen had endeavoured to persuade Coligny that her conduct towards him had been in- spite of herself ; and to preserve that ap- pearance she had given orders that his private property should be respected: but now that she deemed his credit quite gone, and his resources entirely destroyed, she ceased to make any such profession. The reward of fifty thousand crowns was again offered to any one who would bring his head, in hopes that some mercenary would be tempted to murder him. His house at Chatillon was plundered, and every thing belonging to himself, his bro- ther, and his nephews, was taken away. Policy had joined in preventing such a measure before, for fear of restitution being required at the peace. His property was now confiscated, and his support de- pended exclusively on the contributions- of the different Protestant churches: they sent him two thousand crowns every month, which he consented to accept during the remainder of the war.J: The Protestant cause, though reduced, was- far from being cast down ; and the exer- tions which Catherine de Medicis made for the destruction of the Huguenots proved the means of enabling them to collect new forces, and to appear again in a condition to face their enemies. In exe- cuting her plans she invariably offended several powerful nobles, and thus raised fresh obstacles- to be overcome. * Vie de Coligny, p. 374. t Davila, liv. 5, p. 55S: I Vie de Coligny, p. 375.. SIEGES OF NIORT AND ST. JEAN d'aNGELY. 117 CHAPTER XXV. Sieges of Niort and St. Jean d'Angely— The Princes and Coligny retire into Beam— Battle of Arnayle Due— Peace of St. Germain en-Laye. The excessive eclat which was thrown over the victory at Montcontour, and the praises which were lavished on the Duke of Anjou, aroused the jealousy of the vete- ran captains. The king determined to join the army ; and by that measure he rather fomented the discord which was establishing itself among the leading offi- cers: he could not conceal his real object, which was to share his brother's glory, instead of supporting his authority. Most of the old generals had for some time been tormented with vexation on beholding the command in the hands of a youth : they took no further interest in finishing the war, as the honour of it would be taken from them. The Guises had grown cool; for the fact of subduing the Huguenots was of no moment, in their estimation, unless they could have the glory of the work : they were, moreover, mortified at being classed among the secondary com- manders— a result of the queen's jealous interference — she being fearful lest any success of theirs should make them still greater favourites with the Catholics. The Montmorencies were offended at the neglect with which they had been treated since the constable's death, and besides were favourably inclined towards Coligny, their kinsman. The operation of these feelings dis- played itself at the council held immedi- ately after the battle. Tavannes insisted upon pursuing the fugitives with the greater part of the army, leaving just sufficient to mask the principal towns, which would soon fall without sieges. The Huguenots, he contended, should be harassed and pursued from place to place, till they had either quitted the kingdom, or threw themselves into some town, which might be made their grave. No solid reason was opposed to this proposal; but, instead of its being adopted, it was resolved that their operations should be directed to getting possession of the re- volted towns. Tavannes in consequence gave up his command, and the Protestants were thus delivered from one very formi- dable enemy.* Several towns were taken without re- sistance;! hut Niort prepared for defence, and the Duke of Anjou commenced a regular siege. Mouy commanded there: he had retired to that town at the sugges- tion of the admiral, who considered such a measure necessary to cover the retreat of the young princes, and give him an op- portunity of collecting some of the re- mains of his army : for had the conquerors been unemployed, it was to be feared that they would have overwhelmed him. On quitting Parthenay, the admiral and his companions silently took the direction of Niort, where Mouy was left with the re- mains of the infantry; Coligny then made the best of his way towards Rochelle, with a small body of horsemen. t. Mouy's force was inconsiderable, and he endeavoured to supply the deficiency of his numerical strength by the most courageous exertions. He made a sortie, to stop the progress of the besiegers' works: he committed great havoc among them, and continued his attacks till the evening, when he purposed retiring into the town. Unfortunately, however, he was shot by one Maurevel, who had passed into the Huguenot camp for the purpose of killing Coligny, whose sudden departure for Rochelle preserved his life. The assassin, however, was determined to show himself worthy of his recom- pense, and with a pistol shot Mouy in the back: he then went immediately to the Duke of Anjou ; and there has never been any doubt expressed as to that prince having hired him for the purpose. Mouy quitted the town and retired to Rochelle, where he died a few days afterwards; which event so dispirited the garrison, that they surrendered.^ The king arrived at the camp about the time that Niort was occupied by his forces, and was so pleased with the suc- cess which had attended the operations of his army, that he expected to take every town with the same facility, and that before long he should be master even of * Mem. de Tavannes, p. 158. t Parthenay, Lusignan, Uhatellerault, St. Maixent. and Footenay. t Uavila, liv. 5, p. 5G0. § Davila, liv. 5. Vie de Coligny, p. 376. Brantome, Viede VAmiral. De Thou, liv. 46. Arcere, vol. i. p. 380. 118 THE PRINCE AND C0L1GNY RETIRE INTO BEARN. Rochelle; but the vigorous defence of St. Jean d'Angely made him change his opinion. That town was defended by Piles, a brave general, and it was not till the end of two months, and when he was at the greatest extremity, that he would surrender. Biron summoned the town,* and was answered, that the surrender must be pre- ceded by a peace, which should be bene- ficial to all France. On the same day, to convince the besieging army that they were able to defend the place, the garri- son made a sortie, and killed a great number of their enemies. This check en- raged the Catholics, who opened such a cannonade upon the town, that a breach was soon made. The garrison repaired it in the night, and a second breach was ne- cessary before an assault could be at- tempted.! Repeated assaults were given: the Catholics fought under the king's eye, and emulated each other's prowess ; but the firmness of the Huguenots was un- shaken, and their exertions unabated. At length, finding there was no prospect of receiving any assistance from without, Piles capitulated, and obtained very ho- nourable terms, both for himself and his garrison.}; The time occupied before St. Jean d'Angely gave the princes an oppor- tunity to re-establish themselves. The Huguenots also took advantage of the de- lay to fortify Rochelle, whither the Queen of Navarre had retired. § When the Catholics commenced the siege of St. Jean d'Angely, Coligny pre- pared to set out for Bearn. His friends had been summoned to join him at Saintes ; and they set out from that place on the 18th of October. A supply of one hundred thousand crowns had been received from England, and with that help he expected to carry the war into Languedoc. At the same time he received promises of assist- ance from man}' princes, who had hitherto declined aiding him.|| The king was informed of Coligny's de- sign, and sent orders to destroy all the bridges, and stave the boats on the rivers, that he might not be able to make use of them ; guards were placed at all the fords, and they were commanded to put to death * 2Gth Oct. 1569 + De Thou. liv. 4C, vol. v. p. 657. ] 2d Dec. 150!). Arcere, vol. i. p. 382 § La Noue, p. 693. I Vie de Coligny, p. 377. all stragglers. But these precautions were unable to prevent his safely arriving in Bearn, where deputies from all the churches came to meet him. He crossed the Ga- ronne without difficulty, although the Ca- tholics were on its banks. The respect which was shown him on his road was of the most touching kind : in the midst of the joy which was expressed at his arrival, the greater number could not conceal their emotions, at the dangers he had encoun- tered in their behalf. As he approached Montauban, the number of the company was very much increased, and if Coligny had permitted it, his entry into that town would have been a triumphal one; but, while at a few leagues' distance, he told some who had come to inform him of the honour intended him, that if they had money to spare, they had better apply it to some useful purpose, and that he found it difficult to satisfy the German troops, who had not been paid for some time. When this was known in the town, the inhabitants soon raised enough to pay their auxiliaries.* The people of Bearn testified great joy at the arrival of their prince: the depend- ents of the house of Albret immediately came forward, and a body of three thou- sand men was raised in a short time. They levied heavy contributions on the surrounding country, and continually add- ed to their numbers.! Monti uc made great exertions to pre- vent Montgomery's army from joining the Admiral;]; but a movement of the latter upon the small town of Aiguillon compelled the Catholic general to change his plan, and the two Protestant armies were able to unite. Coligny was thus once more at the head of a powerful army, and in the beginning of January, 1570, he marched into Languedoc, where he took possession of most of the towns without opposition ; for so numerous were his partisans in those parts, that all the gates were opened to him. Toulouse alone refused to receive him : the Huguenots had vowed ven- geance against the parliament of that city, and the counsellors promoted the defence of the place. § The parliament of Toulouse had always been active in persecuting the Protestants: * Vie de Colony, p. 378. t Davila, liv 5, p. 567 I Comm. de Moialuc, liv. 7. § Vie de Coligny, p. 380. La Noue, p. 699. THE PRINCE AND COLIGNY RETIRE INTO BEARN. 119 tevery reputed Huguenot, on being taken, was immediately condemned and hanged. At the conclusion of the peace in March, 1568, they refused to register the edict; nor would they do it till they had been four times commanded by the king : they even murdered a Protestant gentleman, named Philibert Rapin, who was com- missioned to deliver the edict; they re- newed some old charge against him, on which he was summarily condemned.* Several persons besides had been burned alive, on the pretext that they were in cor- respondence with Coligny, who threat- ened to retaliate upon the first persons that fell into his hands. f The Protestant army laid waste the en- virons of Toulouse, and committed terrible devastations by way of revenge. The houses of the president and counsellors of the parliament were burned, and with the charcoal of the ruins the soldiery wrote upon the walls Vengeance de Rupin. The garrison consisted of eight thousand men, under the command of Joyeuse; but the fury of the Huguenots had caused such a terror, that none of them dared to stir from the town.]: The Huguenots' revenge was thought very severe; but they said that it would serve as a lesson to make the parliament more moderate for the fu- ture.§ Having recovered from the shock of their last defeat, and being again in a tolerable condition for maintaining them- selves, it was considered by the Protest- ants a good opportunity for proposing a pacification. Beauvais and Teligny were sent with proposals; but the king would not listen to them, pretending that they ought to submit unconditionally. Still the conclusion of the war being desirable, Biron was sent back with them to ascer- tain if the princes would abate their de- mands,— a measure they were not pre- pared to adopt. Nismes fell into the power of the Pro- testants in November, 1560, when the ex- ercise of the reformed religion was res- tored ; but the cause was tarnished by the commission of excesses, unhappily charac- teristic of the age.|| During the remainder of the winter the Protestants were employed in attacking * Dranlnme, vol. viii.p. 211. i Vie <1« Coligny, p 3*). 1 r>'Aubi°nu, vol. i, p. 310. 5 La None, p. 0UE>. lirantomp. vol. viii. p. 211. | Menard, Hist, de Aismu, vol. v. p. 50. places held by the Catholics in the adja- cent provinces. In the spring, Coligny traversed Languedoc and Dauphiny, and finding his army was very much increased, he considered the best thing he could do was to march direct upon Paris.* Several reasons induced him to do so : he knew that the Duke of Anjou had lost a great part of his forces before St. Jean d'Angely, and though he had gone into good quar- ters, he had not yet been able to refit his army : he also considered, that even if his plan upon Paris should not succeed, he could advantageously retire to Saintes and Poictou, where La Noue had greatly improved the face of affairs : he had made some excursions from Rochelle in which he was very successful, and recovered se- veral towns.j The Protestant army advanced towards the Loire ; Coligny and the princes being satisfied that they would never obtain an advantageous peace until they carried the war to the gates of the capital. Their progress, however, was arrested by the admiral's falling seriously ill. He was re- duced to the last extremity, and every hope of his recovery was abandoned. The greatest consternation pervaded all ranks; and, from the anxious concern which was manifested on his account, it would appear that the hopes of his party centred in him. J Indeed, what could two youths do without an experienced ad- viser? The princes were brave and zea- lous, but unable to manage the public af- fairs of the Protestants. Measures were already discussed by different captains for providing for their personal safety ; and many thought the army had better sepa- rate, when the admiral's disorder took a favourable turn and restored hope to his friends. Several attacks had been made upon La Charite, which the Protestants still held : it was considered a post of great importance for passing the Loire. The king finding the Huguenots again in the field, and perceiving the probability of their marching on Paris, sent Marshal Cosse with a strong force to get posses- sion of that place. Coligny received this news at a time when his physicians had given him over; but the importance of the movement made him regardless of his own * La None, p. 700. f Davila, liv. 5, p 572. I De Tbou, liv. 47, vol. vi. p 3G. 120 BATTLE OF ARNA Y-LE-DUC. Jife, and he gave orders to march imme- diately, he being borne in a litter, and his followers expecting his death every mo- ment. Being desirous of crossing the Loire, without descending so far as La Charite, he seized St. Reimbert, where there is a bridge; couriers were de- spatched for calling in parties that were at any distance, and the Protestant army marched into Burgundy.* The princes commanded the army du- ring the admiral's illness, but his advice regulated all their movements. They were posted before Arnay-le-Duc,t intend- ing to take possession of it, when Marshal Cosse arrived suddenly: his army con- sisted of fourteen thousand men and some artillery, while the Protestants had not half that number. The Marshal, on being informed that the main body of the Pro- testants had passed the Loire, changed his plan, and, instead of attacking La Charite, he decided on bringing the princes to an engagement — a measure which offered every chance of success, on account of Coligny*s illness.} Whether the marshal had any feeling in favour of the reformed religion, or acted only in compliance with the sugges- tions of Anjou, who, being detained at St. Germains by illness, did not wish the war to be concluded at that time, is uncertain; but it is clear that if he had attacked the Protestants directly he came up with them, they must have been hard pushed. He gave them time, however, to take so fa- vourable a position, that after an engage- ment, which lasted the whole day, he abandoned all idea of forcing the Hugue- not camp, and withdrew his forces to La Charite. § Henry IV., subsequently speaking of this battle to the historian Mathieu, gave the following account of it : "I had no place of retreat but what was more than forty leagues off, and I should have been at the discretion of the peasantry. In this fighting I ran the risk of being taken or killed, because I had no cannon and the king's troops had : at ten Races from me a gentleman was killed by a cannon-ball ; but recommending the event to God, he rendered it happy and favourable."!! * Vie de Coligny, p. 331 U'Aubigne. vol. i. p. 322. t Or ReneleDuc, a small town in Burgundy, situate on the river Arroux. } Vie de Coligny, p 3H2. | 25ih of June, 1570. Davila, liv. 5, p. 574. La Noue, p 701. K Mathieu, vol. i p. 327. Wherever the Protestant army had passed, contributions had been levied to defray the expenses of the war; the coun- try was therefore very generally ex- hausted. The advantage which they ob- tained at Arnay-le-Duc put them in a condition to march upon Paris, and the go- vernment was thrown into great alarm:* this consternation was increased on hear- ing that some fresh levies had come from Germany to join the Huguenots : the con- duct of Cosse and Damville also gave the queen great uneasiness. The king, the queen, the Duke of Anjou, and the cardi- nal of Lorrain, held a consultation, and were unanimous in their views : they re- solved to conclude a peace with the Hu- guenots, as the only means of ridding the kingdom of foreign troops, and wait for a favourable oppportunity for effecting their great object, the overthrow of the Pro- testant religion.! The Protestant chiefs were equally de- sirous of a peace : the princes were tired of the inconveniences which are insepa- rable from warfare ; the different nobles were weary of the expense, and wished to return home ; and the admiral was anx- ious to put an end to the desolation which afflicted his country; but he would con- sent to nothing short of a firm and irre- vocable establishment of liberty to the fol- lowers of the reformed religion. This the queen knew, and that she might not lose the confidence of the Catholics, by con- senting to terms which would compro- mise their exclusive ascendency, she made an effort to win Coligny over to relax in his demands. The deputies, who went from the court to discuss the projected treaty, made the admiral an offer of two hundred thousand crowns, on condition that he should abate some of the demands, which he invariably put forward as es- sential articles of any treaty he might make. At the same time, to remove all appearance of a bribe, Coligny was in- formed that it was to remunerate him for the spoliation of his house at Chatillon. The moment Coligny heard of the pro- posal, he sent instructions to his deputies to reject every overture for the restoration of his property, and to declare that, pro- vided the reformed churches could be sa- tisfied, he wished nothing for himself. This step on Coligny's part frustrated the * Mem. de Tavannes, p. 95. i Davila, liv. 5, p. 57G. PEACE OF ST. GERMAIN-EN-LAYE. 121 queen's plan, and the negotiations were broken off.* Marshal Cosse in the mean time had placed himself between the Protestants and Paris, and a battle was almost inevi- table. Catherine was more than ever embarrassed : to risk a battle so near the capital was to place every thing at stake, and a peace was the only alternative. She sent instructions to her deputies to come to a conclusion at whatever terms they could. In vain did the Spanish am- bassador make offers of assistance from his court, provided she would continue the war: Catherine saw through the dark policy of Philip; and, feeling conscious of the false pretexts which she had repeat- edly advanced in the name of religion, she paid no attention to his entreaties on that ground. The pope also made great efforts to prevent any accommodation : the cause of God was his argument, but a zeal for the establishment of the pontifical power was evidently the main-spring of his con- duct. Immediately after the battle of Montcontour, in the letter of congratula- tion! which he wrote to the King of France, Pius had urged him to follow up his success, and stifle every sentiment of clemency as sinful and rebellious against the Almighty. After holding out once more the fate of Saul as a warning, his holiness adds, " what else would it be, in short, but to render vain the kindness of God in this victory over the heretics'! The fruits which it ought to produce are, the extermination of the infamous heretics, our common enemies, on account of the deserved hatred which they inspire, and the restoration of the ancient tranquillity and peace of the kingdom. Do not suffer any one to deceive you with vain senti- ments of pity, and seek not the false glory of a prel ended clemency in pardoning in- juries done to God himself; for nothing is more cruel than mercy towards wretches who have merited the worst punishments. If your majesty wishes to restore the an- cient splendour, power, and dignity of France, you must strive above all things to make all persons who are subject to your dominions profess the Catholic faith alone ; that which from the first origin of Christianity has remained uncontaminated till this day." The letter concludes with * Vie de Coligny. p 283. t Datrtd 20th Oct., 10(ilJ. 11 recommending the execution of all who have borne arms against the government; and that inquisitors should be established in every town throughout the kingdom. Pius was unwearied in his exhorta- tions, and letters arrived from him with- out intermission. The same strain per- vades most of them; but as the probability of a peace became increased, he resorted to more powerful arguments. The fol- lowing is a part of one of these letters:* " We assure you that such a reconcilia- tion, far from enabling you to enjoy peace, would become on the contrary the source of the greatest evils for France. If there are men who think otherwise, and who try to draw your majesty awav with their sentiments, believe either that they deceive themselves, or, corrupted by the spirit of flattery, they deceive your majesty. Al- though they put forward the false pretext of general utility, they forget the Catholic religion and the glory of your majesty: they revere neither your majesty nor God. They ought to consider that in concluding a peace your majesty permits your most incensed enemies to pass from their haunts of robbery into your own pa- lace; that there must of necessity arise a thousand dangers and snares of every kind; and that if the heretics should want the will to prepare you a snare, God him- self, by a just judgment of his divine pro- vidence, will inspire them with the idea, in order that by this means he may punish you for having neglected religion v/ith an eye to your private interest. And al- though we failed of every other proof to establish the truth of what we have ad- vanced, we have sufficient in the example of Greece at this time; because she de- spised the Catholic religion, she has lost the splendour of her ancient nobleness, and is now reduced to the most cruel slavery under infidels." Oilier letters followed this; but France was weary of the horrors of civil war, which had produced cruelties and re- prisals of the worst character; and after numerous interruptions a peace was con- cluded at St. Germains on the fifteenth of August, 1576. The bases of this treaty were a general amnesty; the free exercise of the leformed religion in the suburbs of two towns in each province; the restora- tion of confiscated property; admissibility * Dated 23d April, 1570. 122 PEACE OF ST. GERMAIN-EN-LAYE. to most offices in the state; and the right of challenging six judges, presidents as well as counsellors, in the different parts of the kingdom. In addition to these ad- vantageous terms, the Protestants were allowed to hold four towns as security for the full observance of the treaty; viz., Roehelle, Montauban, Cognac, and La Charile. The Protestants on their side were bound by oath to surrender them at the end of two years.* Such favourable terms being granted, created suspicion in the minds of many Protestants; but though the leaders would not immediately go to court, the people at large had full confidence in the treaty. Manv different reasons were assigned by the nation for the sudden decision- to make such a peace. Some considered that the emperor had influenced the king, for Charles was soon to be married to his daughter; some thought that the Spanish interference had become so notorious, that Catherine was jealous, while others attributed it to her love of pleasure. Those who had penetration suspected some secret design against the Protest- ants, when they should be disarmed and scattered; and it was the knowledge that such suspicions were entertained, which rendered the queen's plan so difficult in the execution. La Noue has preserved some argu- ments which were used against the peace. The Catholics complained that it was un- just and shameful to make peace with re- bellious heretics, who deserved capital punishment: the Protestants complained that the treatv was a mere snare. The former, he adds, were cured of their op- position in the following manner: — If they were swordsmen, they were recom- mended to lead an assault, and to slay the wicked Huguenots; and in two essays they were sure to change their opinions: if they were of the long robe, they were invited to give half their income to sup- port the war, and they soon supported the peace. Similar arguments were used on the other side, and they were brought to examine the matter more candidly. With respect to the admiral's opinion of the treaty, the same person mentions that * Davila, liv. 5, p. 577. De Thou, liv. 47, Coligny declared more than once that he would rather die than fall into such dis- orders, and see so many evils committed again before his eyes.* The joy with which the peace was re- ceived in France forms a striking con- trast with the effect it produced on the pope. He wrote letterst to the Cardinals of Bourbon and Lorrain, in which he ex- pressed his great concern at the misfor- lune which had befallen France. " It is especially to be feared," says St. Pius, " that God may inflict a judgment on the king himself, and all those who have ad- hered to this negotiation." He called upon them to do their duty, and defend the church: he spared no kind of argu- ment, usinsj threats, promises, and ap- peals to their honour and pride. As the subsequent letters of Pius V. were of a very different character, we may fairly presume that he was privately informed of the plot already in preparation. It is impossible otherwise to account for the great change which is obvious in the dif- ferent letters he afterwards wrote to the King and Queen of France. After having so repeatedly urged the extermination of the Protestants, it is improbable that he should suddenly discontinue his zeal, un- less he had received some intimation of the queen's designs; especially as his correspondence evinces the same anxiety for supporting the Catholic religion. Very soon after, he made an attempt to obtain troops from France for the as- sistance of Mary Queen of Scots, and the letter], is remarkable for the absence of all exhortation to destroy the heretics; al- though in persuading the queen to the measure, he alludes to the help which the Protestants continued to receive from the Queen of England, whom they informed of every thing that passed in France. Pius complained of their becoming every day more capable of realizing their wishes, but said not a word about exter- minating them, as he had been so accus- tomed to do. The Bishop of St. Papoul, however, was intrusted with a verbal message, the substance of which is buried in oblivion. * La iN'oup, pp. 704 and 70S. Mem. de la vie de J. A. de Thou, p. 11. t Dated 23d September, 1570. I Dated 18th June, 1571. ARTIFICES OF THE COURT, &C. 123 CHAPTER XXVI. Artifices of the Court to draw the principal Protestants to Paris— Death of the dueeii of Navarre. The admiral conducted his German auxiliaries as far as Langres, and there took, leave of them. His circumstances prevented him from fully requiting them, and they are said to have returned home loaded with more promises than money.* The Queen of Navarre fixed her residence at Rochelle, where she was joined by the young princes and the admiral. This step on their part indicated the existence of suspicions and doubts of the queen-mother's sincerity in making the treaty; and we have the evidence of a courtier to show that those suspicions were well-founded. Davila informs us, " That as soon as the peace was con- cluded, every secret spring which the king and queen held ready in their thoughts was put into action, to draw into their nets the principal Huguenots, and do by artifice what they had so many times attempted by means of war."| Catherine dissembled the vexation she experienced, on finding the Queen of Navarre and her friends retire to Ro- chelle. She saw that it would be impos- sible to effect her purpose while the ad- miral remained there, and enjoyed so much consideration; for, in fact, he had more authority in that town than the king had in Paris, although, for the sake of ap- pearance, the two princes were his no- minal superiors: whatever was to be done, he was applied to for instructions. Still he conducted himself so properly, that he prevented any jealousy or suspi- cion arising in the minds of the Queen of Navarre or the princes.^ The queen, however, considered that too great a change in her behaviour to- wards the Protestants would fail in win- ning their good opinion, as it would in- crease their suspicions, and set them upon .observing her more closely. She there- fore made her son assume the public di- rection of affairs, and convinced him of the necessity of completely gaining their confidence. During the whole of the year 1571, the greatest anxiety was dis- played that the last treaty should be punctually observed. Every thing was done that could appear calculated to strengthen the new alliance, and care taken to avoid every measure capable of renewing hostile feelings. Upon a pretext of this kind, Marshal Cosse was sent to Rochelle, accompanied by Malassise and La Routiere, two of the queen's confidential creatures; but the real object of the mission was to watch the motions of the Protestants, to sound their minds, and lead them to a state of complete confidence, which was absolutely necessary for Catherine's designs. She forgot nothing which was likely to inspire it; and Marshal Montmorency was sent to Rouen, with the president Morsan, to punish some excesses committed against the Huguenots. Every infraction of the treaty was severely punished, and Charles usually called it his peace. He artfully declared on all occasions, that he had been induced to make this treaty that he might support the princes of the blood against the overgrown power of the Guises, whom he accused of conspiring with Spain to trouble the kingdom .* The queen of Navarre and the princes were more satisfied with the treaty than the admiral, who remained a little in sus- pense before he would trust entirely to the king's professions. These doubts on the part of Coligny, instead of cooling the king's ardour, only excited him to more powerful means for drawing the Hugue- nots to court. " The king and the queen," says Davila, " were spurred on by an ex- treme desire to see their designs carried into effect."f Some deputies had been sent to the king from the Protestants. Charles gave them the kindest reception : he even advanced to Blois to meet them ; and, when they quitted Paris, he caressed them very much, and loaded them with presents. £ So anxious was the king to draw the ad- miral to court, that he hesitated at nothing which tended to overcome his reluctance. Such unnecessary condescensions on the part of the king ought to have confirmed Coligny's suspicions; for, however kindly disposed a sovereign may feel towards his subjects, there is no necessity for him to * Dr Thou. liv. 47. i Davila, liv. 5, p. 578. J Vie de Coligny, p. 387. * Sully, Ky. 1. Davila, liv. 5. D' Aubigne, vol. ii. p. 3i t Davila, liv. 5. J Sully, liv. 1. 124 ARTIFICES OF THE COURT TO throw aside his dignity in expressing his good will. A kind reception in his palace would have contented the deputies, with- out his going out to meet them on the road. Charles satisfied them on every point; and, to display a personal regard for Coligny, he offered to write to the Duke of Savoy, in behalf of his wife, whose lands that duke had confiscated, on the ground of her having married without his consent.* Marshal Cosse did not fail to enlarge upon these proofs of sincerity; and after he had made some advances in the confi- favourably inclined to the Huguenots, and was expected, in consequence, to succeed better in gaining Coligny's confidence than any other person. He told the ad- miral that the king being desirous to put an end to the civil wars, wished to em- ploy the warlike spirit of the nation abroad ; and as he could find no persons so proper for the projected war in Flan- ders as him and Nassau, he wished very much that they should both go to court to confer upon it. The king and queen rightly thought that the hope of this war would have an irresistible effect on the dence of the Queen of Navarre, he began admiral ; they therefore dwelt more upon to discuss more seriously a project for [it than on any other topic. But the mar- marrying the prince her son with the i riage was also dwelt upon as a firm pledge Princess Margaret, sister of Charles IX. of peace. "Who," said Biron, " would be He was authorized to promise, on the , so rash as to dare to excite dissensions king's part, a dowry of four hundred thou- 1 between two brothers-in-law?"* sand crowns. A princess of Cleves was The Queen of Navarre felt great aver- proposed for Conde; and the admiral was I sion to the proposed marriage; but Co- to be put in possession of the estates of ligny was so pleased with the prospect of his late brother, the Cardinal de Chatillon,t and receive a present of one hundred thousand crowns. Coligny did in fact enjoy the property for one year, and Charles gave the above sum to refurnish his house at C'hatillon.J To strengthen the effect of Cosse's pro- posal, Biron was sent to repeat the offers. a war with Spain, that he was inclined to go to court almost directly it was pro- posed to him. Any backwardness which he might have felt disappeared when Te- ligny arrived, and informed him that no- thing could be farther from the king's intentions than to break the peace. His wife, however, had sufficient influence to He described the feelings of the court j prevent his going at that time: she con- against Philip II., who was thought to vinced him that he would commit an un- have poisoned his wife, the king's sister.^ j paralleled imprudence in confiding in a After demanding a promise of secresy, he ; princess who had so often forfeited her stated that Charles was determined to i word to him, and by going to a king whose avenge it, by carrying the war into Flan? [ disposition was so ferocious, that if any ders and Artois; the restitution of which I violent resolution were discussed he would should be demanded of the King of Spain, t be the foremost in supporting it. Coligny as ancient fiefs of the crown. Navarre 1 yielded more out of affection for his wife also was to be claimed, and the Prince of than for any weight which he attached to Orange was to be assisted in maintaining her reasons; and instead of going to court possession of Mons. As an irresistible i he sent Teligny, whom the king received bait, Biron added, that the king had his with marked attentions.t eye on the admiral to command the army] So many favours continued to delude in the Low Countries, with the title of i the admiral, but nothing contributed so viceroy, and that he would have the nomi- [ much to it as the king's informing him, by nation of the general officers to serve j Teligny, that he began to discover the under him || Biron was reputed to be (slavery in which' his mother held him; . jthat she gave the preference to his brother the Duke of Anjou; governed the king- dom so badly that it was in danger of being reduced to nothing; and, as a remedy, he was resolved on removing, them both to a distance; but, having need * Vie de Coligny, p. The lady w as Jacqueline de Monbel, daughter of Unimt d'Autremont, and widow of the Baron d'Antbon : the marriage took place soon after the peace. t He was poisoned at Southampton by his valet. Vie de Coligny. I)e Thou, and LapopeNMiere. j: iJ'Aubigne, vol. ii. p. 5. § A preacher of Madrid having ma le an allusion to the death of this princess, in one of his sermons, was banished to America, Brantome, Vie d' Elizabeth de F. |l Sully, hv. 1. * Davila, liv. 5. t Vie de Coligny, p. 389. DRAW THE PRINCIPAL PROTESTANTS TO PARIS. 125 of his servants, he should be pleased to asked her, if for some frivolous fears he avail himself of the admiral's counsels, ought to renounce the benefits which And that if he would not go to court, for; might accrue to the Protestant religion reasons which he could not comprehend, (from the marriage of the prince with the at least he should send some person with king's sister; and in spite of her tears and whom he could confer, not only on these entreaties he set out from Rochelle for matters, but also on the war in Flanders, Blois, where the court then was, having which he should afterwards be glad to J previously requested the king's permission undertake. This proposal was Irresistible, to be accompanied by fifty gentlemen, and Louis of Nassau was sent to discuss not that he distrusted the royal word, but the affair with Charles IX.* .to protect himself from private enemies* Whether it was to amuse the Protest- 1 Coligny went to Blois in September, ants, and lull them into supineness, or to 1 1 57 1 . On arriving in the king's presence, prevent any assistance being sent from 'he went on his knee, but Charles raised England, which would have created ob- and embraced him, calling him his father, stacles to the execution of her design, or j The expression of his joy was of the whether in reality the queen mother did: warmest kind: "I hold you now," said desire such an alliance, is uncertain, but the king; "yes, I hold you, and you shall it is known that Catherine proposed and mot leave me again: this is the happiest promoted a marriage between the Queen 'day of my life." The queen, the Dukes of England and the Duke of Anjou. The negotiations were carried to a great length; even to discuss the extent which was to be allowed the duke, in the exer- cise of the Catholic religion.! The queen- mother wished to appear eager that the marriage should take place, although she knew that Elizabeth was of too high a spirit to submit to the control of wedlock; but the chance of seeing Anjou removed to a distance was pleasing to the Protest- ants, and the proposal remaining unde- cided was likely to prevent any treaty for a marriage between her and the Prince of Beam from being thought of}; For the bare idea of such a support would have rallied the Protestant party, and their projected destruction would have been impracti- cable. The king testified great joy when he heard that Louis of Nassau was coming to him: he sent word for him to travel incognito for fear of exciting the jealousy of the Spaniards. Louis found the king at Fontenay : he was received with nu- merous caresses, and Charles professed to unbosom himself: he restored the castle of Orange, which had hitherto been held by the French troops. The report which Louis made, added to the message previously sent by Teligny, removed all the admiral's scruples, and he resolved to go to the king. His wife tried every means to dissuade him, but in vain : he * Vie de Coligny, Mezeray, and L'Estoilc. j Mezeray, Mrcge Chron. J Davila, I iv. S. of Anjou and Aleneon, and the principal nobles, all testified great joy at the return of the admiral to court. The Queen of Navarre accompanied Coligny to Blois, but soon returned to Rochelle.t The king's kindness excited the jealousy of the courtiers: he restored to Coligny all his former pensions, and admitted him to his councils, preferring his advice to that of all others. He several times re- mained alone with him, and discoursed upon the marriage of his sister, and the war in Flanders; taking care to confirm what had been mentioned to him by Te- ligny, about the queen-mother and the Duke of Anjou. When he had remained some days at the court, the admiral thought he could safely take a journey to Chatillon; and when he asked the king's permission, that monarch pretended to take an interest in his safety, told him not to go alone, and allowed him to keep an armed force in his chateau.! He remained at Chatillon five weeks, during which time he continually received letters from Rochelle, urging him to take care of himself, and go back to his friends. But he attributed all these letters to a dis- trustful spirit which 'wanted healing.^ Anil when some persons remonstrated with him on the fault he committed in going to court, he said, "1 trust in my king, and in his word, otherwise to live in such alarms would not be living; and * Vie de Coligny and Mezeray t Lapopejiniere, liv. 25. De Thou. liv. 50. t Vie de Coligny, p. 302. § De Thou, |iv. 51, vol vi. 126 CHARLES QUARRELS WITH THE DUKE OF GUISE. it is much better to die at once, than to ; pressed the great uneasiness that he felt live a hundred years in fear."* At the expiration of that time, the king wrote him a letter requiring his presence for the negotiation of a treaty with the Queen of England and the princes of Germany, in order that, when his forces were occupied in Flanders, he might be free from any interruption on their part.t On this occasion the admiral was more caressed than before: the courtiers mur mured, the clergy were indignant, and the people expected the king would soon em- brace the Protestant religion ; even the Guises, who knew of his design, had ap prehensions lest, in the excellence of his dissimulation, he should turn these feints against them.]; Such professions of friendship, while a most dreadful crime was in contemplation, appear incredible ; but there is too much evidence to admit any doubt of the fact that Charles IX. and his mother wished to assemble all the leading Huguenots at Paris, and have them at their disposal, either to imprison or kill them, as a mea- sure necessary to ensure the complete on account of the marriage being hurried to a conclusion, in the vain hope that the princess might bring back the prince to the Catholic religion ; but that it was rather to be feared that she would be perverted by him. Pius embraced several subjects in his letter, but there is great reason to sus- pect that his written communications were only a blind for the verbal messages which he sent by the trusty Bishop of St. Papoul. "Our venerable brother," says the pontiff, " will treat with you upon this affair, and upon the reconciliation so fatal to the Catholics." The Duke of Guise had cherished the hope of marrying the king's sister : he had long entertained a violent passion for the princess, and her affection for him was undisguised. The house of Lorrain was desirous that this union should take place; and when an ambassador from Portugal demanded Margaret's hand, in the name of his sovereign, the Cardinal of Lorrain said to him very haughtily, " The head of my house has married the eldest daughter, and a younger branch shall have the abolition of every privilege enjoyed by I younger princess."* This arrogant predic- the Protestants. On a former occasion, |tion, however, was not verified, although the king had converted the sacrament of, the princess openly declared she would baptism into a snare for the admiral ; now J have no other husband than the Duke of his sister's marriage was employed for:Guise.t effecting his purpose. Whether the ardour of Guise's passion The king and queen communicated abated, or, being influenced by the Cardi- Iheir plans to none, besides the Duke ofnal of Lorrain, he esteemed the destruc- Anjou, the Cardinal of Lorrain, the Duke tion of Coligny and his friends a more of Guise, and Albert Gondy, Count 'de important thing, or was alarmed at the Retz, a detestable character, and who is displeasure of his sovereign, is unknown, said to have given the finish to the cor- [but he withdrew his pretensions, and re- rupt habits of the king:$ some add to this tired from court, to the great satisfaction number, Birague and Tavannes, which is of the Huguenots. The king, being fearful probable. The secresy observed was so that Guise's passion for his sister might profound, that, in addition to the intended : mar his plans, had taken measures for re- effect of their measures on the minds of moving such an obstruction. The prin- the Huguenots, the pope became uneasy cess was at a ball, when Guise presented at the favour which was shown them. He was alarmed at the projected mar- riage, and refused his dispensation for it. He wrote a letter to the king, to dis- suade him from the measure. II He ex- * Brantome, vol. viii p 205. t Vii! de Coligny , p 3!):!. | Mezeray, Jibrtgi Citron. §, Brantome. in his life of Charles, gives some ac- count of Gondy. whom he describes as possessing every had quality; and, in speaking of Ins family, he adds, that his father traded at Lyons, where he became a bankrupt, and his mother kept a house of ill fame. |j The letter is dated 25th Jan. 1572. himself elegantly attired ; the king stopped him at the door, and without offering his caresses and embraces as usual, he asked where he was going? Guise replied, "That he came there to serve his ma- jesty;" to which Charles answered, "That he had no need of his services."}: But it was not sufficient to have shown Guise that he disapproved of his proceeding, for the princess might persist in giving him * Esprit de la Ligne, vol. ii. t Davila, liv. 5, t Ibid. CHARLES QUARRELS WITH THE DUKE OF GUISE. 127 encouragement; and, although one of his confidential friends, Charles resolved on putting him to death. He thus ad- dressed the grand prior,* a natural son of Henry II. : " Of these two swords which thou seest, one is to kill thee, if to-morrow, when I am hunting, thou dost not kill the Duke of Guise with the other. "t To pre- vent any effects of the king's irritation, Guise decided the next day on marrying Catherine of Cleves. Although a princess of great beauty, fortune, and accomplish- ments, she was not to be compared with Margaret ; but a thirst of power, a wish to avenge his father's death, the persua- sions of his uncle, and a dread of the king's violent temper, overwhelmed every other consideration in his marriage.f Coligny again retired to his chateau, but the king kept up a constant corre- spondence with him ; and in his letters asked his advice respecting some very secret affairs. § The admiral, being now completely deceived, contributed all his efforts to persuade the Queen of Navarre : he conjured her not to oppose what would be so beneficial to the reformed religion ; repeated that the marriage was to seal peace, and that testifying the sus- picions which she harboured was there- fore the worst thing she could do. He admitted that two points gave him con- cern : the credit of the Duke of Anjou, and the friendship between the king and the Spanish government : but the duke was ready to set out for Poland, where Catherine was taking measures for his election to the throne, on the vacancy, which, from the illness of Sigismond, could not be very distant; and concern- ing Spain, he knew better than any one about that subject, and it only required the king to see his real interests, for him to decide on a war. The Queen of Na- varre beina thus entreated by one in whom she placed confidence, and public report corroborating the admiral's assertions, she consented to her son's marriage, and prepared to go to court J| Pius V. made another effort to prevent the marriage, by sending his nephew, Cardinal Alexandrin, to dissuade the * Sometime:) styled Chevalier, sometimes Duke d'An Kouleme: he was killed at Aix, in I58G. t Kathieu, liv. G, p. 333. De Thou, hv. 47, vol. vi. p. 62. t Davila, liv. 5, p 583. § L'Estoile, in loc. li Vie de Uoliguy, p. 30 J. king.* Charles excused himself from granting the pope's request, which was to give Margaret in marriage to the King of Portugal : but being pressed with questions, and fearing lest his silence should expose him to animadversion at Rome for his condescension to the Pro- testants, he requested the legate to assure the holy father of his filial obedience ; and, pressing his hand, said, " Oh ! that I were at liberty to explain myself far- ther." This conversation has been dis- puted, because it clearly proves the trea- chery of the king and queen. But it is be- yond doubt that the king excused him- self to the legate.! " He could not," says a contemporary, " with honour revoke the promise given to the Prince of Bearn, but he wished the pope to be satisfied that it was arranged for a good ob- ject, even the honour and advancement of the Catholic faith : the extraordinary favour likewise which he bestowed on the Huguenots tended to no other end."J Every thing was arranged for the mar- riage by the middle of April : the pope's dispensation, on account of their consan- guinity, was alone wanting, and Pius re- fused to give it. Charles was very in- dignant at this obstinacy, and declared, with his usual oaths, that, if the pope would be so stupid, he would take his sister by the hand, and conduct her to a Huguenot church to be married. § We have no means of ascertaining whether this difficulty with the dispensation was studied, and the king's anger entire pre- tence; or whether Pius V. was really averse to the prostitution of one of the sacraments of his church, even for effect- ing the suppression of heresy. His death, however, removed all difficulty: he ex- pired on the first of May, and was suc- ceeded by Hugh Buon Compagnon, a Bolognese, who assumed the title of Gre- gory XIII. The new Pontiff readily "ranted the dispensation, and the first of June was fixed for the nuptials; some difficulties, however, being urged by the Cardinal of Bourbon caused a farther postponement.il * De Thou, liv. 51. + Alexamlrinus honorifiee in aula except"?, re tamen infeclfi dimissmest: ita enim vulgo ferebatur, ac pas- sim tola Oallia creclitiun est." Eremundus, Dc furori- bus Oallicis, p. 371. This work lias been attributed to F. Holman. t Lapopeliniere, liv. 25. Mem. de Tavannes, p. 378. § L'Estoile, in loc. || Mezeray, Abrege Chron. 12S DEATH OF THE QUEEN OF NAVARRE. The Queen of Navarre arrived in Paris towards the end of May ; on the ninth of June she died. An opinion prevailed throughout France that she had been poisoned, and great pains were taken to efface such a notion. Indeed, at this time there had been such a series of crimes, that the suspicion is not at all surprising; neither can we be astonished at the extreme ferocity of the populace in general, which soon after displayed itself, for the court was an assemblage of all that was vicious and depraved. Perefixe, Archbishop of Paris, declares that there ne- ver was a more corrupt court : " impiety, atheism, necromancy, most horrible pol- lutions, black cowardice, perfidy, poison- ings and assassinations, reigned there in a supreme degree."* The historian Da- vila informs us, that not only did every thing proceed to the wish of their majes- ties, but had arrived to such a point, that the execution could no longer be delayed, in consequence of the feeling excited by the taking of Mons. He adds, " The first .stroke of this execution was lanced against the person of the Queen of Na- varre, who, on account of her sex and royal condition, was poisoned, as it is thought, by means of certain gloves which were presented to her, the poison of which was so subtile, that very soon after she had handled them, she was seized with a violent fever, of which she died four days afterwards. Her death, so sudden and unexpected, caused sus- picions among the Huguenots; and the king, who knew that the force of the poison had affected the brain alone, or- dered the body to be opened, which was found perfect : but they did not touch the head, under pretence of humanity; and, on the testimony of those of the profes- sion, the report circulated that she died a natural death through the malignity of the fever."t Such suspicions attaching to the death of this princess ought to have stimulated the court to make every thing as clear as possible, supposing them to be unfounded ; but we find the greatest con- tradictions in the different accounts given by those who attempt to defend the court. Le Grain contends that it was pleurisy, others consumption ; some say the head was opened, others not. De Thou relates * Hist, de Henri [V. t Uavila, liv. 5. that the surgeons attributed her death to an abscess in the chest;* while some venture to assert that she died of vexa- tion and spite for having been compelled to place hangings before her house on account of the procession of the Fete- Dieu. Voltaire,t with his usual con- tempt for every generally- received opi- nion, rejects the charge as vulgar, al- though in another work he makes use of the following expression : " She (Cathe- rine) feared no other enemies than Jane d'Albret, Coligny, and the Protestants ; and she thought that with one blow she could destroy them all and firmly esta- blish her power."! Many who consider as preposterous the premeditation of a general massacre, are willing to admit that the leading Pro- testants were doomed to destruction, as the only method of subduing the rebel- lious heretics. But to murder, or even imprison the Queen of Navarre, would have made the court odious to the whole world : some other method of removing her was therefore necessary; and not- withstanding the declaration of the sur- geons, that her death was not caused by poison, the suspicion must continue to exist, so long as all parties agree in two material points — the shortness of her ill- ness, it being only four days; and the surprise which it caused, a circumstance from which her previous health may be inferred, in spite of the consumption un- der which she is said to have laboured, or the supposed abscess in her chest. At the time of her decease this queen was in her forty-second year. " She was a woman," says Davila, of invincible courage, very great under- standing, and bravery, fir beyond her sex. These eminent qualities, accom- panied with a remarkable modesty, and unexampled generosity, would have pro- cured for her an eternal commendation, if she had not been imbued with the opi- nions of Calvin, and obstinately adhered to them, through her desire to penetrate the profound mysteries of theology, un- aided by the sciences.''^ This melancholy event caused a far- ther delay in celebrating the marriage * Cayet says the same, liv I, p. 129. t In ilis notes on t lie Ifenriaile, ! Kssai sur les Guerres Civile* de France, (j Oavila, liv. 5. p. 005. REVIEW OF THE PROOFS, &C. 129 of the Prince of Beam, who now assumed the title of King of Navarre. The king and his detestable mother were obliged also to defer the execution of their con- templated coup d'etat : time was thus given for several Protestants of rank to retire from Paris, for many felt alarmed in consequence of the sudden death of Jane d'Albret. The Baron de Rosny, father of the celebrated Sully, had from the first entertained so unfavourable a presentiment of the marriage, that he de- clared several times, " If it takes place in Paris, the wedding favours will be crim- son."* CHAPTER XXVII. Review of the proofs of a premeditated attack upon the Protestants— Attempted assassination of Coligny. It was Coligny's destiny to be blinded as he approached the close of his career, or he must have been astonished at the excessive kindness and attention which he received at court. His wariness had always rendered him remarkable, and formed a striking contrast with his pre- sent infatuation.! Several of his friends took alarm, and many who could not conveniently quit Paris retired from the city to the suburbs. Marshal Montmo- rency, although a Catholic, was not free from suspicion; and, pretending illness, he retired to his seat at Chantilly; nor could he be persuaded to return, although repeatedly pressed by the king and queen. Two reasons are assigned for this step on his part : one, that when Montluc, Bishop of Valence, quitted Paris for Poland, to negotiate for the Duke of Anjou's election to the throne of that country,f 'ie having in some measure penetrated the secret, recommended seve- ral of his friends to remove. § The other cause was the interception of a letter from Cardinal Pelleve at Rome to the Cardinal of Lorrain, which indicated the contemplation of some treachery. This letter may have been a fabrication, but a * Sully, liv. 1. t Before the peace. M- de Thore had invited him to meet the king, when he replied, "There is no Count d'Egmont in France." Amelot de la Houssaye, Mem. Hist. vol. ii. p. 108. 1 Sigismond, the last of the Jagellons, died 7th July, 1572. § Sully, liv. 1. copy of it was certainly shown to Co- ligny; and whether it were genuine or not, there must have existed suspicions, to have caused it to be written.* A gentlemen, named Langoiran, who was very much attached to the admiral, was among the number of those who prudently withdrew from Paris. When he called to take leave of Coligny, the latter expressed surprise, and inquired why he wished to quit him. " Because," said Langoiran, " we are too much ca- ressed here ; and I would rather save my life with fools than lose it with those who are too wise."f But all these circum- stances produced no effect upon Co- ligny, who, believing that some benefi- cial results would accrue to the reformed religion from the marriage of the King of Navarre, attributed these reports and suspicions to the machinations of those who wished to prevent it. To convince the king that he placed unbounded con- fidence in him, and at the same time to obtain more attention to his advice re- specting the war in Flanders, he offered to give up the cautionary towns before the time fixed for their surrender.]; The Huguenots murmured greatly at this step on his part, and the people of Ro- chelle would not consent to surrender their town. Brantome informs us "That when Coligny was opposed in this, he always founded his reasons upon the great question of religion, saying, ' Since we have our religion, what more do we require?' From which we may learn that he was a better man and more religious than was thought ; and it was this good- ness which caused his ruin."§ After a short absence, Coligny again returned to Paris to be present at the marriage, free from all suspicion, and in- dulging in the anticipations which the projected war afforded him.|| On one occasion he was at St. Cloud in company with Strozzy and Brantome, and dis- coursed with great cheerfulness upon the affairs of Flanders. "God be praised!" said the admiral, "every thing is going * Dr. Lingard, in replying to the Edinburgh Review, (p. 07, Paris edit.) alludes to this letter : " The copy and not the original was sent to the admiral:?' an original threfore must have existed. f Davila, d'Aubigne, and P. Daniel. \ According to Lapopeliniere, liv. 28, it was demand- ed by the king. § Brantome, vol viii. p. 177. || De Thou, liv. 52. 130 REVIEW OF THE PROOFS OF A on well; before long we shall have driven the Spaniard from the Low Countries, and have made our king master of them, or we will all die there, myself among the first, and I shall not care for my life if I lose it in so good a cause."* On the eighteenth' of August the mar- riage took place : the ceremony was per- formed by the Cardinal of Bourbon, on a platform erected before the door of the church of Notre-Dame, and according to a certain form agreed upon by both par- ties. It was remarked by many persons, that when the princess was asked if she were willing to take the King of Navarre for her husband, she made no reply what- ever; and the king, her brother, with his hand made her incline her head, which was taken for her assent, although it was known that she had repeatedly declared that Guise alone should be her husband, and that she could not reconcile herself to taking one of his greatest enemies. f When the ceremony was concluded, the King of Navarre and his Protestant friends retired, while his bride went into the church to hear mass. A grand din- ner was afterwards given at the episco- pal palace adjoining, and for the four fol- lowing days all Paris was occupied with fetes, ballets, and other amusements.J It was during these festivities that the final arrangements were made for execu- ting the designs of the court upon the Pro- testants. A resolution to massacre so many persons, because they refused to adopt the ceremonials of the Roman Church, is so diabolical, that it is no won- der its premeditation should be doubted, and the affair attributed principally to the irritation of the moment. It was to avert such an imputation that all the parties be- came in a measure their own accusers, in order to establish the proofs of the minor offence, and thus escape a portion of the ignominy which became their due. The Abbe Anquetil lays the blame entirely on Catherine, who was alarmed at the confi- dence which Charles IX. placed in the ad- miral. " The Queen," he observes, " was cautioned by Villequier, De Sauve, and Retz, assiduous and penetrating courtiers, in whom also the king placed great confi- dence, that her son was about to escape * Biantome, vol. viii. p. 179. + Davila, liv. 5. p. 609. I Le Grain, Mezeray, and others. from her; that he was completely gained over by the Protestants ; and that without some violent remedy they could not hope to bring him back."* She availed herself of an early opportunity to take the king apart, and when she had shut herself alone with him in a retired apartment, she burst upon him with bitter reproaches. Then making a display of maternal fond- ness, she said, with tears, " if they (the Huguenots) have the management of af- fairs, what will become of me? What will become of the Duke of Anjou ? How shall we escape from their fury > Give me permission to return to Florence; give your brother time to make his escape." Having excited great emotions in Charles's mind, she withdrew; he followed her to another apartment, where Anjou, Retz, Tavannes, and De Sauve were assem- bled.! The king desired to know what were the crimes of which they had to ac- cuse the Protestants, and received from each a long account of alarming expres- sions and threats which had come to their knowledge; some of them were pure in- ventions, many were distorted, but a few were the thoughtless words of some young nobles, who were enraptured at the favour which Coligny enjoyed. Charles promised to be on his guard with the admiral ; but as he did not show a resolution to do any thing decisive, they resolved on commit- ting him with the Calvinists beyond the possibility of reconciliation : a courier was immediately sent to summoij the Guises, and many other nobles and gentlemen. " All this," says the Abbe, " took place be- fore, the marriage of the King of Navarre."}; The statement which the Duke of An- jou made to Miron, his surgeon, during his journey to Poland, does not differ ma- terially from the preceding hypothesis: only he declares himself the originator of the plot, on account of some angry looks which the king was accustomed to give him, from the time that Coligny had been so much in favour; that, in consequence, his mother and he resolved to despatch the admiral, and the general massacre af- terwards became necessary to protect them from the vengeance of the Hugue- nots on one hand ; on the other from the * Esprit de la J.iffue, vol. ii. p. 2J. Tim Ahbe's ac- count is taken chiefly from the statement of Tuvaustej, f Mem. de Tavannes, p. 416. j Esprit de la Ligue, vol. ii. p. 27. PREMEDITATED ATTACK ON THE PROTESTANTS. 131 king's anger, in case he discovered that they had employed the assassin* Some French writers, feeling great sen- sibility for their national character, dwell upon the crime being altogether Italian in its origin, contrivance, and execution; while others, in their zeal for the church of Rome, represent it as an entirely politi- cal atfair. But there is too much evidence to allow any impartial person to suppose that the king's friendship for Coligny was sincere, or that his eagerness to collect all the leading Protestants at Paris was un- connected with the plot. The general massacre may have been concerted but a short time previous to the fatal day ; but there are so many authorities to show the perfidious intentions of the court at the peace of 1570, that if the guilt of Charles IX. and Catherine de Medicis be consi- dered problematical, there is scarcely any fact in history which is worthy of credit. It appears, after full investigation, that the plan was to assemble the leading Hugue- nots; to put to death the most obnoxious, and imprison the rest; and then adopt strong measures for entirely suppressing; the exercise of the reformed religion. The following extract is from Maim* bourg, who, although considered an indif-j ferent authority as an historian, may be i trusted on this subject, on account of his J violence against the Protestant religion : — i "But not to dissemble, as the queen did; in this treaty, there is every appearance J that a peace of this kind was not made in good faith on the part of this princess, who had her concealed designs, and who granted such things to the Huguenots only to disarm them, and afterwards to surprise those upon whom she wished to be re- venged, and especially the admiral, at the first' favourable opportunity which she should have for it."t He adds, that the king and queen very frequently held a council upon this business; that the king, having sworn he would never forget or pardon the attempt on Meaux, was easily persuaded that he need not keep a pro- • The statement entitled. Discours du Hoi Ilcnri III. d un personage d honncur, SfC is printed in a great many works, but first appeared in the M< moires dElat de V\l- lerotj. There is, however, no proof that it was made by the Duke of An on; and the introductory remarks show how necessary it was for him to place his charac- ter in a more favourable light respecting the massacre. It is therefore extremely probable that the a count of Miron being called in the middle of the night, &x., is inserted meiely to give it greater plausibility. f Hist, du Calvinisme, vol ii. p- 453. mise made by ever so solemn a treaty, with him who had first violated his faith by so horrible an attempt upon the sacred person of his king; and that the only way to prevent a fourth civil war was to be be- forehand with so bad a man, and assure the peace of the kingdom by the destruc- tion of this declared enemy of God and the king. The confidential report which Tavannes addressed to the king, in 1571, is corro- borative.* He represents, that although both parties required peace from the ex- hausted state of their affairs, a surprise was still possible, and the king ought to guard against it ; that in fact the dispute could never be definitively settled, until one party had seized upon the leaders of the other ; the Huguenot chiefs could not be taken while in their strongholds, but for them to surprise the royal family was not so difficult : force could neither obtain possession of their fortresses, ncr destroy their religion, nor dissolve their foreign connections. He recommended several precautionary measures, and concluded by»observing : — "the king must keep his word, that the Huguenots should have no pretext for resuming their arms, before his majesty could take the necessary mea- sures; for if he had time to anticipate this movement on their part, assuredly they would always be defeated." Now, the bare fact of a general representing to his sovereign the necessity of keeping his word until he had taken measures for pre- venting any surprise, gives fair room for inferring that he was privy to some in- tended violation of the treaty, on account of which the Huguenots had laid aside their arms. Brantome alludes to this ad- vice of Tavannes, in his life of that cap- tain : " as it was difficult to subdue them by force, he recommended the king and queen to effect their purpose by art."t The testimony of Perefixe, Archbishop of Paris, also displays the existence of treachery on the part of the king. " In the mean time, the king being satisfied that he could never subdue the Hugue- * This report is not to be found in the Memoirs of Marshal Tavannes; but in I hose of William de Saulx, Seigneur de Tavannes, p 411, in vol xxxv. of Petitol's Collection. The War>hal (Gaspard de Saulx de Tavan- nes) had two sons, viz : William, above mentioned, and John, commonly called the Viscount Tavannes: the lat- ter published his father's memoirs, to which I have uni- formly referred to J\Icm. de Tavannes. I have made use of the folio edition printed at Lyons. t His words are par la voye de renard, vol. iz. p. 112. 132 ASSASSINATION OF LIGNEROLLES. nots by force, resolved to employ other methods, more easy, but much more wicked. He took to caressing them ; he pretended that he wished to treat them favourably ; he granted them the greater part of their demands, and lulled them with the hope of making war in the Ne- therlands against Spain, which they pas- 1 sionately desired. And the better to de-j coy them, he promised, as a pledge of his faith, his sister Margaret to be married to J our Henry ; so that by these means he drew the principal chiefs of that party to: Paris."* Davila's assertion is unequivocal :f "But as the stratagems formerly practised had always produced but little benefit, either j because ministers had perfidiously di- vulged them, or the queen had conducted herself with some hesitation and too much respect; or the Huguenot princes had dis-l trusted her inclination and wishes; so at; this time_a most complete and favourable issue was expected. For the most secret; designs were no longer confided to any' but ministers deeply interested, in addition to the attention which the king hirrfcelf gave. The principal difficulty consisted in rallying the minds of the Huguenot no-' bility, and from the suspicions in which | they indulged to lead them to such a pitch of confidence that they should feel no ap- prehension in coming to court unarmed."! Unless the affair of Lignerolles can be effaced from the page of history, we have another clear proof that a plot was in con- templation previous to Coligny's quitting Rochelle to go to court. That young man was a favourite of the Duke of An- jou, who bestowed on him so much confi- dence that he imparted the king's design, and explained the reasons of such kind- ness being shown to the Protestants. It happened one day that the king having given an audience to the Huguenot depu- ties dismissed them affably, and immedi. * Hist, rip Henri le Grand, p 13 Amsterdam. 1682. f Dr. Lingarri (in his FiniJication) represents Da Vila J|9 unworthy of credit; but I persist in thinking him gond authority (or several reasons. Mis family were in the household of Catherine : and himself, his brother, and John Henry de Villers. his sister's husband, were all in the royal armies; he was therefore constantly in the company of those w ho could rightly appreciate the transactions of this period. His bias, moreover, is so decidedly favourable to Calheiine, that the Abbe An- quetil observes of his history." We should distrust Da- Vila when he writes in favour of the court." Surely such a person would have avoided exaggeration in de- scribing a case which, at the time tie wrote, required all possible palliation on behalf of his friend and patron. I Davila, liv. 5. p. 578. ately after they had withdrawn, he threw off his restraint, and showed very great displeasure at the insolence of their de- mands. Lignerolles, proud of possessing a secret of such importance, and with a thoughtlessness common to his age, ap- proached the king, and observed, that his majesty had only to be patient for a short time ; that he should laugh at the impu- dence and temerity of those people, since, by an interview already contrived, he would have them in his nets in a few days, and could punish them as he thought pro- per. Charles was astonished at such a remark, and did not know how to reply ; he pretended not to hear him, and retired in a rage to a private apartment, where he sent for De Retz, thinking it was he who had imparted the secret to Ligne- rolles. Charles upbraided him with the kindnesses he had conferred upon him, and then declared that he would punish his perfidy and ingratitude. De Retz per- sisted in a denial, and offered to remain in prison until the affair was cleared up: this removed the charge from him, and the queen-mother was sent for. She heard her son's complaint ; told him, with 'a smile, that she did not need his instruc- tions how to keep a secret; and cautioned him against making known, by his impa- tience, what he thought had been put in evidence by others. Charles then began to display his rage : he sent for the Duke of Anjou, who freely confessed what he had told Lignerolles, but assured his bro- ther that the secret was safe with him. ."I will make sure of that," replied the king, "for, before he has time to speak of it, it shall cost him his life." Anjou took no pains to dissuade his brother from the murder, either not daring to oppose the violence of the king, or being vexed at the imprudence of his favourite. George Vil- lequier, Viscount de La Guerche, was then summoned to the royal presence, and received a command to get rid of Ligne- rolles that very day, in any way what- ever. He, being a secret enemy of his victim, readily undertook the commission, and, being joined by Count Charles de Mansfeld, they assassinated Lignerolles while hunting, the king and his brother J purposely galloping to a distance from them. Charles, with his usual dissimula- tion, pretended anger, and sent the two ' assassins to prison ; whence after a short DUPLICITY OF THE FRENCH KING. 133 time they were released upon the pressing of the king's deception, is at least an evi application of the Duke of Angouleme.* The Duke of Nevers has also added his testimony, which is the more valuable as he was known to detest the reformed re- dence of the duplicity attributed to him by his contemporaries. On the Wednesday before the admiral was wounded, as the said nobleman conversed with his majesty ligion. "The admiral," says he, " pro-: concerning the religion, he said, "My posed the war in Flanders, with the most father, I beg you will give me only four flattering representations; but the king would hear nothing of it, for fear of of- fending his brother-in-law, the most Ca- tholic King. His Majesty wishing to avoid such a misfortune, and thinking to or five days to make merry; after that, I promise you, on the faith of a king, that I will satisfy you, and all those of your re- ligion."* Coligny perceived that his words had destroy the Huguenots, rather than their great effect upon the king; it was that heresy, ordered the St. Bartholomew in\ which made him so heedless of all the August, 1572."f warnings he received, and it is very pos- The king and queen had spared no ex- sible that, but for the execrable queen- ertions in drawing Coligny to court, but, , mother, who would not relinquish her when they had effected that object, they I project, the reproaches of conscience, were undecided how they should carry added to the prospect of territorial acqui- their plan into execution: that was ren-jsition displayed by Coligny, would have dered still more difficult, on account of overcome resolutions formed in a troubled the admiral's arriving about eight months | day, and made Charles inattentive to the before the Queen of Navarre. For, how- : calls of bigotry and rage. If these cir- ever unfounded the idea of a war in Flan- cumstances are taken into consideration, ders may have been originally, the king, many contradictory accounts may be re- was obliged to converse frequently with conciled; and although, at the conclusion Coligny upon that subject; and the ad-! of the peace in 1570, the king was most miral, with his sanguine calculations, had forward in the plot, it afterwards required created in Charles's mind a desire to an- all the influence and exertions of Cathe- nex those provinces to his dominions, rine and the Duke of Anjou to keep him So that, rebel as he had been, he appeared to his first resolution. Charles fluctuated on this occasion a zealous promoter of, between the martial feeling which the ad- the dignity of France ; and the personal | miral had kindled, and the rancour which hatred which had existed against him his fiend-like mother fanned incessantly: began to abate in the monarch's mind, at last she excited his fears, by a persua- Duplessis Mornay drew up a memoir, sion that great danger awaited him: he which the admiral presented to Charles 'joined in her purposes, and must share IX.; it strongly urged the prosecution of a! her infamy. war in Flanders, and concluded thus:! It is impossible to fix on any period as " To sum up, you will acquire a territory J the precise time when the murderous re- to which none of your provinces can be solution was adopted, for secrecy is es- compared in extent, beauty, riches, popu- sential to a plot. No one denies the lation, towns, and conveniences, both by memorable expression of Charles IX.: sea and by land, from which you may!" I consent to the admiral's death; but let easily draw an annual contribution of a there not remain one Huguenot to reproach million (livres,) &c. And you, sire, who me with it afterwards:" the contested will have received with immortal honour; point is, whether it was uttered before or the incredible advantage of such a con- quest, shall be so feared by your enemies, so cherished by your friends and allies, that your fortune will speedily open the way for your becoming the greatest mo- narch of Christendom."! The following, if not a complete proof * Davils, liv 5. De Thou, liv. 50. Branioine, Dis- course sur Irs duels. Bassoinpierre, JVouv. Mem. p. 100. t Mem. tie Nevers, vol. ii. p. 16. J Mem. ile Duplessis, vol. i. p. 1. 12 after the attempt to kill Coligny. Ca- veyrac acknowledges that the death of the leaders and factions was decided on.t Anquetil states that before the marriage took place a resolution was formed to commit the king with the Protestants, beyond the possibility of a reconciliation.^: The younger Tavannes, in vindicating ~* Mem. de l'Estoile, vol. i. p. 22. t dissertation sur le St. Barthglemi, p. 25. X E9prit de la Ligue, vol. ii. p. 26. 134 ATTEMPTED MURDER OF COLIGNY. his father's memory, makes use of the following words: "It is a fact that the Huguenots were alone the cause of their massacres, by placing the king in the ne- cessity of a war with Spain or with them. His majesty, by the advice of Tavannes, chose that which was least pre- judicial, being as salutary for the Catho- lic religion as for the state. And as Ta- vannes is accused of giving this counsel, all those of the Catholic religion must esteem and praise him, considering that if he had not, by his good advice, pre- vented the marriage of England with M. d'Anjou (that of the King of Navarre being already concluded, and the King Charles being bent upon the war with Spain,) in- evitably the kingdom of France, and ul- timately all Christendom, except Italy and Spain, would be of the heretical party. And since this stroke of the St. Bartholomew, they have constantly di- minished and become weaker. Let honour then be given to those to whom it be- longs: not that these great murders are praiseworthy, but for having avoided and prevented three quarters of Europe from being connected with the heretical party by marriages and alliances, and for having diverted from France a most dangerous war with Spain, at a time when the king- dom was enfeebled."* This passage in- dicates the king's participation in the plot before the attempt on Coligny's life, for an alternative afterwards was impossible. Brantome gives similar testimony: "The king, therefore, not desiring to make use of him (the admiral) in such good affairs, was either of himself, or by some of his council, persuaded to have him killed. "t It cannot be supposed that the death of Coligny alone would have answered the purpose of the king or his mother: an- other captain would have taken his place; and the King of Navarre's increasing ex- perience made him nearly equal to take the command without assistance: any at- tempt upon his life was necessarily ac- companied with some measure for pre- venting his death from being avenged; and on that account, in addition to the dif- ferent authorities which have been pro- duced, there is sufficient reason for con- cluding that Charles was a party to the premeditation of the massacre. Catherine's tortuous policy exhibits a line of conduct unparalleled in history: nothing appeared criminal in furtherance of her views; but no sooner was her ob- ject attained, than her own work was condemned to destruction, from some idea which she had subsequently conceived. During the wars she lamented the defeats of the Huguenots, because they increased the importance of the Guises; and it was frequently her policy to attack that family in turn. If the Huguenot leaders were doomed to destruction, common prudence made her inquire what barriers she could in future oppose to the house of Lorrain, the head of which considered himself equal to the princes of the blood; and who, if he made an attempt to possess the throne, would be certain of the Romish and Spanish influence in his behalf. De Retz proposed a measure which promised the destruction of the Protestants, and rendered very probable the removal of some of the Guises: the plan suited her views, and policy justified it to her con- science. That proposal was to this effect: that, although it was easy of execution, and quite just, to kill all the Huguenots, still it was desirable to have a pretext for it: if the life of the admiral alone were taken, every one would think the -Guises had done it, and the Huguenots in their rage would fall upon that family; the Parisians would support their favourites, and the Huguenots would certainly be over- whelmed; the object would thus be ac- complished, and the fault imputed to the private resentment of the house of Lor- rain, and not to the deliberations of the court.* Some accounts give this further development: when botli parties were ex- hausted and reduced, the king was to march from the Louvre, at the head of his guards, and punish the rebellious on both sides; no impediment would then exist, to prevent the re-establishment of the king's authority.! An assassin was soon found to despatch the admiral: it was Mau revel, the same who killed Mouy at Niort, and who was known as the King's fisaasisin.\ By * Mem. de Tavannes, p. 419. t Braiilome, vol. viii. p. 182. * Davila, liv. 5 D'Aubigne, vol. ii. p 13 Maim- bona'. Hist du Cnlvinisme, liv. 8 De Thou, liv. 52. t Mnzeray, Mbregc Chron. Voltaire, Note to the Henriade. I He wag called Lt tueur du Roy, ou It tveur auz gages du Roy. ISrantome, vol. viii. p, 182. ATTEMPTED MURDER OF COL1GNV. 135 whom he was employed on this occasion is immaterial, for Guise was so desirous of avenging his father's death, that the king's permission to satisfy his resent- ment was all he required; he would there- fore become a willing instrument in the hands of the court* Still it is probable that revenge executed by a hireling would not have suited his courageous character; and the fact of Maurevel being employed affords a presumptive proof that the pro- posal of De Retz was in reality that which was decided upon. Maurevel took his post in the house of Villemur, a canon of St. Germain L'Auxerrois, and who had been tutor to the Duke of Guise. He waited some days before he had an opportunity, but on Friday the 22d of August, Coligny was returning from the Louvre, and walked very slowly, as he was reading some papers. t Maurevel fired on him from behind a curtain; his piece was loaded with two balls, which struck the admiral, one in each arm. He pointed to the spot whence the blow came, but be- fore his attendants could force their way in, the assassin had made his escape upon a horse belonging to the king's stables, which was waiting for him by the cloisters of the church.}; This event caused great confusion among all parties. The Protestant leaders hastened to Coligny's house to discuss the affair, but amidst the nume- rous opinions given, no conclusion was adopted. When the admiral's wounds had been dressed, and the first dismay had subsided, it was resolved that they should complain to the king, and demand justice, the general impression being that it was the work of the Guises. The cal- culations of De Retz were thus proved to be correct, and the suspicion fell where it was intended. But Maurevel's aim was not sufficiently true; and Coligny being still alive, his friends were advised by him, instead of taking justice into their own hands. Had he been killed on the spot, there is every probability that the Huguenots would have taken arms im- mediately; but, whatever resentment was * Caveyrac stales Hint he was not present at the counrit. — Dissertation sur le St'Barthi/emi, p. 3. t The admiral lived in the Rue lielhizy; Villemur in (he Rue des fosses St Germain : in his way home from the Louvre, Coligny had therefore to go along the latter etreet J SuJIy, liv. 1. De Thou, liv. 52. expressed by any of them, their defence- less state, when they were attacked soon after, shows that no violence was medi- tated among them. Their coolness ren- dered a change necessary in the plans of the court. CHAPTER XXVIII. Massacre of the Saint Bartholomew. The king was playing at tennis when he was told that Coligny was wounded, and that the King of Navarre and the Prince of Conde were coming to him, to demand justice against the Guises. The circumstance both surprised and alarmed him: Maurevel had so seldom failed in de- spatching his victim, that his blow had been looked upon as sure; and, on the other hand, it could not have been ex- pected that the Huguenots would think of seeking redress from him. Their prompt application, by bringing him so directly in contact with the Duke of Guise, placed him in a dilemma. He threw away his racket in a passion; and, after giving vent to a number of oaths, declared lie would have the assassin sought for, even in the recesses of Guise's hotel.* Charles succeeded in satisfying the young princes that the as- sassin should meet with exemplary pun- ishment, and immediately ordered the President De Thou, the Provost Morsan, and Veale, a counsellor, to commence an investigation:! this calmed them in some measure, and made them give up the plan which they had agreed on of leaving Paris immediately.!: But the king felt convinced that some- thing more must be done, to prevent the intended mischief from recoiling on him- self: that measure required deliberation; but, in order to amuse the Huguenots, and convince them of his good will, he announced his intention of visiting the admiral in the afternoon. He coidd not with prudence go among the Huguenots unprotected, nor could he consistently be attended by his guards; he therefore de- sired that all the court should visit Co ligny also. * Sully, liv. t. t Felibien, vol. ii p. 111". J D'Aubigne, vol. ii. p. 14. Mezeray, Jlbregi Chron. 136 COLIGNY REFUSES TO LEAVE PARIS. Charles entered the admiral's dwelling, accompanied by his mother, the Duke of Anjou, De Retz and his other coun- sellors, the marshals of France, and a numerous suite* He began by consoling the admiral, and then swore that the crime should be punished so severely, that his vengeance should never be effaced from the memory of man. Coligny thanked his sovereign for such testimo- nials of his kindness, and conjured him to support with his authority the execu- tion of the different edicts in favour of the Protestants, many points of which were violated or misunderstood. " My father," answered the king, "depend upon it, I shall always consider you a faithful sub- ject, and one of the bravest generals in my kingdom ; confide in me for the exe- cution of my edicts, and for avenging you when the criminals are discovered." " They are not difficult to find out," said Coligny ; " the traces are very plain." "Tranquillize yourself," replied the king; " a longer emotion may hurt you, and re- tard your cure."t The conversation then turned upon the war with Spain, and lasted near an hour. Coligny complained of the Spanish government being informed of whatever was decided on j tind s s the inti- macy'between the queen-mother and the Spanish ambassador was very great, and caused suspicion, he spoke to the king in a low voice. | The war in Flanders was a subject of great alarm for Catherine; she knew her son's secret wishes, and she dreaded the effect which Coligny's re- marks might have upon him : she inter- rupted the conversation, and prevailed upon the king to leave the place. Charles, who was exerting himself to efface any suspicion which might have arisen in Co- ligny's mind, became vexed at the anx- iety displayed by his mother ; and, as they were returning to the Louvre, being pressed to tell what Coligny had said, he declared with an oath, " That the admiral * All accounts Mate that the king was well attended on (his occasion.; n is therefore absurd to argue Ins ig- norance of the plot, because lie trusted himself unarm d anions the Huguenots. t D'Aubigno, vol n p. 15. Pe Thou, liv. 52. | The confederates seeing that this ambassador WIS usually present at the council where everything was discussed ; remarking, besides, the friendly discourse which ihe Spaniard held frequently w ith the queen and his excellency, and the secret conversation which they had the greater part of the time, made some think that all did not pull together ; so thai looking at that and such other things, the more they were informed of e.ich particular, the more suspicions they entertained.— La- yvpehniere, liv. 25, vol. ii. p. 21, had said what was true, that he had suf- fered the authority to fall from his hands, and that he ought to become master of his own affairs."* When the king and his suite retired, the admiral's friends ex- pressed great astonishment at his affability, and the desire he showed to bring the crime to justice. " But," says Brantome, "all these fine appearances afterwards turned to ill, which amazed every one very much how their majesties could per- form so counterfeit a part unless they had previously resolved on this massacre."t Under pretence of protecting Coligny and his friends from any tumult which the populace might stir up in favour of the Guises, the king recommended the leading Huguenots to lodge near the admiral, and placed a guard in the neighbourhood to defend them ; all the gates of the town (except two) were closed, and the admiral himself was invited to remove into the Louvre for security.^ The real object, however, was to prevent any Huguenots of rar>k from escaping : when collected they were more easily watched ; and, in the execution of the murderous plan, Charles could call to mind the pithy ob- servation of Alaric, "Thick grass is easier mown than thin." Those soldiers who were said to be for the defence of the Protestants were the Duke of Anjou's guards, and became the most zealous of their murderers ; arms were delivered out at the same time to the populace, who concealed them in their houses till the proper time. Charles was so thorough a dissembler, that he practised his deception even in the Louvre. His sister Margaret (either anxious to palliate his conduct, or willing to believe his declarations) represents him as completely persuaded that Guise had caused the attack on the admiral. "No- thing," says she, " could appease the king,- he could neither moderate nor change his passionate desire to have justice done, constantly ordering that Guise should be sought after and arrested ; for he would not suffer such an act to remain unpun- ished. "§ But, independent of the caution with which the sister's narrative should be received, it is to be observed that this * Discourse du Roi Henri HI., &c. t lirantome, vol. viii. p. 184. 1 Mezeray. § Mem. de la Reine Marguerite, p. JT4, vol lii. of the Collection of Memoirs, printed 178".. PREPARATIONS FOR THE MASSACRE. 137 was a part of the king's original plan, and every thing which he did or said was meant to throw the odium of the affair upon the Guises. Soon after the king had quitted Co- Iigny's chamber, the leading Protestants assembled to deliberate on their position. The Vidame of Chartres was for imme- diately transporting the admiral to Cha- tillon, and vehemently declared against placing any further confidence in the tion which they procured caused in turn still greater uneasiness. It was impossible to prevent Maurevel's employers from being made known, and a council was summoned at the Louvre; the behaviour of Charles IX. at this council was con- sistent with the rest of his actions. As he approached the fatal moment, his con- science appears to have assailed him. and he hesitated to carry the plan into effect. The queen entreated him to take firm king;* he recommended also, that they measures to preserve her and the Duke should do so before the people had shown of Anjou from the vengeance of the Hu- themselves openly adverse to them. Te- guenots. who already accused them of the ligny was so infatuated, that he stood for- j assassination of Coligny. De Retz told ward to defend the king's honour and | the king that such was the irritated state word; and Coligny himself was averse to I of the Protestants, that he, as well as showing any suspicions. "If I do so,", Guise, would be sacrificed to their ven- said he, "I must display either fear or dis- 1 geance. Soon after •intelligence was trust; my honour will be hurt by one, brought that the Huguenots were pre- and the king will be injured by the other; paring to carry Coligny out of Paris : if he I should then be compelled to renew the should escape, their whole design would civil war, and I would rather die than be frustrated, and a civil war become un- again see such ills."t The Vidame, how- 'avoidable ; especially as the Huguenots ever, made another effort on the following had threatened to rise en maa.se to obtain day, and was for carrying off the admiral justice.* Catherine perceived the waver- in a litter; this attempt being equally un-'ing state of her son's mind: she informed successful, he left the city accompanied him that couriers had been already sent by several of his friends. Many violent > off to Germany and Switzerland for threats are said to have been uttered by troops, and that, in the unprovided state these gentlemen: they declared they , of the government, his ruin was certain if would take arms, and never lay them 'another war broke out. The wretched down till they had put it out of the power king, whose mind was so framed that he of the Catholics to injure them. Their; blindly followed the impulse of the mo- suspicions were fully excited, and, upon a ment, and who the minute before had felt review of every circumstance which then a repugnance to consent to the death of became the subject of conversation they; so many subjects, was then so much in- saw how shamefully they had been flamed by the solicitations and assertions insnared. The Guises, notwithsland- of his counsellors, that he experienced all ing their disgrace at court, had been the anger which could be called into ac- twice seen in masks conversing with the! tion by a recollection of the past, a dread queen, De Retz, and Birague; and this of the future, and the vexation of failing circumstance, coupled with the king's pre-! in an attempt to punish the leaders of the tended anger against them, made them sect so hateful to him. He became more decide on quitting the dangerous ground eager than any to execute the resolution, upon which they stood. | \ttlready taken in the secret council, to The day after the attempt to kill Co- make a general massacre of the Hugue- ligny was a dreadful interval for the king nots.j This could not safely be deferred and his mother. His conduct from the ; any longer, as some-of them were quitting first displayed all the irresolution and Paris every hour,, and the dawn of the want of thought which accompanies crime. !next morning was to behold the consum- In his eagerness to deceive the King of niation of this- inhuman scheme.. Navarre, he had appointed persons to in- vestigate the assassination; the informa- * D'Aubigne, Hist. Univ. vol. ii. p. 15. Ds Thou, liv | Mathieu, vol. ; Sully, liv. i. i. liu. Q, p MX De Thou, liv. 52. 12* At first there was no exception what- * Maimbourg, Hist, du Calvinisme. liv. fi. t " Ccte effiroyable resolution, qu'il av .it deja prise dans le conseil secret, et qu'on lui avail tint quitter, de faire un massacre general da tons tea Huguenots." — Maimbourg, ui antea. 138 PREPARATIONS FOR THE MASSACRE. ever from the massacre, and Charles con- 1 scruples of conscience, for which Tavannes sented to destroy one branch of his own abused them in the king's presence. He family: "It was deliberated," says the 'told them that if they refused they should archbishop of Paris, "if they should not! all be hanged, and advised the king to Navarre and the threaten them too. The poor frightened the others, and all for their death murder the King of Prince of Conde with the murderers were nevertheless, by a miracle, they resolved on sparing them."* " The Duke of Guise," says Davila, " wished that in kill- ing the Huguenots they should do the same with the King of Navarre and the Prince of Conde ; but the queen-mother and the others had a horror of dipping their hands in royal blood. "f "Indubi- tably," says Brantome, " he was pro- scribed, and down on the red list, as they called it; because, said they, it was ne- cessary to dig up the roots, such as the King of Navarre, the Prince of Conde, the admiral, and other great persons; but men then yielded, and promised to do such execution that it should never be for- gotten,* The instructions they received were, that directly they heard the bell, torches were to be put in the windows, and chains placed across the streets; piquets were to be posted in the open places ; and, for distinction, they were to wear a piece of white linen on their left arms, and put a white cross on their hats.t Notwithstanding the awful crime in contemplation, the king rode out on horse- back in the afternoon, accompanied by the Chevalier d'AngouIeme, his natural bro- ther; but the sight of his unsuspecting people had no effect upon him. The the said Queen (Margaret) threw herself | queen also showed herself at court as usual in order to avoid suspicion.! Secrecy was desirable till the last mo- ment, and no one was informed of the plan who was not necessary to its execu- tion. But there were several persons who caused great concern and anxiety to both the king and queen. The Queen of Navarre describes herself as altogether ignorant of the affair previous to the exe- cution ; and, when she retired after supper to go to bed, her sister, the Duchess of Lor- rain, entreated her not to go. The queen- mother was angry at that, and forbid her telling any thing further. The Duchess of Lorrain thought that it would be sacri- ficing her to let her go to bed ; and the queen-mother said, that if she did not go it might cause suspicion, and observed, that if it pleased God no harm would befall her.§ The Count de la Rochefoucalt was a great favourite with Charles, who took such delight in his company, that he wished to save his life. He had passed the evening with the king, and when he prepared to go home, Charles advised him to sleep in the Louvre. In vain did he press him : the count resolved to go : the king was grieved that he could not preserve him without violating his secret, and observed, as his guest retired, "I see clearly that God wishes him to perish."|| on her knees before King Charles her brother, to beg the life of her husband and lord. The King Charles granted it to her with great difficulty, although she was his good sister."]; It was also pro- posed to kill the Montmorencies, who, although Catholics, were very much con- nected with the Huguenots; but the mar- shal could not be drawn from Chantilly, and was beyond their reach : so the council concluded that to destroy the younger branches, and leave the elder to revenge their death, would only increase the chances of a civil war.§ De Retz, however, maintained that they should all be killed. || Every thing was soon decided on : the Duke of Guise was to begin the massacre by despatching the admiral directly he heard the signal given, by ringing the great bell of the palace, which was used only on public rejoicings. IT Tavannes in the mean time sent for the provost of the trades, and some other persons of influ- ence among the inhabitants: he ordered them to arm the companies and to be ready by midnight at the Hotel-de-Ville. Those persons made some excuses and * Peretixe, Hist, de Henri le Grand. + Davila, liv. 5. p. 616. + Braruome, vol. i. p. 861. This statement, however, is at variance with the Memoirs of Queen Margaret, who declares she knew nothing of the massacre till it occurred ; but it is possible that she begged for her hus- band's life on the Sunday, when everything was to be feared on his account. § Davila, liv. 5, p. C17. J Mem. de Tavannes. p 421. IT Mezitay, Mregi Chron. * Urantome, Vic de Tavannes. t Meimbourg and Mezeray | Dr. Lingard. Vindication, &c. p. 30, Paris edition. § Mem. de la Reine Marguerite, p. 179. || Brantome, Vie de Charles IX. Voltaire, Essai stir lcs Guerres Civiles. MASSACRE OF ST. BARTHOLOMEW. 139 Ambrose Pare, his surgeon, was a per- son indispensable for the king's health and comfort, and he used less ceremony with him. He sent for him in the evening into his chamber, and ordered him not to stir from thence: he said, according to Bran- tome, " That it was not reasonable that one who was so useful should be massa- cred, and therefore he did" not press him to change his religion."* As midnight approached, the armed companies were collecting before the Hotel- de-Ville. They required some strong ex- citement to bring them to a proper mind, and in order to animate and exasperate them, they were told that a horrible con- spiracy was discovered, which the Hugue- nots had made against the king, the queen- mother, and the princes, without excepting the King of Navarre, for the destruction of the monarchy and religion : that the king wishing to anticipate so execrable an attempt, commanded them to fall at once upon all those cursed heretics (rebels against God and the king) without sparing one; and that afterwards their property should be given up to plunder.! This was sufficient inducement for a populace who naturally detested the Huguenots ; every thing being thus arranged, they impatiently waited the dawn, and the sig- nal which it was to bring with it. The wretched King of France had gone so far that a retreat was impossible ; but there is every reason to believe, that even at the last moment he would gladly have obeyed the dictates of nature, and have desisted from the cruel purpose. Among the inferior classes of murderers, whose condition is unable to protect them from the laws, we frequently find that, unless their lives have been of an abandoned description, they have generally hesitated at the moment of committing the crime, and have required some excitement to urge them to the work. The hesitation, therefore, which Charles displayed was natural; although depraved in his mind, and vindictive in his disposition, his rank had preserved him from conduct which would sear his feelings ; and we find that too late he sent orders to prevent the mas- sacre from, taking place. But the queen had perceived the inquietude which tor- mented him: she saw that if the signal de- pended upon him, he would not have re- solution enough to give it: she considered that the hour should be hastened, to pre- vent any rising remorse from destroying her work: she therefore made another effort to inflame her son, by telling him that the Protestants had discovered the plot ; and then sent some one to ring the bell of St. Germain l'Auxerrois, an hour earlier than had been agreed upon* A few moments after was heard the report of a pistol, which had such an effect on the king, that he sent orders to prevent the massacre, but it was then too late.f Guise, who had waited with impatience for. the signal, went at once to Coligny's house, accompanied by his brother Au- male, Angouleme, and a number of gentle- men. Cosseins, who commanded the guards posted there, broke open the doors in the king's name, and murdered some Swiss who were placed at the bottom of the stairs. Besme,{ a Lorrain, and Pes- trucci, an Italian, both in Guise's pay, then went up stairs to the admiral, followed by some soldiers. Coligny, awakened by the noise, asked one of his attendants what it was: he replied, "my lord, God calls us to himself." Coligny then said to his at- tendants, "save yourselves, my friends; all is over with me. I have been long prepared for death." They all- quitted him but one; and he betook himself to prayer, awaiting his murderers. Every door was soon broke open, and Besme presented himself. "Art thou Coligny !" said he; "I am he indeed," said the admi- ral; "young man, you ought to respect my gray hairs; but, do what you will, you can shorten my life only by a few days." Besme replied by plunging his sword into Coligny's body; his compa- nions then gave him numerous atabs with their daggers. Besme then called out of the window to Guise, that it was done: " very well," replied he, " but M. d" Angou- leme will not believe it, unless he sees him at his feet." The corpse was thrown out into the court from the window; and the blood spurted out on the faces and clothes of the princes. Guise wiped the murdered man's face in order to recognise him, and then gave orders to cut off his head.§ * Bran tome, vol i t Maimbourg, BU . p. 42ri. Sully, liv. 1. Uu Cvlcinisme, liv. 0, p. 473. * De Thou, liv. 52. The church hell was rung al two o'clock in (be morning of Sunday, the 24th August. t Discern rs du Koi Henri III . &c, at the end: [ Besme married a natural daughter of the Cardinal of Lorrain ; and. as a further recompense for murdering- Coligny, the King of Spain made bim a handsome present. Brantonie, vol. viii. p. 1U5. liayle, art. Besme, § De Thou, liv. 52. Branluiue, vol. viii. p. 185, 140 MASSACRE OF ST. BARTHOLOMEW. The ringing of the bell of St. Germain 1'Auxerrois was answered by the bells of all the churches, and by a discharge of fire-arms in different parts. Paris re- sounded with cries and howlings, which brought the defenceless people out of their dwellings, not only unarmed, but half naked. Some tried to gain Coligny's house, in the hope of obtaining protection, but the companies of guards quickly de- spatched ihem : the Louvre seemed to hold out a refuge ; but they were driven away by men armed with spears and musketry. Escape was almost impossible; the nume- rous lights placed in the windows deprived them of the shelter which the darkness would have afforded them ; and patrols traversed the streets in all directions, kill- ing every one they met. From the streets they proceeded to the houses; they broke open the doors, and spared neither age, sex, nor condition. A white cross had been put in their hats to distinguish the Catholics; and some priests, holding a crucifix in one hand, and a sword in the other, preceded the murderers, and encou- raged them, in God's name, to spare nei- ther relatives nor friends. When the day- light appeared, Paris exhibited a most appalling spectacle of slaughter: the head- less bodies were falling from the windows; the gateways were blocked up with dead and dying; and the streets were filled with carcasses which were drawn on the pavement to the river.* Even the Louvre became the scene of great carnage: the guards were drawn up in a double line, and the unfortunate Huguenots who were in that place were called one after another, and killed with the soldiers' halberts.t Most of them died without complaining, or even speaking; others appealed to the public faith and the sacred promise of the king. " Great God !" said they, " be the defence of (he op- pressed. Just Judge! avenge this per- fidy.":): Some of the King of Navarre's servants, who lived in the palace, were killed in bed with their wives.§ Tavannes, Guise, Montpensier and An- gouleme, rode through the streets, encou- raging the murderers: Guise told them that it was the king's wish ; that it was * D'AubignG, Davila, Maiinbourg, De Thou, Mathieu, &c, &c t Mem. de Tavannee, p. 418. Davila, liv. 5. j D'.vubigne, Hist. Umn. vol ii. p. 18. 4 Voltaire, Essai sur les Ouerres Civiles de France. necessary to kill the very last of the here- tics, and crush the race of vipers.* Ta- vannes ferociously exclaimed, " bleed ! bleed! The doctors tell us that bleeding is as beneficial in August as in May."f These exhortations were not lost upon an enraged multitude, and the different com- panies emulated each other in atrocity. One Cruce, a g'oldsmith, boasted of having killed four hundred persons with his own hands. The massacre lasted during the whole week, but after the third day its fury wa3 considerably abated ; indeed, on the Tues- day a proclamation was issued for putting an end to it, but no measures were taken for enforcing the order: the people, how- ever, were no longer urged on to the slaughter.} What horrors were endured during that time can be best described by those who were present or contempo- raries. Sully gives the following account of his sufferings: — "I went to bed the over-night very early: I was aroused about three hours after midnight by the noise of bells, and the confused cries of the populace. St. Jtilien, my governor, went out hastily with my valet-de-chambre to learn the cause, and I have never since heard any thing of those two men, who were, without doubt, sacrificed among the first to the public fury. I remained alone dressing myself in my chamber, where a few minutes after I observed my host enter, pale and in consternation. He was of the religion, and having heard ' what was the matter, he had decided on going to mass'to save his life, and -pre- serve his house from plunder. He came to persuade me to do the same, and to take me with him. I did not think fit to follow him. I resolved on attempting to get to the college of Burgundy, where I studied, notwithstanding the distance of the house where I lived from that college, which made my attempt very dangerous. I put on my scholar's gown, and taking a pair of large prayer books under my arm, I went down stairs. I was seized with horror as I went into the street at seeing the furious men running in every direc- tion, breaking open the houses, and call- ing out 'kill! massacre the Huguenots!* "♦'EspritTde la I.igue, vol. ii. p. 48. f Hrantome, vol. ix. p. 113. X Lapopeliniere stales thut on the Sunday, and al- most every day, orders were issued to slop the massacre, but it still continued; " so that I he lastday of ihe week was but little less remarked for murders llian tliOr others," liv. 29, p. 67. ESCAPE OF SULLY. 14L and the blood which I saw shed before my eyes redoubled my fright: I fell in with a body of soldiers, who stopped me: I was questioned ; they began to ill-treat me, when the books which I carried were dis- covered, happily for me, and served me for a passport. Twice afterwards I fell into the same danger, from which I was delivered with the same good fortune. At length I arrived at the college of Burgun- dy: a still greater danger awaited me there. The porter having twice refused me admittance, I remained in the middle of the street at the mercy of the ruffians, whose numbers kept increasing, and who eagerly sought for their prey ; when I thought of asking for the principal of the college, named Dafaye, a worthy man, and who tenderly loved me. The porter, gained by some small pieces of money which I put into his hand, did not refuse to fetch him. This good man took me to his chamber, where two inhuman priests, whom I heard talk of the Sicilian Vespers, tried io snatch me from his hands, to tear me to pieces, saying that the order was to kill even the infants at the breast. All that he could do was to lead me with great secresy to a remote closet, where he locked me in. I remained there three whole days, uncertain of my fate, and re- ceiving no assistance but from a servant of this charitable man, who came from time to time, and brought me something to live upon."* The Queen of Navarre has also given an account of the dreadful night which preceded, or rather ushered in, the mas- sacre. She relates, that on retiring to rest, her husband's bed was surrounded by thirty or forty Huguenots, who were talking all night of the accident which had befallen the admiral, and resolved the next morning to insist upon the king's doing justice for them on the Guises. No sleep was to be had under such cir- cumstances; and before day the King of i Navarre rose, with the intention of play-j ing at tennis, till the king (Charles) was! up. When the King of Navarre and his gentlemen had retired, the queen soon | fell asleep. In less than an hour she was woke up by a man, striking with his hands and feet against the door of her chamber, and calling out Navarre! Na- varre !— Margaret's chamber-maid opened * Sully, liv. j. the door, and immediately a man covered with blood, and pursued by four soldiers, ran in for refuge.* " He, wishing for protection," says Margaret, " threw him- self on my bed: I, feeling a man lay hold of me, threw myself out at the bedside, and hirn after me, still holding me round the body: I did not know the man, nor did I know if he came there to injure me, or whether the soldiers were after him or me; we both of us cried out, and were both equally frightened." It was with difficulty the queen could obtain this per- son's pardon: the captain of the guards conducted her to the chamber of her sis- ter, the Duchess of Lorrain; and at the moment of entering that apartment, a gen- tleman was killed close to her. She al- most fainted away, and could only be brought to by her sister's care.t On coming to herself the Queen of Navarre inquired for her husband, who on quitting his room had been conducted to the king's presence, along with the Prince of Conde. They were not al- lowed to take their swords, and on the way they saw several of their friends murdered before them, particularly the brave Piles, who so valiantly defended St. Jean d'Angely. In order to frighten them into compliance with the king's wishes, they were made to feel the full extent of their danger; they passed through long lines of soldiers who were prepared to massacre them. Charles re- ceived them in great anger, and com- manded them, with his usual oaths and blasphemies, to renounce the religion which he declared they had only taken as a pretext for their rebellion. As the princes, however, expressed the difficulty they felt in changing their creed, his rage became excessive, and he told them, "That he would no longer be thwarted in his wishes by his subjects; that they ought to teach others, by their example, to revere him as the likeness of God, and be no longer the enemies of his mother's images."| The Prince of Conde boldly told him, "That he was accountable to God alone for his religion; that his pos- sessions and his life were in his majesty's power, and he might dispose of them as he pleased; but that no menaces, nor * It wasGastnn de Levis. Viscountde Lnyran. Bran- tome. vol. i. p. 202. D'Aubigne., vol. ii. p. 19. t Mem. de la Reine Marguerite, p. 181. J Sully, liv. 1. 142 ESCAPE OF THE YOUNGER LA FORCE. even death, should make him renounce the truth."* They were then remanded for three days, with the information, that if they did not become Catholics they would be treated as guilty of high treason, both human and divine. The King of Navarre was, in addition, to send an order to his states forbidding the exercise of every religion but the Romish.t Marshal de la Force was a child at the time of the massacre; he has left some memoirs of his life, and has given the following narrative of what occurred to him: " A horse-dealer who had seen the Duke of Guise and his satellites go into Admiral Coligny's house, and gliding- through the crowd, had witnessed the murder of that nobleman, ran immediately to give information to M. Caumont de la Force, to whom he had sold ten horses a week before. " La Force and his two sons lodged in the faubourg St. Germain, as well as many Calvinists. There was not then any bridge which joined this faubourg to the city. All the boats had been seized by order of the court to carry over the assassins. The horse-dealer plunged in, swam across, and informed M. de la Force of his danger. La Force was out of his house, and had time enough to save himself; but seeing his children did not follow him, he returned to fetch them. He had scarcely entered again when the assassins arrived. One Martin, at their head, entered his room, disarmed him and his two children, and told him with dread- ful oaths that he must die. La Force of- fered him a ransom of two thousand crowns; the captain accepted it; La Force swore to pay it to him in two days, and immediately the assassins, after having stripped the house, told La Force and his children to put their handkerchiefs in their hats in the form of a cross, and made them tuck up their right sleeves on the shoulder: that was the token for the mur- derers. In this state they made them pass the river, and conducted them into the city. The marshal declares that he saw the river covered with dead bodies. His father, his brother, and he landed be- fore the Louvre: there they saw several of their friends murdered, and among others the brave De Piles, father of him * D'Aubi^ne, Hist. Univ. vol. ii. p 19. T Sully, liv. 1. who killed in a duel the son of Malherbe. From thence Captain Martin took his prisoners to his house, Rue des Petits Champs; made La Force and his sons swear that they would not go out thence before they had paid the two thousand crowns; left them in the custody of two Swiss soldiers, and went in search of other Calvinists to massacre in the city. " One of the Swiss, touched with com- passion, offered the prisoners to let them escape. La Force would do nothing of the kind: he answered, that he had pledged his word, and that he would rather die than forfeit it. An aunt of his had procured for him the two thousand crowns, and they were going to be de- livered to Captain Martin, when the Count de Coeonas (the same who was afterwards beheaded) came to tell La Force that the Duke of Anjou wished to speak to him. Immediately he made the father and the children go down stairs, bareheaded and without their cloaks. La Force plainly saw that they were leadin him to death: he followed Coeonas, pray- irlg him to spare his two innocent chil- dren. The younger (aged thirteen years, the writer of this, and who was called James Nompa) raised his voice, and re- proached the murderers with their crimes, telling them they would be punished for it by God. In the mean time the two children were led with their father to the end of the Rue des Petits Champs. They -first gave the elder several stabs; he cried out, ' Ah, my father, Oh, my God! I am dead.' At the same instant the father fell upon his son's body co- vered with wounds. The younger, co- vered with their blood, but who by an astonishing miracle had received no stab, had the prudence to cry out also, ' I am dead.' He threw himself down between his father and brother, and received their last sighs. The murderers believing them all dead, went away, saying, 'There they are all three.' Some wretehes afterwards came to strip their bodies. The young La Force had one stocking left; a marker of Verdelet's Tennis Court wished to have it: in taking it off he mused on the body of the young child. « Aias !' said he, 4 what a pity ! This is but a child, what can he have done V These words of compassion obliged the little La Force to raise his head gently, and say, in a IGNOMINIOUS TREATMENT OF THE CORPSE OF COLIGNY. 143 low voice, 'I am not yet dead.' The poor man answered, ' Do not stir, child; have patience.' In the evening, he came to fetch him. ' Get up,' said he, ' they are no longer here,' and put a shabby cloak upon his shoulders. As he con- ducted him, some of the executioners asked him, who is that boy ? ' It is my nephew,' said he, ' who has got drunk; you see what a state he is in: I am going to give him a good whipping.' At last the poor marker took him to his house, and asked thirty crowns for his reward. From thence the young La Force was taken, in the disguise of a beggar, to the arsenal, to his relative, Marshal Biron, grand-master of the artillery. He was concealed some time in the girls' cham- bers. At length, hearing that the court were hunting after him to destroy him, he made his escape in the dress of a page, under the name of Beaupuy."* Although bigotry and fanaticism were the chief motives with the murderers, part of the crimes committed on the oc- casion were the effect of other bad pas- sions, and many true Catholics were in- a fire was placed underneath and disfi- gured it horribly.* It was in this state, when Charles went with his court to indulge in the sight of his murdered enemy: the same whom a few days before he had called his father, assuring him that he should always con- sider him a faithful subject, and a brave general. Some of the courtiers stopping their noses on account of the smell, the king remarked, "I do not do as you, for the smell of a dead enemy is always go«»d."t Marshal Montmorency employed some persons to take down the miserable re- mains at night, and placed them in a se- cret place, being afraid to trust them in the chapel at Chantilly, lest they should be taken away: they were afterwards in- terred at Montauban, and subsequently, when the decrees against Coligny's me- mory were reversed, they were removed to the tomb of his ancestors, at Chatillon- sur-Loing4 They who thus insulted Coligny's re- mains may be supposed to belong to the lower classes; but the king gave a public volved in the massacre: those who were approval of their conduct, and the cour- rich were sacrificed by their heirs, and tiers endeavoured to exceed them in bru- many fell victims to private resentments, tality. The monarch's ferocity appears Marshals Biron and Cosse were both de- j to have been contagious, for ladies of his voted to destruction, through the effect of court were seen descending into the personal dislike; but Cosse found a | square of the Louvre, then filled with the powerful intercessor in the Duke of dead bodies of Protestantgentlemen, many Anjou's mistress; and Biron, who was ' of whom had cheerfully passed with them commander of the Bastille, defended him- j some hours of the preceding day. It was self by pointing' cannon against the in- by their siren-like qualities that many of furiated mob: this attempt against him the Huguenot nobility had been drawn to ensured his assistance for those Ilugue- ; court: they had now become harpies, nots who sought his help.t | through the addition of cruelty to their In the mean time Coligny's body was fanaticism and wantonness; and, tramp- ling every proper feeling under foot, they the object of every kind of insult. His head was cut oft* and sent to Catherine jested and laughed as they recognised any what became of it afterwards is unknown: i of the murdered men. Among those who some say it was sent to the pope, others j fell within the precincts of the palace was to the King of Spain. X His body was | Soubise,§ whose wife had instituted a mangled, and drawn through the streets j suit against him for a divorce, on the during two or three days: the populace ground of impotency. His mangled body then threw it into the river, but after- ] underwent an examination by all those wards drew it out again, and hung it up ladies, whose barbarous curiosity was by the heels at the gibbet of Monlfaucon; * This narrative is inserted in the Notes of the Hen riade: the circumstance is mentioned alto by De Thuu, D'Aubicne anil Mezeray. t He Thon, liv. 5'2. I Tavannes says it was sent to Rome, Mem. p. 419: and Felibien asserts the same, His. de Paris, vol. ii p 1119. * Vie de Coliiny, D'Aubigne, and De Thou, t Rrantoine. P Masson, and many others, t Mem, de la Vie de J. A. De Thou, 14. Vie de Coligny. § His name was Dupont (luillenec; but, having mar- ried the heiress of James Parthenay, Lord of Soubise, he assumed that name. The circumstance is mention- ed by most writers. 144 DISSIMULATION worthy of such an Abominable court.* Restraint of every kind was thrown aside; and while the men were victims of bigoted fury, the women were exposed to the violence of lust.f The Count de Coconas boasted of having rescued from the populace thirty Protestants, to whom he promised their lives if they would recant. He after- wards put them all to death in a lingering way. J About seven or eight hundred persons had taken refuge in the prisons, thinking to find shelter under the wings of justice; but the captains placed there had them brought out to an open spot, when they were knocked on the head and thrown into the river.§ Guise considered it his interest to give shelter in his hotel to a few Huguenots, and even Tavannes spared some who fell in his way. When they were speaking of it in the Louvre, others re- plied, fiercely: " It was betraying them, it was betraying God and the king to spare the heretics: if they are less nume- rous, vengeance gtyes them more force: Coligny is no more, but the King of Na- varre and the Prince of Conde survive: they will soon escape from the court; and the church has every thing to fear from such converts. We must still fight; we must seek under the walls of Ro- chelle and Montauban those who have been suffered to escape from Pans, from Provence, Languedoc, and other pro- vinces. While we grow weary, they hate us the more, and they have almost ceased to fear us."|| Thus the murder of so many of their countrymen appeared in their view only an imperfect piece of policy unless it were well followed up. In attempting to detail the particulars of this dreadful event, or rather series of events, it is impossible to describe each circumstance in its chronological order. The reader must therefore excuse those retrograde steps which are unavoidable in such a narrative; perhaps the preponde- * De Thou, liv 52. vol. vi. p 402. t Brantome. vol. i. p. 303. " Je cognois denx grandes dames Huguenottes. lesquels an massacre de la St. Bar- thelemi souft'rirent la charge de quel7. f The Abbe Anquetil. Esprit de la Ligue, vol. ii. p. 52 t The parliament of Rouen was proceeding in an in- quiry respecting llie slaughter which had taken place within th^ir jurisdiction ; but the kin? ordered that body to delist from the attempt. D'Aubigne, vol. ii. p. ' Marshal, we have not yet done with these Huguenots, although we have well- thinned the race: we must go to Rochelle and Guyenne.' 'Sire,' said Tavannes, 'do not give yourself any trouble; I will soon finish them with the aimy which you have proposed to give me.' "* But without taking into account the difference between the declarations and the actions of the king, the discordance between the studied excuses made on four occasions is sufficient to condemn him. Elizabeth had sent an extraordi- nary embassy to Paris, and Charles gave the Earl of Worcester an account of the massacre. He. afterwards wrote to La- molie-Fenelon, his ambassador in Lon- don, giving him the conversation at( length. His defence then assumed was, that, having discovered a dreadful con- spiracy, he was obliged to permit what had taken place. He said that it was out of his power to act in a legal way, as he was in great danger; and the con- spiracy being on the point of execution, he had not time to investigate and pursue the conspirators, according to the forms of justice; but was constrained, to his great regret, to strike the blow which had taken placet Another attempt to palliate the king's conduct was made by Montluc, bishop of Valence, in an address to the Diet of Po- land. Monduc had quitted Paris before the massacre, he must therefore have re- ceived his instructions from the court; and as this speech was not delivered till several months after, it was not the result of any communication hastily made during the disturbed state of the court of France.! The bishop in his speech went into a detail of all the advantages which the Poles would derive from having a French prince for their king. But as reports of the massacre had spread into every kingdom, he consider- ed it necessary to vindicate the King of France from the charge of tyranny and cruelty. " You cannot find," said he, any trace of cruelty during the whole twelve years of the reign of our king, whom they call a tyrant and cruel. No one has ever by his commands been * Branlorne, Vie de Tarnnnes. t D israeli, Curiosities of Literature, &c, quoted by Dr. Lingard. t It was spoken 10th April, 1573. Lapopeliniere gives It at length in his History, liv. 35, pp. 162, etseq. EMBASSY OF DE RETZ TO ENGLAND. 147 killed or wounded, or stripped of his pro- perty. Hut they endeavour by calum- nies, foolishly and impudently invented, to impute the death of the late admiral and some other gentlemen to the king's cruelty, to which he has always been averse. But it is very easy to refute their calumny by a single word; for their not having been killed before, is a sure ar- gument that the king never had it in his heart to do so. A hundred times he has had them near him at court, and espe- cially at Blois a year since, where they might have been massacred very con- veniently without any fear of danger, be- cause the blame of it would very proba- bly have fallen on the Duke of Guise, who complained of his father having been treacherously killed by order of the admiral. In this complaint were joined his near relations and connexions, as also the Dukes of Montpensier, Ne- mours, and Nevers, who for certain pri- vate offences had become his declared mortal enemies. But what has occurred in Paris has certainly been by accident, which suddenly made it spring up, with- out any one being able to foresee it; and contrary to the hopes and opinions of every body. For grievously as they had offended the king, and were even then accused of high treason for having conspired, still the king, who by his na- ture is more inclined to clemency, would have preferred seizing their persons to murdering them. His advice was that the whole affair should be investigated; the business, however, to be reserved for the cognizance of the parliament of Pa- ris. But, as it commonly happens in tumults, on a sudden the people, swelled with fury, became excited; and then the affair took place otherwise than was de- sired, and the king was very angry and troubled on account of it." The Count de Retz was sent to Eng- land on an embassy i/i May, 1573. His mission had two principal objects: to dis- suade the queen from helping the Pro- testants in Rochelle, and to refute the accounts of the cruelty of the massacres in France. Elizabeth received the am- bassador with great respect, and went towards Dover to meet him.* He as- sumed a defence quite opposite to those * Lapopelinicre, liv. 34, p. 159, The speech delivered Uy De&elz ig alco given at length, preceding, and vindicated the king's con- duct in conspiring against Coligny. He represented that the admiral was much better accompanied than the king him- self; and that thus making a greater ap- pearance than his master, the king could not suffer in him what she (Elizabeth) would not consider proper in any of her nobles. De Retz displayed great fami- liarity with ancient' history, and gave ex- amples of the danger which such ambi- tion caused. " The king, my master," added he, "had examples more recent and remarkable than those to warn him of the admiral's overgrown power. For lie had learned that the indolence of for- mer kings had given too much opportu- nity to the Pepins, the most ambitions of their time, to aspire to the crown, which they finally usurped." Having shown how the Capets took the place of Pepin's race, he enlarged on the utility of the ostracism of the Athenians, which was an excellent plan for preventing any one from becoming dangerous by his popu- larity: but that not being practicable in these times, " the king was advised to destroy the roots of his greatness, and with the same hand cut down what had already sprung up: this he considered could not be done more effectually than by the death of him whose interest and resources were too much suspected throughout the kingdom." This state- ment made Elizabeth inquire for what reason the massacre had included so many other persons, innocent of such ambition, and many of them incapable of bearing arms. De Retz replied by as- suring her that the number of killed was not the fourth part of what had been told her, and referred her to Walsingham for corroboration. The Swiss had felt and expressed much indignation at the king's conduct to the Protestants, and Bellievie was sent to Baden in December, 1572, to ex- plain the affair in a favourable manner. He commenced a long speech by ex- plaining the peril to which the kingdom was exposed from the admiral's ambition, so that his punishment could not be de- ferred; and unfortunately some of his majesty's subjects who professed the new religion were sacrificed with him. But Bellievre was commissioned equally by the Guises to clear their character: hq 148 MIRACULOUS ESCAPES OF SOME OF THE PROTESTANTS. therefore spares no effort to blacken Co- ligny's character, and dwells upon Mau- revel requiring no incitement to kill the admiral, as lie considered himself in dan- ger of assassination, at the instigation of Coligny, rrho had always more murder- ers in his pay than were to be found in the rest of France. He then showed that the Huguenots were better prepared to take the field than the king; "and it was resolved to arm the people and pu- nish the admiral and his accomplices."* Had Charles IX. been actuated by any motive which admitted an avowal, he would not so continually have shifted his ground; but his excuses were always at variance with each other. Supposing any one of them to be true, there is then great room for condemning his conduct, even on the hypothesis most favourable to his character: but unsupported and contradictory as they are, we can only reject them all as false; and if any per- sons feel interested in removing the spots of infamy which disfigure Charles's me- mory, they must endeavour to prove false, not only the accounts given by Hu- guenot writers, but also those in favour of the persecuting king. It is curious that a very learned indi- vidual, who has lately become conspi- cuous in the discussion of this subject, should use this identical argument to prove the contrary propositions. " Whence arise these contradictory explanations imagined by the Court? Suppose the massacre a sudden and unexpected mea- sure, and they are easily accounted for. "I But if we admit that it was sudden and unexpected, we must suppose some vio- lent impulse to have caused such a mea- sure; and it is the contradiction that per- vades the accounts of sucli impulse which discredits every apology for Charles IX. CHAPTER XXIX. Massacres in the Provinces. The Huguenots were so unprepared for any defence at the time of this trea- cherous attack upon them, that out of near seven hundred persons of rank who were murdered, most of them experi- enced soldiers and of approved courage, only one (Guerchy) died with his sword in his hand; he fought for a long time with the assassins, and was at last over- powered by numbers. Taverny, a law- yer, aided by his valet, defended his dwelling for nine hours, which was the only resistance met with in pillaging so many houses.* Had a few others done the same, the whole body would have had time to rally: but they seemed equally unable to defend themselves or to fly; their faculties were benumbed, and they were completely in the power of the murderers. There were, however, a considerable number that escaped destruction in spite of the vigilance of their enemies. On the day after Coligny's death, the Duke of Anjou quitted the Louvre at the head of his guards and traversed the town and suburbs to force open the houses. " But he found," relates Davila, "that either the greater part of the Huguenots were already dead, or that, frightened, they had placed in their hats the white cross for a token, as all the Catholics wore it; or that they tried to save their lives by con- cealing themselves in the best possible manner. For if, by chance, going through the street, they were pointed out, or re- cognised in any manner, the people im- mediately fell upon them and threw them into the river. "t And another writer in- forms us that many put the white cross in their hats, and went to mass through terror.} Montgomery and the Vidame of Char- tres, who lodged in the faubourg St. Ger- main, were early informed of what was passing in the city, but could scarcely be- lieve it, thinking the Guises with a mob were attacking the Louvre. They went to the river intending to cross, and then discovered their mistake, as they could plainly seethe soldiers approaching them in boats. They lost no time in taking horse with a few followers, and escaped into Normandy, from whence they passed over to England. Their delay nearly proved fatal ; for at the dawn the Dukes of Guise, Nevers, Aumale, and others, * Vi II troy, Mem. it El at. vol. vii. p 189. t Dr. Lingaril's Vindication, &c. p. C'J. * D'Aubigne. vol. ii. p. 23. Pasqnier, vol. ii. p. 133. t Davila, liv. 5. j Maimbourg, Hist. Du Calvinismc, liv. 6. MASSACRES IN THE PROVINCES. 149 Well attended, set out to wake up those I Vezins, "be so mean as not to resent who slept in the faubourg, and wishing the perfidy of the court ?" "Whatever to go out by the gate on that side were others may do," answered Resnier, " I delayed, because the porter, having should be ungrateful to you were I to re- brought a key in mistake, was obliged to sent it." Vezins sternly replied: "I return to his house to look for the right ; love courage both in an enemy and a one. Guise sent a party in pursuit of the friend. I leave you at liberty to love or fugitives as far as Montfort.* He had i to hate me; and I have biought you hU promised Catherine to avenge the death ther, merely to enable you to make the of her husband as soon as he had ob- 1 choice." Without staying to prolong tainerl justice for his own father. t j the conversation, Vezins spurred his Persons were sent to Chatillon to lay | horse and rode of!"."* hold of Coligny's family, Andelot's son, ! D'Aubigne had arrived a short time and some others who were there; but previous to the massacre, in order to ob- they had succeeded in making their j tain permission to go into Flanders; but escape, and arrived safe at Geneva. + having wounded an officer, who tried to The widow of Teligny, the admiral's arrest him for being concerned in a duel, daughter, afterwards married the Prince i he was obliged to fly, and meeting with of Orange, who also fell by the dagger Langoiran, they both quitted Paris, three of fanaticism. days before it took place. When the Merlin, the admiral's chaplain, attempt- ! melancholy news of what had occurred ed to escape along with Teligny, bv ! reached him, he was accompanied by crossing the tops of the houses: he fell j eighty of his men; but their spirits were into a loft, and lay more than three days so dejected on the occasion, that they concealed by the hay: his only suste- j were seized with a panic and tied, merely nance during that time was an egg, which because some one hallooed to them at a hen laid every morning close to him. § a distance. The same men, however, Resnier's escape was astonishing: he showed soon after that they had not lost was saved by Vezins, a man who had their intrepidity, by attacking a very con- often vowed his death, and whose cha- 1 siderable force with success.t racter was a guarantee for his fulfilling In the mean time a retreat from Paris it. Resnier naturally expected that his afforded but little security, for the massa- enemy would not suffer the present op- ere was extended to the provinces. And portunity to pass, and was fearfully again, we find the subject entangled with awaiting him, when Vezins entered his controversy; for, notwithstanding the apartment with his sword in his hand, general belief that orders were sent to accompanied by two soldiers. " Follow kill the Huguenots in the provinces (and me!" said he to Resnier, who passed be- this opinion is supported by numerous tween the satellites, fully satisfied that-he Catholic authorities.) two writers strenu- was going to death. Vezins made him ously contend that Charles was no partv mount on horseback, and conducted him to it.J " The sufferers believed, as they to his chateau at Quercy. On their ar- were not protected, they were persecuted rival he thus addressed him: "You are by the commands of the court. But the now safe: I could have taken advantage memory of Charles needs not to bo of this opportunity to avenge myself, but loaded with additional infamy. There between brave men the danger ought to is no evidence that the other massacres be equal; it is for that reason that I have had his sanction or permission; and saved you. When you please, you will vv"hen we consider that they happened at find me ready to finish our quarrel as he- very different periods, and were confined comes a gentleman." Resnier replied by to the places in which the blood of Ca- protestations of gratitude, begged his tholics had been wantonly spilt, during friendship, and asked for an opportunity the preceding insurrections, we shall al- to serve him, " Can the Huguenots," said tribute them rather to sudden ebullitions * I.apnpolini.ire. liv. 2Q. D.'Aubignci, vol. ii. p. 19. t Bassompiwrre, Jfouceav,z Mem p. 110. t Da Vila, liv 5. § D'Aubignu, Hist. Univ. vol. ii. p. 32. * n<-. Thou, liv. 52. D/Anbigne, vr.l. ii. p. 23. + D'Aubigne, Mem., p. 31.— Amsterdam, 1731. I j The Abbe Caveyrac and Dr. Lingard. 13* 150 HORRORS COMMITTED AT LYONS. of popular vengeance, than to any pre- i viously concerted and general plan."* Whether the events took place by the spontaneous feelings of the people, or in consequence of the king's orders, will not be discussed at this moment: the events themselves are not denied; the massacres at Meaux, Angers, Bourges, Orleans, Toulouse, and Rouen were ter- rible; and besides these places most of the small towns, villages, and even cha- teaux became scenes of carnage. It was not so violent in Burgundy and Brittany, because there were but few Huguenots; nor in Languedoc, nor Gascony, because they were sufficiently numerous to pro- tect themselves.! But it was at Lyons that the worst ferocity was displayed; for the Guises had a strong party in that town. Mandelot, the governor, having learned that some Huguenots had escaped the vigilance of the murderers, and yield- ing to positive orders received from the court, wished to compel the public exe- cutioner to put them to death; but the man bravely replied, that he was not an assassin, and worked only according to the orders of justice. J De Thou's picture of the horrors com- mitted at Lyons is heart-rending. He estimates the victims at eight hundred: but another contemporary makes the number four thousand; and mentions that a butcher who had signalized himself in the massacres was invited to dine with the legate on his passage through Lyons. § There may be some exaggeration here: it is however recorded elsewhere, that when Cardinal Orsini arrived soon after as legate, he found a concourse of people on their knees before him, as he quitted the church of St. John, after vespers. Upon inquiry into the cause for which his absolution was demanded, he learned that they were the perpetrators of the late massacres: he instantly acceded to their request; and as the principal mur- derer, Boydon, would not receive his pardon so publicly, he waited upon the legate, who absolved him in his cham- ber. || All the circumstances connected with t liis terrible scene have been critically * Dr. Lin;ard. History of England. Note E. vol. viii. edit, in §vo. t Mezera'y, in lot. t De Thou, liv. 54. 5 Chronologie de 1'Hist. de Lyons. { Mem. de l'Etat. de France. examined by a modern writer;* and it results, that Mandelot's character is such as might be expected from a partisan of the Guises. It appears from this opus- cule, that his letters to Charles IX. have been preserved in the Royal Library; and that, within two days after the mas- sacre, he solicited a share of the confis- cated property. Some of the king's let- ters to him were destroyed; but the go- vernor's replies abound with allusions, that remove all doubt respecting the san- guinary nature of the royal instructions. Several of the governors of provinces refused to lend themselves to such cru- elty, and would not obey the king's or- ders; for the secret council had de- spatched letters to the governors of the towns, in which the Protestants were nu- merous, ordering them to plunder those of the religion. t The Count de Tendes preserved the Protestants of Provence, observing, when he received the king's letter, " That it could not be his majes- ty's orders."! St. Heran de Montme- rin, governor of Auvergne, addressed the king in the following terms: " Sire, I have received an order under your majesty's seal, to put to death all the Protestants who are in the province. I respect your majesty too much to suppose the letters are other than forgeries; and if (which God forbid) the order has really emanated from your majesty, I have still too much respect for you to obey it."§ The Vis- count d'Orthez, who commanded at Ba- yonne, wrote a letter no less spirited: — " Sire, I have communicated your majes- ty's commands to the faithful inhabitants, and to the garrison; I have found among them good citizens, and brave soldiers, but not one executioner. They and my- self most humbly entreat your majesty to employ our arms and our lives in things possible; and however hazardous they may be, we will devote thereto the last drop of our blood. "|| The Viscount d'Orthez and the Count de Tendes died suddenly a short time after; and the pre- valent opinion was, that they fell victims to the king's resentment.^ The Bishopof Lizieux, James Hennuyer, * Fericaut, Notice de Mandelot, Lyons, ]fc!28. t Mem. de Tavanriee, p. 418. t Brantnme, vol. vii. p 109. tj Voltaire, Essai sur les Overres Cicilcs de France. || D'Aiibigne, De Thou, Sully. If De Thou, hv. 52. THE KING'S ORDERS RESISTED AT NISMES, &C. 151 also behaved in a merciful manner, and displayed a truly Christian disposition. He was originally a Dominican, and had been confessor to Henry II. : on the death of that king he was made Bishop of Li- zieux. For twelve years he had watched over his people, imparting to them the be- nelit of his learning, and the advantages of his example in mildness and piety, when the king's lieutenant came to communicate the orders he had received, to massacre all the Huguenots of Lizieux. "No! no! sir," said the Bishop to him: "I oppose, and I will always oppose the execution of such an order, to which I cannot consent. I am pastor of the church of Lizieux, and the people you say you are commanded to slay are my flock. Although they are at present wanderers, having strayed from the fold which has been confided to me by Jesus Christ, the sovereign pastor, they may nevertheless return, and I do not give up the hope of seeing them come back. 1 do not perceive in the gospel, that the shepherd ought to suffer the blood of his sheep to be shed; on the contrary, I there find that he is bound to shed his blood, and to give his life for them. Return then with this order, which shall never be exe- cuted so long as I live." "But," said the lieutenant, " for my justification, you must give me, in writing, your refusal to let me act according to the king's orders." The Bishop willingly gave rhe document re- quired, and agreed to incur all the respon- sibility of it. No further orders arrived from court.* This amiable conduct of the bishop overcame all opposition, and most of the Protestants of that place returned to the Catholic church, giving an unequivocal example of the efficacy of mildness, and its superiority to persecution in subduing enemies. Gordes, governor of Dauphiny, having received a written order, which revoked all the verbal communications, wrote to the king, saying that he had received no verbal order; to which the king replied, that he need not trouble himself, for they were given only to some who were about him.+ All these tend to prove that the king did issue orders in the provinces: be- sides, if it had depended upon popular fury, the massacres would have occurred immediately after the arrival of the news * Maimftourg, Hist du Calvinisme, liv. (j. t Lingard, Vindication, &c. from Paris; whereas, the time which was [ occupied in awaiting the result of sponta- neous feeling excited by example, and sending orders where requisite, makes it still more probable that the massacres were ordered by the king. But we have, in addition, the evidence of Tavannes on this point. " Many towns of the king- dom killed not only the leaders and fac- tious, hi they had been commanded, but behaved with the unbridled license of the Parisians."* And De Thou, who was in a situation to be well informed, de- clares that verbal orders were sent.f Davila goes so far as to say, that on the day which preceded this dreadful ex- ecution, the king despatched several couriers to different parts of the kingdom, with express orders to the governors of the towns and provinces to do the same.J And this assertion is supported by a journal, which was kept by Mallet and Vautier, inhabitants of Senlis, in which, town no massacre took place. They simply state, "That on the arrival of orders from Paris against the Huguenots, on the 24th of .August (the very day of the St. Bartholomew,) the inhabitants assembled, and having a horror of dip- ping their hands in the blood of their fel- low citizens, they only enjoined them to quit the town, which was done without noise and without tumult. "§ The orders of the court arrived at Nis- mes in the evening of the 29th of Au- gust Guillaume Villar, the consul of that city, immediately shut the gates, that no stranger might enter, and con- fided the superintendence of that charge to two eminent citizens, one a Protest- ant, the other a Catholic. He then con- voked a meeting, which was attended by the principal residents belonging to each religion; and, in an eloquent address, showed the necessity of union in their terrible situation. He called upon all present to swear they would maintain order, and prevent any violence; each pledging himself to protect the others, without distinction of religion. By this laudable measure, Nismes was spared the prevailing horrors.|| The events at Toulouse form a melan- * Tavannes, p. 41!). t De Thou. liv. 52. X Davila, liv. 5. § This Journal is quoted in Esprit, de la Liguc, vol. ii. p 57. || Menard, Hist, dc JVismes, vol. v. pp. 71, 72. 152 BARBARITIES AT TOULOUSE. choly contrast with what precedes.! with seven or eight of the rabble, armed There, the barbarity displayed was ag-l with axes, cutlasses, &c, proceeded to gravated by a long detention, completely the Conciergerie, by order t)f the advo- destroying all pretext of a hasty move- cate-general, and, having made the pri- ment. The news of tbe massacre in soners descend one by one, murdered Paris was kept secret for some days, as them at the foot of the steps, without the parliament and the capitouls were giving any time to speak or pray. There undecided how they should act. On;were three hundred killed in that man- Sunday, the 31st of August, all the gates' ner. They were stripped, and their were shut, with the exception of a post-, bodies remained in the court of the pa- errand trustworthy persons were placed ! lace for two whole days, after which to watch those who entered or went out. j they were thrown into a trench. The Some Protestants had gone early in the counsellors were hanged in their robes morning, for worship, to a village called ; before the palace; and the bodies of the Castanet. They became suspicious, and; victims were abandoned to pillage. Or- were inclined to keep away from the ; ders were afterwards issued to all places town. Others returned, leaving their i in the dependencies of Toulouse to do swords at the gate. The next day the the same.* president Daphis sent for several coun-i The news of the massacre created a sellors residing in the environs, as their great sensation throughout Europe. The absence gave rise to rumours. It was indignation which it excited was aecom- true, he said, that there had been a mas- panied by terror; for it seemed the sig-- sacre in Paris; but it had arisen out of alnal of a crusade against the Protestants, private quarrel, and that the king would I The English were far from esteeming not infringe the edict of pacification, i their insular position a guarantee: they Some returned, but others, more wary, had experience of the impervious cha- withdrew to Montauban. racter of Romish intrigue, in the different On the 2d of September, in order to ' manoeuvres (not to say plots) on behalf quiet those in the town, and attract those of Mary Queen of Scots: and the pre- who were outside, there was published, j tended rupture between France and by sound of trumpet, a prohibition against Spain, which vanished as soon as its ob- molesting any of the religion: for decep- ject was accomplished, made them dread tive purposes, great pomp was displayed either an immediate attack from Philip on that occasion. The president, find- ill., or a general revolt of the papists in i ng that many Protestants still kept away,! Great Britain. This alarm was increased resolved to seize those in his power: and by the absence of news from their ani- on the morning of the 3d of September,! bassador, Walsingham, whose messen- the troops, divided into several bodies, ger had been detained by some accident, broke into the houses, seized the Pro- The fugitives, hourly arriving, gave testauts, and confined them in the pri- dreadful, often exaggerated, details; and sons and convents. A general order was, an account of his death was generally issued for their arrest; and those con-J expected. Walsingham was one of the cealed were to be given up. Five coun-;most experienced statesmen of the age: sellors were thus captured. The victims; his penetration was remarkable, and he remained in the prisons during three constantly employed a number of spies ; weeks, after which they were collected but the massacre took him by surprise, in the Conciergerie; and, on the 3d of i His life, however, was in no danger; for October, orders came from Paris, that his house was protected by order of the execution was to be no longer delay- Catherine, and all the English who had ed. The parliament still hesitated; and presence of mind to take shelter there the president, perceiving an unwilling- were safe. ness among the counsellors, said, "Do Lamotte-Fenelon, the French ambas- as you please, and say what you think sador in London, was ordered to give an fit; but for my part, I shall set about ex- account of the motives which had caused editing, in the king's name, what my! the massacre: he was received by the charsre and mv duty command." On the | ~~ ; . „ , : ,„„ , ,,.,„ uiaigu wiu m i 1 . . * Chromquede Castrcs, par un Anonvme, 1500,u lb 10. next day, before sunrise, two students, I ms. uib. Koyaie, No. in. REJOICING queen and the court in deep mourning, and nothing more was said to him than civility and etiquette required. The French Protestants were crying out for aid, and the nation at large was anxious to help them: Walsingham in- formed his sovereign that the friendship of Catherine de Medieis was more dan- gerous than her enmity; but Elizabeth persisted in refusing help to the sufferers, and even permitted the proposal of a marriage with the Duke of Alengon. It must however be said, in justice to this queen, that she would not hastily risk a war, which at that time might cause slill more injury to the Protestant interest: and that, while she suffered the empty forms of negotiation to be pursued, she, being decided on refusing every offer of marriage, was careful to send such secret information as kept alive the hopes of the Huguenots. All the princes of Europe expressed their indignation on the occasion, except two: the King of Spain and the pope. A courier, with an account of the mas- sacre, was sent off to Philip II., who, although pleased with the event, could not conceal his regret that the King of Navarre and the Prince of Conde had been spared. Having read the letter, he sent it to the admiral of Castile, who re- ceived it while at supper, and thinking to promote the cheerfulness of his guests, he read it to them. The Duke of Infan- tado, who was present, is stated to have asked if the admiral and his friends were Christians. And on receiving an answer in the affirmative: "How is it then, that, being Frenchmen and Christians, they should have been killed like brutes?" "Gently, duke," said the admiral; "do you not know that war in France is peace for Spain ?"* This dreadful event put an end to Philip's fears for Flanders, at least for the present; and policy recon- ciles a tyrant to the worst of crimes. At Rome great rejoicing took place: the Cardinal of Lorrain liberally rewarded the messenger, and questioned him, like a person informed beforehand. t The Car- dinal Alexandrin had made no secret of expecting the news of a great victory gained over the heretics, and exclaimed when it arrived, "The king of France * Brantome, vol. viii. p. 189. t Esprit de la Ligue , vol. ii. p. 65. AT ROME. 153 has kept his word!"* The pope went in a grand procession, performed high mass with all the splendour of his court, and ordered a Te Deum to be sung in order to celebrate the event; the firing of cannon at the same time announced the irlad tidings to the neighbouring villages. A medal was struck, bearing on one side the head of Gregory XIII., and on the other the exterminating angel striking the Protestants, with this inscription: " Hugftmotorurn Stragrs, 1572."t Here ought to finish the discussion of this sanguinary subject; and here it would finish, had not its continuation been rendered necessary by the incon- siderate zeal of the advocates of popery, who, instead of excusing these excesses, by attributing them to the ferocious man- ners of the age, (in which they would in some degree meet with the concurrence of all candid persons,) deny the existence of many facts which have been handed down to us: while some go so far as to reverse the tables, and attempt to show that the church of Rome is less perse- cuting than the reformed churches. On this account it has been considered neces- sary to examine the characters and weight of the principal champions of the church of Rome. Lapopeliniere, a contemporary, and the Abbe Caveyrac, in the last century, are well known to all inquirers upon this subject: their mouldering celebrity has been recently revived by the polished pen of a divine, whose anxiety to remove this stain from his church has made him also enter the lists. Of these writers, the first aimed at making such a plausible narrative, as should represent Charles, and the Queen-mother in a favourable light; the second tried to justify the French government for having perse- cuted the Huguenots; while the third endeavours (and the effort cannot be blamed) to efface those opinions which Protestants in general entertain of the se- vere persecutions inflicted by the church of Rome. We find, in consequence, in the works of the first, softened state- ments, apologetic reasonings, and the entire omission of some accounts; in the pages of the second reigns a spirit of * Lttcrefetle, Hist, des Guerrcs de Re/i«ion, vol. ii. ■f L'Estoile mentions that in June, 1608, lie obtained one of these medals. Journal de Henri IV . 154 APOLOGY FOR THE EDICT OF NANTES. rancorous bigotry accompanied with j much sophistry; while the third offers a] critical examination, the object of which is to show that the received accounts be- ing inconsistent with each other, the pro- babilities arc favourable to the Catholic religion. It will not be supposed that these three are the only writers who have undertaken the defence of the church of Rome; but the periods at which they wrote, and the feelings which pervade them, give a superior in- terest; while the constant reference which is made to them creates an importance edict of Nantes and the cruelties which followed: the subject being continually under discussion, it was considered ne- cessary to publish some counter state- ment, and the Abbe Caveyrac in conse- quence composed his apology.* His work may be said to carry its own refu- tation within itself, and that may be the reason why we hear of no reply of any note: indeed it is impossible to read this justification of bigotry, without pitying the narrow or perverted mind that can approve of it. The work itself does not belong to this portion of our subject; but beyond other authors on the subject; for[as it was requisite for the abbe to revert these reasons 1 submit a short notice of1 to the commencement of the moral con- each.* Lancelot Vcesin de Lapopelinere was educated as a Protestant, and became a Catholic. The period of his conversion is uncertain; but his historyf displays feelings very different from the character universally attributed to the Huguenots of that irritated period. His eloquence made him conspicuous at conferences; but on aecount of his repeated efforts to persuade the Protestants to abate their demands, which were obstacles to a pa- cification, he incurred the suspicions of his comrades; he is said to have fought a duel on that very account in 1579.| His book is dedicated to the queen-mother, in the style of a most servile courtier; and to show how desirous he was of palli- ating the conduct of the court, it is only necessary to point out his unfairness in tagion, he found it necessary to apologize for another equally wicked piece of po- licy in the century preceding the subject of his labours. He, therefore, annexed a dissertation on the St. Bartholomew, which contains four propositions, viz.: 1. That religion had nothing to do with the massacre. 2. That it was an affair of proscription. 3. That it was only in- tended for Paris. And 4, That the num- ber killed was much less than has than stated. " Religion," says the abbe, " had no- thing to do with it, either as motive, counsel, or agent. The attempts to car- ry off two kings, many towns being withdrawn from their allegiance, sieges maintained, foreign troops introduced into the kingdom, and our pitched battles fought against the sovereign, were mo- one particular; he has not made the leastltives sufficiently powerful to irritate the mention of the King's proclamation on the 24th of August, which attributed the massacre to the Guises, and which pro- monarch and render his subjects hateful to him: these caused him to write to Schomberg, his ambassador in Germany, clamation was so notorious, that he could that he could endure it no longer."! In not plead ignorance of it. By that omis- J reply to these motives, the answer which sion, Charles is made to appear consist- first suggests itself is, that Charles is ac- ent in the charge which he laid before cused of making a peace in order to lull the Parliament on the 26th, respecting' his Protestant subjects into security, and the detected conspiracy of the Hugue-'of contriving a marriage . for the purpose nots. of collecting their leaders together: if The philosophical writers of the eigh- , therefore religion be unconnected with teenth century had indulged in very se> vere strictures on the revocation of the * The memoirs of Tavannes have been greatly praised as containing a ilhinterestcd and faithful account of the event; but a careful perusal of them must convince every one, that the younger Tavannes aimed at an apology for his lather's memory, ill hopes of obtaining the good graces of Henry IV. t Histoire de France, &c. depuis, 1550, jusq'a ces- temps, ( 1577.) 2 vols, folio, Paris, 1581. % Diographie de Lavocat, Jijemoires, §-c. du P, Nice- ran, vol. x:£Xi.\,p.381, the motive, his treachery remains the same; and when Caveyrac argues that the above motives were sufficiently pow- erful, he gives a practical illustration of * Apo'ogie de Louis XIV., et de son conceit, sm la revocation da PEditde Nantes; avec une Dissertation snr la St. Barthelemi. Par I'Abbe Nove de Caveyrac., Paris, 1758. ] Dissertation, p. 2, ArOLOGY FOR THE EDICT OF NANTES. 155 tfie odious decree of the council of Con- stance, that faith need not be kept with heretics; for Charles had published three decrees of pacification, each of which declared, that the Protestants, in taking arms, had been actuated by a desire to serve his majesty; and the friendship that he professed to entertain for Coligny is notorious. In order to show that religion had no- thing to do widi the massacre as counsel, the abbe roundly asserts that neither car- dinals, bishops, nor priests, were admit- ted into this fatal divan; adding, "even the Duke of Guise was excluded from it."* It is remarkable how unsparingly the abbe condemns almost every writer on this subject: he cannot credit their accounts, as they either wrote under a delusion, or were interested in propa- gating a falsehood; but still he offers no reason why his bare assertion should be received. It has been said by many con- temporaries, that persons belonging to the clergy were in the plot, and the ab- sence of a refutation leaves their testi- mony quite as good as the contradiction of the Abbe Caveyrac. When Pius V. denounced the wrath of God upon the king, if he did not annihilate the enemies of the church, the Catholic religion was assuredly made both motive and coun- sel;t and, if it were not, how is it that the massacre was immediately followed by the suppression of the reformed reli- gion? '• But," says the abbe, " if Gre- gory XIII. went in procession from the church of St. Mark to that of St. Louis; if he appointed a jubilee; if he had a medal struck on the occasion, — all these demonstrations of gratitude, rather than satisfaction, had for their real and sole principle, not the massacre of the Hugue- nots, but the discovery of the conspiracy which they had plotted, or at least which the king took pains to accuse them of at all the courts of Christendom. "J To prove that the Catholic religion had no part in the massacre as agent, the abbe gives a long account of persons saved from murder by Catholics, and mentions cases where convents and reli- * Diss. p. 3. The absence nf Guise certainly in- creases the probability of De Retz having really made the proposition attributed to him. + De Thou slates positively that a medal was pre- sented to the king on the 7th of September with this motto, Pietns ezcitavit justiliain, liv. 53. I Dissertation, p. 3. gious houses afforded refuge. " At Bor- deaux there were several saved by priests and other persons, from whom such help was not expected'. On the other hand, many Catholics perished; and if their names had been preserved we should be surprised at their number."* Here is an evident attempt to divert the attention from the main question, that religion was the chief motive in the massacres which were committed. It is undeniable that the white cross was worn to distinguish the murderers, and that the bare fact of going to mass saved the lives of many; if, therefore, the king and queen had no idea of religion in commanding- the mas- sacre, they were evidently convinced that the multitude would better execute their purpose, if they were called upon in the name of the church. Admitting this sup- position, the king's conduct appears still blacker; it is deprived of the excuse of pious intentions, and receives the addi- tional stigma of having employed the re- ligious feelings of a mob in the execution of an atrocious crime. • The Abbe's second proposition, show- ing that it was an affair of proscription,! contains a long series of abnse against Coligny and the Huguenots, all which confirms the generally received opinion, that the court had some perfidious mea- sures in contemplation for a long time previous: it also destroys the only argu- ment calculated to relieve the king from his odious reputation, in attributing the massacre to a dread of the Huguenots' vengeance, when Guise had revenged his father on the person of the admiral. In developing his third proposition, that the affair regarded Paris only, the abbe gives a view of the different opi- nions upon the plot; he considers three hypotheses as particularly worthy of at- tention. One is the account given by Queen Margaret, who assures us that the king was led to form the fatal resolution by the threats of vengeance which escaped the Huguenots. The second is the statement made by Tavannes, ac- cording to which it originated with the queen-mother, who had great fears on account of the king's placing so much confidence in Coligny; .she employed Maurevel to despatch him, and thus ren- * Dissertation, p 5. t Ibid. p.. 6. 156 LETTER OF THE VISCOUNT D'ORTHES. dered the massacre necessary. The peetation was that the marriage would third is the declaration made by the take place in June, and that ceremony Duke of Anjou to his surgeon, Miron, ' heing over, the Huguenot nobility would during their journey to Poland. This soon disperse; in addition to which, the last, which is long, is the abbe's favour- ! king's eagerness in drawing them all to ite version, " because the confession con- court would preclude the postponement tains nothing in the prince's favour; but of his plan any more than was necessa- on the contrary, he declares himself thelry; the letter was most probably written accomplice, or rather the first author of to discredit the general opinions, by a re- the admiral's death: if he had been less uluclio in absitrduvi. alarmed at his brother's silence, his walk- 1 The letter of the Viscount d'Orthes, ing with great strides, his angry looks, refusing to murder the Huguenots, is de- and his putting his hand at times to his clared to be a fable, and every authority dagger, he would not have gone to relate is rejected, except Lapopeliniere, whom those things to his mother, and they i he takes care on every occasion to call a would not have put together all the re-\Cafvinist writer, in spite of his abjura- ports, notices, suspicions, &c," and theition. But admitting that no orders were abbe then shows that the dreadful results ,sent, the abbe himself has shown that in would not have taken place. "It is [many cases they were not necessary. true," says he, " that this arch rebel might have been able to destroy the throne and the altar, as he designed, but that was not the object of their fears at the time: their aim was to prevent his gaining all the king's confidence."* The abbe thus attempts to show that the mas- sacre was not premeditated, and then re- futes all who have asserted that orders were sent into the provinces to take simi- lar measures, on the ground of those massacres not being simultaneous. Some occurred two even a month were " The death of the leaders and factious alone was resolved on: the horrors were not meant to extend beyond Paris; and if in spite of precautions, the murders were spread from the capital to the other towns, it was because the news of the event, being diffused throughout the kingdom, invited the Catholics of many cities to do the same."* It will never be contended that the news was more than a week in penetrating into every corner of France; whence then arose the delay in and three weeks, some some of the towns? It was because the after; which delay, to a : inhabitants felt averse to it, and. the mas- candid inquirer, offers a fair presumptive sacres did not occur there till fresh in- evidence, nut only that such orders were jstructions and instigating emissaries had actually sent, but that, in consequence of reluctance on the part of the governors, additional orders were issued for en- forcing the execution of the first.t But not only does the abbe refuse his credit to every writer, he attempts to discredit all their accounts, by producing one which is unworthy of attention, from the palpable marks of f.ibi ication it contains. It is a letter purporting to be written bv the Queen to Strozzy, and arrived to carry the point. In the towns where fanaticism reigned, they wanted only an example. Bigotry requires no orders: permission to exert itself is all that is necessary. The fourth and last proposition is, that the number of killed on the occasion is much less than has been stated. After examining every account, the abbe settles down, as usual, with the opinion of La- popeliniere, who estimates the killed in sent to him in the month of April, with Paris at a thousand. "This opinion is orders to open it on the 24th of August: the more probable, as it can be supported it contains information of the massacre] by an account of the Hotel-de-Ville of resolved on, and orders him to do the [Paris, from which it will be seen that the same in his government cessary to observe, that the Queen of Navarre, the general ex- * Dissertation, p 21. t At Bordeaux the people were exhorted from Die pulpits to massacre the heretics on the fete of St. .Mi- chael. (29th Sep.)— D\iubigne, vol. ]i. p. 27. It is only ne- provost, &c. had bodies to the number of till the death of! eleven hundred buried in the environs of St. Cloud, Autenil, and Chaillot. It is certain, that with the exception of the admiral, who was exposed at the gibbet * Dissertation, p. 25 DR. LINGARD'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 157 at Montfaucon, and Oiulin Petit, a book- seller, who was buried in his cellar, that all the bodies were thrown into the Seine. Carts were loaded with dead bodies of girls, women, children and men, and were taken to the river and thrown in. The carcasses stopt partly at a small island, which was then opposite the Louvre, partly at that which is called the Isle des Cygnes: it was therefore neces- sary to take measures for their interment, lest they should infect the air and water; and eight grave-diggers were employed for eight days, who, so far as we may rely on people of that description, buried eleven hundred bodies. If it were essen- tial to examine this account, we should find strong presumptions against its ac- curacy. It is hardly possible that eight grave-diggers could have buried eleven hundred bodies in eight days; it was ne- cessary to draw them out of the water; it was requisite that the trenches should be rather deep to avoid infection; the soil where they were made is very firm, fre- quently stony: how then could each of these eight men have been able to bury, for his part, one hundred and thirty-seven bodies in eight days ? a thing difficult to do and to believe. We ought even to presume that these men, of but little de- licacy by condition and nature, would make no scruple of swelling the number of interred, to increase their pay; and indeed they had nobody to control them: (query?) I therefore make every allow- ance, in supposing a thousand persons | were massacred in Paris, conformable to what Lapopeliniere has written."* Without staying to inquire where those bodies were buried, which stopped facing the Louvre, there is great probability, from the strength of the current in the Seine, that for every corpse which took ground, six or seven floated on. The island has disappeared within the last twelve months;t but it will be recollected, that the branch of the river separating it from Auteuil was nearly dry during the summer months; the bodies therefore on the north side of the stream would be carried into the opening, or against the inlet, and there remain; while those in the middle of the river would pass down to * Dissertation, p. 30. t It was (Jug away in 1826 and 1827, to widen the river on the establishment of a dock atGrenelle. 14 the sea. Thus, this account from the , Hotel-de-Ville, instead of proving that fewer persons were killed than is thought, 'j actually substantiates the opinion to be drawn from a general review of the ac- counts of that lime, viz: that more than six thousand persons fell in Paris alone. It is clear that only a small portion of the bodies lodged at the Isle des Cygnes; for as the municipal officers thought fit to have them thrown into the river at first, why did they not simply renew the pro- cess, and send the bodies on again, by pushing them into the stream? but as they remained there several days, and consti- tuted but a small portion of the victims; and as other towns contributed to charge the rivers in the same way, it was thought better to put them under ground. With respect to those buried at Chaillot, there could be no reason for carrying them half a league over a high hill, from Auteuil, which has a clay soil, to Chaillot, which is very stony t it is much more likely that they were persons killed at Chaillot in attempting to make their escape; for at that period, one of the principal outlets of Paris was in that direction. Great importance has been attached to the recent publication of Dr. Lingard. His history of England has been held up as an antidote to the incorrect and preju- diced writers of preceding times; the per- secution of the French Protestants being so interwoven with the events of Eliza- beth's reign, he could not avoid discuss- ling the subject; and a short notice of this episode will therefore be useful. His account is founded on the Duke of An- jou's confession. In the body of the work his remarks are short; but the sub- ject is treated more at length in a note at the end of the volume. The assertions which are there made excited considera- ble attention on their publication, and some observations in the reviews became the cause of a treatise in vindication of the original remarks. In the history, the notes, and the vindication, there are many inaccuracies which will immediately strike every one acquainted with the French history of this period; and with- out insinuating that the reverend gentle- man has intentionally misrepresented any point, there is fair ground for inferring that he has in some cases taken a quota- tion on the authority of a partial writer, 158 DR. LINGARD's HISTORY OF ENGLAND. and that his acquaintance with the French authors is very superficial: the following are a few of the cases alluded to. " Coligny and his counsellors perished; the populace joined in the work of blood, and every Huguenot, or reputed Hugue- not, who fell in their way was murder- ed."* Justice to the population of Paris demanded a statement of the methods used to excite their feelings; but that is passed in silence, because the detail would be fatal to the sentiment meant to be impressed. "Several hours elapsed before order could be restored in the ca- pital."t Certainly several days elapsed before any real attempt was made to put an end to the carnage. In the afternoon of the twenty-fourth, public proclamation was made to desist from the massacre, and Dr. L. has given a quotation from Lapopeliniere, to show that the king gave orders, by sound of trumpet, for every B one to return home, under pain of death for those who continued the murders;^ but in common fairness, the extract from that writer should have been given more at length: it would then appear that the last day of the week was but little less re- markable for murders than the others.§ The work contains some errors which deserve notice, although they are unim- portant in point of historical argument. "So powerful a nobleman, who had twice led his army against that of the crown, was naturally an object of jea- lousy. "|| " They reminded him (the king) of the two rebellions of the Hugue- nots, «fec."^f It is certainly of no real consequence that Coligny had been en- gaged against the king's troops more than twice,** and that there had been three civil wars or rebellions, instead of two; but the assertion shows how much this writer's reputation for research and accuracy has been overrated. Two other remarks are unaccountable: in one, the admiral's as- sassin is placed in an upper window, ff a thing impossible in a narrow street; the other mentions the ringing of the bell of the parliament hoicse.\\ * Hi/5t. of England, vol. viii. p. 96. f Ibid. X Note E, p. 440. § Lapopeliniere, vol. ii. liv. 29, p. C7. II Note E. |i- 4Hb. IT Nnte E, p. 438. ** Brides sieges and skirmishes, there were no Ips« than six battles, viz: Drcux, St Denis, Jarnac, La roclie Abeille, Montcontour, and Arnay le Due. ft Note E p. 437. jj Note E. p. 439. If by Parliament House is meant The doctor's remarks respecting the number of killed, are curious: " among the Huguenot writers, Perefixe reckons 100,000; Sully, 70,000; Thuanus, 30,000; Lapopeliniere, 20,000; the re- formed Marty rologist, 15,000; andMasson, 10,000. But the Martyrologist adopted a measure which may enable us to form a tolerable conjecture; he procured from the ministers in the different towns where massacres had taken place, lists of the names of persons who had suffered, or were supposed to have suffered. He published the result in 1582; and the rea- der will be surprised to learn, that in all France he could discover the names of no more than 786 persons; perhaps, if we double that number, we shall not be far from the real amount."* Of the above six Huguenot writers, three were well known Catholics, viz : Perefixe, Arch- bishop of Paris; Thuanus, or De Thou, and Masson. Lapopeliniere abjured Pro- testantism, and the only Huguenot of them all is Sully, with the exception of the anonymous Martyrologist, respecting whom it is a fair subject for inquiry who he was; and whether his work was not one of the artifices of the League, to di- minish the odium which even at that time was entertained for these effects of Popish bigotry. Dr. L. himself seems aware that his position is untenable, for in his Vindication he changes his ground; re- presents his printer to have inserted the word Huguenot instead of National;] and afterwards declares how little import- ance he attaches to the contradictory con- jectures of historians; adding, that as he had taken Caveyrac for I i is guide, he re- fers the reader to him as his sole autho- rity, t Such a reference renders comment unnecessary; it must however be ob- served, that more than seven hundred persons of distinction were killed, § and supposing the Martyrologist to have been what is pretended, his researches must have been for persons of a particular class, or he could easily have found more names than he did; but the list contains chiefly the names of persons of the lowest condition; and when the period of the Palace of Justice, it is at variance with the general accounts; and there was no other building which could be so called. * Note E. p. 441. t Vindication, Ate , p 15. J 'bid. p. 45. § Maimbourg, Hist du Calvinisme, liv. ti. CONVERSION OF NAVARRE AND CONDE. 159 its publication is considered, there is very- great appearance of its being intended to discredit the then prevailing opinions, if not in France, at least in foreign parts. In replying to the reviewers, Dr. L. goes more deeply into the subject, but with no better success, for errors are often discernible. " The ceremony (the mar- riage) had been fixed for the 18th of Au- gust, but he (Coligny) went to court in June, &n."* It was, however, the death of the Queen of Navarre in June, which caused it to be delayed till August. To show how unlikely it was that the king should be so great a dissembler, he is stated to have been no more than twenty years of age,t whereas he was in his twenty-third year. Respecting the league of Bayonne in 1565, there are some observations worthy of attention. Dr. L. shows that there is no proof of it beyond the suspicions of the Huguenots, and which suspicions had not much effect even on them: for they placed themselves without hesitation at the mercy of the court, at the assembly at Moulins in 15664 So far, however, from trusting to the court, the fact was, that they went so well accompanied, that the queen did not dare attempt any thing. § It is moreover singular that to prove there was nothing in contemplation against the Huguenots, a letter should be produced from Strada, written by Philip II. to his sister in the Netherlands. It states, " that the Queen of Spain having entreated her brother and her mother to remedy the perilous state of religion in France, found them perfectly disposed to follow the counsels which were discussed: that several marriages, and an alliance against the Turks were proposed; but that nothing was decided, because the queen turned aside every subject but that of religion, which she recommended anew to her brother and mother, at ihe suggestion of the Duke of Alva, and that the meeting broke up."|| It has been said that Strada did not believe that any idea of the massacre was entertained at this meeting; but the substance of the letter which he has preserved, shows that measures were then canvassed for sup- * Vindication, p. 18. t Ibid. p. 13 Charles IX. was born ill May, 1550. t Vindication, p. 51. § Vie de Coligny, p. 314. K Vindication, 4c, p. 53. pressing the Huguenot party; and, the argument as to whether he did or did not believe that the massacre was then dis- cussed, rests altogether upon a disputed punctuation. CHAPTER XXX. Conversion of Navarre and Conde— Execution of Bri - quemaui ami Cavagnes— Fourth civil war— Siege of UochellH—Conspiracy of the Politiques— Death, of Charles IX. On the morning of the St. Bartholo- mew Charles IX. had ordered the King of Navarre and the Prince of Conde to abjure their heresy: when order was re- stored, they were again summoned before his presence. Catherine had employed Cosmo Ruggieri, her countryman, to cast the nativity of the princes. He made the calculation with great apparent care and minuteness, and announced that the state had nothing to fear from them.* Repeated efforts had been made in the mean time to win them over by the ex- hortations of Maldonathus, a Jesuit, as- sisted by other theologians: Navarre dis- played some reluctance to the change, but Conde gave a most decided refusal. The king's anger being inflamed by this opposition to his will, he was inclined to renew the dreadful scenes in Paris, which even then continued to desolate the pro- vinces. He vowed he would put to death every Huguenot persisting in heiesy, be- ginning with the Prince of Conde: he or- dered his guards to be drawn out, and then sent for the two princes. The young Queen of France, whose charms gave her some influence over her husband's violent temper, entreated him with tears to desist from his purpose, and wait a little longer: Charles was persuaded to send away his guards, but still ordered the princes to be brought before liim.f Navarre was in- duced to comply with the king's wish, more by the example of De Rosiers (a Huguenot minister, who had abjured,) than from the effect of conviction; but Conde was inflexible. Charles, with a fierce look, said to him, " The mass, death, or the Baslile .'" And sent him back to confinement.^ * Mem. de la Viede J. A. Thou, p. 244. t Sept. 9. Lapopeliniere, Maiinbourg, D'Anhigne. t D'AubignG, vol. ii. p. 30. Mathieu, liv. 6, p. 348. 160 PREPARATIONS FOR WAR. In a short time the prince yielded; and, after proper instructions from his uncle, the Cardinal of Bourbon, he went to mass with the princess his wife, and the different members of the Bourbon family. They all received absolution; and that they should not afterwards dis- avow their consent, Navarre and Conde were made to write to the pope for his approval of their return to the church of Rome. The King of Navarre also pub- lished the declaration required of him, which prohibited the exercise of the re- formed religion in his states* Zealous Catholics argued upon these conversions, to show the utility of the mas- sacre; and the king's counsellors recom mended another cruel measure to prove its necessity. Briquemaut and Cavagnes were brought to trial for the alleged plot of the Huguenots. Briquemaut had taken refuge in Walsingham's house, where he was seized in the dress of a groom.t They were both condemned to be hanged, as convicted of all the crimes which the decree of the Parliament attributed to the Protestants: the sentence was carried into execution at the end of October. Tavannes informs us J that they were both offered their lives, if they would confess the existence of a conspiracy, but they refused to listen to sueh terms; while De Thou declares, § that Brique- maut himself made great efforts to avoid death. He offered not only to acknow- ledge Coligny's guilt, but even to serve against Rochelle. Cavagnes, however, exhorted him to display the firmness for which he was celebrated; and from that time his intrepidity never forsook him. They were drawn on a hurdle, and the effigy of Colignv was placed beside them. The populace insulted them as they went to execution, and afterwards offered every possible indignity to their bodies. The king and the queen-mother were at the window of the Hotel-de-Ville, to witness the dreadful spectacle; when, in order to make the representation more complete for the gratification of their vengeance, a toothpick was placed in ih& admiral's mouth. || * The teller to the poieami lie declaration are given at length by LapopHmiere. i Lapopeliniere ami Maltliien. t Mem, p. 419 The same is mentioned in a work entitled, De Furoribus Oallicis, p. 411. Edin., 1573. § Book 53. vol. vi. p. 4ay, Dieu me garde du curedent de M. I'JldmiraV See Brantoine, vol. viii. p 535 * Vie de Cri/lon, written in 17?5 by one of his de- scendants, Louis Abbe de Crillon, canon of Toulouse. t Davila. liv. 5. t Sully, liv. 1. D'Aubigne, vol. ii. p. 78. ATTACK ON ROCHELLE. 161 to quiet Languedoc; the third, command- ed by Villars, admiral of France, was sent into Guyenne. Besides these, there were the forces under Strozzy before Rochelle, and Montluc's army near Montauban, ready to join that of Marshal Damville .* Rochelle being the head-quarters of the Huguenots, it was considered that the conquest of it would be followed by the submission of the other towns, or at least the dispersion of the Protestants, and the retreat or adhesion of their leaders. To make more sure of their object, Biron was proposed as their governor, he being high in the confidence of the Protestant party, and reasonably so, as his destruction had been intended with theirs. Another rea- son for trying persuasion and gentle means, was the fear lest despair might make them deliver the place to the Eng- lish. These proposals and delays gave sufficient time to prepare for the defence of trie place, by repairing the works, as well as in sending abroad to negotiate for assistance. The Protestant authorities at Rochelle began early to prepare for the storm, which it was evident would soon burst over them. The inhabitants were num- bered, and all capable of bearing arms were enrolled and exercised. The most important posts were confided to indivi- duals of approved fidelity ; and as a mea- sure of precaution, they were renewed everv week. Provisions were collected, and a premium given for the importation of ammunition. It is stated by Amos Barbotf that thirty thousand casks of wine were collected in the town ; so that if their store of food was in proportion, the Baron de la Garde gave rise to suspi- cions of some project for seizing the town. The unfavourable impression caused by the letters was augmented by tidings from Montauban, informing them of the treache- rous conduct of a governor, who had been admitted by the confiding inhabitants of Castres, and a massacre of many Protest- ants followed. The magistrates of Ro- chelle were then fully decided against ad- mitting Marshal Biron.* Finding that Biron would not be re- ceived, and that after what had passed the Protestants would distrust any offer which might be made, Charles sent La Noue to Rochelle with full powers. f He was, happily for him, in Hainault at the time of the massacre, but finding himself too weak to oppose the Duke of Alva, he returned to France, and claimed the protection of his old friend the Duke of Longueville. His reputation stood so high with all par- ties, that his Huguenotism was forgotten in estimating his character. With the greatest share of bravery and skill, he was known to be earnest in his wishes for peace : he was besides considered so in- capable of dissimulation, that the highest importance was attached to his recom- mendations, by Catholics, as well as Pro- testants.}: On his arrival at court, the king, to his surprise, received him with great demonstrations of kindness, and conferred upon him the confiscated pro- perty of Teligny, his brother-in-law. Charles then proposed to him to go to Rochelle, to persuade the inhabitants to submit. La Noue declined such a com- mission ; but the king's threats overcame his reluctance. 5 He was accompanied by they were well supplied. The consistory! a Florentine priest, named Gadagni; and ordered a general fast, and prayers to im- on approaching Rochelle, sent a message plore Divine assistance.} Biron a/rived at the end of September, and delivered letters from the court to the magistrates of Rochelle. The letters were attentively read before a full assembly. One of them was from the King of Na- varre, who recommended them to receive the new governor. The magistrates were undecided; and it was fully expected that a deputation would be sent to meet the marshal : but two letters received from * D'Aubigne, Hist. Univ. Mezeray, Mregl Chron- f An advocate, mayor in 1610. who compiled a valuable record from the archives of this city. X Arcere, vol. i. p. 404. 14 to the town to announce his arrival. ,| Biron was in constant communication with the leading Huguenots, and sent them information calculated to dispel any thoughts of submission,*! which, added to the exhortations of their ministers, not * I hid , p. 41-2. t De Thou, liv. 53. % On ne se pent as*ez saonler de dire les biens, les vertus, les valeurs el les meriles- qui estoitit en luy ; si hien qu'il fut ten ii estre resie le pins grand capifaine que nous (Missions aujourd lmy en France. Brantorne, y. de la Aoue. $ I. a promesge de M. de I, a None avoit este faite. lui aijunt le couteau d la gorge.— Mem. du due de Bouillon. p. 12, vol. xlviii. of the collection, published in 1788. [ D'Aubigne, vol. li. p 34. IT Davila, liv. 5, p. 039. * 162 ATTACK ON ROCHELLE. only made them decided in defending the leys and negotiations, the inhabitants had town, but rendered them distrustful and suspicious of any offer which might be made. In a village near the town, La Noue awaited the arrival of the deputies from Rochelle ;* their coolness was painful to a man so jealous of the esteem of his friends. " We have been invited," said they, " to confer with La Noue ; but where is he 1 an opportunity of furnishing themselves with every necessary ; and in supplying them with an excellent commander (which they stood in need of) by sending La Noue.* The town is naturally well fortified ; and batteries and trenches had been added to its other means of defence. The garri- son consisted of fifteen hundred regular It is to little purpose that the person to troops, and about two thousand of the in- whom we speak resembles him in person, when in character he differs so widely from him." La Noue, pointing to the ar-j tificial arm he wore, (and which had pro- habitants, who, though not well disciplined, were far from being inexperienced, having taken part in the preceding civil wars; the women also joined with ardour in the cured for him the surname of Bras de defence of the place, and emulated the fer,) reminded them of the limb he had < animation of their husbands and brothers. lost in their service :t but they persisted in asserting, that they remembered with gratitude their valued friend, but that they could not then recognise him. Finding it impossible to treat with the deputies, he requested permission to enter the town : the inhabitants received him joyfully, but they would hear no more of his proposals for a peace, and gave him a choice of three things ; either to retire into England, to remain in the town as a private indi- vidual, or to become their general. In accepting the mission, his conscience had reproached him with having joined the The influence of the preachers was likewise very great: two among them, La Place and Denord, were remarkable for their energy in addressing the people. Their harangues excited the feelings of their hearers, whose humanity was ap- pealed to, by descriptions of the sufferings endured by their brethren; but they prin- cipally dwelt upon the paramount claims of religion to their most devoted services. Denord was very eloquent; and possessed such influence by his persuasive style, that he was called the Pope of Rochelle.f Although the town was not completely enemies of his religion ; he had no hopes i invested before the close of January, 1573, of persuading them to accept of peaceful terms; and after consulting with Gadagni, he consented to take the command of the town.! This step on his part did not, however, destroy the good opinion which there were several attacks in December; one in particular was upon a mill near the counterscarp. As it could not be easily fortified, it served as a barbican, or post of observation in the daytime; and at Charles had entertained of him; and it is I night, it was left, under the guard of a sin- a case almost unparalleled, that being com- missioned by two contending parties, he preserved the confidence of both. In action none more bravely joined in repel- ling the assailants; and at quiet intervals he never omitted to exhort the towns- people to listen to the king's offers, which were liberty of conscience and full security for themselves ; but they insisted on treat- ing for all the Protestants, a demand to which the king would not listen. It is remarked by Davila, that the court committed two errors in the man- ner in which they proceeded to reduce Rochelle; by losing so much time in par- * liaii Nov. 1572. | At the siejie of Fonlenay, in 1569, his left arm was so severely fractured by a musket- ball (bat amputation •w as necessary. Ainirault, p 62. J De Thou, liv 53. D'Aubigne, vol. ii p. 34. gle sentinel. Strozzy considering the position would be valuable to the besieging force, advanced by moonlight to attack it. The sentinel, with a hardihood rarely equalled, resolved to defend the mill, al- though twoculverines were pointed against it. He fired briskly on the assailants ; and in order to deceive them, called out as if giving orders to his men, while an officer hallooed from the nearest bastion that he would soon be reinforced. The contest was too unequal to allow time for assist- ance to arrive; and to avoid the conse- quences of an assault, he demanded quar- ter for himself and his men : it was granted, and he walked forth alone. Strozzy was so enraged at his presumption in pretend- * Davila, liv. 5. t Arcire, p. 421. SLACKENING OF THE SIEGE. 163 ing to hold out, that he ordered him to be hanged for his insolence; but Biron inter- fered, and saved his life, at the same time condemning him to the galleys. This courageous fellow happily succeeded in making his escape; his name has not been preserved ; but Amos Barbot says he was a brazier of the isle of Rhe.* In order to prevent the arrival of sup- plies by sea, the besiegers made use of a galleon, originally a prize of the Huguenot cruizers, and afterwards taken by the Catholics: dismasted, and filled with stones, it was sunk at the mouth of the harbour, and served as a redoubt for annoying the town. The Rochellese at once saw the inconvenience to which it might expose them, and the following night, at low water, proceeded with torches and combustibles to destroy it. The wood was too wet to ignite, before the flood-tide compelled them to retire.f The besieging army was formidable; the Duke of Anjou had the chief com- mand, and reached the camp in February. He was accompanied by the elite of the French nobility; the King of Navarre and the Prince of Conde were also obliged to appear in the royal army, with a view to destroying more completely the hopes of the Huguenots. The Rochellese defended themselves in a manner which surprised their assailants. The principal direction of the royal army was intrusted to Biron i and Strozzy; but Biron was not very de- sirous of seeing the Huguenot party sub- dued ; and although the operations were on a grand scale, it is said that more might have been done if he had thought proper.} Another circumstance proved very favourable to the besieged: in the royal army there was neither system nor secrecy. The Duke of Anjou became disheartened, and summoned La Noue to quit the place. That general obeyed the order willingly; for in his endeavours to persuade the town to submit to the king, he had undergone many insults and mor- tifications from the more violent Hugue- nots: he asked for and obtained permis- sion to retire to his own house, and live in private.} The Rochellese could not but regret the loss of their brave leader ; but no time was to be lost, and they chose five or six * Arctic-, p. h36. t Ibid. p. 437. t Davila, liv. 5. Brantome, vol. ix. p. 131. i Uavila, liv. 5. D'Aubigne, vol. ii p 45. men of experience, who jointly exercised the command. Their hopes were kept up principally by the news, that Montgomery was coming to their assistance. He ar- rived in April, but his vessels, though numerous, were unfit for action ; and the king's fleet and batteries compelled him to keep out to sea :* one ship, however, laden with ammunition and stores, suc- ceeded in making the port, which proved of great assistance to the besieged.f Charles complained to the Queen of Eng- land of this breach of the treaty existing between them, but De Retz, who was employed on the embassy, could only ob- tain a disavowal of her having equipped the fleet, which she said had been put to sea unknown to her.f In the mean time every thing lan- guished in the royal camp : the Duke of Anjou had been wounded ; Aumale and several others of rank killed ; and above twenty thousand men had perished in the different attacks. The prince regretted that he had undertaken an affair, which seemed likely to destroy his reputation. The length of the siege, instead of weak- ening the Rochellese, seemed to impart both vigour and desperation; and a furious sortie which they made in June, convinced him that his chance of success was very small. Twelve hundred men attacked the royal camp, while an equal number from the wall opened a destructive fire upon the besiegers. The efforts of Cril- lon, one of the bravest men of the age, preserved the royal army from defeat, but he fell covered with wounds, and was thought to be dead ; a violent struggle ensued for the possession of his body, which ended in the repulse of the Hugue- nots.§ This circumstance proved clearly to the Duke of Anjou how capable the town was of prolonging the defence; and notwithstanding the arrival of six thou- sand Swiss to reinforce him, he decided upon taking the first opportunity to raise the siege. The existence of a new confederacy likewise contributed very much to help the Rochellese, by adding to the confu- sion and distraction which reigned in the Duke of Anjou's councils. They were * Brantome, vol. vii. p 358. t Davila, liv. 5. t D'Aubigne, vol. ii p. 48. i Vie lie Crillon, (by the Abbe Crillon,) p. 3SL 164 SLACKENING OF THE SIEGE. called the PolUiques, and embraced per- sons of both religions. Their aim was to destroy all foreign influence, and to effect some reformation in the state, without any consideration for religion. It had ori- ginated with the Montmorencies, Biron, and Cosse previous to the massacre ; the Duke of Alencon from his intimacy with Coligny had imbibed a taste for the re- formed religion, and was easily persuaded to join them ; Navarre and Conde would not be induced to make common cause with Alencon, while they were under sur- veillance at court ; but on finding them- selves more free in the camp, their adhe- sion was soon brought about, by the mediation of Turenne, a youth of great talents* A plan was proposed for seizing upon Angouleme or St. Jean d'Angely; and they expected that upon their taking arms and declaring their reasons, they would be certainly joined by all the Hu- guenots. La Noue returned to the camp from Rochelle about the same time; and as there was some difference among the parties upon the plan of operations, they agreed to refer to his experience. He listened to all their reasons ; and showing them the certainty of their danger, the little probability of any advantageous re- sult, and the prospect of Anjou's departure for Poland, which would effect their pur- pose for them without having recourse to arms, he persuaded them to renounce it altogether.t The news of this combination reached the king, who became uneasy, lest some surprise should be attempted against him- self; and he sent orders to his brother to hasten the reduction of Rochelle, as he required the troops near his own person. These orders were the cause of so many ill-timed assaults being made, and with so little success. But while things were in this position, the news arrived of Anjou's election to the crown of Poland ; and the diet having insisted on some conditions in favour of the Huguenots, the opportunity was taken for putting an end to the con- flict. During the siege the Rochellese * Henry de la Tour d'Auvergne, Viscount Turenne, afterwards Mike of Bouillon: his mother was a daugh- ter of the constable Montmorency, and his father w as killed at the battle of St. Quentin. t De Thou, liv. 56. Mem. de Bouillon, p. 24. Vie de Mornay, liv. 1, p. 25. Davila, liv. 5. Arcere, vol. i. p. 501. Amirault, p. 97. had several times been offered liberty of conscience for themselves, but they de- clared they would never betray their cause by treating alone; the king at last finding his treasury empty, and his army unable to subdue the town, sent orders for con- cluding peace on any terms ; and deputies from Nismes and Montauban were sent for, to confer with those of Rochelle. A treaty was concluded at the end of June which secured to all Protestants liberty of conscience, but freedom of worship was confined to Rochelle, Nismes, and Mon- tauban. Great efforts were made to have Sancerre included in the treaty, but as that town was expected to surrender every day, they could not carry that point. The treaty stipulated also, that no one should be troubled for any promise of abjuration which had been extorted from him, and that all who had taken arms should be restored to their honours and fortunes, and be acknowledged faithful subjects. The treaty was ratified the sixth of July, and Biron entered the town as governor appointed by the king.* La Chastre, governor of Berry, a vio- lent Catholic and zealous partisan of the Guises, had camped before Sancerre at the close of the year 1572 ; his attacks on the town were furious and incessant, but the resolution of the besieged seemed to increase with every assault. At the end of three months he converted the siege into a blockade, and then the inhabitants exceeded even their former firmness. So Ions; as they could procure the flesh of the vilest animals, they cheerfully made it their food; but having consumed every thing of that kind, they ate skins and parchments, and straw mixed with the most rancid grease; human flesh was their last resource, and even that was eaten by some people. The defence of Rochelle preserved them from desponding, and having great hopes of being included in any treaty which might be made, they sustained their privations with firmness. The same circumstances which obtained favourable terms for Rochelle, really saved the lives of the remainder of the garrison: but the town was sentenced to pay a heavy fine, the municipal privileges were all cancelled, and the fortifications de- * Davila, liv. 5. De Thou, liv. 56. D'Aubigne. vo!. li. pp. iietseq. The latter gives ihetteaiy at length. DEPARTURE OF ANJOU FOR POLAND. 165 stroyed.* The siege altogether had lasted eight months. The greatest magnificence was dis- played in the reception of the Polish am- bassadors : but Henry lingered in Paris, he felt a wish to stay, from a warm at- tachment to the Princess of Conde ; and the Duke of Guise, while he hinted the wretches have the insolence to propose to us."* A sudden illness prevented the king from going beyond Vitry, where he re- mained while the queen-mother proceeded to Blamont in Lorrain. She there took leave of the King of Poland in a most affecting manner, and her parting expres- sion has caused suspicions of the too cer- tain knowledge she had of Charles's ap- said possibility of an approaching vacancy on the French throne, gave him to under- 'proaching death: "Go, my son, stand that it was to his interest to remain! she, "you will not be long there."f in France. Charles, however, observing! The King of Poland quitted France in the delay in his departure, showed great! November, 1573. During the journey he displeasure: he had felt extreme satisfac- stopped at Heidelberg, where the Elector tion on hearing the decision of the Polish Palatine omitted nothing which could re- diet; and Catherine, in a letter which has J mind him of the St. Bartholomew. In the apartment destined for him was placed a been preserved, informed the Duke of Anjou, while before Rochelle, " that she had never before seen his brother so pleased at his good fortune, and that it only remained for God in his grace to enable him to take Rochelle ;" but the delay made the king suspect some conspi- racy against him ; he began to form plans large picture of the massacre, in which the admiral and the principal persons murdered were represented in their natu- ral size.J The king was surrounded with French Protestants who had escaped: they regarded him with a mournful air, and suf- fered him to hear some of their murmurs of a very violent nature to counteract i against himself, as a cause of their misfor- them ; and declared with an oath that one of them must leave the kingdom. f A longer stay became dangerous, and Cathe tunes. The elector afterwards led him to the picture, and pointing to the portrait of Coligny, he said, " You know this rine recommended her favourite son to i man; you have killed in him the greatest depart. He quitted Paris the 28th of Sep- captain in all Christendom. And you tember, 1573. Charles proposed ought not to have done so, for he has to accompany his ! done the king and yourself great ser- brother to the frontier, less from affection vices." Henry attempted an excuse upon than to prevent his taking up quarters in i the ground of the conspiracy, to which some province. The king made a short the elector answered, "We know the stay at Villers-Coierets, and while there whole history of that," and quitted the received a deputation of Protestants, who room.§ This was not the only mortifica- presented a request embracing many tion of the kind which Henry experienced points, upon which that party founded on his journey. their complaints. Catherine was very in- The Duke of Alencon aspired to filling dignant at the boldness of the demand, and said, "If Conde were still alive and at the head of twenty thousand horsemen, and fifty thousand infantry, and in pos- the post of lieutenant-general of the king- dom, which became vacant on his bro- ther's departure. Charles was willing to accede to his wish, but the queen-mother session of the principal towns of the king- 1 considering it possible, that some means dom, he would not ask for half what these * Davila, liv. 5. D'Aubigne, vol. ii. p. 53. Mnthieu. liv. (!. Slrada, de Bello Bclgico, lib. 7. ArcCre, vol. i. p. 534. t D'Aubigne, vol it p. I0fi. De Thou, liv. 57. The Queen of Navarre in her Memoirs, p. 1f5, mention! that she informed her brother of a conspiracy, on his promising to take no vengeance on the p trues impli- cated: it is not surprising then, that he should he irri- tated. Charles appears to have had a design of assem- bling the States General, as the best method of quiet- ing the country ; for he appointed two gentlemen of eai'h province-to make a survey, and ascertain what was requisite.— See also the Memoirs of William de Saulx seigneur de Tavannes, at the beginning of the second book. might be used to prevent the return of her fayourite son, whenever the king should die, — besides knowing his turbulent dispo- sition, rendered more dangerous from his inexperience, — she aimed at removing him to some distance, and indulged him with the hopes of a marriage with the Queen of England, or of obtaining for him * De Thou, liv. 57, vol vii p. ]7. t D'Aubigne and Mezeray. % Discours du Roi Henri III. (a Mirou ) } Brantome, vol. viii. p. 210. De Thou, liv. 57. 166 CONSPIRACY OF THE POLITIQUES. the government of Flanders: the vacant arose between Navarre and Aleneon, and office was in the mean time conferred upon i on one occasion it required the interposi- the Duke of Lorrain. Alencon's dissatis- faction revived the hopes of the Hugue- nots, who anticipated great results, if they could have the king's brother at their head : they offered to make him chief of their party ; persuading him that he might thus obtain even more power and considera- tion than had been refused him * In this manner was renewed the project, which had been abandoned at La Noue's recom- mendation ; and the Politiques or malcon- tents re-appeared as a party, with the ad- dition of many persons of distinction. The King of Navarre and the Prince of Conde were ready to join in any under- taking likely to put an end to their forced residence at court, which, from the strict- ness with which they were watched, was a captivity; Navarre besides had a great wish to visit his own dominions.! The leaders of the association held their confe- rences, sometimes at the residence of the Queen of Navarre, sometimes at that of Madame de Sauve :} both those ladies had such a reputation for intrigue, that the visits of the confederates *excited no sus- picion. But bad as were the morals of that corrupt court, the undisguised licen- tiousness of this coterie excited at last the king's severe displeasure. The Duke of Aleneon had two favour- ites, who were of bold and scheming dis- positions, and by whose counsels he had been excited to such measures. They were Joseph Boniface de la Mole, and An- nibal, Count de Coconas, an Italian. The Queen of Navarre laid no restraint on her passion for La Mole, and the Duchess of Nemours, Guise's mother, placed her af- fections on Coconas : the King of Navarre and the Duke of Aleneon disputed for the affection of Madame de Sauve, who was also addressed by the Duke of Guise. Charles IX. was indignant that his sister should so disgrace herself, and employed some person to despatch La Mole as he quitted the young queen's apartment ; but either being warned, or by chance, he stayed there till morning, and thus es- caped the snare.? Disputes frequently * Davila, liv 5. Mezeray. + Perefixe, Hist, de Henri le Grand. X She was the wife of the Baron Ue Sauve: after his death, in 1579, she married the Marquis De Noirmou- tier. § Journal de Henry III. tion of several gentlemen to prevent their fighting* The Queen of Navarre was the person who composed these differences; and in spite of the little reserve which was main- tained, the enterprise of the confederates failed only from a misunderstanding re- specting the day of its execution. Their ulterior intentions are unknown, at least there is so much uncertainty respecting them, that it is impossible to form an opi- nion upon the subject ; but whether they contemplated any measure for excluding the King of Poland after his brother's death, or not, it is clear that, at the moment, their object was only to withdraw all the con- federated princes from the court, then staying at St. Germain's; and to conduct them into some province, in which the Protestants were numerous. An escort was all they required ; and if the evasion were effected simultaneously with the ar- rival of their conductors, success would be certain. As a collateral measure, and to prevent immediate pursuit, by any consi- derable force, it was proposed to surprise a few surrounding towns at the same time.t On Shrove Tuesday,} 1574, the court was surprised by the information, that armed bodies had been seen in every di- rection around the chateau ; their arrival was not to have taken place for a fort- night, but the consternation of the queen- mother gave the confederates every op- portunity to effect their purpose at once. Aleneon hesitated; and when his friends begged him to depart without loss of time, he replied, that he would not go, unless the town of Mantes were ready to receive him. Duplessis-Mornay represented that his presence alone was sufficient to open the gates, and that without him they could not get possession of the town : the Duke of Aleneon was inflexible.^ Mornay, unwilling to abandon the en- * Matthieu, liv. 7, p 409. t Le Lahoureur. hi his additions to Castelnau, re- presents Navarre and Aleneon as having planned the murder of Catherine (le Medicis But liayle (Art. Henry IV.) considers there is no foundation for such a hypo- thesis ; and, indeed, it is hardly probable thai if Navarre had meditated such a thing, he would have chosen Alen- eon for a conlederate % The 30th of February is said to lie the precise day by De Liques in his Life of Duplessis-Mornay, and Amiraull in that of La Noue. ,;. Vie de Duplessis-Mornay, liv. 1, p. 20. Mem. de Bouillon, p. 40. CONSPIRACY OF THE POLITIQUES. 167 terprise, went to Mantes, accompanied by his brother ; they each of them seized a gate, and waited the arrival of Guitry, who commanded the escort, when they would be able to overpower the town. He happened to arrive too late, and Mor- nay and his brother escaped by a strata- gem ; they sallied from the town under pretence of attacking Guitry, and after some pretended manoeuvres and pursuit, they all retired together. The king thanked him, by letters, for having saved the town from surprise; but he would not trust himself within reach of the king's re- sentment, which he knew would be vio- lent, when the whole affair were laid open* La Mole, in the mean time, perceiving that the enterprise had failed, thought to obtain the queen's favour by giving a full account of the affair : he assured her that she need be under no apprehensions whatever, as the exclusive object was to release the princes from their captivity. Catherine would not trust to this repre- sentation, but gave immediate orders to set out for Paris. D'Aubigne has given us a description of the confusion which this sudden departure of the court pro duced: "the Cardinals of Bourbon, Lor rain, and Guise, Birague the Chancellor, Morvilliers, and Bellievre, were all mount- ed on Italian coursers, grasping the saddle bows with both hands, and in as great fear of their horses as of their enemies."! The king, dangerously ill, was taken out of his bed in the middle of the night to be carried in a litter. His sufferings, both bodily and mental, ami the mystery which still hung over the affair, made him sus- pect the worst, and his mind recalled the attempt uponMeaux: he said with a sigh, as he was moved into his litter, "at least they might have waited for my death !"J The principal object of the confederates failed; but the plans of the Huguenots had led to events which were of serious con- sequence. They had resolved on taking arms in every part of France at the end of the carnival; the Ilochellese had chosen La Noue for their general ;§ and in the night of Shrove Tuesday he seized two towns by escalade. Other chiefs did the same in different provinces; and among them Montgomery, who was in Guernsey, waiting for a favourable opportunity: he took Carentan, Saint Lo, Domfront, and Valognes, and levied contributions on the surrounding country.* The Prince of Conde, Thore, and Turenne escaped into Germany ; the rest were imprisoned. Na- varre and Alengon were confined in the castle of Vincennes; the marshals Mont- morency and Cosse were sent to the Bas- tille, to the great joy of the Parisians, who hooted and hissed them as they were con- veyed thither,t the persons of inferior rank were held in custody to await the result of a judicial inquiry, which was proceeded with directly the court appeared secure from danger.}: Catherine, alive to every suspicion, and fearing the worst consequences if her fa- vourite son were prevented from enjoying his right of succession, was resolved on adopting some measure of severity to deter all parties from repeating these ma- chinations ; and at the same time she hoped to convert this attempt against her authority into an occasion for strengthen- ing it. The Viscount de Bourdeille, a courtier who appears to have enjoyed the confidence of the king and his mother, wrote to the Duke of Alencon to caution him how he conducted his affairs. "If," says he, " I had the honour of being with you for two hours, I would tell you things which you would find strange and ma- liciously invented: so that unless the king, the queen-mother, and you do not take better care than hitherto, I fear I shall see you aussi petits compagaons que mny.n\ From this it would appear that Bourdeille participated in the queen's fears of some deep plan of the Politiques respecting the government. When Catherine questioned the Duke of Alenpon, he confessed every thing; and hetrayed his friends, without stipulating for the least consideration in their favour. || The queen wished the chancellor to examine the King of Na- varre; but he refused to submit to such a proceeding, which would compromise his * Vie lie Diiplessis-Momay, p. 27. t Hist. Univ. vol. ii. p. 119. X Brantome, vol. ix p 437 $ He had retired lo Knchelli' in Jan. 1574, aclunted by doubts which he entertained on account of thelreache- *ous character of the queen. Amirault, p. lUti. * Brantome, vol. ix. p. 170. Davila, liv. 5. t Davila liv. 5, p 665. Le Grain, liv. 2. p. 112. t Commission pour instruire les proces, &c — Mem. de Never*, vol. i. p. 72. } Andre. Viscount and Baron de Bourdeille, was the elder brother of Pierre de Bourdeille, Seigneur and Abbe de Brantome. This and other letters are to be found in the 14th volume of his works. || Mem. du U ic ile Bouillon, p. 42. 168 DEATH OF CHARLES IX. dignity as an independent prince. How- ever, to satisfy the queen-mother that he was innocent of the charges she preferred, he made a declaration in her presence, in which he complained of many abuses; still he does not appear to have made any dis- closure which might implicate any one* Thore indeed was so seriously involved by Alencon, that he would certainly have been put to death : Navarre met him in the palace, and told him to lose no time in making his escape. t It was necessary to discover something on which to found a charge of high treason, for the evasion of the princes was an act which did not jus- tify severity ; several were put to the tor- ture and made to confess things against Montmorency and Cosse. In searching La Mole's dwelling they found an image in wax, which was said to represent the king, whom they attempted to destroy by magic.} Upon these grounds La Mole and Coconas were beheaded; a gentle man named Tourtray, was also put to death; and the Florentine, Cosmo Rug- gieri, was sent to the galleys.^ This man was famous, not only as an astrologer, but also as a maker of subtile poisons : the queen-mother and several noblemen gave him great protection, and from that circum stance arose so much suspicion of persons of rank being poisoned at this time. Charles in the mean time was drawing to the close of his mortal career: he exhi- bited a shocking spectacle of wretchedness, to serve as a warning to kings who may have an inclination for bigotry or cruelty. His bodily sufferings were rendered more violent by his dreadful remorse: his blood is said to have started through all his pores; and the St. Bartholomew being ever present to his imagination, he could not help expressing the regret which it caused him. j| As his end approached he sent for the King of Navarre, whom he called his brother: the queen-mother, afraid lest it was to confer upon him the regency of the kingdom, wished to deter him from obeying the summons. As he proceeded to the king, who also was in the castle of Vincennes, she gave orders that he should pass through vaults, between a double line of guards ready to despatch him. Na- varre, startled, retreated a few paces, and refused to go; but the captain informed him there was no danger, and though he placed but little dependence on the decla- ration, he had to pass before the carbines and halberts.* The dying king conversed with him for some time in a very friendly manner, and expressed sorrow at the severity with which he had been treated. " I know," said he, " that you were not concerned in the late affair, though, if I had paid atten- tion to what was said, you would not now be alive ; but I have al ways loved you, and to your care I confide my wife and my daughter: I recommend them to you." The king then cautioned him to distrust . • D'Aubigne. vol. ii. p. 121. Le Grain, liv. 2, p. 112 Matlhieu, liv. 6, p. 374. De Thou, liv. 57. f Mem. du Due de liouillon, p. 42. j Me m. de Nevers, vol. i. p. 73. ^ This execution took place at il.e end of April, 1574. Journal de Henry III. |i Sully, liv. 1. The name was not heard distinctly in the chamber, but the queen-mother immedi- ately said, " Sir, you should not say that !" "Why not?" replied the king, "for it is true." It is probable that the King of Poland was alluded to, for his vices were well known to Charles: some, however, think it was against the queen-mother herself that the caution was directed.t Charles died a few days after, in the 25th year of his age, and the fourteenth of his reign. | The reason assigned for his death, by Ambrose Pare, his sur- geon, was his passion for hunting, when he incessantly blew a horn. " However," says Brantome, " it could not be driven out of some persons' ideas, that he was poisoned when his brother set out for Poland; and it was said, with the powder of some marine animal, § which makes the party languish a long time, and then by degrees he dwindles away and becomes extinct like a candle. Those who have been suspected of being the authors of it, have not come to a better end."|| Mar- shal Bassompierre relates in his memoirs, that having cautioned Louis XIII not to blow a horn too much, as it killed Charles IX., that king answered, "You mistake; blowing the horn did not. cause his death; but he quarrelled with the queen Catherine, his mother, at Mon- ceaux, and left her and went to Meaux; and if he had not yielded to the per- suasions of Marshal de Retz, who con- ducted him back to Monceaux, to join * Cayet, liv. ], p. 252. f Ibid. J 301 h May, 1574. t Lie* re morin is the expression in the original. I) Brantome, vol. ix. p. 44u. CAPTURE OF MONTGOMERY. 169 the queen his mother, he would not have died so soon."* De Thou, in allusion to the king's ill- ness at Vitry, says that few persons would believe the disorder was natural, andjjn giving an account of his death, he mentions', " that, to remove doubts, the king's body was opened, but some livid spots which were discerned, and could not be accounted for, only served to con- firm the public in their suspicion."! In his person Charles IX. was of good stature, but without a pleasing physiog- nomy: he took great pleasure in strong bodily exercise, and did not want cou- rage. His character can best be learned from his history: he possessed a good share of intellect, and was inclined to poetry. Had he been free from- his mo- ther's influence, he might have made a much better king. CHAPTER XXXI. Capture and execntion of Montgomery— Flight of Henry III. from Poland— Death of the Princess of Conde and of the Cardinal of Lorrain. During the latter month of Charles life the queen-mother had tried to have the regency settled upon her, in a manner that should prevent every kind of dis- pute. So long as the king retained his strength, he refused to give any thing more than letters to the governors of the provinces, desiring them to obey her in every thing during his illness; and, in the event of his death, till the arrival of the King of Poland; but, as his dissolu- tion approached, he gave her the full powers she wished for, and a short time before he died he declared it in the pre- sence of the princes and great officers of state 4 The condition of public affairs would have presented to any other person a most appalling aspect; but discord was Catherine's element, and it is even pro- bable that she made the civil war, with which France was threatened, a means of obtaining her wish. The Prince of Conde, on arriving at Strasbourg, had abjured the Catholic religion and renew- * Mem. de Bassompierre, vol. ii. p. 21. t De Thou, liv. 57. Journal de Henri III. Brantome, Vxt de Charles 15 ed his profession of Protestantism. This event raised the hopes of the Huguenots, and they took arms every where as if the attempt on St. Germains had been suc- cessful. The death of Charles IX. be- came an additional motive with them, on account of their detestation of his succes- sor; and there is reason to suppose that if the attempt had not been made too soon, if the confederates had remained quiet till after the king's death, they might have succeeded in placing the crown on Alencon's head. The taking of arms was so general, that in the southern pro- vinces every private gentleman assisted in seizing on some strong place.* Three armies had been levied to quell the insurrection: one under the Duke of Montpensier to oppose La Noue in Poic- tou; a second, under his son, the prince dauphin, was sent to Dauphiny; and the third under Marshal Matignon was em- ployed against Montgomery, who had made great progress in Normandy. As Marshal Damville already commanded in Dauphiny and Languedoc, the queen wished to displace him, and persons were sent with orders to that effect, with pri- vate instructions to put him to death if possible. t The agents, however, could do nothing against Damville's address: he deceived the court by pretending to take no offence at his brother's confine- ment, and offered to lay aside his govern- ment and charge of marshal, until the king should be pleased to restore them; but all the while he was increasing the strength of his partisans in different towns, and prevented any thing being effected in the quarlei'4 The Duke of Montpensier could do but little with his army; but Marshal Matignon was more successful. He marched direct to St. Lo, where Mont- gomery was. The town is near the sea, on the mouth of a river which afforded the count a haven for his ships. Matig- non succeeded in completely investing the place, and a battery erected below the shipping entirely blockaded the town on that side. Montgomery, being well ac- quainted with the neighbourhood, made his escape by night; crossed an arm of the sea in a fishing boat which lay on * ltavila, liv. 5 p. ot)7. f Brantome, vol. vii. p. 175. Davila, liv 5, p. 670. Villeroy labours hard to clear himself from this impu- tation.— Memoires d'Etat, vol. i. pp. 0, et seq X Davila, liv. 5, p. 671. 170 CAPTURE OF MONTGOMERY. the shove; and retired to Domfront, ano- ther town held by his forces. His son remained at St. Lo, the count promising to return in a few days, with some troops to help him. Directly Matignon was informed of Montgomery's escape, he followed him to Domfront, leaving sufficient force to mask St. Lo: the for- tifications of Domfront being very feeble, the marshal soon obtained possession of the town ; but the castle was extremely strong.* The court was delighted at the pros- pect of capturing the count ; but jealousy of Matignon, made Fervaques, an officer of distinction, wish to disappoint him. He was attached to the service of the King of Navarre, who was naturally de- sirous that Montgomery should escape. Fervaques, accompanied by D'Aubigne, went to the besieging army, with the in- tention of conveying the count safely out of the town, under pretence of examining the trenches. D'Aubigne approached one of the sentinels, and contrived to send a message to the count, who met him at the same place the next night. D'Au- bigne offered him the means of escape, which Montgomery refused, as he ex- pected assistance from Germany very speedily ; a few days after he was obliged to surrender at discretion.! The news of his capture reached Paris three days before the king's death, but he paid no attention to it, The queen was surprised, and said to him, "How! my son, do you not rejoice at the capture of him who killed your father 1" He an- swered, that he took no farther concern about that, or any thing else. This list- lessness was considered a sure sign of his approaching end.f Montgomery was the most obnoxious man of all the Huguenot party, but the death of Henry II. was purely accidental, and ought not to have been placed among the charges against him. He was an in- defatigable leader, and his assistance and co-operation had enabled Coligny to re- " cover himself after the defeat at Montcon- tour: he had besides been active and useful in missions to England, to obtain reinforcements. So particularly was he doomed to destruction at the St. Bartho- * Ibid. p. 075. t D'Aubigne, vol. ii. p. 126. i Branlome, vol. ix. p. 443. Malhieu, liv. G, p. 370. lomew, that his escape was mentioned in the first despatch sent off to communi- cate the news to the King of Spain.* No time was lost in condemning him to the penalties of high treason ; he was beheaded at the Greve, his body quar- tered, and his family degraded from their nobility. Previous to his execution, he was cruelly tortured to make him confess the existence of the late admiral's conspi- racy, but the pain drew no such acknow- ledgment from him, and mangled and wounded as he was, he went to the scaffold with remarkable serenity.f We have an account, given by a contempo- rary, of his steady attachment to his principles: "He would not confess to the Archbishop of Narbonne, who went to him in the chapel to admonish him ; nor would he take or kiss the crucifix, which is usually presented to those who are being led to execution, nor in any way attend to the priest, who had been placed in the cart by his side. A cordelier think- ing to draw him out of error, began to speak to him, and said that he had been abused. Looking at him steadily, he an- swered, "How! abused? and if I have been it is by those of your order : for the first person who ever handed me a Bible in French, and made me read it, was a cordelier like you ; and therein I have learned the religion which I hold, which alone is the true religion, and in which, having since lived, I wish now by the grace of God to die.' "J Immediately after the death of Charles IX. Catherine sent a courier to Poland to communicate the intelligence to her son Henry ; at the same time, to be more se- cure in hef authority, she removed the King of Navarre and the Duke of Aleneon from Vincennes to the Louvre, where she placed them in apartments, the win- dows of which were grated : she alsofnt so many persons to watch them, that escape was impossible.^ But in order to render their captivity less irksome, she allowed them the society of her damsels without any restraint.|| In addition to these precautions, the queen had all the gates of the Louvre blocked up, with the exception of one, which was well guarded * Biantome, vol. viii. p. 18-*. t D'Aubigne, vol. ii. p. 131. ; 25ili June, 1574. Journal de Henri III. § Biantome, vol. i. p. 171. H Mezeiay, Mrigt Chron. FLIGHT OF HENRY III. FROM POLAND. 171 by Swiss ; and the streets adjoining were barrica'doed, for she was fearful of some attempt connected with the recent affair of Shrove Tuesday.* Catherine's pre- cautions were not without reason ; for two proclamations were issued in the month of July which forebode a great trouble for her. One was from Damville, who, finding himself exposed to such danger from the queen's machinations, had de- cided on joining the confederates; the other was from the Prince of Conde, who announced that his German levies would be ready to march directly the Protest- ants could find the means of paying them. An assembly was held in consequence at Milhaud, where it was decided that the Prince of Conde should be proclaimed their chief, until they could be joined by the King of Navarre. t The queen-mother, uncertain of the na- ture of her son's policy, anxiously awaited his arrival ; but as it was desirable to have a strong force on foot, in case he should wish to subdue his enemies by the sword, she sent Count Schomberg to raise six- thousand Swiss, and some troops of Ger- man cavalry :\ while, in order to be nearer the frontier on Henry's arrival, she went to Lyons, taking with her the two cap- tive princes; which, says Brantome, she did so cleverly, that no one would have thought they were prisoners who saw them riding in her carriage with her.§ The courier with the intelligence of Charles's death arrived at Cracow in the middle of June, and Henry immediately confirmed the regency to his mother. The French nobles who had followed him were pleased at the prospect of re- turning to their native land. The Poles were desirous of retaining him, and especially wished that he should preside at a Diet about to be held on the frontiers of Lithuania. Henry had discussed the affair, and he thought it better to quit the kingdom immediately, than to waste his time in formal consultations with the Polish senate: his mother had informed him of the state of affairs in France, and that his presence was necessary ; and in order to prevent his plans being sus- pected, he acquiesced in the demands of * Journal tie Henry III. t Davila. liv. C>. Lapopeliniere, liv. 38. Mezeray, Abrigi CUron. Arcere, p. 559. X Davila, liv. C, p. U. I Vol. i.p. 71. {Viedc Catherine ) the Poles, at the moment he was taking measures for leaving them abruptly. Bellievre, the French ambassador at his court, demanded his audience of leave, on the ground of his functions having ceased at the death of the prince who had commissioned him ; he set out for France immediately, and ordered relays on the road for the king and his suite. On the night of the 18th of June, 1574, this prince quitted his palace like a criminal fleeing from justice ; but all his care and arrangement barely preserved him from being arrested and conducted back to the Diet, which he had so shamefully insulted. When his departure was known in the morning, Count Tanchin, the grand Chamberlain, pursued him with five hun- dred horsemen ; but before he could over- take him, Henry had reached the Impe- rial dominions.* The French who re- mained at Cracow were in danger of being sacrificed to the vengeance of the Poles ; the senate was in some measure appeased by the explanation given by Danzay, whom Henry had appointed to be his ambassador in Denmark; he showed the danger which pressed Henry's return to France, Conde having an army of Germans read)' to join the Huguenots already in revolt. This excuse would have justified Henry in the eyes of pos- terity, if his flight had not presented such inconsistency. He feared faction in France; he knew that more than one ambitious leader was ready to dispute the crown with him, and felt conscious of having incurred the hatred of a large body in arms. But when he arrived at Vienna, Maximilian treated him with such distinction, that he forgot the state of his affairs, and remained six days in the midst of pleasure and festivity. f The emperor's two sons conducted hi in to the frontier, and w ishing to avoid a renewal of the treatment he had expe- rienced in passing through Germany, he took the route of Friuli and Venice: he was received at the latter town in a most magnificent manner. He first alighted at Murano, a town famous for its manu- factories of mirrors and crystals, where the display so enchanted his weak mind, that he ennobled all the manufacturers: * De Thou, liv. 58. Mnthieu, liv. 7. t Brantome, vol. iv. p. 75. Mezeray, Abrigi Chion. 172 ARRIVAL OF HENRY III. IN FRANCE. " by which," says a modern writer,* " it is not to be understood that they became Patricians of Venice; but that sort of no- bility which swarms throughout Italy and Germany. A grand procession of gallevs of every kind were sent to con- duct him from Murano to Venice. Hen- ry threw his arms round the neck of Antonio Canale, who superintended it; lavished the most flattering compliments upon him for his exploits at the battle of Lepanto, and knighted him. At a sitting of the grand council the king assisted in the costume of a Venetian Senator." Henry made some stay at Venice; but throughout his journey he was willing to stop wherever there were fetes: so much so, that instead of being actuated by love for France, his conduct seemed the result of dislike to Poland. He was sumptu- ously entertained by the Dukes of Fer- rara, Mantua, and Savoy, and entered his own dominions in the beginning of Sep- tember, having occupied nearly three months in his journey. f Catherine presented to him the King of Navarre and the Duke of Aleneon, saying, " I hand over to you these two prisoners: you have been informed of their conduct, and it is for you to decide on their fate." Henry received them with a formal embrace, and listened to their excuses, when they made many protestations of their attachment to his person and government. He set them at liberty, recommended them to live united, and cautioned them against pernicious counsels which might be given them.:} The princes received the sacrament with him, and swore fidelity and obedience. § Henrv hesitated for a considerable time in deciding upon the policy he should adopt. Not only France, but the princi- pal governments of Europe were in sus- pense; all being anxious to see whether the hero of Jarnac and Montcontour would quiet his kingdom by arms, or ap- pease it by measures of a conciliatory nature. At Vienna the Emperor had * Dnru Hist, de fenise,\\v. 28. t The Duke of Savoy availed himself of the oppor- tunity to obtain a written promise that Pignerol and some other places in Piedmont should he given up to him: this disgraceful cession of territory paused a spi rited remonstrance from the Duke of Nevers and Mar- shal Bourdillon. — See Mem.de JVevers, vol. i. pp. 1, and 68. J Mathieu, liv. 7. p 402. | Lui jurant par Ic Dieu qu'ils alloient recevoir, %c.— Journal de Henri III. urged him to abstain from rigorous pro- ceedings, and the Venetian senate had suggested the same thing; but his con- sciousness of being detested by the Pro- testants for his conduct at the St. Bartho- lomew made him resolve on a war for the purpose of exterminating them. He found three armies in the field, and had only to extend the scale of operations. Two of these, however, being command- ed by princes of the house of Bourbon, the queen-mother thought it might lead to a revival of the importance of that fa- mily, and Marshal Bellegarde was ap- pointed to command in Dauphiny, in the place of the Prince Dauphin. Belle- garde immediately commenced the siege of Livron; but without any prospect of success, for he was obliged to detach a part of his forces to oppose Montbrun, who ravaged Dauphiny uncontrolled. Montbrun was a gentleman of Dau- phiny, and one of the first who took arms at the time of the conspiracy of Amboise. He was nephew of Cardinal Tournon, who persuaded him to return to the Romish Church, and obtained for him the king's pardon.* But he after- wards rejoined his old friends, and his successful encounters gave him such con- fidence that he actually seized the king's baggage in passing to Lyons. Being summoned in the king's name to release the prisoners he had taken, he answered with astonishing effrontery: — "What! the king writes to me as king, as if I must acknowledge him as such. I wish him to know, that it would be very well in time of peace: but in war, when folks are armed and in the saddle, every one is equal." His good fortune at last desert- ed him; a few months afterwards he at- tacked some troops of Gordes, the go- vernor of the province, when he got so entangled in a position between a moun- tain and a river, that his followers were completely routed, and himself wounded and taken prisoner: he was speedily ex- ecuted, by order of the parliament of Grenoble.t But embarrassed as the public affairs were at this period, Henry's disposition to gallantry prevented him from giving * Fleury. Hist da C. Tournou. p. 316. t Feb. 1575. Brantome, vol. x. p. 178. Davila, liv. 6. In his life, written by Guy Allard, (p. 90,) it is men- tioned, that the king sent him a pardon, but the mes- senger arrived too late; he had then been executed two hours. SUDDEN DEATH OF THE PRINCE ^OF CONDE. 173 them " his fixed and serious attention. Catherine encouraged this bias, which became so much security for the duration of her authority. Nothing could surpass the splendour of the court at Lyons; and it was a great misfortune for Henry to be so exposed, at a time when his affairs re- quired such different pursuits. His mind, bent upon pleasure, here received the death-blow to all his energy; and his ac- cession to the throne of France became the epoch of so complete a change in his disposition, that the Duke of Anjou could no longer be recognised in him. Flat- teries and seductions of every kind fanned into dreadful activity almost every bad quality, while his unbridled passions made him a slave to licentiousness, to the destruction of his character as a man, and the loss of his dignity as a monarch. Every attraction which female inge- nuity could devise was put in practice at this time by the numerous beauties of the court, who aimed at the honour of being the king's mistress; but the charms j of the P rincess of Condc rendered their 1 efforts unavailing; and though Henry's whole time was absorbed in gallantry and dalliance, he never formed any at- tachment. The princess had been the idol of his heart before he left France: while in Poland, he wrote to her with his own blood, to assure her of his affec- tion; and when he returned, he renewed his correspondence with her. At last, finding her fixed on rejecting his suit, he proposed to marry her: a divorce, he re- presented, could be easily effected, on the ground of the prince's heresy, and the circumstance of her having had no child; by him. The letter which contained! this proposal was intercepted by the queen-mother, who took alarm at the idea of such a marriage, by which her influ- ence would be inevitably destroyed. Her most ready method to prevent any result, was to write to the Prince of Conde, thinking that, jealous of his honour, and his wife's affection, he would speedily send for her to join him. But Conde had full confidence in the validity of his marriage, and in the virtue of the prin- cess, and took no measures for removing her trom a court where it suited his inte- rests to have her remain.* Catherine then persuaded her son how necessary it was he should marry, to preserve the kingdom from the horrors of a contested succession. She recom- mended several princesses, beautiful and accomplished, it is true, but not likely to excite him to act as a king, and to govern for himself, which the Princess of Conde would be sure to do. Henry appeared to assent to his mother's wish; and to der ceive her more completely, he sent an embassy to Sweden to demand the hand of that king's sister; but Catherine was informed by her agents that he secretly took measures for effecting his object, and that he had arranged for speedily an- nulling the prince's marriage, that he might espouse the princess. This intel- ligence was closely followed by orders from the king, to prepare for his entry into Paris; but while the preparations for that entry occupied the attention of the court, the Princess of Conde died sud- denly.* Henry's grief was extremely violent: he did not refuse to join in the general suspicion, that the death of the Princess of Conde was the effect of his mother's contrivance; at the same time, he entertained such a dread of her vin- dictive disposition, that he did not dare to reproach her with it. The condition- of a country under such rulers cannot be too much deplored. The court was soon after diverted from this subject by another demise; and Hen- ry's grief was assuaged by the direction of his thoughts into a different channel: at the end of December the Cardinal of Lorrain expired, after a short illness. The very prominent part he had taken in the government of France, during so many years, caused his decease to ab- sorb every other idea for some days. The queen-mother was relieved from the fears which his intriguing ambition had frequently caused her; but his talents and resources had, at times, been of inestima- ble value. The cardinal had shown great ability as a statesman; but, unfortunately for his reputation, his ideas were framed on the doctrines of Machiavelli. As an ecclesiastic, he ranked high for his learn- ing and eloquence, and he had a great re- putation for piety; but, says Brantome, he was thought to avail himself of tha; * Malthieu, Mezeray, and De Lusaau, Vic de Crillon. * Vie de Crillon. Mezeray, Mregi Chron. 15* 174 PLOT AGAINST THE KING DISCOVERED. for purposes of grandeur. The same writer states,* " That he had frequently heard the cardinal discuss the confession of Augsburg, and preach upon it, too, in order to win over the German princes, more than for any other reason." In his temper he was haughty, and in his dispo- sition vindictive.: with respect to his con- duct, if, as it has been said, he was a li- bertine, he had sufficient prudence to avoid public scandal in his pursuits. He was liberal with his money, but his mind was too elevated for him to sink into common extravagance; and his chief ex- penditure was the employment of agents at every court in Europe, for obtaining early information of what was going on.t This rendered him formidable to his op- ponents, by his knowledge of their diffe- rent manoeuvres; while his thorough skill as a financier made him highly valuable to an administration. CHAPTER XXXII. The Duke of Alenoon escapes from court tn join the malcontent*— Defeat of the Reitres at Dormans— Escape of the King of Navarre. Marshal Bellegarde was still before the walls of Livron, the feeble garrison of which town defied his continued ef- forts: the king thought that his presence would have some effect upon the exer- tions of the besieging army, and went to the camp, accompanied by the queen-mo- ther and the whole court. His arrival was no sooner known to the garrison, than the walls were crowded with men, women, and children, who said the most insulting things of him and his mother.J "Cowards!" they exclaimed, addressing the king's followers; " Assassins! what are you come for? Do you think to sur- prise us in our beds, and to murder us, as you did the admiral ? Show yourselves, young minions! come, and prove to your cost, that you are unable to make head even against our women."§ Their inso- lence was the more mortifying to the king, as the courageous resistance of the garrison had wasted his army considera- bly; and the remains were so dispirited, that he ordered the siege to be raised, giving out as a pretext tha,t he wanted the troops for his coronation.* For that purpose he quitted Dauphiny in January, 1575. He was on the road to Rheims, when Fervaques approached him in the dress of a countryman, to give information of a plot against his life. He denounced the Duke of Alencon as the chief conspirator, and Henry was willing to believe the account upon the statement of Fervaques alone; but Ca- therine recommended an inquiry into the affair. Fervaques introduced a person, named by the queen, to the assembled conspirators, as a confidant of Alengon: relying on the honour of Fervaques, they threw off all reserve before the stranger, and convinced him that their intention was to kill the king, and place the Duke of Alencjon on the throne. They were satisfied that nothing could be more easy, and complained of the Duke, who had sent them no communications for a long time. The spy gave them some plausi- ble reason, and returned to make his re- port, f It is unknown whether this con- spiracy was altogether new, or merely a revival of that for which La Mole and others had suffered. The king immedi- ately sent for his brother, and, in a me- nacing and angry manner, reproached him with the crime, of which he said he had sufficient proofs, and for which he deserved death. Alencon confessed that the plan had been proposed to him, but that he had never consented to be a party to it, and that he imagined it had been abandoned. The queen's influence and persuasion brought the king to hush up the matter; but if left such an impression on his mind, that he was always ready to encourage suspicions against his bro- ther. As none of the accomplices in this plot were punished, it was thought at the time that the whole affair was got up by the queen-mother, to answer some of her intricate purposes, by alarming her son. Henry confided his safety to the King of Navarre, who acted as captain of his body-guards, and never quitted the door of his carriage.f After various delays, Henry arrived at Rheims, where he was crowned by the * Vol. viii.p. 149. I Sully, liv. 1. f Ibid. p. 148. § De Thou, liv. GO. * Mezeray, Jlbrege Chron. f Matthieu, liv. 7, p. 410. J Mein. de Nevers, vol. i. pp. 78—9. Perefixe. THE KING SUSrECTS HIMSELF POISONED. 175 Cardinal of Guise * There were present so few persons of distinction, that De Retz performed the duty of constable :t the day following he married Louisa de Vaudemont, daughter of tiie Duke of Mer- cceur, a relation of the princess of Lor- rain ; a match which had been strongly recommended by the late cardinal, and very much increased the importance of his family. The king returned to Paris towards the end of March, and in a short time re- ceived proposals of an accommodation with the confederates, who sent deputies for that purpose, when they heard of his arrival. Their demands, which were thought unreasonable by the court, were supported by the influence of the ambas- sadors from England and the Swiss can- tons. The king was unwilling to grant the terms they desired ; and even had his feelings been that way inclined, the re- monstrances of the Catholic party were so violent, that he would not have ven- tured to slight them. The deputies quitted the court, leaving one of their number to keep open a chance of some arrangement. | Never was a court more curiously di- vided than that of Henry III. at this time. The Duke of Guise sought the friendship of the King of Navarre, and they lived in great harmony ; but Guise discovered that he was deceived, and a mortal hatred arose between them.§ Guise considered that while Navarre lived he could never be safe; while he was well aware that Guise would never allow him the privi- leges to which he was entitled, as first prince of the blood. The queen-mother, who had formerly been so partial to the King of Navarre, now entertained an equal dislike to him, and went so far as to ask her daughter Margaret if he had any defect, for in that case a divorce should be obtained. || The queen's hatred arose from an astrologer having predicted that he would be king of France. Her hopes had long dwelt upon another pre- diction, that her four sons should be kings, and she had made great endea- vours to realize the idea. When Henry returned from Poland, she endeavoured * loth Feb., 1575. t Brantnnie, vol. vi. p. 10. t Davila, liv. 6, p. 13. i Mem de la Vie de J. A. de Thou, liv. 3. I Mem. de la Reine Marguerite, p. 183. to place his brother on that throne, but the diet had resolved on the election of another* Alencon's ambition had there- fore to fix upon a fresh object. Navarre possessed the king's confi- dence and esteem ; but Alencon was suspected on account of the numerous intrigues he had been concerned in : that prince was also despised by the whole court for his known bad qualities. His position in the state alone preserved his importance; and the valour of his friend and confidant, Bussy d'Amboise, protected him from many insults intended for him at the instigation of the king, who could no longer endure his presence, and was resolved to have him despatched. Soon after the king was dangerously ill, and the disorder principally affected his ear. He called to mind the prevailing opinion upon the death of Francis II., and considered himself poisoned by his bro- ther's contrivance; he sent immediately for the King of Navarre, whom he in- formed of his suspicions, declaring that he should regret leaving his crown to such a detestable successor, and ordered him to despatch the duke. The king's favourites longed for an opportunity of punishing a prince they so much detested, and pre- pared to assist the King of Navarre, who attempted to calm the king's mind by showing him the dreadful consequences of such an event. Henry became more enraged, and ordered it to be done directly, for fear it should not take place when he was dead. The king of Navarre at last persuaded him to ascertain that he was really poisoned before he took such vio- lent measures, and observed, that it was to his interest, his honour, and his fame, to protect the life of the duke, as he would be open to much suspicion if any such thing occurred, on account of his then becoming first prince of the blood and heir to the crown.f Henry's recovery convinced him how wrongfully he had suspected his brother; and it was to have been expected that his angry feelings towards him would have given place to fraternal affection as the proper recompense for his ill-treat- ment. The king's hatred, however, ap- peared to increase; as he took every * Davila, liv. vi. The diet chose Stephen Battori, a native of Huneary. t Mathieu, Perenxe, P. Daniel, and Mem. do Nevers. 176 ESCAPE OF THE DUKE OF ALENCON. opportunity of showing his contempt, by encouraging his minions to insult the duke. It was at his suggestion that a plan was laid for murdering Bussy d'Am- boise, the duke's favourite. As he was leaving the Louvre one evening, that per- son was ntt trfced by a number of armed men, who fired at him several times : by a wonderful chance he escaped. It was generally believed that persons were sent to inform the Duke of Aleneon that Bussy was being murdered, and that if he had gone to help him he was to have been killed also: this affair made a great noise at the court.* Another circumstance occurred about the same time, which shows that Henry would consent to any atrocity, in order to be freed from those whom he disliked. Marshal Montmorency, who had remained j in confinement ever since the attempt on i St. Gef mains, had been preserved from destruction by the influence of his wife, | of whom the king was tenderly fond,f: added to a dread of his brother's resent- ment, if any harm should befall him. As there appeared no chance of bringing him to trial, notwithstanding the complete proofs they had of his complicity in the late affair, those who had contributed to the severity of his confinement felt apprehen- sive that, whenever he obtained his liberty, he would surely take some sort of re- venge : their object in consequence was to destroy him. A report was circulated that Marshal Damville was dead : all fear ceasing from that quarter, the king was easily persuaded to give orders for strang- ling Montmorency and Cosse in prison. $ Their lives were spared by the postpone- ments contrived by Gilles de Souvre, who was intrusted with the dreadful com- mission. The king had promised to make him governor of Vincennes, as a recom- pense ; but either from attachment to Montmorency, or from pure motives of humanity, he caused repeated delays, and allowed time for the arrival of a courier with the news of Damville's recovery : the plan was then abandoned altogether. Some poison had recently been given to * Mem. de la Kerne Marguerite, p. 211. Perefixe, liv. 1. t Madame de Montmorency was a natural daughter of Henry II. She was subsequently known as Diana, Duchess d'Ancouleme. She went to Lyons in mourning on the kind's arrival to intercede for her husband. De Thou, liv. 5!». Brantome, Vie de Marichal M. X Mem. de Nevers, vol. i. p. 81. Marshal Damville, but good remedies ap- plied with promptitude preserved his life: the king, however, received information that it had killed him, a fair ground for supposing his knowledge of its being ad- ministered.* The friends of the captive marshals took the only revenge in their power : which was to stir up the discontented feelings of the Duke of Alencon, and thus increase the importance of the party. That prince was very indignant at being refused the post of lieutenant-general ; and besides, considered the recent attack upon Bussy as a personal injury : he resolved to quit the court. His fondness for Madame de Sauve prevented him from keeping secret his intentions, and the king being informed of them, he found it difficult to execute his purpose. He succeeded by going one evening to the faubourg St. Marcel, to visit a lady who was known to receive great attention from him; and while his gentleman waited for him in the street, he slipped out by a private door, and imme- diately proceeded to the rendezvous of his confidential friends. Horses were ready, and without any loss of time they set out for Dreux, where he arrived before morn- ing.! The next day he published a mani- fest, explaining his reasons for quitting Paris. He enlarged on the improper manner in which he and many noblemen had been held in unmerited confinement; he complained of the advisers about the king, who would effect the complete ruin of the kingdom; and demanded the call- ing of the states-general for putting an end to different abuses, and the assembling of a general council for religious affairs. This proclamation was chielly distri- buted in those parts where the Huguenots were numerous, from which it would ap- pear that the prince placed his hopes of support on that party. + Alencon's escape was known at court a few hours afterwards, and the Duke of Nevers was sent in pursuit of him ; but he was too far a-head to be overtaken. Henry's anger was kindled against his brother; he paced his room up and down, and gave vent to his passion in the most + Bratctnine, vol. vii. p 175. De Thou, liv. 01. Ma- thieu anil Mezeray. i I5ih September, 1575. Davila, liv G. 16th accord- ing to IV Thou, liv. til. t Davila, liv. 6. D'Aubigne, vol. ii. p. 177. Mem.de Neveis, vol. i. p. 97. ALENCON JOINS THE MALCONTENTS. 177 violent threats ; lie ordered every one to take horse immediately and bring back the duke dead or alive. Several of the courtiers pretended to obey the order, but others observed " That they would devote their lives for the king in any way; but to go against Monsieur, his brother, they were sure would bring his displeasure upon them at a future time."* A council was held the next day to consider what measures ought to be adopted. The queen-mother was of opinion that the affair should be accommodated on any terms whatever: as no price was too great for detaching the prince from the malcontents. The king took the same view of the subject, and the two marshals were released from prison, on the sole condition of contributing their aid in bringing about a reconciliation.! Circular letters were also addressed to all the princes of various houses of France, call- ing for their co-operation.:): The Duke of Alencon was soon sur- rounded with a number of persons of rank: Turenneaad La Noue were among the first who joined him, The Prince of Conde was advancing to meet him with his foreign levies: he knowing Alengon's ambitious disposition, and considering the importance of his name, as brother of the) king, would not dispute the precedence;! and being sure that he possessed the con-] fidence of the Huguenots and foreigners, he proclaimed Alencon commander-in- chief, satisfied with the real exercise of the authority, while he resigned the name of1 it. He made, however, one stipulation : that no peace should be concluded with- oat his consent, and which did not secure for him the government of Metz, Toul, and Verdun.§ Thore, a younger brother of the Mar- shals Montmorency and Damville, had contributed a large sum towards the ! equipment of the foreign troops; and was appointed to command a division, which * Mem de Mevers, vol. i. p. 83. t Davila, liv. 6. J A copy of this letter is inserted at length in the Mem. de Nevers. vol. i. p 92; but it is dated 6lh Sep- tember, and -.peaks of the duke's flight as having taken place the day before: if the Kith be meant, it agrees with Davila, but if we lake into account the alteration of the calendar (which occurred ten years after this event,) we must add eleven days, which makes it the I ]7th; thereby confirming the dale given by De Thou, — a circumstance the more probable, as there is another J instruction to governors, &x. on the same subject, dated the 10th. § Davila and Mezeray. was to precede the main body under Conde, consisting of more than twenty- five thousand men. Thore considered the confederates were in need of help, and proposed traversing Champagne to join them, some time before the Prince of Conde could come up.* The queen-mother had heard of the approach of this army, and, immediately she knew of Alencon's flight, wrote to Thore, saying, " That if he advanced, she would send him the heads of his brother and Marshal Cosse." He sent back word in reply, " That if she did as she threaten- ed, there was not a spot in France where he would not leave traces of his ven- geance."! He continued his march, and the queen, instead of displaying her angry feelings, set out to exert her persuasive talents in an interview with her son. Meanwhile Thore, passing through Champagne, endeavoured to avoid an action with Guise, who was pursuing him: he was overtaken at Dormans, and com- pelled to oppose his men, fatigued with long and continued marchings, to the fresh troops of the Dukes of Guise and Mayenne. The action was severe, and the loss on both sides was great. Thore's troops were completely routed, and the cavalry were destroyed ; the infantry, however, succeeded in effecting a very good retreat. | It was in this action that Guise received the wound in' his face, which obtained for him the surname of the Balafre. Alencon had proceeded to Berry ; Ne- vers would have prevented his passing the Loire, but Catherine sent him an order signed by herself which stopped his pur- suit. She feared lest any bodily harm should befall her son. She followed him from town to town, accompanied by the two marshals, through whose assistance she hoped to succeed in her projected ne- gotiation. She did not fail to take with her a numerous train of damsels, upon whose co-operating influence she placed great expectations. At last, in the month of November, she overtook the duke at Champigny in Poictou, when a truce for six months was agreed to. Catherine re- turned to Paris quite satisfied with her success, as, before the expiration of the * Davila, liv. 6. t Mathieu, liv. 7. p 423. % Davila, liv. G. Mem. de Bouillon, p. 137. 178 ESCAPE OF THE KING OF NAVARRE. term, she might calculate upon the dis- persion of the German troops ; and from what she knew of her son's disposiiion, she anticipated his consent to much more favourable terms* For a long time no person of conse- quence of the Huguenot party had been allowed to approach the King of Navarre: he was watched and guarded by bigoted Catholics, the greater part of whom had distinguished themselves at the massacre. He was besides surrounded with spies of both sexes, and of every rank, whose ex- clusive object was to prevent his escaping to join the Duke of Alencon. But that was not his intention : he had too indif- ferent an opinion of that prince to make common cause with him ; and it had been Catherine's policy to keep alive a mis- understanding between them. She had soothed Navarre with the hopes of being lieutenant general ; and as his competitor had left the court in so offensive a man- ner, he made sure of the appointment. But the ladies De Sauve and Carnavalet, who were rather attached to him, put an end to his delusion, by showing him that if Alencon would return, the post would be made at once the price of a recon- ciliation. Three faithful attendants however were with the King of Navarre — D'Aubigne, Armagnac, and Jonqueres, who endea- voured Id rouse their master to activity. Wearied with their repeated efforts, which were rendered ineffectual by the seduc- tive pleasures with which Catherine had surrounded him, they were on the point of quitting his service, in order to join the Huguenots; but one night they overheard him lament the absence of faithful friends, as he repeated a verse in the Psalms. D'Aubigne took the opportunity of ad- dressing his master in a firm and serious, but respectful manner: "You sigh, Sire, on account of the distance of your faithful friends, while they are lamenting your absence, and are endeavouring to procure your liberty. But you have only tears in your eyes, while they have arms in their hands ; they fight the very enemies that you are servirg." He roused his feelings by showing that his proper place was filled by Alengon ; and concluded with the assurance, that so far from there * Davila, liv, C, p. 41. Arairault, p. 177. being any probability of his having the post of lieutenant-general, the promise had become a public jest at court. The effect of this address was strengthened by the Queen of Navarre, who reported some | violent expressions which the king her brother had made use of respecting him; and her physician declared that he had been ordered to poison him.* It was at last decided, afier repeated consultations, that the King of Navarre should leave the court in February, 1576; and that Mans, Chartres, and Cherbourg should be seized by persons in his confi- dence. The different parties took a so- lemn oath that nothing should make them relinquish the enterprise, and vowed eter- nal enmity to him who should betray them. To facilitate their purpose, the King of Navarre was to appear confident of soon obtaining the lieutenancy of the kingdom, and "to have his liberty of hunt- ing extended to a greater distance. To effect this he went into Guise's chamber before lie was up, and got into the bed to him, for more confidential conversation. He talked of his approaching preferment, and so completely deceived the duke, that he went immediately after he was dressed to divert the king with Navarre's cre- dulity. This morning visit proved ex- tremely useful, for the court had resolved to deprive him of the liberty of hunting at a distance; but thinking him so willing a captive in consequence of his expecta- tions, they made no infringement on his liberty.f The King of Navarre went to hunt near Senlis, without any idea of putting the plan into execution so soon ; but a cir- cumstance had occurred which rendered decision necessary. Fervaques had on a former occasion preserved the king's per- son, by informing him of a plot on the road to Rheims : the merit of this action was destroyed by his afterwards confess- ing that he thought such a service would have secured his beinsi made a marshal of France. A similar feeling induced him on this occasion to betray the King of Navarre and his friends. D'Aubigne ob- served the king and Fervaques whisper- ing together, and suspecting the nature of their conversation, he retired without being seen. He staid near the gate of * D'Aubignfe, vol. ii. pp. 183, el sea. t Ibid. p. 187. ESCAPE OF THE KING OF NAVARRE. 179 the palace, and when he perceived Fer- vaques coming out, he suddenly laid hold of him, saying, " Wretch ! what have you been doing?" The traitor, taken una- wares, confessed that his obligations to the king had made him betray Navarre; and added, " Go, and save your master." D'Aubigne went immediately to Na- varre's stables and succeeded in getting out of the town with the horses and equerries, just before the gates were shut by the king's orders. They were met near Senlis by the King of Navarre, on his return from the chase, who inquired the reason of his horses being there. D'Aubigne informed him of the treachery of Fervaques, and recommended him to retire to Seden or Alencon. The King of Navarre was quite decided; but he had two spies about him, and to be freed from them required address. Fie called one, and sent him to court with a mes- sage, slating that a report having circu- lated to his prejudice, that he was about to join the malcontents, he wished to know j whether it was his majesty's pleasure for ! him to continue hunting, or to appear to clear himself. He dismissed the other on a pretence of having forgotten that the king was to go into the country, and sent him to meet his majesty in another direc- j tion. The King of Navarre then set out] with a few gentlemen on whom he thought he could rely, passed the Seine at Poissy, J and reached Alencon the following day.* Among his companions was La Valette, | afterwards Duke of Espernon, who quitted him soon after, entirely on account of his religion. \ Soon after his arrival at Alengon he ' was joined by about two hundred and fifty gentlemen ; and among others by Fervaques, who found it safer to trust to 1 the prince he had betrayed and injured, : than to him whom he intended to have ; served ; especially as Henry III. was ex - j tremely angry with him, and appears to have appreciated his real motives: hej swore that he would have him hanged, and that if any one informed the traitor, his ; life should answer for it. Crillon, a gen-| tleman renowned for his bravery, ven- j tured to caution his friend, who imme- diately set off for Alencon to join the * D'Aubigpe, vol. ii. p. 188. Sully, liv. 1. Mathieu, Girard, Vie de Dut d' Espernon , p. 8. liv. King of Navarre. The flight of Fervaques was known in the morning, and Henry in a rage turned over in his thoughts the names of those who heard him resolve on punishing him. Crillon entered at the moment, and the king with fury in his countenance thus addressed him: "Fer- vaques has escaped from my vengeance, and leaves me only the hope of exercising it signally on him who has placed him be- yond my reach : do you know who itl's ?" " Yes, sire !" said Crillon. " Well, then," answered the king with vehemence, " name him." Crillon acknowledged that he was the guilty person, and Henry was so struck with his candour and firmness, that he pardoned him, observing that as there was only one Crillon in the world, his clemency towards him could not be brought into precedent.* When Fervaques came to the King of Navarre, D'Aubigne accused him of treachery; he pleaded, as his defence, that Madame Carnavalet had previously in- formed Henry of the whole affair, and that she had entreated him to confirm her account; which he did, thinking that, as it was known, his declaration was of no consequence. Navarre accepted his ex- cuse : either from attachment to him, or through a consciousness of his own weak- ness, whenever his principles and his pas- sions were in contact. From Alencon the King of Navarre went to Tours, where he renounced popery, and protested against his abju- ration in 1572, as compulsory. t This step increased the boldness of the Hugue- nots, and their troops in different parts amounted to fifty thousand men. But so formidable a force accomplished nothing, for the queen made use of her proposals and intrigues; and the Duke of Alencon finding his consideration eclipsed, became less zealous in the cause. A meeting of the coru^derate chiefs was held at Moulins, early in March, where they drew up the terms which they required, but which were such as the government was not likely to accede to. The Huguenots claimed a portion of the tithes for the sup- port of their ministers ; Alencon demanded an extension of his appanage to a degree which would have made him an inde- * Vie de Crillon, vol. i. p. 249. D'Aubigne, vol. ii. p. 189. " t Sully, liv. 1. Cayet, liv. 1. 180 RISE OF THE LEAGUE. pendent prince; Conde desired the go- vernment of Picardy, with the absolute possession of Boulogne ; and Navarre claimed the government of Guyenne, the free sovereignty of his paternal dominions, the payment of the pensions formerly al- lowed to his family, and the dowry of his wife. These demands, if granted, would have been the ruin of the monarchy, and they were therefore rejected.* The King of Navarre made a sudden journey into Guyenne and Beam ; and as the people of those provinces were uncer- tain whether he was acting for or against the king, he was able to get possession of several important places; besides which, he was immediately joined by the ancient adherents of his family. This alarmed the court, and Catherine went again to the camp to see what she could do with her son. Alengon was easily persuaded to renounce his connexion with the Hugue- nots, and finding that his influence was reduced to nothing, by the importance of Navarre and Conde, (one of whom had j the full confidence of the Huguenots, and i the other of the Germans,) he was ready : to consent to a peace on easy terms. A treaty was concluded, the terms of which were more favourable to the Protestants i than those of any one preceding, although j the demands made by the meeting at Moulins were considerably modified. The Protestants were allowed the free exercise of their religion, with a number of towns; and the attainders of Coligny, Briquemaut, Montgomery, La Mole, and others were reversed ; while, for the security of the Huguenots in the administration of justice, mixed commissions were established, com- posed of persons of both religions. The edict contained sixty-three articles, one of which (the thirty-second) is remarkable, as it declares that " the disorders and ex- cesses committed on the 24th of August and following days, at Paris and in other towns and places of our kingdom, have occurred to our very great regret and dis- pleasure."! * D.ivila, liv. 6. t The edict dated May, 1570. is given at lengtli in the Mem. it tfcocrs, vol. i. pp. 117, et seq. CHAPTER XXXIII. Rise of the League— Estates of Blois— War of 1576. The treaty which concluded the fifth civil war was attended with but little benefit, and produced an armistice, rather than a peace. The Protestants had ob- tained such favourable terms, that they could object to none of its conditions; but every one entertained doubts of their being carried into execution. They knew, from experience, that Catherine was never so lavish of her concessions as when she was planning some great deception ; and it is astonishing, that with so much knowledge of her perfidy, they could ever listen to any proposals, while she was at the head of the government. The King of Navarre retired to Ro- chelle, where he was received with great distinction ; the inhabitants however would not allow him to be accompanied by all his officers and gentlemen. They objected in particular to La Valette, and every one who had been concerned in the St. Bar- tholomew :* they further stipulated that, notwithstanding his position as their os- tensible head, he should not assume the government of the city, neither were the keys to be presented to him, as that ho- mage was limited to the king and his heir apparent. Navarre had the good sense to despise matters of mere parade, and wrote a letter which completely satisfied the ci- tizens.! It soon became evident that the edict of pacification would not be executed ; and it seemed generally understood, that the promises had been made exclusively for detaching the king's brother from the confederates. The articles in his favour were fulfilled, but no qthers.J He assumed the title of Duke of Anjou, and entered on the enjoyment of an increased appanage; but the queen very soon convinced Na- varre that he need not look for the full ex- ecution of the treaty : she even denied having promised any thing to the Hugue- nots, who perceived that they must before long resume their arms.§ The Catholic party expressed great in- dignation at the favourable conditions * Sully, liv. 1. Percfixe, liv. 1. t Arcere, vol. ii. p 19. j Davila, liv. 6. § Sully, liv. 1. RISE OF THE LEAGUE. 181 granted to the Huguenots; and the prin-j cipal object of the court being effected, the king took measures for stopping such complaints, by encouraging the attempts made to prevent the meetings of the Pro- testants, and by delaying, on a number of frivolous pretences, the establishment of the Chambres mi-varlies, or mixed com- missions ; and when at last a nomination took place, the parliament of Paris being aware of the king's feelings, refused to ad- mit the new counsellor.* The Huguenots had been so often de- ceived, that they could not readily believe the king sincere in signing the edict, espe- cially as the parliament of Paris was con- sidered averse to the measure. Catherine perceived the necessity of removing such suspicions, and wrote to La Noue, assu- ring him that the report was false ; invited him to court ; and not only guarantied his own safety, but promised that the king would be delighted to see him. La Noue indeed possessed the confidence of all par- ties, and was at this time consulted by the court, the magistrates of Bourges, and the citizens of Montauban and Rochelle: while on one side he was the adviser o( Navarre and Conde, he was on the other entreated by Villeroy to obtain a favour of the Duke of Anjou. To win over such a man was worth some flattery on the part of Catherine de Medicis :.but La Noue disregarded her promises of protection, and his biographer observes, that it was certain the court had no intention of ob- serving the edict of pacification, nor of ful- filling its stipulations; and that was soon evident. The king, wary and dissembling as he was, made use of an expression which discovered the wish of his heart. The Protestants of Rouen had resumed the exercise of their worship; and the Cardi- nal of Bourbon, accompanied by several counsellors, went to their plane of meeting to prevent the service. He entered with- out difficulty; and mounted the pulpit, either to .command or entreat them to de- sist: but the- Protestants immediately with- drew, and left him alone. The king was soon after informed, that the cardinal had dispersed the Huguenots of Rouen with his cross and banner : on which he ob- served, " would to God they could be as easily driven from the other towns, were * Davila, liv. 6. 16 lit even necessary to add the holy water basin !"* The Prince of Conde was the first who expressed his dissatisfaction : his govern- ment of Picardy was withheld, and he found that he should derive none of the advantages which he had expected from the treaty. He wrote in consequence to Prince Casimir, requesting him to remain near the borders of Lorrain, with the Reitres under his command, until the peace was firmly established.! This step on his part was soon justified by the be- haviour of the Catholics, who were not only disgusted with the treaty itself, but were indignant at the steadiness which the Protestants displayed in their resolu- tion to maintain it. They called upon the king to revoke the edict, and altogether exterminate the heretics ; the association formed for expressing this general feeling produced the League. During the sittings of the council of Trent, the Cardinal of Lorrain had pro- jected a similar thing, and many suppose thai this was no more than the develop- ment of his plan. He had proposed that his brother should be the chief; and the measure met with the unanimous appro- bation of the council. But the news of Guise's death arrived about the same time, and the cardinal's penetration satisfied him how dangerous it would be for his family to see that important post filled by any but a prince of that house ; the design was therefore abandoned for a time.} The idea was renewed in 1567, when an attempt was made to establish a society for the defence of religion and the state, under the name of the Brotherhood of the Hob/ Spirit ! The king ordered Ta- vannes to enrol all good Catholics, and report their numbers to him; but the war which soon after' broke out appears to have put an end to it, for the association is not subsequently mentioned in the ac- counts (public or private) of the affairs of France. The endeavours of the government to suppress the public exercise of thereformed religion, rendered such associations unne- cessary, till the peace of 1573 gave prooi that the Huguenots' strength increased * Amiraiilt, Vie de la JVoue, p 191. t Hist, des Derjiiers Troubles, vol. i. p. 6. t Maimbourg, Hist de la Liguc, vol. i. p. 20. Paris, 16S3. 182 RISE OF THE LEAGUE. with their persecutions; and that the St. Bartholomew had only served to widen the breach, and kindle a greater spirit of resistance among them. Added to which, the party of the Malcontents or Politiques had obtained for them the support of many Catholics, and there was a great prospect of those persons ultimately adopting the religious, as well as the political views of the Huguenots. The Cardinal ofLorrain again exerted himself to establish a league, as the only barrier against the alarming innovation : he died soon after, and another postponement took place. When the peace was concluded in 1576, two circumstances were particularly fa- vourable for its formation : the Duke of Guise was able to take bis father's place, and the kingly authority had been so much disparaged by Henry's behaviour, that in the organization of such a union there was no fear of control from the court: full scope was therefore afforded for the am- bition of the Lorrain princes, who aiming at the outset at no more than the chief share in the administration of affairs, were ultimately tempted to aspire to the throne itself. Ever since his return from Poland, the king hid indulged in the most ridiculous practices of Romish devotion. The jour- nal of his reign mentions a number of his! achievements of this description. In Oc- tober, 1 575, he ordered a general and so- lemn procession, in which he had the re-j lies of the holy chapel carried ; he followed the whole of the way, telling his beads; with great devotion. The true cross had been stolen from the chapel of the palace, which caused a great sensation among the Catholics.* Henry contrived to sup- ply the loss, and ordered a public notice in all the churches, that he had caused a new crucifix to be made, in which was in- serted a large piece of the. recti cross, and that the people were to go to adore it during the holy week of 1576.t In the month of August, the king went on foot through the streets of Paris, togain the benefits of the jubilee, published by Gregory XIII. ; he was accompanied only by two or three persons, and held a large rosary in his hands, muttering Pater- * Great exertions were made by the authority to dis-| cover this relic, but in vain. It was generally thought the king had pledged it to the Venetians tor a large sum. Uulaure, vol. I. p. 107. — Edit. 17e7. t Journal de Henri III. nosfers as he walked along. The queen- mother had recommended him to do so, with a view of showing his attachment to the Catholic religion : but it failed of its effect; and the people losing all respect for his person, made upon him the most insulting lampoons : they parodied his titles, and turned into derision his encou- ragements of the religious orders.* The king's ill-judged behaviour con- vinced all thinking Catholics that his pro- tection was of no use to their religion ; against such a leader the Huguenots would be sure to succeed : they were in- duced, in consequence, to adopt the views of the league from principle. Some min- gled other considerations with their reli- gion, and thought the national welfare would be better secured if intrusted to the Duke of Guise, than to their imbecile and enervated monarch, who knowing that a treaty had put an end to the war, gave himself no further trouble about public affairs. He was surrounded by a num- ber of young nobles of no reputation, whom he loaded with favours, and kept constantly in his company. The princi- pal among them were Quelus, Maugiron, St. Megrin, Joyeuse, and La Valette: they had been chiefly introduced by Villequier, a man of detestable character. Their ef- feminate practices procured them the epi- thet of the king's minions; and their scan- dalous intimacy with the monarch gave rise to imputations, which certainly were justified by Henry's general conduct.! " His manners," says Voltaire, J " were those of a coquette: he wore gloves made of a peculiar kind of skin, in which he slept, to preserve the beauty of his hands, which in fact he had finer than any lady of his court :§ he put on his face a cosme- tic paste, and wore a sort of mask over it." His conduct had completely obliterated the memory of his previous renown, and with the proper qualifications of a king and good opportunities for displaying them, he became the burden of the state which his arms had formerly sustained, while he scandalized the religion for which he had so much exerted himself. * Journal de Henri III. f He was very fond of masquerades, where he was usually dressed in female apparel. — Journal de Henri III p. 17. % In a note to the Iknriodc. § Brantome. after praising the elegance of Pathe. ri ne's hand, adds, "The king her sui. Henry IN., in- herited a great deal of thai beauty."— Vol. i. p 4'J. OBJECTS OF THE LEAGUE. 183 Guise had at one time possessed a great share of Henry's friendship. The minions had succeeded in excluding him from the king's confidence, and then insulted him openly ; a desire to resent such treatment made him the more ready to avail him- self of so favourable a combination of cir cumstances. The nation was weary of being a prey to the minions ; the princes of the blood were all suspected through their connexion with the Huguenots; the king was universally despised, and him self as generally beloved: he had moreover the powerful influence of Spain and Rome to support him, and a host of stanch and persevering adherents in the persons of the Catholic clergy. A form was drawn up, and circulated secretly by his emissaries: it was pre- sented to Catholics of known zeal, who signed it, and took a corresponding oath. The forrtt declared the different objects of the association, which were the restora- tion of the Roman Catholic church, the preservation of the king's authority con- formable to the conditions which might be set forth at a meeting of the states-gene- ral, and the restoration of ancient liberties. The parties mutually bound themselves to devote their lives to enforce the above declarations; to take vengeance on any! who should molest one of their number, as well as on him who, having once joined them, should desire to separate from the association ; ready obedience was also pro- mised to the chief who might be chosen.* At first there were but few persons of respectability who would sign the league; they wanted to know who was to be chief before they engaged themselves. The activity of the magistracy also presented great obstacles, which might have proved fatal to the association if Guise had not been assisted by Jacques de Humieres, governor of Peronne, who was not only attached to the house of Lorrain, but was also personally interested in the revoca- tion of the treaty of peace; for that stated, among other articles, that Peronne was to be surrendered to the Prince of Conde. His interest being so deeply concerned, he published a manifest, justifying .the nobles and gentlemen of Peronne in refusing to receive the prince, and declaring it was * This declaration is so well known, and is given by so many writers, that 1 have considered its inser- tion at length unnecessary. known for a certainty that he had resolved on abolishing the Catholic religion, and setting up Calvinism throughout Picardy.* This was however decidedly at variance with the'conduct of the Protestants; for at Rochelle, where they were independent of control, they permitted the free exercise of the Romish religion. A church was fitted up for that purpose, and the service celebrated with the usual pomp, in Sep- tember, 1576.f The king received early information of great importance, which if properly at- tended to by him might have saved France many years of civil war. A lawyer, named David, had either taken upon him- self, or was employed by Guise to go to Rome and lay before the pope and cardi- nals the plan of the league.t He died on his journey, in what manner is unknown; but on examining his portmanteau there was found a parcel of papers, which de- scribed the object of this association. The principal document commenced by de- claring that the papal benediction, espe- cially that of Stephen II., which was given to the race of Charlemagne, did not ex- tend to the family of Hugh Capet, usurper of the crown; and the Princes of Lorrain, being the true posterity of that emperor, would have the assistance of Heaven in bringing good out of evil, as all good Catholics would assist in restoring them to their rights from the extreme horror they felt at the late unfortunate peace. After a glowing description of the excel- lence of the Guises, the statement pro- ceeded, "from the time that the children of Hugh Capet have seized on the throne, to the prejudice of that emperor's descend- ants, the curse of God has fallen upon those usurpers: some have lost their senses, others their liberty, or have been struck with the thunder of the Church. The greater part of them without health or strength have died in the flower of their age childless. During these unfor- tunate reigns, the kingdom has become the prey of heretics, such as the Albigenses, and the paupers of Lyons. The last peace, so favourable to the Calvinists, tends also to estabjish them in France, if advantage be not taken of this opportunity to restore the age of Charlemagne to his * Maimbonrg, llist.de la Ligue, vol. i. p. 38. Vie de Mornay-, p 35. + ArcSre, vol. ii. p. 22. I Cuyet, liv. 1 p. 5. De Thou, li v. G3. 1S4 OBJECTS OF THE LEAGUE. posterity. The Catholics united in the intention of supporting the faith have therefore agreed together respecting what follows, viz , that in the pulpit and the con- fessional such as are of the clergy shall exert themselves in opposing the privileges granted to the Sectarians, and shall excite the people to prevent their enjoying them. If the king show any apprehension lest the infraction of the peace in this important point should plunge him again into fresh troubles, they shall urge him to throw all the blame on the Duke of Guise ; the danger to which this prince will expose himself by thus braving the hatred of all the Protestants, will render him clearer to the Catholics. His boldness will encou- rage the timid to sign the league, and thus increase the party. All the confede- rates shall swear to acknowledge him for their leader. The priests of the towns and villages shall keep a list of those who are in a state to bear arms; they will tell them in confession what they will have to do, as they shall have learned from the supe- rior ecclesiastics, themselves receiving their instructions from the Duke of Guise, who will secretly send officers to form the new levies. " The Protestants have demanded the assembling of the states; they shall be convoked at Blois, a town quite open. The chief of the party will take care to effect the election of deputies inviolably attached to the ancient religion and to the sovereign pontiff. At the same time, captains dispersed through the kingdom, will raise a certain number of determined soldiers, who will promise upon oath to do what may be commanded them, at any time or in any place. It will also be ne- cessary to engage, by mild insinuations, the Duke of Anjou, the King of Navarre, the Prince of Conde, and every noble who may be suspicious, to go to the states with the king. The Duke of Guise will not be there, both to avoid suspicion, and to be in a better condition to give his orders. " Should any one oppose the resolutions which will be taken in the states, if a prince of the blood, he shall be declared incapable of succeeding to the crown; if of any other quality, he shall be punished with death ; or if he cannot be laid hold of, a price shall be set on his head. The states will make a general profession of faith ; order the publication of the council of Trent; place France under the immediate autho- rity of the pope; confirm the ordinances made for the destruction of heresy, and revoke all contrary edicts. The king will thus be disengaged from the promises given to the Calvinists. A time will be allowed for them to return to the Church; and, during that interval, preparations can be made for destroying the -more obsti- nate. The states will represent to the king, that to ensure success there must in future be only one person charged with the enterprise ; and they will recommend the Duke of Guise, as the only skilful general who has had no connexion with the heretics. " To give weight to this proposal, the soldiers levied privately in the provinces will appear around Blois on a certain day, strengthened with some foreign troops. They will carry off Monsieur, and put him on his trial, for having extorted from the king his brother such favourable con- ditions for the heretic rebels. The Duke of Guise will pursue the insurgents; make himself master of the principal towns ; put under a strong guard all the accomplices of Monsieur, whose trial he will finish ; and finally, by the pope's advice, he will shut up the king in a monastery for the remainder of his days, as Pepin formerly served Childeric." When the discovery of this paper was made known, it was thought by some to be an invention of the Huguenots, in order to serve their cause by rendering the league odious to the nation, and the king himself treated it as a chimera; but, says Maimbourg, "It is certain that this lawyer, " who mortally hated the Hugue- nots, (by whom he had been ill-treated, and had, in consequence devoted himself entirely to the league,) undertook this journey to Rome, expressly to carry these memoirs, and present them to the pope in order to engage him in the cause Besides the Seigneur John de Vivonne, the king's ambassador in Spain, sent a copy, with the assurance that they had been shown to King Philip. Still there is great appearance that these memoirs had no other origin than the weak and trou- bled imagination of this mad lawyer, who put his furious reveries and chimerical dreams on paper, which no one can read ESTATES OF BLOIS. 185 without immediately discovering marks to unite all his subjects to the Roman Ca- of a pitiable aberration of intellect."*' tholic church, by the best means he could; The object of David's journey being to prohibit the exercise of the pretended admitted by such authority, it will appear reformed religion, both in public and pri- very astonishing that a crackbrained indi- vate, and to banish all the Protestant vidual could have laid out, so distinctly, ministers.* the plan which the Guises afterwards fol- j The king certainly committed a great lowed. The journey may have been his error in joining the league; but that step own spontaneous idea ; but the substance completely disconcerted the plans of the of his memoirs must have been suggested Duke of Guise, who, directly he heard of by some one well versed in the movements it, hastened to Blois, and called upon him and resolutions of the party. !to fulfil his duty as a member of the holy The states-general were held at Blois union, by immediately declaring war towards the close of the year.t All par- against the heretics. It was, however, ties had concurred in the wish that they desirable that, before the sword was again should be assembled. The king imagined resorted to, an invitation should be sent that a desire of preserving the peace to the King of Navarre, the Prince of would influence every deputy ; the Pro- Conde, the Marshal Damville, calling testants thought the junction of the mal- 1 on them to obey the king, and holding contents had ensured their success for them responsible for the war if they re- ratifying the late treaty ; while the league, fused.t Each of them received a deputa- conscious of the number of its members, tion from the three orders: there was, calculated with certainty on revoking it. however, but little success to be expected, Henry appeared before the assembly with for they had protested against the assem- more majesty and splendour than was to bly as a cabal of their enemies, directly have been expected from the general im- its composition was known. The Protest- becility which had for a long time rendered ants had been promised that the Estates him the ridicule of his people. His speech 1 should be called, unfettered by any influ- was good, both in substance and lan-jence; but when they did meet there were guage; and his delivery of it is reported; ten thousand soldiers around Blois.} The to have been very graceful.} He knew of the existence of the league, but was doubt- ful whether he should give any sign of that knowledge or not ; his mother's policy was what he wished to adopt, if possible; he hoped to secure his own authority while the struggle lasted be- tween the Protestants and the league; and it was not till he found it out of his power to keep aloof that he declared him- self chief of a faction of his own dominions, bearing the title of the Holy Union. Espinac, Archbishop of Lyons, was the orator for the clergy ; the Baron de Senecy, for the noblesse; Versoris, for the commons. The clergy and the nobles Archbishop of Vienne addressed the King of Navarre in so pathetic a strain, giving such a picture of the horrors of civil war, that he brought tears into the eyes of that prince, inured as he was to combats. He replied, that he was not obstinate upon the article of religion, but, believing the Pro- testant to be the best, he would not pur- chase peace at the expense of his honour and conscience : the war, he said, with which he was threatened, was not the readiest way to convince him of his error; and he could pot with any safety quit his party at a time when an edict so solemnly given was revoked. With a frankness, for which he was remarkable, he declared, contended that one religion alone should | " That if God opened his eyes that he be allowed in the kingdom ; the commons I might see his error, not only would he admitted the good effects of that unifor- immediately abjure it, but he would con- mity, provided it could be effected by tribute his utmost efforts for abolishing mild means. After a discussion of several j heresy altogether."^ This declaration is days, it was decided.} by a majority of votes, that the king should be entreated * Hist, de la Ligue, vol. i. p. 49. t bth Dec, 157(i, Muni, de Nevers, vol. i. p. 16G. That nobleman kept a journal of the sittings, t Hist. des Derniers Troubles, vol. i. pi 9. } 2bth Dec, I57b\ highly characteristic of the epoch. He * D'Aubigne, vol ii. p. 257. t De Thou, Le Grain, Perelixe. % D'Aubigne, vol. ii. p. 238. Duplessis-Mornay pub- lished a strong remonstrance on the occasion. — Me moires, vol. i. p. 18. Mem. de Nevers, vol. i. p. 45G. 16* 186 WAR OF 1577. was at the time in arms for liberty of con- science, and yet declared his readiness to become a persecutor, if a change took place in his opinions. The deputies to Conde and Damville received the following answer: " We only ask for peace; let the promises given us be fulfilled and all will be quiet ; besides, we do not acknowledge your states, and we protest against every resolution there j made to our prejudice."* Other deputa- tions were sent with no better results. The king and his mother held several councils to devise some plan for averting the war; but the influence of the league predominated, and nothing short of a complete revocation of the edicts favour- j able to the Protestants could be admitted. The original declaration of the holy union contained expressions which could not be justified in any manner; and as the king had joined that body, those, terms which were obviously at variance with the royal authority were omitted in the new declaration, drawn up by Hu- ; mieres, who was chief of the league in j Picardy. The new form was much less j offensive: it preserved all the spirit of the league, but appeared to act entirely by the authority and for the service of the kmg.f That faction had, however, re-j ceived such powerful support, that it was able, not merely to defy the government, but to control its measures, and render its authority subservient to the union. Gre- gory XIII. secretly encouraged while he refused to countenance it openly: he es- teemed it a very efficient check to the progress of Calvinism : the idea most ter- rible to the Vatican was the holding of a national council in France; and while the league existed that could never take place. Philip II. gave it his support : his fears were for the Netherlands, and he was cer- tain that while France was torn with in- ternal troubles, the Flemings could not expect any assistance from that quarter. Henry, being unable to resist the league, consented to revoke the edict of pacifica- tion, and ordered two armies to be raised for subduing the King of Navarre and the Prince of Conde. They in the mean time had made preparations for carrying on the war, by increasing their forces and taking possession of different towns, * De Thou, liv. G3. t Maimbourg, Bui de la Ligne,vo\. ii. p. 464. whenever they could do so without an open attack. The King of Navarre, being desirous of knowing the condition and feelings of the Huguenots in different provinces, or- dered D'Aubigne to make a circuit and collect information, which might facilitate the raising an army if circumstances re- quired it. As D'Aubigne was known to have as- sisted Navarre in making his escape from court, the enterprise was dangerous for him, especially as it was a part of his in- structions to go to Blois, while the states were being held, to speak to the Duke of Anjou and Marshal Cosse. Being dis- guised, he succeeded in speaking to the marshal, who recommended him to aban- don the idea of addressing Anjou; but he persisted, and, finding no other means of approaching him, he went to a masked ball, at which the court would be present. One of the Queen's maids of honour not only recognised him herself, but satisfied him that others had also, and pointed out two officers who were ordered to arrest him. He succeeded in making his escape from the room, and passed the river in a boat, after having changed clothes with his footman.* On retiring from Blois to Chastelliers, he found La Noue preparing to receive the Duke of Mayenne. D'Aubigne suc- ceeded in convincing that general that it was unsafe for him to remain where he was; and persuaded him to repair with- out loss of time to Poictou.t He arrived at Rochelle in January, when his advice was invaluable to the Huguenot chiefs.J The war was renewed at the end of March, 1577: Anjou was appointed to command one armv, which marched di- rect to La Oharite. Guise had solicited the lead of the other; but the king's jea- lousy caused it to be given to his brother Mayenne. He went at once into Poic- tou and Guyenne, and drove the Hugue- nots back to Rochelle; he then mada a short truce with the King of Navarre: after its expiration, he waited in Poictou for further orders. Anjou attacked La Charite at the commencement of April, with a very strong force: the town having scarcely any garrison, and being taken by surprise, so that no assistance could ar- * D'Anbignii. vol. ii. p. 239. t Ibid, t Arcere, vol. ii p. 31. RESISTANCE AND MASSACRE AT ISSOIRE. 187 rive, capitulated after sustaining two as- saults.* This served as a notice for the inhabi- tants of Issoire, a strong and well-fortified town; and the royal army found that place a more difficult conquest than LaCharite, for the garrison made a most obstinate defence. After sustaining a siege till the beginning of June, they were obliged to surrender at discretion, having suffered the greatest extremities in the defence of the place. The inhabitants were all put to the sword, the town plundered, and then set on tire: there remained nothing of Issoire but a heap of ruins.f The affairs of the Huguenots were in a sad condition. The King of Navarre had wished to retain in his little court all the Catholics of his old party : innume- rable jealousies and cabals were the con- sequence, in addition to the impediments which their operations sustained from it. Mayenne thought such a time favourable for attempting to reduce Rochelle; most of the surrounding towns had been taken or destroyed; but Brouage having a port from whence assistance might be sent, resolved on taking that first, as a means of ensuring success to his attack on the city. The siege was commenced in June. Manducage, a gentleman of Picardy, was intrusted with the defence; but unfortu- nately his stock of provisions was very slender, and the blockade so strict, that no supply could arrive.J The operations on this occasion were not confined to the land, for each party had a fleet; and an engagement took place in the channel, where the Hugue- nots were defeated. The land operations were equally unfortunate for them, and every reinforcement sent from Rochelle was either taken or repulsed. The King of Navarre was detained in defending Nerac and Castel-Jaloux, which were as- sailed by Villars, Admiral of France. Having succeeded in repelling that com- mander, he hastened to relieve Brouage, and ordered Turenne to brine, on the rest of his army; before he could arrive, the town had surrendered. The besieged being in great extremity, received intelli- gence of the fall of Issoire, and that An- ion's army was coming to join Mayenne. Fearing a treatment similar to the fate of that unfortunate town, they immediately offered to capitulate: while Mayenne, fearful that the hon&ur of the achieve- ment would be claimed by the Duke of Anjou, was quite willing to accede to very reasonable terms.* These events damped the spirits of the Huguenots, and subdued the obstinacy of their ministers; their affairs were ne- ver in so bad a state before, Damville having turned against them.t If they had been pushed at this crisis, the plans of the league might have been completed, so far as concerns the suppression of the Protestant religion in France. Damville was besieging Montpellier, commanded by Thore, and the young Count de Cha- tillon, eldest son of the late Admiral Co- ligny: the place was reduced to great distress, but Chatillon quitting the town, returned in a few days with a considera- ble reinforcement, and was on the point of giving battle to the besiegers, when a courier arrived with the news of a peace having been concluded between the Kings of France and Navarre.J Dam- ville requested the king's permission to continue the siege notwithstanding the peace, and represented the importance of the place. But the king wished for peace, and the Protestants insisted upon the possession of Montpellier as one of the conditions. § * Hist, des Derniera Trouble*. Mizeray, Jlbrtgt Chrcn. t Davila. liv. 6, p. ](M>. Mem. de Ta\aunes, p. 160. t Arctic, vol. ii. p. 42. CHAPTER XXXIV. Edict of Pnicticrs— Deaths of the King's minions — Treaty of Nerac— Attempt on LimogHs— The Lovers war — Taking of La Fere, Montaign and C'ahois. The treaty concluded at Bergerac, in Sept., 1577, was immediately followed by the edict of Poictiers; which was so fa- vourable to the Protestants, that, consi- dering the unfortunate results of their attempts during the campaign, we are astonished at the liberality of the terms,. The edict contained sixty-four articles, and appears to have been drawn up with great care, and a desire for firmly esta- * Sully, liv, t, Mizeray, Mrigi Chron. Davila' liv. G. t Davila, liv. 6. I Mezeray and D'Auhigne. $ Marsollier, Hist, de Due French clergy became outrageous lea- guers: but their exertions being local, they could not have excited such a general spirit of revolt if they had been deprived of the omnipresent influence of the Je- suits; who regulated their movements, and * formed a general communication, not only between the party and their chiefs, but with each other. Two letters written by Claude Mathieu * F. Paolo Sarpi. lii?t. du Ltmcile de Trente, p. 597. I Vf.llerojr has preserved a document entitled. Me- moire du. Consed tenu par ceui: de la l.igue. Src. It em- braced a general plan tor creating a movement through- out Europe, and finding employment for such princes as they expected would oppose the league; among other projpcls was this. "Tacbez par le moyen des Jesuites d'attireren line Ligue le Roi d'Ecosse, qui se pourroit aider de l'esperance de 1'armee d'Espagne, &c." Mem. dEtat, vol. iii. pp. 112, et seq. t Hist, des Conspirations, &c, p. 35. CARDINAL OF BOURBON HEAD OF THE LEAGUE. 199 to the Duke of Nevers have been pre- served, and substantiate the foregoing re- marks. " I have sent," says he, " to M. de Guise, one of our fathers, who has accompanied me during this journey. . . The pope does not consider it right that any attempt should be made on the king's life, for that cannot be done in good con- science: but if his person could be se- cured, ahd those removed from about him who are*the cause of the ruin of the kingdom, giving him servants who would give good advice and make him attend to it, he should approve of that."* Nothing can more clearly show that the Jesuits were actively concerned in this attempt to dethrone the king. CHAPTER XXXVI. The Cardinal of Bourbon head of the League— Treaty of Philip IT. will) the League — Trealy "f Nemours— Excommunication of Navarre anil Conde hy Sixlus V. "There's such divinity doth hedge a king," that in spite of the injury which Henry had inflicted on his dignity by his indiscreet behaviour, the faction that aimed at dethroning him was obliged to have recourse to libels and exaggerations, widely circulated, to prepare the public mind for any violent measure which am- bition might induce the Duke of Guise to attempt. The king was publicly spoken of with the greatest contempt, and every day pro- duced the most insolent attacks upon his person and court: he was described as a Sardanapalus, a sluggard meriting the fate of Ghilderie, who was put into a monas- tery after he had been deprived of his crown.t Henry's device was three crowns, with the motto Manet ultima ccelo, for which was substituted Manet ultima flauntrn ; in allusion to the ton- sure, or monachal crown, which be would receive whenever he should enter a cloister.i The journal of the time informs us, that in November, 1584, a Huguenot gentleman, named Pierre d'Esguain, was seized with some defamatory verses and * Mem. ;le Nevers, vol. i. p. 657. t Hist, des Derniers Troubles, liv. 1. p. 15. t The following was placed one night on the door of the Louvre : Qui dedit antcduas. unam abstulit, altera nutat ; Tenia tonsoris estfacenda manu. papers in his possession: he confessed they were his composition; was hanged at the Greve, and his body burned with the papers.* This shows that the lea- guers were not the authors of all the libels which were circulated at this period; but it is remarkable, that out of so many persons who were liable to punishment for that offence, the only one who suffer- ed should be a Huguenot. The magis- trates were not backward in doing justice on this occasion, but the League was in- debted to some powerful influence for protection. The queen-mother had long entertained violent hatred for the King of Navarre, and by excluding him from the succession, there was a prospect of establishing the children of the Duchess of Lorrain, her daughter: if therefore she gave the League no positive assistance, her views would prevent her from join- ing in opposing it. " The queen," says the Duke of Ne- vers, in his memoirs, "intended that the crown should descend to the children of her daughter, the Duchess of Lorrain, as the King of Navarre was a Huguenot, and the Cardinal of Bourbon old; and Guise was employed only as the servant of M. de Lorrain, for the morsel was never intended for him."t The Duke of Guise performed his part with great address, with strong assurances of support from Spain; he saw that to obtain the crown of France was not al- together chimerical; but he did not blind himself to the dangers of his attempt, and was long entreated to act openly be- fore he would acquiesce. He won over the queen-mother by pre- tending to further her views: the clergy were already gained by the hope of anni- hilating the reformed religion; and the promise of such recompenses as success would enable him to grant, had secured a considerable number of the nobility. Preachers addressed the public, to inflame them by describing the horrors which would be consequent on the King of Na- varre's succeeding to the crown. It was stated among other things that above ten thousand Huguenots and Politiques were ready to massacre all the Catholics in order to serve the King of Navarre.! * Journal de Henri III. t Mem. de Nevers, vol. I. p. ]B3. t Proces-verbal de Nicolas Poutuin. This document is 200 TREATY OF PHILIP II. WITH THE LEAGUE. But as it was better to blind his real object for some time, Guise announced that the Cardinal of Bourbon was the lawful heir to the crown, his nephew being excluded on account of heresy; and it was immediately proposed to the cardinal to join the league. He being a very ignorant and bigoted man, was easily persuaded to consent; he was daz- zled with the hope of a crown, which, ac- cording to the course of nature, lie could never expect to have; for he was more than sixty years of age, while the reign- ing king was only thirty-four. Guise further suggested that he should obtain a dispensation to marry the Duchess ofj Montpensier: he was insensible to the ri- dicule, and consented to the proposal.* Henry could not long remain ignorant of what was passing: he perceived that the best thing which could be done was to draw the King of Navarre to court; and as he acknowledged him to be the rightful heir to his throne, their interests evidently required a sincere reconcilia- tion. He sent the Duke of Epernon to persuade him to return to the Catholic church, and to co-operate with him in subduing the league. Navarre received the messenger with great affability; and a long conference ensued, which however produced no effect on the Huguenots, his Catholic friends were not without effect. It was principally by the recom- mendation of M. de Segur that he had been influenced; and D'Aubigne, whose zeal for the Protestant cause was un- bounded, considering that the only way to prevent the king's intended journey was to alarm his advisers, resolved on the following expedient. He took an occa- sion when he passed through a' saloon, in which there were some young gentle- men of the court, to lead Segur aside to a window, which looked upon a steep precipice: he then told him, that he would be compelled to take that leap the day the King of Navarre set out for the court of Henry III. Segur, astonished, asked — "But who will dare do that?" " If I cannot do it alone," said D'Aubigne, " here are some gentlemen who will assist me." The young men perceiving they were alluded to, immediately cocked their hats, and assumed a determined air, although they knew nothing of what was passing, which had such an effect on M. de Segur, that the journey was aban- doned.* In the mean time the Duke of Guise was busily occupied in negotiations with the King of Spain. For greater conve- nience, he had retired to his government of Champagne, and at the close of the who were too firmly grounded in their year a treaty was concluded between the principles to be flattered into a desertion ! envoys of Philip II. and the Cardinal of of them.t So far indeed was this meet- 1 Bourbon, who had assumed the title of ing from producing good, that the leaguers i the first prince of the blood and presump- tive heir to the crown. The treaty de- clared, that to preserve the Catholic reli- made use of it as an argument for their cause; they announced that the king's declaring Navarre his successor would confirm him in his heresy; and indeed the account of the conference which was drawn up, and published by Duplessis- Momay, represented the advantage of the discussion to have' been entirely in favour gion in France, in the event of the king's dying without children, the Cardinal of Bourbon should succeed him, as next heir to the crown, from which should be for ever excluded all heretics, and encou- ragers of heretics; that the cardinal, being of the Huguenots, and that the King of king, should banish all heretics from the Navarre was more than ever confirmed ikingdom, and cause the decrees of the in his sentiments. i Council of Trent to be observed; the Notwithstanding, the King of Navarre King of Spain on his part undertaking to was so far persuaded, that he had deter- supply the league with money, which mined on an interview with the King of; was afterwards to be repaid to him, by France. His little court was not exclu- 1 aid in subduing the revolted Flemings, sively Huguenot, and the entreaties ofjand by the cession of the town of Cam- bray.t The pope's public approbation appear- ed indispensable for a union, the object to be found in ttie ltst. vol. of tlie Journal de Henri III. Eilit Cohgne. * De Thou, liv. 81. t There is an account of this conference in Villeroy, vol. iii. J Maitnbourg, Hist, de laLigue, vol. i. p. 7C. * D'Auliiqiie, Mem. p. 101. t Ue Thou, liv. 81. Davila, liv. 1 FATHER MATHIEU's MISSION TO ROME. 201 of which was the advancement of the Romish faith: but in vain did father Ma thieu travel from Paris to Rome to claim the protection of his holiness; for although the Cardinal Pelleve used great influence, .he could make no impression on Gregory XIII. That. pope could not clearly com- prehend the object of the league, nor would he openly sanction an enterprise against a king so decidedly Catholic, and entertaining so much veneration for the church of Rome as Henry III. He took time to reflect upon it, and summoned several experienced cardinals to examine the propositions of the league: their an- swers were far from removing his doubts, and he decided upon refusing the least thing which might be considered an ap- proval of the league; but in dismissing Father Mathieu, he recommended the union to watch incessantly over the in- terests of religion, and to aim at the ex- tirpation of heresy.* Philip II. in the mean time became impatient at such delays: an embassy had arrived in Paris, entreating the King of France to become the protector of the new states, and the Spanish agents sent word that Henry was inclined to listen to their proposal. Some decisive measure therefore was urgent: he called upon Guise to act openly, and informed him that he would otherwise send their trea- ties to the King of France, and abandon the league to his resentment.t Guise found himself compelled to continue the course into which he had entered, and preparations were made for taking the field. The Cardinal of Bourbon left Paris for his diocess of Rouen, whence he passed into Picnrdy, and foreign levies were hastening to the frontiers, while experienced captains were employed in collecting the nobility and gentlemen of the party. t The Jesuits proposed a plan to get possession of Boulogne for the * As these communications were viva voce, it ia not surprising that there should he variations in the ac- counts of them. Legrain, in his Decade. says(liv. 3, p 141,) " Couriers were sent to Rome to obtain the pope's sanction to beparrain of the league; but he said that he did not know the mother of the beast." On the other hand, De Thou (liv. 81,) relates a conversation with the Duke of Nevers, who declared thai the Jesuit Mathieu had received the pope's promise of a bull in favourof the league directly Guise was able to act.— See also Davila, liv. 7. Maimbourg, Hist, tlj ta Ligue, liv. 1. Mem. de Nevers, vol. ii p. 77. + Mezeray, Mrtgi Chron. 1 Davila, liv. 7. convenience of receiving supplies from Spain.* The Cardinal of Bourbon issued a manifesto,! declaring the object of the league; and very soon after the emissa- ries of the faction seized upon towns in different parts of France. Guise fixed his head-quarters at Chalons, anxiously waiting for the arrival of reinforcements, but tolerably certain that the king would not attack him. In spite of the exertions that had been made, his army amounted to no more than four thousand infantry, and fifteen hundred horse; a force that might so easily have been dispersed, that Nangis meeting Guise at Chalons, asked him how he should act if the king sent any troops against him. Guise answered, " Retire as quick as possible into Ger- many, and wait a more favourable oppor- tunity.! Henry was unable to decide upon the best measures to be taken at such a crisis; and, unfortunately for him, his advisers were by no means unanimous. Epernon, the Chancellor Chiverney, D'O. and De Retz, recommended him to join the King of Navarre and the Huguenots, who would cheerfully serve under him, against their avowed enemies. Joyeuse, Villequier, Villeroy, and Bellievre condemned the idea of the most Christian king availing himself of the services of the Huguenots, whose friendship would disgrace him: they urged that the chiefs of the league should be satisfied, and that then it was to be hoped the party would dwindle away.§ The best plan would have been to send an army at once against the Duke of Guise: Marshal d'Aumont strongly recommended it, and prepared to march with a few regiments hastily col- lected. || His loyalty, however, was frus- trated by the queen-mother's representa- tions: she was on good terms with Guise, and wished also to remain at peace: by her advice the king published a declara- tion]f in answer to the manifesto of the league, in which he appears to justify himself, rather than to condemn his rebel- lious subjects: to make use of the lan- * Proces-verbal de Nicolas Poulain, p. 139. Davila' liv. 8. t Dated 13th March, 15P5 : it is to be found in Davila, liv. 7, and De Thou, liv 81. t Memoirs de Beauvais Nangis. } Davila, liv. 7. J Maimbourg, Hist, de la Ligue, vol. i. p. 107. U Given at length by Davila. 202 TREATY BETWEEN THE KING AND THE LEAGUE. guage of a contemporary, " forgetting the arms which nature and necessity pre- sented to him, he had recourse to pen and paper: he made a declaration, hut so tamely, that you would say that he did not dare to name his enemy, and that he resembled a man who complains without saying who has beaten him."* The league succeeded in surprising several towns, but failed at Metz, where Epernon had a good garrison: at Bor- deaux, where Matignon, by his activity, counteracted a plot for overthrowing his authority; and at Marseilles, which one Dariez, a person in authority, had under- taken, in concert with a man named Oha- bannes, to deliver to the Duke of Nevers, the intended future governor. The in- habitants were, however, persuaded to take arms, and they succeeded in capturing Dariez and his confederate: they were immediately tried, condemned, and hang- ed. The king was much pleased at this spirited affair, and told the deputation sent to convey the news, that he could never sufficiently reward their fidelity .+ When fear chills the heart of a sove- reign, his dignity and majesty is lost; for the audacity of revolt increases in the proportion of its impunity. Could Henry have again exhibited the conqueror of Jarnac, he would have soon settled the affair; but, wishing to appease the revolt, rather than quell it, he entreated the queen- mother to meet the Duke of Guise, and, while she assured him of the king's friendship, to offer him the full extent of his wishes, rather than disturb the peace of the kingdom. Guise presented a re- quest, signed by himself and the Car- dinal of Bourbon, which called for an edict for the extirpation of heresy, and the expulsion of the Huguenots (by force) from their cautionary towns; the kins was also to renounce the protection of Geneva, and to become a partisan of the league.J Such a request could not be granted without some consideration; and while the subject was under discussion, the King of Navarre made a declaration, copies of which were sent to all the powers of Europe. § When the league had shown a hostile disposition, the Hu- * Hist, des Derniers Troubles, liv. i. p. 20. + Davila, Mezeray, and Mathieu. t Hist, des Derniers Troubles, liv. 1, p. 22. $ Dated, Berierac, 10th June, 15d5. It was written by Duplessis Mornay, guenots were pleased to witness such a division in the camp of their enemies: but when it became apparent that Henry was in danger of succumbing, he sent an offer of his services, urging him to lose no time in preparing for the storm which was ready to burst over him. The king wrote in reply that he should not yet take arms. " Let the Guises strike the first blow," said the king, " in order that you may not be accused of breaking the peace, and that it may appear that they are the cause of the war."* As a treaty was all but concluded be- tween the king and the League, the King of Navarre foresaw that whatever oc- curred would he to the injury of the Protestants: he therefore took the oppor- tunity of answering the various calum- nies against him, in the above-mentioned declaration, which may bo called his ap- peal to the world. He declared that he bore no ill-will to the Catholics; that, with respect to his changing his religion, he had been compelled at the St. Bartho- lomew to make a profession of Catholi- cism, but that he could not renounce the faith in which he was educated, unless its errors were clearly pointed out, and that, in his case, they had always tried to de- stroy, rather than instruct him. He con- tradicted several assertions which had been made respecting him, and concluded by entreating the king to allow him and Guise to decide the quarrel between them in single combat, or with two, ten, or twenty combatants on each side, offering to fight in any place which his majesty might choose in France; or, if the Duke of Guise preferred, he would meet hiin out of the kingdom. t This declaration produced a great effect on the minds of the nobility, who were equally pleased with its reasonableness, and the generous wish to avoid bloodshed. It was publicly said that Guise could not refuse such a challenge; but he would not suffer the cause of the league to ap- pear connected with a private quarrel, and sent a message to that effect.} The queen's conference with Guise ended in the conclusion of the treaty of Nemours. § The dishonourable terms » Esprit frla Lipue, vol. ii. p. 270. + Cayet, liv. I, p. 8. Mem. de Dnplessis, vol. i. p 503. { Davila, liv. 7. Perefixe, p. 50 G. Leti, Vita ui Sislo V. § Dated 7th July, J585. Registered in parliament 'I3tll. — Mem. dc Never3, vol. i. pp. C86— 692. WAR DECLARED AGAINST THE HUGUENOTS. 203 therein extorted from the king were worse than any war; for the success of the fac- tion on this occasion encouraged them to still greater attempts, and was the cause of many persons joining the party. By the treaty, Henry bound himself to for- bid in his dominions the exercise of any other religion than the Romish, under pain of death. The Calvinist ministers were or- dered to quit the kingdom within a month, and in six months all other Calvinists who would not abjure: heretics were de- clared incapable of holding any office, and the mixed commissions were to be abolished. The king agreed to pay the sums which might be due to Guise's i foreign levies, and to give a number of considerable towns as places of secu- rity.* The king was forced to declare warj against the Huguenots; and measures were discussed for attacking them imme- diately, in all parts of France. The leaguers persuaded Henry that a few days would settle the affair, and that the report of the first enterprise would frighten the Kino- of Navarre into submission. t The Huguenots assuredly were in a dreadful dilemma; for the King of Navarre had been kept inactive by Henry's promises and declarations, and Conde's army was very much diminished. The King of Navarre was aware of the desperate state of his cause; and, speaking subsequently of the king's joining the league, he declared that his regret was so great, and his apprehension of its fatal re- sults so sensible, that the news of it bleached half of his mustaehios.J How- ever, his energy was not to be paralyzed bv a dread of danger, and he took mea- sures for employing what resources he had, and for negotiating for assistance abroad. It was some consolation for him to know, that the additional power which the Guises had acquired would be the means of raising friends for him, particu larly the Montmorencies, Biron, and Ma tignon. While the Huguenots complained of the late edict as a cruel persecution, the Catholics were murmuring at the king for having given them so much time as six months. The complaints reaching * Davila, Pasquier, an l Mathieu. t Hiil. des Derniers Troubles, liv. 2, p. 24. J Mathieu, liv. 8, p. 501. the king, he sent one morning* for the president of the parliament, the provost of the trades, and the dean of the cathedral. Money was what he required, and there- fore he called upon them for it, as other- wise he could not accede to the public wish, by declaring war against the Hu- guenots. He told them that he was pleased at the good counsels they had given him, and confidently expected a fa- vourable result. After telling them that he should require three armies, one in Guyenne, another near his peison, and a third to protect the frontier, and prevent any invasion of Reitres, he added, "It is against my own opinion that I have un- dertaken this war: but no matter, lam re- solved to spare neither care nor cost for its success; and, since you were unwilling to believe me, when I advised you not to think of breaking the peace, it is at least fair that you should help me to carry on the war: for, as it is by your advice alone that I have undertaken it, I cannot think of being the only one to bear the burden. Mr. Chief President, I applaud your zeal, and that of your colleagues, who have so highly approved of the revocation of the edict;t hut I am desirous you should know that war is not to be carried on without money, and that, so long as this lasts, it will be in vain to come and tease me about your salaries being stopped. You, Mr. Provost, must be persuaded that I shall not do less with regard to the annui- ties of the Hotel-de-Ville: therefore call together the inhabitants of my good city of Paris, and tell them that, since the re- vocation of the edict has given them so much pleasure, I hope they will not be averse to furnishing me with six hundred thousand livres, which will be requisite for carrying on the war." Then, turning to the Cardinal of Guise, who was pre- sent, the king coolly observed, " That he hoped for the first month to be able to avoid troubling the clergy, for he would rather empty the purses of the other classes; but that for the subsequent months, so long as the war lasted, he in- tended applying to the church, without waiting for the pope's consent: for, as it was a religious war, he ought, in con- science, to make use of the church reve- * 1 1 til August, 15S5. t That (if Poicliers, which was favourable to the Protestants. 204 ARROGANCE nues. " Tt is," said the king, " especially at the solicitation of the clergy that I have burdened myself with this undertaking: it is a holy war, and, therefore, the clergy must support it." Henry then waited to hear their reply, and, finding they were for remonstrating against his proposal, he cut them short, by saying, '• you ought, then, to have listened to me, and kept the peace, instead of de- ciding on a war in a shop or a church; and, really, I apprehend, that while we think to put an end to preaching, we may endanger the muss."* The king's aver- sion to the war was thus made known: the populace were taught to suspect him of duplicity, and when the news arrived of the successes which the King of Na- varre had obtained in Guyenne, Dauphiny, and other provinces, they declared that it was owing to Henry's treachery, and charged him with being connected with the Huguenots by a secret treaty. The insolence of the league received an additional stimulus from the open encou- ragement afforded by Sixtus V.f Thai pope had succeeded Gregory XIII., who died in April, 1585. Having been bred up a Franciscan, and filled the office of grand-inquisitor, he would naturally in- cline towards a persecuting faction, and we find that, immediately after his election, he gave the league the benefit of his influ- ence. Being less scrupulous than his pre- decessor, lie consented to give a bull, de- claring the Bourbon princes a bastard and detestable race, and excommunicating the King of Navarre and the Prince of Conde as incorrigible heretics, who had forfeited all right to every thing in reversion, as well as in possession, and particularly to the succession to the crown of France. t The arrogance of this act of pontifical authority created a ferment amongst all classes who were independent of the league; and when published in Paris, the parliament made a strong remonstrance against it.§ One of the counsellors re- commended to the king to throw it into * Hist, dps Derniers Troubles, liv. 2. Davila, liv. 7- Caypt, liv. 1, p. rt. lie Thou, liv. 81. + Felix Perelti, well known as Cardinal Montalto. j The bull, dated 9th Sept. 1585, treals both princes as already degraded. Quondam A'avarrte regem, et olim principcm Covdenscm. A spirited work was published on the subject, in which the defects of popery are cleverly exposed. It is entitled, Brutum fulmcn Papa: Siiti V., &c, editio 4, without date or name: attri- buted to Hotmail. § Le Grain, liv. 3, p. 145. OF SIXTUS V. the fire, in the presence of the assembled clergy, and to order the attorney-general to prosecute those who had brought it from Rome.* It was easy to show how the king was interested in this bull, for if the pope could nominate a successor to the throne, he could easily extend that power to the dethronement of a reigning king, a thing which Pope Zachary had done to Childeric III. But Henry had such a dread of the league, that notwith- standing the repeated exhortations he re- ceived from faithful advisers, he never would allow proceedings against the pub- lishers of the bull, contenting himself with refusing to give it his sanction. The in- sulted princes, however, would not so quietly submit to the pontifical audacity; they drew up a protest against the bull, appealing to the peers of France, and the decision of a future council, and declaring Sixtus soi-disant pope to be a liar and Anti-Christ. This was publicly put up in all the streets of Rome and the houses of the cardinals, and even on the doors of the Vatican.f The league in the mean time became clamorous for the war, and Henry was compelled to prepare three armies. But before that was ready which was destined to oppose Navarre, and which the Duke of Mayenne was to command, he sent a deputation to that prince, entreating him to return to the Catholic church, or at least to suspend the public exercise of Calvinism for a few months, to ^ive time for an amicable adjustment. The depu- ties were Lenoneourt, afterwards cardinal, and the president Brulart, accompanied by some doctors of the Sorbonne. They were unable to make any impression on Navarre, who told them that he was ready to be instructed according to the decisions of a council freely chosen, and not with a poniard at his breast. f Every attempt at persuasion proving ineffectual, the King expressed his concur- rence in the wish of the league: he pub- lished an edict authorising the governors of the provinces to pursue the Huguenots, without waiting for the expiration of the six months fixed in the treaty of Nemours. Navarre forbade the edict being executed where he possessed authority ; treated as * Journal do Henri III. + Leti, De Thou, Davila, and many others. | Davila, liv. 7. Maimbourg, Hist, de la Ligue, liv. 1. THE HUGUENOTS SUCCESSFUL. 205 enemies the people of all towns that ad- hered to the league ; and confiscated their property for the support of his army.* The flames of civil war were once more kindled in this afflicted kingdom. CHAPTER XXXVII. Unsuccessful attempt of the Duke of Mercosur against the Huguenots— Siege of Brouage — Enterprise on Angers— Capture ami defence of Oliron— Confer- ences between the Queen-mntber anil the King of Navarre — Renewal of the War — Bailie of Courtras. The renewal of the war made it neces- sary for the King of Navarre to hold a consultation with the Prince of Co fide and Marshal Montmorency. They de- cided upon a plan of action, and made exertions to supply their different towns with provisions and ammunition. Their party had recently been joined by the Duke of Thouars, of the family of Tre- mouille, whose sister was shortly to be married to the Prince of Co tide. The Duke of Mercosur began the cam- paign by suddenly quitting his govern- ment of Brittany, to attack the Huguenots in Poictou.t With only two thousand men, he expected to perform some great achievements, relying on his activity to make up for the deficiency of his num- bers. He had begun to lay waste that province, when the news of his arrival reached Conde, who had lately quitted St. Jean d'Angely, with a little army he had collected. He lost no time in marching direct, to give battle to the Duke of Mer- cceur; but he, being sensible that the prince's force was superior to his own, resolved on retreating to Fontenay, a town held by the Catholics, and there await the arrival of the royal army under Mayenne. But the inhabitants of that town being more attached to the king than to the league, refused to admit him within their walls, under the pretence of having no orders from the king to that effect. He was, therefore, compelled to take his quarters in the suburbs, and make exer- tions to procure provisions, as the inha- bitants refused to supply him. In this condition, he was attacked by the Prince of Conde. The battle was severely con. tested, the Catholics having the benefit of position, and their assailants that of numbers. When night came, Mercosur perceiving that, if the fight should be re- newed the following day, he would almost certainly be defeated, resolved on de- camping as secretly as possible, which he did in the middle of the night. Conde followed him the next day, and so harassed his march, that his men had no time to take refreshment. At last he suc- ceeded in crossing the Loire, after leaving behind, not only the plunder acquired at the commencement of his expedition, but I the greater part of his own baggage: several parties of his men also fell into the hands of Conde.* The Huguenots were very successful j in several affairs which followed this, and [Conde considered himself equal to the j siege of Brouage, then held by St. Luc, with a considerable garrison. The people of Rochelle were desirous of retaking Brouage from the Catholics, and contri- buted their assistance to the enterprise. The town was invested completely at the ' beginning of October, 1585, and being attacked by sea, as well as by land, its fall was confidently expected, when a circumstance oeeuned which called off the Prince of Conde, and caused such a change of affairs, that Marshal Matignon had time to raise the siege. The citadel of Angers had been seized upon by three captains in a treacherous manner: they were of different parties, but had acted in concert on this occasion. Their names were Du Halot, a royalist; Frosne, an enemy of Brissac, the governor of An- gers; and Roe-hemorte, a friend of the King of Navarre. They entered the town on a friendly pretence, and while Frosne was at dinner with the officer left 1 in charge of the place, his companions murdered '.he soldiers, who were not of their faction. The commanding officer was killed soon after, and the castle was in the power of the confederates. But instead of retiring into the castle, Dti Halot went into the town and declared I that he had acted in the name and on the behalf of the king: that, however, had no effect on the people, who arrested, and soon after hanged him. The inhabitants immediately attacked the castle, which * Hist i, is in possession of Prince Polignac, a descendant of llillier's. I aril not aware that it has ever been p inted ; and am obliged to the Marquis de Portia for the use of a MS. copy of it. 18* tie of St. Bris, near Cognac, was at last agreed upon : Catherine went there, at- tended by Montpensier. Nevers, and Biron,- Navarre was accompanied by Conde, Turenne, and several chiefs of his party.| The queen-mother soon discovered that her influence was no longer so irresistible,, and in vain had she taken with her a train of lovely young women :f the princes had * Esprit de la Ligue, vol. ii. p. 310. t 14th Oecember, 1586. X Cuthetine, tired of importuning the King of 210 •Catherine's cruelty and treachery. been so often deceived, that they stood firm to their proposal of a national coun- cil; and the recollection of the deceptions practised prior to the St. Bartholomew, made them constantly on their guard, not only as to any treaty they might con- clude, but also for their personal safety. Cayet informs us " that they would never all three enter the queen's apartment at once: when Navarre was there, the prince and Turenne kept guard at the door."* Turenne is also stated to have said to her — "It is no longer possible, madam, for us to be satisfied with your bare promise, when your most solemn edicts have been violated."! Catherine, without consulting the King of Navarre, had published a truce : he considered it a scheme for stopping the march of the Germans who were coming to join him, and insisted on the publica- tion being revoked, as an indispensable condition of continuing the conference. The queen's advisers were at a loss what to recommend, and appeared astonished ; but she being always ready to consenf to any barbarity in furtherance of her plans, told them to send some musketeers from Niort, to attack and destroy two Hugue- not regiments at Maillozais. "Go, and cut them in pieces,*' said she, " and the truce is at an end without further trouble." Her cruel orders were instantly obeyed : many of the Huguenots perished, and the rest were made prisoners.! At length the conference commenced: the queen declared her regret at Na- varre's obstinacy in refusing to change his religion, and absenting himself from court, by which he compelled the king to wage war against him. The King of Navarre complained, that notwithstand- ing he fully obeyed the king's orders, and scrupulously attended to the edicts, the king had broken the' peace out of compliance to tlve Guises, and other ene- mies of the public tranquillity. He com- plained of the king's bad faith towards him, in ordering liim to remain quiet, ■while he suffered the league to make ad- vances; showing that he had hazarded his life by not taking arms sooner, and that in order to satisfy those who wished to reduce him to extremities, he had ne- glected to look after his own preserva- tion. "Madam," said he to the queen, with emphasis, " you can only accuse me of too much fidelity."* The proposal for a divorce from Margaret, and a mar- riage with the Duke of Lorrain's daugh- ter, was developed in a second confer- ence. But an 'offer of marriage from Catherine de Medicis was ominous for the Huguenot prince. He requested two days to consider of it, and his reflections only made him more resolved to refuse the offer. He felt, besides, a great re- luctance to have the appearance of fre- quently changing his religious opinions, and could not have deserted the Protest- ants at such a time without disgrace.f The conference was afterwards re- newed at Fontenay, when Catherine de- clared that the king would make no peace nor treaty with him, unless he became a Catholic. Navarre made his invariable reply, that he would submit to the deci- sion of a council freely chosen. The queen argued that the change would make his condition more secure, more free, and more suitable to his rank; as he would then enjoy the king's favour, which would be better than staving at Roehelle, where he could not do as he wished. To which he answered that no private gratification, nor even the pos- j session of thirty crowns, should make i him disgracefully renounce a religion { which he had followed thirty years: and ! that as to Roehelle, he could do what he would there, because he desired nothing but what was right.! Their conversa- tion was very protracted; the queen would not consent to a treaty of peace unless Navarre promised his abjuration; ] the King of Navarre wished for an ar- rangement which would ensure the set- I dement of the affair by a council. She i would not consent even to a truce, unless he countermanded the approach of the Germans; while he would not yield that varre, said to him, " What is it that vnu would liave?" He looked round on the young ladies, and said, '•No- thin?, madam, that I t*e iieie. — i\u:ii.\e. * Uayet, liv 1 p 32. t Leti re Journal de Henri III. ters in December, which announced Na- varre's obstinacy, had raised his angry feelings; and on the first d.ay of the new year, in an assembly of the knights of the Holy Ghost, he publicly made a so- lemn oath that he would never suffer in his dominions any other religion than the Roman 4 But all this fervour of bigotry availed him nothing: his oaths and pro- mises had been so prostituted, that the Catholics placed no reliance on him; while the Huguenots were only the more convinced that their case would be des- perate, unless they were successful in the field. In the month of May, 1587, Guise met the king at Meaux, when he made a long complaint of the infractions of the treaty of Nemours. He said that the re- solution to make war against the heretics had been so feebly acted upon, that it was not at all surprising the result should be- * Vie de Crillon, vol. i. p. 306— 321. t Slrada, de Bella Belg. liv 8. X Davila, liv. 8. Cayet, liv. 1, p. 35j '212 MURDER OF THE GARRISON OF LA MOTTE. fatal to France: in spite of the edict, the heretics had been allowed to remain in their houses, and enjoy their property in quietness; and instead of confiscating their goods, those of Cardinal Pelleve had been seized, for having virtuously defended in the consistory the justice of the catholics taking arms against the he- retics.* Henry answered these complaints by observations which seem to indicate a better understanding than he has the re- putation of having possessed, and by showing the numerous cases in which the leaguers had violated the tre'aty to their advantage. This unfortunate king- was in a great dilemma; nothing could reconcile Navarre and Guise: if he grant- ed suitable terms to the Huguenots, he feared the resentment and violence of the league; and if he made war against the King of Navarre, he dreaded the inva-j sion of fifty thousand foreigners. He entreated Guise to think of peace, and to! join in preserving the country from a common enemy. Guise, however, was: decided upon a war, and boldly told the king that he would not consent to a peace before the Catholic religion was secured from danger.t His real motives are; clearly represented in an intercepted let- 1 ter from the Duchess of Lorrain: "Goi on," says she, "for there never was a finer opportunity for your placing the crown on your own head/'J Finding he could not avoid carrying on the war, the king resolved to take mea- sures for assailing the league as well as the Protestants. He therefore sent a strong army into Poictou, under Joyeuse. who would be able by that means to bear down all before him; a second army was sent under Guise against the Germans, which being composed of inexperienced troops, would probably suffer a defeat and allow them to advance: the third, as a reserve, he proposed to keep near him- self, to be able to oppose the Germans, who would endeavour to join Navarre after having defeated the Duke of Guise. This scheme w,as calculated to give him such an advantage over both parties, that he expected to be able to dictate his own terms. His plan was frustrated by the * Cayet. liv. 1, p. 36. t Hist, lies Derniers Troubles, liv. 2, p 37. D'Au- bigne, vol. ii, p. 61. I Mem. de la Ligue, vol ii. p. 213. valour of Navarre and Guise respective- ly, and the war of the three Henries pro- duced results very different from what had been expected. Joyeuse began his expedition by taking La Motte,* the garrison of which place was too weak to defend it; but by an ex- traordinary display of bravery, they main- tained the town much longer than could have been expected. At last, under the pressure of famine, they were induced to rely on the promises of the duke, who had the barbarity to murder the whole of them in cold blood. What renders this cruelty more revolting is, that when D'Aubigne was employed to convey some communication to Joyeuse, he asked what inducement the Catholics could have had to act so inhumanly? The answer he received was, " That it was the only way to gain applause from the pulpits of Paris. "t The King of Navarre recommenced the campaign early, and was tolerably successful in his enterprises. The sum- mer passed away without any event of importance; news arrived in September of the Germans having entered France by Lorrain. The King of Navarre marched in that direction to meet them; and Joyeuse, determined to arrest his passage, attacked him at Courtras, in Perigord, on the twentieth of October.t The two armies exhibited a remarka- ble contrast: that of Joyeuse consisted' of many young nobility, and a consider- able number of volunteers: their accou- trements, all new, were elegantly orna- mented with plumes and gold; and their horses were of the finest kind, and in good condition: they were armed more- over with the strength of the king's name and authority, but although ani- mated with great spirit, they were very much in want of experience. Navarre's army, on the contrary, was clad in plain- armour which had grown rusty in re- peated campaigns; his men, however, were the veterans who had fought at Montcontour and Jamac.§ The Catholic- force consisted of five thousand- infantry, and about two thousand five hundred ca- valry: the Huguenots had about four thousand infantry, and between twelve- * La Motte Achard, in Poictou. (Vendee.) f D'Aubigne, vol. iii. p, 44. X Mem. de la Ligue. vol. ii p. 239. § Perefixe, p. 61. Davila, liv. b. BATTLE OF COURTRAS. 213 and thirteen hundred horsemen. This difference of numbers was trifling com- pared with all the previous battles inj these wars: but if Joyeuse had consented to delay the battle till Marshal Matig- non's arrival with his army, it would have been scarcely possible for the King| of Navarre to have escaped destruction. The marshal had sent word to Joyeuse, requesting him to post himself at Cour-; tras and wait his arrival.* The King of. Navarre, however, had already taken that position, and the two armies were so si- tuated, that a battle could not well be avoided. Joyeuse, however, could not be re- strained from attacking the Huguenots. He had learned that he was declining ra- pidly in his master's favour, and wished to do something which would preserve him from disgrace. Henry had told him publicly that he was considered a coward by the court, and that he would have some difficulty in removing that impres- sion, t No wonder, then, that he should wish so ardently for battle; and he in- formed the king that he should soon pre- sent his majesty with the heads of Navarre and Conde. His sanguine disposition made him feel certain of a victory, and when he found the King of Navarre was posted between the rivers He and Drogne, he said to his officers — " We hold the enemy so shut in by these rivers, that it is impossible for him to escape us: let every thing then be ready for attacking him to-morrow at break of day. "J He gave orders that no quarter should be given to the enemy, and that death should be the punishment for saving the life of a Huguenot, even if it should be the King of Navarre.§ Navarre prepared to receive him ; for although it was hazardous to fight where a retreat was impracticable in case of de- feat, it was still more so to give time for Matignon's arrival. He arranged the divisions of his army; and after commu- nicating his plan to Conde, Turenne, and the Count de Soissons, he addressed all around him upon the calamities insepa- rable from civil war. After recapitulating fofa various endeavours to preserve peace, he exclaimed with an animated voice — » Brantome, vol. ix. p. J68. t Davila, liv. 8. § D'AubignC, vol. iii. p. 48. | Davila, liv. 8. " Perish the authors of this war, and may the blood which is going to be shed be upon their heads !" He then called upon Conde and Soissons, his cousins, to show themselves worthy of their relationship to him.* When the King of Navarre had finished his address, Duplessis-Mornay stepped forward, and in a solemn manner re- minded that prince of the great injury he had done to the Protestant religion by his flagrant incontinence; and particu- larly to the family which he had afflicted, by the seduction of a young lady of Ro- chelle. Mornay advised him to make public reparation for that misconduct, lest his army should be defeated as a judgment upon him.f Henry may have felt influenced by religious apprehen- sions, which the appeal of Mornay had excited; but it is probable that he con- sidered the ardour of his soldiers would be still more animated, if their minds were freed from any stigma on their cause: he consented to make a public avowal of his fault in the church of Pons, and to do the same the first time he should be at Rochelle. Henry after- wards knelt down beside the minister Clandieus, who offered a prayer for di- vine help; and the whole army imme- diately did the same. This spectacle, instead of raising suitable feelings in the mind of Joyeuse, only added to his con- fidence: he exultingly called out — " See how they tremble ! The day is ours!" Laverdin, his lieutenant, observed to him that he was mistaken in the men, who always went to prayer when they had made up their minds to conquer or to die.J The battle began about nine o'clock with a cannonading on both sides. Na- varre's artillery created great confusion among his opponents: while theirs, be- ing badly directed, had hardly any effect. Laverdin perceived that no time was to be lost in coming to close quarters, as the only means of avoiding the effects of the inferiority of their gunners. He im- mediately gave the signal for advancing to the charge. The shock was very violent, but the victory was soon decided; and in less than an hour the brilliant * Perefixe and Matliieu. f Vie de Duplessis-Mornay, liv. 1. p. 108. X Journal de Henri III. Matliieu, P. Daniel, and D'Aubigne. 214 TUMULT AT ST. SEVERIN. army of the Catholics was completely routed. Joyeuse himself was killed; not in the fight, but after he was taken prisoner: the person who shot him de- clared that it was done to revenge his cruelty at La Motte. The Ca- tholics lost three thousand men, in- cluding many persons of distinction: the loss of the Huguenots was trifling, not more than two hundred of them being killed, and very few wounded.* The cannon, baggage, &c. as a natural conse- quence of such a rout, fell into the hands of the King of Navarre, who is admitted by writers of every party to have added splendour to his victory by his clemency to the vanquished. He set at liberty nearly all his prisoners, and returned to several their arms and standards.! But his moderation had no effect upon his enemies, who at first treated the affair as an insignificant skirmish; and when the truth was made known, the court, dis- appointed in the hope of crushing the King of Navarre, looked forward to re- trieve the misfortune by successful ope- rations in other parts. CHAPTER XXXVIII. Tumult at St. Severin— Defeat of the Germans at Vi- mory and Aunean — Increased insolence of the Keagoe — Meeting at Nancy— Death of Conde— The Barricades. The only result of the battle of Cour- tras was the preservation of the Hugue- not party from destruction, by placing the Bourbon family in safety. Different reasons have been assigned for Navarre's measures after the battle: he had a choice of two plans; to march at once to meet the Germans, or to make himself master of Poictou and Saintonge. He adopted the latter line of action, and then set out for Beam, with a small body of cavalry, leaving Turenne with the command of his forces. Some writers accuse Na- varre of omitting to pursue his advan- tage, through his desire to visit his mis- tress, the Countess of Guiche;} another opinion is, that he wished to avoid an irremediable rupture with Henry III. being desirous of keeping open a chance of his return to court, which was so es- * Davila, liv. 8. Cayet, vol. i. p. 38 Pasquier, vol ii. p 303. D'Aubigne, vol. iii pp. 56 57. r Mem. de la Ligue, vol. ii. p. '243. Vie de Mornay, p. 111. D'Aubigne, vol. iii. p. 58. sential to his ultimately succeeding to the crown:* while a third, and perhaps the real reason is, that the Huguenot army was considerably diminished after the battle by a great number of persons re- turning to their houses. Navarre ob- tained their promise to meet him again on the 20th of November, to join the Germans: but circumstances occurred in the interval which disappointed his hopes in that quarter. t The German army consisting of near- ly forty thousand men, with twenty thousand pieces of artillery, had en- tered Lorrain under the command of the Baron Donau ord'Othna, a Prussian: he was aided by the Duke of Bouillon, his brother the Count de la Mark, and the Count de Chatillon.i The Duke of Guise had not received the reinforce- ments which the king had promised him when at Meaux, but still he hovered about the enemy, and was so unwearied in his attacks upon their flanks, that his operations caused great astonishment. Great dissatisfaction soon pervaded the foreign army: they had calculated on be- ing met on their arrival by the King of Navarre, or the Prince of Conde; they were only joined from time to time by small parties of Huguenots, who added to their dissatisfaction by relating the difficulties they had overcome in reach- ing them; while hunger, forced marches, and the continual loss of some of their baggage, made their situation very dis- tressing. Henry's plan had been to remain quiet till the Reitres should have advanced to a certain point; but the clamours of the league compelled him to march to Guise's help. The clergy carried their insolence beyond all bounds; and, on one occasion, a sermon preached at the church of St. Severin contained such abuse of the king, that the preacher was sent for to the Louvre. Immediately a report was spread that all the preachers * Peretixe. | Sully, in the 3d book of his Memoirs, accuses the Count de Soissons of fanning Henry's passion for his mistress with the intention of keeping him back from pursuing his advaniage. Me treacherously aimed at supplanting the King of Navarre in his possessions, by marrying the princess his sister: the league then ap- tieared certain of succeeding; and from their haired of Navarre, the count imagined he could easily effect his object. Sully also charges Conde with a design of dis- membering France, and establishing an independent sovereignty. X Mem. de la Ligue, vol. ii. p. 212. THE LEAGUERS AIM AT THE POSSESSION OF PARIS. 215 were to be arrested, and Bussy-le-Clerc armed a company of leaguers, and placed them in ambuscade near the church, to prevent the individual from beins taken* When the authorities ar-j Guise was at dinner, with the different princes of his family, when he received information that some of the Germans were at Vimory. He mused for a few minutes, then gave orders to sound to rived they were not allowed to enter, arms, and desired that the troops should and the civil officer sent for help to force , be ready to march within an hour.* The his way in. The whole quarter was in a Duke of Mayenne asking for what ob- tumult, and the officers were unable to ject he gave those orders, Guise answered, execute their orders. The Duke of Eper- « To attack the enemy." But as the dis- non and the chancellor recommended the proportion between his force and theirs king to send a strong force, and make was so great, he could scarcely believe Le-Clerc and his party prisoners ; but his brother was serious. They arrived others dissuaded him from doing so; and at Vimory at midnight, when Guise en- Villequier having given Le-Clerc informa- tered the town secretly with a select tion of what had been proposed, he and corps, the other chiefs remaining around, his friends concealed themselves for a to make prisoners of those who should time: but though their plans were carried attempt to escape. Every thing being on in secret, they never lost sight of the ready, they set fire to several houses, objects which had been proposed by the and shot all who came out on hearing the Sixteen.f After a painful march, the Germans ar- noise. Scarcely any of the Germans could escape. The Baron Donau, their rived before La Charite on the 15th of commander, being at the opposite end of October. The fruits of France, in which the town, took horse with a hundred fol- they had indulged, had introduced dis- lowers, and got into the adjoining plain. eases among them, and, to complete their disasters, they found the king had come in person to oppose them with a strong force. They were unable to take La Charite, and returned towards Montargis, taking up their quarters at Vimory. It was the king's army evidently that pre- vented the progress of the foreigners ; and Guise, by allowing them to pass the fron- tier, had committed an unpardonable error: but the league could see no fault in their champion; they not only became more insolent than ever to their sovereign, but were actually taking measures for seizing his person in the camp. The leaguers consulted upon taking possession of Paris during the king's ab- sence; and Guise had informed them, that he would seize the king himself in the country. Those in Paris waited to as- certain the result of Guise's attempt, and sent several couriers to Estampes, where he then lodged, to ascertain if it had suc- ceeded. But Guise did not consider the undertaking safe, on account of the strong force in the neighbourhood, and he put off the design, to the great regret of the Sixteen.! * 3d Sept. 1567. De Tliou, hv. B7. Mem. de la Ligue, vol. li. p. 210. t Proces- verbal de Nicolas Poulain, p. 152. Cayet liv. l.p. 43. t Proces verbal, &c, p. 152. Mayenne was there, and prepared to charge upon him. Donau received the charge with firmness, and, springing for- ward, he attacked Mayenne himself: he discharged a pistol in his face, which stunned him ; but the strength of May- enne's vizor protected him from harm. The Baron Donau continued the fight some time; but his followers being nearly all killed, he availed himself of the dark- ness to cut his way through the opposing squadron, accompanied by no more than fourteen companions. The slaughter in the town was dreadful ; and the Catho- lics returned loaded with plunder; but the Reitres fought so well, that above two hundred of their assailants were killed, above forty of whom were gentlemen of distinction.! This event threw the Germans into great dismay, and their Swiss com- panions sent an offer of submission to the king; but about the same time the Prince of Conty arrived with news of the vic- tory at Courtras4 and, by his exhorta- tions and entreaties, they were persuaded * 26th Oct., 1517. t Davjla, liv. 8. Mem de la Ligue, vol. ii. p. 21'J. Hist, ries Derniers Troubles, liv. 2, p 42. ! This is Davila's version ; but in the Memoire.s de la Liitue it is said that the news was brought by a messen- ger who had been sent on purpose by the Count de Chanllon ; and also that the Prince of Oonty arrived at the camp on the 20th of November. Vol. ii. p. 225. 216 THE KING'S RETURN TO PARIS. to wait for intelligence from the King of Navarre, before they made any agree- ment with the King of France. The Prince of Conty's arrival made them for- get their past difficulties; they took up their head-quarters at Auneau, in the Orleannais, and indulged themselves in the good cheer which that province af- forded.* The object of the chiefs of this army was to pass beyond the Loire, and several of them wished to proceed at once, but unfortunately, their departure was put off till the 24th of November, and they experienced a second disaster in consequence. This event was the and, finding themselves at a distance from the King of Navarre, ill-treated by their French companions, deserted by the Swiss, beaten by the league, and pursued by the king, they met in December at Marsigni, and accepted the king's terms, which had been communicated by the Duke of Eper- non.* - The French chiefs made great efforts to prevent their German friends from ac- cepting these terms, and undertook to conduct them to the King of Navarre's army. Finding, however, that, instead of listening to them, the foreigners had an intention of arresting them, to ensure the more vexatious, as the Duke of Guise payment of what they had promised, they came up with them on that very day, by [separated secretly, and took different means of a forced march. t He attacked routes to make their escape. The Prince Auneau in the same manner as Vimory : of Conty went into Maine with four- but, on this occasion, he publicly per- teen horsemen ; the Duke of Bouillon, formed his devotions, and left instructions for prayers to be said for the success of his enterprise. He was, indeed, so deter- mined not to fail for want of a sufficiency of religious exercise, that he ordered three masses to be performed during the night: "A thing," says Maimbourg, " which is contrary to the regulations of the church of Rome, except on Christmas-eve; but the good priests, who were not then so well informed as they are now, devoutly obeyed him without any scruple."} The town, surprised in the night, fell an easy prey, and the assailants committed great havoc, with scarcely the loss of a man. Excepting the Baron Donau, and about ten others, none that were in the town escaped. The other divisions of the army that were placed in the neigh- bourhood rallied at the distance of a league. Donau urged the chiefs to re- turn to Auneau, and attack the Catholics, who, being intent upon their plunder, would be an easy prey. But his exhor- tations were in vain; the Swiss separated with only five hundred horsemen, passed through the Lyonnais to Geneva, where he soon after died. Chatillon, de- claring that he would surrender his standard to none but the King of Na- varre, set out with one hundred and twenty horsemen, and, with great resolu- tion, made his way to Languedoc. Man- delot, governor of the Lyonnais, and the Count de Tournon, both opposed his pas- sage with their armies, and the tocsin re- sounded in the different towns; but he cleared every difficulty, and safely reached the Vivarais, of which he was governor.! The unfortunate Germans, however, found that the pursuit of the royal forces was not their only misfortune; for, after submitting to the Duke of Epernon, they were exposed to the attacks of the pea- santry, who slew many of them as they took their road homewards. Guise com- plained of the terms which had been granted them ; and on the ground of Eper- non's having acted solely out of enmity and spite to him, he refused to observe from the Germans, and, having accepted] the conditions: he followed the main body the terms offered by the king, they set' to the frontiers, making a terrible carnage out for their own country. The rest of among them. The Swiss shared no the army was with difficulty kept from better fate : marching southward, towards disbanding. Conty, Bouillon, and C ha- Sarry, they were attacked near the Isere tillon undertook to guaranty the payment by La Valette, Epernon's brother. This of their arrears, and conducted them to j made them resolve on an effort to join the forest of Orleans. But the season of the year exposed them to great sufferings; * Davila, liv. 8. t Mem. de la Ligue, vol. ii. p. 227. I Hist, de la Ligue, vol. i. p. 2'J5. Lesdiguieres, who was at the head of the * Davila, liv. 8. Mathieu and D'Aubigne. in loc. t Mem.de la Ligue. vol. ii. p. 230- D'Aubigne, vol. iii. p. (17. Brantome, Discours sur ies belles Rctraitcs. Davila, liv. 8. Hist, des Demiers Troubles, liv. 2, p. 43. THE KING'S RETURN TO PARIS. 217 Huguenots in that part : they sustained a total defeat in Dauphiny, and, with a few exceptions, all perished. Lesdiguieres himself was obliged to take refuge in the mountainous part soon after* The king returned to Paris the 23d of December, and made a public entry, dressed in full armour, as if he had de- feated the enemy in person. The people ridiculed his pretensions to military re- nown, and saluted him with shouts of, " Saul has slain his thousands, but David his ten thousands. "t A pamphlet was also circulated at the time, which, though publicly directed against the Duke of Epernon, was known to be levelled against the king himself. It was entitled "The Achievements of the Duke of Eper- non against the Heretics;" but the title- page was the whole of the work, all the other leaves being blank.} Henry found that the spirit of sedition had very much increased during his short absence from his capital. The clergy threw off all restraint, and publicly announced that the kins him- self had invited the foreigners to help him to suppress the league.^ The doctors of the Sorbonne had recently holden a meet- ing, when they passed a decree to sanc- tion the dethronement of all princes who did not govern properly, on the same principle that authority might be taken from a suspected guardian. || But, instead of resenting such behaviour in a proper manner, by punishing the authors of such a doctrine, he merely sent for Boucher, the leader among the doctors of the Sor- bonne, and remonstrated with him upon the impropriety of his conduct in calum- niating his lawful sovereign against the precepts of Scripture. He added, that he should be justified in following the ex- ample of Pope Sixtus V., who had sent some monks to the galleys for having made allusions to him in their sermons ; but that though he refrained from such severity on this occasion, he would surely punish in an exemplary manner any re- petition of such seditious and wicked con- ducts Such a line of policy only tended to encourage the insolence of the league ; * Davila. liv. 8, p. 41ti. Cayet, liv. 1. p. 42. t Pasquier, vol. ii. p. 3UG. Hisl. des Dermers Trou- bles, liv. a, p. 43. t Branloine.vol. x. p. 320. I) Cayet, liv. 1, p. 37. If 16lh Dec , 1587. Journal de Henri lit. U Journal de Henri III. Hist, de la Ligue, liv. 2. 19 and, from being accustomed to discuss the propriety of dethroning their king, they at last grew impatient for an opportunity. Guise's resentment was kindled at being excluded from a share in the appointments made vacant by the death of Joyeuse. He demanded the post of admiral for Brissac; and was the more vexed at being refused, as his hated rival Epernon was invested with that office, as well as with the governments of Normandy, Angouleme, and Saintonge.* Soon after, Guise and five others went in disguise to Rome, where he made himself known to no one but Cardinal Pelleve, with whom he was in communication a whole day and night: after staying there three days he returned. The nature of his business at Rome may be inferred from the circumstance of the pope's sending him a sword, with flames represented upon it. This sword, and some other arms, were sent by the hands of the Duke of Parma, who announced that Henry of Lorrain alone was entitled to bear arms for, and to be the defender of the church.f Henry soon after learned that the Lor- rain princes had convoked a meeting at Nancy at the end of January, 1588, when it was resolved to call upon the king to join the league more decidedly and openly; to dismiss all obnoxious persons from his service; to publish the council of Trent, and establish the holy inquisition, with several other clauses in unison with them.+ He then felt pleased that the King of Na- varre had gained the victory at Courtras; and regretted that he had contributed to drive away the Germans, who would faithfully have served him against a fac- tion that now avowed an intention of de- throning him. And besides being now more interested in Navarre's preservation, from the demonstration that he had no other barrier to oppose to the league, he was charmed with the moderation of the Huguenot prince, who being asked what terms he would require after gaining such a battle, answered — "The same I should ask after losing one, — a confirmation of the edict of Poictiers, for as I took arms only upon the breach of that treaty, I shall lay them aside when it is renewed."^ * D'Aubigne, M'Aubij;ne, vol. iii. p 151. Davila, liv. 9. Hist, iles Demiers Troubles, liv. 4, p. 147. C'ayet, liv. 1, pp. 105—110. J Journal de Henri III. i Davila, liv. 9. D'Aubignt, vol. iii. p. 153. Hist, des lleriiiers Troubles, liv. 4, p 149. MURDER OF THE CARDINAL OF GUISE. himself placed to save his crown and his life by that method; concluding by a re- quest that he would inform the pope of all those reasons before the misrepresenta- tions of his enemies should raise an un- favourable opinion of him in the mind of his holiness.* Morosini, perceiving the necessity of humouring the king to pre- vent his thinking of a peace with the Hu- guenots, answered him with great address; while Henry was so anxious to preserve the pope's friendship, that he swore to the legate that if Sixtus would co-operate with him, he would make still greater exertions to exterminate the heretics from his king- dom, in which he was resolved to suffer none but the true religion to be exercised. The legate was well aware of all the cir- cumstances respecting Guise's death, and Henry's communication taught him no- thing fresh on that subject ; but the king's principal aim was to have his sentiments respecting the Cardinal of Guise, whose death he had also contemplated. The le- gate, however, avoided that subject, and pretended not to know that the Cardinal and the Archbishop of Lyons were in prison : he continued his familiarity with the king, went with him to mass, and gave him marks of particular confidence. This line of conduct was interpreted by the king's friends as a silent approbation of his vengeance, and made many think that the pope was previously informed of his intentions.! The king, rinding the cardinal's impri- sonment did not create any opposition from the legate; and being informed of the violent threats he had made on hear- ing of his brother's death; and the dread of his revenge, if he lived, operating on many of the king's advisers, his death also was decided on.J But a fresh difii- * The correspondence with Cardinal Joyeuse, then nt Rome, throws great light on the projects of the Guises It is given at length by Villeroy, vol. iii. t Cayet, liv. 1, p. 110. Davila, liv. 9, p. 553. D'Au bigne, vol. iii. p. 15-2. Leti, liv. 10. But Maimbourg, upon the authority of Morosim's letter to the Cardinal Moutalto, asserts that the. interview between the king and the legate did not take plaee till the 2(ith, that is, after the death of the Cardinal. However, as Cayet, Davila, and U'Aubigne were contemporaries, and Gre- gorio Leti was in a situation to he well informed of the merits of the case, I have adopted their ver-ion, and am the more satisfied in so dning as Sixtus was very angry with ins legate for being so friendly with the i king: Morosim's letter, therefore, was a defence of his own conduct, and being ez parti, is not of such an1 overwhelming authority, as to reduce contrary state- ments to "fictions such as poets only are allowed to nee. " See Hist, de la Ltgue, vol ii. p. 91. J Vedendo dunque il re che il legato (che fa effelti- fameiite la causa della niorte del cardinale 6 almeno da : culty arose; the assassins, who had mur- ■ dered the duke without scruple, refused I to stain their hands with the blood of an ecclesiastic. At last four soldiers were found, whose objections were overcome f by a promise of four hundred crowns, i They proceeded, on the morning of the ■ twenty-fourth, to the room where the car- • dinal and his companion had passed a troubled night. On opening the door, i they called forth the archbishop, telling ! him the king wanted hiin. The two pri- i soners received each other's confession, i and were both in expectation of being murdered: as the archbishop quitted the ■ chamber, they mutually exhorted each other to think of God. After conduct- ■ ing the archbishop to another room, Du Guast, who commanded the assassins, . returned and told the cardinal he had the : king's orders to kill him. "Execute : your commission," said the cardinal, : after a short pause occupied in prayer, at the same time covering his head with his gown: the soldiers immediately put him to death with their spears.* The two bodies were placed in quick- lime to destroy the flesh, the bones were afterwards burnt to ashes, and thrown away by the king's orders: he was fearful that their remains would be treated by the league as holy relics. f Thus perished the Duke and the Car- dinal of Guise: had their death been at- tended with the bare forms of justice, there would exist but one opinion on the subject. They had succeeded in* esta- blishing such a power in the state, that they could set the laws at defiance; and it must also be recollected, that, according to the ultramontane notions, then bearing such terrible sway, the Cardinal of Guise could not be brought to judgment by the king of France. These circumstances should have their weight in estimating the king's conduct. Unhappily for him, he had been nurtured in bigotry, and trained to dissimulation. The former prevented him from acting fairly by those who would h ave preserved him from the dreadful dilemma in which he found him- questo hebbe origine la risolutione) nnn faceva alcuno caso, ne si turbava della prigtonia de Cardinale, deli- hero di passare innanzi, e liberarsi del Cardinale di Ghisa, Leti, parte 2» lib. 5°, p. 39i>. Losanna, 1669. * D'Aubigne vol. iii. p. 152. Davila, liv. 9. llist.des Derniers Troubles, liv. 4. t Journal, de Henri III., and D'Aubigne. Henry, Duke of Guise, was born in 1550. Louis, the cardinal, in 1553. 1232 IRRESOLUTION OF THE KING. self; while the latter became a ready re- source when he discovered the necessity of adopting this measure as his only al- ternative. The Duke of Guise is described as having excelled in every quality required ill nobles of the time; and the cardinal was reputed to be learned, generous, of a penetrating mind and a courageous spirit. But although the establishment of the league, and the circumstances to which it gave rise, raised the two bro- thers to the first degree of importance during the political hurricane, they can never be compared to their father, Francis, Duke of Guise, and his brother the Car- dinal of Lorrain. CHAPTER XL. Death of Catherine de Medicis— Conclusion of the States general— Violence of the League in Paris — Mayennfi appointed Lieutenant-general. The death of the Guises completely changed the face of affairs; the king, however, did not derive from the event those advantages which had been ex- pected. As so strong a measure had not been decided upon without mature delibe- ration, it should have been promptly fol- lowed up with vigour; and Henry ought to have attacked his revolted subjects before they had lime to recover from the amazement into which the loss of their chief had thrown them; but his orders were barely carried into execution when he almost regretted having given them. Irresolution, his bane, again possessed him, and he seemed to recoil from his own work. Of all the leaguers taken into custody when Guise was killed, there remained in a few days only the young Duke of Guise, the Duke of Elbceuf, the Cardinal of Bourbon, and the Archbishop of Lyons; they were confined in separate apartments in the castle of Amboise, and Du Guast, the assassin of the cardinal, was intrust- ed with the charge of them. The Duke of Nemours made his escape, and re- turned to Paris; the Duchess of Nemours (the mother of the Guises,) was set at liberty in consideration of her birth, being a grand-daughter of Louis XII.; and the different deputies to the states-general were enlarged on the plea of public faith. The Duke of Mayenne was at Lyons, and Alphonso Ornano was sent to arrest him, but without success; for directly the death of Guise was known, two leaguers had quitted Blois to warn the remaining hope of their party: and they had no time to spare, for Mayenne quitted Lyons by one gate as Ornano entered by another. He went at once to Dijon, where he was governor.* A similar activity on the part of the league anticipated the king in getting possession of Orleans. f Henry was urged to take the field, to recall the army from Poitou, and prevent Mayenne from collecting his forces. He thought, however, that he should be joined by the Catholics of the League, whose aim being more to suppress the Huguenots than to assist the Guises, would cheerfully help him in subduing the King of Navarre, and thus enable him to restore order. He contented himself therefore with publish- ing a declaration, justify ing his conduct towards the Guises, and renewing the edict of union, to show his attachment to the Catholic faith. Had he shown him- self before Orleans, his presence alone would have preserved that city from join- ing in the rebellion; but he ridiculed the advice which was given him both to that effect, and also to unite with the King of Navarre, a measure which ultimately he could not avoid.]: Soon after the Cardinal of Guise was killed, two counsellors and a clerk were sent to the Archbishop of Lyons, to ques- tion him upon the charges against the Duke of Guise. The archbishop told them, that as they were laymen they had no jurisdiction over him, and that he should not answer their questions. When this answer was reported to the king, he sent Cardinal Gondy to speak to him.§ The archbishop said, he had nothing to allege against the cardinal or the Duke of Guise, but that if he had, he neither could nor would be questioned, except by the pope, or some one delegated by him; for, as Primate of all Gaul, he had no other judge; and that even he, the cardinal, * Davila, liv 9. t Cayet, liv. 1, p. 113. Hist, des Derniers Troubles, liv. 4. p. 149. t Hist, des Derniers Troubles, liv. 4, p. 153. } Peter Gondy, liishop of Paris anil Cardinal , b rn at Lyons in 1533; died 1016. lie was brother of Martial de Relz. DEATH OF CATHERINE DE MEDICIS. 233 Teas under his primacy, being Bishop of granted liberty of conscience to his sub- Paris. " But," added he, " if Cardinal jects.* Morosini, his holiness's legate, finds, on Those of the queen-mother's deeds consulting with the other prelates, who which are known with certainty, (with- are assembled for the states-generah that out considering those which are imputed I ought to reply, I will follow their deci- to her with every appearance of pmbabi- sion; for then it will be they, and not I, |lity,) display her character more clearly who infringe upon the rights of eccle- ' than language can describe it: still the siastics." Nearly a fortnight was occu- j fact of those charges against her being pied in discussing whether the king did currently received, evidently proves that or did not possess the right, of judging a by the nation at large she was thought bishop of his kingdom; after which, the I to be capable of any crime. A notion Bishop of Beauvais, and Ruze, a secre tary of state, went to the Archbishop, and exhorted him to conform to the king's wishes, urging, as a reason for his com- pliance, that his life had been spared. But the archbishop was inflexible; he asked the bishop in what capacity he came: "If you come," said he, "as a bishop, you cannot interrogate your superior; if as a peer, it is a lay office to which I can- not submit: thank God I know the privi- leges and authority of the church; I can- not think that the kino- wishes me to dis- prevailed at Florence, that, when her na- tivity was cast, the astrologers declared that if she lived she would be the cause of very great calamities, and would totally ruin the family into which she married, and the place where she might settle. The Florentines, thinking she might cause their ruin, proposed when Clement VII. besieged them to expose her to the enemy's fire; and a preacher in his ser- mons recommended her to be disposed of in some manner: among other things it was suggested to place her in a bro- regard them; and as he has given me my thel , and keep her ignorant of her birth. f life, he surely will leave free my con- science also, which is dearer to me than a thousand lives." The archbishop con- cluded by requesting his majesty to al- low him to be accompanied by some ec- clesiastic, and to hear mass in his room, which permission was readily given.* The queen-mother died on the fifth of January, 1589. She went to see the Cardinal of Bourbon, soon after the death of Guise: as she entered his room he ex- claimed, "Ah, madam! you have led us all to be slaughtered." She assured him that she had not the least idea of it before it took place, and that she felt an un- speakable regret that it had occurred; but the Cardinal's reproaches became still more violent, and she felt severely the reflection, that she should have made her- self liable to such a charge, by a long series of duplicity and cruelty. She went home and became a prey to the vio- lent conflict of her ideas.t On her death- bed she is said to have exhorted the king to attach himself to the Princes of Bour- bon, and especially to the King of Na- varre; and to have impressed on his mind, that he never could have peace unless he * Hist, des Derniers Trouble?, liv. 4, p. 151. Davila, liv. 9 f Brantome, vol. i. p. 119. D'Aubigne, vol. iii.p. 153. Pasquier, vol. ii. p. 377. Mathieu, liv. 8, p. 669. 20* She possessed a strong mind, a per- suasive eloquence, and an invention so ready that she never wanted an expedient: this to be sure was more easy for her than for others; because to effect her purpose, she never considered any means improper or unjust. In furtherance of her artful plans, she availed herself of the licentiousness of the court, and by her encouragement raised it to a pitch of un- paralleled dissoluteness and infamy. Her principal weakness was the habit of fre- quently consulting astrologers; but in the exercise of her cruelty and perfidy, she became so much detested by both Catho- lics and Protestants that her foibles were thrown in the shade. Being entirely taken up with the weightier matters of public affairs, she paid little or no atten- tion to those subjects which generally occupy the minds of ladies of rank, and appears to have cared but little for the adulations which are invariably offered to a female sovereign.! The feelings of * De Bury. Hist, de Henri IV , vol. i. p 315. t Discours lie la Viede Catherine de Medici*, p. 355. t After a long conference at St. Bria will] [he King of Navarre, finding she coulrl not bring him to accept her terms, she asked him if the trouble she had taken was to produce noetfcct; adding that she wished for nothing more than peace. " Madam," said Navarre, " it is not my fault that you do not sleep in your own bed: imt you prevent me from sleeping in mine: the trouble you take gratifies and nourishes you, for quiet is the great- est enemy of your life "—Perejiit, liv. 1, p uS. 234 CONCLUSION OF THE STATES-GENERAL. vanity were smothered in her breast by the calculations of policy, and the spnr- rings of ambition: indeed this latter im- pulse was too strong to allow maternal affection to have its proper sway; for she encouraged her children in habits of licentiousness in order to make them sub- servient to her purposes, and to prevent them from becoming obstacles to her views, instead of exciting them to actions worthy of their important station in so- ciety. Brantome extols her as being unequalled in the management of a splen- did court, and attempts to answer many of the charges against her; while Davila attributes the greater part of those charges to malice or ignorance. The facts, how- ever, are too well authenticated for her re- putation to admit of much defence: she possessed good qualifications rather than good qualities, and the good which she effected was only momentary, while the in- juries she inflicted on the country were of long duration. Catherine de Medicis, at the time of her decease, was in the seventieth year of her age. The people of Paris, thinking she was concerned in the murder of the Guises, declared that if her body came there in its way to St. Denis, they would drag it through the streets and throw it into the river.* The states-general were closed on the sixteenth of January, as the confusion of public affairs prevented any probable benefit being derived from their consulta- tions. Previous to their separation each order presented a remonstrance to the king on the different disorders and irre- gularities in the government. The prin- cipal grievance in the eyes of the clergy was the alienation of the church lands. "Saint Augustin and several good fathers, said the Archbishop of Bouige's, have per- mitted the sale and alienation of church property for redeeming captives, and for the poor; but that was the vessels and money belonging to the church, for the alienation of church lands is without ex- ample. Charles Mart el alone has made himself infamous by attempting to obtain the estates of the church ; and a horrible serpent was afterwards found in his tomb. Not all the wars against the Albigenses, nor the distresses of the wars against the English, have been able to destroy this palladium, so much as the suggestions of concealed Huguenots."* The remonstrance of the noblesse, pre- sented by the Count de Brissac, was as inveterate against the Huguenots as that of the clergy; but while they were willing to help the king against that most dan- gerous and abominable sect, whose im- piety being extreme should be chastised with extreme severity, they would not overlook their own exclusive interests, and called on his majesty to prevent per- sons from obtaining, by money or other means, the rank and privileges of gentle- men.t Bernard, the speaker of the Tiers Etat, commenced his harangue, by solemnly thanking the king for his promise to exe- cute the holy edict of union, which he stated to be written by divine inspiration, and which would dissipate heresy, as fogs are scattered by the sun. But the picture which he afterwards gave of the state of society was sufficient to prevent any very considerable benefit to be ex- pected from ' it. " Blasphemy," said he, "is the ordinary conversation of many, and adultery is their recreation ; magic employs their minds, and occupies their curiosity; and simony is their common trade. Thus1 the splendour of justice is dimmed, good customs are perverted, virtue is banished, and vice placed in au- thority; while rapine strides through the kingdom with an unfurled standard. "| Henry's zeal for the Catholic church was well known. Duplessis-Mornay, writing to the King of Navarre, says, " Sire, I persist in my opinion of yester- day; the king will continue the war against you, unless his plans are traversed by the remains of the league faction : at any rale, he will not dare to speak of peace."} But that did not preserve him from the vengeance of the enraged Sixtus V., who, after expressing his regret that Henry should suffer so tamely the inso- lence of the league, was surprised to find that he had inflicted capital punishment on a cardinal. When he heard that Guise was killed, he told the Cardinal Joyeuse, that, if he had been King of • Journal ile Henri III. * Hist, des Oernieis Troubles, liv. 4, p. 163. t Ibid, p. 167. t Ibid. p. 170. § Mem. de Duplessis, vol. i p. 878. The letter is dated 27ih December, 1588. EXCITEMENT OF THE POPE. 235 France, he would have done the same ;| have fled, and the populace would soon but the news of the cardinal's arrest had have become calm and satisfied. The put him in so violent a rage, that when city appeared overwhelmed with grief and Cardinal Gondy arrived at Rome, he sat, astonishment; and the mass was per- up a whole night with the Marquis Pisany, i formed in the churches without any kind the French ambassador, consulting on of music* But the king's indecision the best means of preparing the pontiff! ruined every thing, by giving time for the for the news of which he was the bearer, active rebels to rally their companions; It was impossible to avoid irritating him and in a few days the fury of the league exceedingly by the communication, and l burst forth with redoubled fierceness. We he refused to hear any thing of the king's I learn from the journal of the time, that on attachment to the church. Sixtus said it j the 29th of December, the people, on was useless to talk of Henry's submission leaving the church of St. Bartholomew, to the church, while he held prisoners the [where Dr. Lincestre had been preaching, Cardinal of Bourbon and the Archbishop pulled down the king's arms which were of Lyons: " Your master," said he to the1 over the door, broke them to pieces, and messengers, "thinks to deceive me, and! trampled them in the kennel, — being ani- treats me as if I were no more than a poor \ mated to it by the discourse tney had just monk; but you shall find that you deceive j heard, upon the perjuries and heresies of yourselves, and that you have to deal with I Henry of Valois, who was no longer their a pontiff who is ready to shed plenty of; king, f blood when the honour and interest of the! church require support." father," said Pisany, " shall rny master be at liberty to kill the Cardi Versoris, who had been employed as " But, holy ! the advocate of the Jesuits, was so affected not the king I by the murder of the Lorrain princes, that it caused his death. As he was ex- nal of Guise, his mortal enemy, after Pope piring, he embraced Guise's portrait; Pius IV. has authorized the murder of; arid, being shown that of the king, he Cardinal Caraffe, who had been one of! called him a tyrant, and broke it to his friends]" Sixtus was too enraged to reply, and dismissed them both from his presence.* When the consistory was assembled, Sixtus gave vent to his rage against Morosini, whom he accused of not having done what he could to prevent the cardi- nal's death : he even threatened to de- prive him of his purple. t Some time after a bull of excommunication was issued against the King of France, notwithstand- ing repeated missions to Rome, to pacify the pontiff, and obtain his absolution. pieces.}; The preachers exerted themselves to inflame the public mind; and the cardi- nal's death gave them great scope for their declamations. "To murder the duke," said Lincestre, "indicated but little attachment to the Holy Union ; but to assassinate a prelate was a crime against religion itself. The Catholics must unite to avenge this crime, and em- ploy, if necessary, their last mite, and their last drop of blood for it. Swear to do so; swear it, all of ye! and lift up While the king was wasting his time at 'your right hands in token of your oath." Blois, his enemies were making great ad- jThe president, *Harlay, happened to be vantages, and the progress of rebellion in 'present, and the preacher insolently called Paris surpassed all idea. When the out to him — "Lift up your hand, also, Mr. leaguers first heard of the death of their Chief President, lift it up high, that every chief they were paralyzed: they con-j sidered it impossible for the king to have body may see it."§ Every pulpit resounded with invectives attempted such a thing, unless he were; against the king's person, and with the most sure of some support, of which at present pathetic descriptions of the tragical death they knew nothing. Their fears there- fore magnified its force; and there can be no doubt that, if Henry had sent some officer of rank to Paris, with a few troops, the violent members of the league would * G. Leti, Vi'a diSisto V. lib. 10. f Ibid. of the two brothers, who were extolled as martyrs. The hearers were moved to tears ; but, instead of inculcating Christian * Davila, liv. 10; f Journal de Henri III. § 1st Jan. 1589. Cayet, Henri III. liv. % Ibid. 1, p. 118. Journal de 236 VIOLENCE OF THE LEAGUE IN PARIS. doctrines, and holding up the examples of Christian martyrs, the preachers en- deavoured to inspire an ardent desire of revenge. " So' that those," says Maim- bourg, " who had no wish to weep or to sigh ; and who were scandalized with manners so very unworthy of a holy ministry, were constrained to counterfeit weeping, for fear of being murdered."* If we can depend upon Marshal Bas- sompierre's narrative, the reanimation of the league was principally occasioned by the discovery of a concealed treasure, which enabled his father, Christopher Bas- sompierre, to raise an army of foreigners. That gentleman was a native of Lorrain, and a warm partisan of the League. He was at Blois during the meeting of the states-general; and as he was known to pos- sess great influence among the Germans and Swiss, the king sent Crillon to arrest him immediately after the death of Guise. Bassompierre, having some apprehensions of such a measure, made preparations for leaving Blois, and escaped with one at- tendant, as the bridge was being drawn up. He passed through Chartres, where he called upon the people to take arms, and proceeded to Paris, where he was in- troduced to the council, then deliberating at the Hotel-de-Ville. His opinion was, that, unless they had money sufficient to carry on a war, they had better make the best terms possible with the king. The assembly took time for delibera- tion : in the interval, a mason, who had been employed in concealing a sum of five hundred and' thirty thousand golden crowns, denounced this fact to the council, who immediately decided upon a war, and commissioned Bassompierre to levy troops in Germany, and Switzer- land.t The Sixteen elected the Duke of Aumale for their governor : he had not entertained the most favourable idea of the estates of Blois, and had remained in Paris.t This choice was remarkable, as it was rumoured that he had been in treaty with the king: he demanded the government of Picardy and Boulogne, and that his debts should be liquidated out of the public treasury. 5 * Hist, de la Ligue. vol. ii. p. 114. f Mem. de Bassompierre, vol. i. pp. 23 — 5. t Davila, liv. 10. , It was also believed that the Duchess of Aumale de- cided Henry by a letter which she sent, to warn him The Duchess of Montpensier, a woman of great courage, contributed very much to rally the spirits of the league ; and it was said that her tongue did the king more harm than her brother's swords.* The Duchess of Guise, who was pregnant at the time, at first gave vent to her grief, and in silence and retirement poured forth lamentations and tears. But afterwards she presented a demand to the parliament, calling for an inquiry into her husband's death. The proceedings on this point were carried to a great length ; but when affairs took another turn, and the Parisians opened their gates to Henry IV., the leaves of the register were torn out and de- stroyed, to avoid the resentment of that prince, and of those counsellors who would not be parties to the proceedings. f Most probably that refusal on the part of some counsellors of the parliament was the cause of their being sent to the Bas- tille. On the morning of the 16th of January, Bussy-le-Clerc, accompanied by twenty-five or thirty blackguards, armed with pistols and cuirasses, went into the court, and calling several counsellors by name, told them to follow him to the Hotel-de-Ville. Harlay and some others wished to know by what authority he thus acted, but was only told that they had better lose no time in making objec- tions, or force would be used. When the presidents Harlay and Pothier followed Bussy, they were attended by all the counsellors, even those who were not called, alleging that they could not sepa- rate from their captains. Instead of going to the Hotel-de-Ville, they were led to the Bastille, and a new parliament was formed, consisting of persons devoted to the league. Mole was appointed attorney-general by acclamation, although he was on Bussy's list ; and it was with regret he accepted the office, but to 'have refused it might have cost him his life, on account of the hatred borne to all who were suspected of favouring the claims of the king of Na- varre. Brisson was made the new chief president, and in that quality assented to a decree declaring the king fallen from his dignity, and deprived of his authority; but at the same time, to make sure of a aijainst some violent measures contemplated by lie Guises. See the Satyre Menipee. * Davila, liv. 10. p 9. t lb., liv. 10. Cayet, liv. 1, p. 140. MAYENNE APPOINTED LIEUTENANT-GENERAL. 327 good plea, in the event of the king's party prevailing, he made a protestation before two notaries, in which he declared he had been compelled to give his assent to mea- sures against his inclination, and that he had no other means of saving the lives of his wife and children.* A few days after a herald arrived from the king, ordering Aumale to leave Paris, and forbidding the parliament and other courts to exercise any jurisdiction. So far were the leaguers from paying any at- tention to this summons, that they put the herald in prison, whence, after remaining some time in expectation of being hanged, he was insultingly sent away. Every thing which could be devised was done to encourage the popular hatred to the king; even his name was detested, and no one would venture to mention it. Pro- cessions of children were considered a sure way of touching the sensibility of the people ; and they frequently paraded the streets. On one occasion they had assem- bled to the number of near a hundred thousand : they went from the cemetery of the Innocents to the church of St. Genevieve, each carrying a taper of con- secrated wax. As they entered the church, they extinguished the lights, and uttered expressions indicating that the race of Valois should become equally ex- tinct. Other persons joined these proces- sions afterwards, when the young women, to show their excessive grief, went half naked ; and as nocturnal processions were made, the greatest disorders arose from the licentious conduct of the Duke of Au- male and his young companions.t The decree of the Sorbonne, which re- leased the French from their allegiance to the king, had the full effect which its au- thors intended.]: By this the confessors were enabled to. stifle in the breasts of their penitents every vestige of fidelity to the king: absolution was refused to all who would not renounce him as their so- vereign ; and some recommended his as- sassination as a meritorious act. Every portrait, statue, and bust of Henry III. was then thrown down, destroyed, and cast with execrations into the river ; while those of the Guises were placed upon the * Journal de Henri lit. Cayet, liv. 1, p. 121. De Thou, liv. 94. he Grain, liv. 4. Davila, liv 10. t Journal de Henri III. Le Grain, liv. 4. p. 170. t Cayet, liv. 1, p. 119. It was dated l?Ui January, altars. Lincestre and Boucher, in the mean time, were indefatigable in preaching to the people the most inflammatory dis- courses: Lincestre, in particular, recom- mended assassination. " I still hear it questioned," said he, "if it be lawful to kill Henry of Valois : for my part, I declare that I should be ready to kill him at all times ; even when I am at the altar, and holding the precious body of the Lord in my hands."* While the Parisians were in this state of excitement, the Duke of Mayenne ar- rived towards the end of February. He had received letters while at Dijon from his sister, the Duchess of Montpensier, who gave him every encouragement to make an effort for obtaining the crown ; and certainly the flaming enthusiasm of the leaguers throughout France afforded him the greatest chance of success. No wonder, therefore, that he disregarded a letter from the king, in justification of the death of the Guises, and offering to unite with him for preserving the peace among the Catholics, in order to make war against the Huguenots. The duchess, however, would not trust to her letter alone, but went to Dijon notwithstanding the inclemency of the season. Her ex- hortations, and the advice he received from-Aumale and others, made him decide on becoming chief of the league: he com- missioned persons to make preparations for carrying on the war, and proceeded to Paris, where he was solemnly invested with the dignity of lieutenant-general of the state and crown of France: he was to have the full powers of royalty until that point should be decided by the states-ge- neral, which would be held at Paris in the month of July.t The king was fearful of being sur- prised at Blois, and removed to Tours, to which town he transferred the parliament and royal courts of Paris. f He ordered an inquiry to be instituted into the crimi- nality of the two Lorrain princes; but the league laughed him to scorn, and em- ployed two doctors of the Sorbonne to inquire into his private life and conduct.^ He found himself abandoned also by the * Journal de Henri III. t Davila, liv. 10. Le Grain, liv. 4. I '23d March, 1589. Recueil des clioses memorables, &c, depuis la Ciosture des Estals de Blois jusques a la mort de Henri III. § Hist, du Parlement de Paris, ch. 30. 238 AFFAIRS OF THE HUGUENOTS. Duke of Mercosur, the brother of his con- sort, who joined the league with the whole of Brittany, the parliament of Rennes excepted. In a word, his condi- tion was desperate: he found his domi- nion reduced to very little more than the town in which he lived, and the prediction of his dying mother was recalled to his mind: he was, in fact, a king without a kingdom. He had been uniform in his haired and opposition to the Protestants: he had refused on several occasions to accept of their services on more equal terms: he was now compelled to join them, for his personal safety. CHAPTER XLI. ileview of the Affairs of the Huguenots — Meeting at Rodie He— Reconciliation between Henry III. arid the King of Navarre — Attack upon Tours by the Duke of Mayenne — Paris invested by the Royal Annies. The important events, which in the course of 1588 succeeded each other with such rapidity at Paris and at Blois have excluded the affairs of the Huguenots from our attention : it will therefore be ne- cessary to revert to the early part of that year, when we left the King of Navarre in rather unfortunate circumstances, in consequence of the dispersion of his Ger- man auxiliaries. It was useless for him to attempt keeping the field with his small force, and he retired to Rochelle, where his little court was occupied with his pri- vate affairs, and particularly with a mar- riage which he then contemplated with the Countess of Guiche. His faithful ad- visers succeeded in convincing him that in his situation such a measure might be- an important post, on account of its vicinity to Rochelle. Navarre made a spirited effort to relieve the garrison, but in vain. In the month of June he attacked it with success, and expelled the troops placed there by Laverdin. On the day the prin- cipal attack was made, the Huguenots were discerned to be at prayer, and the garrison directly exclaimed to one ano- ther, " They are at prayers, and wilt beat us as at Courtras :" this prediction may in a measure have been realized by then- own dejection.* Later in the summer an expedition was planned for taking the town of St. Lazare, at the mouth of the Loire. Duplessis- Mornay was to conduct the maritime ope- rations, and the King of Navarre was to lead the land forces. The troops were to embark at Beauvoir, and Navarre set out in that direction. But some time was lost in a fruitless attempt to take Clisson, a fortified town in his route, and when he arrived at Beauvoir, in the beginning of October, the wind prevented his getting out. To compensate for the disappoint- ment, he resolved on laying siege to the castle of that place, which was held by the Catholics, and was well garrisoned and fortified.! The castle was well defended, which compelled the besiegers to make great ex- ertions ; and the King of Navarre was always in the most dangerous and difficult posts. On one occasion, he was out sur- veying the surrounding country, and Vil- leserin, the commander of the castle, placed forty-five men in ambush on the road by which the King of Navarre would return. When he was within thirty paces walking carelessly and conversing with D'Aubigne, all those men started up, and levelled their come an insuperable impediment in ob- . . ■ . ,. . v, . , .. pieces at him. The King of Navarre s taming bis rights to the crown after the ,. , . ,. . , , ° , ., , , ,,° , XT e TTT , . . ; , . attendants immediately placed themselves death of Henry III., and he consented to , c .. , ,. , , J\ u- i ,. ,, c before him, and shielded his person : and adjourn the discussion for the space of two ! ^e r years. In the interval a change tookj, place in his sentiments, and he never re-| .[, £ , .. . . . ', ~ . c with great precipitation, and did but little newed the subiect — the Countess of ~. m, TT . L l execution Guiche, in fact, had been superseded in j )e and support of the Huguenots, fired by the Marchioness of i ^ ., ,. . J Catholics to The Huguenots very soon be- came the assailants, and compelled the retreat. This circumstance his affections Guierchevi e. |w afterwards of great utility to the Hu The death of the Prince of Conde had I .„,...& lL. : c . afforded an opportunity to Laverdin, a Catholic commander, to attack Marans, guenots, for when the governor found there was no chance of any help being * Hist, des Amours du Grand Jllcandre, at the begin- 176 ning. D'Aubigne, Mem. p. 123. * Mem. de Duplessie, vol. i. p. 855. Cayel, liv. 1, p. | Mem. de la Ligue, vol. ii. p. 526. THE HUGUENOTS MEET AT ROCHELLE. 239 sent to him, he offered to capitulate as the best way of avoiding Navarre's resent- ment for his recent attempt. The Duke of Nevers, soon after coming into the pro- vince with his army, compelled the Hu- guenots to abandon their original design on St. Lazare. Navarre strengthened the garrisons of the different surrounding towns, and returned again to Rochelle.* While the states-general were assem- bled at Blois, the Huguenots held a meet- ing of their churches at Rochelle. The deputies met on the 12th of November.! The ministers did not fail to reproach the King of Navarre with his improper con- duct, and with his prodigality to his Ca- tholic friends, while he permitted his ser- vants of the reformed religion to suffer terpoise. St. Gelais commanded the party : they approached the town very silently, and having placed their petards for burst- ing the gate, the ladders were set against the wall. The order preserved on this occasion could be equalled only by the re- solution displayed. On their arrival the moon shone bright, and they were obliged to lie concealed, waiting on the frozen ground till the moon was down : on placing the ladders at the foot of the wall, a senti- nel called out Qui va la? but the silence they observed, and their adroitness in con- cealing themselves was such that they could hear the sentinel tell the patrol of the guard that he had heard some noise, but that it was nothing. Soon after they succeeded in mounting the wall, and the extreme indigence: they charged him with petards being discharged against the gate having sold the isle of Oleron to the Ca- tholics; and they dwelt with severity upon his shameless incontinence.]; But the si- tuation of affairs would not admit of the Huguenots being at variance with Na- varre, nor could he dispense with their services, and the meeting was brought to unanimity by the proposal to send a de- putation to Blois. The request addressed j to the states-general was, that the king should restore to them (exiles for their re- ligion) the privileges granted by the edict of January, 1561; that they should be re- instated in the enjoyment of their property and estates ; and that a national council should be assembled, when the doctors of both parties might in perfect safety calmly discuss the differences of their opinions, and solemnly decide upon the result. § The temper of the majority of the deputies at the states-general destroyed all chance of this request obtaining any considera- tion ; and its presentation only served to stimulate the more violent leaguers. The King of Navarre was at St. Jean- d'Angely when he received the intelligence of Guise's death, on the third day after it had taken place. He was then engaged in an attack upon Niort; and, to the sur- prise of several of his officers, the news caused no change in his operations. The Duke of Nevers was besieging Ganache, a town held by the Huguenots, and this enterprise was considered a sort of coun- * Cayet, liv. l, p. 87. D'Aubigne, vol. iii. p. 129, et scq. t Mem. de la Ligue. vol. ii. p. 529. t D'Aubigne, vol. iii. p. J33. } Hist, dee Derniers Troubles, liv. 4, p. 138. at the same time made an entrance for the rest of the party, and the town was com- pletely in their possession after a short struggle. Five large and some small guns were found in the place.* Ganache in the mean time was well de- fended. After a cannonade of four days, the Duke of Nevers ordered an assault, which the besieged repulsed with great finnness.f Navarre had set out to relieve the place, but was seized with a sudden illness, which at one time was so violent that his death was generally reported. His complaint was a pleurisy, with a vio- lent fever, and he was taken ill at a vil- lage, where no medical assistance could be had for two days.J The Duke of Ne- vers having offered favourable terms, and the besieged seeing no chance of being succoured, a capitulation was agreed to, and the garrison evacuated the town, taking with them their arms arid baggage.Q During the King of Navarre's illness, the Duke of Nevers had returned to Blois, as his presence there was likely to be more useful to the King of France. On his re- covery he proposed to attack Brouageand Saintes, which he could then do with ad- vantage, as the king's forces in those parts were very trifling. But Duplessis-Mornay opposed his plan: "It is very well," said he, "if we are to grow old in these marshes; but if you are ever to be King of France, * 28 Dec. 1588. Cayet, liv. ], p. 1 14- Hist, des Der- niers Troubles, liv. 4, p. 155. D'Aubigne, vol. iii. p. 157. De Thou, liv. 94. t Jan. 1589. % Mem. cle Duplessis, vol. i. p. 883. § Mem. de la Ligue, vol. ii. p. 552. Mem. de Nevers. vol. i. p. 878. De Thou, liv. 94. Cayet, liv. 1, p. 136. 240 THE KING RECONCILED WITH NAVARRE. you must direct your views elsewhere. ! should think no more of his differences The shortest of those sieges will detain 'in that quarter; that he was insulted by you two months, and during that time the courts of Spain and Rome, and was France will be lost. But take the field I in danger of suffering in his own person, with all your troops and cannon, attempt1 what had been done to his effigy in Paris something of consequence, go towards the : and Toulouse; that by availing himself Loire and attack such places as Saumur. j of the help of the Huguenots, he could The king, pressed on both sides, will not carry into effect his old threat of making venture to treat with Mayenne, his hands 1 use of one enemy to be avenged upon ano- being stained with the blood of his brothers, 1 ther;* and that such a measure was not and he will be forced to throw himself unprecedented, for many Catholic kings into your arms."* jand emperors had made use of infidels Navarre was convinced by this reason- and heretics against their enemies, ing; and, in order to make the King of These arguments induced the king to France more ready to join him, he pub- consent to a treaty .f lished a manifesto addressed to the three . The Duke of Epernon informed Na- estates of the kingdom, in which he so- varre of the king's willingness to con- lemnly called upon them to quit the league, 1 elude a treaty, and Sully was sent to and warned them, that if they persisted in court incognito.} Henry repeated to that their rebellion, he was resolved, if the messenger, that he wished to unite him- king called upon him, to take the field in self with the King of Navarre: Sully, his behalf, and he hoped by divine help to] however, being aware of the King's fic- frustrate their designs: he publicly offered kle disposition, asked for a letter to his his protection to all towns and persons who would renounce their connexion with the league, promising that there should be nothing changed in the police or in reli- gion. He afterwards deplored the neces- sity of bearing arms in civil war: " would master, which Henry refused to give. "For fear lest it should fall into the hands of the legate, or the Duke of Ne- vers; and that, notwithstanding his good will to him, he could not prevent his fall- ing into their hands, if they discovered to God!" said he, "that I had never been [that he had come to Tours." Stiil the a captain, since my apprenticeship was to' assurances he gave to Sully, arid the be made at the expense of France. I am ready to ask peace of my lord the king; repose for his kingdom and for mine. I have often been summoned to change my religion, but how 1 — with a dagger at my throat ! If you simply desire my salvation, I thank you; but if you desire my conver- sion because you are afraid lest at some time I should constrain you, you are wrong."t A reconciliation with Navarre was pro- posed to Henry III. by some of his ad- visers, but his aversion to the Huguenots prevented him from listening to it. He preferred purchasing an ignominious peace of the League; and had written to that effect to "the Duke of Lorrain. At last his council convinced him that he could no longer delay coming to some decision, for he would soon find himself alone between the two factions: that he had done more to pacify the pope than anv king had done before, and therefore firmness with which he addressed him, satisfied the King of Navarre, who from that time discontinued his hostile ope- rations. "Return," said he' to Sully," " and take my letters to him, for I fear neither Morosin, nor Nevers."§ The Duchess of Angouleme, Henry's natural sister, was the person who con- tributed principally to the. conclusion of a treaty: she was highly esteemed by both parties, and persuaded each to make concessions, which at first were positive- ly refused. || Mornay concluded a treaty on the 3rd of April, which stipulated that there should be a truce between the two kings for twelve months; that they should make a war in concert against the league; and that the Huguenots should have Saumur, an important passage "on * Vie de Mornay, p. 127. t Mathieu, liv. 8, p. 734. It was dated 4th March, 1589. * De inimicis meis, vindicabo inimicos mr.os, an expres- sion which Henry frequently made use of. ■f Davila, liv. 10. Maimbourg, Hist, dc la Ligue, vol. ii. p. 159. t Although he was styled Rosny for several years after this period. I have uniformly called him by the name most familiar to us. $ Sully, liv. 3. J Cayet, liv. 1, p. 165. MEETING BETWEEN THE KING AND NAVARRE. 241 the Loire. It was also agreed that the treaty should not be made public till a considerable time after.* Henry was averse to the cession of Saumur, but the discussion was given up, in consequence of his discovering that Du Guast, who held the castle of Amboise, was in treaty with the League; their emissaries having persuaded him that the king had accused him at Rome of having sacrificed the Cardinal of Guise to his private resent- ment; and it became necessary to pacify him, and separate his prisoners. At the same time, the king learned that a plot was in agitation to gain the city of Tours for the league; emissaries had spread a report that" the place was to be delivered to the Huguenots, and the sedition was appeased with difficulty .t The pope's legate and the Spanish ambassador were indignant when they heard that negotiations were carrying on with the Huguenots: the former made a remonstrance, and the latter abruptly quitted the court, and fixed his residence at Paris.t As the king had assured the legate that he had not consented to treat with the Huguenots, until he was com- pelled by the obstinacy of the pope in refusing him absolution, and the refusals of the Lorrain princes to come to some arrangement, the legate entreated him to grant a delay of ten days, in which he might try to bring the Duke of Mayenne to terms. He offered, in the king's name, the government of Burgundy, and forty thousand crowns per annum to Mayenne, who was also to have the disposal of all vacant places in that province: the young Duke of Guise was offered the govern- ment of Champagne, with a pension of twenty thousand crowns. But he could make no impression on Mayenne, al- though for two days he endeavoured to persuade him to accept the king's offers. In speaking of the king, Mayenne con- stantly called him a wretch, and declared that he would not listen to any proposal from a perfidious man, who had neither faith nor honour: that he never would trust to the word of him, who had so cruelly murdered his brothers, and vio- lated not only the public faith, but also the oath he had made upon the holy sa- * Mem. de Duplessis, vol. i. p. 897. D'Aubignc, vol. iii. p. 168. t Davila, liv. 10. J Ibid. 21 crament. The legate, finding lie could not succeed with the Duke of Mayenne, was as unwilling to remain with the king, as to encourage the rebellious leaguers: he therefore decided on quit- ting France, and soon after went to Rome, to give an account of his lega- tion.* The two kings met in the park of Tours, on the 30th of April, amidst the acclamations of an immense multitude. The King of Navarre was some time in deciding whether he should trust his per- son to him who was an avowed enemy of the Protestants; but as Catherine de Medicis and the Duke of Guise no longer existed, he banished all suspicion from his mind. As he approached Tours, he stopped on the banks of the river Cher, and conversed with his gentlemen before he crossed it. Several of his old captains were averse to his going: they argued, that so desperate were the king's affairs, that he would be glad to obtain the pope's absolution, even by sacrificing the life of the King of Navarre. They would not consent to expose him on the promise of a prince whose word could not be trusted.f At length Navarre broke the conversation, by saying, " Come on, the resolution is taken; we must not think any more about it." He crossed the river immediately, and went to meet the King of France.! Henry had waited some time for bis arrival, and showed great displeasure at the suspicions entertained by Navarre's friends. The crowd was so great, that it was some time before they could ap- proach: when they met, the King of Na- varre went on his knee; but Henry III. raised him up, called him his dear bro- ther, and embraced him several times, while the people shouted Vivent les i?oi's.§ They separated in the evening; but early next day, Navarre visited the king in his chamber, accompanied only by a page: this mark of confidence com- pletely dissipated every unfavourable feeling in Henry's mind. The King of Navarre derived equal satisfaction; and wrote to Mornny, " The ice has been broken, not without a number of warn- ings, that if I went it would cost my * Maimbouie, Hist, de la Ligur, vol. ii. pp. 160 — 1)5. t De Thou, liv. 95. Le Grain, liv. 4. Pere rile, liv. 1. j Sully, liv. 3. 5 Cayet, liv. 1, p. 186. De Thou, liv. 95. 242 DANGER OF THE KING. life."* Mornay replied, " Sire, you have done what you ought to do, but what no one could have advised you to do."t The greatest unanimity pervaded the two armies; Catholics and Huguenots forgot their injuries, and different nobles, who were at variance, agreed to lay aside their disputes, and unite to serve the king. The war had commenced in Nor- mandy, by the Duke of Montpensier be- sieging Falaise, held by the League; and Mayenne on his side had obtained pos- session of Vendome. This movement made it probable that he would attack Tours; and it was fortunate for the King of France that he had been joined by the Huguenots; but for their assistance, he would have been made a prisoner by the leaguers. Mayenne had agents even among the king's personal attendants: he received information of the reconciliation between him and Navarre, and also of the weak state of the guards at Tours; and his aim was to get possession of Henry's person before the Huguenots had all arrived, for the King of Navarre had gone to meet the infantry of his army. Some of the courtiers, who were hours, obtained possession of it. The town seemed likely to fall into his power, and Henry's condition was desperate. Crillon, at the head of the infantry, made an obstinate stand against the assailants, and boldly disputed every inch of ground. But the duke's force was too great to be driven back; and, in addition, he re- ceived a reinforcement of cavalry which the Chevalier d'Aumale brought to him. The only chance of preserving the town then rested on the defence of the bridge. Cannon were placed upon it, but the hatred which animated the leaguers was fiercer than the fire from the batteries, and they advanced to the foot of the bridge, where a furious combat took place. Henry fought there with great valour. He did not fail to encourage those around him, for every thing de- pended on their exertion. " On your bravery this day," said he, " depends the fate of your unhappy king." By won- derful efforts of courage, the defence was prolonged till evening, when Chatillon arrived with five hundred chosen men, sent forward by the King of Navarre, who had received the news of Mayenne's attack, and was hastening on with his in confederacy with Mayenne, engaged to | main body. This seasonable reinforce persuade the king" to take a ride, when ment arrested the progress of the assail an ambuscade would be prepared to seize him; If that plan failed, Mayenne was immediately to attack one of the suburbs of Tours, and draw thither the King's forces; the leaguers in the city were then to take arms, seize on the principal posts, and shut the gates before the king could return: it would then be hardly possible for him to escape. On the night of the seventh of May, the duke marched eleven leagues, and early the following morning he posted some cavalry at the spot agreed upon. The king went out on horseback, accompanied by those who were in the secret, and was proceeding direct to the place of ambush, when a miller called out to him, " Go back, Sire ! your enemies are close at hand." The king turned his horse, galloped back to Tours, and im- mediately gave orders for putting the town in a state of defence.! Mayenne attacked the faubourg St. Symphorian, and after fighting for several * Mem. de Duplessis, vol. i. p. 901. + Vie de Mornay, p. 135. J Cayet, liv. 1, pp. 180 187. ants; and other troops arriving the next day, the Duke of Mayenne thought fit to retire.* It is said that when the leaguers saw the Huguenots, they called out to them, " Retire, white scarfs! Retire, Chatillon! We are not against you, but against your father's murderers!" But the Huguenots were not deceived: Chatillon called out in reply that they were traitors, and that when the service of his prince and the state was concerned, he laid aside all private interests.! The royalists lost near four hundred men in defending the place, while the leaguers had not more than a hundred killed. The Duke of Mayenne glutted his vengeance on the dead body of St. Mallin, one of those who had murdered his brother. The hands and head were cut off; the body was hung up by the heels; and the head was ordered to be put up at Montfaucon, with a notice stating, that he had ordered him to be put to death, and that the body * Davila, liv. 10. t Journal de Henri III., and D'Aubigne. HENRY III. BEFORE PARIS. 243 ought to be accompanied by that of Hen- ry III., the author of the murder. The troops committed dreadful excesses in the faubourg: they robbed all the churches, and subjected the women and girls to violence.* The historian De Thou was at Tours at the time, and confirms the preceding J statement in a great measure; but he ex- presses his doubts of Mayenne having killed St. Mallin in the way he announced it. He says that he and Chatillon con- versed a great deal with the inhabitants about what they had seen and experi- enced, and that not one of them men- tioned the execution. Mayenne's bulle-j tin contains many things which were proved to be false; among others that Crillon and Rubeaupre were killed, and that Marshal d'Aumont was dangerously wounded: it is not, therefore, surprising; that he should have exaggerated a state- ! ment calculated to make him popular with the league.f From the time Henry had been joined by the King of Navarre, his affairs took a | different turn ; and the bravery he dis- j played in the defence of Tours was a comfort to his real friends, who feared that all his energy was extinct. Manyj persons now joined his party, who had | kept aloof while they considered his cause hopeless; and many places which had joined the league again returned to their duty. Several towns in the Orleannais submitted to him ; Poissy, Meulan, and Estampes were reduced ; and, in capitu- lating, they declared they wanted no other security than Navarre's word, which was worth more than the written promises of Henry III. Senlis also had declared in favour of the king on the ar- rival of Thore ; and the Duke of Aumale sustained a defeat by La Noue, while he was occupied in besieging it :i the Duke of Montpensier had likewise been suc- cessful in Normandy. Still the king was desirous of going farther from Paris, and it required great persuasion to keep him from retiring to Limoges. \ While he was at Estampes he received intelligence of the papal excommunica- tion having been issued against him : he regretted it very much, for having always * Davila, liv. 10. Journal de Henri III. tDeThou, liv. 95. j Amirault, p. 338. 5 Cayet, liv. 1, p. 207—212. D'Aubigne, vol. iii. p 171. Brantome, vol. ix. p. 333. Davila, liv. 10. exerted himself for the religion, he con- sidered it unjust to be excommunicated because he would not be murdered by rebellious subjects ; while others who had sacked Rome, and imprisoned the pope himself, had not been so treated. " Sire," said Navarre to him, " those persons were victorious, and for that reason your ma- jesty should strive to be conqueror, for then your absolution will follow as a mat- ter of course; but if we are overcome, we shall all die heretics and excommuniT cate."* The persuasions of the king of Na- varre, and the great change in 'the state of his affairs, decided Henry to attempt the siege of Paris. Sancy had been into Switzerland, and was on his march to join him with a large body of troops le- vied there.t The royal army amounted altogether to near forty-thousand men. Pontoise was taken on the twenty-fifth of July, and a few days after they took pos- session of the bridge of St. Cloud, where Henry III. fixed his head-quarters. As he surveyed Paris from the height, he is said to have given vent to his feelings, and to have vowed complete vengeance against that rebellious city.f The King of Navarre took his quarters at Meudon, and spread his forces along the south side of the city as far as Charenton. The leaguers were in the greatest perplexity, for at the sight of the royal army many concealed royalists had declared them- selves openly: a general attack was de- cided upon, and it was to be made in a few days ; but in the interval Henry was assassinated. CHAPTER XLII. Assassination of Henry III. by James Clement — Acces- sion of Henry IV. The approach of the two kings to Pa- ris filled the league with alarm. The army was reduced by desertions. The Duke of Mayenne had taken every pos- sible measure for making a good defence, and bastions were thrown up, and trenches were dug, for that purpose ; but as there were numbers of persons in the * Davila, liv. 10. t Cayet, liv. 1, p. 210. De Thou, liv. 96. Discours de Harlay de Sancy, p. 38. This piece is inserted in Ville- roy, vol. v. % Davila, liv. 10. 244 ASSASSINATION OF HENRY III. city, who, being only retained by fear from declaring their opinions, would be sure to join the king when he presented himself, very little hope was entertained of repelling the expected attack. As a last resource, Mayenne had decided on dashing into the ranks of the royal army with a body of devoted followers, and if escape should then appear impracticable, he resolved to seek in a glorious death a refuge from the disgrace which appeared almost inevitable.* The ecclesiastics re doubled their efforts to inflame the pub- lic mind, and inspire that enthusiasm which the emergency required. The preachers had for a long time declared that it would be meritorious in any one to assassinate the tyrant ; and, from the time, the two kings had met at Tours, that abominable notion had mote earn- estly been dwelt upon. The success which attended the king's operations in June and July appeared likely to restore him to the exercise of his authority: their own safety, therefore, made them seek for some bold or fanatical spirit, who would execute the horrible commission. A young Dominican, named James Clement, distinguished for his violent enthusiasm, even amongst the most en- thusiastic of the League, was the person they employed. His passions were strong, his principles libertine, and his fanaticism unequalled. He constantly went armed in the processions; and, as lie was vehement in calling for war against the heretics, he obtained the name of Captain Clemen!. He was fully imbued with the blind zeal of his party; and as he looked upon Henry III. as a murderer, anathematized by the church, he wanted but little to excite him to the task. His brother monks, fear- ing he might grow cool, and reflect upon the enormity of the crime in contempla- tion, made use of the following stratagem. An opening was made in his cell, and, in the night, a man surrounded with a blaze of light, descended and woke up Cle- ment. Surprise and agitation prevented him from recognising either the figure or the voice of the person, who was pro- bably a brother monk, for it would have been dangerous to intrust the secret to a stranger. It appeared to Clement to be * Davila, liv. 10. really an angel, as it was also publicly declared to be by the Dominican monks.* " James !" said he, " I am the messen- ger of the Almighty, come to inform thee that the tyrant of France is to die by thy hand: the martyr's crown is prepared for thee, prepare thyself also." The phan- tom then disappeared. Clement was unable fully to comprehend this vision, and in the morning went to the prior of his convent, Father Burgoing: "a man," says the writer before quoted, " very scientific, and well versed in the holy scriptures." After relating frankly what he had seen, Clement asked the prior if it would be offensive to God to kill a king who had no religion, and who sought to oppress his poor subjects, thirsting after innocent blood, and abounding in every possible vice. Bur- going told him, "That, in reality, we were forbidden by God to commit homi- cide; but as the kingin question was a man set apart from the church, practising ex- ecrable tyrannies, and who seemed bent on being an eternal scourge to France, he considered that whosoever put him to death would do a very holy and com- mendable thing." He then directed his attention to Judith, Ehud, and Jael; and compared the deliverance which would result from it to that of Israel from Egypt. Clement's resolution being confirmed, he prepared for the king's assassination by fasting and prayers. On one occa- sion, when he was praying in the church, some monks, concealed behind the prin- cipal altar, called out to him through a tube — " James Clement ! kill the king 1" No doubt could any longer exist as to the authority of his holy mission : he con- fessed, and took the sacraments, and then presented himself to the Dukes of May- enne and Aumale, who were far from disapproving of his project.! But the Duchess of Montpensier no sooner heard of it than she sent for Cle- ment. She had maintained her boldness when the heads of the League were trem- bling with apprehension; and she con- tributed very essentially to keep Clement * Discoiira veritable de reshanije et subite mort erf . I, said, "To-morrow you will not be so merry."— jyfcm. da Due d'Anguulemc, p. 3. § Lettre de M. La Guesle. || Malliieu, liv. 8, p. 774. ascend to heaven with the blessed: as to that of Henry of Valois, I refer to what is known of him, and leave the judgment to God. You have now before you the account of the death of Henry of Valois; and how opportunely this poor monk undertook our deliverance, not fearing death, if he could give liberty to the church and the people. I pray God that the same may befall all those who are against the Catholic religion, and who now unlawfully besiege us. Amen."* The king was put to bed, and his wounds examined. At first the surgeons pronounced them not dangerous, and let- ters were sent off to the governors of the provinces, containing an account of the circumstances; that sent to Duplessis- Mornay, governor of Saumur, has been handed down to us. After describing the event, the letter states: "But if it please God, it will be nothing; and in a few days he will give me both my former health, and the victory over my enemies, of which I am desirous of informing you, both to acquaint you with the wickedness of my enemies, and to assure you of the hope of my speedy recovery. "t For some time great hopes were entertained that the wounds would not prove fatal; but when the abdomen was examined a second time it was found that the intes- tines were pierced, and from that moment the king prepared for death. His confes- sor refused to give him absolution on ac- count of the anathema he had incurred, and said that he must conform to the pope's demand before his sins could be absolved. Henry replied, "I am the eldest son of the Catholic, apostolic, and Roman church, and such I wish to die. I promise before God, and before all men, that my chief desire is to satisfy his holi- ness in every thing which he can wish of me." This declaration removed the scruples of the confessor, who gave him absolution, and administered the sacra- ments of the eucharist and extreme unc- tion.J The King of Navarre had been early informed of the fatal event: he arrived at St. Cloud, accompanied by twenty-five gentlemen. § When the king's religious * Discours veritable, &c. t Mem. de Duplessis, vol. i. p. 026. j Davila, liv. 10. Cayet, liv. 1, p. 223. Maimbourg, Hist de la Ligue, liv. 3. § Sully, liv. 3. ACCESSION OF HENRY IV. 247 exercises wpre concluded, his chamber- door was thrown open, and all the no- bility approached to hear his dying coun- sel. He deplored the unhappy state in which he left France; he begged they would leave to God the vengeance of his death; exhorted them all to be united, and declared the King of Navarre his legitimate successor: he recommended also that the discussion of their religious differences should be deferred till the meeting of the States-general. " Adieu ! my friend," said the king in conclusion; " turn your tears into prayers, and pray for me." He then embraced the King of Navarre; dwelt upon the danger there would be for him if it became common to assassinate kings; and concluded by ex- horting him to renounce the Protestant religion. " Be assured, my dear brother," said he, " that you will never be King of France, unless you become a Catholic, and humble yourself to the church." His attendants then withdrew, and he occupied the remainder of his moments in religious exercises: he lived till three o'clock the following morning, the se- cond of August, when, as he was repeat- ing the Miserere, he died without a strug- gle, in the thirty-eighth year of his age, and the fifteenth of his reign.* The King of Navarre had retired to Meudon after receiving the dying mo- narch's farewell. In the middle of the night an express arrived, to inform him that he must hasten to St. Cloud, if he wished to see the king any more. He immediately took horse, and when he ar- rived at St. Cloud the first thing he heard was, that Henry was dead. When his arrival was known in the place, the Scotch guards came to offer him their homage, and proclaim him their king.t Henry IV. proceeded to his predecessor's bed-side, and addressed all present, who were indignant at the malignity of the league in resorting to such means; while they lamented the loss of a prince who had been particularly kind to most of them. The new king was very much affected, and as he spoke, his words were often interrupted by his sighs. "Tears," said he, " will not restore him to life: the true proof of fidelity is to avenge him: * Davila, liv. 10. Hist. des Derniers Troubles, vol. ii. p. 7. De Thou, liv, 96. t Sully, liv. 3. for my part, I will sacrifice my life to it: we are all Frenchmen, and there is no- thing to make distinctions among us in the duty we owe to the memory of our king and the service of our country."* But it was not long before Henry dis- covered that he had yet considerable dif- ficulties to overcome. Most of the Ca- tholic noblemen protested against his being acknowledged as king: some ob- jected from scruples of conscience, but several were in hopes of establishing an independent authority in the provinces or towns where they had influence.! Henry took his two confidants, La Force and D'Aubigne, into an adjoining room, and asked for their advice. La Force de- clined speaking, but D'Aubigne addressed the king nearly as follows: — "You stand, Sire, more in want of advice than of con- solation: and your present conduct will decide the remaider of your life — will make you a king or nothing. You are surrounded by men who tremble while they threaten you, and who conceal their private fears under general pretences. If you suffer such things to influence you, what will you not fear? And if you at- tempt to overcome the difficulty by yield- ing, who will not tyrannize over you ? There are in the court and the army two sorts of persons: those who are resolved to support the king, and maintain his right to the crown; and those whom the pretext of religion makes uncertain and doubtful; and you must not give them time to deliberate. You are sure of the Protestant nobility and the troops under them. Marshal Biron and the Catholic captains under him have no thoughts of leaving you, for the share they had in the death of the Guises secures them. Call on Biron to engage the Swiss to acknow- ledge you; despatch Givry and Humieresf to gain partisans among the nobles of the Isle of France and Pieardy. The Duke of Epernon is the most influential person in the army, but he is sure not to join the league, who are as much his enemies as yours. Be assured, Sire, that you have the superiority of force, and that your vigour and firmness will bring back every one to his duty."§ * Mathieu, vol. ii. liv. 1, p. 5. t I'erefixe, liv. 1. t Charles de Himiiercs, killed at the siege of Ham, 15:»5 . } D'Aubigni, vol. iii. p. 184. 248 DIFFICULTIES Biron was then sent for, and the king said to him, " The time is come, my cousin, when your hand must help to place the crown on my head. It will ill suit both your disposition and mine, for rae to animate you by solicitations. I entreat you at once to persuade the Swiss to take the oath of allegiance to me ; then come and serve me, as a father and a friend."* Biron went immediately, and, with Sancy's assistance, had less diffi- culty than he had anticipated, although two-thirds of them were Catholics. The Swiss, moreover, agreed to defer the pay- ment of their wages for some time, as the king's finances were in a very crippled state.f The Catholic nobility, in the mean lime, had held a consultation: some were for demanding the king's immediate con- version, and others were satisfied with his promise of abjuring within a given time.t Some were desirous of prohi- biting the exercise of the reformed reli- gion, while more tolerant measures were recommended by others. They had con- siderable difficulty in coming to an agree- ment upon the proposals they should make to the king: at last the Seigneur D'O was appointed to speak their senti- ments. He told the king that the no- blesse were all willing to acknowledge him for their sovereign if he would em- brace the Catholic religion; intimated that they would prefer death to having a Huguenot for their king, and declared that his right to the crown depended on his professing the ancient faith: he also added, that there was no fear of alienating the Huguenots from his cause, as they would be contented with the exercise of their religion. This proposition was very complimentary to the loyalty of the Protestants; but Henry IV. had too much honour thus to abandon the companions of his distress: his religion was far from being fervent — it sat but lightly on him, as his libertine principles prove, and he could then, as he did afterwards, have gone to mass without many scruples of conscience — but his soul was above a meanness, even to obtain a crown. He answered the deputation with spirit, re- * Ibid. p. 185. t Branlome. vol. IX. p 150. De Thou, liv. 97. Dis- coura de Harlay de Saucy, p. 43. Bassompierre, JVsur. Mem. p. 49. t Discours de Harlay de Sancy, p. 51. OF HENRY IV. proached them with their disregard of the late king's dying injunctions, and asked what opinion they could have of him, to expect he could change his religion so suddenly ? Should he then be worthy of their confidence ? He gave them to un- derstand that the subject should be ma- turely deliberated in the states-general, or in a national council, to the decisions of which he would submit. In the mean time he hoped he should be supported by all Catholics who loved their country or their honour; and that all those who would not have a little patience, had his free permission to retire where they pleased.* As Henry finished speaking, Givry entered, and, after kissing his hand, an- nounced the adhesion of the army, who had proclaimed him their king. " Sire!" said he, " you are the sovereign of the brave, and will be abandoned only by cowards."| This circumstance hastened the decision of many of the Catholics, who had expected to force the king to make great concessions. The Dukes of Montpensier and Angouleme had not concealed their ill humour, notwithstand- ing their connexion with the crown; and the latter would scarcely deign to salute the king.i But when Henry's friends appeared sufficiently numerous to main- tain his cause, their difficulties diminished, and they consented to acknowledge him. on condition that he should be instructed in the Catholic religion within six months; that he should restore the Romish wor- ship where it had been suppressed; that he should place the clergy in the full en- joyment of their property; and that he should give no appointment to the Hu- guenots: there were some other articles respecting the public rights and liberties which were matters of course. § The warmth of some of the Huguenots made the Catholic nobility more resolute in requiring a positive obligation from the king; for otherwise they feared that the reformed religion would be encouraged, to the destruction of their church. La Noue endeavoured, but in vain, to per- suade them to be reasonable. No one could doubt the sincerity of his Protest- antism; yet he candidly told the king, * D'Aubizne, vol. iii. p. 185, ct seq. t Ibid. p."l87. t Davila, liv. 10. § Ibid. DISPOSITION OF HIS FORCES. 249 that it would be scarcely possible for him to obtain his rights, unless he became a Catholic; but he insisted on the change being made in a respectable manner, to avoid any thing which might prejudice those who had so long supported him.* A number of zealous and violent Hugue- nots, however, insisted on his remaining with them, and contended that their party was sufficient to establish him upon the throne.t Duplessis was confined to his bed at Saumur; but though he could not personally advise his sovereign, he ad- dressed him a memorial, accompanied with a letter; and both reflect great credit upon him, as a loyal servant, a skilful politician, and a sincere Christian. "Many difficulties," says he, " present them- selves in your affairs, as your majesty will perceive by my memorial: time will clear up a part of them, and your servants the rest. God, who has conducted you, Sire, to the throne, will establish you thereon: only let your majesty be grate- ful, and ascribe to him all the glory. "J In the memorial Duplessis writes, "The Catholics are alarmed for their religion: a declaration must be published to satisfy them: the substance should announce that there should be no innovation on the Catholic religion; and because, on the other hand, the Pratestants must not be offended, certain expressions must be agreed upon to be used, whenever they are spoken of. It is requisite that you should write to all the churches, and to the governors of the places where the re- formed religion is exercised, enjoining them to conduct themselves more mode- rately than ever, both in speech and be- haviour; to repress the insolence of the populace, and to be on terms of peace and union with the Catholics, otherwise in some parts there will be danger of scandal. The regulations for the pre- servation of the churches and relics, and the maintenance of the service, must be enforced more strictly than ever. His majesty may be requested to restore the mass at Niort and other places: that will be a reason for granting the request of the * Amirault is indignant that Davila should thus re- present La None as advising abjuration. Yet it is pro- bable that, anticipating I he obstinacy of the League, he might regret the alternative to which it would lead ; and therefore advised such caution on the king's part aa would preserve the confidence of the Huguenots. •f Davila, liv. 10. t Mem. de Duplessis, vol. ii, p. 1, Protestants, when they apply for liberty of worship." The memorial recom- mended, also, a proclamation, calling upon all good Frenchmen to assist in punish- ing the late king's assassination; a de- claration, offering pardon to all who would submit within a certain time; and a representation to the pope, showing him the danger to which he exposed the see of Rome, in irritating and exasperating him, by his bulls and anathemas. "The example of Henry, King of England, may be proposed to him: he was by such means placed in the necessity of entirely cutting off the communication between the kingdom and the Roman see. The (French) ambassadors should persuade the princes, at whose courts they reside, to send persons of distinction to salute his majesty, as that will give him au- thority among the people, &c."* From the liberal sentiments which the preceding memorial conveys, it is to be regretted that the writer was absent. His paper did not reach the king till after he had concluded the affair, by taking an oath to the conditions already mentioned. Had Duplessis been present, he would have had sufficient influence over his friends to restrain the eagerness of their demands, and much jealous feeling would have been avoided in consequence. A treaty, founded on these conditions, was signed by the king on the 4th of August, when all the nobles made a declaration of allegiance, with the exception of the Duke of Epernon, and Louis de L'Hopital, Mar- quis of Vitry. Epernon retired to his government of Saintonge, with six thou- sand infantry, and twelve hundred horse- men; a reduction which the king's army could ill afford.t On leaving the camp he told his sovereign that his conscience would not permit him to stay;]; but it is generally considered that his reasons were altogether selfish. Having enjoyed the highest distinction under Henry III., he could not consent to remain in an army where his military consequence would be eclipsed by Biron, d'Aumont, and La Noue; he might also fear that the king would desire the loan of part of the immense sums he was known to have amassed. 5 Vitry appears to have acted * Mem. de Duplessis, vol. ii. p. 4. t Davila, liv. 10. 1 Girard, p. 112. J Maimbourg, Hist, de la Liguc, vol. ii. p. 119, 250 REJOICINGS OF THE LEAGUERS AT HENRY'S DEATH. from motives really conscientous : he joined the party of the league, but pre- viously gave up the government of Dour- dan, a town which the late king had con- fided to him;* and he returned to Henry's support directly he was informed of his having abjured.! The king lost no time in arranging his affairs ; his feeling was for attacking Paris, but his forces were so diminished, that he could not think of making the attempt.}; For, after Epernon had quitted him, seve ral other nobles did the same, and a con- siderable number of the Catholic soldiers went to their homes.J He addressed letters to the different parliaments, ap- pointed a time for assembling the states- general, and sent an offer of accommoda- tion to Mayenne, which was rejected. || For his military operations he consulted with Biron, d'Aumont, La Noue, and Montpensier. At first it was proposed to retire beyond the Loire ; but that measure appearing too great a concession to the league, it was resolved that the army should be divided into three bodies : one, under the Duke of Longueville, to protect Picardy from the Spaniards: another, under Marshal d'Aumont, to be a check upon Champagne; the third was com- manded by the king himself, in Normandy, to be more ready to communicate with England. But before the forces separated, the late king's body was carried to Com- piegne for temporary interment. The situation of affairs prevented its being carried to St. Denis, and the army of the league making preparations for taking the field, there was no time to be lost in cere monials: the body was, in consequence, placed in the principal church, without any display of pomp. The king immedi- ately set out for Normandy, where he made an auspicious commencement, being joined by one Rolet, a gentleman of great courage and experience: he immediately took the oath of allegiance to Henry, and gave him possession of the Pont-de-l'Arche, which commands the river three leagues above Rouen. IT CHAPTER XLIII. Rejoicings of the League at the death of Henry III.— Battle of Arques— Attack on the suburbs of Paris. * Perefixe, liv. 2. t Mem. de Nevers, vol. ii p. 632. j It was proposed to place the body of the murdered king on the bridge of St. Cloud: as the soldiers passed by it they were to take an oath to avenge his death; and then set out to attack Paris. Discours de Harlaij de Sancy, p. 5G. § Davila, liv. 10. |j Villeroy, vol. i. p. 148. Davila, liv. 10. U Davila, liv. ID. Cayet, liv. 1. Perefixe, liv. 2. While Henry IV. was engaged in dis- cussions with the Catholic nobility, Paris was the scene of the most fanatical re- joicing. It has been said that the event was first made known to the Parisians by the dying expression of a gentleman who was killed in a single combat on the neu- tral ground. Such encounters were com- mon at this period, while hostile armies were near each other; and John de L'Isle Marivaut, a royalist, and Claude de Ma- rolles, a leaguer, had agreed to break a lance on the 2d of August.* Marivaut, indignant at the king's assassination, went to the place appointed, with a hope of avenging his sovereign on the person whom he was to encounter : he was on the ground before the time agreed on, and refused to use the lances brought, which, he said, were too light. Marolles con- sented to his using a heavier lance, but kept a light one for himself. After the ceremonies usual at a tournament, the signal was given, and the champions spurred their horses. Marivaut's superior strength nearly threw, his antagonist from his horse, but, being near-sighted, he could not wear a close helmet, and received a mortal blow by Marolles' spear going into his eye. He did not live fifteen minutes afterwards ; but before he expired he said, " That even if he had been conqueror, he should have been unhappy to have sur- vived the king, his master." This an- nounced to the league that Clement's enterprise had been successful. f In the mean time, the Duchess of Mont- pensier was waiting with anxiety to learn the result of the measure in which she had taken so much interest. The delay of a day had caused her great uneasiness. She might fancy the monk had been ar- rested and put to the torture : and if the part she had taken in encouraging him should be made known, it would be scarcely possible for her to be protected from the vengeance of the king, who * The Ducde Angouleme speaks of this duel in his memoirs: he describes Marolles as unequalled in the, management of a lance. f Cayet, liv. 1, p. 258. Brantome, vol. ii. p. 73. Jout- nal de Henri IV. JOY OF THE POPE AT HENRY'S DEATH. 251 would immediately attack the city. She waited near the gate leading to St. Cloud, and when the intelligence was brought to her she repeatedly embraced the bearer of the news. "Ah ! my friend," said she, " is it indeed so 1 is the tyrant, is the mon- ster dead ? I am vexed but at one thing : that before he died, he did not know that it was I who directed the blow."* The people immediately gave themselves up to an excess of joy. Hymns of thanks- siving were sung in the churches; the Dominicans had a Te Dexxm ; bonfires were lighted up; and the black scarf, which had been worn by the league since Guise's death, was exchanged for green, the original colour :| portraits of Clement were exposed to the veneration of the public: he was styled a saint and a martyr ; and all those who bore any rela- tionship to him were enriched by public contributions and alms. His statue was placed in the cathedral, with an inscrip- tion, St. James Clement, pray for us! His mother was treated with the greatest distinction : she was lodged at the house of the Duchess of Montpensier, and dined at her table. The Pope, Sixtus V. pro- nounced a studied panegyric on Clement: he began his discourse with a quota- tion from the Psalms: " This is the Lord's doing, and it is marvellous in our eyes:" he declared the deed to be super-human, as so glorious a work could only be effected by the immediate direction of the Almighty, and placed it on a level with the most remarkable incidents in sacred history: at the same time he pronounced the deceased king to be unworthy of Christian burial. J These were the results of a blind feeling greatly excited, and the same people who then joined in such outrageous conduct would, under a change of circumstances, go to the opposite extreme. But the assassination of Henry III. becomes of more importance, when it is viewed as the result of the papal excommunication under which he laboured. The lofty pre- tensions of the Vatican were involved in this affair; the pope had declared him fallen from his dignity; and as an enemy of the * Journal de Henri IV. t Davila, Uv. 1(1. Mem (In Due d'Angnuleme, p. 22. t Ihst.des DeVniere Troubles, vol. ii. p. 8 Ue Thou, liv.9(i. Mem. de Nevers, vol. ii. p. 0. In the year J60U Cardinal D'Ossat demanded that the regular ceremonies should he performed.— Lettres du Cardinal D'Ossat, part ii. p. 109. church he might be put to death with impu- nity. The Jesuits have stoutly defended the reputation of this fanatic, and in a work* published with the approbation of Aquaviva, the general of the order, we find the following passage: "James Clement studied theology in a college of his order, when, being informed that he was per- mitted to kill a tyrant, he deeply wounded Henry III. in the abdomen, with a poisoned knife. Dreadful spectacle ! memorable deed ! and of rare occurrence ; but by which princes may learn, that the impiety of their undertakings will not remain un- punished ; that their authority is power- less from the time their subjects- cease to revere them Clement congratulated himself in the midst of wounds and stabs, for having by his blood secured the liberty of his country. The assassination of the king obtained him a great reputation* Murder was expiated by murder ; and the manes of the Duke of Guise, slain so perfidiously, were avenged by the shed- ding of royal blood. Thus perished Cle- ment, (lie. eternal ornament of France,\ at the age of twenty-four years; a young man of a simple character, and rather feeble constitution ; but a greater power supported his courage and his strength." The pope's bull of excommunication which declared the monarch fallen from his throne, and thus exposed him to such an attempt; and the decree of the Sorbonne, which released the French from their oath of allegiance, and declared that such an act would be highly meritorious, may both be attributed to the barbarous manners of the age and the generally enslaved state of the human mind. But the Jesuits, who are chiefly men of extensive information, and whose life is professedly contemplative and devout, stilt avoid any declaration which may condemn this murder: and it is wonderful, that the rules of a religious society should contain an entire chapter on regicide. The doctrines which the fatherg of this order taught on that sub- ject fell into great disrepute, and raised many opponents to the re-establishment of the Jesuits after they had been expelled the kingdom. Still they would not re- nounce the doctrine ; and Aquaviva, their general, commanded them not to affirm that it was lawful to kill a king: he also * Mariana. — De rege et regis institulione. t SicClemens ptriit alcrnum Gallia: decus. 252 CARDINAL DE BOURBON PROCLAIMED AS CHARLES X. forbade any publication upon regicide, un- less it had been examined and approved at Rome: the crime itself was thus unno- ticed : its discussion only was forbidden.* But although the death of Henry 111. was the cause of unanimous joy in Paris, there was a considerable difference of opinion about his successor. The Duchess of Montpensier persuaded her brother Mayenne to take the crown : she urged that he should not lose so fine an oppor- tunity of settling on his family the crown which his ancestors had formerly worn. Villeroy and the president Jeannin, how- ever, were opposed to such a measure, and represented that there were many pretenders to the crown, equally well founded in their claim, and more able to enforce it. Besides which, the Spanish ambassador, Bernard Mendoza, showed that the duke would be opposed by all the influence of his court: it was there- fore decided that the Cardinal of Bourbon should be proclaimed as Charles X., which was done without delay.t The cardinal being old, feeble, and childless, would not interfere with Mayenne's future plans; while the little time which, according to probability, he had to live, would afford him a better opportunity for ultimately se- curing his object. As Charles X. was a captive, the Duke of Mayenne was in- vested with the title and authority of lieu- tenant-general of the state and crown of France, so that he had the full exercise of the regal authority to ensure the success of his ulterior measures, when the throne should again become vacant. D'Aubigne was selected as the captive's guardian, in place of Chavigny, who did not possess the king's confidence. The Duchess de Retz employed an agent to offer two hundred thousand crowns, or the government of Bellisle, if he would connive at the prisoner's escape. The safe-conduct previously demanded alone prevented D'Aubigne from arresting the emissary.^ The parliament of Paris willingly re- gistered the edict which recognised the Cardinal of Bourbon to be king ; but in other parts the conflict of interests pre- vented the adoption of any measure. The * Comptedes Institutions, Sf c. Rendu au parlement de Rouen, 17(>2. p. 118. t 7th August, 15811. Davila, liv. 10. Villeroy, vol. i. p. 150 — 1154. Journal de Henri IV. t D'Aubigne, Mem. p. 143. parliament of Bordeaux would not ac- knowledge Henry IV., but was persuaded by Marshal Matignon to abstain from re- cognising the right of the Cardinal of Bour- bon ;* that of Toulouse not only forbade the recognition of Henry of Bourbon, under pain of death, but ordered his ex- communication to be republished ;f while that of Rouen declared all those guilty of high treason who opposed the Holy Union. i. Henry IV. had assembled a parliament at Tours, where his right was acknow- ledged, and justice administered in his name. The council of the league were indignant at the existence of such a body, and sent a herald with a message inform- ing them that, for their cruelty in punishing Catholics, they were declared deserters from the true religion, in the war existing between the Catholics and the heretics; that they were therefore considered ene- mies, and that reprisals and confiscations would be proceeded with against them.§ When the king went into Normandy, his army was very small, and he wished to establish himself at Dieppe; as well for the convenience of communication with England, as for the facility of retiring by sea to Rochelle, in the event of a defeat by the league. On his way, he prepared for attacking Rouen, and committed some havoc in the neighbourhood^ The alarm in the town was so great, that Aumale and Brissac, who had retired thither with twelve hundred horsemen, could scarcely restrain the inhabitants from opening the gates. They sent numerous couriers to the Duke of Mayenne, entreating him to make haste, if he wished to preserve the town. IT Mayenne was nearer than the king ex- pected ; he had left Paris at the end of August, with an army of nearly thirty thousand men. Henry having scarcely seven thousand, raised the siege on his approach : he retired to Dieppe, where he had already placed a small garrison, and wrote to Longueville and D'Aumont to join him with their forces. Fortunately for Henry IV. the Duke of * Hist, du parlement de Paris, ch. 32. De Thou, liv. 97. t De Thou, liv. 97. t Hist, des Derttiers Troubles, vol. ii. p. 14. •• Mem. de Duplessis, vol. ii, p. 26. j 24 August, 1589. IT Davila, liv. 10. Cayet, liv. 1, p. 257. Due d'An- gouleine, p. 35. BATTLE OF ARQUES. 253 Mayenne had lost considerable time in going to a conference with the Duke ofPar- ma; for if he had attacked the king at once, the triumph of the league would have been secured. Even afterwards he em- ployed himself too long in taking a num- ber of small towns in the neighbourhood, in order to deprive the king of all chance of making his escape ; and so confidently did he calculate upon a victory, that he sent information to Spain of the Beatfiais being shut up in a corner, from whence he could not escape except by sea* Henry's friends were very much con- cerned for his personal safety ; and as every one expressed his opinions, and thereby excited alarms, the king decided on taking some resolution which should put an end to their uncertainty. A council of war was held on the 5th of September: several persons recom- mended that detachments should be left in the places they held, sufficient to pre- serve them until the arrival of reinforce- ments; and that the king should embark for England or Rochelle, a measure which would at once provide for his personal safety, and enable him to negotiate for assistance from abroad. Biron's energetic appeal to his honour and character, pre- served him from yielding to such advice; that nobleman convinced him that if he quitted the soil of France, it was scarcely possible he could ever return ; and that if he placed his hopes on any thing short of the courage and resolution of his fol- lowers, he would assuredly lose his crown. Henry then decided on making a stand against the league ; but as it might be extremely inconvenient for his cause if he were blockaded in Dieppe, he took his post at the Castle of Arques, about a league distant ; and as Mayenne's army had been joined by the forces at Rouen under the Duke of Aumale, no exertions were deemed too great in making trenches, redoubts, and other kinds of de- fences.! The Duke of Mayenne arrived on the evening of the 15th of September, and took up his quarters at a small village called Martin Eglise.t separated from Arques by the river Bethune. Finding * Davila, liv. 10. Perefixe, liv. 2. Mem. de Nevers vol. ij. p 93, t Hist, des Derniera Troubles, vol. ii. p. 10. Cayet, liv. 1 . Davila, liv. 10. Sully, liv. 3. % Or Marunglise. 22 the king's position very strong on that side, he suddenly attacked the suburb of Dieppe, called Polet, the following day. Chatillon was posted there, and made a" successful sortie, which threw the assail- ants into confusion. Marshal Biron then came to his assistance, and completely de- feated them, pursuing them into the vil- lage of Martin Eglise.* Every day produced skirmishes and attacks, but most of them were of no im- portance. It was believed at the time that there was a division in the councils of the league ;f their leaders were so con- fident of success, that they made pre- mature arrangements for the division of the spoil ; and the distribution of the va- rious governments and charges created disputes among them, which were with difficulty appeased, and a delay naturally arose in their operations. At length, on the evening of the 20th, orders were given to pass the river after midnight, and at- tack before dawn the king's forces posted at a place called La Maladerie, by taking which post there would be a greater pro- bability of attacking Arques with success. Notwithstanding the superiority of their numbers, and the violence of their attack, they were repulsed with great loss, and found themselves immediately attacked on three points, by the king in person, by Biron, and by Chatillon. { Finding it impossible to gain the place by force, treachery was used. There were German soldiers in each army, and those in the king's service were employed at that very post. Their countrymen approached the trenches, and, on calling out that they wished to join the king, were assisted in getting into the fort. They were readily believed in their declarations, as a report had been circulated that they wished for an opportunity to abandon the Duke of Mayenne, who did not pay them. No sooner, however, were they in the fort than they attacked the king's troops. Biron advanced to learn the cause of the disorder he observed : he was pulled from his horse and nearly killed. The king also was engaged in the conflict almost alone ;§ and if Mayenne had been alert at ♦ Davila, liv. 10. Malhieu, Hist, des guerres cntrelcs maisons de France et d'Espagne, p. 23. Paris, 1000. t Peierixe, liv. 2. t Malhieu. — Hist, des guerres. &.C., p. 24. } A captain of the Lansquenets insolently called out to the king to surrender; and was making a thrust at 254 HENRY BEFORE PARIS. that moment, he would have carried all before him. When Henry found himself struggling in the midst of his enemies he considered his cause lost, but persevered in trying to rally his men, who fled in every direction. At last, in a tone of de- spair, he exclaimed, "What! are there not in all France fifty gentlemen who have resolution enough to die with their king V Chatillon was then pressing for- ward to assist him with five hundred mus- keteers: he was .sufficiently near to hear the king's appeal, and immediately an- swered, " Courage, sire ! Here we are, ready to die with you." They immediately attacked the treacherous Lansquenets, and drove them out of the fort. Night coming on, the Duke of Mayenne found he could expect to gain no advantage, and retired with his men into his own lines, the king remaining master of the field of battle.* Several other attacks were made both on Arques and on Dieppe, but without success. In the mean time the arrival of the Duke of Longueville and Marshal d'Aumont reinforced the royal army, and five thousand men having been sent by Queen Elizabeth, with a supply of ammu- nition, and a considerable sum of money .t Mayenne abandoned his design, and marched his army into Picardy. Nothing could be more complete than his disgrace, for the accounts he had forwarded to Paris were of the most boasting kind ; and the Lansquenets in their treacherous attack, having obtained four or five stand- ards, he sent them to the Duchess of Mont- pensier. She had a dozen others made, and they were paraded through the city, while a bulletin was distributed, stating that the Duke of Mayenne blockaded theBearnais by land, and the Duke of Aumale by sea; and that the latter had defeated the Eng- lish fleet, and that no chance remained of Henry's escape. Couriers brought ac- counts of his having offered to surrender provided his life were spared, and they announced that he would be brought cap- tive to Paris, to grace Mayenne's trium- phal entry.+ After such exertions the king's army re- liim with his sword, when La Force and d'Angnuleme arrived to his assistance. — Mem. du Due d'Jlngouleme, p. 69. * Pavila, Matliieu, Cayet, and others. f Sir E. Stafford arrived with tins reinforcement the 23d Sept. — Mem. du Due d^AvgouUmc, p. 73. % Davila, liv. )0. Cayet, liv. J, p. 270. De Thou, liv. 97. Journal de Henri IV. quired repose, and both officers and men were in great want of many things for their private equipments as well as for service, particularly harness, as their own was nearly destroyed by continued rains and violent use. The spoils of the routed army afforded them a good supply, and on the 19th of October the king set out for Paris by easy marches. The royal army at this time was increased to twenty thousand infantry, three thousand cavalry, and fourteen heavy guns. This force arrived within a league of Paris on the evening of the 31st of October, and was placed in the villages of Issy, Vaugirard, and Montrouge; the king being resolved to attack the suburbs of Paris the next morning.* As the people had been deceived by the false boastings of the Sixteen and the Duchess of Montpensier, they were by no means prepared for such an attack ; the defence which was made on the occasion is therefore surprising. But the council of the league being informed of the king's approach, called upon the people to take arms, which every one did, not excepting the clergy ; and they were soon in the same position as when the late king was preparing to attack them three months before. Henry divided his infantry into three bodies. Biron with one of them at- tacked the faubourgs St. Victor and St. Marcel ; D'Aumont and Thore, with an- other division, the faubourgs St. Jacques, and St. Michel; Chatillon and La Noue, that of St. Germain. The cavalry and artillery were divided in the same manner, to support each body of infantry. On the signal being given, the faubourgs were simultaneously attacked: the assailants were aided by a thick fog, and in less than an hour, they were masters of that part of Paris.f If the king's cannon had been brought up in time, the city itself might have been taken ; but a slowness in the movements of those who super- intended that service gave the citizens time to barricade the gates so well, that the idea of forcing them was abandoned for the time. In this attack the Parisians had above nine hundred persons killed, and four hundred were made prisoners. Chatillon at first committed great havoc among them, being spurred on by a wish * Cajet, liv. 1, p. 270. t Ibid. p. 271. SUCCESSES OF THE KING. 255 to avenge the murder of his father; but the king gave orders to desist from such proceedings, and in less than two hours the place was as tranquil as if nothing had occurred.* The festival of All Saints was uninterrupted; and the Catholic soldiers of the royal army assisted at mass in the churches. f A Piedmontese, named St. Severin, was the most remarkable among those who made a vigorous resistance. Supposing the assailants would be occu- pied with pilJage.f he sallied from the city with three hundred men, and threw Cha- tillon's party into confusion. St. Severin was actively pursuing his success, when he was killed by a musket ball; his death dispirited his followers, and they were almost all killed. 5 In the mean time the Duke of Mayenne arrived in Paris ; he had heard of the di- rection taken by the king's army, and changed his course to come up with him. Henry had given orders to destroy the bridge of St. Maixent after his army had passed, in order to arrest Mayenne's pro- gress; that order had not been executed, and the army of the league arrived on the afternoon of the 1st of November.!! The king had decided on attacking the city, but that event compelled him to change his plan. In a letter to Duplessis-Mornay he writes, "since it has pleased God to fa- vour me in this enterprise, I have deter- mined to follow it up, and attack my said city, which I hope to bring back to obe- dience, unless the army of my enemies, or a part of their forces enter the city within three days." The letter contained the following postcript: "While signing this letter, I am informed that the Duke of Mayenne has just arrived in the city with his army; so that being no longer able to force the city and the army together, I am resolved to wait here till to-morrow to see what the Duke of Mayenne will try to do, and the day after I will retire in his sight, to see if he will undertake what hitherto he has not dared to do.""F Henry waited accordingly the following * Le Grain, liv. 5. p. 198. t Dftvila, liv 10. I The royalists certainly made a great booty on this occasion. Sully mentions that In; gained 3.000 crowns, ami Uavila observes, that from the plunder l urmic recut un mervalleur secours, et en fat fort soulngee. i DMnbtgne, vol. iii. p. 224. ti -sully, i iv. J. De Thou, hv. 97. Mem. de Ta valines, p. -.'0 1 . If Mem.de Duplessis, vol. II. p. 39. The dale of this letter has unaccountably been changed tu the llth, and it is placed accordingly. day in expectation of an attack, and on the third he resolved to abandon the fau- bourgs: still he waited in the sight of the town, drawn up in order of battle, ready to engage Mayenne if he would come out. The league would not accept the challenge, and the king set out for Tours, where he had promised to hold a meeting of the states-general.* Among those who were made prisoners in the attack on the suburbs was Bur- going, prior of the Dominicans : he was actively engaged in the defence with other monks, who like him had taken the sword and cuirass. He was sent to Tours, where some time afterwards he was condemned to the punishment of regicides.t He suf- fered death with constancy,, and declared, when exhorted to confess his crime, "He had done all that he could, but not all that he would have done."| His portrait was placed anions the Dominican martyrs, in a church at Valladolid belonging to that order.§ A wealthy citizen of Paris, named Charpentier, a member of the council of the league, also fell into the king's hands. His friends in the city immediately ar- rested, among others, a person named Blanchet, a suspected royalist, and declared that his life should answer for Charpen- tier's safety. An exchange had been ar- ranged : Charpentier had paid a sum agreed upon for his ransom, and was pre- paring to return to Paris. At the moment he was leaving, Biron heard that Blanchet had been put to death to gratify the popu- lace :|| the marshal instantly went to the king, and insisted on avenging such a crime, for otherwise he would be deserted by his followers. Charpentier, in conse- quence, was ordered to be hanged.1T The president Potier de Blancmesnil was likewise in great danger, for he was suspected of having sent a communication to the king, that when he arrived before Paris, the royalists would co-operate from within. The Sixteen immediately put him on his trial, and were unanimous in sen- tencing him to death. The Duke of May- enne arrived at the important moment: having a great respect for that magistratef * Davila, liv. 10. t Journal de Henri IV. According to De Thou, liv. 98, he was executed in February, lo90. t Cayet, liv. 1, p. 228. 02. 1 Hist, des Demiers Troubles, vol. ii. p. 13. Davila, liv. 11). Cayet, liv. 1, p. 2?U. De Thou, liv.97. § Hist, des Verniers Troubles, vol. ii. p. 13. knowledged him to be King of France, apologized for their delay in sending the customary letter of congratulation, and ordered their minister to continue his func- tions at the court of Henry IV.* This proceeding of the Venetians was import- ant to the royal cause, as it influenced many other powers. The senate had early decided on assisting the king against the league, but the influence of the pope and the King of Spain had been exerted to prevent that body from coming to such a resolution. It was debated for two days, whether the republic should at once ac- knowledge Henry, or wait till other pow- ers had done so. When the decision was made known, the people were tumultuous in their joy, and some resolved on joining the king's army. The inquisitors imme- diately proceeded against such persons as encourageis of heretics, and insolently in- cluded the doge in their accusation. The nuncio and the Spanish ambassador loudly complained of the recognition of Henry's title, in contravention of the declaration made by the pope and the cardinals. To which the senate replied, " That the repub- lic had nothing to do with matters of faith, but that they acknowledged Henry of Bourbon to be the lawful successor to the crown of France, which no one could deny." After protesting against the de- claration of the senate, the nuncio quitted Venice : the republic, however, was at that time too flourishing to be controlled by the Pontiff, and to show their resentment, the senate put the inquisitors into prison.t The public at the same time felt so indig- nant at the late king's assassination, that two Dominicans, being out of their con- vent one evening, were seized and ill- treated ; one of them was thrown into the canal, and was nearly drowned, and when they complained to the senate on the sub- ject they could get no redress, being told that monks had no business to be out in the evenings. \ Jerome Matteucci was nuncio at the time : he thought that the pope would be highly gratified by his zeal for the holy See: but he was not aware of the charac- ter of Sixtus, who told him, on his arrival, to take the same horses that had brought * Cayet, liv. l.p.295. De Thou, liv 97 t Davila, liv. 10. Lcti, lib. 10. Daru, llUl.de denies, liv. 23. I De Thou, liv 07, p. CO. » HENRY ACKNOWLEDGED BY THE VENETIAN SENATE. 257 him, and return immediately to Venice.* from this momentary success was dissi- The fact was, that although Sixtus was obliged to oppose Henry IV. as a heretic, he had, nevertheless, a strong feeling in his favour; he admired his boldness, and wished him to become a Catholic, more for the sake of being able to acknowledge pated by the news of the fall of Falaise, which was defended by the Count de Brissac. He had boasted that he would soon check the king's progress in Nor- mandy; and when summoned to surren- der, he replied, that he had made a vow him, than for any other reason. Besides not to talk of capitulation for six months, which, the Spanish influence at Rome had The king's artillery made him change his become sooverbearing, that Sixtus wished tone, and in a few days he surrendered at to strengthen the other powers as a sort discretion. He was made prisoner with of counterpoise: this caused it to be ru- moured that he and the Venetian senate were acting in concert; that 'Albert Ba- flfteen of his officers.* After the surrender of Falaise, all the other towns of Lower Normandy opened doaro, the Venetian ambassador at Rome, their gates to the royalists, with the excep- had made overtures to the pope respecting tion of Honfleur, situated at the mouth of the recognition of Henry's title, before the the Seine, and defended by a strong gar- republic discussed the business, and that rison. But the prospect of an obstinate it was his communication of the Pontiff's siege did not discourage the king, whose secret information which completely de- affairs had taken a most fortunate turn, cided the senate .t All his enterprises succeeded, and there The day after the king's arrival at! appeared a great probability of the Holy Tours, he called together the nobles and Union being speedily suppressed. Unfor- deputies who had gone there to assist at tunately Henry was in want of money; he the states-general. He expressed his deep could not keep his forces together, and regret at the renewal of the war rendering when plunder was scarce, his men would a postponement necessary, he trusted they would approve of his adjourning the as- eave the army in great numbers to go home.f This impeded his operations. sembly till the month of March, by which ' and protracted the war for several years. time he was in hopes he should restore tranquillity to the country.]: He quitted Tours after a stay of only five days, and commenced a series of operations, which were very successful. He took Mans, Alencon, Falaise, and other towns, and completely destroyed the communications of the league, in several directions. His Honfleur being a place of considerable importance was confided to a commander on whom the league placed great depend- ance; it was Gerard Berton, a knight of Malta, and brother of the brave Crillon. He was reputed to be inferior in military prowess to none but his brother, who had used every persuasion to detach him from activity was remarkable ; in less than two, the league, but in vain. The king was so months he attacked the suburbs of Paris, anxious to gain him to his cause that he besieged five or six considerable places,' offered him a marshal's baton, which was refused. His lieutenant was a priest named Truville, a Provencal, who added ureal military tact to a violent enthusiasm. Such leaders could not fail of exciting a bold spirit among their followers, and the town was extremely well defended. A cannon ball having killed Truville, the garrison became a little disheartened; and the bursting of four of their principal guns about the same time crippled their means of defence; but Berton preserved a cheer- ful countenance, and encouraged his men with the hope of assistance being speedily sent to them. When that expectation took possession of fourteen towns, and expelled the enemy from Anjou, Maine, Vendome and Touraine ; and this was ef- fected with an army strangely composed ; it consisted of Swiss, Germans, and many rustics who had never known military discipline : his progress at the same time being impeded by a cumbersome train of artillery and bairgage.§ Mayenne took advantage of the king's distant occupation to seize Vincennes and Pontoise.|| But the joy which was derived * Leti, lib. 10. t i i . lib. 10. t Uavila, liv. 10. 9 Mern. de Dupleesis, vol. ii. p. 41. Hist, des Derniers Troubles, vol. ii. p 14. Davila, liv. 10. I Sully, liv. 3. Mem. de Tavannes, p. 205. * Davila, liv. 10. at the end. De Thou, iiv.97. Hist, des Derniers Troubles, vol. ii. p. 14. t Perefii'i, liv. 2. 22* 258 ARRIVAL OF THE LEGATE CAJETAN. could no longer be kept up he capitulated: I was indispensable; and that if he refused it was agreed that the town should surren- der to the king if no assistance arrived within four days; nothing came during that time, and it was given up on the twenty-first of January, 1590.* While Henry IV. was pursuing his fortune in the field, his parliament at Tours made preparations for the states- general to be held in March. Achille de Harlay had been liberated from the Bastille, in consideration of a large ran- they might be obliged to come to terms with the King of Navarre. The pope consented to send a legate to Paris, and chose for that purpose the Cardinal Caje- tan, a Spaniard, who was to be accom- panied by a suite of prelates and theolo- gians, among whom was Bellarmine, a Je- suit, celebrated for his violence in contro- versy. The legate was provided also with a considerable sum of money for forward- ing the purposes of his mission; but Sixtus som, and exercised the functions of chief had scarcely made his arrangements when president. At the same time the coun- j the Duke of Luxemburg arrived on the be- cil of the league issued orders for an as- half of the royalist Catholics. That no- sembly of the states to be held at Melun ibleman explained to his holiness the rea- in February. t Some changes had oc- 'sons which had influenced the body he curred in the composition of the revolted represented in recognising the king's administration: the Archbishop of Lyons 'right to the crown; and applied to him, bad obtained his liberty by bribing Du as the common father of all Christians, Guast, who had charge of him; he Was I for the means of establishing peace appointed chancellor; and Vflleroy and among his children. Sixtus plainly saw Jeannin were introduced into the cabinet j that the accounts he had received from to counteract the Spanish influence.^ the League were false; he behaved with Brisson, who was the chief president unusual affability to the Duke of Luxem- of the parliament, was considered a burg, and wrote a letter to the royalist guarantee for the co-operation of that Catholics, exhorting them to remain firm body. The Duke of Mayenne then de-!in their religion, declaring that he had no clared that, being appointed lieutenant- other interest than to see on the throne of general of the crown by a king dulv re- France a king who professed the same cognised, be could only be advised by a faith as his predecessors; and stating that council of his own appointment: and i in jit was indifferent to him upon whom their consequence dissolved the council of the 'choice fell, provided it was not a heretic, Union. By this measure the Sixteen j whom he could not consider a child of ■were stripped of their authority, and the the church. With that exception they Spanish Ambassador was deprived of the might name whom they pleased, and he aid of a body entirely devoted to him. 5 wished them every happiness and pros- Both the league and the royalists en- perity.* deavoured to win over the pope to their The agents of the le. gue wished to cause; but the leaguers had been more persuade the pope that what he had expeditious than their opponents. They heard was only an artifice of the King of had sent an agent to Rome immediately Navarre to abate his zeal and gain time; after the death of Henry III.: he repre- while Sixtus, to be freed from their im- sented that the Holy Union had resolved portunities, ordered the legate to set out on having no other person for king than for France, but with instructions very the Cardinal of Bourbon, and in whose different from those he had given at first: behalf they would spare no exertions; adding, that the whole noblesse of the country was with them. As a farther motive to decide the pontiff, they told him that to preserve the ascendency in the minds of the nation, his assistance instead of exerting himself to place on the throne the Cardinal of Bourbon, he was now to aim at the election of a Ca- tholic who might be agreeable to the whole nation; and he was to try to bring back to the church all who had declared against it. Sixtus particularly enjoined him not to declare openly against the «t^aye,,liV"2,P'3'8' ViedeC"P!on- ™'-"-PP-84, King of Navarre, so long as his conver- I Davila, liv. 11. Mem. de Nevers, vol. ii. p. 95. } Davila, liv. 11. Villeroy, vol. i. p. leO. $ Cayet, liv. 1, p. OtlU. Davila, liv. 11. Leti, liv. 10. CONDUCT OF sion was possible; and that he should publicly support his cause immediately that event appeared probable. The pope's commands were backed by the advice of Cardinal Morosini, the grand Duke of Tuscany, and the Duke of Nevers; but the legate fancied that Morosini was en- vious of his appointment, and the persons who accompanied him created suspicions of the other advisers. On his arrival at Turin, his vanity was so inflamed by the obsequious behaviour of the Duke of Sa- roy, who paid him great respect, in hopes of obtaining support in his claim to the crown, that he forgot he was only a re- presentative, and assumed the title of a reigning prince* The legate, however, had no sooner set foot upon the soil of France than his haughty notions sustained a great morti- fication. Supposing every thing would bend to his authority, he sent a message to Alphonso Ornano, who commanded in that part, to desist from troubling Greno- ble and Valence, which still belonged to the league, and called upon him to aban- don the king's party and join the Union. That officer replied in a style which dis- pleased the legate, whose disappointment was increased when he arrived at Lyons, and found the affairs of the league in very great confusion ; for the king had issued a manifesto, stating, that if the legate came to him, he was to be treated with every respect; but that if he joined the league, he was to be treated as an ene- my.t The royalist captains in conse- quence scoured the country, and attacked the legate's escort. He, finding he could expect no assistance from the Duke of Mayenne, applied to the Duke of Lorrain, who readily sent him a force for his pro- tection ; in this harassed manner he made the journey to Paris, where he arrived on the twentieth of January. He was there received in a magnificent manner, lodged at the episcopal palace, and treated as a sovereign.}: The inhabitants were under arms, and saluted him by firing their pieces. The legate is said to have enter- tained fears lest any of the people who were averse to his mission should have loaded their muskets with ball, and made a sign for them to leave off; but they, * Leti, lib. 10. t Cayet, liv. 1, p. 283. t Davila, liv. 11. Journal de Henri IV. ' CAJETAN. 259 supposing he was blessing them, in- creased their firing.* After the pope's letterf was read and registered in the parliament, a declaration was issued, enjoining obedience to the Holy See, and deference to the recom- mendations of the legate. The parlia- ment at Tours immediately passed a de- cree, commanding the reverse. A num- ber of letters from prelates, decisions of the Sorbonne, and replies to each, were then circulated; and the legate perceived, when it was too late, that he had done wrong in not remaining neuter: he could then have acted as a mediator, but now he could only exert himself for the league, which cause appeared to be rapidly hastening to dissolution.]: The diversity of interests, which at this time distracted the councils of the league, promoted the cause of Henry IV. beyond expectation. Charles X. was looked upon by all as a phantom; and each party made exertions for taking ad- vantage of the vacancy which his death would present. If Mayenne could not have the crown himself, he wished natu- rally to confer it on some one who should be indebted to him for it, and whom he could afterwards influence. The King of Spain pretended that his daughter was entitled to it in right of her mother, Elizabeth, eldest daughter of Henrv II. This was the strongest party, as Men- doza, Philip's ambassador, possessed great influence with the Sixteen, and the leading members of the League; the po- pulace of Paris was also devoted to him: he had made liberal distributions of pis- toles, and amused them with promises of large supplies of men and money. The nobility of the league were anx- ious to have a prince of ihe house of Lorrain: they were accustomed to serve under chiefs of that family, and supported the claim of the Duke of Lorrain, in be- half of his son, the Marquis de Pont, whose mother, Claude, was second daughter of Henry II. His right could not be admitted without allowing the supe- rior claim of Philip II.; but he was a Frenchman by birth, and his family had rendered such important service to the league, that many weie inclined to sup- * I.e Grain, liv. 4, p 173. t Dated 15th Oct., 1589. t Davila, liv. 11. 260 CONDUCT OF CAJETAN. port him. The Duke of Savoy urged his right to the crown on the ground of descent, his mother being the daughter of Francis I. His claim could not be opposed to the two preceding; and al- though he was sure of the pope's sup- port, he offered to resign his pretensions for the Marquisate of Saluces. Besides these, there were other plans proposed: if the Duke of Lorrain could not obtain the crown, he demanded Metz, Toul, and Verdun, and the duchy of Se- dan. The Duke of Nemours wished to establish an independent sovereignty in the Lyonnais, and the Duke of Mercosur in Brittany.* The proposal for dismem- bering the kingdom served essentially to increase the number of royalists, who were at this time gaining ground rapidly, on account of the success of the king's arms, as well as from the report which was circulated of his serious determi- nation to abjure. The legate being a Spaniard, was more inclined to support the interest of that country, and felt alarmed at the advancement of the royal cause. He made great efforts to support the league, and to prevent any accom- modation with the king, even if he be- came a Catholic. t About the same time were published certain articles, stated to have been agreed upon between the king and Mayenne, by the medium of Villeroy and BiroVi. The Marquis of Belin had been taken pri- soner at Arques, and was released by the king on his parole: he had been the bearer of a proposal for an accommo- dation, which Mayenne had rejected; but as it was known that such a proposal had been made, the legate was inclined to at- tach importance to the publication. J At all events, he considered it best to adopt measures of precaution; and on the 10th of February the Sorbonne published a decree, condemning all thought of the possibility of a reconciliation with the king, even if he became a Catholic. If any one, it is added, refuses to obey this decree, the faculty declares him perni- cious to the church of God, perjured and disobedient to his mother, and finally cuts him off from their body, as a rotten limb which would contaminate the others. With the assistance of this decree, the * Davila, liv. 11. t Mem. de la Ligue, vol. iii. % Davila, liv. 11. Villeroy, vol. i p 1GB— 176. legate called upon the officers of the city and the captains of the quarters to take an oath publicly, " That they would per- severe in the holy union; that they would never make peace nor treaty with the King of Navarre; and that they would employ their property and their lives for the deliverance of their king Charles X."* When the legate perceived the impos- sibility of doing any thing in behalf of the captive Cardinal of Bourbon, he handed over to Mayenne the three hundred thousand crowns, to be employed as he thought best in the service of the league. The duke had sent a force to besiege Meulan directly after the taking of Pon- toise; but the place being strong, the as- sailants could make no impression : he therefore insisted upon the application of the money to strengthening and extend- ing his means of operation. He then left Paris to attack Meulan with his whole force, being determined to take the town, as it was important for the supply of Paris with provisions.! Sully relates, that when the league took Pontoise, he ex- pected Meulan would be attacked, and knowing the importance of the place to the king's cause, did every thing he couJd devise to reinforce the garrison. At the same time he sent to the king for assist- ance. Upon the repetition of his request, Henry wrote a letter in which he appears vexed at being called away from some plan he was pursuing : " In consequence of your importunity, I am coming to help Meulan : if any inconvenience arise, I shall always reproach you with it." Fortu- nately there was nothing disastrous that arose out of the circumstance: but it is almost to be wondered at that it was so; for, instead of going with a strong force, the king left his army at Honfleur, and took with him only a small squadron for escort. The enemy, being informed of his march, turned towards him, and he was compelled to go back to Verneuil. " It was not usual," says Sully, "for this prince to retire before his enemies, and he did not do so without great vexation. In the first movements of his anger he accused me of having exposed him to the affront, having cared less about his re- putation than the preservation of my * Journal de Henri IV. t Davila, liv. 11. HENRY BEFORE MEULAN. 261 estates from pillage. It was easy for me to justify myself; and that prince, who understood the importance of such a place as Meulan, ordered the rest of his army to join him, which had the effect I had an- ticipated."* Henry's army arrived before Meulan in order of battle, on the 21st of February. He approached on the side which was attacked by the Sieur de Rone, who held an important command in the army of the league: that officer, finding his force in- adequate to the resistance of the royal army, crossed the river in some boats he had ready, and joined the Duke of May- enne. The king immediately entered the town, complimented the garrison on the defence they had made, and left with them a reinforcement of three hundred Swiss and two hundred musketeers.t While Henry was in Meulan, he wished to reconnoitre the position of the enemy, and went with several persons up the steeple of a church. When they were up there, the besiegers opened a furious can- nonade upon the steeple, and so destroyed the steps, that they were obliged to de- scend by a rope.J The king then retired to a short distance from the town, and Mayenne thinking, that from the dispro- portion of their forces, he need not expect to be attacked, made a violent assault upon the place on the following day. A de- tachment was sent to support the town, which compelled the assailants to desist. His majesty having provided for the safety of Meulan, took a position on the road to Paris. Mayenne feared lest he should be deprived of a communication with the capital, and decamped on the 25th of February; an additional reason for which movement was the report of a tumult at Rouen. § CHAPTER XLV. Battle of Ivry anil siege of Paris. After his failure upon Meulan, the Duke of Mayenne directed his steps to- wards Picardy, to meet the reinforce- ments he expected from Flanders and * Sully, liv. 3. Cayei, liv. 2. t Davila, liv. II. t Sully, liv. 3. 6 Davila, liv. 11. Sully, liv. 3. Matliieu, vol. ii. liv. 1, p. 24. Lorrain. The king in the mean time continued his endeavours to block up every avenue to Paris; and by depriving the capital of its supplies and communi- cations, he hoped to kindle a feeling of impatience, under the privations which the league inflicted upon the inhabitants. With this end in view, he laid siege to Dreux at the end of February. That town was defended by two captains named Falandre and La Vietle, who were well supplied with every thing requisite for making a protracted resistance. Re- pealed attacks were made, but without ef- fect; and the king gave orders for cannon to be brought from Meulan, for battering the place. The people of Paris were alarmed at the account they received of the siege of Dreux, and feeling already a great dimi- nution in their supply of provisions, they were alive to the apprehension of a fa- mine, if once that important place should be taken by the king. The legate and the Spanish minister attempted to calm the public mind, by the means of preachers; at the same time they made use of every method to rouse the Duke of Mayenne to activity. Various appeals to his courage and feelings -at last determined him to take the field, and being joined by some Spaniards under Count Egmont, and some Germans under Colonel Saint Paul, he imagined himself equal to the contest with the king's forces. After reviewing his army, he quitted Paris on the 11th of March, and took the road for Dreux.* On the following morning the king was informed that the army of the league was approaching with an increase of force, this occasioned him to raise the siege of Dreux, and to give orders for the army to retire on Nonancourt, which was done in great order. Two individuals who were in the army mention, that during a storm of thunder and rain which then took place, there were seen the figures of two armies in the clouds, fighting very fu- riously. Davila says it greatly discou- raged the royal army, who for the most part looked upon it as a presage of their defeat, and coupled the circumstance with the event of the battle fought on that very spot at the beginning of the civil wars.! * Davila, liv. 11. t At a time when the aurora Imrealis was hut little known, it must have had a graat effect upon such an army. 262 BATTLE OF IVRY. Sully was with a detachment at Pacy;* he distinctly saw two armies in the air, but was unable to pronounce whether it was an illusion or a reality: " Yet," says he, " this object made such an impression on my mind, that I was not at all sur- prised on reading a letter which I received from the king the next day. He informed me that the Duke of Mayenne's army, joined by the Spaniards, had approached him with a view to giving battle." The letter finished with these words: " I con- jure you therefore to come, and bring with you all that you can, especially your company, and the two bodies of armed horsemen I left with you; for I know and wish to make use of them."f When the king relinquished the siege of Dreux, he held a consultation with his superior officers; gave them full explana- tion of the plan he proposed to adopt, and appointed a general rendezvous at the village of St. Andrew, on the plain of Ivry.J Henry took up his head-quarters at Nonancourt, and his generals lodged with their divisions in the surrounding places: he had so fully expected to be at- tacked, that on the 9th of March he had written to Mornay to hasten his arrival with all the force he could collect. At that time Mornay was at Chateau- dun, and by great exertion he arrived within two leagues of Nonancourt, on the evening of the 12th.§ Besides this rein- forcement, Mouy and Tremouille arrived with two hundred horsemen from Poitou. Humieres brought two hundred gentle- men from Picardy, and Sully with his men arrived about two hours before the battle commenced.il Both armies passed the thirteenth of March in order of battle on the plan of Ivry, but nothing occurred. Mornay re- lates that there were some skirmishes, and a few blows were exchanged, but the day passed off without an engagement, " not without wonder, as there was neither brook, nor hill, nor barrier between them. "IT The rain, meantime, fell in- cessantly, and very much inconvenienced the army of the league, who were not so well quartered as the royalists. The whole night, says Davila, passed in a * Paai-sur Eure, distant four leagues from Ivry. t Sully, liv. 3. \ Malhieu, Hist des Oucrres, &.C., p. 20. § Mem. lie Duplessis, vol. ii. p. 5C. || Davila, liv. 11. Sully, liv. 3. 1f Mem. de Duplessis, vol. ii. p. 56. continued labour, and uneasiness on both sides; large fires were kindled in both camps; sentinels were placed in every di- rection, and were changed by the maitres- de-camp every half hour. The king's army, however, having a good supply of provisions, and being better lodged, was enabled to take both refreshment and re- pose— a thing almost impracticable in the camp of their enemies. Mayenne was not at all desirous of giving battle: he thought that by keeping the king in the field, he would exhaust his resources and fatigue his followers. But Count Egmont protested against the Spanish troops being so uselessly employed; for as the Catho- lic king had stripped the Low Countries of their proper forces, he desired ardently that a great effort should be made to bring the war to a conclusion. Mayenne being well informed of the prevailing opinion at Paris, could not resist Egmonl's wish, especially as it was backed by the representative of the legate who was with the army. He resolved, therefore, to attack the kins: on the following; morn- ing.* The force of the two armies was very unequal: the king had eight thousand in- fantry, and rather more than two thousand cavalry. Mayenne had twelve thousand in- fantry and four thousand horsemen. They were drawn out ready for action-bctween nine and ten in the morning, and both parties appeared very desirous of en- gaging.! On the preceding day both Catholics and Protestants in the king's army had made their public devotions, and the churches of Nonancourt were full of the nobles and gentlemen who went to mass, while the Huguenot ministers per- formed divine service with their fol- lowers.! When every arrangement was made, and the army was ready to charge, the king advanced in front of his men in complete armour, but bare-headed, and made aloud a prayer to the Almighty for his favour and protection. When he had finished, a general shout of Vive le, Roi was heard, and the King then addressed his followers, exhorting them to keep their ranks, and assured them that he was de- termined to conquer or die with them. "If the standard fail you," said he, "keep my plume in your eye; you will always * DavjlaTliv. n. t Matliieu, Hist, tics Ouerres. &C, p 29. t Hist des Derniers Troubles, vol. ii. p. 16. BATTLE OF IVRY. 263 see it in the path of honour and duty."* ^ covered with blood and dust, and the So saying, he put on his helmet, which shouts of joy which were given by the was adorned with three fine white plumes: royalists served to dishearten their ene- at the same time perceiving that the wind mies, whose rout then became general, blew direct in the faces of the soldiers, The French and Swiss troops surrender- and that in consequence the smoke would ed; but the Germans were nearly anni- inconvenience them, he gave orders for hilated; and the Duke of Mayenne es- taking a position more to the left: May- caped, by destroying the bridge after he enne perceived the king's troops in mo- had crossed the Eure.* The battle was tion, and sounded for a general charge.t not entirely finished till the evening, for Mavenne on his side had not neglected the king's troops continued to pursue and to awaken the feelings of religion in the harass their enemies all the remainder of bosoms of his soldiers: he went before the day, chiefly with a view to prevent his army, preceded by a monk bearing a their re-assembling. The leaguers lost crucifix, to remind them that they were all their baggage and artillery^ and almost about to fight in behalf of religion, against the whole of their army; for, besides the heretics and their encouragers, the de-| numbers that were killed, there were so clared enemies of Jesus Christ and his j many that surrendered after the battle, church. | l^at scarcely four thousand made their The battle commenced with a furious escape. Count Egmont, the Spanish discharge of artillery; but when the con- 1 general, was among the slain.t tending parties came to close quarters,] Biron was not in the battle: he re- the conflict was principally between thejmained with a body of reserve, and as- cavalry of each army. The king had sisted only in the pursuit. When he saw divided his into several small divisions, the king had been exposed in the fight, as the only remedy for the inferiority of he said to him, " Ah! Sire, this is not his numbers; and this measure preserved right; you have done to day what Biron him from defeat; for the advantage which should have done, while he has done was gained by the enemy in one part, was! what the king should do." Indeed, the balanced by the result of other divisions, king's friends were so concerned at the and a small body being more immediately danger to which he had exposed himself, under the eye of the commander was j that they entreated him to be more care- rallied with less difficulty. For a long ful of his person, and to consider that his time the result of the battle was uncer- j destiny was to be king of France, and not tain. Marshal d'Aumont made a sue- a dragoon; that his subjects were all cessful charge, but the other divisions iready to fight for him, but that they were were'broken. Momay, in describing the all lost if they had no head to direct battle, says, "The enemy had the advan lage so generally, that France was on the point of ruin."§ them,! Sully has given us a description of what occurred to him in this memorable The grand struggle was with the di- battle. He was in the king's squadron, vision commanded by the king in person: jand had to sustain a most furious attack jt consisted of six hundred horsemen, j from Count Egmont. He observed that The main body of the enemy's cavalry the Reitres, being of the same religion, was opposed to it: Count Egmont, the did not do them so much injury as they Duke of Nemours, and the Chevalier could have done, and often fired in the d'Aumale commanded: they had twelve ; air; but Egmont and the Spaniards fought hundred lancers, flanked by four hundred so desperately, that the advantage was dragoons.1] The king charged upon his decidedly in their favour for a long time, opponents: for a quarter of an hour he Sully's horse was disabled, and a second could not be recognised, and a report pre- horse was killed under him; he was at vailed through the ranks that he was the same time wounded by a pistol ball, killed. But soon after he re-appeared, and lay senseless on the field. When he * D-Anbign<\vnl. iii. p. 231. t liavila, liv. 11. PereCix*. liv. 2. Cayel, liv. 2. I Maimbourg, Hist, de la Liijue, vol. ii. p. 208. § Men. d€ Duplessis, vol. ii. p. 57. J Jirriucbusurs a chevut. * This is Cayet's account; but Duplcssis Mornay states that he swain across the river in disguise. — Me- moires, vol. ii. p 58. | Davila. Mattlieu, Duplessis and others. I Perefixe, liv. 2. Cayet, liv. 2. 264 CONSTERNATION OF THE LEAGUERS. recovered a little, the armies were not to be seen; and as he thought the king's army had been defeated, he prepared his mind for the worst. He succeeded in obtaining a horse, upon which he mount- ed, and soon after observed seven persons approaching him: he saw that one of them carried Mayenne's standard, and expected to be taken prisoner or killed by them. His surprise was great when he found they surrendered themselves as his prisoners. This was the first intimation he received of the king's success: he went to Rosnv as soon as he possibly could, and was there received by Henry IV. with marks of great friendship and esteem.* The king remained a fortnight at Mantes; and while his soldiers were re- posing after their victory at Ivry, lie re- ceived the news of another battle gained by his forces at Issoire in Auvergne.t His affairs prospered in every direction, and it was unfortunate that he did not follow the advice of La None, who re- commended him to march at once upon the capital, and crush the league, before time was given for their leaders to make fresh arrangements. \ But the king was dissuaded from marching to Paris, for which different reasons have been as- signed. Some have thought that Mar- shal Biron was not at all desirous of put- ting' a period to his importance, by finish- ing the war; while others attribute it to the Huguenots, who feared the king might be persuaded to change his reli- gion, if the Parisians received him on his arrival. It was decided in council that the town should be blockaded. If that method proved successful, the king was recommended to suppress the rentes of the Hotel de Ville, and by that means deliver the state from the payment of the late king's debts, which were very con- siderable^ The news of the victory was brought to Paris the following day, by the Sieur du Tremblay, a prisoner released on his parole, who of course had not been in the battle, but being in the neighbour- hood, was able to proceed to the capital with the intelligence. He mentioned it to the Archbishop of Lyons, who in turn communicated the same to the legate, and the Spanish ambassador.* They feared lest the news should cause an insurrec- tion in the city; and to prevent any such consequences, they resolved that the preachers should be employed to make it known from the pulpits in a careful manner. The Duchess of Montpensier had been accustomed to amuse the Pa- risians with false accounts: among others, she had given out that at the first attack upon Dreux, the king had been repulsed with the loss of five hundred men, be- sides a great many wounded, and that Marshal Biron was not expected to live. There was also published an account of a battle having been fought at Poissy, in which the Holy Union had gained a great victory, and that if the Bearnais was not dead, he was but little betler.t The real account being theiefore so very opposite, the preachers used great ma- nagement in announcing the unwelcome tidings. Among them, one of the most remarkable was Christin de Nisse, who, preaching on the 16th of March, took for his text, " Whom the Lord loveth he re- bukes and chastens;" and in his sermon [he showed a number of instances in which the people of God had been af- flicted and tried. Then holding forth a letter which appeared to have that mo- ment arrived, he expressed the regret he felt that he had been that day a prophet rather than a preacher; since it had- pleased God to inform the Parisians by his mouth of the affliction which was to befall them. He concluded by telling them, that after fighting two days, the Catholic army had lost the battle, and exhorted them anew to defend their reli- gion and their country. Other preachers exerted themselves to prevent the public from despairing, and with great success.;: The Duke of Mayenne would not en- jter Paris, but remained at St. Denis, where he was visited by the legate, the Spanish ambassador, the archbishop of | Lyons, Villeroy, and many persons of .note: his sister, the Duchess of Mortt- 'pensier, also went to console him in his trouble, and consult upon the best means of remedying his loss.§ La Moree was * Sullv, liv. 3. t Cayet, liv. 2. Sully, liv. 4. t Arairacilt, p 357. v Perefixe, liv. 2. Le Grain, liv. 5. * Davila. liv. 11. Villeroy, vol. i. p. 18G. t Hist, iles Derniers Troubles, vol. ii. p. 19. j Davila, liv. 11. 6 Villeroy, vol. i. p. 187. Cayet, liv. 2, p. 344. DISTRESS OF PARIS DURING THE BLOCKADE. 265 immediately sent off to the Duke of Par- ma, urging him to come to the assistance of the Union; and Mayenne himself set out for Soissons a day or two afterwards, to join them on their arrival. The de- fence of Paris was in the interval en- trusted to the Duke of Nemours; and pressing letters were written to the pope and the King of Spain. The Parisians on their side made great exertions to strengthen the fortifications of the city and to lay up as great a store of both ammunition and provision as could be done in their already blockaded state.* When the legate was informed that the king's army had quitted Mantes, and that the blockade of Paris was fully resolved on, he made an etfort to gain time, in or- der that the Duke of Parma might come to the assistance of the Union. Villeroy had conferred with Duplessis very soon after the battle of Ivry; but the object of his proposals was seen through, and no- thing done.f But when the legate him- self appeared to wish for an arrangement, the king consented to a conference, which was held at Noisy: Biron, Givry, and Revol attended on behalf of the king; the legate was accompanied by Gondy, some Italian bishops, Villeroy, and Belin. The conference proved absolutely use- less; and the king continued his old plan of shutting up every avenue to Paris.j He took Melun on the 5th of April; and while there, received a fresh proposal from Villeroy, who dwelt at length upon the king's being instructed in the Catho- lic faith, as indispensably necessary for healing the divisions of the country: ob- serving, that as such affairs could not be discussed during the confusion of war, a truce ought to be concluded to allow the subject a deliberate examination. Henry had paid great attention to Villeroy's re- marks upon the miseries caused bv a con- flict of religious opinions; but directly the word Iruce was mentioned, he gave the speaker to understand that he would not throw away the advantage of his late victory, by delaying the execution of his projects. Villeroy then returned to Pa- ris, and the royalists continued to take the different towns in the surrounding parts.* Paris was invested in the beginning of May.t the king's force was not sufficient to storm the city, but he expected that the miseries of a blockade would make the inhabitants return to their duty and acknowledge him for their king. On the other hand, the league being satisfied with their means of defence, took every precaution for preventing any thing like mutiny from showing itself. The Duke of Nemours had caused a number of can- non to be cast, and the fortifications were strengthened in every direction; while the Bastille, and other posts of import- ance, were confided to none but those who were too far compromised in the re- bellion to hope for pardon if the king should be successful. The greatest care was taken to husband the stores which were in the city; and the slightest sus- picion of being a royalist exposed a per- son to the certain loss of his property, and frequently to be hanged. These precautions enabled the chiefs of the league to maintain their authority in the midst of such distress. It is, however, very doubtful that even then they would have succeeded, if the preachers, Boucher, Pelletier, Lincestre, and others, had not preserved the spirit of enthusiasm by their exhortations, in calling on the faith- ful to die, rather than submit to a prince who was a heretic. j The money of the Spanish ambassador, the influence of the princesses and ladies of the league, and the decree of the Sorbonne,§ declaring that whoever died in defence of the city, would enjoy the martyr's crown, all com- bined to create a spirit of resistance which has rendered this siege unequalled in mo- dern times. By the beginning of June the provi- sions, although distributed sparingly, were nearly exhausted; and the clergy called upon the inhabitants to take anew the oath prescribed by the Sorbonne. A general assembly was held at the Hotel de Ville, when all swore that thev would * D.ivila, liv. n. t Villeroy, vol. i. pp. 100 et seq. \ Ciiyel, liv.2, p. 345. JJe Thou, liv. 98. i. p. 201. 23 * Mem. de Villeroy, vol. i. pp. 203—118. Davila, lir. 11. t According to the Journal de Henri IV., the bridge of Chareuton was taken on the "in and the Porte St. Martin attacked the 12th of May. t Journal de Henri IV. Hist, dcs Rentiers Trouble?, Villeroy, vol. vol. ii. p. 22. H Haled 7th May, 1500. ( 266 DISTRESS OF THE PARISIANS. die a thousand deaths, rather than con- sent to receive a heretic king. At the same time, to give more effect, a grand procession was ordered, on which occa- sion the oath was renewed at the church of Notre Dame.* In this procession were seen all the ecclesiastics in Paris: William Rose, Bishop of Senlis, marched at their head with a crucifix in one hand, and a halbert in the other. After him came the Prior of the Carthusians, fol- lowed by all his monks, with their habits tucked up and their cowls thrown back, to make room for helmets. The Mendi- cant orders, and the Capucins followed in the same style, all armed with such wea- pons as they could procure. Hamilton, curate of St. Cosme, acted as serjeant- major: he regulated their halts, and gave orders for firing. The legate could not be absent: and as the procession passed before him, each division fired a salute: one of the pieces proved to be loaded with ball, and the legate's chaplain was killed by his side. This circumstance appeared likely to trouble the public feel- ing, but the clergy declared that as the deceased was killed in so good a cause, his soul had certainly flown to heaven; and as the legate gave his opinion to that effect, no one could presume to doubt it. The march of the procession was con- tinued amidst volleys of musketry, and singing of hymns and psalms.t Famine meanwhile began to assume a dreadful aspect: the example as well us the preaching of the monks pre- served the people from despondency for a considerable time: they were every day amused with pretended letters from the Dukes of Mayenne and Parma, who were coming to raise the siege; and see- ing the ecclesiastics join in the public labours as well as the defence of the city, ihey could not repine at their sufferings. But as the calls of hunger became more pressing, many demanded peace; and af- ter hanging the most vehement among them, the rest were invited to suffer for the cause of religion. The people were "ratified with processions instead of food, and as a consolation for the dying citizens, the legate distributed a number of indul- gences in urticulo mortis. The ecclesi- astics, and especially the monks, were * Maimbourg, Hist, de la Liguc, liv. 4. t Cayet, vol. i. p. 3G1. Journal de Henri IV. well provided with provisions, and there* fore preached patience and resignation to a starving population.* It was ordered that all the store-houses should be visited Tyrius, the rector of the Jesuits, demand ed of the legate an exception for his house The provost of the trades, who was pre sent, contended that the proposal was nei ther Christian nor neighbourly: he com menced his search with their college They had a year's supply of corn, bis cuit, and salted meat, and being under no apprehension of wanting food, they were the most zealous of all the clergy in im- pressing on the minds of the people how much more glorious it was to die of hun- ger than to acknowledge the Bearncris for their Kins;. " At the Capucins," says Pierre de l'Estoile,f " was found biscuit in abundance: in short, in all the dwell- ings of the clergy were found provisions more than was necessary for half a-year." The stores of the different monasteries and colleges afforded relief to the starving Parisians, but only a momentary one; horses, asses, dogs, cats, and even rats, were .eaten.J The Duchess of Mont- pensier was offered golden chains and rings to the value of two thousand crowns for her dog; which she refused, saying, "She should reserve it for, herself when her own stores were consumed:" one of her women actually died of hunger. § The Parisians not only ate human flesh in some cases, but they ground the bones of their deceased fellow-citizens, and mixed it with bran and chaff; of which, at the legate's suggestion, they made a kind of bread. || Fresh ordinances appeared, forbidding the least allusion to any composition with Henry of Bour- bon, under pain of death; but hunger compelled the people to complain, and the pulpit was again found to be the most efficacious means of quieting their cla- mours: preachers held up the host and the crucifix, exclaiming, " Learn to die in the cause of a God, who died to save you."K * De Thou, Mathieu, D'Atibigne, Mezeray, and Feli- bien. t Journal de Henri IV. J Discours veritable et notable du siege de la Villede Paris, p. 27. This piece, published under the name of Pierre Correio, is inserted in Villeroy, vol. ir. J Journal de Henri IV. J De Thou, liv. 99. Davila, liv. 11. IT Hist, de la Sorbonne, vol. li. p. 45. Hist, des Der- niers Troubles, vol. ii. p. 21. NOBLE FORBEARANCE OF HENRY. 267 In the mean time the king's army was greatly augmented: the prospect of taking Paris had brought him numerous compa- nies to join his standard; and the hopes of plunder made many of his officers persuade him to attack the city. But Henry considered that Paris was the most valuable jewel of his crown; and that it was not the interest of a king to suffer so many innocent persons to be in- cluded in the punishment of the rebels, who prevented him from being properly received as a sovereign. He persisted in the blockade, and would certainly have reduced the city, had not many of his commanders betrayed their trust in per- mitting provisions to pass for large sums of money. The soldiers imitated their officers; and the besieging army drained Paris of great part of its wealth, by ob- taining a high price for the provisions they sold across the walls; a practice which the king was obliged to suffer, as he had not the means of paying his troops.* As the horrors of the famine increased, a deputation was sent to the king for his permission for a number of aged and fee- ble persons to leave the city. Many of his council advised him to refuse the re- quest, as the^only way to subdue the town, by driving the people to revolt against the league in desperation; but the king thought otherwise. " I am not sur- prised," said he, " that the chiefs of the league and the Spaniards have so little compassion on those poor people; they are only tyrants; but I, who am their fa- ther and king, cannot listen to the recital of their calamities without being touched to the bottom of my soul, and endeavour- ing to remedy them. I cannot prevent those who are possessed by the spirit of the league from perishing with it; but as to those who implore my clemency, they cannot help the crimes of others: I will hold out my arms to them." When the permission was announced, above four thousand persons left the town, and cried out with all the strength which their wretched condition would allow, Vive le Hoi. From that time the king's soldiers prevented no one from making their escape.t * Perefixe, liv. 2. t Perefiice, liv. 2. Journal de Henri IV. Discours ( veritables, et notable du siege de la Ville de Pari9, p. But the obstinacy of the league was unparalleled, and as a means of forcing a capitulation, an attack was ordered on all the faubourgs on the night of the 24th of July. The captains chosen to conduct the enterprise acquitted themselves very well, and they were all taken in less than an hour.* Fresh instances were made, to induce the king to attack the town, in which case he would have certainly taken it, but he would not think of such an al- ternative while he could temporise. He wrote a letter lo the Duke of Nemours, in which he highly complimented him on his defence of the town, but recom- mended him not to expose the capital to be plundered through too much obsti- nacy; for even if the expected assistance should arrive, a battle would be the con- sequence, and unless Mayenne had better fortune than in the last engagement, no relief could arrive to the besieged. Ne- mours would not send any reply to the king, but in a letter to one of his marshals he requested him to tell the King of NaT varre that his false religion was the only obstacle; but that on his embracing the true faith, he would be the foremost in advancing his cause. Still, in spite of the Duke of Nemours, Cardinal Gondy succeeded in engaging the king to a conference at the abbey of St. Antoine, for discussing the proposals of peace. Had the kin? then announced his intention of doing what he was afterr wards compelled to consent to, the city would have surrendered to him. Henry considered the town could not long hold out, and not supposing the Duke of Par- ma contemplated rendering the assistance upon which the besieged calculated, he offered terms which were favourable, con- sidering their situation; but which, with- out being rigorous, made them appear in- debted to his clemency and forgiveness: the conferences, therefore, produced no result. f Meanwhile the Duke of Parma was informed of the extremity of the Pari- sians. It was on the 5th of August that the king conferred with Gondy, and on the 6th the duke had quitted Valenciennes with twelve thousand infantry, three thou- * Davila, liv. 11. De Thou, liv. 99. Discours veri- table, &c p. 27. Sully, liv. 4. f Davila, liv 11. Cayet, liv. 2, p. 372. Mem. de Ne- vers, vol. ii. p. 607. 268 DEATH OF THE CARDINAL OF BOURBON. sand horsemen, a great store of ammuni- tion, and fifteen hundred carriages laden with provisions for the supply of Paris; he arrived at Meaux on the 22d. Alex- ander Farnese, Duke of Parma, was at this time one of the first captains of the age: he was averse to quitting his own government, to risk his reputation against a prince who had been so successful in the field. He also feared that some ill consequence might arise from his de- priving the Netherlands of the principal part of the Spanish force. But Philip's orders were positive, and he set out for the relief of Paris.* The arrival of the Spanish forces com- pelled the king to raise the siege, to his great mortification. The different cap- tains, by the expression of their regret, seemed to reprove him for not taking what had been at his command for some time. The only thing that could be done was to leave three thousand men in the faubourgs, while the king conducted the rest of his army to Chelles, a town on the Marne, about six leagues from Paris; the Dukes of Parma and Mayenne being at Claye, on the road from Meaux to the capital. The two armies were in presence on the 1st of September: the Duke of Parma riding out to reconnoitre, is said to have taunted Mayenne with the account he had sent, of the king having only ten thousand men, who were in a poor condi- tion; whereas there were twenty-five thousand in excellent order and well equipped.! The inequality of their forces made the Spanish general resolve to avoid an action: he fortified his posi- tion, and succeeded in taking Lagny, which the king could not assist in time, on account of some marshes lying be- tween him and the town. The duke was then able to send relief to Paris, and thus concluded the siege, which had last- ed above four months, and during which more than thirteen thousand persons had died of famine.} After waiting some days, it appeared impossible to bring the Duke of Parma to an engagement, and the king marched off his army; but being vexed at the siege being raised, and finding the disappoint- * Davila, liv. 11. Cayet. liv.2. Perefixe, liv. 2. t Hist, des DerniTS Troubles, vol. ii. p. 23 I Cayet, Sully, D'Aubigne, Mathieu and Davila, ment very general in his army,, he re- solved to try an attack by escalade the following night. It was the 9th of Sep- tember; between three and four thousand choice soldiers were sent into the fau- bourgs St. Jacques and St. Marcel in the evening, ready to attack that part of the town after midnight. The arrival of those soldiers had created an alarm, and the tocsin had been rung; but as the royalists remained quiet in the suburbs, the people went home, satisfied that it wa3 a false alarm. Ten Jesuits, however, resolved to remain on the watch in that quarter, and when the assailants placed their lad- ders early in the morning, they would certainly have succeeded but for the vigi- lance of the reverend fathers. There was a thick fog, and the royalists had ad- vanced to the wall, when a Jesuit, who was then performing the part of a senti- nel, called out, To arms', to arms.' The soldiers continued to mount, and the fore- most were killed by these warlike eccle- siastics. Some lighted straw was then thrown into the moat, and the enterprise was completely foiled.* After this the king withdrew to Senlis, and soon after the royal army separated: the king re- tained about his person a flying camp, placed divisions in the tow>is around Pa- ris, and sent the rest to their homes. CHAPTER XLVI. Death of the Cardinal of Bourbon and Sixtus V. — Attack on St. Denis— Siege of Charlres— Edict of Mantes— President Jeannin sent to Spain— Conspi- racy of the young Cardinal of Dourbon— Siege of Noyon. The state of public affairs was consi- derably changed by the death of two in- dividuals during the late siege. The Cardinal of Bourbon expired in prison on the 9th of May;t his death was of consequence only by its reviving, with more earnestness, the question of the suc- cession. This served the king's cause, by creating a conflict of interests, and by stirring up a strong feeling of jealousy against the Spaniards: they had assumed great importance during the siege, and * Cayet, liv. 2, p. 381. Davila, liv. 11. Discours ve- ritable, &c, p. 83. t It was announced in Paris without the least mark of honour or respect. Cayet, liv. 2, p. 3C0. DEATH OF SIXTUS V. 269 still more after the arrival of the Duke of Parma, who had increased the number of Spanish troops in the garrison. Sixtus V. died on the 27th of August. This event caused extreme joy to the league: it was known in Paris on the 5th of September; and when Aubry, curate of St. Andre-des-Arcs, announced it in his sermon, he observed — " God has de- livered us from a wicked pope: if he had lived much longer, we should have been surprised to find the pope preached against in Paris: but it must have been done* Sixtus was indignant at the pros- titution of the Catholic religion by the leaguers, and had refused them any further help; he had been favourable to the cause at his elevation to the pontificate, but be- ing better informed as to their chief ob- ject, he regretted having given them en- couragement. His opinions of both Queen Elizabeth and Henry IV. are well known; for he was able to appreciate merit, although he could not openly de- clare his sentiments. The Spanish fac- tion, however, perceived the dangerous tendency of such policy, and Philip sent the Count d'Olivarez to Rome, to sum mon the pope to fulfil nis promises to the league. Sixtus took offence at such measure, and refused to see Olivarez a second time; neither would he acknow- ledge him as an ambassador. From that time a number of pamphlets appeared, which attacked the pope's character, and treated him as a heretic. f It is not, therefore, surprising that his death should be attributed to poison: such was the opinion current at Rome; and when the King of France received the intelligence, he is said to have exclaimed, " That is a piece of Spanish policy:" after a pause, he added, " I lose a pope who was my friend: God grant that his successor may be like him."i The Car- dinal Castagno was elected, and took the title of Urban VII.; but he died thirteen days after, and a long and stormy con- clave followed: the college at last decided on choosing Hercules Sfrondato, a man devoted to the court of Spain, and who was styled Gregory XIV. He displayed much zeal for the league; and subse- quently devoted to that cause the large sums of money which Sixtus had amassed for carrying on a war against the Turks, for the recovery of the Holy Land, the relief of the poor of Rome in times of scarcity, and other purposes, which he directed to be maturely delibe^ rated. Still the affairs of the league were by no means prosperous. Many of the Pa- risians complained that the Spaniards, under pretence of assisting them, had seized upon the city, as well as some towns in the environs. This jealousy and ill-will made the Duke of Parma de- cide on leaving the city; a measure to which he was also moved by the necesr sity of his presence in Flanders. The chiefs of the league were alarmed at be- , ing again deserted; and in order to detain the duke, they announced a treaty in dis-. cussion between the king and Mayenne, which they said would inevitably be con-: eluded to the ruin of the Union, if he abandoned them. The Duke of Parma was not deceived by their artifice; and after staying a few days to rest his army, he set out for the Netherlands, taking the route of Champagne, as the least proba- ble to offer any difficulty in his march.* The king in the mean time had con- tinued to intercept the supplies destined for Paris; and with his flying camp had unceasingly harassed the league. The Duke of Parma, before his departure, endeavoured to relieve the city from this state of blockade, by seizing some of the places held by the king's troops. He succeeded in taking St. Maur and Cha- renton,and after a desperate resistance he gained possession of Corbeil.f The lat-; ter town was soon retaken by escalade, and when the king's troops were informed of the cruelties which the Spaniards had inflicted on the inhabitants, they were so enraged that they put every one of them to the sword.j The Spanish army left Paris in the be- ginning of November. Parma's return was verv different from his march into France, for the king and Marshal Biron hovered about him with a body of cavalry, and some choice infantry, and compelled his men to keep constantly in close order, a circumstance which rendered his halts * Maimboufg, Hist, dc la Liauc, liv. 4. t Leti, fi'u Ui Sisto V. lib. JO. } Ibid. * Qavrla, liv. 11. f Mttthieu, Hist, des Oucrres, &c. Davili, liv. II. The siege nf I 'nrbeil lasted from 22. 3d(i. 23* 270 PROPOSALS FOR RELIGIOUS PEACE. inconvenient by the difficulty of procuring supplies. The royalists attacked his rear at Marie, where there was a sharp engage- ment, in which the Spaniards lost part of their baggage.* A second encounter took place four days after as. they were cross- ing the Aisne, with a similar result. This was the last affair which occurred be- tween the parties; for Parma hearing that of about fourscore determined men, dis- guised as countrymen, each of whom had a sack of flour on his horse. The night of the 20th of January was fixed on for the execution of his attempt; but the chiefs of the league having some secret informa- tion, they took measures for preventing a surprise* Henry's disappointment was increased, when he found that his pro- the Count de Nassau was in Flanders, at ijected attempt had served as a pretext for the head of an army raised by the assist ance of the Queen of England, he made all the haste he could in his retreat. Henry IV. went no farther than St. Quen- lin, where he made a short stay. The arrival of the Spanish force had retarded his operations, but had not frustrated his plans; and when the Duke of Parma quitted France, the league was nearly in the same condition as before. t On the 3d of January, 1591, the Che- valier d'Aumale made an attempt to seize St. Denis. He left Paris in the night with a thousand infantry and two hundred horsemen, and succeeded in approaching the place without being discovered. The water in the moat being hard-frozen, the the introduction of four thousand Spa- niards, a measure which the circum- stance appeared to justify, and which the moderate party could not oppose, al- though they were satisfied that the do- minion of the royalists would be less in- jurious than that of foreigners. The next enterprise formed by the king was the siege of Chartres. That place was obstinately defended for more than two months.t An honourable composi- tion was granted; and when the king entered the town he was harangued by the magistrates upon the obedience they owed him, according to the laws both human and divine. "And you may add the cannon /a?r," said the king, who ladders were placed with ease; and twoispurred his horse and rode 0114 officers, followed by twenty-four men, scaled the wall, and succeeded in breaking openone of thegates from within. Aumale, who was on foot, entered the town at the head of his men. De Vicq, the gover- nor, was aroused By the noise, and consi- dering the town irrecoverably lost, he be- came desperate: he imagined that the care- lessness of his soldiers had destroyed the renown he had acquired in a long military career. He mounted his horse, and fol- lowed by only thirty persons, he ordered a charge to be sounded by two trumpeters, and galloped upon Aumale's men. The darkness of the night, and the noise of the trumpets, made the leaguers believe that he was more numerously attended; they were soon thrown into confusion; their leader was killed; and the assailants being unable to rally, were driven out of! Directly the military operations slack- ened, the contest between the Huguenots and the Catholic royalists was rekindled. There were many among the Protestants who could not place any dependence in a promise of toleration, unless it were se- cured by the king himself professing their religion: they were therefore averse to the renewal of the proposal for the king to be instructed. Duplessis-Mornay was unquestionably the most important among the Huguenots for learning and expe- rience, but he does not appear to have felt so much alarm. His grand object was to have a general council, which meet- ins: upon unbiassed delegations, should allow the greatest liberty in discussion. While the war lasted such an assembly was impracticable; he therefore drew up an ediot, which he submitted to the king * i'oili Nov. ]")!I0. Marie is a small town in Picardy, about 30 liaoues N.E. of Paris. t Davila, 1 1 v. II. Mathieu, Hist, dcs Guerres, &.C. l,e Grain, liv. 5. } Davila, liv. 12. 1 1 1> t. des Derniers Troubles, vol. ii. I»- 5i0. Cayel, liv. 3, p. 403. Journal de Henri IV. of March following again addressed his majesty respecting the proposed declara- ble town with the loss of more than a hun-l in November, 1590;§ and in the month dred of their companions.^: The king on his side would not remain inactive: he planned an attack on Paris, which was to be preceded by the entry * Davila, liv. 12. Cayul, liv. 3. Journal de Henri IV. t From Itnh February to I9th April, 1591. Davila, liv. I--', p. 3j7— 104. Cayet, liv. 3, p. 410. Le Grain, liv. 5, p 334. t Matjiien, vol. ii. liv. 1, p. CG. I Formulaire.de la declaration pour la revocation de 1 edit de Juillel — Duplcssis, vol. ii. p. 66. TWO CATHOLIC CANDIDATES FOR TIIE THRONE. 271 tion. As some influence had been used to prevent the king from signing the edict, he explained and justified it in his letter. "This declaration," says he, "consisted principally of three articles: the first was the revocation of the edict of July; the second, the re-establishment of the edict of pacification, made in 1577; the third, the restoration of the Roman Catholic worship, in all places held by the king at the time of the truce, permitting, how- ever, the exercise of the reformed religion in the same. All three articles to remain in force until his majesty, by the grace of God, shall be able to unite all his subjects in one faith and religion. To effect that, a general or national council should be announced, or an ecclesiastical convoca- tion freely and legally assembled in the kingdom, consisting of the most holy and learned persons of Christianity, and to which his majesty could submit his opi- nions."* It is evident, therefore, that Duplessis-Mornay was by no means in- tolerant: he was willing to allow the Ca- tholics the same liberty that he desired himself; but in all that concerned the papacy he was inflexible. Soon after the siege of Chartres he addressed a me- morial to the king, containing advice as to the form he should use in writing to the pope, and calling upon him to be cau- tious in making use of the terms holy fa- ther, vicar of Christ, <$-r.; for, said he, the words might be represented very dif- ferent from their intended meaning, and cause considerable trouble.t The Catholics in the king's party were, however, of too much importance to allow the papal influence to be neglected; and during the protracted conclave, which ended in the election of Gregory XIV., the Duke of Luxemburg, being obliged to return from Rome to France, left a let- ter containing a full account of the con- dition of the kingdom, which was to be delivered into the hands of the successful candidate. The Spanish influence divert- ed Gregory from his design of replying to it, and the duke wrote a second letter from Chartres,| m which he repeated the arguments which he had previously adopted to detach the pope from the league. He reminded him of an expres- * Duplfssis, ML it- p. 81. t Ibid. p. 87. { Dated 6th April, 1591. Cayet, liv. 3, p. 118. Mem. de Nevtre, vol. ii. p. 529. sion which he had used in conversation J with him before his elevation — " That it was necessary that the King of France \ should be King of France, and the King of Spain of Spain; as the grandeur of one would serve as a barrier to the other's ambition." But it was in vain that so many illustrious families of the French noblesse entreated him to act as a father ^o the nation: he was indebted to Spanish influence for his election, and was per- suaded to pay attention to a letter which had been previously addressed to him by the sixteen.* He wrote a warm letter in reply to his beloved sons, which conferred upon them his apostolical benediction, and announced that his nephew, Hercules Sfrondato, Duke of Montemarciano, was ready to join them with men and sup- plies.t A week afterwards Landriano was appointed nuncio: he set out for Paris furnished with a monitoire de- nouncing further ecclesiastical vengeance upon the princes and nobles who followed the king's party.i The parliaments of Tours and Chalons attacked the monitoire with spirit: they passed decrees, condemn- ing the document to be publicly burned, and pronouncing severe penalties against any persons that might obey the instruc- tions of the nuncio, who was ordered to be arrested wherever he could be found. § About the same time the king held a council, composed of the most eminent men of his party of all professions: after due deliberation he published two edicts- one annulling all the acts which the league had forced upon the late king; the other renewing his promise to maintain the Catholic religion, although he could not avoid showing his resentment to the conduct of the pope. " We declare and protest," says the king, "that we desire nothing more earnestly than the convoca- tion of a free and holy council, or some notable assembly, competent to decide upon the differences respecting the Ca- tholic religion, &ct"J The parliament of Paris, and of the other places belonging to the league, published edicts condemning and annul- ling those of the royalists, and the Nuncio * Dnti il 24th F. bruart. 1.591 Ci.yet, liv. 3, p. 411. t Letter dated I2lh May. llnd, p, 431. ( Monitoire, dated 20th May. Cayet, p. 429. Ville- roy, vol. i. p. 277. i! Itavila, 1 1 v. 12. Hist, des Derniera Troubles, vol. ii. p. 2d. Cayet, liv. 3, p. 452. Pasquier, vol. ii. p. 430. || Da ted Mantes, 4Ui July, 1591. Cayet, liv. 3, p. 448. 272 DIVISIONS AMONG THE LEAGUE. Landriano went to an assembly at Rheims, where the best means of pro- moting the object of his mission were discussed. Mayenne recommended mo- deration; but the ecclesiastics, with blind zeal, paid no attention to his advice, and Landriano issued orders for depriving of their employments all the clergy who ad- hered to Henry IV. When it appeared that no benefit resulted from this measure, the assembly, which was presided by Cardinal Pelleve, decided on making an application to Philip of Spain, for his as- sistance to maintain the king who should be elected at the approaching states-gene- ral. The president Jeannin was charged with the mission.* He went to Madrid, and represented to his Catholic majesty the necessities of the league, the extreme danger which threatened the Catholic re- ligion, and the immortal glory which he would obtain from preserving it in France, by sending assistance. Philip was willing to help the league, provided he could serve his own purpose at the same time, and informed Jeannin that his intention was to marry his daughter Isabella to the Archduke Earnest, establish them on the throne of France, and give them the Netherlands as a dowry: he contended that the Infanta being the grand-daughter of Henry II. was much nearer to the crown than the Bourbons; and that the house of Austria, being then made so deeply interested, would send reinforce- ments sufficient to enable them to free the country from the Prince of Beam and the heretics.! Jeannin would not cause the King of Spain to think that such a measure would meet with decided opposition from the chiefs of "the league, but made some cur- sory remarks upon the Salic law, without however destroying his hopes; by that means he obtained the promise of exten- sive help both in men and money. On his return to France, the president com- pletely satisfied the Duke of Mayenne that he need not calculate upon assistance from Philip II. unless there were a pros- pect of placing the Infanta on the throne.| This intelligence created great distrust among the leaguers: the Sixteen became more violent in behalf of the Spaniards, * Davila, liv. 12. Villerny, vol. i. pp 233 el sej. t Maimbourg. Hist, de la Ligue, liv. 4, p. 322. t Davila, liv. 12. while the parliament adhered to Mayenne, and boldly protested against the election of a foreign prince. By a singular coincidence there was at the same time a division among the roy- alists: the young Cardinal of Bourbon (nephew of him who had been proclaim- ed king by the league) was induced to make an appeal to the Catholicism of the royalists, on the ground of the king's delay in changing his religion. The time he had fixed upon for making the effort was when a discussion was to take place respecting the publication of an edict favourable to the Huguenots. By timely information the king was able to frustrate the entire plan. The cardinal was already in cor- respondence with Mayenne, Villeroy, and others of the league, and the unguarded way in which the king lived at Mantes induced his enemies to form a scheme for seizing upon his person. Divisions of troops from Paris and Rouen were to arrive simultaneously at Mantes; and as their attack would be aided by the party in the town, they entertained no doubt of succeeding. A letter was addressed to the pope with an account of the proposed plan, but it fell into the hands of Sully, who immediately handed it to his sove- reign. When the matter was investigated, and information had been collected by the king's friends, it was laid before the council. The chancellor Chivemy took the opportunity to exhort the king to change his religion, as the most effica- cious manner of preventing such plots; but La Noue observed, that as the only aW lies that remained true to his majesty were the Queen of England and some Protest- ant princes of Germany, such a measure might prove injurious to his cause: he admitted that such a change must be made in the end; but as the King of Spain and the pope had been making great exertions to assist the league, it would be very in- judicious to take any steps which might deprive the royal cause of the assistance of the Huguenots Biron was of the same opinion, and the king took no fur» ther notice of the affair than to let the conspirators see they were discovered. He sent for the cardinal, and in his pre? sence completed the plans he had in con- templation. The edict in favour of the Huguenots was published without oppo- sition; and the Count de Soissons, who HENRY JOINED BY THE EARL OF ESSEX. 273 had been concerned, was deprived of his governments of Poictou and Touraine: those charges were conferred upon the Prince of Conty, who was not in the secret; the contemplated attack upon Mantes was of course abandoned directly it was known that the king was informed of it* The Cardinal of Bourbon at once re- linquished all idea of the enterprise: his confidants Bellozane and Du Perron were won over to the king's interests; and from the apparent sincerity of his reconciliation with Henry IV., it has been contended that he was not really concerned in the plot, but that his name was made use of to promote the designs of others, who de- ceived him into a compliance with their measures. While these schemes occupied the ac- tive men of both parties, the relative po- sitions of the king and the league had been materially altered by different cir- cumstances which had occurred in the early part of the year in other parts of the kingdom; and as the royalists could now look forward to a happy conclusion of the war, they were less likely to engage in such schemes, which became more diffi- cult to execute, and offered less chance of impunity in case of detection. Lesdiguieres, who commanded for the king in Dauphiny, took possession of Grenoble, and expelled the troops of the league from that province, before the Duke of Savoy could send any aid. The Duke of Montpensier had been equally successful in Normandy, and the Prince of Conty had obtained great advantages in Poictou. t Turenne, who had been sent to request some assistance from Queen Elizabeth, was also on his road to join the king's army.J When the appli- cation was made to that princess, she was in hopes of obtaining some equivalent for the services which she could not avoid rendering to the opponent of Philip II., her chief enemy: she dwelt upon the ne- cessity of her traders having a port in France to compensate for Calais, which she said had been usurped by the Duke of Guise. Turenne adroitly parried her demand, by showing that an alienation of * Ravila, liv. 12. Sully, liv. 4. De Thou, liv. 101 t Hist, des Derniers Troubles, vol. ii. p. 20. Cayet, liv. 9. t His instructions and commission, dated Gisors, Oc- tober, 1590, are to be found in Villeroy, vol. iv. any part of the kingdom would deprive the king of a great number of his friends, which would injure his cause much more than her assistance would benefit him. Turenne succeeded in obtaining a loan of a hundred thousand crowns, and the pro- mise of six thousand men to be sent to Brittany. From London the envoy went to Holland, where he obtained of the States-general three thousand men, and a promise to support them; and in Germany he raised four thousand cavalry and eight thousand infantry, with which he arrived at Vandy in Champagne in September, 1591* As soon as the king knew that the fo- reign levies were on the road, he decided on leaving Mantes to go to meet them; and taking the route of Picardy, he laid siege to Noyon towards the end of July. The league made several efforts to relieve the place, both by attempts to throw in reinforcements, and by creating a diver- sion by attacking other places, but with- out success; for, after sustaining a furious cannonade, the garrison proposed to ca- pitulate.t The king offered them very easy terms, requiring from them only a contribution of thirty thousand crowns. The little town of Pierre-fonts next en- gaged his attention; and while there he was joined by the Earl of Essex, who had been sent to his assistance with four thousand infantry , and five hundred horse- men: the earl was accompanied by sixty gentlemen of distinction.^ The league, however, had some suc- cesses and advantages: the Duke of May- enne succeeded in taking Chateau-Thierry; Guyonville, a leaguer, took Mirebeau in Burgundy: the royalists were repulsed before Lamballe in Brittany; and Honfleur was surprised and retaken by the league. The English forces had been sent to Brit- tany as Elizabeth had promised, and the Prince of Dombes and La Noue having joined them, the siege of Lambelle was commenced. The attack was so violent that the besieged had decided on aban- doning the town, to retire into a strong fort at hand; but La Noue received a mortal wound, which so raised the hopes of the garrison, that they repaired the * Davila, liv. 12. Cayet, liv. 3, p. 438. t 17th August, 1591. t 31st August Davila, liv. 12. Cayet, liv. 3. Hen- ry's letter to Elizabeth, thanking her for her kindness is inserted in Villeroy, vol. iv. p. 249. 274 IMPORTANT SERVICES OF TURENNE. breach, and compelled the royalists to raise the siege.* This event grieved all the royalists, who had great confidence in the tried courage and probity of La Noue. The loss of such a captain was also felt more sensibly, as about the same time the Count de Chatillon died of a dis- order caused by the great fatigues he had undergone : his talents and firmness gave great reason for supposing he would have equalled his father, and his death was la- mented by both Catholics and Protestants.t On the fifteenth of August preceding, the young Duke of Guise had made his escape from the castle of Tours, where he had been imprisoned since his father's death. Some persons have thought it was connived at through bribery ; others, that the king was desirous of letting him loose upon the league to create a fresh party among them. He succeeded, how* ever, in descending from the castle wall by the help of a knotted rope, carried se- cretly into the castle, and having by a ma- noeuvre fastened a door between him and his guards. His escape was discovered immediately; but good horses had been brought to the entrance of the town, so that he could not be overtaken.} Great rejoicings were made on the occasion ; and in a letter from the Sixteen to Philip, the circumstance is alluded to, in conjunc- tion with the massacre of the St. Bartho- lomew, to show how propitious the month of August had been to the Catholic reli- gion.} But the arrival of a popular prince, by creating fresh interests, evidently weak- ened the league, and impeded their ope- rations. Davila|| unequivocally describes the duke's escape from prison as a trouble for the Duke of Mayenne ; VilleroylT men- tions that from the time that the leaguers were joined by Guise, they treated May- enne with disdain. CHAPTER XLVII. Murder of the President lirisson and others— Siege of Rouen. *Cayet, liv. 3, p. 4G7. Davila, liv. 12. De Thou, liv 101, p. 398. La Noue was removed to Moncontour, where he died 4th August, 1591. t Francis de Coligny, Count de Chatillon, and Ad miral of Guyenne, died 8th October, 1591, in the 35th year of his age. t Villeroy, vol. i. p. 283. Journal de Henri IV. De Thou, liv. 101. Cayet, liv. 3. « Villeroy, vol. iv. p. 257. |, Book 12. IT Mem. d'Etat, vol. i. p. 291. Paris continued to be so much incon- venienced by the king having possession of most places around, that Mayenne wrote to the Duke of Parma, entreating him to return into France and relieve the Union. The Spanish general sent word in reply, that he had not sufficient force to carry on the war in Flanders, and that he could do nothing without orders from Spain; but that he would aid the cause to the extent of his power, and remitted to Paris the sum of two hundred thousand florins, which was the only thing he could do for the league.* In addition to this disappointment they received an account of the defeat of the army under the Duke of Montemarciano, which the pope had sent to their assist- ance. Although the supply had been granted in the spring, a considerable time had elapsed before the levy was completed and ready to march ; and Montemarciano did not reach the frontier of Dauphiny till August, when he was attacked by the royalists under Lesdiguieres. A dispute then arose between the duke, Peter Caje- tan, his lieutenant, and the Archbishop Matteucci, his commissary-general, which ended in Cajetan's withdrawing from the army with part of the troops. This was followed by several other desertions, and before Montemarciano arrived at Verdun, which was appointed for a rendezvous, an epidemic disease had arisen and made great ravages in his ranks.t At Verdun he was joined by the Dukes of Lorrain and Mayenne, and a division of Spanish troops. The Jesuits were deeply interest- ed in the success of this army, and four of their members accompanied it, in order that they might attend to the militant af- fairs of the church, as well as its spiritual concerns.}. While the leaguers were disappointed on one hand by the inefficiency of this re- inforcement, they were alarmed on the other by the accounts they received of the * Cavet, liv. 3, p 439. t Davila, liv. 12. Cayet, liv. 3, p 477 t Adilitis i|iiatnor e societate sacerdotibus, qui mili- tibus sacra procurarent. Historic Sucietatis Jesu, Sf-c, auctore Josepuo Jcvencio, lib. xvi. p. 365. Rouii, J710. DIVISIONS AMONG THE LEAGUE. 275 advance of an army from Germany to join the king. Turenne, it has been men- tioned, had been employed to procure those levies, and arrived with them to- wards the end of September. When the king reviewed them in the plain of Vandy, in Champagne, they consisted of sixteen thousand men and four pieces of artillery. They were commanded by the Prince of Anhalt.* The service which Turenne had rendered the royal cause was so import- ant, that the king interested himself in con- cluding his marriage with Charlotte de la Marck, heiress of the house of Bouillon. That lady had been sought in marriage by the Duke of Lorrain for his eldest son ; but the late Duke of Bouillon, her brother, had by his will forbidden her to marry a Catholic, and it was in vain to hope to set aside such an injunction, as all the Pro- testant princes of Germany would have exerted themselves to maintain it.t By this marriage he became Duke of Bouillon, by which title he was subsequently styled ; and about the same time he was elevated to the rank of a marshal.} On the eve- ning of his wedding, when the king had retired to rest, Turenne set out with a body of choice soldiers, and surprised Ste- nay, a town belonging to the Duke of Lorrain, who sent troops to recover the place, but in vain.j Henry was highly pleased at the event, and replied, when he •was told of it, " Venire. Saint Gris .'" " I would often conclude marriages, and soon get possession of my kingdom, if the par- ties would make me such presents."|| The arrival of the Germans made such an addition to the king's force that he re- solved to execute a plan which he had meditated for a considerable time: it was the siege of Rouen, and for that purpose he set out for Normandy at the end of October, having divided his army into four bodies in order to keep his enemies in a state of uncertainty as to the point of his attack. He took one division to Noyo'n; Montpensier, with another took the route of Crecy in Brie ; Nevers remained at Ver. * -JOiti September. 1591. Cayet. liv. 3, p 480. t Marsollier. ffigt de Due de Bouillon, vol. ii. p. 38. t The marriage look place lllh October, 1591, but lie dirt not lake the oalh as Marshal till 15tli March, 1592. In a letter of th.it date lo Duplessis Morn ay, he men- lions that objections had been made to his appointment on account of his religion. The delay which occurred between his nomination and final reception as Marshal accounts for the incongruities between some of the French historians. o Cayet, liv. 3, p. 482. || De Bury, Hilt, dc Henry IV. vol. ii. p. 124. vins, which the king had taken a few days previously, and the Baron de Biron passed by St. Quentin into Normandy* All this time the councils of the league were agitated by divisions and animosi- ties: there had always been a few parties distinguished from each other by the de- gree of zeal which they displayed respect- ing their connexions with the court of Madrid, and Mayenne's authority had been odious to many of them ever since his suppression of the council of the Union; but the enlargement of the young Duke of Guise created a fresh division of interests. Some encouraged his ambition in order to set up a rival to Mayenne; while others, being satisfied that none but a native prince could ever be accepted by the na- tion for their king, proposed to avail them- selves of the complicated state of affairs, and at once serve the league and the King of Spain, by elevating Guise to the throne, and marrying him to the infanta, daughter of Philip II. To effect this the Sixteen addressed a letter to that king, informing him how desirous they were to be under his government, and under that of his pos- terity, and entreating his Catholic majesty to choose a son-in-law whom they would all obey and receive as their sovereign. Father Claude Mathieu, a Jesuit, was the bearer of this epistle, which was signed by the principal leaguers and doctors of the Sorbonne. But Chazeron, a royalist, and governor of the Bourbonnais, intercepted this letter, and sent it to his master, who afterwards sent it to Mayenne; by which means the breach between him and the Sixteen was increased beyond all chance of accommodation.t From that time the active leaguers were busy in creating a violent opposi- tion to Mayenne and his party, which comprised all those who, notwithstanding their hatred to the king and to the Hugue- nots, were still imbued with too much * Cayet, liv. 3, p. 482. t Cayet, liv. 3, p. 504. The accounts of this letter differ very much as to the date. In Vilbroy (vol. iv. p. 253) it is dated 20lh September, 1001 ; De Thou (liv. 102) gives the date 20th November, but which is evi- dently an error, as the -preceding month (August) is al- luded to as being so very favourable to the Union ; Cayet, liv. 3, p. 505, gives the 2d of September ; anil Arnauld in pleading against the Jesuits, in 1504, de- scribes it as dated the 2d of November. The authen- ticity of the letter has never been questioned, and it is probable that the first letter being intercepted, a second was sent with a later date. This idea is supported by the Journal de Henri IV.; for the writer alludes to Ma- Ihieu's mission in Septemtier (p. 181,) and mentions the letter further on (p. 205,) as dated 20th November. 276 DIVISIONS AMONG THE LEAGUE. national feeling to consent either to the dismemberment of France or its sub- jection to a foreign prince. The Sixteen had the populace at their command, and to inflame them it was given out that Mayenne had augmented their contri- butions solely to enrich himself. The Spanish minister encouraged the party who were for placing themselves under the government of his master; as also did Sega, Bishop of Placentia, the pope's le- gate, whose functions ceasing on the death of Gregory XIV., had devoted himself entirely to the Spanish faction.* As Mayenne was not then at Paris, the Sixteen sent four deputies to him at Rheims to demand certain changes, and to make complaints against some of the par- liament, particularly the president Bris- son. At their first interview, Mayenne received them haughtily, but afterwards he spoke to them in a manner calculated to conciliate their feelings, which he per- ceived were already too much irritated. He told them, that, as the enemy was on the alert, he could not then attend to such business ; and recommended them not to make any changes at that time, as their own cause would suffer from the advantage it would give their enemies. On the return of the deputies to Paris, the Sixteen expressed great indignation at the duke's conduct, and came to a resolu- tion to take the government of the town into their own hands. Inflammatory re- ports were as usual the means resorted to for making the people turbulent; and the parliament being as odious to them as the duke, they blackened both by giving out that the Catholic religion was betrayed by Mayenne, and that the parliament was making every effort to give up the city to the King of Navarre. f It was not long before an opportunity offered for executing their violent resolu- tion. An attorney named Brigard had written a letter 'o his uncle, a royalist, residing at St. Denis1, and sent the letter by a servant. As all persons who quitted Paris on that side were strictly searched at the barriers, the servant did not escape, but nothing was found on his person: he had, however, a bottle in his hand, which was broken, and by that means the letter was found. The trou- * Davila, liv. 12. Gregory XIV died 15th Oct. 1591. t Davila, liv. 12, p. 473. bled state of the times made every one adopt a mysterious style of communica- tion, and the leaguers were satisfied that Brigard had turned royalist, and imme- diately took him to prison. His death was loudly called for, but the president Brisson declared Brigard innocent, and he then contrived to escape from Paris; the Sixteen were highly incensed on the occasion, and immediately held a con- sultation for avenging themselves on the president. There were great difficulties in the execution of the plan, which was generally approved, and their meeting was adjourned several times; at last Bussy-le-Clerc succeeded in obtaining the signatures of a number of the council to a blank paper, under pretence of a new formule of the oath to be taken by the Union, which, however, he could not obtain without violence to some, who complained at being so treated.* Thus furnished, Bussy held another meeting of his friends, who were the most violent men of the time: Crome, a counsellor; Hamilton, curate of St. Come; Pelletier, curate of St. James, and others: the blank paper was filled up with a sentence of death against the president Brisson, and a like fate for Larcher and Tardif, coun- sellors.t Brisson was informed that his life was in danger, for assassins had been hired to murder him and five others in their houses; and he who was to kill the pre- sident, while he pretended to consent to the proposal, sent him word to lose no time in leaving Paris: he even undertook to convey him in safety to St Denis. The president thanked him for his ad- vice, but would not leave the city. On the morning of the 15th of November, as he was proceeding to the Palace of Jus- tice, he was arrested on the Pont St. Michel, and conducted to the Chatelet, where his sentence of death was read to him without any form of trial. Crome asked the president if he was not in cor- respondence with the King of Navarre, and why he had not sentenced Brigard to death : to the first question he answered, "No!" to the other, "That he had been acquitted by a decree of the court, and not by him alone." He was then told * Pasqtiier, vol. ii. p. 483. Mem. de Nevers, vol. ii. p. 620. + Cayet, liv. 3. p. 506-509. MAYENNE ENTERS PARIS. 277 that it was a great favour that he would I not be publicly executed.* Brisson's mind was so imbued with legal forms, that he demanded to be confronted with the witnesses who had deposed against him. Crome made no other answer than a burst of laughter. Brisson then ex- pressed a wish to be permitted to finish a work upon jurisprudence, which was in progress: his murderers laughed still more, and ordered him to be despatched.t He was soon after hanged at a post in- side the prison. Larcher and Tardif were treated in the same manner, and the following day their bodies were exposed at the Greve on a gibbet, with a paper placed over them, stating that they were traitors and heretics. It was expected that the people would have taken an in- terest in this affair, but the public tran- quillity was not affected by it. Some blamed the deed, and others shrugged their shoulders ; but none, not even the Spaniards, exhibited any satisfaction. The further exposure of the bodies was there- fore useless, and they were taken down again the day after, and delivered to their friends for burial.]: Mayenne was at Laon : when he was informed of what had occurred in Paris, he immediately set out for the capital, ac- companied by the Counts de Vaudemont, Brissac, Chaligny, and others with seven hundred choice cavalry, leaving the pre- sident Jeannin with the Duke of Guise, to watch his movements, and be a restraint upon him:§ But Don Diego d'lvarra, who had learned the cause of Mayenne's sndden departure, also set out for Paris to be ready to assist the partisans of Spain, if they were in any danger. Mayenne arrived at Paris on the 28th of Novem- ber, having added to his escort two regi- ments of infantry which were at Soissons, and two hundred horsemen who were at Meaux. As he entered Paris by the Porte St. Antoine, Boucher addressed him on behalf of the Sixteen, who were al- ready in a great consternation, and had deliberated whether he should be allowed to enter the city ; they afterwards re- solved to poniard him, and one of them * Cayet, liv. 5, p. 511-512. t De Thou, liv. 102. Hist, du Parlement de Paris, ch. 32. I Cayet, liv. 3, p. 515. Pasquier, vol. ii. p. 487. Jour- nal de Henri IV. § 25th Nov. 1591. Davila, liv. 12. 24 desired the honour of giving him the first blow. Boucher happened to be clear of the murder of Brisson, for he was at Soissons at the time ; but when he al- luded to the subject, Mayenne sai^d " Another time," and passed on.* Diego d'lvarra, and the other Spanish ministers, waited upon him directly he arrived, and tried to persuade him to avoid showing any resentment for what had occurred ; for although the proper forms and proceedings were wanting, the act in itself was nevertheless good, and very useful to the preservation of religion. Mayenne replied to them with mode- ration; but immediately commenced an examination of the force then in the city. He ordered the different officers to be at their posts, and the next morning seized all the avenues of the Rue St. Antoine. He then summoned Bussy-le-Clerc to sur- render the Bastille. At first he refused, but when he found that none of the po- pulace stirred in his behalf, and that the cannon from the arsenal was being placed against him, he consented to give up the fortress, on condition that his life should be spared. Such excellent arrangements had been made by the provost and other officers, in placing soldiers in the different streets, and on the bridges, that the town was completely under subjection, and May- enne saw that he could easily pursue his plans for punishing the cruelty of the Six- teen; to which also he was urged by se- veral good families of Paris, who en- treated him not to suffer such an act to go unpunished. He therefore ordered Vitry to seize the most violent of the fac- tion, and to have them hanged. Crome escaped in the disguise of a Spanish sol- dier; but Louchart, Emonot, Anroux, and Ameline, were taken without any diffi- culty, and received the same summary kind of execution that they, had inflicted on the president Brisson.f This display of firmness restored May- enne's authority; but the number of con- cealed royalists increased very much in the bosom of the league, and prepared for assisting the king's cause, when his af- fairs were more matured. A coolness * Davila. Iiv.jl2. Cayet, liv. 3, p. 51(i. Villeroy, vol. i. p. 2!I3. t 4th Dec. 1591. Davila, liv. 12. Cayet, liv. 3, p. 51d. — journal de Henri IV. p. 215-217. Pasquier, vol. ii, p. 490. Villeroy, vol. j. p. 295. 278 SIEGE OF KOUEN BY THE ROYALISTS. also arose between the French and Spa- nish captains, which impeded their ope- rations, and prevented their deriving the advantage which was to have been ex- pected from the return of the Duke of Parma into France with another army; that measure had been forced upon the King of Spain, on account of the siege of Rouen, which was at this time being pressed with vigour. The Baron de Biron made his appear- ance before that town on the eleventh of November; and being joined by three thousand English under the Earl of Essex, he discharged a culverine as a sort of de- fiance. A number of the inhabitants im- mediately sallied forth, and attacked the royalists. After skirmishing for some time, they separated without any other result than the loss of a few men to both parties. Among those of the royalist party who were killed, was Walter De- vereux, a relative of Lord Essex; who being engaged with Bois-rose, a cele- brated officer of the league, was mortally wounded in the throat by a pistol-ball.* Biron took up a position at Dernetal, a place at the distance of a league, and commenced his operations by making himself master of all the places in the neighbourhood ; he sent parties to collect all the provisions and others stores that were to be obtained in that part of the country, in order that he might derive benefit from them in two ways, during the blockade of Rouen ; his men would not be taken from the siege to seek for such supplies, and he deprived the enemy of a great resource. He took Gournay, Caudebec, and other places; found large stores of grain at Louviers, and was well supplied with tents from Caen.f Hitherto the league had been in sus- pense respecting the king's operations, for although it was considered certain that Rouen would ultimately be attacked, it was thought that Rheims would first occupy the royalists, and the siege of that place was generally expected. But the appearance of Biron with his forces, put an end to all doubt, and preparations were made for promoting the defence of the town. Andrew de Brancas-Villars, the governor, was a man of most determined bravery : he was admiral of the league, and in all that party there was scarcely * Cayet;t, liv. 3, p. 501. t Davila, liv. 12. any individual who was better qualified for the task which was before him. He lost no time in collecting provisions and ammunition, and expelled from the town all persons who were suspected of being favourably inclined to the king. By the in- fluence of Bauquemart, president of the par- liament, the inhabitants were made to swear that they would denounce all who, by word or deed, supported the King of Na- varre. Monks and priests were em- ployed to animate the people by their dis- courses; and insolent letters addressed to the king were published as a means of encouraging a spirit of hatred to his per- son. Such exertions were made in con- sequence of the governor's orders, that within a fortnight he received within the city fifty pieces of artillery, a great quan- tity of ammunition, and a reinforcement of soldiers.* The destiny of Rouen was remarkable : in the first civil war it had sustained a memorable siege in the cause of the re- formed religion ; on this occasion a more obstinate and more successful defence was maintained against the king, solely because he had been educated a Pro- testant. The influence of the league had been so powerful there, that the Hugue- nots were completely subdued: the par- liament also was so zealous for the Union, that on one occasion they condemned to death some royalist prisoners, and passed a decree, declaring that all fol- lowers of the King of Navarre, and all who refused to acknowledge Charles X. were guilty of high treason.t The king did not arrive till the end of the month, but in the interval several sorties and skirmishes had been made. With a man of the character of Brancas- Villars this was a thing of course, but Lord Essex felt indignant at such a kind of warfare : his notions of chivalry were very exalted, and he sent a letter, calling upon the besieged to come out and fight in the open plain. Villars, in reply, gave permission to the Chevalier Picard to meet him alone, or with any number of men that might be agreed upon ; but the high notions of the English earl were nettled by the proposal, and he immediately sent * Cayet, liv. 3, p. 501. Davila. liv. 12. Hist, des Derniers Troubles, vol. ii. p. 30. t 7th April, 1590,-Hist. des Derniers Troubles, vol. ii. p. 19. BRAVERY OF THE BESIEGED. 279 Villars himself a challenge to fight in any way he might think proper. After stating that he had in his army many persons of the same quality as Picard, he added, " But if you will fight on horseback or on j foot, I will maintain that the king's quar- j rel is more just than that of the league ; { that I am better than you ; and that my ! mistress is fairer than yours. And if you will not come alone, 1 will bring with me twenty persons, all of whom shall be equal to the rank of a colonel ; or sixty, the least of whom shall be a captain." Villars knew his duty as a general too | well to accept such a challenge, and in \ reply expressed his willingness to meet the earl, when Mayenne had arrived to I take the command of the town. " Not wishing, however." said he, " to fail in re- plying to the conclusion of your letter, by which you declare yourself better than ; me, I tell you that you have lied, and that ( you lie every time you attempt to main- tain it. And as to the comparison of your mistress with mine, I believe you are j not more correct in that than in your other other assertions; at all events, it is not a| subject that I think much about at pre- sent."* A herald was sent into Rouen on the part of the king, calling upon the inhabi- tants to return to their obedience by ac- knowledging him. An assembly was held in the city to consider what answer should be returned ; and, on the 2d of December, the herald was dismissed with only a verbal communication. He was desired to tell his master that the people of Rouen were all resolved to die, rather than acknowledge a heretic for their king; and that they had not less spirit to maintain their ancient religion, than the Calvinists had displayed in support of their heresy. A solemn procession was then made, when an oath was publicly administered in unison with that message.! The siege was then proceeded with in a spirited manner, but nothing could damp the enthusiasm which animated the garrison of Rouen. Their sorties were bold, frequent and successful. Every day produced some display of that chivalrous bravery which characterized this age : the inhabitants were aware of the importance of their town to the Union ; and were en- * Cayet, liv. 3, p. 503. t Cayet, liv. 4, p. 12. couraged by the certainty that something would be done by their partisans towards raising the siege. Indeed the army of the league was then on the road to help them, and that intelligence excited the king to more vigorous attacks ; while, at the same time, Villars feeling a wish to have all the honour of beating off so formidable an enemy, made more determined sorties than before. It was towards the end of December that the king was informed of the return of the Duke of Parma into France, and that he was on his way to raise the siege. Henry had already sent a letter to Queen Elizabeth, informing her of his situation ; but on learning that the enemy was ac- tually approaching, he despatched Du- plessis-Mornay to make a more powerful appeal to her on behalf of the Protestant cause. At Dieppe, Duplessis met a mes- senger, sent by Elizabeth to order the im- mediate return of Lord Essex. That was discouraging, but he pursued his journey, and arrived in London on the 4th of January, 1592. For ten days he was occupied in making application for assis- tance, but without effect, although he had the good wishes and interest of the lord treasurer Burleigh. The queen's conduct was founded on caprice : she wanted her favourite Essex, and obstinately refused to grant the assistance; but afterwards, when her commands were obeyed, and Essex had returned to England, she con- sented to send over a reinforcement to the king* A few days after the king had de- spatched Duplessis, he was joined by Count Philip of Nassau, who arrived with a Dutch fleet, having on board three thou- sand infantry, some artillery and ammu- nition.! This was a great assistance to the besiegers, who were then enabled to batter the town from the river; but the courage of the besieged appeared to in- crease with the vigour of the attack, and their destructive sorties were incessant. Villars discovered, that besides the attacks of the royal army he had to guard against internal treason : he learned that there were concealed royalists in the town; and after a vigilant investigation, aided by the mancsuvres of a lawyer named Mauclerc, * Mem. de Duplessis, vol. ii. pp. 134, et seq. t 3d January, 1592. Cayet, liv. 4, p. 10. Sully, liv. 4. 280 ADVANCE OF PARMA ON HENRY. "0 who pretended to be a royalist, a plot was detected for opening one of the gates to the king's forces. Three persons named by Mauclerc were seized, tortured and hanged. To deter others from joining in any similar scheme, a new edict was pub- lished, ordering the same punishment for any who were concerned in such plots, and offering large rewards to all who in- formed against them.* Meanwhile the king had received intel- ligence that the Duke of Parma had quitted La Fere in Picardy, having left behind his heavy ordnance, which showed that he meant to proceed at once to Rouen, without employing his time before any town in possession of the royalists. He immediately wrote to Duplessis-Mor- harass them as they approached. With this object in view he quitted Rouen on the twenty-ninth of January* He advanced to Folleville, a village on the borders of Picardy, before he could learn the route by which the enemy was advancing: but being informed they were in that quarter, he sent parties to look out, while he was similarly employed with a body of one hundred and twenty horse- men. The king had proceeded thus about a league, when Laverdin, who was by his side, discovered a body of Spanish sol- diers near some trees: they were about to charge upon them, when a large body of cavalry came up and a skirmish ensued, which ended by the leaguers falling back upon their main body ; the king also with- nay, informing him of the circumstance, | drew to Berteville.f This rencontre with a view of making some impression ' was followed by another a few days after upon Elizabeth, by an account of his des- j near Aumale,}: when the king fell in with perate situation. In a postscript he added, | the picquets of the league, at a time when that his opinion was confirmed by an in- he was accompanied by only two hundred tercepted letter from Mayenne to Villeroy: light horse, and about three hundred gen- "If," says Henry, "the queen -at once tlemen. The sight of a few soldiers ap- sendsme the aid which you are employed i peared insignificant to the king's party, to solicit, I hope to be able to combat my j and no one expected they would offer enemies without raising the siege, and ! any resistance : but presently the enemy's trust God will grant me the victory, main body appeared, marching in the Still, according to the reports they circu- most compact order; a measure which late, their force is very great. I address the Duke of Parma had adopted to her (.the queen) a word on the conse- prevent a surprise which he considered quences dependent upon my success, not only to myself, but also to all Christen- dom. ;,t The united forces of the league amount- ed to eighteen thousand infantry and five thousand cavalry: the Dukes of Parma and Mayenne had marched to Peronne, where a consultation was held respecting their future plans: they resolved to pro- ceed direct to Rouen, and throw in some supplies if they could not succeed in raising the siege.f The king's expecta- tions of assistance from England were sadly damped by the letters he received from Duplessis-Mornay, who stated that Elizabeth persisted in refusing the sup- plies. 5 He decided in consequence on leaving the principal part of his army be- fore the town, under the care of Marshal Biron; while he set out with the elite of his cavalry to reconnoitre the enemy and * 7th January, 1592. Cayet, liv. 4, p. 14. t Mem. de Duplessis, vol. ii. p. 102. j Cayet, !iv. 4, p. 18. $ This letter was dated lOtli January, 1592. Mem. de Duplessis, vol. ii. p. 152. probable on account of the king's in- trepid character and venturesome dispo- sition. In a very short time the king's party was surrounded by two troops of dragoons (arquebiisiers a cheval) who commenced a fire upon them. Most of the gentlemen were without their helmets : they fought with great resolution, and maintained their ground until a division of infantry came from the army to support their companions. A retreat then became necessary, especially as a great many of the king's party were killed ; but as it was known that the king was there, and the leaguers called out to each other what a prize was in their reach, they made stili greater exertions to prevent his escape. The danger to which Henry was exposed on this occasion was very great; and be- sides losing a great many of his followers, he was himself wounded by a musket- ball. The fortunate arrival of some roy- * Davila, liv. 12. t Davila, liv. 12. Sully, liv. 4, p. 56. 1 4th February, 1592. ADVANCE OF PARMA ON HENRY. 2S1 alist troops assisted his retreat; but after all it is doubtful whether any of the party could have escaped, had not the Duke of Nevers advanced with a strong division of cavalry. It was greatly to be feared that this affair, which was much magnified by report, would cause confusion and alarm in the army before Rouen ; and in conse- quence it was desirable that every possi- ble impediment should be placed to delay the enemy's march. As the small town of Neufchatel-en-Bray was in the direct road, a defence of that place might detain the Duke of Parma a short time, and allow the king to take further measures. Givry was in consequence posted in Neufchatel with seven hundred men : the king re- tired to Dieppe to repose for the benefit of his wound, which was not very serious ; and the Duke of Nevers returned, with the rest of the division, to the camp before Rouen.* The Duke of Parma had the reputation of being the most cautious general of his time: he always avoided an engagement when he could; and carefully provided for a retreat whenever he entered a country occupied by an enemy. He would not therefore leave Neufchatel be- hind him in the hands of the royalists, and summoned Givry to open the gates on the eleventh of February. The town offered so little means of defence, that a refusal to surrender, which was the consequence, appeared an affront to the duke ; to resent it, he brought up his artillery and opened a cannonade. Givry had been ordered to act according to circumstances, and not waste the lives of those who were with him : he accordingly capitulated as soon as a breach was made, and obtained very honourable terms.f This affair de- tained the duke only four days, but that was of great service to the king ; for the army of the league had no means of ob- taining provisions in that part of the coun- try, and as parties of cavalry were out to intercept their convoys, the stock which was carried with them began to diminish sensibly.}: Besides which, the duke was informed that the king was again in the field with a strong force ready to attack * Mem. de Tavannes, p. 149. Davila, liv. 12. Cayel, liv. 4. De Thou, liv. 102 Sully, liv. 4. t Cayet, liv. 4. p. 20. Davila, liv. 12. Sully, liv. 4, rather blames Givry for not holding out longer. Ma- thieu, vol. ii. liv. ], p. 102, says, "the place could he forced in-an hour." { Davila, liv, 12. him : the movements of the army were therefore made with extreme caution, as it approached the neighbourhood of R»me. Parma and Mayenne were both satisfied that they could do nothing to relieve the place, without risking a general engage- ment : they held a council of war, and re- solved on preparing to attack Dieppe as a diversion.* This decision created mur- murs in the army of the league ; and the French nobles complained of the Duke of Parma for not advancing on several oc- casions, when by so doing he might have put an end to the war.t Parma on his side pressed Mayenne so closely to pro- mise the crown of France to the Infanta, that he and many of the nobles were ready to treat with the king if he would but abjure.} The king, meanwhile, was hovering about the leaguers, and kept them in constant alarm. On one occa- sion he had intelligence that the Duke of Guise had taken possession of Cures, a small town within a few miles of Dieppe. He was then at Bachy, a distance of seven leagues ; and having appointed a rendez- vous not far from Bures for the rest of his army, he set out with two thousand ca- valry, two thousand Reitres, five hundred dragoons, and as many foot-soldiers, to be ready to assist him, if attacked in the woody country through which he had to pass. His couriers fell in with a small party of the enemy, and a skirmish en- sued, when some of the leaguers were killed ; several were also taken prisoners, among whom was the Count de Chaligny. brother of the Duke of Mercoeur and of the Queen Dowager. The fugitives re- turned into Bures, and gave an alarm; otherwise a considerable number of per- sons of rank would have been captured. Guise's baggage and standard fell into the king's hands; and all in the town who made any resistance were put to the sword, to the number of two hundred. The Duke of Bouillon and the Baron de Biron pursued the fugitives to a consi- derable distance. § A letter containing an account of this affair was sent to Queen Elizabeth, when the king made another appeal for assist- ance. " Believe me, madam," says Henry, "if I had but this favour from you, I would * Cayet, liv. 4, p. 21. t Davila, liv. 12. J Villeroy, vol. i. p. 3)9. § 17th Feb. 15112. Mem. de Duplessis, vol. ii. p. Itf-J. De Thou, liv. 1U2. 24* 282 RETREAT OF PARMA. soon give an account of these folks, and make them glad to get back in safety to look^ after their own affairs; but you must consider that I have to continue the siege of Rouen, which I will not abandon, at the same time that I keep the field against them. We are, madam, in that position, that the armies look at each other, and would have engaged already if they had as much resolution to help Rouen, as I have to continue the siege, and carry it before them." Henry concluded by ob- serving, that she could not suffer so great an undertaking to be abandoned, for want of such trifling assistance, and when it was on the point of succeeding* But the queen would not yield to any importunity, and a lapse of two months occurred before a reinforcement was sent.j All this time Villars continued to defend the city with success. Being well in- formed by spies of the state of the royal army, he made arrangements Tor a gene- ral sortie, when the king's entrenchments were attacked at once on three different points. The royalists were taken una- wares, and became an easy prey : Bois- rose, who conducted a division in the sortie, penetrated to the park of artillery, drove away the Lansquenets placed near it, carried off five pieces of cannon, and spiked two others. Marshal Biron was then at Dernetal: he was soon informed of the affair, and immediately hastened to the camp. The sortie had been made at seven in the morning, and for two hours the leaguers had carried all before them. Biron's arrival compelled them to retreat; but they effected it in excellent order, not having lost more than forty men, while the royalists had above five hundred men killed, besides some made prisoners.}. The news of this exploit compelled the Duke of Parma to make an effort to re- lieve the town, especially as he received a letter from Villars, informing him that the royalists had begun to press the siege more vigorously, in order to efface the effects of their late misfortune. A rein- forcement of eight hundred men was thrown into Rouen on the 8th of March, which being reported to the king, brought * Mem. de Duplessis, vol. ii. p. 185. t Its arrival ia mentioned in a letter from Duplessis- Mornay, dated 16tli April, 1592. — Memoires, vol. ii. p. 197. t 26th Feb. 1592. Cayet, liv. 4, p. 21—25. Mem. de Tavannes, p. 140. him back again to the camp in a few days, when he prepared for still greater efforts against the place. Within ten days a very considerable breach was made in the wall, and Villars wrote to Mayenne that he should be obliged to capitulate unless he were relieved early in the ensuing month.* At this time the king's army experienced a considerable reduction, by a number of persons going to their homes ; and the Dukes of Mayenne and Parma were aware of that circumstance, as well as of the absence of several parties sent out for fresh levies : they therefore took an opportunity, when the king had gone in the direction of Dieppe to make a forced march and relieve Rouen. They arrived there on the evening of the 20th of April, and the royalists were unable to prevent their entering the town, which they did the next day, and a Te Deum was sung on the occasion.! This unexpected reinforcement occa- sioned great joy among the leaguers ; but its advantages were very trifling; for their supply of provisions was so small, that the dukes were unable to relieve Rouen in that respect. Parma wished to follow up his advantage by attacking the king; but Mayenne persuaded him to lay siege to Caudebec, where they would find large stores of grain, and by taking that place they would lay open the passage of the river.} Caudebec was invested on the 24th of April, and surrendered three days after. This conquest cost the Duke of Parma a severe wound by a musket-ball: he was besides unable to keep possession of the place many days, for the king had sent for the garrisons out of all the neighbour- ; ing towns, and having by that measure ; gained an addition of three thousand I horsemen, and twice as many infantry, he was able to blockade completely the army of the league. Skirmishes took place every day, but the royalists gradually en- J croached on their enemies' position. The j leaguers at the same time were suffering greatly from the want of provisions, and, to add to their disasters, the king succeed- ed in cutting off a division of their light cavalry quartered at Ranson, on which occasion a large quantity of baggage, plate, * Journal de Henri IV. t Cayet, liv. 4, p. 26—27. Davila, liv. 12. t Cayet, liv. 4, p. 29. Peiefixe, liv. 2. THE LEAGUE TAMPER WITH HENRY. 263 and money fell into the hands of the roy- alists. In such a condition escape was very difficult ; decampment by night, or fighting his way through the ranks of his opponents, were the only alternatives of the Duke of Parma ; and on the night of the 22d of May he succeeded in trans- porting his entire army across the Seine by means of a number of boats and pon- toons sent down from Rouen the previous evening. Directly the king was informed of this movement he hastened to the Pont de PArche, but Parma was too far advanced to allow him any chance of success if he pursued him : the duke made the greatest possible haste, recrossed the Seine at St. Cloud, and, without entering Paris, pur- sued his march incessantly, until he ar- rived at Chateau Thierry* It has" been insinuated that Marshal Biron was the cause of the Spanish army's successful evasion from the king's grasp; his son, the Baron de Biron, proposed to prevent the enemy's passing in the direction of the river, if the king would intrust him with a division of the army. The marshal pre- vented the adoption of the proposal, but was nevertheless exceedingly angry with his son for thinking of such a thing; and asked him with an oath, " If he wished to send them all back to grow cabbages at Biron"!" He afterwards told him that such an enemy should never be ruined entirely, for the king would then have but little consideration for his captains, as their services would be no longer necessary .t The siege of Rouen was in reality at an end, but hostile operations were still continued in the neighbourhood ; and as the possession of Q,uiIleboeuf by the king's troops rendered great vigilance necessary for fear of a sudden attack, Villars deter- mined to make himself master of that place. For that purpose he obtained some reinforcements from Mayenne, who returned to Rouen, having accompanied the Duke of Parma as far as^Charenton. The siege of Quillebceuf was begun on the 4th of July, and was conducted by Villars himself. The Count de Thorigny, Crillon, and a few gentlemen threw them- selves into the place to assist Bellegarde, who was the temporary governor ; but at * Cayet, Davila, Mathieu, De Tliou, and Brantome, ZHscours sur Its belles retrailes. f Perelue, liv. 2. Brantome, vol. ix. p. 164. that time he had not more than si::ty men with him, and they were unprovided with the requisites for sustaining a siege. The gentlemen took with them considerable quantities of provisions and ammunition ; and, notwithstanding the vigour with which the place was attacked, they re- pelled two assaults, after which the leaguers desisted and returned to Rouen.* The king was then besieging Epernay, in Champagne, and was unable to send relief to Q,uilleboeuf ; but in one of his let- ters he stated, that knowing Crillon was there, he felt no uneasiness ; a compliment of the most flattering kind to that offieer, which was the more gratifying from so warlike a prince. Epernay surrendered in the beginning of August: that siege cost the life of Marshal Biron, whose head was struck off by a cannon-ball as he was re- connoitring.t From Epernay the king went to St. Denis, where he again renewed his plan of blockading Paris : but soon after hear- ing that the Duke of Parma was making preparations to enter France with another army, he went into Picardy to be ready to attack him on his march. The Duke was at Arras, to meet some deputies and col- lect his forces; and while there he died.}. The wound he had received at Caudebec had materially injured his constitution, and contributed to hasten his death. That event, and the urgent recommendation of Duplessis, induced the king to proceed to Tours, where his presence was necessary in consequence of some negotiations under discussion. ^ During the year 1592, different parts of France had been the scenes of warfare and hostilities, producing different results in their operations. In June the Prince of Conty was completely defeated before Craon, by the Duke of Mercceur;|| and 'afterwards, in the month of December, he | was obliged to raise the siege ofRochfort.H Lesdiguieres, in an opposite quarter, main- tained a long campaign against the leaguers and the Duke of Savoy, during which Antibes was taken and retaken, and * Cayet, liv. 4. Davila, liv. 12. Vie tie Crillon, vol. ii. p. 113. i Brantome, vol. ix. p. 150. Cayet, liv. 4, p. 41. Sully, liv. 5. t 2d December, 1592. } Mem. de Duplessis, vol. ii. p. 290. |( Cayet, liv. 4, p. 35. D'Aubigne, vol. iii. p. 272. De Thou, liv. 103. If Mem. de Duplessis, vol. ii. p. 289. 284 NEGOTIATION FOR A PEACE. the war was subsequently carried into Piedmont. On the arrival of the Duke of Epernon in Provence, Antibes once more fell into the hands of the royalists ; and the leaguers, under the Duke of Joyeuse, were defeated at Villemur.* About the same time the Duke of Bouillon gained a victory over Amblize, Grand Marshal of, Lorrain, who was besieging Beaumont, a small town near Sedan. The attack from without being seconded by a sortie from the town, the besiegers were completely routed, and their leader and seven hun- dred men killed.t Bouillon afterwards took Dun, a small town on the Meuse, but not without exertion, as it was very well defended. CHAPTER XLVII/ Negotiation for a peace — Assembly of the States-gene- ral at Paris — Conference at Suresne— Abjuration of Henry IV. The Duke of Parma's death discon- certed the measures of Philip II., who had also the mortification of finding that his party was losing ground in France; for, notwithstanding the military operations of the year 1592, negotiations had been car- ried on between Duplessis-Mornay and Villeroy. At the end of March, Fleury delivered to Duplessis a letter from the president Jeannin to Villeroy, containing the substance of what was required of the king by the nobles of the league. They were resolved to conclude a peace with fhe king on his promising to become a Catholic, and authorized Villeroy to treat upon that basis :| but as they did not de- sire any haste which might hurt the king's character, they proposed that he should * 15th Oct. 1592. Cayet, Iiv. 4, p. 95 etscq. De Thou, liv. 103. t 8th Oct. 1502. Cayet, liv. 4. p. C8— 70. I)e Thou, liv. 103. Marsollier, Hist, de Due de Bouillon, vol. ii. p. 51—53. t The terms, as related by Villeroy, were as follow:— The king to engage to be instructed for his conversion, and to declare his intention to support the Roman Ca- tholic religion. The exercise of that religion to be re- stored wherever it had been suppressed, and the clergy to be restored to their former privileges. If it were right to tolerate the exercise of any other religion, there should be allowed no greater privilege than ex- isted in 1585. Every thing that had occurred since the death of the Guises to be forgotten, and no inquiry to be made respecting any circumstance excepting certain cases reserved in preceding edicts, in which the king's death was not to be made a pretext for troubling inno- cent persons. The memory and character of the Car- dinal and Duke of Guise to be restored, but without hurting that of the late king, &c, &.c.—Mcm. d'Etat. vol. i. p. 343—346. privately treat with the pope for a few months respecting a reconciliation, to effect which they would secretly lend their influence and assistance. The treaty was not to be made public until the king was ready to declare himself; for which they assigned as a reason, that they would not give the king of Spain a pretext for being their enemy. Duplessis informed his mas- ter that he did not like the propositions : " It appears to me," says he, in a report on the subject * " that they only desire a conference, in order to pacify those of their party who cry out for peace, by showing that it is not their fault that it is not made." But a few days after he had an interview with Villeroy, when the proposal was drawn up to be communicated to his ma- jesty. To reconcile the pope with Henry, and put an end to the desolating wars which afflicted France, appeared then the chief desire of the party which had sent Villeroy; for, at the conclusion of his de- spatch, Duplessis stated, " that no objection was made to the reformed religion remain- ing according to the existing edicts."! It seems, however, that Mayenne was not inclined to a pacification; for Villeroy, in one of his letters, observes, " I think that M. de Mayenne ought at once to ac- cept the peace, and that if he does not, he will curse the lost occasion ;" and farther on, he adds, " It is very strange that May- enne should write to the towns of his party, that the king is not inclined for peace, for there is no occasion for it."| But whatever may have been the cause, the negotiation was suddenly broken off; and Villeroy, either to preserve himself from the imputation of inability, or to give vent to his hatred of the Huguenots, has announced to the world, that Duplessis made public what they had agreed to keep secret, and thus prevented the con- clusion of the treaty.^ On the other hand, we are informed that the discussion was so far advanced, that the king in full coun- cil gave orders to draw up an edict founded thereon; but that Biron, d'Au- mont, and others, being jealous that Du- plessis, a Huguenot, should be intrusted with the affair, and, fearing lest the treaty should be concluded without the king*s * Dated 28th March, 1502. Mem. de Duplessis, vol. ii. p. 224 + Dated 4th April, 1502. Ibid, p 236. % Mem.de Duplessis, vol. ii. p. 246. ^ Villeroy, vol. i. p. 366-7. THE PEOPLE DERIDE THE LEAGUE PARLIAMENT. 285 conversion, they availed themselves of the first opportunity which presented itself for breaking it off.* Mayenne himself soon afforded them an occasion, by sending pri- vately a stipulation for the government of Bugundy, for himself and his heirs, with other extravagant demands for his family. f The rupture of the negotiations did not prevent the number of the king's friends in Paris from increasing ; and towards the end of the year they found themselves so powerful, that they openly proposed to send to the king for the purpose of request- ing freedom for their trade.! Mayenne succeeded in overruling the proposition ; but the strength of the politiques was ex- hibited, and the known force of their party materially affected the subsequent affairs of the league in Paris. It was under such circumstances that the Duke of Mayenne issued a proclama- tion convoking the states-general ;§ a measure which was pressed upon him by the Sixteen, by the Spanish minister, and by Pope Clement VIII.,|| whose legate, Cardinal Sega, also published an exhor- tation to all the Catholic royalists, by which they were called upon to desert the king, and join the assembly for choos- ing a prince of the true faith. IT The States did not meet till the 25th of January, 1593, when the deputies went in proces- sion to Notre-Dame to hear mass, and a sermon against Henry IV. and the Salic law.** The principal personages collected on this occasion were so destitute of every thing calculated to command respect, that the mere assembling of the States excited the derision of the people at large. Some royalists promoted that feeling by the pub- lication of satirical pieces, which opened the eyes of the hitherto credulous popu- lace. The Salyre Menippee is familiar to all who have any acquaintance with the history of this period : it was the chief of those works which appeared at this time ; and, notwithstanding the ludicrous de- * Mem. (ie Duplessis, vol. ii. p. 248. t Vie de Duplessis-Mornay, p 175. t Cayet, liv. 4, p. 73. § Dated December, 1592; registered and published 15th January, 1593. Villeroy, vol. vi. p. 167—191. ]| Hyppolite Aldobrandini, a Florentine; he was elected 30th January, 1592. Innocent IX. (Fachinetto,) who isucceeded Gregory XIV., lived only two months after his elevation to the pontificate. J Cayet, liv. 5, p. 11G. Villeroy, vol. vi. p. 192— ** Hist, de la Ligue, vol. ii. p. 357. scription which it contains of the states- general, it is less a satire, in itself, than a satirical detail of facts. The known cha- racters of two of the leading ecclesiastics who figured in the assembly was a more severe libel on the cause than any inven- tion could be. Dr. Rose, bishop of Senlis, was a fanatical and debauched priest : he preached assassination and the necessity of the Catholic faith, and seduced the daughter of the president Neuilly, who addressed herself to him for confession ; while Espinac, Archbishop of Lyons, his compeer, was publicly known to live in incest with his sister.* The characters of Cardinals Pelleve and Sega, and the de- portment of the inferior clergy, were quite in unison with the interested ambition of the Lorrain princes and their adherents ; and the nation at last discovered that their civil wars had been fomented and carried on for the benefit of the King of Spain, and to promote the temporal interests of the pope ; and that the principal actors in the affair were so destitute of patriotism and justice, that they joined in oppressing the nation, in order to obtain the recom- pense which was held up to their view in those quarters. The election of a king, by the states- general, would have been very injurious to the cause of Henry IV. ; he therefore went with his court to Chartres, to be more ready to act according to circum- stances. The first days of the assembly were passed in matters of ceremony ; and before the deputies were able to decide upon the proper mode of proceeding, while they were canvassing the claims of various parties supposed to be entitled to the honour, a messenger arrived with an address from the Catholic royalists, pro- posing a conference in the neighbourhood of Paris, as the best means of restoring peace to the country.t When the mes- sage was made known, the legate declared that it was not only unworthy of a reply, but that the person who brought it de- served punishment : he at the same time pronounced it to be full of heresy.J The * Hist, de la Sorbonne, vol. ii. p. 72. Mayenne made great interest with Clement, VII I. to obtain acardinal's hat for Espinac; out that pontiff would not consent, and, told D' Ossat that Espinac's.bad reputation en mo- tidre des femmes was the reason. — Lcttres de Cardinal d'Ossat, part 2, p. 149- Edit, in folio, 1624. t Dated Chartres, 27th January, 1592—3. Cayet, liv, 5, p. 118. Villeroy, vol. vi. p. 213. t Villeroy, vol. ii. p. 34. 286 HENRY ABJURES PROTESTANTISM. Sorbonne were zealous in their exertions to prevent the proposal from being ac- cepted ; and the legate, the Spanish minis- ter, and the Sixteen were indefatigable on the occasion. The furious Pelletier, in a sermon, declared that the conference would be the greatest misfortune which could befall religion. But Villeroy and Jeannin had sufficient influence to have the subject taken into consideration * The reply to the address of the royalist Catholics was a month under discussion : at last the assembly decided that they would not treat directly or indirectly with the King of Navarre, or any other heretic, upon religious points; but that they would confer with the Catholics of his party, upon the means of restoring peace to the nation ; the whole of the discussion to be under the sanction of the legate. A letter was in consequence written on the 4th of March, 1593, and sent to the royalists at Chartres. Other letters passed between the parties, and at last the village of Suresne was fixed upon as the place of conference.! The arrival of the Duke de Feria, with extraordinary powers from the King of Spain, encouraged the fanatical party in their opposition to a conference ; but the general feeling could not be suppressed, and deputies from both parties met at the appointed place, on the 23d of April.J It is well known that this conference ended in the abjuration of Protestantism by Henry IV. ; and to detail the substance of what passed at the numerous meetings would be as tedious as it would be use- less. Repeated adjournments took place; and the king being desirous of conferring every respect upon so important a pro- ceeding, invited a considerable number of ecclesiastics to meet him at Mantes. The clergy of the league were invited as well as the royalists. " I have resolved," said the king in his letter, " in order if possible to remove every scruple in their obedience to me, on account of the difference of my religion, to receive instruction respect- ing the causes of the schism which is in * Journal de Henri IV. + Journal de Henri IV. Cayet, liv. 5, in loc. Ville roy, vol. vi. pp. 224 el setj. X Villeroy, vol. vi. p. 230. A considerable part of the Gth and 7th volumes of this work is occupied with ac- counts of the conference of Suresne. They were not composed by Villeroy, but have been added to his col- lection. 1 believe they were publisaed at the time, under the title of Journal de la Conference de Suresne. the church* The news of this proceed- ing spread an alarm among the Protest- ants, which was not dispelled by a pro- clamation, summoning their deputies to attend at Mantes on the 20th of July.f Duplessis, in a letter to his friend Servin, laments that, as the king was resolved on being instructed, he did not invite the Pro- testant ministers to meet the Catholic pre- lates, for it will be, said he, arma sine pul- vere.\ And in a letter to another person he writes, " I do not perceive that the bishops are called to enter into any argu- ment, and therefore the truth will be neither examined nor defended ; but, if it is for a mere matter of form that the assembly is convoked, the affair being already decided, as it is said ; it would be too great a scandal to truth to place it in discussion where it should prevail, only to make it yield as vanquished. "§ The conference had naturally produced a truce between the contending parties; but the king suspected that the Spaniards were availing themselves of the opportu- nity, to press more diligently the election of the Infanta, as the probable conver- sion of the king would render it impos- sible, if it were not effected immediately. Great efforts were also made by that party to increase their force, and obtain supplies for Paris. Henry was then in- duced to renew hostilities, and took Dreux towards the end of June.|| The league was perplexed at the loss of Dreux, which was almost their only remain- ing town in the neighbourhood of Paris; and many of their party were wavering, in consequence of a report that the king would certainly abjure before long : it was therefore urgent to bring the assembly to some decision, which was accordingly pressed by the Spanish agent. On this occasion the parliament resumed its inde- pendence: with a spirit of patriotism which the fate of Brisson could not daunt, they passed a decree declaring the Salic law inviolable, and protested against the elec- tion of a king by the States.1T The presi- * Dated 18th May, 1593. Cayet, liv. 5, p. 179. f This proclamation was dated 25th May, 1593. i Letter dated 31st May. Mem. de Duplessis, vol. ii. p. 314. $ Mem. de Duplessis, vol. ii. p. 324. y Cayet, liv. 5, p. 205. Mem.de Duplessis, vol. ii . p. 33. IT This decree, dated 30th June, 1593, gave great of- fence to the Duke of Mayenne ; and the Archbishop of Lyons went into a violent passion on account of it.— Mem. de Nevers, vol. ii. p. 030. HENRY ABJURES PROTESTANTISM. 287 dent, Lemaitre, was ordered to remon- strate with Mayenne against any treaty being made to transfer the crown of France to a foreign prince, under the pretext of re- ligion ; and to call upon him to bring about a peace, as soon as possible, on account of the extreme necessity of the people. But though so often foiled, the Spanish agents would not desist : they continued their exertions to have the Duke of Guise and the Infanta placed upon the throne, place him beyond the reach of censure for a want of firmness. The Protestant theo- logian may blame his abjuration in as un- qualified a manner as the popish ecclesi- astic bestows his approbation; but it is to be borne in mind that, by becoming a Catholic, Henry IV. was enabled to restore a national existence to France, and pos- terity has ennobled his name by the title of the Great. Happily the rights of con- science are now so fully admitted, that no But nothing could preserve their filling 'one presumes to question the sincerity of influence when the ceremony of publicly abjuring Protestantism had taken place at St. Denis.* The king had long been satisfied that unless he joined the Romish church, he must pass his whole life in warfare, which would waste his country with fire and sword. Many other cir- cumstances concurred in influencing him to change his religion; his favourite mis- tress, Gabrielle d'Estres, wished to see the country pacified, as the only means by another's opinions : we are, therefore, bound to abstain from inquiring whether this king's convictions were real or pre- tended ; and thus extend to his memory a privilege which could not exist while he lived, on account of the general prevalence of bigotry and prejudice. Yet without pretending to blame the act, we may lament the sad necessity, which drove him to abjure. The different Huguenots of distinction who have left which her prospect could be realized of behind cthem memoirs or letters, agree being married to the king. An expression j that the king was fond of easing his con- has been currently attributed to him which [science by the project of a national coun- is extremely probable : when hisHugue- cil for reuniting the parties by cleansing not friends were entreating him not to! the Roman church of those unscriptural abandon them, he is said to have an- j practices and doctrines which justified the swered, "Ventre St. Grin! Paris is well ; dissent of the Huguenots. Circumstances worth a mass." But the Catholics in [never permitted the realization of that pro- general declare this to be an invention of'ject ; and such is the force of example, the Huguenots, who, being vexed at losing [ that within a few years every family of so illustrious a chief, were determined to! distinction had returned to the Catholic make it appear that in his heart he had church. The loss of their protectors ren- not forsaken them. The sincerity of his dered the Huguenots an easy prey to their conversion has in consequence been enemies; and the- recompense obtained strenuously insisted upon by their oppo-;for their services to Henry, was only an nents. Cayet, who also abjured the Pro- j additional motive to excite his successors testant religion, takes great pains to show] to oppress them. that even while the king was avowedly1 As a cloak to their ambitious designs, a Huguenot, he sincerely believed in the ! the Jesuits and all the ultramontane fac- doctrine of the real presence.^ We have, [tion, whether commissioned from Rome however, his majesty's letter to the fair j or Madrid, had protested that they were Gabrielle, written on the evening before I actuated solely by a desire to preserve the his abjuration,]: which shows that he did 'unity of the faith, by protecting religion not renounce the faith in which he had been educated without some repugnance; much more, indeed, than he would have felt, if he been so satisfied upon the doctrines of the church of Rome: "To- morrow," says he, " I take the peril- ous leap." His situation as sovereign from the design of a prince who had abandoned their church. But no sooner did the King of France consent to become a Roman Catholic, than the legate evinced great displeasure, and announced that any ecclesiastic who might go to see Henry of Bourbon, who called himself King of and common parent of a suffering nation France, would be deprived of his bene- — fice, and incur the censures of the church.* • 25th July, 1593. I t Cayet, liv. 5, pp. 148—222. ; Journal de Henri IV. vol. i. p. 472. Edit. Cologne. * Leltre de Monsieur le LDsat aux CatholiqueB d6 < Fiance, dated 23d July, 1593. Villeroy, vol. vii. p. 84. 288 MAYENNE MAKES HIS PEACE WITH THE KING. The gates of Paris were shut, and the people prohibited from going to St. Denis: but the attempt was useless, and multi- tudes went to witness a ceremony, which was to put an end to the public calami- ties.* Joy so publicly testified, convinced the Duke of Mayenne that his power was nearly at an end. From this time the king was spoken of in terms of respect, and the titles Henry of Bourbon, King of Navarre, or the Bernais, were discontinued by all except the most fanatical members of the league. The preachers had recourse to their old method of serving the cause by the most vi ilent sermons, in which the king's abjuration was represented in very odious colours. Boucher was conspicuous among them, and preached nine sermons on the subject, which were afterwards printed. He maintained that the bishops who had received the abjuration were ministers of hell ; and that even the pope himself could not re-Catholicise the Bear- nais.f The people, however, remained cool, and the appeal to their enthusiasm was no longer successful. The Duke of Mayenne, perceiving that his prospects were cut off, considered that as he must choose to submit to the king on one hand, or on the other to his nephew, if the King of Spain succeeded in placing him upon the throne, and being besides advised by his wife to make peace with the king while he could obtain good terms, he con- cluded a truce in spite of the opposition of the Spaniards.}. An embassy was despatched to the pope to obtain his absolution, and thus remove every scruple which might remain in the minds of the ecclesiastics. This circum- stance, coupled with the publication of the Council of Trent in Paris, appears to have excited great apprehensions among the Huguenots. Ever since the king had been joined by any of the Catholic no- bility, his favours had been almost exclu- sively bestowed upon them ; and when the Protestants knew that his abjuration was decided upon, they chiefly regretted the loss of a chief and a protector. But when they heard that the absolution was wanted, they anticipated further persecu- tions; and their inquiries upon every * Cayet, !iv. 5, p. 2-22. Journal de Henri IV. t Journal de Henri IV. t Dated 31st July, 1593. Cayet, liv. 5. point, instead of allaying their fears, tended more to augment them. Du- plessis, writing to the Duke of Bouillon, observes, "In taking the king's abjuration, it was proposed tfhat he should swear to make war against the Huguenots, which he refused to do. This is a great bold- ness, to dare to make such a demand, when he was barely on the threshold of their door." He afterwards alludes to the embassy to Rome, and expects that the king will obtain absolution " on condition of his revoking the edict against the bull ; and, for penance, he will be secretly en- joined to make war against the Protest- ants. The King of Spain will then remain to be satisfied: he can marry his daughter to the king, by which the two interests will be blended ; and then the Philistines must be sacrificed as a dowry."* In a subsequent letter he mentions, " the publi- cation of the Council of Trent, during a treaty of peace, appears to discover their intentions sufficiently. It is, in short, either to make the peace impossible for the king, or to cause a war to fall upon us."t The absence of a Huguenot leader be- longing to the royal family increased the importance of the Duke of Bouillon, who from that time was considered the head of that party; and his ambition made him assist the fervency of Duplessis, in reani- mating the zeal of the Protestants. A synod had been convened at St. Maixent prior to the king's abjuration; the circum- stances of the time made the Huguenots extremely attentive, and at that assembly a plan was agreed upon for deputies from all the churches to meet in the month of December, to petition the king to direct them how their affairs were henceforth to be conducted; to entreat him to order a general assembly of the Protestants ; and to pray that the truce might be changed into a settled peace.} The king's autho- rity was not so well established that he could dispense with the support of his tried friends ; he therefore met their deputies at Mantes, assured them that his conversion had not altered his affection for them, and promised to have their affairs taken into consideration. 5 * Dated 10th August, 1593. Mem. de Duplessis, vol. ii. p 336. t Mem. de Duplessis, vol. ii. p 3G7. t D'Aubigne, vol. iii. p. 364. 5 Cayet, liv. 5, p. 259. BARRIERE ATTEMPTS THE KING'S LIFE. 289 CHAPTER XLIX. Barriire meditates an attempt on the Kine's life— Re- duction uf Paris— John Chatel stabs the King— Ba nishineut of the Jesuits. Henry's abjuration was no sooner known, than a considerable number of i persons openly professed their attachment to him : all hope of destroying his autho- rity by arms was therefore at an end. ' But the legate and his fanatical associates would not abandon their design ; and by comparing the present state of their affairs with their condition when Henry III. was advancing against them with a formidable force, they were led to take measures for j a similar deliverance. The pulpits had for some time resounded with appeals, I calculated to excite 'any violent enthusiast who would undertake to preserve the) church from its pretended dangers. The Jesuit Commolet, in one of his sermons, ' enlarged upon the death of Eglon, King of Moab; he applauded the assassination! of the late king, and described James' Clement as sitting among the angels of heaven. Having thus applied the text, he \ exclaimed, " We must have an Ehud ; we want an Ehud : be he a monk, a soldier, '• or a shepherd, it is of no consequence;' but we must have an Ehud; and this blow is all we want to put our affairs in the situation we desire."* Such sermons were preached at Lyons' and other towns, as well as at Paris ; and : among others who were moved by the appeal, was one Peter Barriere, originally a waterman of Orleans: brought up: among the lowest classes, he was extreme- ! ]y ignorant; but being very intrepid, he | had been employed by the late Duke of I Guise in an attempt to carry off the Queen of Navarre. When he had re- solved to devote himself to his dreadful j attempt, he addressed the grand vicar ofi the Carmelites at Lyons to have his opinion respecting his enterprise: the friar) praised his courage. A capuchin, of whom ' he made the same inquiry, told him deci: dedly that the work was meritorious, j Happily for the king a similar consultation was held with a Dominican, named Sera- pin Bianchi, who was attached to the * Plaidoyer de M de Henri IV. 25 Arnauld, in 1594, p. 50. Journal royalist party, and was employed as a spy by the Duke of Tuscany. In order to be more sure of preserving the king against the meditated attempt upon his life, the Dominican deferred giving his opinion till the following day : in the interval he sent for a gentleman named Brancaleon, and told him to take particular notice of the person he should meet. Barriere was dismissed with an exhortation to abandon his plan, and Brancaleon immediately warned the king of his danger. Barriere proceeded to Paris and applied to Aubry, curate of St. Andre-des-Arcs, he being considered one of the most zeal- ous persons of the league. Aubry told him that the king was not a Catholic, although he went to mass: he introduced him to Varade, the rector of the Jesuits, who assured him that to kill the king was a great action, but it required courage, and that he must previously confess him- self and perform his Easter devotions: he then gave him his benediction, and in- trusted him to another Jesuit for confes- sion* After this encouragement Barriere purchased a double-edged knife, which he had pointed and sharpened, and the nset out to kill Henry IV. When he arrived at St. Denis, the king was hearing mass; Barriere was awed by his devotion, and his courage failed. He followed the king to various places and again received the sacrament. At last he was seized by Brancaleon, who recognised himatMelun, where he was waiting for an opportunity to give the fatal blow. His answers, when examined, displayed a sort of in- sanity, which arose from his mind being bewildered by what the different priests had declared to him. His punishment comprised the worst kinds of torture; and, while suffering such dreadful pain, he declared that he expected God would have rendered him invisible after killing the king. His confession was very ample, and he mentioned the names of his ad- visers, who were all priests or doctors in theology; indeed there is not the least room to doubt their complicity on this occasion.t * Jnuvency naturally rejects this version of the af- fair. He says that Varade did every thins in his power to deter Barriere: but he was madly bent upon it, and would not be persuaded. (Hist. A'tic. Jesu. lib. IS, p 44.) Jourency's account would appear more worthy of cre- dit if Varade had acted like the Dominican Bianchi. t Barriere was arrested the 2Cth Augu.t, and exe- 290 REDUCTION OF PARIS. The remainder of the year was occupied with negotiations for the pope's absol ution ; the want of which enabled the clergy to declare, that the abjuration was incom- plete, and obstacles were thus raised to the people's return to allegiance. But at last it became evident that the king was not the cause of the delay, for, notwith- standing the pope's refusal to receive his ambassador, he did not cease to solicit a reconciliation. The Duke of Nevers, who was charged with that mission,* was sur- prised, on his arrival at Poschiavo, in the Grisons' country, to meet the father Pos- sevin, a Jesuit, who presented a brief from the pope, and informed him that he could not be received.t The Duke of Nevers, however, proceeded to Rome, and had several interviews with Clement, who said to him on one occasion — " Do not tell me that your king is a Catholic; I will never believe that he is truly converted, unless an angel come from heaven to whisper it in my ears. As to the Catholics who have followed his party, I look upon them only as disobedient deserters of religion and the crown, and no more than bastards and sons of the bondwoman. Those of the league are lawful children, and real sup- ports and true pillars of the Catholic reli- gion."t The first leaguer that submitted to the king was Bois-rose, who, directly he heard of his conversion, made an offer of his services, and gave up the towns of Fes- champ and Lislebonne. This example was followed by Vitry, governor of Meaux; the Duke of Mayenne did all in his power to retain that gentleman, but in vain. As the truce was about to expire, and there appeared a probability of the war being renewed, he called together the inhabitants of Meaux, who all agreed to his proposals ; and, in consequence, they proclaimed the king immediately: Vitry moreover addressed a manifest to the league, explaining his reasons for leaving them. 5 The impulse being given, other go- vernors went over to the king, and Poin- toise was surrendered by D'Alincourt. cuted the 31st. Cayet, liv. 5. IJe Thou, liv. 107. Journal de Henry IV. Pasquier, vol. ii. p. 455. * The instructions delivered to the Marquis de Pisany by the Duke of Nevers are inserted in Villeroy, vol. iv. p. 327. ■ f 14th Oct. 1593. Mem. de Nevers, vol. ii. p. 405. i Cayet, liv .5. pp. 251—260. Journal de Henri IV. § 25th Llec. 1593. Cayet, liv. 5, p. 272. Journal de Henri IV. Mem. de Nevera, vol. ii. p. 632. The loss of that place was a great blow to the league, for they had no other town within fifteen leagues of Paris. Villeroy immediately advised Mayenne to treat publicly with the king, but he refused ; he said he could not acknowledge him with- out the pope's orders. The experienced statesman perceived that the cause of the union was irrecoverable, and immediately joined the royalists. Henry received him graciously, and made him a secretary of state.* Soon after, the city of Lyons was mas- tered by the royalists. A revolt had taken place there in the previous September, which arose from a public dislike of the Duke of Nemours, the governor, who was placed in confinement in a castle. No thought of serving the king had been en- tertained by the leaders in this affair ; but the royalists were thereby enabled to as- certain their strength, and from that time they formed plans for establishing the king's authority. Mayenne was urged by his family to relieve Nemours from his unpleasant situation ; but he had no rea- son to be anxious for the release of such a rival. f The intrepid defender of Paris had, however, great claims upon the party, and a body of troops were pro- mised to be sent to restore his authority in Lyons. This news determined the royalists to hasten the execution of their plans; they sent to Alphonso Ornano for help, and, on the night of the 7th of February, they went through the streets calling upon the people to join in their effort for liberty: in a short time the city was barricaded in every direction. The archbishop was awakened by the noise, and went to the Hotel-de-Ville, where he remonstrated with the people upon their disobedience, and told them that they ought at least to wait till the pope had absolved the king. He was answered by shouts of Five le Roi! and the next day every one put on the white scarf. Bon- fires were lighted, and every thing done to express the public hatred of the league. The arms of Spain, Savoy, and Nemour9 were publicly burned, as well as a per- sonification of the league, under the figure of an old sorceress. Te Deum * Cayet, liv. 6, pp. 293, ct seq. Villeroy, vol. ii. pp. J07 el seq. t In a conversation with Villeroy lie pretended to doubt the fact of Nemours being in confinement. — Mem. d'Etat, vol. ii. p. 89fc'. BRISSAC TURNED TO THE KING'S SIDE. 291 was sung, and public entertainments were given to promote the festivity.* This event was highly gratifying to the king, who had found that his conversion to Catholicism had neither diminished the personal hatred of his enemies nor re- laxed the efforts of Philip II. in opposing him. A courier with despatches from Mayenne to the Spanish court, was seized ; and among other papers was a | letter, stating that the communications of! the bearer were deserving of attention and credit. The king discerned a good op- portunity for learning Philip's real senti-l ments, and having confined the bearer of the despatches, sent La Varenne into ! Spain in his stead, with ample instructions for his guidance. On his arrival at Madrid, he was introduced to Philip, who informed him of all his plans for preventing the ab- solution of the King of France: "Do not fear," said Philip, "that the pope will grant it, unless the Prince of Beam him- self goes to Rome to demand it ; and if he go there, I will take good care that he shall not easily get back again." He afterwards saw the Infanta; and during the interview she expressed a wish to be informed about the Prince of Beam. Va- renne had expressly given that turn to the conversation, and produced a portrait of Henry, with an observation upon the happy results which might be derived from a marriage with him. The Infanta made no reply, but kept the portrait. Varenne concluded his errand and had received the orders of the king of Spain ; he went to take leave of the Infanta be- fore he quitted Madrid, and, as he left the apartments, he was secretly informed that a courier had arrived with intelligence of Mayenne's despatches having fallen into the hands of the King of France. His situation was very perilous, for his ar- rest would be followed by an order for him to be put to death ; but by using great expedition, he was able to make his escape, and communicate the impor tant information he had obtained.t The legate confirmed his report, by announcing in a letter addressed to all good Catholics, that the absolution would never be granted.i As there appeared, therefore, no probabi- * Cayet, liv. 6, p. 20P. Journal de Henri IV. ( Cayet, liv. 5, p. 270, J Villeroy, vol. ii. p. 113. lity of his obtaining the pope's absolution, and knowing that without it he could not expect the submission of many of the cler- gy; and being besides of opinion that, if he were crowned, many persons would be led by that circumstance alone to join his cause, he decided on having his coronation solemnized at Chartres : that ceremony took place on the 27th of February, 1594. The news of this event spread great joy among the royalists, who by this time were numerous in every part of France. Mayenne being informed of the general change of the public feeling, became fear- ful of being captured in the same way that the people of Lyons had seized his brother Nemours : he quitted Paris in consequence, and went with his family to Soissons in the early part of the month of March.* The retreat of Mayenne left Brissac, governor of Paris, at liberty to make an advantageous treaty with the king for surrendering the city, and thus take a re- compense for services unrewarded by the league. St. Luc, his brother-in-law, was a royalist ; him the king charged with the negotiation. A dispute had long existed between them respecting the settlement of some property ; St. Luc proposed an ac- commodation, and the meeting was only a pretext for making known his mission. When they met at the Abbey of St. An- tnine, they were each accompanied by lawyers, who discussed their affairs with earnestness, while St. Luc took Brissac aside, and made his proposal, which was accepted. As it was necessary to take every precaution, even against the slightest suspicion of a conference, it was given out that the lawyers could not come to any decision, and that they had parted with feelings of great animosity: at the court, it was circulated that the king would not easily forgive Brissac's devotion to the cause of Spain.t On his return into the city, Brissac consulted with the attorney-general Mole, and others of the king's party, who would not join in the undertaking without sti- pulations for their own interests. But that circumstance was not allowed to be an obstacle; Brissac had sold himself, and therefore could not reproach them for * I.e Grain, liv. 6. p. 272. Journal de Henri IV. t Cayet, liv. 5, p. 334. Journal de Henri IV. 292 PARIS OCCUPIED BY HENRY. making a price. At last they were all. agreed, and arrangements were made for executing the plan. The dawn of the 22d of March was the time fixed for opening the gates of Paris to the king. On the evening of the 21st, Brissac as- sembled every officer in whom he could confide. The object of the enterprise was then more fully explained, and each was appointed to the post he was to oc- cupy in its execution. At the same time, it was by the greatest hazard that they were not foiled; for, from the com- munication being extended to a great number, it at last reached the ears of the Spanish ministers and the Sixteen. They sent for Brissac, and told him that there was a rumour of Mayenne having con- cluded a peace with the king. He pro- fessed to suppose it impossible; but at the same time admitted that great precau- tions were necessary, and that he would immediately go round the walls, to see that all was right. Two Spanish cap- tains went with him; and as they had been informed he was in the plot, they were ordered to kill him directly^ they perceived any movement in the neigh- bourhood.* Fortunately the king's troops did not make their appearance till four o'clock in the morning, when the Spaniards had quitted Brissac, who went to reconnoitre directly he heard the signal: the gate was immediately opened, and the royalists en- tered the city in silence; they immediately took possession of the open places and cross roads. A post occupied by some Lansquenets was the only point at which they met with opposition, and that was very soon overcome. The king's entry was quite triumphal; he was met at dif- ferent parts by the public bodies, who offered their homage, while the provost presented the keys of the city. The streets resounded with shouts of Five le Hoi.1 and the power of the league was in a moment replaced by the authority of the lawful sovereign, who now appeared as generally beloved as he had lately been execrated by the multitude. But all Henry's intrepidity could not prevent his uneasiness, lest an ambuscade were placed to cut him off; and he in- quired of Marshal Matignon if he had secured the gate, and made certain of re- treat in case of need.* Indeed, it is pro- bable if a single leaguer had discharged a gun, or attempted, in any manner, to en- courage his party, that a dreadful havoc would have been made amongst the king's troops. Sufficient time was given for complete occupation of the town; and the few efforts that were afterwards made to disturb the public tranquillity were with- out effect. Directly the king perceived that the Louvre and the principal places were in his power, he sent to the Duke of Feria to demand the liberation of Colonel St. Quentin, who had been put in prison on account of his supposed royalist opinions. The duke and his companion Ibarra were then informed that they were at liberty lo retire when they pleased, provided they made no attempts to resist the occupation of all the posts by the king's soldiers. They accepted the proposal, and left Paris the same day with all the Spanish forces. In the course of the morning, the king went to Notre-Dame, where Tc Deurn was sung; the people crowded on his passage to and from the church, and when his attendants tried to keep them off, he called out, " Let them approach, lor they are eager to behold a king !"t Proclamation of a general pardon was made: had Henry consulted his own feelings, he would not have shown the least resentment to any; but being con- vinced that some examples were abso- lutely requisite, the most seditious were ordered to quit the city. Even Varade, the rector of the Jesuits, who had insti- gated Barriere to attempt his life, was allowed quietly to depart, in company with the legate. Cardinal Pelleve died of vexation on hearing of the event; and the furious Boucher, being fearful lest he should be brought to account for his in- cendiary sermons, retired with several other doctors into Flanders. De Bourg, the governor of the Bastille, made a show of resistance; but when he found that the popular feeling was undivided, he sur- rendered the fortress; the occupation of Paris was then complete.^ As a recompense for his zeal in the enterprise, the king promoted Brissac to the rank of marshal; Mole, for his ex- * Cayet, liv. 5, p. 336. Journal de Henri IV. * Journal de Henri IV. % Journal de Henri IV. t Ibid. PARIS OCCUPIED BY HENRY. 293 ertions in the parliament, was made pre sident, and Le Maitre, who filled a similar dignity under the league, was confirmed in that office. These rewards were an indication of the king's disposition to- wards all who would join him; while the surrender of Paris contributed very much to bring about a similar change in the other towns. The parliament, being established once more under royal authority, passed a de- cree, annulling all the acts and decrees which had been made to the prejudice of the king and his predecessor.* They also proceeded to investigate the conduct of the most notorious leaguers, and take measures for punishing them. Very se- vere punishments were announced for the preachers, if taken; but as they had time allowed them to escape, in the in- terval between the king's return to Paris and the recomposition of the courts, most of them remained abroad, and underwent the punishment of exile alone. But the Jesuits were found to have been, one and all, so deeply interested for the Spanish party, that their expulsion from the kingdom was considered neces- sary. This question occupied a long time. The decree of the university which ordered the proceedings for their banish- ment was signed by the faculty without any objection. t The parochial clergy afterwards joined the university, and the cause was tried by the parliament of Paris in July, 1549. This process has become memorable by the constant reference made to it on every occasion which has brought the Jesuits into collision with the parlia- ments; and the charges which were then exhibited against them have been always renewed whenever the public mind has been excited against that society. A li- mine Arnauld was advocate for the uni- versity; Louis Dole for the curates of Paris; and Claude Duret pleaded on be- half of the defendants. Arnauld's speech contained much violent declamation: that of Dole was more argumentative; the de- fence was comprised under two heads — one, that the accusation against the so- * Arrest solemnel conlre ce qui s'est fait |>ar la Ligue, &c. Dated 30th March, 15U4 Mem. de Nevers, vol. ii. p. 691. The parliament was recalled from Tours, by letters patent dated 28th March. t Sumnta petitionis crat, ut soeietas Jesu, non solum Parisiis, verum etium universe^ regno exlcrmiiiaretur. Jouvenci, lib. iii. p 41. ciety was inadmissible — the other, an answer to the accusation, if admitted.* The public feeling was so much against the Jesuits, and the assertions made by Arnauld entered so deeply into t lie ex- perience of the nation at large, that the proscription of the order was fully ex- pected. The doctors of the Sorbonne had joined in the clamour against the Jesuits, and it was principally in consequence of their demand that the trial had been instituted; but two months had scarcely elapsed be- fore the faculty rescinded their former vote, and passed a decree in favour of the fathers.! The members of the league who still remained in Paris made use of this decree to meet the accusations which were made before the parliament ; and the Jesuits remained for that time unmolested. % The king was in the meantime occupied in the field ; and several towns had sub- mitted to him. Laon resisted his forces, and maintained a siege for two months, in which Givry was mortally wounded. Peronne, Beauvais, Amiens, and Noyon surrendered soon after; in November, a treaty was concluded between the king and the Duke of Lorrain ; and in a short time the Duke of Guise gave in his adhe- sion, and took the oath of fidelity.^ Every thing seemed to announce the entire pa- cification of France, by the general es- tablishment of the king's authority; the league was dwindling out of existence, and its decay was rendered still more rapid by a quarrel between the Dukes of Mayenne and Feria,|| when the nation was astounded by another fanatical at- tempt to assassinate the king. On the evening of the 27th of Decem- ber, 1594, Henry arrived at the Louvre from Picardy, when he was surrounded by a number of nobles and gentlemen, who pressed forward to offer their con- gratulations on the favourable state of his affairs. A young man had glided through. 25* * Cayet, liv. 5, pp. 379 et srq. Pl.iidoyer de M. An oi lie Arnauld, Jtc, 12 et 13 Juillei, lii)4. t Post maturam dt liherationcm d'ctnrnvit (concio) sc. quidem censere pntres societatis ,/psu, redigendos esse in ordiiiem et disriptinnm uniecrsitaiis ; regno autem Qui- lico esse ncquoquam ezpetlendos. Jouvenci, ut antca. X Hist lie la Sorbonne, vol. ii. p 147. § St. Pol, an intimate friend of Guise, quarrelled with that prince fur renouncing his principles, ami sent for 800 Spaniards to enable In in to defend Rheims. Guise heard of his design, and forbid it. St. Pol was haughty, and Guise ran him through the body. Bassompierre, Mouv. Mem. p. 45. || Cayet, liv. 5, p. 407. 294 A SECOND ATTEMPT AT ASSASSINATION. the crowd unobserved, and, with a knife, aimed a blow at the king's throat. At that moment two gentlemen had ap- proached, making their salutation by bending one knee; and the king, with his usual affability, stooping to raise them up, received the blow on his mouth. At first the king thought he had been struck by a silly girl named Mathurine, who happened to be close to him ; and he expressed him- self to that effect. She immediately went to the door of the apartment and declared that no one should go out. The company then looked at each other, and a young man, whose person was unknown to them, and who appeared very agitated, was at once charged with the crime. He had thrown away the knife, and at first protested his innocence ; but afterwards he confessed that he had given the blow.* On his examination it was found that he was John Chatel, son of a draper ;f that he had studied at the college of the Jesuits; and that, having dreadful alarms of con- science on account of depravities to which he had been addicted, and which seemed to preclude all hopes of God's mercy, he wished to expiate a part of his crimes, under the idea that it would be better to be damned as four than as tight ;i and having constantly heard the king declared a tyrant and a heretic, he thought that the act of delivering France from his sway offered the best chance of preserving him from some part of the torments to which he fancied he was doomed. This misera- ble wretch suffered the dreadful punish- ment which awaited regicides at this period. § The greatest alarm pervaded Paris when the news of the desperate act was promulgated : but when it was ascer- tained that the wound was not dangerous, -and that no fears were entertained of the knife having been poisoned, the public joy was unbounded: a Te De■ Uumieres— Capture of Dour- lens and C.i in ii r ay by the Spaniards — Siege of La Fere and Calais — Assembly nf Notables at Rmirn — 8iege of Amiens— Edict of .Nantes— Peace Willi Spain. The ignorance which pervaded the people at large rendered the pope's abso- lution requisite for the establishment of the king's authority: and it is clear that, if the pontiff had already granted it, Chatel would not have felt at liberty to * Hist.des Derniers Troubles, vol. ii. p 53. I Cayet, liv. 6, p. 436. attempt his life: his personal safety was therefore interested in concluding the dif- ference with the court of Rome. But, unfortunately, the expulsion of the Jesuits created fresh obstacles in the way of the negotiation, and rendered Clement VIII. less willing to consent.* D'Ossat was indefatigable at Rome on the king's be- half, and envoys were sent from time to time with special powers, but to no pur- pose; the pope complained of the re- storation of the edict of Poictiers (1577,) and of the banishment of the Jesuits, which he said was to be followed by the expulsion of all the religious orders from France. The Spaniards endeavoured to confirm him in such sentiments; and as- sured him that Henry would again be- come a Huguenot, when he was in pos- session of all power; and that to preserve France to the holy see, it was not worth while to risk the loss of Spain. f Cle- ment had too much experience to take all their assertions for granted, and felt a de- sire to be informed of the real state of affairs: he made inquiries on all sides, and put forward various pretexts for de- laying his decision, until he had received sufficient information. He was soon convinced that the league was no longer a' cause that he was in- terested in defending; and that the feeling of the French authorities was too decided to allow him much longer to tamper with a king who had already displayed un- common forbearance, in continuing to solicit a thing which was valuable only because the multitude were uninformed respecting it. Early in 1595, a messen- ger had arrived in Paris with a bull from the pope. The Bishop of Paris told the king that it was the bull for his absolu- tion. Henry, highly pleased that the affair had been brought to a conclusion, sent it to the parliament; but that body, either having a better knowledge of Latin than the bishop, or being impressed with an idea of its requiring a careful inspec- tion before it could be received, had it examined with due attention; and it proved to be merely a bull for the cele- bration of the jubilee. The court de- * When D'Ossat wailed on Clement after the news had reached Rome, the pontiff enlarged very much upon the proceedings of the Parliament nf Paris; he con- cluded by paying, " Voyez si e'est la le moyen d'accom- nwler lea choacs.—Lcltres du Card. D'Ussat, part i. p. 36, dated 31st January, J5U5. \ D'Ossat, p. 66. 296 HENRY DECLARES WAR AGAINST SPAIN. clared that they would not receive any thing coining from the pope, until he had recognised the king, and admitted him into the church.* This circumstance was calculated to subdue Clement's obstinacy, but another event was still more efficacious. Many of the king's advisers recommended the establishment of a patriarch at the head of the Gallican church.t That would have been as bad as Huguenotism in the eyes of the Vatican; and from the time that Clement received that intelligence, he became more courteous to the French envoys. It is related that a facetious ob- servation of Seraphin Olivier convinced the pope of the danger which attended his refusals and delays. He had constant access to Clement, and was in the habit of conversing familiarly with him: — " What news," said Clement, "respect- ing the troubles in France." " It is said," replied Olivier, " that Clement VII. lost England by his hasty disposition, and that Clement VIII. will lose France by his dilatory procedure. "J The car- dinals assembled on the 2d of August, when Clement addressed them at length on the events which had occurred in France: he afterwards consulted each of them in private, and found the majority were for giving the absolution. § The terms upon which it was to be granted were sent to France, and the king, find- ing them conformable to his intentions, authorized his envoys, D'Ossat Du Per- ron, to accept them. The ceremony of absolving Henry took place on the 17th of September, 1595.l| The church of Rome requires that penitents who, having deserted her faith, wish to be again re- ceived in the fold, be smitten in public with rods: the king was not there to un- dergo the salutary chastisement; but his representatives, D'Ossat and Du Perron, received the blows on their shoulders, while priests recited the Miserere.^ In * Journal de Henri IV. t Some lines were composed on the occasion , begin- ning ; Pere .taint, France vous eschappe, Sion fait un jintipape, &c, &c. t Davila, liv. 14. 5 Lettres du Cardinal D'Ossat, part i. p. 65. [i D'Ossat. in a letter of the same date, writes " ca estS ce matin que t'absolution a ete donnee au roye tout s'y esl passe convenablement a la dignite de la couronne."— Lettres, &c, part i. p. 08. IT" This circumstance has been the subject of consi- derable discussion ; John Botero, an ultramontane, has given an account entitled De Astorilate et potentia 3ummi Pontificis, Src, in which he dwells upon the fla- order to maintain every item of his pre- rogative, the pope declared null and void the absolution which the king had re- ceived at St. Denis; and after a full con- fession of heresy had been read aloud, he pronounced the restoration of Henry IV. to his title of Most Christian King. The sound of trumpets in the church was a signal for the discharge of cannon at the castle of St. Anijelo; and while this de- monstration of joy took place the king's representatives advanced, and with great fervour kissed the pontiffs feet.* The Spanish faction, unable to prevent the ceremony, had done-all in their power to have it celebrated privately .f This negotiation had occupied a consi- derable part of the year, and in the inter- val the king had been actively employed in military operations, for he had declared war against Spain in January. The archduke Ernest published a reply to the king's proclamation, and immediately took measures for carrying on the war with vigour; but very soon after he died at Brussels, and the Spanish government was thus deprived of his services at a time they were very much wanted.} As he had been led to expect the hand of the Infanta, directly she was placed upon the throne of France, the reverses of the league produced a great effect upon him: his disappointment preyed upon his mind and hastened his death, the immediate cause of which was an internal com- plaint. On the renewal of the war, the relative conditions of the parties and their dis- tinctions underwent a complete revolu- tion; and the characters of a civil war were lost in the strong feelings of nation- gellation as a means of exalting the church. This work was written in Italian, and being translated into La- tin, was published at Cologne in 1596 We read there, Pontifex cum fuste, legatorum lerga ct humeros terbavit, (S[-c. The proces verbal which was puhished by D'Ossat at the time, passes over the event in silence; stating that Ihe absolution was given to the ambassadors Icmnitatihus assnetis. But it is clear that the blows, if not given in reality, were in pretence ; and the humi- liation of royalty to the papacy was equally great. De Thou (lib 1 13,) complains of Rotero's account and especially of an expression fustibus eqaoa* admit ting at the -ame time leviter supplices procuratorcs tangtbat. D'Ossat also complains of the account. " It was a ce- remony," says he, " which we felt no more (ban if a fly hail passed over our clothes; while, after reading this statement, you would say, that the marks of the blows would remain on our shoulders " — Lettres du Card.. D Ossat, 17th O' tohnr, 159B, part i. p. 167. * Cavet, liv. 7, pp. 536, ef.se}. t D'Ossat, part i. p. 69. I Henry's proclamation was dated 17th January, 1595; the archduke's answer, 13th February; he died 21st February, aged 42. Cayet, liv. 7, p. 483. HIS SUCCESSES. 297 ality. Instead of the Spaniards entering France to assist the league, it was a rem- nant of that faction that made exertions to help the. King of Spain. The Duke of Lorrain's levies now followed the king's standard and put on the white scarf, while the few that adhered to May- enne renounced their own badge, and as- sumed the Spanish colour, which was red. The king's forces were making a regu- lar progress in the reduction of a number of towns in various parts of France. Beaune, in Burgundy, surrendered to Marshal Biron;* and Vienne, in Dauphi- ny, was taken by the constable Montmo- rency. These events were followed by intelligence of the advance of a strong force under the constable of Castile, who had traversed Savoy, and was already in Franche-Comte, where he was joined by Mayenne. Biron entreated his majesty to hasten into Burgundy to oppose the progress of this invader. The king im- mediately appointed a rendezvous for his nobility at Troyes, and arrived in that town at the end of May. In a few days Biron informed him that he had recovered the town of Dijon, and was besieging the Viscount Tavannes in the cast.le:f but that he constantly expected the arrival of the Spaniards, who would advance to help their partisans. Henry immediately de- cided upon a plan which he had already adopted on several occasions with tolera- ble success: he set out to fall upon the advanced posts of the Spanish army, and from that movement resulted the combat of Fontaine-Francaise, an encounter so chivalrous and unexampled, that Mathieu compares it to a dream, and observes, " That, if it were not well authenticated, it would be classed among the romantic exploits of the Rowlands and Olivers, and the four sons of Aymond."| The Spaniards had been detained be- fore Vesoul, which was the only resist- ance they experienced in their approach; but that place was well defended, to the great vexation of Mayenne, who was ea- ger to relieve Tavannes at Dijon.§ With- * Prise dcs VMeset Chas/eau it Beaune. This narra- tive, composed at the time, is inserted in Mem. de la Lipue, vol. vi. of the edition by Gonjet. t Mem. de Tavannes, p. ]3'J. Davila, liv. 14. De Tfaon, liv. 112. t Hist, des Guerres enlre les maisons de France et d'Espagne, p. 35. { Before the assistance could arrive the Viscount Ta- jout that delay the king would not have been in time to oppose their progress: I but having made choice of a thousand horsemen, and five hundred carabiners, he divided them into several companies, and sent them out by different routes, with orders to be at Fontaine-Francaise at a certain time. He arrived within a league of that place before the other di- visions, being then accompanied by only forty gentlemen of his suite, and the same number of horsemen, who attended the Baron de Luz. The Marquis de Mira- beau, who had gone to reconnoitre, has- tened back to inform the king that he had fallen in with a body of four hundred oi the enemy, and that he believed the main body was at hand. Fortunately, Biron arrived at that time with a division of three hundred men; but before all the troops could arrive at the rendezvous, the king found himself engaged with a large division of the enemy's army: the assist- ance that Biron had brought enabled him to maintain the unequal conflict; and the determined bravery of his followers, who rallied and charged with great prompt- ness, made the enemy retreat, for they could not believe that so small a body of men would have given battle, unless they were sure of being supported: the arrival of a division was thought to be the whole army of the royalists advancing, and Mayenne and the Constable of Castile immediately withdrew their troops be- yond the Saone. The king had not nine hundred men with him at any time during the fight, and on several occasions he charged into the midst of the enemy's cavalry with less than a hundred follow- ers: the enemy's force was at least two thousand, who were encouraged by the vicinity of ten thousand infantry. The Spaniards had above two hundred killed and wounded; the French lost only six persons.* There appears temerity in this action on the part of the king; for, if he had fallen on the occasion, it is highly proba- ble that France would have been over- powered by the Spanish faction. But it was observed by a contemporary that, whether he fought or retited, the danger valines had thought it necessary to retire to Talan Mem. de Tavannep, p. 139. * 5th June, 15115. Cayet, D'Aubigne, Mathieu, Da- vila, Sully, and Mem. de Guillaumc de Tavannes, at the end. 298 CAPTURE OF DOURLEUS AND CAMBRAY. was equally great.* Indeed, if he had not arrested the enemy's progress as he did, Dijon would have been again lost, and a protracted war would have been the consequence. He is said to have been urged to retreat before it was too late; but he observed that he wanted as- sistance, not advice. His experience, moreover, satisfied him that the enemy would have overwhelmed him had he at- tempted to retreat; and he was so con- vinced of his danger, that he said after- wards he had fought for his life rather than for victory.! This check prevented the Spaniards from effectually co-operating with their forces in the north of France, on which side they had always made their ap- proaches. They already possessed three towns in Picardy; viz., Ham, Soissons, and La Fere. The former place was taken at the end of June by Humieres. The garrison very obstinately defended the town; and at last set fire to the houses, in order to expel the assailants,' who had gained admission by means of an understanding with a concealed royal- ist. Advice had been sent to the Duke of Bouillon of what was passing, and by his assistance the place was mastered, and the garrison put to the sword. Humieres himself was killed at the beginning of the fight, and it was the great attachment of his followers to him that caused them to give no quarter in their exasperation.} The Spaniards compensated for this loss by taking Castellet and Dourlens: they besieged the latter place at the close of July. The Dukes of Nevers and Bouillon and Admiral Villars were all pressing forward to relieve the town; and their united force was fully adequate to keep in check the Count de Fuentes, who commanded the Spanish army. But un- fortunately there was a want of proper understanding, by some attributed to mu- tual jealousy, each wishing to obtain the honour of raising the siege. The con- sequence was, that Villars was engaged with a force far superior to his own, and sustained a total defeat. When it was known that Villars was a prisoner, seve- ral officers of the league reproached him * Mathien, Hist, des Ouerres cntre los Maisons de France d'Espagne, p. 36. t Perefixe, in lot. Mathieu, vol. ii. liv. 1, p. 187. t Cayet, liv. 7, p. 502. Hist, des Derniers Troubles, vol. ii. p. 59. with having deserted their cause. Sas- senval, his companion, a prisoner, ad- dressed some spirited remarks to them on the disgrace of wearing the livery of an enemy of their country. He was im- mediately assailed with many reproaches, and both Villars and himself were put to death on the spot. Dourlens surrendered soon after, when the Spaniards executed dreadful reprisals upon the inhabitants. They spared neither sex nor age, and called to each other to avenge the taking of Ham. More than three thousand per- sons were put to death.* Fuentes then besieged Cambray, which he took after a resistance of two months. His force was seventeen thousand men, and seventy pieces of cannon; but the Duke of Reihelois, the governor,! assisted by De Vic, made such a defence, that he was preparing to convert the siege into a blockade, when the people of the town revolted, and opened the gates to the Spa- niards. The governor and his friends re- tired to the citadel, and afterwards ob- tained very honourable terms.} Had such reverses occurred at an ear- lier period, they would have seriously prejudiced the king's cause; but while these events took place in the north of France, the king received his absolution from Rome, and Mayenne treated with him for a general suspension of hostili- ties^ There was now very great hope of peace being restored to this distracted country; for, although Mayenne's ad- hesion was not completed till several months later, it was evident that the chief difficulties in the way of a pacification were overcome. Still the king would not relax his operations against the Spa- niards; and, instead of remaining idle during the winter, sent Laverdin into Brittany, while he commenced the siege of La Fere. || This siege lasted six months,^ during which interval the king received the sub- missions of many persons of rank, and recovered possession of several towns. * Sully, liv. 7. Journal de Henri IV. in lor. Cayet, liv vii. p 505—507. D'Aubisne. vol. iii. p. 3 8. Ma- thieu, Hist des Guerres. &c, p. 37. t Son of the Duke of Nevers. t 0th Oct. 1595. Cayet, liv, 7, p. 528. Mathieu and D'Aubiene, utantea. f> Articles dated 23d Sept., 1505. ]l Nov., 1595. Cayet, Mathieu. D'Aubigne. IT It was the longest that Henry had on hand: the town was extremely well fortified, and had a numerous garrison. Sully, liv. 8. SIEGE OF LA FERE AND CALAIS. 299 Marseilles was regained from the enemy almost at the moment it was to be deli- vered over to the Spanish government by the Consul Casault, who was in treaty with Charles Doria for that object. Pe- they alone have been pierced; but when- ever your heart renounces him, that will receive the blow." During the siege the king had a severe illness, and his mind was harassed by reflections upon his ab- ter Liberta, who kept one of the gates [juration of the reformed religion. He of Marseilles, observed that Casault and unbosomed himself to D'Aubigne; and Louis d'Aix, his chief confederate, went | asked his candid sentiments on the sub- out of the town every day with their iject. D'Aubigne wished to introduce a guards; and, being desirous of serving minister who would be better able to dis- the king, he resolved to shut the gates cuss such matters; but that could not be upon them when they were out, or to kill them by an ambuscade near the gate; af- ter which the town could be easily mas- tered. He informed the Duke of Guise of his plan, which was carried into exe- cution on the 17th of February, 1596. Casault was killed by Liberta and his brother, and the town immediately re- sounded with shouts of Vive le Roi.* Toulouse was brought back to the king's authority by Joyeuse, who received the dignity of marshal as the price of his submission. The Duke of Nemours, son of the governor of Paris, who had died a few months previous, had no diffi- culty in obtaining an edict from the king; it was granted at the same time with Mayenne's, which, however, required some discussion, and was not registered by the parliaments without opposition. He obtained three towns as security, which he was to hold for six years, and no charge whatever was allowed to be brought against him for any part he had taken in the late (roubles. f The siege of La Fere was an irresist- ible inducement for D'Aubigne to offer his services to the king. His speeches at the synodical meetings had been very free, and the king had in consequence become so inveterate against him, that he declared he would have him put to death if he could take him. The extreme dan- ger which presented itself did not deter D'Aubigne from going to the camp; and to the surprise of all, he was received in a very friendly manner. Henry consult- ed him in private, and treated him with great affability. Chatel's recent attempt on his life becoming the subject of con- versation, he addressed the king to the following effect: "Sire! as you have as yet renounced God with your lips alone, ♦ Hist, lies Dernirrs Trouble?, vol. ii. pp. 62, et seq. Cayel, !iv. viii. p. 5ri>. D'Aubigne, vol. lii. p. 370. t Recueil des Edits de Henri IV. done without alarming the Catholics, and therefore was not permitted. Henry then locked the door of the chamber, and called upon D'Aubigne solemnly to de- clare his conscientious opinions respect- ing the sin he had incurred by changing his religion. They conversed together for several hours, and joined in prayer at intervals: the king's mind became more easy, and his fears considerably dimi- nished; but his disorder soon after began to abate, and as he was then able to take part in the active scenes of government, he never renewed the discussion.* La Fere was so closely blockaded, that to use the expression of a contemporary, the garrison had nothing free but the air.f They supported all their fatigues and pri- vations by confident expectations of relief, which the Cardinal Albert was bringing to them. Although his education and pur- suits had nothing in common with military affairs, he proved himself to be fully quali- fied for commanding an'army. He quitted Brussels with a declared intention of re- lieving La Fere; but instead of going there, he suddenly attacked, and took pos- session of Calais: Ardres was his next ob- ject, but that siege occupied him a month ; and before he had finished the enterprise La Fere had capitulated.^ The citadel of Calais held out some time after the town was taken, and Henry sent over to Elizabeth for assistance, re- minding her of her often repeated pro- mises.J Sancy was first sent, and after- wards the Duke of Bouillon ; but as she found they were too faithful to their own king and country to allow her to suppose that she would be permitted to retain Ca- lais, she told them that she would commu- * D'Aubigne, Mem. p. 131). Hist. Univ. vol. iii. pp. 37fi. 377. f Matliieu, Hirt. des Gur.rres, &c. J Calais was taken 17Ui April, J596. Ardres, 23d May, La Fere capitulated lGth May. Cayet, Mathieu, D'Aubigne, and lie Thou. $ Discours de M. Sancy, pp. 98, t9. Villeroy, vol. y. MEETING OF THE NOTABLES. nicate with their king through the medium of her own ambassador, Sidney. He in- formed Henry that the Queen of England would give him great assistance in carry- ing on the war with Spain, on condition that Calais, when retaken, should be given up to her as a security for the sums of money she had advanced. Henry was indignant at the proposal, and said, as he turned away from the ambassador, " If I must be bitten, it may as well be by a lion as by a lioness."* Afterwards, when the Spaniards obtained full possession of the town, he was far from testifying regret, but exhorted those around him to take courage, "For with the help of Heaven," said he, " we will recover the place before it has been as many days in the hands of the Spaniards as our ancestors suffered it to remain years in the hands of the Eng- lish."! In order to obtain the means of carry- ing on the war with vigour it was neces- sary to introduce order into the state, and an assembly of notables was convoked at Rouen. The meeting was opened on the 4th of November, 1596, when the king pronounced a discourse which has been preserved by many French historians, who consider it a model of candour and eloquence. " If," said his majesty, " if I wished to acquire the reputation of an orator, I should have learned some fine long harangue, and have spoken it here with great gravity'; but. my desire extends to two more glorious titles, the deliverer and the restorer of the state. For that purpose I have assembled you: you know to your own costs, as I know to mine, that when God called me to this crown, I found France not only ruined, but almost lost for Frenchmen. By divine assistance, by the prayers and counsels of my faithful ser- vants, by the swords of my brave and ge- nerous nobles, and by my own toils and exertions, I have saved France from de- struction : let us now preserve her from ruin. Participate, my dear subjects, in this second glory, as you have done in the first. I have not called you as my prede- cessors did, to order you to approve of my wishes; I have assembled you to have your advice, to place confidence in your opinions, to adopt them ; in short, to place myself in your hands. It is a desire that * Mathieu, vol. ii. liv. 2, p. 223. t De Bury, Hist, de Henri IK, vol. iii. p. 33. rarely seizes veteran and victorious kings, but the ardent love which I bear my sub- jects makes me find every thing easy and honourable. My chancellor will inform you more particularly of my wishes."* The whole winter was taken up with the discussions of this assembly. Many plans were proposed for establishing a good system of finance ; but it would be some time before they could come into operation, and the king required money for carrying on the war. He made Sully his superintendent of finances, which was his readiest way to restore order in the public accounts. That exemplary man diminished the expenditure by proper re- forms, and procured a supply of funds by turning into the public coffers large sums which the distracted state of the kingdom had allowed to be swallowed up by greedy and extravagant individuals. " Whatever fraud or error," says Sully, "might have crept into the finances, I imagined that neither of them could be so secret, nor so genera], that we could not ultimately find the origin and the prooft The old cour- tiers were alarmed at such a reform, and regretted their supineness in suffering him to join the council.}: But the scantiness of his pecuniary sup- plies was not the only circumstance that impeded Henry's government; the Hu- guenots had renewed their meetings, and represented in a memorial that they were entitled to privileges more extensive than those granted by the edict of Poictiers. The king begged them to defer the discus- sion of their claims until the public affairs gave him a better opportunity of securing and defending the rights and interests of all parties. However, as the Protestants had taken up an opinion that the king was no longer their friend, every measure which bore any relation to such an idea was highly coloured and enlarged upon by the more zealous members of their synods; and meetings were held at Vendome, Sau- raur, Loudun and Ch'atellerault, in fur- therance of their general p!ans.§ The Duke of Mercosur, who still maintained himself in Brittany, was encouraged by the hope that religious differences would * Cayet. liv. 8, p. 029. Terefixe, liv. 2. t Sully, liv. 8. j Messieurs du conscil du roi palirent d la rue de mon projet. Sully, liv. 8. $ Their resolutions, declarations, and general pro- ceedings, are given at length by Soulier, Hist, du Cal- oanismc, liv. 7 and 8. AMIENS TAKEN BY STRATAGEM— RETAKEN BY HENRY. 301 again destroy the regal authority, in which case he confidently expected to establish an independent sovereignty in his pro- vince. Other nobles secretly indulged similar hopes ; and the king was fearful that along with those contemplated prin- cipalities a religious republic would spring up in the heart of his kingdom. He did not object to the Protestants having privi- leges ; but he wished them to be conferred by him, not obtained by them ; and for that reason, he was careful that all their public acts should bear the character of royal sanction, although they were di- rectly in opposition to his wishes. The Spaniards, in the mean time, con- tinued their operations and astonished the king, and indeed the whole nation, by seizing upon Amiens by stratagem. Having placed a sufficient number of men in ambuscade around the town, a few were sent in disguised as countrymen. They were stopped at the gate, and asked various questions. Pretending to be very fatigued, they placed their loads on the ground, and rested at the gate, until they observed some of their confederates ap- proaching, who were also disguised and conducting a wagon. One of them then took up his load to put it on his shoulders, and having secretly opened the sack's mouth, he let fall a great quantity of nuts at the gate. The guards amused them- selves in collecting the countryman's nuts; and while they were thus occupied, the wagon had arrived within the gate-posts. One of the confederates immediately loosed his horses, leaving the wagon to prevent the gate being shut, while the others fell upon the guards. The signal was then given to the Spanish troops in the neighbourhood: they advanced imme- diately, and completed the enterprise.* The possession of Amiens enabled the Spaniards to make excursions to the gates of Paris, and it was imperative that the re- covery of the town should be immediately attempted. When the king heard of it he seemed to reflect upon himself for devoting so much of his time to the pleasures of his court and the society of his mistress. He observed with emphasis, " We have had enough of the King of France, it is now time to be King of Navarre ;" and toid the weeping Gabrielle d'Estrees, that he must * Cayet, liv. 9, p. I Thou, liv 118. 26 D'Aubigne, vol, iii.p. 387. De again leave her to undergo the fatigues and dangers of another war.* Sully hastily equipped an army with a good train of artillery, ammunition, pro- visions, and conveniences for the sick and wounded. f But to obtain funds for sup- plying this, he was obliged to raise fresh imposts upon edicts which required to be registered by the parliament. Instead of money that body sent remonstrances. Henry wrote to the President Harlay, that those who defended the state ought to be supported and provided for. " Give me | an army," said the king, "and I will i cheerfully give my life to save you and (restore France." The edicts were not- | withstanding rejected, and the president went to the king to represent the neces- j sities of the state. " The greatest neces- sity of the state," replied the king, " is to be cleared of its enemies; you are like the fools at Amiens who refused me a subsidy of two thousand crowns and have lost a million. I am going to fight the enemy, and if I get shot in the head you will find out what it is to have lost your king." Henry IV. could not obtain the registra- tion of his edicts without using compul- sory measures: he effected his object to preserve his dignity; but with unequalled goodness of heart he revoked the edicts afterwards.^ The king besieged Amiens with reso- lution and promptitude, and as the town was of great importance, the French no- bility and gentry hastened to assist their sovereign: while the Spanish government assured Hernand Tillo, the commander of the garrison, that he might depend upon the arrival of relief. The siege lasted six months, and produced examples of great spirit on both sides. Cardinal Albert did not make his ap- pearance till September, by which time the town was reduced to great extremity. He brought with him a good army, and made an attempt to relieve the besieged; but after a skirmish with the king's troops, he drew off his forces to Dourlens. This so dispirited the garrison, that they im- mediately proposed to capitulate; and the king entered Amiens on the 25th of Sep- tember^ This event was a death blow to the expiring league, and there remained * Journal de Henri IV. t Sully, liv. 9. J Hist, du I'arlement de Paris, ch 38. § Cayet, Mathieu, and D'Aubigiie, in loe. 302 EDICT OF only the Duke of Mercosur to subdue or win over: he had lately lost Rochfort and Craon, his frontier towns; and Dinan, his stronghold, had been surprised by the people of St. Malo. He was, therefore, quite ready to accept the terms which he understood the king was willing to grant; and when Henry went early the follow- ing year into Brittany to settle the affairs of that province, Mercosur met him at Angers, took the oath of allegiance, and delivered up all the places he held;* he afterwards obtained an edict of indemnity, similar to those granted the other chiefs of the league.f The court of Spain was by this time convinced of the necessity of making peace with France, and persons on both sides were commissioned to discuss a treaty. The king, at the same time, took measures for settling the affairs of the Huguenots. He had been obliged to pur- chase the submission of many leaguers; some with governments, others with money: but the Huguenots' price was of a different description; they feared that ultimately they should become victims of the bigotry of the Catholics, and loudly demanded securities from the kinff, as a protection from their enemies. Henry was not unwilling to grant their request; he remembered that he had long been their chief, and that their blood had been freely shed in his cause. Commissioners had been previously appointed to draw up articles for them, and for above twelve months the king had been solicited to sign the edict: this he refused to do, alleging, as his principal reason, that it would be more satisfactory for him to grant the edict after he had subdued his enemies and was in full possession of his autho' rity: for then it could not be said that the Huguenots had extorted it from him in a time of need: and, before the edict was signed, he gave a proof of his indepen- ! dence by retrenching some articles which did not please him. J The edict of Nantes was signed on the 30th of April, 1598. From its provisions it appears to have been modelled upon that of Poictiers, and comprised the con- * According to Sully, the people of Nantes were pre- paring to deliver Mercosur into the king's hands. Mem, liv. 9. t C'ayet, liv. 9, p. 710. Recueil des Edits de Henri IV. % D'Aubigne, vol. iii. p. 460. NANTES. ventions of Bergerac and Fleix. The Protestants were allowed the most ample liberty of conscience; but the public ex- ercise of their religion was limited to certain parts of the kingdom. They were compelled to submit to the exterior police of the Romish church, by keeping festi- vals, paying tithes, &c. They were de- clared eligible to all offices; their poor were to be received into the hospitals; and for their protection mixed chambers were to be established in all the parlia- ments. The parliament of Paris refused to re- gister the edict, and made a remonstrance to the king: the counsellors expressed themselves with great warmth, and de- clared that they would not receive their new colleagues contemplated in the edict. The king answered them in an authori- tative tone, and told them that he knew how to put down those who opposed him; adding, in his pithy style, "I have climbed the walls, and can easily get over the barricades."* But the monarch who had sent for the unruly counsellors, and threatened to enforce his will, would not dismiss them from his presence with- out displaying the feelings of a common parent: he appealed to their sense, their patriotism, and their justice, and by that means induced them to yield to his wishes. That the edict should meet with oppo- sition at Paris is not surprising; but even at Rochelle, there was so much discus- sion upon the subject, that several months elapsed before it was received and ac- knowledged. The more ardent Hugue- nots appear to have entertained the pro- ject of accepting what suited their views, and rejecting the rest. The commis- sioners sent by the king to receive the adhesion of the Protestants were Para- bCre, a gentleman of Poictou, and Martin Langlois, formerly provost of Paris. ! They perceived the aim of the party op- posed to the edict, and Parabtre addressed the magistrates to this effect: — "In re- ceiving the edict, you must receive all its clauses and provisions. If you reject some, the Catholics will have the right to reject what displeases them; and by the non-execution of the law, your churches will lose what you think to gain for them." A consistory was held on the * D'Aubigne, ut antea. Soulier. Hist, du Calvinisme, p. 323. PEACE WITH SPAIN. 303 3d of August, when considerable clamour was raised against those magistrates who were persuaded by Parabere's appeal. A final effort was made to dissuade them from consenting, but without effect; for the municipal body consented to re-es- tablish the Catholic worship, and gave up two churches for that purpose. Symp- toms of riot were displayed by the popu- lace, but the tumultuous feeling was easily suppressed.* The peace with Spain was concluded at Vervins, and signed by the plenipoten- tiaries on the 2d of May: the king rati- fied it at Paris on the 22d of June.t The last trealy with Spain, which was that of Cateau-Cambresis in the reign of Henry II. had cost France many towns; but the treaty of Vervins was entirely advantage- ous. Henry was aware that Philip was more in want of peace than himself, and therefore made his own terms: but com- mon justice required the restitution of the towns improperly held by the Spaniards; while the haughty Philip consoled him- self for his defeat by an empty protest that the plenipotentiaries did not repre- sent him, but the Viceroy of the Nether- lands. " Thus," says Sully,J " in spite of so powerful a league, comprising the pope, the emperor, the king of Spain, the Duke of Savoy, and all the ecclesiastics of Christendom, the king effected his de- signs, and crowned them with a glorious peace." The treaty of Vervins delivered France from the evils of a foreign warfare; while the domestic peace of the country was settled by the edict of Nantes, which procured the Protestants their civil and religious rights. By a singular coinci- dence, the town of Nantes witnessed the close of the civil wars and troubles, which had commenced with an assembly held in that very place, nearly forty years be- fore, when the violence and ambition of the Guises drove the Huguenots to seek for safety in a confederacy. Such a mea- sure offered a hope of gaining protection, if not redress; but failing in the execu- tion, it contributed to assist their enemies, * Arcere, vol. ii. pp 77—80. t These dates are given hy Mathieu, Hist, dcs Quer- res, S{-c.; but Le Grain in his Dacade, liv. 7, says, the trealy was published l'ith of June. I Mem. liv. 9, at the end. and was in reality the spark which ori* ginated the political conflagration. CHAPTER LI. Condition of the Hu-ruenots under Henry IV — Biron's Conspiracy — Restoration of the Jesuits. The second period of King Henry's reign opened under circumstances which appeared favourable only by comparison with the previous distracted condition of France; for the general state of the coun- try was still deplorable. Distress, the exhaustion consequent on a protracted civil war, and the unsatisfied ambition of many chieftains, were serious barriers to the internal pacification of the kingdom. The Dukes of Mercosur, Bouillon, and Biron, with other powerful nobles, en- deavoured to re-establish the feudal sove- reignties of the middle ages; and their interested efforts greatly impeded the operations of the royal government. At the same time, many of the gentry had become habituated to the restlessness of a partisan warfare, and expected a con- tinuation of the impunity which anarchy had sanctioned during a long series of years: this also materially retarded the returning prosperity of the country. More than one instance on record will show the extent of this evil, and the length of time requisite to restore pub- lic order. Three gentlemen of Brittany, named Guillery, sustained a siege against the king's forces. After an obstinate de- fence, the younger brother, who com- manded, attempted to escape: but he was taken prisoner, and terminated his bold career on the scaffold, along with a con- siderable number of his adherents, whose attachment to their leader had been stimu- lated by hopes of future booty, and en- couraged by the success of previous de- predations.* Nor was a prospect of plunder the sole cause of violence, for angry personal feuds occasionally broke out. In August, 1607, there was a com- bat on the borders of Poictou and Anjou, in which thirty gentlemen were engaged: twenty-five of the combatants were killed, and the others very much wounded.t Another serious inconvenience had * Mercure Franeais, 1C03, vol. i. p. 289. t Journal de Henri IV., in loc. 304 OPPOSITION OF THE CATHOLICS TO THE EDICT. arisen out of the civil wars: the leading , characters of each party had contracted a habit of entering into treaties for assis- tance from foreign powers; and the fre- quency of such negotiations proves that the state of affairs, by rendering them necessary, had destroyed their reprehen- ! sible character. The rival pretensions of the house of Lorrain were annihilated, when Henry's right was acknowledged by the pope; but; the king's marriage with Margaret of Valois left him without any hope of pos- terity. The junior branches of the Bour- bon family looked forward with but ill- concealed impatience to the succession; and the termination of the war was but half of what the nation claimed of its rulers. Still the king's personal charac- ter was a guarantee for firm government; and a series of valuable measures might | be confidently expected, when the royal council comprised such men as Sully, Sillery, Jeannin, and Villeroy. It is, however, worthy of remark, that Sully complains of the jealousy of his col- j leagues, who wished to exclude him from ' all interference in foreign negotiations; and, on one occasion, Villeroy was so highly offended at the appointment of i Bethune, Sully's brother, to the embassy at Rome, that the king was obliged to in- terpose, expressing himself greatly of- fended at such scenes in his presence.* The heads of the Huguenot party at this time were Rohan, Soubise, La Tre- mouille, and Bouillon. The Prince of Conde and the Count de Soissons had been educated as Catholics.! Lesdi- guieres, though nominally a protestant, was not considered likely to make any sacrifice for the cause. Duplessis-Mor- nay was their chief adviser; d'Aubigne their most active agent. Henry Chiitillon de Coligny, the admiral's grandson, had inspired great hopes among the Hugue- nots; but he was killed at the siege of Ostend, in 1601. His rising qualities promised much; being noted for cool courage, prudence, comprehensive under- standing, and an affability that won the affections of his soldiers. The king's * Sully, liv. 12 + Conde was so zealous as to give his livery servants fifteen sols each, every time they confessed ; and, in order to claim trie money, they were provided with cer- tificates, Atnelot de la Houssaie. Mem. Hist., vol. ii. p. 140. mind was unhappily poisoned against him by various misrepresentations: he was reported to be ambitious' without bounds; inspired by a fanatical impulse to surpass his father and grandfather; and ready to sacrifice life for his religion. His relationship to one whom the king had professed to revere as a father, and his zeal against Henry's worst foes, the Spaniards, presented great claims on his behalf. But the King of Navarre had become King of France, and feared the dawning importance of such a dangerous spirit. According to the statement of his confidential minister, Henry appeared consoled by the news of Coligni's death, and manifested such a dislike to his family, that Sully desisted from any ap- plication in behalf of his mother and brother.* The fact of the protestanls having Sully as their representative and advocate in the king's council was less important, from the admitted necessity of public tran- quillity: besides which, the stern charac- ter of that minister made him ready to suspect a seditious motive for the expres- sion of conscientious scruples; so that he can hardly be viewed as one of their party.t And he has, in consequence, been chaiged with studying to gain the pope's favour, "seeking," says an accusing writer, "the applause of the Romish hierarchy, rather than the approbation of his brethren. "J The edict of Nantes, precious as it was to the protestants, was not free from de- fect; and during the year which elapsed between its signature by the king and its registration by the parliament, various attempts were made, on both sides, to alter its enactments. The protestants complained of their exclusion from many public charges, while the popish party considered its provisions awfully liberal; although the protestants were not at first permitted to baptize their children in Paris. In 1603 a greater latitude was allowed, on account of the danger to which infants were exposed in the jour- ney to Ablon, a village three leagues from Paris. 5 This was the nearest protestant place of worship until August, 1606, * Sully, liv. zii. t Benoit says he was very jealous of the Protestai\t leaders. Hist, de I'edit de Nantes, vol. i. p. 173. t Arcana Gallica, p. viii. London, 1714, $ Journal de Henri IV. MARRIAGE OF THE KING'S SISTER. 305 when public service was performed at Charenton. Befthier, bishop of Rieux, in the name of the clergy, remonstrated against the latitude of the edict: that body contended that it should give the protest- ants no other privilege than that of suf- ferance; they were not to be questioned as to their opinions, but should be pro- hibited from holding any assembly or synod, without the king's express per- mission, and were forbidden to attend any such meetings in other countries.* The university of Paris was not back- ward in the career of illiberality , and the rector demanded the exclusion of Pro- testant children from the colleges: but all opposition was fruitless; the edict was declared just and necessary, and in con- sequence passed through all the formali- ties requisite to make it valid.t Nor was it beneficial to the protestants alone; for in above two hundred and fifty towns, and two thousand rural parishes, where the mass had been prohibited nearly fif- teen years, the old ceremonial was re- stored: in some cases in spite of local in- fluence; and particularly so at Thouars, where the Duke de la Tremouille in vain endeavoured to maintain the ascendency of his brethren in religion. t. The public were in general satisfied: the majority from indilference to Romish interests; and the more experienced from a convic- tion that the hope of advancement would cause many of the Huguenots to abjure.§ The marriage of the king's sister Ca- therine with the Duke of Bar was an event of some importance, from the ele- vated rank of both parties; the princess being at that time the presumptive heiress of Navarre and Beam, and her affianced husband heir of Lorrain. It assumed, however, a still more important character from the difference of religion. Like her mother, Jane d'Albret, the princess was most fervent and uncompromising in her attachment to the protestant faith, and would on no account assist at the cele- bration of mass as part of the marriage ceremony, which in its principles and nature presented ample materials for dis- cussion, from the sacramental character | claimed for it by one party, and as de- (cidedly refused by the other. The Duke of Bar was equally unyielding; and Du Perron was commissioned by the king to I exert his eloquence in persuading the duke to be married according to the cus- tom of the Huguenots, since the princess was determined to follow the example of her mother, and remain steadfast in the religion in which she had been educated. Whether the point in dispute might not have entirely broken off the marriage is a problem; the king was at last fatigued with the unceasing theological controver- sies, in which were frequently mingled some allusion to his sister's firmness con- trasted with his own abjuration. He re- solved on a plan for settling the point in question, and summoned his sister and her future husband to his cabinet. The archbishop of Rouen, Henry's natural brother, was waiting to receive them; he had been induced to grant his ministry by Roquelaure* and at the king's com- mand performed the ceremony; t lie pre- sence of the sovereign being admitted by the clergy to compensate for the absence of the other solemnities which usually accompanied a marriage.t On quitting the king's presence, the princess con- ducted her husband to the Louvre, where she 'regularly maintained the protestant worship in her apartments; and the nup- tial benediction was there given by a pro- testant minister.! Meanwhile the agents of Spain and Savoy were actively fanning the discon- tent of those nobles whose services gave them strong claims upon Henry's grati- tude ; while the recompenses they had ob- tained, by falling far short of their expec- tations, only extended their means of opposing the government. According to their connexions, they took measures for increasing their partisans, by well-timed appeals to the feelings, framed according to their respective principles.' The Hu- guenot nobles invariably professed much anxious doubt respecting the sincerity of the king's intentions towards them; and to maintain a corresponding tone in the minds of their followers, they described Cayet, Chron. Septennaire.—De Serres, Hist, de * Roquelaure, subsequently marshal, was t lie arch- rTY,e' V"' ''' ''' bishop's boon companion, and had persuaded the king t Registered in parliament of Paris, 2jth of Feb., to elevate him to the see of Rouen. m- f 30th of January, 159!!.— Stilly, liv. 10.— "ayel— Be J Roiirnisseaux, llist.de la Villr. de Thouars, p. 183. Serres. { D'Aubigne, Hist. Univ., vol. iii. p. 034. j D'Aubignc, Hist. Univ. vol. ili. p. 601. 26* 306 TREACHERY OF THE DUKE DE BIRON. the humiliating condition to be appre- hended, whenever the complete restora- tion of order should place them at the mercy of their unrelenting foes. The opposite party was also suspicious of the king's designs: the reality of his conver- sion was doubted, and his relapse into heresy declared most probable, whenever the time arrived for him to throw off the mask, and again declare himself a Pro- testant. This party, guided and encou- raged by experience, appealed to the bigotry and fanaticism which had wrought such wonders in the time of the league. The riches of Spain were lavished to that end, but happily without their intended effect: each successive attempt at insur- rection tending rather to strengthen than injure the royal power. Among the discontented nobles of this time, the foremost was Charles Gontaut, Duke de Biron, who at the age of forty had obtained the rank of marshal, and was admitted to the councils, and even the intimacy of his sovereign: possessing in addition a splendid fortune, and enjoy- ing a reputation for military excellence, equal to, if not surpassing his father's. Brantome is exceedingly warm in the praise of this marshal, whom he calls the first in Europe ; and adds, that " next to King Henry, he was the greatest captain at the expense of France, whenever the dismemberment of that country could in any way be effected. He promised Biron the hand of his third daughter ; and it was agreed with the King of Spain that an independent sovereignty, consisting of Burgundy and Franche Comte, should be vested in him, on occasion of the mar- riage.* All these transactions were re- ported to the king, who was remarkably active in procuring intelligence concerning public affairs ; and to such a degree that he astonished the Spanish ambassador by his knowledge of what passed in the coun- cils of Madrid.f Biron's discontent was in consequence early known : yet when it became neces- sary to use coercive measures with the Duke of Savoy, he obtained an important command. He was already in league with the duke, and warned the governor of Bourg that on a certain day and hour he would be attacked. "All this," observes Sully, "has been subsequently proved." The treachery did not however prevent the town from falling into the power of the king's troops. Nor was Biron's tur- pitude confined to disloyalty towards his sovereign ; he most treacherously endea- voured to deliver Sully into the hands of the Duke of Savoy,]: The successful termination of this cam- in Christendom ; the bravest, the most paign was followed by Henry's second daring, and most valiant ever seen."* j marriage. So long as Gabrielle d'Estrees The celebrity of this first example of | lived, none of the king's advisers exerted Henry's severity renders it almost super- 'themselves to obtain a dissolution of his fluous to detail the particulars of his con- 1 first marriage: their ideas of a suitable spiracy and condemnation. He was la- mentably insnared by the Duke of Savoy, and Don Pedro Henriquez de Azevedo, Count de Fuentes. The latter was the recognised agent of Spain in Italy, and was so violent in his hatred to Henry IV., that he never mentioned his name without an opprobrious epithet ; he gave a cordial welcome to all whose disaffection union for the " eldest son of the church" made them shudder at the bare possibility of his raising a concubine to the throne ; and such might have been the case, as Gabrielle possessed great influence over him, and appears by all accounts to have merited his attachment. There was something very tragical in her death. She had quitted Fontaine- led them into exile, and is accused of' bleau for Paris, where she intended to having instigated several attempts against the king's life, as he deemed it impossible to renew the civil war in France so long as he lived.f Emanuel, Duke of Savoy, had a personal dislike to Fuentes; but he cordially co-operated with that busy in- triguer, whose plans, if successful, might enable him to extend his limited territory * Vie riii Marshal de Biron et de son Fils. t Mathieu, vol. ii. p. SU. perform her Easter devotions. After hearing Tmebra. at the church of Saint Antoine, she was seized with violent con- vulsions, from which she did not recover. * Sully. Ijv. xii. Mathieu, vol. ii. p. 491. t The Nuncio, having asked the Spanish ambassador his opinion of the king, was told in reply, " II sgait tout, et m'a dit des choses tenues au conseil d'Espagne, qui in 'out fait rougir pour les avoir niees, etlui estoi- ent tres vrayes: il est plus que le diable." Journal de Henri IV., Oct. 1608. I Sully, liv. 11. henry's divorce and second marriage. 307 She expired on the morning of Good i was employed to flatter the marshal, and Friday, after giving birth to a still-born j work upon his weakness; and a crafty child, her features being so distorted as to wretch named Lafin, after urging him on defy recognition.* La Varenne (Henry's in the tortuous path of treasonable cor- confidential agent in matters of gallantry) respondence, betrayed him to his offended communicated this event to Sully in a sovereign. The Spaniards had endea- mysterious manner, which leaves room to voured to corrupt Biron before the termi- supposethat he thought she was poisoned; [nation of the war: their agents had dis- but whether this death was the effect of covered his foible, and flattered his hopes such machinations, or the general tribute of nature under a more terrific form than usual, can never now be known, as most of the circumstances were concealed from the king himself.f From this time the divorce encountered no obstacle : but Henry felt considerable repugnance to a second marriage ; and in a conversation with Sully, after enume- rating the qualities which in his opinion were necessary to produce a happy union, he added with a sigh, " That he feared no such person could be found." He subse- quently yielded to reasons of state, and conferred his hand on Mary de Medicis : the ceremony was performed at Lyons, in November, 1600. Ambition must have greatly hardened Biron's heart, or he would have been touched with his sovereign's magnanimity on this occasion. Although Henry was fully persuaded that Biron was engaged in a traitorous correspondence with the enemy, he hoped by kindness to reclaim the faulty nobleman. Taking the marshal apart in the cloisters of a church at Lyons, he asked him, under a promise of pardon, what was the extent of his correspondence and conventions with the enemies of the state? Biron, unhappily for him, made an incomplete avowal ; the king promised oblivion for the past, but warned him that a repetition would have fatal conse- quences. Still Biron continued to conspire ; and the king, unwilling to consider him irre- coverable, was still inclined to try every means to reach his heart, but without effect. The marshal's unfortunate destiny hurried him to destruction. He was un happy in the choice of his confidants : the Baron de LuzJ: was his bosom friend and instigator; an advocate, named Picote, * Bassompierre, vol. i. p. 61. — D'AubigQi, Hist. Univ. vol. iii. p 635. t Sully, liv. 10. $ Nephew of Espinac, archbishop of Lyons, a most violent leaguer, and therefore easily accessible to Spa- nish influence. of obtaining one of the great fiefs into which France was to be divided. They perceived, moreover, that Biron, who had hitherto been very indifferent as to reli- gious observances, now went into the contrary extreme. The Spanish agents encouraged this feeling; and it was re- peated in his hearing, that he was the last and sole resource of religion and liberty. The late brilliant position of the Guises incited him to take their place, and be- come the champion of popery* as he imparted his views to others, discontented like himself, he could behold their ambi- tion take fire at the prospect he unfolded; and he succeeded in forming an associa- tion for dethroning the king, by men who, above all others, were bound to serve and defend him. The Duke of Bouillon, who had acquired the sovereignty of Sedan entirely by the king's support and recom- mendation ; Charles, Count D'Auvergne, brother of the king's present mistress, Henriette d'Entraigues; La Tremouille, Soubise, and Montpensier, a prince of the blood, were engaged in this cause ; but Bouillon was considered the soul, D'Au- vergne the trumpet, and Biron the arm of the conspiracy. However, so far as Bouil- lon and La Tremouille were concerned, it was all suspicion, for proof was wanting.t De Fresne-Canaye sent timely notice of their proceedings in Italy, but his intima- tions were disregarded; and it was by the treachery of Lafin that Biron's plot was discovered. The artful man, per- ceiving his patron's obstinacy and bad judgment, took immediate measures for his own safety, and solicited an audience of the king, when he delivered up the marshal's papers and correspondence. Sully being immediately summoned to Fontainebleau, was informed by the king that he was implicated by the marshal's letters. With a smile, he replied to Henry's inquiries respecting his know- * Malhieu, vol, ii. p, 489. ■t Sully, liv. 13. 308 EXTENT OF THE BIRON CONSPIRACY. ledge of the affair: "If the others know no more of it than myself, your majesty has no occasion to take any trouble about the matter." " Nor have I paid any attention to it," answered the king, who then ordered him to assist Bellievre and Villeroy, in examining the correspond- ence.* The result of their investigations was a summons for Biron to appear at court. Deceived by Lafin, he imagined that silence on his part would be sufficient protection, and set out for Fontainebleau, although informed by various friends that his life was in danger.! When the king endeavoured to draw from him a confes- sion of his guilt, he replied disdainfully, that he was not come to justify himself, but to learn the rlames of his calumniators, and be avenged on them. Henry gave him clearly to understand that "he knew all ; conjured him to be candid ; and promised a free pardon.} His proud spirit would not submit : he left the royal presence, and was soon after arrested by Vitry, captain of the guards. When dis- armed, he appealed to his past services ; and being led across the hall of the guards, exclaimed, " See how good Catholics are treated !"§ These expressions almost suf- fice to account for his tragical end. The first proves his excessive presumption ; the other indicates the source from which he expected to derive support. The rest of his history is a matter of notoriety.|] How far Bouillon and D'Auvergne were implicated with Biron is unknown. Sully persuaded the king to be merciful, and privately advised all the parlies in- volved to sue for pardon. Montpensier confessed his fault, and begged the king's forgiveness on his knees. The constable Montmorency, who was charged with being concerned, confessed a knowledge of the affair, though he denied having taken any part in it: he also asked and obtained pardon. The Duke of Epernon made no attempt to conceal his friendship and intercourse with the marshal, hut de- nied all knowledge of his designs,^ and Sully expressed much satisfaction at be- ing able to declare his innocence. La Tremouille was summoned to appear, but * Sully, liv. 12. t Cayet, p. 288. t Henry, deeply affected, was heard lo say, as lie paced his apartment, " II faut qu'il ploye cm qu'il romjie." Mathieu, vol. ii P- 500. § Sully— Bassoinpierre — Maihieu. I He suffered 3]st July. Ki02. T Girard ; Vie de Due d'Epernon, p. 208. made repeated excuses of confinement by the gout.* The Duke de Bouillon appears to have entertained great apprehension, as he passed the frontier, to avoid the conse- quences. In reply to a letter from the king, he states his willingness to set out in obedience to the summons; implores his majesty to believe that his accusers are perfidious, disloyal, and false; and entreats him to be perfectly satisfied of his innocence. But instead of proceeding to Paris, he went to Geneva, from which place he wrote a second letter, again pro- testing his innocence. t That this was a case of more than usual importance, is to be inferred from the fact of the French Ambassador in London submitting to Queen Elizabeth the king's letter of sum- mons, with a request for her candid opi- nion. Elizabeth immediately instructed her ambassador in Paris to see the king; to thank him for his frankness and con- fidence; and to assure him, that although she would rather decline giving an opi- nion, still the king's request demanded sincerity on her part. The following part of the instruction at any rate proves the interest Bouillon excited at the Eng- lish court: "When we consider that a part of the accusation is founded on his conspiracy with Marshal Biron (with whom we well know he never had a good understanding, but rather enmity and emulation,) we hope that the king will find the accusation altogether feeble; at which no one will rejoice more than ourselves." The instruction continues with an argument upon the great impro- bability that the Huguenot leaders could be in league with the King of Spain, their mortal enemy.} Scarcely ever has there existed a plot with more ramifications, and combining a greater variety of opposing interests, than that which brought Biron to the scaffold. In the first place, the Duke of Savoy pro- moted the undertaking in the hopes of extending his territory, and converting his duchy into a kingdom. Biron was himself seduced by a similar prospect; and to gain the Huguenot leaders to his * Sully, liv 13.— Bassoinpierre, Jfouveavr. JUimoirc*. p. 181. t Both letters are in Villeroy, Mem. d'Etat, vol. v. The first is dated St. fire, 30tli Nov. 1G02; the other, Geneva. 2d January, 1003. t Villeroy, vol. v. p. 129. EXTENT OF THE BIRON CONSPIRACY. 309 party, some of the southern provinces of France were to be assigned to them, free from all control of the Catholics. Bouil- lon being induced to co-operate, secretly summoned nine of the most considerable of his party, to whom he communicated the dangers which threatened the Pro- testants, and the means of deliverance which had been suggested to him. He declared to the meeting that six months had elapsed since a proposal had been made, to which he long refused to listen; but which he would not altogether dis- miss on his private judgment. The as- sociation which he had been invited to join, consisted of princes of the blood, great officers of the crown, governors of provinces, and many persons of weight and respectability; that all of them, in eluding the old members of the league were indignant at the king's ingratitude to the Protestants, who ought not to re- main ignorant of an engagement lately formed, and signed by the king and the ambassadors of Spain and the empire, for a crusade to exterminate the Huguenots: that the time for the execution of the pro- ject, and the contingents of men and mo- ney which each should supply were spe- cified, and the war was to be continued until the Huguenots were extirpated, After stating that the Duke of Savoy, who was in possession of an authentic copy of the convention, bearing original signatures, was willing to place it in the hands of the Protestant body, the Duke de Bouillon unfolded the plan of territo- rial remuneration, proposed by the origi- nators of this measure; and called upon D'Aubigne for his sentiments respecting and one of the party was sent to Lyons, where the king then was, with instruc- tions to act according to circumstances — making such communication to Sully, as should preserve their fidelity from im- peachment, yet concealing names, to avoid compromising the parties.* In 1603, the Protestants were again made the tools of Bouillon's ambition. Persisting in his voluntary exile, he con- tinued indefatigable in his negotiations with James I. and the Elector palatine, evidently with the design of inducing those princes to espouse his cause, by re- presenting himself as the champion of the reformed religion. He even pub- lished pamphlets, apparently directed against the Protestant body, with replies unfolding the great dangers which were impending. Duplessis-Mornay was so much deceived as to defend the duke's character, and enlarge on the value of his services; and at an assembly held at Gap.f the discussions and resolutions were so animated as to threaten some insurrectionary movements. An effort was made to insert in the body of their articles of confession that the pope was Antichrist. The king, on hearing this, desired Sully to interfere, and put an end to such a scandal: at the same time, Les- diguieres, Bouillon, and La Tremouille violently decried the loyal statesman, and represented him as corrupted by the court: yet he had sufficient influence with the Huguenot deputies, residing at Paris in pursuance of the edict of Nantes, to have the obnoxious article suppressed. Duplessis thus explains the cause of this proceeding.! After describing the con- the offer. That gentleman explained his dition of the French churches, in terms views with eloquence, and severely cri- diametrically opposed to discontented ticised the character of the principal con- j feelings, he relates that a professor of di- federate, Biron; who notwithstanding his ! vinity at Nismes had proposed as a sub- education under a protestant mother, andjject for argument, De Jinlichristo; for a father who was an enemy to bigotry, , which he was summoned before the par- had, since his intimacy with the Duke of Savoy, exchanged the licentiousness of an atheist for the superstition of a monk. He ridiculed the idea of such a combi- nation against the Protestants; and ex- pressed his conviction that, if this perni- cious offer were accepted, they would be quickly betrayed to the king. The com- pany unanimously approved of D'Au- bigne's opinion, which the Duke of Bouillon at once adopted as his own; liament at Toulouse, as a perturbator.§ The Protestant ministers, seeing that they might be accused of sedition for their sermons, brought the matter before the synod for discussion.|| The pope * D'Aubigne, Hist. Univ., vol. iii. p. 074. t 1st Oct. 1603. % In a letter to M. de la Fontaine, then in London, dated 20th March, 1G04. ^ Ferrier, who alterwards abjured, was the professor implicated — Benoit, vol. i. p. 3U4. U Duplessis, Mem., vol iii. p. 49. 310 RECALL OF was really alarmed, lest a declaration so hostile should become a matter of delibe- ration in all the European universities: but he availed himself of the circum- stance to pretend great offence, and would not be pacified with any thing short of the recall of the Jesuits, whose re-esta- blishment is the next event in which the liberties of the Huguenots were inte- rested.* Henry had been induced in the pre- ceding year to promise it, and the Nun- cio assisted the fathers Cotton and Mayes, in their efforts to realize that promise. Cotton had for some time been in the ha- bit of preaching before the king, who thought favourably of his learning and talents. The Jesuits, in 1603, obtained permission to reside in certain towns: this did not, however, satisfy them; they required a formal recall, and the repeal of the decree against them. Henry had promised it when at Metz; and the par- liament of Paris deputed their chief-pre- sident Harlay to remonstrate against the proposed measure. His address is a re- petition of the general charges against the society. The authenticity of the king's answer, as reported by several writers, is hardly maintainable: it con- tains a rather laboured apology for the Jesuits, excusing their faults and con- cluding for their support, on account of their usefulness.! But whatever may be the terms used by the king, it is evident they expressed displeasure at the senti- ments uttered by the parliament; and whether he wished to conciliate, from a fear of their intrigues, or to act on genu- ine principles of liberality, the result was equally favourable to the Jesuits. Sully opposed the measure in the council. He admitted that Sillary excited his ill hu- mour at the meeting, by a pretended com- pliment, which but ill-disguised his jea- lousy. He called on Sully to open the consultation, both on account of his ex- perience, and from being best acquainted with the king's views. To this Sully objected. "So it appears," observed * Sully, liv. 10. •f Harlay's speech, delivered 4th Dec, 1603, is pre- served in the Mercure Francais, vol. ii. pp. 164. et sea. But the Jesuits' published in French. Latin, and Ita- lian, a falsified abridgment, with the answer attributed to the king. The latter pieces are to be found in Vil- leroy, vol. vii , and are referred to as unquestionable authority, by Father Daniel, and others of the ultra- montane school. THE JESUITS. Sillery, with a malicious smile, " we must wait for your opinion, until you have made a journey to the banks of the Seine, four leagues off," alluding to Ab- lon, where the Protestant ministers held their meetings. Sully replied with firm- ness, that in religious matters he was not led by man, the word of God being his sole guide: but in affairs of state he was entirely ■ guided by the king's will, of which he must be more informed before he could pronounce.* The following day he conversed at length with the king upon the subject. After hearing his minister's objections, Henry summed up his sentiments in a manner that proved his intentions were already decided. He had been persuaded that by driving the Jesuits to despair, their audacity would have no bounds. f This was clear from his reasonings; and instead of attempting further to refute his arguments, Sully declared that if the king's personal happiness and safety de- pended on the re-establishment of the Jesuits, he would promote it as readily as the most decided of their partisans. Til is declaration illuminated the king's countenance with satisfaction; and he vo- luntarily pledged his royal word, that no influence of the Jesuits should induce him to make war against the Proiestants. The result of this interview was speedily communicated to the king's confessor elect, father Cotton, who the next day visited Sully, loading him with flatteries and commendations. CHAPTER LII. Death of La Tremnuille— D'Aubisne's conversation with the King— Meeting at Catellerault — Reduction of Sedan— Death of Henry IV. Sully being named governor of Poic- tou, visited that province in the summer of 1604. He was well received at Ro- chelle; and endeavoured to convince the leading Huguenots of their error, in act- ing perversely towards the government. La Tremouille and Rohan both expressed unshaken lenity to Henry ; but the ex- * Sully, liv. 17. f " Ventre Saint Gris me repondez vous de ma per- sonne?" was Henry's reply to one who endeavoured to dissuade hint. DEATH OF LA TREMOUILLE. 311 perienced statesman declares that in his opinion the followers of those noblemen were quite as refractory and discontented as they had been represented. (Sully's voyage produced a very beneficial result to the regal authority, though it hastened the ruin of the Protestant cause: by dis- tributing pensions to the more pacific and moderate, he reduced the cabal in that province to insignificance, and La Tremouille's death, which occurred soon after, deprived them of their principal leader.* This nobleman had married a daughter of the Prince of Orange; and being thus allied to the dukede Bouillon, attained great importance in the Protest- ant party, whose interests he so warmly espoused, that, had he lived longer, it was the king's intention to bring him to justice.! Orders were sent at one time to besiege him in his chateau at Thouars; and when La Tremouille was informed of the advance of some detachments to- wards his residence, he wrote to his tried friend D'Aubigne, reminding him of a mutual vow they had made to share each other's dangers. D'Aubigne hastened to Thouars; and in conjunction with La Tremouille, commenced measures of de- fence, by collecting -the gentlemen of their party. In one of their rides they perceived the heads and bodies of some malefactors, left for exposure. La Tre- mouille changed colour at the sight; on which D'Aubigne took him by the hand, and observed, " You must learn to look at such melancholy spectacles with a good grace: for engaged as we are, it is requisite to familiarize ourselves with death."! D'Aubigne declares that the death of this noblenvin was the cause of his reso- lution to quit the kingdom; having no longer any one in whom he could confide, for his defence against the secret ma- noeuvres of the court, all the other Hugue- not leaders being corrupted by pensions. With this intention he had made prepa- rations for his departure, and the greater part of his property was embarked in a small vessel, hired for the purpose. While his two last cases were being con- veyed from his home, he received a letter from the king, and another from La Va- renne, both assuring him that he was * Sully, liv. 18. t Bassompicrrp, JVouBtaaw, Mem., p. 181. X D'Aubigne, Mem., pp. 148—152. wanted at court, and would be well re- ceived. Those letters made him change his resolution, and decided his return to Paris, where the king employed him nearly two months in superintending the preparations for some joustes and tourna- ments: yet without giving the least inti- mation of a desire to converse with him respecting his conduct in the Protestant assemblies, which was after all the real motive of the invitation. At length Henry took an opportunity of speaking to him alone, and endeavoured to persuade him to join the court party, by representing the selfishness and ve- nality of his partisans. He admitted that D'Aubigne himself attended the meetings in good faith; but that the majority were corrupted, and that nothing would be henceforth carried against his wishes. "This is so true," added Henry, "that one of your number, connected with the i first families of France, has cost me no more than five hundred crowns to serve as my spy, and inform me of all that passes in your assemblies." D'Aubigne in reply stated, that being elected a deputy, he felt bound to serve his constituents conscientiously; and the t more so, since they had lost their royal I protector: at the same time he well knew I that, with the exception of the late Duke de La Tremouille, all the chiefs had sold ! themselves to the court. Henry then embraced his old companion in arms, land recommended him to cultivate the ' friendship of Jeannin, observing, " He j has managed all the affairs of the league: | and I shall have more confidence in you and him, than in those who have played a double game." Henry was turning away, but D'Aubigne detained him; and firmly, though without disrespect, in- quired what was the cause of his displea- sure.— The king turned pale, as was cus- tomary with him when his feelings were moved, and replied, " You were too much attached to La Tremouille. You knew I hated him; and still you gave him your affection." " Sire !" replied D'Aubigne, | "I have been brought up at the feet of j your majesty, where I learned never to abandon those in affliction." Henry again embraced him, and they separated.* Henry sent a confidential agent to ques- tion Duplessis on D'Aubigne's friendship * D'Aubigne, Mem. pp. 14d— 152. 312 GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF PROTESTANTS. with La Tremouille, and other subjects affecting his character for loyalty. The agent's report to the chancellor was de- cidedly favourable.* The conspiracy of the Entragues family does not enier into our subject, being an affair of private ambition, in which no Huguenot of distinction was implicated. The counts D'Entragues and D'Auvergne But unhappily the dispute was not al- ways limited to opinions or protestations: in a moment of excitement, a placard was posted in different parts of Paris, inviting the university students to meet with clubs and other weapons, for the purpose of re- sisting the insolence of the maudile secle huguenot e et abloniste. An individual named Robert, returning from worship at were condemned to death; and the mar-IAblon, was attacked and murdered: his chioness of Verneuil was sentenced to per- son who accompanied him, in desperation petual imprisonment.! The king's pro- mise, given at the dying request of Henry HI., in behalf of D'Auvergne, effected a commutation of his sentence into confine- ment in the Bastille;}: ai:d his passion for Madame de Verneuil caused the punish- ment of her father to be limited to banish- ment from the court, and an order to re- side on his estate; the marchioness, as may be easily imagined, obtained a free pardon. The chronicles of this period abound with incidents, which would be deemed insignificant if they did not serve as an index for judging of the state of public opinion. The conversions of monks and other ecclesiastics are carefully noted; as well as laymen, whose position gave them interest. But although we find only an occasional notice of proselytes to the Romish church, it is loo well known that court favour, the hopes of advancement, and the prospect of fortune, led many to desert their faith. In addition to those motives must be mentioned the effect of prejudice, which to many is irresistible; for the stake and the scaffold will excite firmness, when the silent contempt of connexions and neighbours will shake a avenged his father, by killing the assassin on the spot.* The Protestants having demanded a I general assembly, by virtue of the edict of Nantes, the town of Chatellerault was named for the meeting; and Sully was appointed to receive the deputies, and ad- dress them in the king's name.t This was a disappointment to those of the Pro- testant nobility who were influenced by political motives: they knew Sully's firm loyalty, and were well aware that his en- ergy would enforce respect to the king's instructions, known to be directed against any renewal of the offensive proceedings at the synod of Gap. None could be ad- mitted as the deputy of an individual, not even from Lesdiguieres; and there was a positive prohibition against receiving let- ters from any foreign princes, and parti- cularly from the Duke de Bouillon, his conduct towards the king requiring some public mark of displeasure.} In the event of the assembly manifesting a feeling of insubordination. Sully was instructed to avail himself of his authority, as governor of the province, and to inform the sedi- tious members that the king was well aware of their designs. A letter from well-founded resolution. The contro- Bouillon had in fact been intercepted, versy between the rival creeds was zea-j which proved the existence of irritated lously maintained; but principally by a i feelings; and manifested a prevalent de- sire on the part of many members, to im- few individuals, on behalf of the Protest- ants. The English ambassador was for many reasons bound to stand forward; and on occasion of the fete-Dieu, he not only refused to place hangings before his hotel, in the Rue de Tournon, but declared that he would set fire to any that might be placed, contrary to his will. The pro- cession of St. Sulplice, to avoid extremi- ties, was in consequence ordered to pass by another slreet.§ * Dated 8th March, 1605. Duplessis, vol. iii. p. 91. t 1st February, 1005. j Bassoinpierre, vol. i. p 404 N'ouv. Mem., p. 199. } Journal de Henri IV. 23d June, 1604. prove the position of the body by a vigo- rous effort. ^ Sully's opening speech was not well received by the assembly. He endea- voured to convince the meeting, that the number of towns assigned to them under the edict of Nantes, so far from being to their advantage, was an injury to their cause; as the dispersion of their forces would render them an easy conquest, if * Ibid. IV. 18th Se p , 1005. f His commission is dated 3d July, 1005. i Sully, liv.2I, } Ibid. BOUILLON RECONCILED TO HENRY. 313 any serious design against them were meditated: even Lesdiguicres, their Achilles, could not hold out in such a case, although he should await compul- sion to induce his submission; a thing not likely, considering his interested views. This insinuation was intended to show how well the court knew the secret dispo- sitions of all the party. The assembly refused Sully the ho- nour of their presidence, only two votes being given in his favour; and they com- missioned D'Aubigne to inform him, that he must desist from appearing there, un- less he had any thing to propose from the king.* Such an affront, where he had calculated on obtaining marked distinction, renders it necessary to make some deduc- tions from his account of the proceedings, which he represents as very tumultuous. He excluded Duplessis from participating in the discussions, on the ground of his not being deputed by any province; and although the deputies of Dauphine ex- claimed, that nothing could be done in his absence, Sully enforced his authority, and compelled the assembly to forego the opinions of Duplessis, as well as those of the Duke de Bouillon, who, together with Lcsdiguieres, are severely censured in his memoires for their conduct at this period. In conjunction with D'Aubigne and others, they are charged wi'.h having signed a memorial, in which was laid the basis of a Calvinist republic in France: the result of the meeting rendered the project useless; and Duplessis, fearing the consequences, sent his excused the king, with a disavowal of the memorial. f The mere conception of such a scheme was calculated to alarm the friends of the monarchy; and Sully endeavoured to learn the general feeling of the Protest- ants on that point. The answer he ob- tained from the deputies with whom he conversed was to this effect. If Henry were immortal, the Protestants, having full confidence in his word, would at once renounce all precaution, give up their places of security, and reject foreign sup- port; but the fear of finding very different sentiments in his successors compelled them to continue measures adapted for their safety. Sully was satisfied that the partisans of the project did not exceed the * D'Aubigne, Mem., p. 134. t Duplessis, vol. iii. pp. 122— 120. Sully, liv. 22. 27 number of six or seven persons; but the king was not so easily convinced, and was deeply struck with the danger to which the state would be exposed after his death.* This consideration had some share in originating the expedition for reducing Bouillon to submission. The Duke was summoned; passports were sent to him; and he was even threatened with vigo- rous measures, in case of non-compliance, but in vain. He persisted, and it was not until Henry was on his march to Sedan, that this proud subject showed any signs of submission. At first Bouillon boasted that he would bury himself under the ruins of his little principality. He then proposed to treat with the king on the footing of an independent sovereign; and finally requested that Villeroy might be sent to discuss the terms of surrender. The conditions were very lenient: Henry did not wish to ruin an old companion in arms, who had privately confessed his readiness to submit, provided he could do so with honour: he was satisfied with humbling him, by the means of hereafter keeping him in check. It was evident that Bouillon in rebellion was less dan- gerous to his government while at Sedan than in the heart of France; and the duke although clear of criminal participation in Biron's conspiracy, was conscious that there was sufficient evidence in his cor- respondence with the marshal to cause him trouble: a treaty was speedily con- cluded, by which Bouillon was restored to Henry's good graces without losing his territory, the king reserving only the right of placing a French garrison in Sedan, t And afterwards, when the Jesuits requested permission to establish a col- lege there, they were informed that the consent of the Duke de Bouillon was in* dispensable.^ Henry entered Sedan on the second of April, 160G, when the duke offered his homage and submission. g He presented himself at the king's chamber, before he had risen, and conversed with him for some time on his knee. Henry after- * Sully, liv. xxii. t Sully, liv. 43; Mere. Franc , vol. i. p. 104. % Journal de Henri IV., Sept. 1809. } On the same day, Henry sent an account of Bouil- lon's submission to Duples-jg. This communication was official and countersigned but many of the king's letters were private, and written entirely by him. Du- plessis, vol. iii. p. 157. 314 INTOLERANCE OF BOTH RELIGIONS. wards placed in his hand a letter of abo- lition, on receiving the duke's renewed protestation of fidelity. From that time, observes a contemporary, he conducted himself with as much independence and hauteur, as if nothing had happened.* Thus ended an expedition which caused so many remonstrances and complaints from the Protestants, that an attempt to rise in the duke's favour was at one time apprehended. But the condition of the place completely refutes the idea: a gar- rison scarcely amounting to three hundred men; the cannon in bad condition; and scarcely any supply of the most common requisites for maintaining a siege, are proofs that the Protestant body had no in- tention of espousing the duke's personal cause, as at all connected with the inte- rests of religion. The affairs of the Protestants during the remainder of this reign present no event of importance. Sully expresses his regret that the king too readily listened to the complaints of their enemies: at the same time it is impossible to deny that occasionally their zeal led them beyond the bounds of propriety, no less than of good policy. It is needless to detail the routine of their periodical synods for electing deputies: they were uniformly accompanied by attacks upon the Romish doctrines, and frequently gave occasion for treating their sovereign with disre- spect. It is not hazarding too much to as- sert that this empty right, grounded upon the edict of Nantes, was highly injurious to their cause; for, instead of contentedly sitting down " under their vine and their fig-tree," they acquired a habit of med- dling with state affairs, censuring the king's appointments, and remonstrating against his measures. In short, no go- vernment could complacently regard such an imperiurh in imperio; political neces- sity in consequence furnished a pretext for, and sanctioned the subsequent faith- less conduct of the French crown towards the Protestants. However, under Henry IV., there was no fear of violence: perse- cution had given place to controversy; and with the exception of a certain degree of acrimony in some cases, wherein the Jesuits took part, their theological dis- putes passed off quietly. In 1607, father Cotton sent a brother * Bassompierre, vol. i. p. 171. Jesuit, named Gaspard Seguiran,* to Ro- chelle; but being certain of a refusal from the king, he privately obtained letters from the secretary of state, f On reaching that city, the father was rudely sent away, without being permitted to pass the gate. The partisans of the Jesuits took occasion to incense the king against such disre- spect. Henry made a show of adopting the complainants' views, and appeared inclined to chastise the delinquents ; but taking Sully aside, he admitted that the Protestants were not entirely to blame; and that if he had known that such letters had been applied for, he should have for- bidden them. " However," he added, " you must endeavour to settle this, with- out disobeying the secretaries of state ; for it may hurt the importance of their other despatches." Sully easily arranged the affair. He wrote to Rochelle, to ex- plain that, above all other considerations, the king must be respected; and that by yielding to his authority, they would more easily carry their point, especially as those letters were given without his sanction. Seguiran then presented himself a second time, bearing a letter signed by the king himself: he was admitted, and even al- lowed to preach ; but in a few days after his arrival, he was recalled.^ Sully's correspondence, it may be well supposed, was not made known to any other than the leading characters at Ro- chelle ; and as the whole population felt deeply interested, a deputation arrived at Paris, when the speaker, named Yvon,§ was so indiscreet, in his address, that the king charged him with sedition. || This feeling of insubordination, which had grown out of their habits of warfare, blend- ed with theological controversy, was their most offensive quality in Henry's eyes ; and on a subsequent occasion, when Sully complained of the seditious sermons of the Jesuit Gontier, the king admitted that his complaint was well founded ; but added, * Afterwards confessor to Louis XI I f. t It must be borne in mind Unit tins was a suborrli : nale employ, not a cabinet minister. Secretaire d'Etat and Marcchal tie Camp, Iran-lateri literally, give a very erroneous idea of either of those posts. | Arcere, Hist, de la HochclU, vol. ii. p. 120.— Sully, liv. 24. § Paul Yvon, seigneour de PA leu . mayor of Rochelle, in 10 Mi. At the conclusion of the siege, he became Catholic, and fixed his residence in Paris. He devoted his attention to mathematics, and has left two works on that science. II Journal de Henri IV., 23d February, 1607. PROPOSED DISCUSSION AT PARIS. 315 that the Protestant ministers preached still more seditiously.* As the Protestants had but few oppor- tunities for advancing their tenets by means of preaching, we find their minis- ters much engaged in controversial publi- cations; many persons, in consequence, became persuaded of the necessity and expediency of freeing the Roman Catholic religion from various glaring errors and abuses. On the other hand, the stanch supporters of the Romish hierarchy were averse to all concession ; and three preachers were engaged, during the re- mainder of this reign, in vindicating its doctrines and rights. They were the Jesuits Cotton and Gontier, and a corde- lier, styled le Pere Portugais : the latter was surnamed the Doctor; Cotton, the Orator; and Gontier, the Preacher. Gontier was patronized by the Duke of Epernon, and made very violent attacks upon the Protestants: he was at length so vehement, that the king deemed it re- quisite to intimate his displeasure.! A reply to Gontier's sermons, from the pen of the minister Dumoulin, was written with such caustic severity, that the sale was forbidden.^ The press was tolerably free at this period ; and although we not unfrequently promised justice, and sent orders to put an end to the prelate's folly.* The king's interference alone preserved the peace in a similar case where the judges of Orleans, with the approbation of the bishop, gave a decree for disinter- ring a Protestant lady, on the pretext that the cemetery was too near the Catholic burial-ground. Above two hundred noble- men and gentlemen met at the grave, and vowed to expose their lives rather than suffer such an indignity. The king being informed, sent orders for all functionaries to keep away, and summoned the judges to answer for their decrees.! An attempt was made about this time to reconcile the differences between the two religions, as there were sincere Catho- lics desirous of terminating the dispute by mutual concessions. The ministers Du- moulin, Chamier and Durand, were ar- dently engaged in the task; and D'Au- bigne, whose character for argument stood high, was welcomed to their party. Having decided on the outline of prelimi- naries on which the discussion should be based, they agreed to reduce all their con- troversy to the discipline of the church during the first four centuries. With an authority to that effect, D'Aubigne pro- ceeded to the king, who at once referred meet with the suppression of a work, the, him to Cardinal Du Perron. At first the condemnation of authors was rare. A ] cardinal objected that the Huguenot body publication, urging the convocation of a council, excited some attention, and drew forth several replies; which, being sup- ported by the authorities, obtained the honours of the dispute. A careful, observ- ing contemporary remarks, " The king cared little about those publications; his attention being devoted to the general good, and the embellishment of his city of Paris."§ The records of this period present seve- ral instances of great excitement, which arose altogether from religious prejudice. The Cardinal de Sourdis, Archbishop of Bordeaux, had acted with so much ill- judged tyranny, striking Protestants for alleged disrespect to the cross, disinterring bodies, and other similar excesses, that a complaint was made to the king, who * Ibid, Dec. 1609. + Mercure Franc. ,vr>l. i. p. 377. j Journal de Henri IV., Sill May, lfiO!). % Mercure Franc,, i<,07, p. 227. would disavow the proposition ; but D'Au- bigne engaged his honour and life, that they would stand by the result. Du Perron then took him by the hand and replied, "Give us forty years beyond the four hundred?" "I see what you are aiming at," replied D'Aubigne ; " you want to have the council of Chalcedon in your favour; but I will agree to it, so that we may enter upon the discussion." To this the cardinal observed, that the elevation of the cross must then be ad- mitted, as the usage was sanctioned by that council. D'Aubigne agreed to make that concession for the sake of peace ; " but," added he, " you will never dare to propose to reduce the pope's authority to its limits during the first four centuries : on that head, we can afford to give you two hundred years more." The cardinal terminated the conversation by a remark, * Journal de Henri IV., July, 1C09. t Ibid. 316 ASSASSINATION OF HENRY. that the question must be decided at Paris, if it could not be settled at Rome. The king being informed by D'Aubigne of what had passed at the interview, asked him why he so readily consented to give the additional forty years, on commencing the discussion. "Because, Sire! in asking for the additional period, the doctors of the Romish church tacitly confess that the. first four ages would not be for them." Several bishops and Jesuits who were present began to murmur at the reply : the Count de Soissons condemned such remarks as improper : and the king ab- ruptly turning away, withdrew to the tjueen's chamber.* The affair, trifling as it may appear at this distance of time, was however deemed so important by'the king's friends, that he was advised, and even solicited to put to death, or at least imprison the indefati- gable and zealous Huguenot. Henry de- sired Sully to confine him in the Bastille; but the threatened danger was warded off by a friendly hint from Madame de Cha- tilJon; and D'Aubigne, having boldly sought an interview with the king, gave a detail of his long services, and con- cluded by requesting a pension. That was a sufficient submission to induce the monarch to countermand the order, which D'Aubigne was afterwards assured by Sully himself had been really given for his imprisonment.t The close of Henry's reign was sig- nalized by extensive preparations for some military expedition, the object of which is shrouded in mystery. To suppose his passion for the Princess of Conde would have been a motive, is most preposterous; and the settlement of the duchy of Cleves was not of sufficient importance. " The enterprise," observes Sully, "being limited to that single object, would be insignifi- cant." The Protestants all rejoiced in the possibility of a war, which they believed was destined to curtail the Austrian power; and the ultramontane or popish party spread reports, that the king's ob- ject was to assist the heretics. Some accounts of the time would almost induce the idea that Henry aimed at the empire of the West. Even Sully can only conjecture this monarch's design : the various hypotheses built on the project are therefore valueless. * D'Aubigne, Mem., pp. 156—161. t Ibid. p. 162. During several months Henry could think of nothing else : many of the sparkling phrases and anecdotes which have been handed down to us may owe their origin to deep-laid political precaution; and in some measure to the prudent suggestions of Sully, who relates, that on one occasion he took the liberty of pulling the king's cloak, in the midst of a public conversa- tion, when he was rather too communica- tive.* At length the arrangements for his de- parture were completed : the queen's coronation and its attendant festivities were at hand ; and Henry, addressing one of his intimate friends, observed, " I will sleep at St. Denis on Wednesday; I shall return on Thursday; Saturday I will hunt; Sunday my wife will make her public entry; on Monday my daugh- ter's wedding; Tuesday the feast; and on Wednesday to horse !"t Yet this tone of confidence did not pre- vent his being assailed by painful appre- hensions, which have been repeated by every writer who has treated of this period. Astrology and prophetic declarations had then great hold upon the imagination ; and there is a prevalent idea of his having been told, that the first display of pa- geantry in which he was concerned would prove fatal. He frequently cursed the approaching ceremonial; and Sully endeavoured during three days to per- suade the queen to renounce the honour, but in vain. J Alter receiving intimation from many quarters of an intended attempt against his life, the predicted blow was finally given, and on the 14th of May, 1610, the Great Henry fell under the knife of a fa- natic. That Ravaillac was the mere instru- ment of some party appears beyond doubt: his feelings had evidently been worked upon, in the same way as those of his precursor, Jacques Clement ; and this supposition will admit of his remain- ing completely ignorant of his instigators, in which respect his answers were uni- form. Both in the common interrogato- ries, and under the torture, he always * Sully, liv. 27. t Mathieu.vol. ii. p 804. J Sully, liv. 27. According to Mathieu, the Queen did not care for the honour of the ceremony, yet felt slighted that she alone, of all the queens of France, Bhould be excepted. DOUBTS AS TO THE INSTIGATORS OF RAVAILLAC. 317 denied having any accomplice, and de- clared his sole motive was, that he heard the king was about to make war against- the pope; and when, at the last extremity, the wretched man implored absolution, which his confessor refused to give until he had revealed his accomplices, he begged it might be given, even with a re- serve that his damnation should be certain, if he spoke filsely. His ejaculation at the Place de Greve, " That he had been de- ceived, and thought the people would be pleased,"* is by no means in contradiction with his denial of accomplices, if we as- sume that his imagination had been in- flamed by artful devices of spectacles, which he considered supernatural visions; and by violent sermons on the causes which would justify regicide.t This fatal and infamous instigation has for two centuries weighed heavily against the Jesuits, not from historic proof, for it cannot be had, but in a great degree from the prevalence of certain opinions at this period cherished by the society; and which opinions not only led Ravaillac to commit the crime, but caused others to envy the wretched distinction he thus acquired, and to avow a readiness to imitate him. At the time, -public feeling was unequivocally against the Jesuits. The clergy, both regu- lar and parochial, impugned them in their sermons; and the accusations found an echo in lay publications. In the courts of law and at meetings in the market-place, that society was alike believed to have prompted the assassin. There would be a -cruel injustice in contributing to perpetuate this sentiment, in the absence of regular evidence, if the Jesuits had not subsequently been in a situation which enabled them to justify the reputation of their body. The two succeeding kings had Jesuits for confes- sors; and although every thing tended to facilitate the elucidation of this event, not the least effort was made to render public the investigations and statements, which the parliament of 1610 had consigned to secrecy. It would be useless to repeat the numerous incidents, or rather anec- dotes on record, concerning the death of King Henry; which, however true, would be rather grounds for inference than bases * Journal de Henri IV. t Mercure Frano., vol. i. pp. 440, 441. for an accusation.* It will be clearly seen that justice was impeded in tracing the pioceedings of the parliament of Paris; and our entire ignorance of the influence then wielded gives immense latitude to conjecture. Sully, after alluding to the information communicated by the female, so conspi- cuous in the judicial annals of this epoch, as La Coman or D'Escouman, and who charged the Duke of Epernon, the Mar- chioness of Verneuil and others with pre- paring a plot, adds, " The incident will not be overlooked by those who are in- clined to attach importance to the sup- pression of the particulars of the trial," and his editor (the Abbe de l'Ecluse) re- marks, in a note, " that this concealment of the proceedings by the parliament was universally known. "t A widow named St. Matthieu de- nounced a soldier named Martin. He had accosted her on the Sunday before the king's death, as she was proceeding to public worship at Charenton. He told her, that within a week there would be strange doings in Paris: and those would be fortunate who were away. He ad- mitted that he was not going to hear the sermon, but to form an opinion of the Huguenots' means of defence; that all the beggars and cripples about were thieves, and spies of the King of Spain; and that there was one in particular whom he was surprised not to see there. The appear- ance of Ravaillac completely agreed with the description he had given. When the king's death was known, this man, to her great surprise, called at her house, and engaged her to leave Paris: she consulted her friends, and had him arrested. But the lukewarm manner in which this affair was treated became so notorious, that f/Estoile observes thereon, " The cow- ardly proceedings adopted in the inves? ligation of this important fact (in which it would seem they are afraid of finding what they seek) will be probably without result."]: And at a subsequent date, the same writer states, " The trifling inquiry * Among other curious hypotheses, one or the mou remarkable is the accusation raised against the queen and the Prince of Oonde : they are charged in a recent work with having instigated Ravaillac, who i9 said tq have met the prince at Brussels a short time previous Roederer, Mem. pour Scrvir d I Hisloirc de la Socitlt polieen France, p. 15. Paris, 1835. t Sully, liv. 27. j Journal de Henri IV., 17th May, 1010. 27* 318 DOUBTS AS TO THE INSTIGATORS OF RAVAILLAC. made at this time, into the late king's death, and the little desire shown to bring the guilty to justice, oli'cnded many per- sons, and caused animadversions."* While in prison, Ravaillac dictated a testamentary confession; but the clerk employed to take down his words wrote it in a manner that defies the most skilful decipherers:t a circumstance which must at once strike every reader as most sin- gular, since no man thus employed would have dared to act so, unless assured of impunity. The decision of the parliament of Paris respecting La Coman is of the same cha- racter. During that trial, the Duke of Epernon acted so indecorously as to ex- cite the indignation of the chief president Seguier; and when the public officers of the crown proposed their conclusions, viz.: to defer judgment till after more ample inquiry; to liberate the accused, and imprison the accuser, there was a general assent to that decision. Seguier's reply to the queen's inquiry, respecting his views of the question, proves the im- portance of the real criminals..]: Sad as is the misfortune for a nation to produce such wretches as Clement and Ravaillac, it is a still more serious calamity to have a servile magistracy. What induced the parliament to incur this reproach is now an unfathomable mystery. As a body it could not be suspected of any bias in favour of the Jesuits; the opposition of its members to the recall of the society being a sufficient guarantee. The secret influence must therefore have been indi- vidual in its nature: the Jesuits, sup- posing them innocent, were deeply in- terested in making known that motive; but this they have declined doing, What their conduct was, with a consciousness of existing suspicions, will next claim our consideration. When the news of the king's assassi- nation reached the Louvre, Father Cotton, as if conscious of a coming accusation, instinctively aimed at diverting suspicion from his parly; and exclaimed, "Ah! who has killed this good prince; this pious, this great king ? Is it not a Hu- guenot?" Afterwards, when he visited * Journal de Henri IV., June, 1610. t Fontanier, Porttfeuille, No. quoted by C.'ipi- Iigue. HUt. ile la Rcforme, ds la Ligae, e: de Henri IK., Vol. viii p. 372. X Journal de Henri IV., Feb. 1G11. Ravaillac in prison, he cautioned him against incriminating lets gens de bien.* Father D'Aubigny, another Jesuit, who had been consulted by Ravaillac, was particularly questioned by the chief pre- sident, respecting the secret of confession. But the wary ecclesiastic answered only by sophisms: he stated "That God, who had given to some the gift of tongues, to others prophecy, &c, had conferred on him the gift of forgetting confessions."! The decided expression of public opi- nion caused Father Cotton to make an effort, surpassing in impudence any thing of the kind on record. Accompanied by two other Jesuits, he went to the attorney- general; and in the name of the society entreated him to sanction the publication of an apology; with a prohibition for all persons, of what quality soever, to con- tradict or reply to it. The application was too monstrous to be received.] The liberty of the press was suffi- ciently established to expose the Jesuits to some very rude attacks: but at a later period the monarchy became absolute; nothing could then be published without an imprimatur; and writers on French his- tory either slur over this important event, or else adopt the good-natured conclu- sion of the archbishop of Paris: "If I am asked, who were the demons that inspired this damnable idea, history answers that she knows nothing: even the judges who interrogated Ravaillac did not dare to open their mouths upon the subject; and never spoke of him otherwise than by shrugging their shoulders."§ L'Ecluse, the commentator on Sully, is likewise imbued with this feeling. Because Fa- ther D'Orleans, in his life of Cotton, says nothing about his caution to Ravaillac, he maintains that it is not true; and since Pasquier, a great enemy of the Jesuits, is silent, it must be assumed that they were considered innocent by that writer. The Jesuit D'Avrigny's argument is all of this negative kind.|| To conclude — supposing the Jesuits' guilt fully established, their successors are not to be held responsible for a crime, in appreciating which the barbarity of the times must be taken into account. The * Journal de Henry IV. Sullv, liv.28, ad init. ■f Journal de Henri IV., 19th May, 1010. t Journal de Henri IV., June. lull). § Perefixe, Hilt, de Henri le Grand, ]| Memoires Chronologiques et Dogmaliques. CHARACTER OF HENRY THE GREAT. 319 principles of the Jesuits may be still the same; but the mighty revolutions which have since occurred render them less dangerous:* they were long called the ]>opt,s mi/ilia; and in many cases with- stood the progress of reformed religion; but the rights of conscience are now ad- mitted; and a general apprehension of their intolerant and grasping policy has essentially promoted a feeling in favour of protestantism. Henry IV. occupies too conspicuous a place in the annals of religious conten- tion, to allow us to enter upon his suc- cessor's reign, without an attempt to por- tray his character as a man, as a captain, and as a king. In the first point of view, his biogra- pher has the painful task of recording many blemishes, chiefly attributable to his passion for the fair sex. His un- blushing attachment to the princess of Conde is at once disgraceful and disgust- ing. The aged Constable Montmorency had selected Bassompierre for his son-in- law; and in that marshal's memoirs we have a glowing description of his joy at the unexpected honour thus accorded to his personal merit. So long as Henry believed the gay soldier was chiefly enamoured of the brilliant alliance, and that there was a chance of his being a complacent husband, he encouraged the match; but on discovering the existence of a sincere affection for the beautiful Charlotte de Montmorency, he interfered; and declaied his wish, that she should he the wife of his cousin Conde. Bassom- pierre could not conceal his disappoint- ment; and at the wedding, Henry mali- ciously held him close to the bridal pair.t The Prince of Conde, aware of the king's intentions, kept his wife from the court as much as possible; but neither this in- timation of vigilance, nor the affairs of State, nor the variety with which Henry's disposition was pampered, could divert him from his base design. He degraded himself so far as to engage the prince's mother in his interest. He had great claims on her compliance; having de- stroyed the proofs against her when * Yet they are slill formidable. The recent refusal of ecclesiastical sepulture to the Count rie Mohtlosier, entirely on account of his Mcmoire d consuller, is a proof that an undoubted attachment to the Romish Church docs not compensate for a dislike to the society. t bassompierre, vol. i. p. SKJ. charged with her husband's death. This may palliate her conduct a little; but she was severely punished when Henry taunted (he prince, who complained of his tyranny: " I never acted as a tyrant, but when I caused you to be declared what you are not;"* an abandonment of generosity, at variance with the character popularly attributed to him. A few months afterwards, when the prince set out privately for Flanders, the king's rage was excessive.! Yet Henry's character had some re- deemingpoints: andseveral vvholongknew him intimately have left their testimony in his favour. Sully revered him; D'Au- bigne invariably bears witness to his goodness of heart, attributing his severity and ingratitude to the misrepresentations of envious courtiers; and Bassompierre, even when relating the loss of his be- trothed, calls him " the best of men." Respecting Henry's military talents there is no difference of opinion. His enemies admit his consummate courage and unrivalled skill. Many of his battles surpass the most celebrated actions of antiquity, if we consider how cruelly his means were limited, in comparison with the importance of his object; and in the details of those engagements his prowess was almost romantic, so much so, that his bravery nearly amounted to temerity. But it is as a sovereign that his cha- racter must be submitted to investigation. The eclat of a victory will still censorious judgments on the merits of a cause; but state decisions, and the severe exercise of authority after long commotions, can- not escape the complaints and cavils of unsuccessful competitors for power. The administration of justice was excessively rigorous; capital condemnations following- offences of almost every kind and degree. But those laws were not of his enacting: he unfortunately found society overrun with numbers of reckless individuals, and the enactments appear more severe from their frequent application. An expression is attributed to the most celebrated of his successors, when ac- cused of usurping the crown. " Corn- men! Usurper ? Je Vai ramassee dans la boue .'" Henry of Navarre, the law- ful heir of the crown of France, was also •Journal de Henri IV.. June, 1009. t Bassompierre, vol. i. p. 201. 320 REGENCY OF MARY DE MEDICIS. treated as a usurper, and compelled to win his right by his sword. Had the monarchy been altogether prostrate, his task would have been comparatively easy; but he had to contend against the most formidable European powers, with what success is notorious. We make no attempt, however, to draw a parallel be- tween Henry and Napoleon: each re-es- tablished a fallen throne, and the memory of both is cherished by the nation over which they successively reigned; but the similarity extends no farther. To form a due estimate of Henry's do- mestic policy, it should be placed in com- parison with that of Louis XVIII. Henry consulted the sympathies of the con- quered party — the Catholic majority. He showed himself their paternal mo- narch, and braved the charge of ingrati- tude by neglecting his old supporters, the Protestants. This restoration was per- manent. Louis, on the contrary, was unwilling to convince the nation that he placed public affection in the foremost rank, by confining within the bounds of private generosity his regard for the emi- grant nobles, indebted like himself to foreign support. His sovereignly took no root in public feeling, and the natural consequence was experienced by his suc- cessor. In foresight and political judgment Henry IV. was very great. Accustomed from his boyhood to parry the intrigues of a hostile court, he was nurtured in the difficulties of government, and made use of corruption as a weapon for counteract- ing opposition to his sway. There are several points of view in which he may be placed in comparison with our Alfred, the Danish invasion bear- ing some analogy to the league. But Henry's abjuration places him in an isolated position, no other prince having sacrificed relisious principle to secure the possession of the crown; and this suggests an inquiry into the sincerity of his con- version. During his life there was a very general doubt of his being a decided Romanist; yet several instances attest his orthodoxy. He endeavoured to persuade Sully to change his religion; and as an inducement proposed on one occasion to make him constable; on another that his natural daughter, Mile, de Vendome, should marry the Marquis de Rosny* After the public debate between Cardinal Du Perron and Duplessis-Mornay in IGOO.t Henry wrote to the Duke of Epernon, that the victory of the diocess of Evreux over that of Sau- mur was one of the greatest advantages obtained by the church of God for a long time ; and that by such means more Pro- testants would be reclaimed, than by fifty years of violence.! During the siege of Montmellian in 1600, Henry, accompanied by the Count de Soissons and several no- bles, having ventured rather close to ob- serve the works, a masked battery was suddenly opened on them, which caused the king to cross himself. " By that," ob- served Sully, who was present, " I recog- nise the good Catholic."^ To these evidences of his Catholicity, we can only oppose one slight incident, to mark any remembrance of his Protestant- ism : he refused to hunt on St. Bartholo- mew's day, on account of the peril to which he had been exposed in his youth. || Voltaire observes that Henry could not but yield to adverse circumstances and abjure, having the pope, the King of Spain and three-fourths of his subjects against him. Gustavus Adolphus or Charles XII. would have been inflexible; but they were essentially soldiers, while Henry IV. was a politician. If CHAPTER LIII. ; Regency nf Mary de Medieie —Assembly at Saumar. ■ Stales General.— insurrection of JClti Henry's position had been embarrass- ing: he was obliged to conciliate opposing interests, and was in consequence exposed to the distrust of each. The Protestants complained of his disregard of their long services: the Catholics were incensed at his tolerance of heresy. The moderate party, composed of the principal judges and advocates, had not acquired sufficient influence to turn the wavering balance, * Journal de Henii IV , Nov. l iW. Sully, liv. xxv. t Usually termed the Conference <1? Fontainebleav, ; there is a long account of it in the Chrmuiogie septal- naire. Dupiessis «as too much shackl-d by the king's restrictions to hope for success. D'Auhiene comp-wer] a Treatise on the occasion, entitled Dc ilissidiis Patron, but though Henry undertook that Du 1'erron should refute it, the cardinal made no attempt. D'Aubignt:, Jiltm. p. 148. t Sully, liv. xi. § Ibid. I Bassompierre, vol. i. p. 15'2. • Essai sur les Mcsurs, rem. Jo. CONDUCT At a subsequent period their opinions gave importance to the Gallican and Jansenist parties; but at Henry's death the intole- rant faction prevailed, and Epernon tri- umphed over Sully. The former, assured of the queen's support, had already taken his measures: while the latter was waiting the king's visit by appointment. The news of the assassination overwhelmed him ; and when he left the arsenal, he was so deeply affected, that L'Estoile repre- sents him as more dead than alive.* Having collected his attendants, and being subsequently joined by his personal friends, he set out for the Louvre on horse- back: but as he advanced, several intima- tions of danger had been given ; and after consulting with Vitry, whom he met at the Croix du TraIioir,\ he decided "on re- turning to the arsenal. He then sent a message to the queen, with the assurance of his ready obedience; and informed her, that he watched with additional vigilance over the Bastille, the arsenal, and other places in his charge. However, before he had regained his quarters, he was pressed by several, in the queen's name, to go as soon as possible to the Louvre, and be at- tended with but few persons. Sully's distrust however increased as the mes- sage was quickly reiterated. He maturely weighed the warnings he had received, with the information since brought, of archers being seen about the gates of the Bastille, and sent an excuse deferring his visit till the following day.J His wife was so commissioned, with a view to observe the state of the court.} Bassompierre, after describing his meeting with Sully, in the Rue St. Antoine, states, "He shut himself up in the Bastille, sending at the same time to apze all the bread he could find in the market, and in the bakers' stores. He also despatched a messenger to his son-in-law, the Duke de Rohan, to march upon Paris with six thousand Swiss, under his command. "|| But this excessive caution, which has exposed Sully to a charge of disloyalty, is scarcely reprehensible, when every feature of the case is brought into view. Notes arrived at the Bastille from many quarters, con- * Journal de Henri IV., in loc. + At the corner of tlie rue de I'Aibre Sec, a place where executions often took place. I Sully, liv. xxvui. Mathieu, Hist, de Louis XIII., p. 3. fj Memoiresde Marcchal d'Estroes, p. 3, j| Bassompierre, vol. i. p, 2H4. OF SULLY. 321 taining most alarming intelligence : a great consternation had seized the Protestants, many of whom could remember the St. Bartholomew; and rumour revived and magnified reports, threatening a repetition of that dreadful scene. The king's death was no sooner known, than many Protest- ants quitted the capital ; and more would have gone if they had not been deterred, some by persuasion, others by force, until their alarm was proved to be groundless.* The Count de Soissons hastened to Paris on learning the news of Henry's death : he came well attended, and confi- dent of unlimited influence over thr*l)uke of Epernon; but on reaching St. Cloud he had the mortification to learn that the re- gency was already disposed of. He would not probably have opposed it, but wished to have made certain conditions. t Although a community of feeling existed between Soissons and Epernon on various points, and particularly in hatred to Sully, the young prince failed in his attempt to gain the aged courtier to his views; and to his astonishment the duke made him desist from his project of murdering Sully in the court of the Louvre.J Such violence being contemplated, there was reason to apprehend serious conse- quences from the rumours in circulation among the Protestants. Every day be- held an increase of the evil; and a trifle would have sufficed to inflame the king- dom. This was observed by Epernon, who deemed it advisable to calm the pub- lic mind, by a dftlaration confirming tire edict of Nantes.§ Mary de Medicis was certainly indebted to Epernon for the post of sole regent. That nobleman took ample measures for suppressing all opposition to his plans, by placing guards on the Pont Neuf, and in the streets surrounding the convent of the Augustins, where the parliament was to hold its sittings. The president Seguier, with whom he had consulted on the in- * nded measure, had no sooner assembled the members, than Epernon entered, hold- ing in his hand a sword, still sheathed. He appeared agitated and confused; and informed the assembly that his sword was * Mercure Francaia, vol. i. p. 463. t D'Estrees, p 5. J Girard, Vic du Due d' Epernon, p. 246. I.e Vassor, hist, de Liuis XIII., vol. i. p. I'J. 4to. Amsterdam, 1757. $ Girard, p. 252. The declaration, dated 22d May, 1610, is in the Mercure Francais, vol. i. p. 403. 322 CONDE ASPIRES TO THE CROWN. as yet in its scabbard, though he appre- hended that, unless the queen was instantly declared regent, it must be drawn, and might cause great trouble and confusion. The boldness of his proceeding astonished the assembly, and the proposal was adopt- ed forthwith.* The Prince of Conde, then at Milan, was excited by Fuentes, the Spanish am- bassador, to make an effort to obtain the crown. The assistance of the Spanish government was promised as an induce- ment.! He arrived on the fifteenth of July, accompanied by fifteen hundred gen- tlemen; which gave some alarm to the queen, who was fearful that Sully might deliver into his hands the Bastille, the can- non, and treasure of the late king. The prince on his side had considerable appre- hensions ; three or four letters were deli- vered to him, stating that the queen, insti- gated by the Count de Soissons, intended to arrest him and the Duke de Bouillon ; and, notwithstanding his favourable recep- tion, he continued for some days in a state of readiness for quitting Paris, at the first disturbance which might arise ; but when this apprehension was at an end, he ad- vanced his claims to power.} The prince, his cousin the Count de Soissons, and Epernon, were each at the head of a distinct faction. The Duke de Bouillon advised the prince to return to the reformed church, and declare himself its protector.^ The want of an ostensible head had greatly injured the Protestant body, as a party ; and if the prince had listened to Bouillon's suggestion, the cause of the Huguenots might have been placed on a very flourishing basis: but that result could only have been effected by establish- ing an independent government. Sully could not forget what he owed his coun- try; and Conde was not destined by na- ture for so distinguished a career. We have the testimony of a respectable contemporary, by no means their partisan, to the quiet deportment of the Huguenots during this crisis. " Instructed by expe- rience, they then displayed great modera- tion, and made no pretensions to innova- tion ; feigning to have no wish to undertake any thing, provided they were allowed to live according to the edicts. This produced the king's declaration, that to maintain harmony among his subjects, it was his desire that the edict of Nantes should be inviolably respected." They were, according to this author, so well treated, that they had no pretext for agi- tation.* The vast preparations for Henry's expe- dition terminated in the taking of Juliers, which surrendered to Marshal de la Chas- tre on the second of September. Sully's opinion respecting this campaign was dis- regarded: it was useless for him to strug- gle any further in competition with Eper- non ; and, to use his own expression, the conduct of the regent completely destroyed all hope of his ever being able to bring back the council to a wholesome line of policy. He retired to the country ; but was in a short time invited to return. An agent communicated her majesty's desire to have him for her confidential adviser, on the same footing as under the late king.f Had Mary de Medici's been sincere, and candidly followed up this proposal, her fortune would in all probability have taken a different turn. But a spirit of bigotry was prevalent among the new ministers; and at an early meeting of the council, * Girard, pp. 241—243 t D'Estrees, p. 5. J Hist, de la Mere et du Fils, vnl. i. p 102. This work, publisher! under the name nf Mezeray, is very generally aurihutt'd to the pen of Richelieu, who is thought to have composed it during the administration of Luynes. Father Daniel is of opinion that Richelieu retouched and corrected it. $ he Vassor, vol. i. p. 27. Rohan, Memoircs, liv. i. p. 4. Villeroy, in expressing his opinion, took occasion to tell the queen, that the Hugue- nots were the worst enemies she had to fear ; as they had the means, and proba- bly more serious intention than ever, of making an attempt against the govern- ment: he concluded by an insinuation against Lesdiguieres. Unhappily a con- spiracy had been formed before the king's death, to take arms in Poictou; for which Du Jarrige, a Protestant, and two accom- plices were hanged in Paris,} and the cir- cumstance gave importance to Villeroy's remark. Sully was engaged in conver- sation at that moment ; but his colleague's observations were reported to him : they confirmed what he had heard of a secret council held at the house of the nuncio; and he was indignant at an attempt, evi- dently intended to revive the wars of reli- * Bernard, 'Hist, de Louis XIII., p. 12, Paris, 1G46. t Sully, liv. xxix. t Journal de Henri IV., 4th Sept. 1C10. INDISCRETION OF THE HUGUENOTS. 323 gion. He advanced towards the queen, i was an unequivocal proof of the rising who was still talking with Villeroy, and jealousy and ill will, which soon after- complained of his unfair insinuations gave a mortal blow to the Huguenots' dfeainst the Protestants.* This breach cause. Indeed their enemies assert, that was never healed; and at the beginning: great designs were to be prepared by of the following year, Sully was deprived them at this meeting, which caused much of his posts of superintendent of finances alarm.* Chatellerault was in Sully's go- und governor of the Bastille; but he con- vernment ; and the Duke of Bouillon had tinued governor of Poictou, and grand , sufficient influence to effect a change, cal- niaster of the artillery. t The edict of Nantes had, unfortunately for the interests of the Protestants, con- ciliated to hurt the feelings of one whom he considered a rival, if not an enemy. t At the same time the queen being im- ferred a political existence upon that body;1 pressed with apprehensions of an insur- and the queen was no sooner named re-!rection, ordered Duplessis to be watchful gent by the parliament of Paris, than her] in his government, as the deputies were government was formally acknowledged attended by an unusual number of armed by all the Protestant provincial assemblies, i followers. | Bouillon was corrupted at The whole kingdom was divided into fif-jthe very commencement of the regency, teen provinces; and at the assembly of Immediately after King Henry's death, Saumur there were present seventy de- he made an attempt to awaken Conde's puties: viz., thirty nobles, twenty minis-; ambition; but the queen, aided by the ters, sixteen elders, and four delegates | Marquis de Cceuvres, and skilful nego- from the corporation of Rochelle. In ad-jtiators, won him to her cause: his policy dition to the deputies, Sully, Rohan, Lai then assumed a diametrically opposite Tremouille, and others of equal import- ' character ; and being constantly in oppo- ance, were invited to be present. J Thejsition to Sully, he sided with the court Huguenots were so much pleased with against the Protestant party; his own in- occasions of meeting for discussion and(tercsts at the same time urging him to mutual encouragement, that it is asserted they held them on every pretext^ D'Au- bigne attempted to raise an opposition in hasten the ex-minister's ruin, as he was promised the reversion of his employ. 5 The memorials prepared for the consi- the assembly of Poictou, on the grounds! deration of the assembly, being confided that such an election should have been to the Duke of Bouillon, were by him submitted to the states-general, and not to! communicated to Villeroy ; and in consi- the parliament of Paris. This ill-judged , deration of a promise of the government act of independence did not prevent his of Poictou, with three hundred thousand being deputed to assure the queen of the submission of that province. He was already known for his persuasive qualities; and with his unflinching principles, it was useless to attempt corruption : an effort was therefore made to ruin him in the opinion of his party. The queen suTn- moned him to Paris, to consult him in pri- vate : he remained alone with her for two hours at a time; and soon after, when he set out for the assembly at Saumur, he received such attentions from the govern- ment agent, that the queen's object was in a great measure effected. || This assembly had been convoked for Chatellerault; and its removal to Saumur * Sully, liv. xjtix. t Journal (In Henri IV.— Hassompierrc — Merc. Fran gais. and Hist, de la Mere et du Fila. J Mercure Frangais, vol. ii. p. 73. } Barnard, p. ih. \ O'Aabigne, Mem. p. 107. livres, and some minor stipulations, he undertook to have all the resolutions changed in the discussion; and engaged that every thing should pass off to the queen's satisfaction.il A contemporary nobleman relates that Bouillon, with his secret instructions, re- ceived money to recompense those depu- ties whom he could gain over; and pro- ceeded to Saumur, where the results jus- tified his assertions. The prudence, skill, and firmness he displayed on this occasion were considered signally serviceable to the state. IT This treacherous conduct could not be * Daniel. Jlial. tic France, vol. xiii. p. 54. t Veritable Discours de ce t/ni s'ost pesse en VJlssem- Met \ politique ties Eglisis reformies de France, tcnue d Saumur. t 25th May. 1611 Ouplessis, Mem., vol. jii. p. 294. $ D'Estrees, pp. 05— 60. |; Rohan, Mem., liv. 1, p. 11. IT D'Estrees, p. CO. 324 bouillon's disappointment. entirely concealed from the Protestant deputies; and although the duke made great efforts to obtain the presidence, Duplessis was elected by a great ma- jority. The vice-president chosen was Chamier, a most zealous and courageous Huguenot minister, the same who had assisted in drawing up the edict of Nantes. Bouillon's disappointment made him give utterance to violent expressions of resent- ment, declaring that no trouble he had ever experienced affected him like that. The interference of friends became neces- sary to pacify him; and during an inter- view with Sully, who, in expostulating complained of the removal of the assembly from Chatellerault to Saumur, Bouillon replied by complaints against his rival, for having aided an expedition, the object of which was to ruin a church so re- nowned as that of Sedan. An apparent reconciliation was however effected; and Bouillon declared that he should ever be as ready to bring his cannon from Sedan to defend the cause of religion, as Sully had been to bring those from the Bastille to ruin him.* Bouillon's animosity towards Sully, and his jealousy of Duplessis being too evident to admit a doubt, a common inte- rest excited those individuals who had long been kept apart by mutual diffidence. Sully was apprehensive that Duplessis might be led by his zeal into projects hostile to the French monarchy;, while the latter had openly represented the situ- ation of confidential adviser to an apostate king as incompatible with a sincere at- tachment to the' Protestant religion. The friends of Duplessis also contributed to widen the breach, by insinuating the ex- istence of envy at his acknowledged talents. However, the events of the pre- ceding year convinced them of Sully's integrity; and the whole Protestant body took an interest in his personal welfare. They entreated and even enjoined him not to give up his charge, especially that of grand master of the artillery, and pro- mised their united aid in his support.! This demonstration greatly annoyed the Duke de Bouillon, who made such a re- presentation to the queen, that she wrote a letter to the assembly in the king's name. The nature of this communication * Veritable Discoiirs, etc., pp. 24— '27. {■ Merc. Franc., vol. ii. p. -j.!.— Rohan, Mem., hv. 1, p. 17. may be inferred from the fact, that Du- plessis-Mornay deemed its suppression necessary, through fear of the irritation it would cause.* To return to the proceeding of the assembly, the king's commissioners an- • nounced the favourable intentions of the government towards the Protestant body; bat when the caliier or statement of de- mands was presented, they declared it in- dispensable to consult the king's pleasure, their powers not authorizing an approval of the charges proposed. This statement astonished the assembly; and during the tedious negotiation which followed, the court agents actively pressed the nomina- tion of the deputies who were to remain at Paris, that being the ostensible cause of the convocation. The more experienced. ! Huguenots were however resolved to wait for a reply, as they foresaw that the assembly would be dissolved as soon as the deputies were named. The Duke de Bouillon meanwhile insidiously attempt- ed to injure the Protestant body, by re- presenting the exertions lie and his friends had been compelled to make, in order to preserve peace ; and it was maliciously reported to the queen, that Sully, Rohan, D'Aubigne, and others, were anxious to renew the civil war.t The demands of the assembly com- prised above sixty articles, which it is needless to recapitulate.]; The eighth is one of the most remarkable: in that the Protestants complain of their being com- pelled to qualify themselves in all acts and deeds, as members of la religion pre- t endue, reform te. To this grievance they obtained no redress ; as the government replied, that they must use the term adopted in the edict of Nantes. Their eleventh article requests that preachers may be punished for abusive and sedi- tious attacks upon them in sermons; and for interdicting all social intercourse with them, under threats of perdition. The government reply is evidently directed against the petitioners ; for it enjoins all preachers to abstain from exciting lan- ■ guage, confining themselves modestly to what will instruct and edify their hearers. A spirit of equivocation pervades the an- swer to each article; and bears testimony to the bigotry of the age, which is at i * Supplement to Sully, by the Abbe dc I'Ecluse. t Veritable Discoiirs, etc. p. 65. j Merc. Franc, vol. ii. pp. 88, et seq. INTRIGUES OF BOUILLON. 325 once its explanation and excuse. The answer to the cahier is dated 23d of July, 1611.* On its arrival at Saumur, the Duke de Bouillon obtained a power from the queen, authorizing the minority, con- sisting of twenty-three members, to elect the deputies without the concurrence of the others. Such a measure was exces- sively irritating; and a contemporary writer, who makes no attempt to disguise his partiality, accuses Duplessis of filling an adjoining chamber with armed men, to massacre those who were willing to comply with Bouillon's recommendation: but that the determination of the minority, who filled the courts with their friends and attendants, foiled the plan, and se- cured a general acquiescence ; in conse- quence of which the deputies were elected, and the meeting separated on the 3d of September.! The readiness of this writer to use op- probrious epithets against the Protestants is perfectly consistent, and converts his approbation of Bouillon into a complete corroboration of the venality laid to his charge. The government, he observes, was very well satisfied with him ; and on his return he had the grant of an hotel in the faubourg St. Germain; but he was not equally satisfied, for he fully expected a greater reward, and calculated on being received into the cabinet: he threatened revenge, and from that time instigated the Prince of Conde to hostilities ! During the animated discussions at Saumur. the intimate friendship which for many years had subsisted between Bouil- lon and D'Aubigne received a violent shock. The latter relates that it was in a great degree through his exertions that Bouillon failed in the election for presi- dent; and that he warmly opposed all his proposals, which were palpably intended to gain favour at court. D'Aubigne's re- marks were often severely cutting, parti- cularly on occasion of a pathetic appeal to the loyalty of the deputies, in which Bouillon advised them to renounce their cautionary towns, and rely altogether on the good faith of the government: his address concluded by exhibiting great want of tact, in alluding to the glory of voluntary exposure to martyrdom. This * Printed at the end of the Veritable Discours, etc. t Hist, de la Mere et du fils, vol. i. p. 143. J Ibid, p. 147. 28 • remark, by admitting the existence of danger, completely destroyed the effect of his argument; and D'Aubigne, after criticising his project, observed that it was certainly the duty and characteristic of a true christian to be ever ready to suffer martyrdom; but to expose others, and facilitate their destruction, was to act like a traitor or an executioner.* The tenacity of the Protestants at Sau- mur was calculated to make them more odious to the court. That meeting was looked upon as the first token of disaffec- tion;! and the feeling against them was greatly heightened by the publication of an attack on the papacy, entitled le Mys- lere iFiniquite, by Duplessis-Mornay. Immediately on its appearance it was condemned by the Sorbonne;J and a bookseller was sent to prison for the publication^ It is, however, worthy of note, that the advocate-general, Louis Servin, being requested to reply to the obnoxious work, after consenting to un- dertake it, declined the task.|| From this time abjurations became very frequent among the Protestant nobles and ministers; and the Duke de Rohan was so disliked by the govern- ment for his conscientious exertions, that he retired to St. Jean d'Angely, where he assembled some friends and followers. D'Aubigne at the same time withdrew to a fortified mansion at Doignon, suspected by the queen and ministers, and feared by the bigoted party for the sarcasms of his writings, and the energy of his disposi- tion. D'Aubigne's motions were watched with suspicion, and Rohan was obliged to act with vigour, to maintain his rights against an attempt of the queen, at Bouil- lon's instigation, to infringe on his privi- leges. Rohan had proceeded to Paris to justify himself from the charge of sedition at Saumur; but the court, prepossessed in Bouillon's favour, secretly took mea- sures for placing a mayor at St. Jean d'Angely, opposed to Rohan's interests. The Duke being informed thereof, and feeling that this measure, if successful, would ruin his importance, quitted Paris under a pretext of news that his brother Soubise was ill ; and though the govern. * D'Aubigne, Mem. p. 169. f Bernard, p. 10. % Mere. Franyais, vol. ii. p 100. ) Journal de I'Estoile. I!ltli July, 1011. Ibid, 21st August, 1611. 326 CONSPIRACY OF CONDE. ment agent had arrived before him, he succeeded in regaining his authority, after j the threat of an armed force to subdue the town. Two gentlemen whom he had sent to Paris were arrested; and his mo- ther, wife, and sisters were forbidden to leave that city. But the affair was peace- ably arranged by Themines, governor of Quercy, to the disappointment of Bouil- lon, who confessed he had so acted, to take revenge for the affront he received at Saumur.* We pass by the intrigues and negotia- tions which attended the project of a double marriage between the French and Spanish crowns. Bouillon was sent to assure King James that England had no cause of apprehension from the alliance. He availed himself of the opportunity to accuse Rohan and the Huguenot leaders as rebels; and endeavoured to obtain from the English monarch a condemnation of the proceedings at Saumur, declaring that the pope's views towards the lost Pro- testants were limited to their conversion by preaching and good example. James, naturally averse to hostilities, was ready to believe any thing calculated to promise the duration of peace ; and in what con- cerned the alliance with Spain, Bouillon's mission was successful. Rohan, how- ever, had a confidential friend who ac- companied the ambassador, by whose means the king was informed of the posi- tion and conduct of the Protestants; he therefore advised Bouillon to be recon- ciled with Rohan. A synod was held soon after at Privas, when an accommo- dation was signed by all the Protestant nobles.t The Jesuit d'Avrigny observes: " Rohan was a sincere Huguenot, and aimed at the good of his party. Sully was not very devout, but felt sore at being excluded from public affairs. Bouillon was politic, making religion forward his interests, and doing more harm to the Catholics than to the Protestants."! The dissensions among the leaders of the party were terminated, but the de- signs of the court against the reformed religion were still suspected by the Pro- testant body, and a meeting was sum- moned at Rochelle, which gave rise to a tumult, on the interference of the govern- * Merc. Franc., vol. ii pp. 382—385. Rohan, liv. 1, p. 57. t 16th August, 1012. Rohan, Mem., liv. 1, p. 38. j D'Avrigny, Mem. CJironologiqucs, vol. i. p. 68. ment to prevent it: however, nothing $e* rious followed; for the king gave another edict, confirming that of Nantes, and coupling an entire amnesty of the late disturbance with the prohibition against such assemblies.* The year 1614 witnessed an attempt of the Prince ofConde to excite a revolt. Jealousy of marshal d'Ancre was the ground of his discontent; but he was urged on by Bouillon, and encouraged by the adhesion of many leading nobles, who quitted the court soon after his departure from Paris.f In the hopes of deriving advantage from the co-operation of the Protestants, he sent the lieutenant of his guards to the Duke of Rohan, conjuring him to take arms, and promising to con- clude no treaty which had not his appro- bation. Rohan, however, was not only aware that Bouillon was of the party; he knew that, even before hostilities had commenced, there had been preparations for a treaty: he sent a confidential friend to deliver a verbal reply, and learn the prince's exact position: at the same time he wrote to the queen, stating his un- changed attachment to the reformed in- terest, and assuring her that by satisfying ihe Protestants' claims she need not fear the disaffected party.J The prince lost no time in publishing the reasons for his eonduct, in a letter to the queen-mother,§ in which he com- plained of the disordered state of the government, and the exclusion of the princes and peers from public affairs: they were sacrificed, he asserts, to the interests of three or four individuals, who in self-defence excited distrust and ill-will among the nobility: he concluded by de- manding that the states-general should be convoked. About the same time a messenger was sent by Conde to Duplessis, to win him over to the cause, but in vain. Duplessis replied by expressing his confidence that the prince would choose lawful means for redressing public grievances; and would avoid violent measures, which were worse than the ills to be removed. At the same time he informed the queen of the political aspect of his province, * Merc. Franc;, vol. ii. pp. 476— 487. The tumult oc- curred in September, and the king's declaration was dated 15th December, JH12. t Merc Franc, vol. iii. p. 306. j Rohan, Mem., liv. 1, p. 49. 6 Dated 19th February, 1614. Merc. Franc, p. 3J7. DISSOLUTION OF THE STATES-GENERAL. 327 giving a faithful account of the move- ments anil meetings that came to his knowledge: he likewise addressed the pastors and principal Protestants, recom- mending quietness and loyalty. The queen was highly pleased, and informed him that she approved of his answer to the prince.* No one has ever impugned the au- thenticity of the Letters and Memoirs of Duplessis-Mornay: yet the enemies of the reformed religion (and such were all authors whose works could be published in France during a long period) agree in passing over this and similar incidents unnoticed, and actually charge the Pro- testants with having caused the evils which originated with their opponents. On the other hand it is beyond doubt, that if Rohan and Duplessis had listened to Conde's proposals, France would have speedily become the scene of a general insurrection. m The court was seriously alarmed at the extent of the conspiracy, and from the prevalent readiness to suspect those who are oppressed, it was generally feared that the Huguenots would join the mal- contents, and plunge the country into a! civil war of some duration; but Epernon, I who had passed through the troubles of the league, was satisfied that a want of the means of war would preserve the kingdom from that extremity: he urged the propriety of sending a strong force to suppress the insurrection, and concluded by assuring the queen that, if the king were to accompany the troops, there would be an easy conquest. The minis- ters thought the experiment dangerous, and Epernon lamented the disgraceful, conciliating line of policy adopted in pre- ference; the queen being so ill-advised as to purchase a peace, which a little vi- gour would have enabled her to dictate. f The treaty of Ste.-Menehould, where Conde had been secretly negotiating from the time he left Paris, was signed on the 15th of May. Conde obtained Amboise; the other confederates were gratified in various ways; and the convocation of the states-general was agreed to. The king's marriage with the Infanta was also to be * Duplessis, Mem., vol. iii. p. 557 et seq. f Guard, Vie d'Epernmt, p. !iU(j. I postponed; but of that the prince received ■ a previous assurance, in a letter from the queen.* The states-general, which continued its ' deliberations from the 24th of October, 1614, until the end of March in the fol- lowing year, was at length dissolved i without a single measure being voted, the interested disputes of the nobility neu- tralizing every individual effort of the more enlightened members. The clergy displayed the full measure of their un- diminished bigotry by demands which could not be acceded to, without a com- plete abandonment of humanity and jus- tice. Their obstinacy in urging the pub- lication of the council of Trent may be excused, as those decrees are a compen- dium of popery, and have become its infallible canon, in opposition to the right of free commentary claimed by Protest- ants. In this instance they were con- sistent and reasonable; yet in the worst period of popish il liberal ity there has been a determined opposition to the re- ception and sanction of those decrees by the French parliaments. But it is diffi* cult to mark with adequate abhorrence some of the proposals, gravely made and seriously maintained by the clergy; a few will suffice as a specimen. They de- manded the condemnation of all books in* jurious to the pope; authority for bishops to condemn to the galleys; prohibition against printing any books without the bishops' licence; that Protestants should not spenk or write against the sacraments of the Romish church, under severe pe- nalties; that their ministers should not visit the sick, and that their colleges should be suppressed. f As an argument for justifying these demands, which were fully satisfied at a later period, Richelieu, then Bishop of Lueon, laid stress on a recent tumult at Milhaud, in the diocess of Rodez, where the consecrated orna- ments, and even the host, had been trampled under foot. The king's indig- nation was kindled on hearing of such a sacrilege; but notwithstanding his vow to avenge the outrage, the affair was entirely laid aside. It was found on investigation, not only that the accounts had been mis- chievously aggravated, but that the popish * Merc, Franc., p. 427, et seq. % Arcana Gallica, p. 46. 328 PUBLIC JEALOUSY OF MARSHALL D'ANCRE. party had committed even greater ex- cesses in the same diocess.* The president of each state having de- livered his cahier to the king, all the suggestions were referred, for the sake of form, to the council, but without any in- tention of their being examined. How- ever, among the deputies of the liers-etat, the demands of the clergy were so se- riously scrutinized, that there was an outcry against the prevalence of heresy in that body. There were Protestants among the deputies, and the alarm which they manifested at the great zeal of the clergy induced Louis to publish a declara- tion, renewing and confirming the edict; hypocritically expressing a hope that the divine mercy would unite all his sub- jects in one faith, since violent measures were useless. The states-general were then dissolved, and the inutility of such assemblies being completely evident, the institution may be said to have been from this time abolished; for the states of 1789, though bearing the same appella- tion, were altogether different in character and object, the monarchical power being then virtually overthrown, and instead of the body alluded to being the representa- tion of general interests, it proved the medium for announcing that noble, feu- dal, and ecclesiastical privileges had been all swallowed up by the increased im- portance of the popular body. The Duke de Bouillon had indulged a hope that, with the assistance of the states-general, he could drive marshal d'Ancre from his post. 'The aspect of the assembly favoured his views: many of the deputies were indignant at the manner in which Ravaillac's trial had been conducted; and contended that his accomplices could have been discovered, if sought for in earnest. Marshal d'Ancre was detested throughout France; and the majority of lawyers who had been elected by the tiers-etat were offended at the indifference of the court, which was con- strued by them into disdain. The par- liament was in consequence easily in- duced to adopt a proceeding, intended to assert its dignity, which was in some measure violated by the dissolution of the states without knowing the opinion of that body upon the proposals presented; * Merc. Franc;., p. 398. Benoit, vol. ii. p. 149. At, cana Galliea, p. 51. and a decree was passed for assembling all its members, inviting the princes, peers, and officers of state to join in de- liberating on certain proposals for the general good. This step was met by an intimation of the king's severe displea- sure, and a prohibition so positive, that the parliament made no other opposition than a remonstrance, indicating a long series of inconveniences (many being merely social or municipal) which it was desirable to remedy.* As the princes had founded their hopes on the energy of the tiers-etat and the firmness of the parliament, this conclusion brought back affairs to the condition in which they stood prior to the treaty of Ste.-Menehould. Conde again displayed the standard of revolt, withdrew to Creil, and sent his cannon to Sedan. The king wrote several letters urging his return to court, and afterwards sent the aged and experienced Villeroy to persuade him; but Conde, in reply, denounced D'Ancre and his partisans as enemies of the state. This was followed by the general pro- clamation from the prince, addressed to all orders of the state .t But before that address was made pub- lic, the king had sent against him an army of ten thousand infantry, and fifteen hun- dred cavalry, under marshal Bois-Dau- phin; while another force, commanded by the Duke de Guise, escorted him to the Spanish frontier where he was to meet his affianced bride.} Conde, being informed of the favoura- ble disposition existing among many of the principal inhabitants of Rochelle, proceeded there in December; and was received with every demonstration of honour by those who revered his father's memory. The minister Merlin was led to hope for his conversion, from the candid admissions elicited during his con- versations with the prince. But a selfish ambition was his motive; and in treating with that jealous municipality he con- sented to greater restraints than he would have endured in the lawful service of his king.§ The Protestants at the same time held * Merc. Frang , vol. iv. pp. 6—110. Hist, de la Mere et (In Fils, pp.327, etseq. t Merc. Fianj., vol. iv. p. 197. Rolian, Mem., liv. 1, p. 63. J Bassompierre, vol. i. p. 392. Rohan, Mem., liv* 1„ p. 64 § Arcere. vol. ii. p. 139. m conde's dissimulation. 329 an assembly at Grenoble; and Conde deputed thither a gentleman named La Haye, to request their co-operation with him, in effecting a reformation of all abuses. His promises were calculated to ensnare a considerable number of the Hu- guenot deputies, who were stimulated by Bouillon, to perceive much advantage in the proposals. On the other hand, Les- diguieres was in correspondence with the queen, and exerted his influence to pre- vent the meeting from acceding to the offers.* Rohan and Sully varied in their determination, according to circumstances; but Duplessis-Mornay was decidedly a- verseto mingling the causeof religion with politics. His letters to the queen, Ville- roy and Jeannin, and his representations of the danger to which his government would be exposed, if the prince marched into Poictou, are unquestionable proofs of his loyalty: on the other hand, the official replies from the king and his mi- nisters prove that such honourable con- duct was justly estimated.! In one of his conferences with the Chancellor Sillery he observed: " Since the Jesuits, in their sermons, openly de- clare that the object of the double mar- riage is to root out heresy, can you be surprised that our churches take the alarm?" Yet he endeavoured to tran- quillize his friends; and when a proposal was made to transfer the assembly to Nismes, in order to escape the inter- ference of Lesdiguieres, he considered their proceedings legally null, as the royal sanction was requisite to give their votes validity. The king, being solicited, consented to their meeting at Montpelier; but Chatillon was a Protestant of the same dubious character, and the deputies persisted in selecting Nismes for their sittings.J Among the French nobility none was more decidedly inveterate against the re- formed religion than the Duke of Eper- non; but to the surprise of all, his son, the Count de Candale, declared himself a Protestant. § His position created great interest, and gave him considerable in- fluence. He recommended the union with Conde; and a treaty was voted, though only by a majority of two votes. p. 193. * Bernard, p. 52 Merc. Franc., vol. iv t Duplenig, Mem., vol. iii. pp. 812—835. t Arcana Gallica, pp. 74. 75. Bernard, p 54 § Merc. Franc., vol. iv. p. 279. Conde, who really hated the Protestants, was lavish in his concessions to the party: but Mayenne, whose interests were similar, refused to grant any thing likely to benefit Calvinism.* The go- vernment duly appreciated the conduct of the minority, in a royal declaration which appeared soon after ;f and the effects of this prudent conduct make it the more to be regretted that it was not followed by measures of a similar character: for the majority of the Huguenots disavowed the assembly at Nismes as a complete party affair. D'Aubigne was induced to take a part in this revolt, and was chosen by Conde for his marechal-de-camp; but that gentleman declined the prince's commission, and would only receive his appointment from the assembly at Nismes. This war, as he observes, gave rise to no event worth recording; and was soon concluded by the treaty of Loudun.i Conde had, in council, called him his father, but ulti- mately behaved to him most dishonour- ably : he never reimbursed a large sum which D'Aubigne advanced for supplies; and on returning to Paris, denounced him to the king, as one capable of troubling the government. When the treaty of Loudun was signed, Conde knowing that D'Au- bigne's character would still keep him from court, exclaimed, "D'Aubigne! be- gone to your fort at Doignon !" To which the veteran replied, "And you to the Bas- tille!" The prediction was very soon realized. § CHAPTER LIV. Conde arrested— Death of Marshal D'Ancro— Re esta? hlishment of the Komish religion in Beam— Notice of D'Aubigne. The negotiations for the treaty of Lou- dun were conducted principally with a view to draw Conde from the path of re- volt ; and the deputies who attempted to defend the Protestant interests were treat- 28* * 27tb Nov., 1C15. D'Avrigny, vol. i. p 92. t 7th Dec. 1C15. Merc. Fran?., vol. iv. p 331. The President Jeannin thus wrote to Duplessis ; " Vons vuus esles conduct, pendant ceste miserable guerre, en sorte que leurs Majestes en onl contentement, et y reconnnissent votre prudence et fidelite " Duplessis, Mem., vol. iii. p. 856. { 3rd May, 1C1G. The negotiations are minutely de^ tailed in the Mercure Frangais. 810—844. Bassompierre, pp. 429 -430. ments took place between the king's fleet, commanded by the Count de Soissons, the Duke of Guise, and M. de St. Luc. The advantage of these encounters was decidedly in favour of the royalists, al- though the brave sailors of Rochelle fully sustained their old reputation. The Duke of Guise, having resolved to annihilate the fleet of the confederates, followed up his victories; and would have succeeded if a violent storm had not arisen on the day fixed for his project. The hurricane lasted till the 6th of November ; and, in the interval, intelligence was received of peace being concluded. Guiton, the pro- testant admiral, at first refused to be in- cluded in the treaty; but the inevitable consequences of Guise's plan becoming apparent to the insurgent leaders, and their means of defence being sadly crip- pled by disasters, a deputation from the town announced the adhesion of the as- sembly to the pacification.* The articles of the edict of pacification were similar to those on former occasions : Rohan, Soubise, and other leaders, ob- tained indemnity for their losses; and fair promises were held out that the .protest- ants at large should be assured of their religious rights. They were, however, no longer in a situation to enforce their claim, having lost all their towns, except Rochelle and Montauban : many of their nobles had gone over to the court ; and others, despairing of the cause, were pre- pared to abjure. Under such circum- stances, it is not surprising that the treaty soon became a dead letter. The clergy disapproved of it, and would have pre- ferred seeing the king follow up his ad- vantages. The Chancellor Sillery, writing to his brother at Rome, deemed it neces- sary to justify the measure, and observed in his letter : " The ambassador will ex- plain to his holiness how the Huguenots have always gained by war, and lost ground in time of peace ; which it is to be hoped will again ensue from the good conduct and piety of his majesty."! Puy- sieux, the chancellor's son, did not scruple to assure the nuncio, that peace had been made with the intention of more effectually crushing the reformed; and it was speedily seen that the stipulations of the edict * llth Nov., 1622. Arcere, vol. ii. p. 192. Merc- Franc, , vol. viii. p. 865. t The letter, dated Paris, 4th Nov., 1022, is given by Aubery, vol. i. p. 522. 346 RICHELIEU APPOINTED TO THE MINISTRY. would all be violated. In the first place, the fortifications of Montpellier were to be razed ; but as the king's troops would not quit the town, Rohan, after several inef- fectual applications to the king, declared that he should cease the demolition of the works. This instantly produced an order to Valence, who commanded for the king ; but the independent spirit Rohan had manifested did not fail to incur displea- sure; and Valence went so far as to arrest the duke soon after he entered Montpellier, to superintend the election of protestant consuls.* A similar disposition was displayed at Rochelle. The deputies, on appearing before the king at Lyons, obtained a let- ter, ordering Arnauld, governor of Fort St. Louis, to demolish the place within eight days, after the protestants had de- stroyed what was agreed upon by treaty. Arnauld, however, received counter-or- ders at the same time; and when the in- habitants of Rochelle presented a copy of the king's letter, he replied, with a smile, that the copy of the order sufficed to de- stroy only a copy of the fort. The ori- ginal letter' -was then produced: he de- clared complete willingness to obey orders; but observed that he must have a full and perfect discharge, and would, in conse- quence, write to the courl.j Arnauld entered fully into the spirit of the government ; he not only kept his men actively employed in strengthening his position, but engaged an emissary to prepare for obtaining possession of the town by stratagem. The individual em- ployed was named Vincent Yvon : he was suspected of treacherous correspon- dence; but proof failing, he was merely confined, as a measure of precaution. While in prison, he imagined a plan for piercing a passage through the wall to the sea, for the twofold purpose of securing a retreat, and for admitting soldiers. His work advanced but slowly; and he made a tempting proposal to one of his jailers to assist him. The offer met with an ap- parent welcome, but was received with the indignation of a patriot, whose feelings were concealed for better foiling the plan. The jailer sent for his brother, and after- wards for La Chapeliere, a minister, whom * Feb. 1623. Merc. Franc., vol. ix. p. 432. Rohan, Mem., pp. 194—8. + Jan., 1(123. Arcere, vol. ii. p. 193. Merc. Franc., vol. is. p. 438. he introduced to Yvon: he was exceed- ingly frank, and declared that in the night the soldiers from Fort Louis would enter the town ; and, at a suitable moment, open the gates to their comrades, con- cealed in the environs; after which, all who made resistance would be killed. La Chapeliere was astonished at the scheme, and felt assured that the mayor was an accomplice. It became dangerous to speak of his discovery, but it would be criminal to conceal it. He consulted his friends: they decided on informing the mayor, but the proper moment had passed, for Yvon perceived that he was detected, and had effected his escape. The mayor, indignant at the suspicion raised against him, told La Chapeliere, with a menacing gest, that, but for his sacred character, the outrage should be washed away with his blood. The people would have pu- nished the jailers as accomplices; but they were sent out of the town, and the distrust and bad feeling which arose out of this incident did not subside for some time* In September, a national synod was held at Charenton, in which scarcely any thing was discussed, except doctrinal questions ; and soon afterwards, a report being circulated that the Huguenots were likely to take arms, a royal proclamation was given, to tranquillize the Protestants, and assure them of the king's intention to observe the edicts.f In the spring of the following year, Richelieu was admitted into the cabinet. His character offers traits of decided great- ness; and his situation as minister of a weak and deceitful king presents sufficient excuse for the duplicity and craft re- corded to his prejudice. As a prince of the church of Rome, he was necessarily opposed to the Huguenots: yet state policy appears to have been his chief mo- tive and guide: for, although no consi- derations of humanity were ever allowed to interfere with his designs, he had too great a soul to become a mere persecutor; and the imprudent zeal of the Protestant assemblies, in constantly bringing their political independence under the eye of the government, could not fail to arrest the cardinal's attention, when he assumed the direction of affairs. In his opinion, no * Arcerw, voi. ii. p. 195. f 10th Nov., 1C23. Merc. Franc., vol. ix. p. C93, DESIGNS OF RICHELIEU. 347 nation could be strong, that permitted a variety of creeds or allowed foreign in- fluence in its cabinet. His views were directed towards gradually realizing the former object : the latter essential he quickly obtained, by extensive changes in various departments of the state, and par- ticularly in the list of ambassadors. The King of Spain no longer had the means of learning all that passed in the councils of France; and the pope soon perceived an alteration in the language used to his nuncio. Such indications of resolution excited the apprehensions of the Protestants; and their alarm was not without cause, as preparations were publicly made for blockading llochelle, and a garrison still kept possession of Montpellier. Soubise imagined the moment favoura- ble for effacing the reproach of his late unfavourable expedition, and confided to his brother a project for destroying the king's ships at Blavet. Rohan agreed to second him if success appeared possible ; while, in case of failure, the expedition was to be disavowed.* Soubise was obliged to use artifice in preparing for his enterprise; and his intentions being dis- covered by the magistrates of Rochelle, they desired him to quit the isle of Rhe, and avoid compromising them.f Soubise departed, and succeeded in his attempt on the port of Blavet.f This good fortune, however, did not enable him to take Fort Louis, as the Duke de Vendome hastened from Nantes, with a strong body of troops: by means of chains and cables he pre- vented Soubise from leaving the harbour, and greatly damaged his vessels by a de- structive fire, from a newly-made battery. Soubise finding himself so much exposed, resolved to escape by night; his men, in boats, cutting the cables 'under a heavy discharge of musketry. Sixteen vessels escaped, but two of his ships grounded, and were taken by Vendome loyalty to the crown,* and strongly disap- proved of the conduct of Soubise, who was soon after proclaimed a rebel and a traitor, by royal ordonnance. The Pro- testants in all parts of France repudiated Soubise, until the success of his bold effort was known; when an attempt at con- ciliation was made, but to no purpose. It then became necessary for Rohan to support his brother's cause ; and prove that a wish to restore peace had been his reason for delay, not the want of means, as his enemies published; and he took the field early in May. Marshal Themines was employed against him.t The result of the campaign was unfortunate to Rohan, although no action of importance took place. The Duke de Montmorency also defeated Soubise,'in the isle ofRhe;J and a sea-fight equally disastrous, was fol- lowed by the capitulation of the island. In the summer, the assembly of Milhaud attempted a pacification ; and in the be- ginning of 162G, the king, being moved by repeated entreaties, consented to give an edict for the restoration of peace and tranquillity-^ CHAPTER LVII. 5iege of Rochelle. From the time Richelieu became prime minister three great projects engaged his attention. To elevate the regal authority, by destroying the remains of feudal inde- pendence— to raise the importance of France, by lowering the pride of Austria — and to terminate all domestic diffe- rences, by suppressing the few liberties still enjoyed by the Huguenots. As cir- cumstances required, he would appear to desist; but his intentions were unceasingly I followed up unto completion. Pretexts he lost of every kind were used to cover his de- li kewise several of the king's vessels, which had fallen into his hands on his ar- rival. He succeeded in gaining Oleron, whence he sent cruizers to annoy the king's adherents.§ The Protestant deputies at Paris, alarm- ed at such a rash project, declared their * Rohan. Diseours sur les Verniers Troubles, p. 102 t Arcere, vol. 11. p.t206. \ 1711 January, 3625. 1> Rohan, Mem., p. '207. Merc. Franc , vol. x. p. 850. signs; and few would dare to counteract them, after the fate of the unfortunate Chalais, whose head paid the forfeit of abetting the king's brother in opposing the cardinal. || * Desadveu et Protestation des Deputez, &c, 21st January, 1625. Merc. Frang. t Rohan, Mem., p. 211. Merc. Frang., vol. xi. p. 745. t 18th September 1625. Merc. Franc. , vol. xi. p. 889. § 5th February, 1626. Merc Franc., vol. xi. p. 119. || Henry de Talleyrand, Marquis de Chalaie, behead- ed at Nantes, 19th August, 1620. There is a Relation 348 THE WAR RENEWED AT ROCHELLE. However, the proceedings of the Hu- guenots at this period were far from dis- pleasing to the government; and we have the testimony of the Jesuit Daniel, that at the synod held at Castres, in July, 1626, every thing passed off quietly, and with submission to the king's will. The correspondence of the Protestant body with Spain was disavowed ; and a pre- vious vote, excluding their ministers from political assemblies, was confirmed. But unfortunately the presence of emissaries for reviving insurrection in various pro- vinces was made known to Richelieu ; and he turned his serious attention to de- priving that party of the means of disturb- ing the kingdom* England was likewise suffering under a vizierate: the Duke of Buckingham, celebrated for his astonishing elevation, and untimely end, swayed the councils of king Charles, without a rival. His cha- racter cannot be placed in comparison with that of Richelieu; for while the lat- ter steadily pursued the mazy intrigues essential to his policy, the former was immersed in pleasure; and instead of the laudable endeavour to surpass the cardi- nal as a statesman, he thought only of re- senting a personal humiliation, received during his recent visit to Paris, as ambas- sador to receive the Queen of England from her family. Buckingham had the presumption to declare his passion for the Queen of France; and in the vain sup- position thaj his advances had been re- ceived with approbation, he returned on the conclusion of his mission: but his dream of happiness was annihilated by a peremptory order to leave the country ,f A war with France then became Buck- ingham's object, as it might afford him an opportunity to return to Paris. J The Abbe Scaglia, agent of the Duke of Savoy and a secret enemy of the car- dinal, animated the quarrel between the prime ministers; and Buckingham, at his suggestion, sent away all the queen's French attendants, § with the exception of one retained as chaplain, the term confes- sor being odious to the puritan party, &c. in Auhery, vol. i. p. 570; see also Merc. Frang.. vol. xii p. 391. * Daniel, Hist, de France, vol. xii. p. 526. t Count Roederer intimates that ihe queen did en- courage him. Mem. pour servir d I'Histoirc de la So- ciettpolie, p. 50. J Rohan. Mem. Hist. p. 279. This is also stated by Lord Clarendon and Bishop Burnet. $ July, 1026. Merc. Frang.. vol. xii. p. 200. then rising into importance. To embroil the governments yet more, Scaglia per- suaded the young statesman that the French Protestants were exposed to great dangers, and that King Charles was bound in honour to maintain the stipula- tions of the treaty guarantied by him. Soubise joined his entreaties to those of Scaglia, and Buckingham was induced to send a secret agent to the Duke de Rohan, to concert some plan on behalf of the Huguenots.* The vexations to which the Queen of England was exposed were soon made known to her brother, who commissioned Marshal Bassompierre to insist on the recall of her attendants. The marshal had not been many days in London, be- fore he had orders to send back Sancy, a father of the Oratoire, who accompanied him as confessor. To this Bassompierre would not submit; and his refusal was accompanied with a threat, that he would quit the country. The intimation was repeated, but with no better effect; and after some prolonged discussion, the am- bassador gained his point, and ultimately succeeded in his negotiation respecting the queen.t This affair, added to the seizure of some vessels on the coast of Normandy, afforded a pretext for Buckingham to pro- ceed on a mission to Paris: but his jour- ney was to no purpose, for Bassompierre, who returned from London almost at the same time, was ordered by the queen to intimate that his visit would be disagree- able, and that he must desist.J Being thus frustrated in an attempt to behold the queen, he was more than ever bent on a renewal of hostilities; and sent Lord Montague to the Dukes of Savoy and Rohan, successively, assuring them that thirty thousand men should be sent to support the Huguenots, if a diversion were promised at the same time on the side of Piedmont.§ An assembly of notables was at this period convoked in Paris, the sittings of which lasted the whole winter. || The de- * Rohan, Discours svr les Demiers Troubles, p. 104 ; and Mem., liv. iv. p. 275. Violart, Hist, du Ministere d'rfrmand Jean, Cardinal d 'Richelieu, vol. i. p. 380. This author, who died in 1644, was bishop of Avranches. His work terminates in 1033; the remainder was sup- pressed. t Bassompierre, vol. iii. p 32, et seq. t 22d Dec, 1626. Bassompierre, vol. iii. p. 53. 6 Rohan, Mem., p. 211. Violart, vol. i. p. 683. [I Aubery, vol. i. p. 581. Merc. Franc., vol. xii. p. THE WAR RENEWED AT ROCHELLE. 349 liberations were not very important ; but as a royal declaration* which arose out of a request presented by the order of nobles, announced the king's intention of bringing all his subjects into the unity of the Catholic church, the Protestants found cause for alarm, notwithstanding the as- surance that their conversion was to be effected only by means of patience, mild- ness, and good example. They found that not only Fort Louis, near Rochelle, was strengthened ; but that Thoiras, the governor, had commenced another strong citadel at St.-Martin, in the isle of Rhe. The demolition agreed to on their side was instantly suspended ; and a gentle- man named St.-Blanchard was sent to London, to join his efforts to those of Sou- bise, and show the inconvenience which must arise to the British government, if the liberty of Rochelle were not main- tained. King Charles was inclined to as- sist the Huguenots. Buckingham's policy was in complete unison, and a powerful armament was prepared.! The English fleet came in sight of Ro- chelle, in the morning of the 20th of July. 1627; and anchored before the isle of Rhe, the following day. Buckingham sent his secretary, accompanied by Sou- bise and St.-Blanchard, to communicate with the mayor and his council. The authorities were, however, all engaged in the devotional services of a public fast; and the interview was delayed till the morrow. The secretary having addressed the council, presented a manifest, signed by Buckingham, and concluding in these terms: "The object of the king (of Eng- land) is to establish the churches. He feels interested in their welfare, and de- sires to promote their happiness. In this case, if the churches wish not his assist- ance, the beating of these drums, the dis- play of these standards shall cease; and the noise of war be buried in silence. It is for your sake and service they appear."} Rochelle was then divided by two fac- tions. The majority of the municipal au- thorities were for submission to the king; they had recently imprisoned two of their fellow-citizens, accused of enrolling men * Dated lfith February, 1627. t Bassompierie, vol. hi. p. 61. LfClerc, Vic d' Armand. Jean, Cardinal de ftirhrlieu, vol j. p 332. t Hervaiilt, Journal, fee., pp. 1—12. Rohan, Mem., p. 282. Merc. Franc , vol. xiii. p. 803. 30 for the English forces; and it is doubtful whether the messengers would have been admitted, if the Dowager-duchess of Rohan had not gone to welcome her son : Buck- ingham's proposal was not therefore gene- rally approved.* The consequences of another war were to be dreaded; and even the partisans of independence were afraid to avow their sentiments without reserve. A medium decision was adopted; and a message was sent to inform the Duke of Buckingham, that while they pre- sented the grateful acknowledgments of the Rochellese to the King of Great Bri- tain, they must defer adopting any reso- lution, until they had consulted the other reformed churches of France. t When Soubise set out for the city, two resolutions had been agreed to ■ first, that their operations should commence with the isle of Oleron, on account of its greater facility of conquest, no less than for the advantages which its occupation would afford ; and secondly, that Buck- ingham should make no attempt before his colleague's return. However, when St.-Blanchard came to report progress to Buckingham, he found every thing com- pletely changed : an attack on the isle of R.he was decided upon ; and every thing prepared for operations.^ The landing was met by a spirited op- position on the part of Thoiras the French governor; his resistance cost the lives of about six hundred of the assailants; and among them St.-Blanchard himself, who commanded a division. Buckingham suc- ceeded in landing three thousand men ; and if he had followed up his advantage when Thoiras retreated, he might have established himself in the island, and pre- vented the fall of Rochelle. This was urged by Soubise, who joined him the following day; but some valuable time was lost in landing guns and military stores, during which Thoiras was enabled to rally his men, and prepare for a siege in the fort of St.-Martin.§ Richelieu had been duly informed of Buckingham's preparations for invading France, and measures were taken for counteracting him, before he landed. The news of his being in the isle of Rhe, and * Arcere, vol. ii. p. 230. t Rohan. Mem., Iiv. 4, p. 28G. Mervaull, p. 13. t Ibid. Iiv. 4. p. 288. § Mervault, p. 15. Arnere, vol. ji. p. 23.5 Rohan, Mem., p. 28i). Merc. Franc , vol. xiii. pp. 835, et seq. 350 SIEGE OF ROCHELLE. the siege of Thoiras in his little fortress, caused an increase of activity in every department. Pinnaces were fitted out from all the French ports, to operate upon the coasts ; and as Oleron was a position of evident importance, a strong reinforce- ment was sent thither immediately.* The Duke d'Angouleme was the first royalist general who approached Ro-^ chelle : he arrived before its walls on the dawn of the 10th of August; and his ap-, pearanre created much alarm in the town. A deputation of the citizens was sent out to assure him that they were loyal sub- jects of the king, and were not concerned in any manner in the invasion of the, English.f Thoiras meanwhile held out firmly in the fort St.-Martin. Buckingham had converted the siege into a blockade; and having taken measures for preventing the arrival of any supplies, it was calculated' that in a few days the besieged would be : forced to surrender. The elements were however adverse to the English: Buck- ingham's vessels were dispersed: his floating batteries and defences were all; carried away during a stormy night; and on the following day, a dozen pinnaces entered the citadel with an ample supply of provisions.! The Duke d'Angouleme was at the same time endeavouiing to persuade the Rochellesc to submit; and Comminges, the new commander of Fort Louis, had an interview with some of the citizens; but the royal proclamation§ was not heeded, although the arguments used were not entirely disregarded. The mayor declared that if the king would frankly execute the treaty of Montpellier, and place Fort Louis in the hands of Chatillon, La Force, or La Tremouille, the inhabitants would instantly fly to fillj his majesty's ranks, and obey his orders in repelling the English || The Duke d'Ansouleme then considered it incum- bent on him to prevent the arrival of all supplies; a strong intrenchment was thrown up for that purpose; and a dis- charge from one of the city batteries * Bassompierre, vol. iii. p. 61. Arcere, vol. ii. p. 236. Merc. Fraii£., vol. xiv. p. 3. t Mervault, p. 18. X Till Sept. Mervault, p. 23. Merc. Franc., vol. xiii. p. 864. § Dated 5th August; published at Rochelle on the 15th. , ... || Arcere, vol. ii. p. 246. Merc. Franc., vol. xiu. p. 911. upon the workmen was the declaratiori of hostilities on the part of the town.* During the remainder of the month, the English cruisers were successful, and captured so many vessels bound to the citadel, that at the beginning of October, Thoiras agreed to surrender, if not re- lieved by ihe eighth. Again the winds favoured the besieged; on the night of the seventh, a gale prevented the English vessels from barring the passage, and a flotilla of pinnaces carried another supply to the citadel. f On the first intelligence of Bucking- ham's intended expedition, Louis resolved on inarching into Aunis with a respecta- ble force, in order to parry the threatened blow: the intention was however frus- trated by illness, which delayed his de- parture until late in the summer4 The sovereign's presence was of the greatest importance in this age, when command- ers frequently acted for their own interest; and immediately on his recovery, he pro- ceeded to the disturbed province. He arrived before Rochelle on the 12th of October. The citadel of St. Martin still held out; and orders were given for trans- porting troops to the Isle of Rhe, for Re- lieving Thoiras and his gallant garrison; and endeavouring to expel the English from the Island. § The position of the Huguenots was now greatly altered, as, by a treaty con- cluded with Buckingham, they had virtu- ally cancelled their allegiance to France, the stipulations of the convention giving them every prerogative of an independent republic, with the assurance of support from England. Louis and his discern- ing minister redoubled their efforts to suppress a rebellion, calculated to pro- duce the most calamitous results, as it gave England access to the provinces for- merly subjected to that crown. Had Buckingham sincerely wished to promote the Protestant cause in France, it would not have been difficult to establish an in- dependent state in the maritime districts; and a prospective of importance in the new government might have induced many nobles to enter zealously into the plan: but King Charles was already at * 10th Sept. Mervault, p. 03. Merc Franc., p. 912. t Mervault. p. 32. Merc. Fran£., vol. xiv. p. 140. J Rohan, Mem., liv. 4, p. 327. i Merc. Fran vol. xiv. p. 146. Bassompierre, vol. iii. p. 69. SIEGE OF variance with the Presbyterians of Scot- land, and found the English puritans al- most beyond his conirol: religious sym- pathy was not likely therefore to send a reinforcement from the shores of Britain. The unfortunate monarch allowed his mi- llion to embark in a scheme fraught with ruin to the Huguenots, and deserving to be stigmatized as wanton and perfidious, if no efficient assistance were intended: but no measures appear to have been adopted for encouraging that enthusiasm, which would have produced private ex- peditions in favour of Ilochelle; nor was any encouragement given for the depar- ture of enthusiastic sectarians as vo- lunteers. The public voice condemned Buckingham as frivolous and inexpe- rienced; but Charles was obstinate in maintaining the favourite in his com- mand. On the other hand, the council of Ro- chelle was by no means inclined to ac- cept the unqualified protection of Eng- land, as appears from their hesitation in admitting Soubise on Buckingham's ar- rival. As auxiliaries, the English were welcome: but the Huguenots were too prudent to renounce the independence of their city, as the price of foreign support; and while they desired the alliance of King Charles, they were decidedly against his domination. From the time that Buckingham discovered the exist- ence of those sentiments, his co-opera- tion was relaxed; his efforts in the isle of Rhe were of little value; and although he insisted upon the inhabitants selling provisions to his troops, he never reci- procated, by contributing to the city stores when he received supplies. Thus, after destroying every hope of reconci- liation with their natural sovereign, they discovered that their new ally was shame- fully lukewarm in their cause; and had the additional mortification of finding their own resources very much crippled by his demands. Buckingham's expectations of taking the fort St. Martin soon grew feeble. Vessels with provisions reached the be- sieged citadel almost every day, and a division of twelve hundred men effected a landing on the island. Other forces were collecting, and as success would be impossible after their arrival, he decided upon making a desperate final attack, ROCJ1ELLE. 351 previous to re-embarking his men. Ac- cordingly, on the morning of the Gth of November, he assaulted the citadel on both sides; but with a most discouraging result, for the scaling ladders were too short, and the force was inadequate to the service; the place being defended by above fifteen hundred men, with four bastions, well furnished with every thing requisite for defence.* The contest lasted two hours, when Buckingham ordered a retreat: two days afterwards he abandoned the siege, and quitted the island. Marshal Schomberg had landed with a body of four thousand men; and had not the retreating force been well covered by a body of cavalry, the greater part of the English would have been slain or captured by the mar- shal. Bassompierre says that above twelve hundred English were killed or taken prisoners.t However, before the English fleet quit- ted the shores of Aunis, Buckingham sent a letter to the mayor and council of Rochelle, by the minister, David Vincent, and two companions. In that communi- cation he exhorted the town to make terms with the king, who would readily grant their demands while the English force was at hand. Should they be un- willing to adopt that suggestion, he gave them the choice of two other measures: he would enter the city with two thou- sand men, to assist in its defence; or re- turn to England for the purpose of pro- curing a sufficient reinforcement, for raising the siege.J Buckingham well knew the distressed condition of the besieged city; yet he took away with him three hundred tons of corn, which was sold on his arrival in England, on the pretext that it was spoil- ing^ The Protestant agents, who ac- companied or followed him at the risk of their lives, obtained splendid promises, which were followed by interminable de- lays. Fresh agents came over from Ro- chelle, braving the extreme risk, as cer- tain deaih awaited them in the event of detection by the French king's authori- ties; and several expiated on the scaffold their zeal in the cause. The deputies in * Rohan. Mem., liv. 4, p 329. t Merc. Franr;., vol. xiv. pp. 166—204. Mervault, iu loc. Bassompierre, vol. iii. p. 92. X 12th Nov. Mervault, p. 45. i Rohan, Mim., liv. 4, p. 332. 352 SIEGE OF ROCHELLE. England were informed of the complete inutility of presenting any complaints against the favourite, but they solicited an audience of the king; when they im- plored assistance, and especially provi- sions, of which their city was in great need. When they concluded by dis- playing the overwhelming force pre- paring for their destruction, Charles as- sured them he would press the departure of an expedition for their relief; and would risk the whole force of his king- dom, rather than suffer Rochelle to fall.* The retreat of the English force ena- bled Louis to press the city more closely, and a severe blockade was resolved on. Additional vessels were equipped, to scour the coast, and prevent the arrival of supplies. An unbroken line of fortifica- tions, in course of time, completely sealed all communication by land; and the avant- port, or gulf of Rochelle, was barred by a strong wall or pier. Within six months from the commencement of the siege, all access or egress was absolutely impos- sible, t The population of Rochelle amounted to nearly eight and twenty thousand souls. Every one of sufficient age was a soldier. Guiton, the mayor, displayed admirable resolution; and the energy kin- dled by religious feeling, increased the zeal of the citizens. Being quite con- fident that the reiterated promises of Charles I. would soon be followed by assistance, they refused a final proposal for adjusting their quarrel with the French king; who offered them liberty of con- science, and the personal privileges con- ferred by the edict of Nantes, provided they would receive his officers, and dis- mantle their fortifications; the besieged claimed the right of consulting with their confederates, which could not be granted; and with a resolution and boldness which seemed to partake of the characteristics of desperation, they displayed many in- stances of absolute heroism in several sorties, and in the conflicts which conti- nually took place before their walls. J For a time small vessels occasionally broke through the king's ships, and brought supplies of provisions to the town: but that resource became gradu- ally enfeebled, as the works of the mole * Ibid. liv. 4, p. 333. f Arcere, vol. ii. p 267. t January, 1628. Merc. Fran?., vol. xiv. pp. 587, 8. advanced; and often the bearer of de- spatches was compelled, for his safety, to throw his letters into the sea, as the gibbet was inevitable if they were found upon his person by the enemy. One instance is worthy of note, as it exemplifies the perseverance and deter- mination of the citizens: — the bearer of a letter was arrested, and by means of the torture compelled to confess where he had concealed it. He had swallowed a silver almond, in which it was placed; and it was discovered after an imprison- ment of four days, during which interval the king's apothecary administered pow- erful medicines. The man was hanged; and after the surrender of the town, the silver-smith who made the almond suf- fered the same punishment.* In February, the king set out for Paris, leaving Richelieu to command as his lieutenant. The cardinal sent a trum- peter with a letter, exhorting the people to submit; and the question was dis- cussed in the council, but with no result. Richelieu then prepared a grand attack, which was confided to Marshals Bassom- pierre and Schomberg; after two attempts ion the night of the 11th of March, the i scheme was renounced as impracticable: the besieged set apart a day for public thanksgiving, on account of their deli- verance.! A violent storm had done considerable damage to the mole, and several vessels succeeded in entering the port. The commander of an English pinnace which grounded was fortunately able to gain the town in a small boat, when he delivered to the mayor and council a packet of let- ters from their deputies in England. At the ebb-tide, the king's troops attacked the pinnace, and another English vessel in a like predicament; but the crews de- fended themselves so well, that boats from the city had time to join them, and with the rising tide, towed them into port. There was a cargo of corn in each — a most valuable acquisition for a famished city .J The letters delivered on this occasion gave a detailed account of the negotiations of their agents in England, from the pre- vious November, when Buckingham * Merc. Frart£., vol. xiv. p. 667. t Mervault, p. 62. Bassompierre, vol. iii. p. 122. % 22d March, Mervaull, p. 64. Bassompierre, vol. iii. p. 124. SURRENDER OF ROCIIELLE. 353 withdrew from the isle of Rhe. The deputies were Jacques David, eclievin or alderman, on behalf of the corporation; Jean de Hinsse, on the part of the citi- zens: and Philip Vincent, a minister, who represented the consistory.* Inter- views with Buckingham were easily ob- tained; and it was not very difficult for them to have an audience of King Charles, on all which occasions they were assured that the fleet should put to sea without delay, to relieve Rochelle. Charles was remarkably earnest in his last promise; and whende Hinsse bowed at the conclusion of the interview, he said, " Assure the Rochellese that I will not abandon them." The besieged were greatly encouraged by the perusal of such despatches; and they rejoiced still more when the English fleet, commanded by the earl of Denbigh, Buckingham's bro- ther-in law, appeared off the isle of Rhe, on the 11th of May. The flotilla con- sisted of eleven ships of war; from thirty to forty small armed vessels, and as many i more laden with corn and provisions;! but whether Denbigh had secret orders, i or was naturally pusillanimous, he re- fused to attempt the chief purpose of his expedition, although requested by some French gentlemen onboard. He set sail for England after remaining a week in the roads, leaving the besieged in amaze- ment at such inexplicable conduct; and nearly reduced to despair, by the de- struction of the brilliant hopes his arrival had created.! As Denbigh was not blamed for the, disgraceful failure of his expedition, the j Huguenots have accused Buckingham of wantonly deceiving them ; and the energy I of desperation induced several to risk their lives in traversing the king's camp, for purpose of making a final appeal to Charles I. A gentleman of Poictou, named Lai Grossetierre, succeeded in the attempt, and delivered a memorial to that prince,! | who sent several letters with the assurance ■ that his fleet should return in greater j force; and that nothing should be spared for raising the siege, even at the cost of every one of his ships.j The messengers to whom these letters were intrusted had * Arcere. vol. ii. p. "278. t Arcere, vol. ii. p. i!i|. 1 Dated isili Mny, lii-Jg. Mervaull, p. 117. § Letters ilalud l'Jtli and 27lli of May. Mervault, p. 520. the remarkable good fortune to pass the king's camp safely; but it is doubtful whether their failure would not have been more advantageous to the besieged Hu- guenots. Bassompierre had entered into preliminaries for a capitulation ; and Ri- chelieu had sent a letter to Guiton, the mayor. The cardinal gave the king's promise that the lives of the garrison and inhabitants should be spared, if the town surrendered within three days. The hol- low promises of the English monarch elated the citizens, whose religious enthu- siasm imparted strength to endure suffer- ings and privations almost unparalleled ; and the cardinal's messenger was sent away with a reply, which could not fail of exciting irritation : " Tell the cardinal," said Guiton to the drummer who brought the letter, " that I am his very humble servant."* Meanwhile the English parliament ex-, pressed great impatience at the unskilful management of both the recent expedi- tions. The Huguenots also obtained an audience of Charles to remonstrate upon the slow and negligent preparations for the relief of Rochelle. The expedition was at length completed, and Bucking- ham proceeded to Portsmouth to take the command : he was there much engaged with Soubise, and the French gentlemen, who incessantly urged the departure of the fleet, and remonstrated on every oc- casion at the delays, which inflicted pro- longed misery upon their confederates. After one of these conversations, in which Soubise had been very animated, Buck- ingham was struck in the breast with a knife, and almost instantly expired. A hasty impression that the blow was given by a French hand nearly cost the lives of Soubise and his friends, whose angry tone and gestures had been noticed, although the bystanders could not comprehend their observations. The assassin, Felton, was soon found ; he made no effort to escape, and referred to a paper in his hat for an explanation of his motives, a pre- caution he had taken, under the convic- tion that he should perish in his dire at- tempt, f. • This event caused a further delay; but 30 * 7th July, Arccre, vol. ii. p. 294; 8lh, according tt, .Mervault. t 23d August. 1038. Vincent's Journal, quoted by Mervault. Violart, vol. i. p. 300. Clarendon , book '. 354 SURRENDER OF ROCHELLE. the Rochellese manfully bore up under their trials. The earl of Lindsey sue-' ceeded Buckingham in the command; and arrived off the isle of Rhe, at the end of September. But the mole and other works were by this time so strong, that it would have been rash to attempt am attack. Another month passed off with-; out any effort to relieve the city; and the: successive preparations for attacking the, mole terminated in a few exchanges of i shot. At length the cravings of nature triumphed over the firmness of principle; and Richelieu having given great facilities for an adjustment, passports were sent for deputies to proceed to the king's camp, to discuss the terms of surrender. When we consider the severity shown to many unfortunate messengers during the siege, some of whom were hanged after the re- duction of the town, for the mere fact of conveying letters to or from the besieged, there is ground for surprise that the inha- bitants in general were treated so leniently. Richelieu evidently discerned the advan- tages to be derived from humane policy ; and his comprehensive views of affairs caused him to be satisfied with annihi- lating a little republic, which had defied the crown of France during seventy years. The gates of Rochelle were thrown open on the 30th of October, after a siege of nearly fifteen months; during which period the inhabitants were reduced from above twenty-seven thousand to five; and out of nearly six hundred Englishmen, left by Buckingham, only sixty-two survived.* Perfect order was maintained on the entrance of the king's troops; and the disappointment of the vanquished was greatly soothed by their deliverance from starvation, an abundant supply of provi- sions being gratuitously distributed by the cardinal. He inaugurated the con- quest of the Protestant town, by cele- brating mass with great pomp, on the festival of All Saints.t Still there were examples of severity. The duchess of Rohan and her daughter were not named in the capitulation, and the king's advisers excluded her from its benefits. The duke states that his mo- ther abstained from personal mention, to avoid the charge of having influenced the surrender. She was punished for the * Arcere, vol. ii. p. 323. t Merc. Franc , vol. xiv. p. 708. exertions of her sons; and was taken cap- tive to Niort, with her daughter. " Ri- gour without precedent," observes her son, " that a person of her quality, at the age of seventy, on quitting a siege on which she and her daughter had lived for three months on horse-flesh, and four or five ounces of bread per day, should be held captive, deprived of the exercises of religion, and with only one attendant for her service."* The amnesty was limited, in its effects, to the personal liberties and property of the inhabitants. As a corporation, Ro- chelle was to be severely punished; and before the king's departure an ordinance was published, abrogating the rights and privileges of the city, confiscating the municipal estates, and ordering the com- plete destruction of the fortifications. It was even forbidden to erect a garden-wall near the town. The magistracy, on which the Rochellese had for centuries prided themselves, was abolished; and the " city of refuge " was no longer per- mitted to receive a foreigner without the king's permission; nor were any Pro- testants allowed to reside there, unless they had been established prior to the arrival of Buckingham's expedition.! CHAPTER LVIII. Condu's expedition against the insurgent?— Rohan's treaty with Spain— Sack of Privas— Pacification of 1029— Synod at Charenton— Death of Rohan, Mont- morency, and Urban Grandier. Conformably to the agreement be- tween the' Dukes of Buckingham and Rohan, the latter had proceeded in the summer of 1627 into Languedoc, where he summoned his adherents and prepared to co-operate with his allies. He pub- lished a manifesto, containing his reasons for seeking the assistance of England, in support of the reformed churches of France. That declaration was circulated through all the towns in which Protest- ants resided; and there was in Languedoc alone a powerful party, resolved to sup- port his cause. An assembly was held at Uzes, to invite Rohan to resume the post of commander-in-chief of the Pro- * Rohan, Mem., liv. 4, p. 42-2. t Arcere, vol. ii. p. 326. PROTESTANTS OF LANGUEDOC. 355 tesiant forces; and, previous to separation, the members signed an oath of union and fidelity.* The inhabitants of Milhaud protested against the assembly of Uzes; and the consuls of Montauban addressed the king, declaring their disapprobation of Rohan's treason. f But he felt confident of general support in that province; and vigorously pressed his measures for combating the Prince of Conde, who was commissioned by the king to oppose his progress.^ Some minute details of this expedition have been preserved, from which we may infer the dreadful degree of animosity ex- cited against the unfortunate Huguenots, who had accepted a tempting offer from the English minister, and were now ir- reparably compromised. The national feeling was so much worked upon, that the Protestants, being charged with par- ticipating in an English invasion, were exposed to the utmost degree of hatred. The Huguenots of the Vivarias had elected for their chieftain a very daring and courageous man, named Brisou; and when Conde quitted Lyons, this com- mander was the first to call forth the prince's powers. Brison had posted him- self at Soyon, a town on the Rhone, most advantageously situated for defence, if the garrison had been at all adequate. After some heavy discharges of artillery, the besieged proposed a parley, and de- manded a truce until the following day. Their proposal being rejected, they de- clared they would hold out, and at mid- night made their escape quietly to another refuge.^ Conde's subsequent behaviour was wan- tonly severe. The report sent to the go- vernment shows a cold, unfeeling insen- sibility on the part of the narrator, no less than an excessive animosity in the prince's orders. " He set fire to the vil- lage held by Brison, and hanged some soldiers who had been surprised; anions others a cordelier, newly unfrocked, whom they found with an arquebuse. He gave up to plunder the dwelling of Du Bays, first consul of Nismes, in hatred of the faction to which he be- longed."* Brison's career was soon after termi- nated. He sustained his character to the last, and surprised Vals, a town in the Vivarias. But Conde was delivered from an opponent who was not sufficiently dig- nified to throw a lustre on the contest; for being at Privas, within a few days afterwards, he was requested to hold a child of his lieutenant at the font of a neighbouring village. Military honours signalized the chieftain's presence; and a salute was fired as he left the rural tem- ple. One of the pieces was loaded with ball, and Brison being struck, was killed on the spot. His successor in the com- mand was Montbrun St. Andre.f When the prince arrived at Toulouse, the parliament, encouraged by his pre- sence, and instigated by the Dukes of Montmorency, Epernon, and Ventadour, passed several exceedingly severe edicts against the rebels. One was personally against the Duke of Rohan, who was de- graded from his rank and dignities, and condemned to be torn asunder by four horses. :[ The sentence was executed in effigy on the fifth of February, 1628; and if Rohan's good fortune had not preserved him from capture, he might and probably would have expiated his rebellion on the scaffold. A harsh spirit prevailed; and it was very common for agents and emissaries, if taken, to be hanged. This happened to a shoemaker of Montauban, who had carried a letter to Rohan, and was returning with the answer: being ar- rested at Galihac, he was taken to Tou- louse, where he was condemned and forthwith executed. § It would answer no useful purpose to describe all the movements and encoun- ters between the king's forces and the Protestants under Rohan. A variety of anecdotes are recorded by contempora- ries, which show the strong feelings ex- cited on both sides; and on perusing the chronicles of these times, the number of summary executions appears awfully nu- merous. There were three leaders in the south ♦ September llih, 1627. Merc. Franc., vol. xiv. p. 309 —Rohan, Mem., liv. 4, p. 297. 1 Merc Franc., vol. xiv. p. 340. I Commission dated Niort, October 10th, 1627. Merc. Franc., p 316. $ December 12th, 1697. Merc. Franc, vol. xiv. p. 4. * Ri-lation du Voyage de Monsieur le Prince, given b> Aubery. vol. i p. 604. f January, 4th. 1628. Merc. Franc., vol. xiv. p. 43. t Decree dated 29th January, 1628. Merc. Franc , vol. xiv. p. 53. { 16th February, 1628. Merc. Franc , vol. xiv. p. 59. 356 TREATY WITH SPAIN. of France: Conde, who was striving to gain importance by serving the king; Montmorency, whose aim was to be- come independent like Lesdignieres; and Rohan, who maintained the Protestant cause against them both. The military operations were on a small scale, and there were very few actions worthy of note. However, Rohan's efforts prove him a more than ordinary man, when it is considered that he had to withstand the forces of several provinces; his resistance in Langnedoc entitles him to great credit; and if the siege of Rochelle had been raised, would assuredly have procured him much renown, by the consequences to which it must have given rise. The news of the surrender of Rochelle created great consternation, not only among Rohan's forces, but in all the Pro- testant towns. Every confederate, from that time, felt the necessity of making the best terms in his power. And many went so far as openly to justify such in- tentions; alleging that as the war was undertaken with the design of saving Ro- chelle, that town having fallen, it was incumbent upon them to make peace, without exposing their cause to extremi-j ties. Romish agents at the same time announced that promptitude was essential for all who wished to make terms, as the | first submissions would be best rewarded. A royal proclamation likewise declared, that a decree of amnesty and oblivion! would be granted to all individuals or communities, who in token of submission were willing to apply for the favour.* Although the promises of Charles L had proved valueless, the Huguenots still clung to the idea of English protection; I and Rohan addressed that monarch, im-| ploring his assistance.! At the same time, with an inconsistency to be ex- plained only by the desperate state of his , affairs, he sent an agent to the King of Spain, to supplicate his aid; and in return for the Spanish subsidies, he engaged to keep a stipulated force in the field, to make any diversion requisite for pro- moting the views and measures of the most Catholic king. Philip was highly pleased at such an opportunity for annoy- ing the French government, and con- * I5tli December. 1028. Merc. Franc,, vol. xv. p. 31. Rohan, liv. 4. p. 423. t letter dated Nismes, 12lli March, 1029. Merc. frant;., vol. xv. p. 285. eluded a treaty to this effect: the Duke- de Rohan was to receive six hundred thousand ducats per annum, payable half yearly: he was to keep up a force of twelve thousand men, and hold himself ready to march in any direction where the Spanish government required a diver- sion; and he was further prohibited from concluding any treaty of peace, without the consent of the King of Spain. This treaty is disgraceful to the Duke of Rohan, if its conclusion can be sub- stantiated. The text of the proposals and convention is preserved in a semi- official record;* but it does not appear after all that Rohan ever received the promised subsidy, although the negotia- tion can hardly be doubted; for the as- sembly of Nismes requested him to write to Cassel, his agent at Madrid, that he could not subsist without money, and that a pacification in France must speedily take place, unless a supply arrived shortly. f This is certainly an admission of the treaty. Bernard Pels, a Dutchman, one of Rohan's agents in Spain, was about this time arrested at Lunel, and conducted to Toulouse, where torture was used to elicit particulars on the nature of his mis- sion, and the names of his confederates. He was afterwards tried, and capitally condemned, as guilty of high treason: a sentence which it requires some inge- nuity to justify, as the crown of France had not a shadow of claim to his alle- giance. The severity of his punishment proves the strong apprehensions of Louis and his minister, that such a dangerous correspondence existed between the court of Madrid and the Huguenots. 1 The king, attended by Richelieu, quitted the capital early this year, for the purpose of raising the siesre of Casal. By activity and energy at Suze, he com- pelled the Duke of Savoy to consent to a treaty; and returned to Languedoc much earlier than could have been expected. His presence speedily produced a marked effect on the operations of his forces; and the appearance of his standard was the forerunner of success. Privas was plun- * Dated Madrid, 3d May, 1029, according to Merc. Fran?., vol. xv. p. 403. t Rnhan, Mem., liv. 4, p. 444. ! Pels was beheaded 10th June, 1629. Merc. Franc . vol. xv. p. 4B& SACK OF PRIVAS. 357 dered and burned, after a siege of fifteen days.* Richelieu considered that the devasta- tion of Prrvas required some palliation, and wrote a letter to the queen, in which he represents the catastrophe as an in- voluntary severity. He states that five or six hundred men who had retreated into a fort, having surrendered at discre- tion, the king resolved on hanging some, sending others to the galleys, and par- doning the least culpable. But as the guards entered the place, a desperate Hu- guenot, named Chambelan, took a lighted match, and declared to his companions, that as he would rather perish in the ruins than be hanged, he should set fire to the magazine, which he instantly effected. Many were killed on both sides; and the troops, in the fury of their vengeance, slew several of their own party. "It seems," says the cardinal, " like a particular judgment of God upon this town, which has always been the seat of heresy in these quarters. There was no intention of giving up the place to pillage: but in the night it was aban- doned, and the gates thrown open for the soldiers to enter in crowds to plunder. Every thing possible was done to prevent its being burnt; yet not a house has escaped the flames. Orders were given to prevent those in the fort from being molested by the troops, but they violently exposed themselves to destruction, leap- ing down from their fortifications, and in- censing the soldiers against them, by their desperate attempt to destroy themselves with the king's followers."! Many strong towns were successively surrendered to the king; and a general wish for peace was found to exist among the Protestants. Rohan foresaw that the edicts would be completely annulled, if private treaties were entered into; and that a general pacification, although dis- advantageous, would be less injurious to the cause. I He accordingly sent a mes- senger to the royal camp, requesting a few days' suspension of hostilities, with permission for the assembly at Nismes to join him at Anduze, without molestation. This after some difficulty was granted. * 2Qlh May, Merc. Frang., p. 479. t Letter dated Privas, 3Uth May, 1029. Aubery. vol. i. p. 617. I Rohan, Discours sur Us Dernicrs Troubles, p. 112, and Mcmoires, liv. 4, at the end. The deputies from Nismes were rather extravagant in their pretensions, which for some time seemed likely to prevent all negotiation; but a treaty was con- cluded and signed at Alais on the 27th of June.* The stipulations were perhaps as favourable as the ill fortune of the Pro- testants could have led them to expect; and while they had to lament the loss of their fortified town, they had liberty of conscience and freedom of worship again allowed them by edict. Experience had, however, shown how little reliance could be placed upon such guarantees, even in the days of Henry IV.; and cor- diality was not established between the rival creeds. The people of Montauban would not agree to the treaty: this ob- stinacy gained them the empty distinction, of a siege. Bassompierre invested the place; and after a few days, entered to complete Richelieu's triumph, by sub- duing the last town in which there re- mained any symptoms of revolt.t No sooner was the civil war terminated, than the princes and leading nobility dis- covered the immense advantages which Richelieu would derive from the circum- stance, to establish himself firmly as prime minister. The court soon became a scene of extensive rivalry and dispute; and Louis was so harassed in his do- mestic circle by the quarrels of his family, that he acquired a habit of considering Richelieu as indispensable to his happi- ness and comfort. The queen-mother's hatred to the car- dinal was undisguised; and subsequently, when she considered it necessary to justify herself, she declared in a letter to the parliament, that she should never have resolved on quitting France, if it had not been to preserve her life from the hands of Richelieu. ± But the cardinal was not the only cause of her displeasure and vexation: Gaston d'Orleans wished to marry the princess Mary de Gonzague, a measure strenu- ously opposed by his mother, who was desirous that he should wed her niece, a Tuscan princess. In the midst of these * Menard, Hisloire de Jfime*, vol. v. p. 580. Rohan, Mcmoires, liv. 4. The edict in favour of the Puke de Ktih.in and the Sicur de Soubise, dated Nismes, July, 1029, is given by Benoit, \ol. ii (Preuves.) t20th August, 1029. Merc. Franc;., vol. xv. p. 537. Bassompierre, vol. iii. p. 222. t Letter dated Avesnes, 27tli July, 1031. Aubery, vol. ii. p. 124. 35S SYNOD AT CHARENTON. family disputes, an ineffectual effort was charge, far more serious, as calculated to made to effect Richelieu's dismissal;* but bring odium upon the Protestant body: the failure only served to render his posi- Beraut, minister of Montauban, had pub- tion stronger, while it assured his ene- lished a work, declaring that preachers mies of increased hostility on his part, had a right to take arms in the cause of The king's movements towards Orleans, religion. For this he had been prohi- where his brother lived in retirement, bited by the king's order from assisting made that prince suspicious of some evil at the synod;* but being questioned on design, and in the middle of March he the subject, he excused himself on ac- escaped into Lorrain. count of the heated state of public opinion In July, the queen-mother quitted Com- at the time, he wrote and acquiesced in piegne for La Capelle, a town in Picardy, the condemnation of the work. At the where she hoped to be joined by sufficient request of the synod, he obtained the partisans, among the French malcontents king's permission to join the assembly, and Spanish mercenaries from Flanders, The ministers Amirault and de Villars for resisting any effort to conduct her were deputed by the meeting to present back to her place of confinement. How- the statement of their grievances to the ever, from the measures adopted on the j king, then staying at Oompiegne. They occasion, she was compelled to change petitioned for the right of ministers to her plan, and withdrew into Flanders.t Under such circumstances, the affairs of the Protestants obtained very little at- tention from the government. Their po- litical importance had ceased; and the time had not yet arrived for depriving them of the rights of conscience. All Europe knew the resolution of Gustavus Adolphus to make common cause with Protestants under persecution: prudence consequently demanded liberal treatment for them at this time. They had not been allowed to hold a synod for some years; and the king gave them permission 'Louis XUT., although that monarch ap- to meet at Charenlon, in September, 1631,' peared willing to receive him with cor- An historian, avowedly unfavourable totality. The tone of his memoirs in- them, observes, that the disputes between I dicates a feeling of disappointment and preach in any Protestant temple, whereas a recent decision had forbidden them to abandon their special charges — a cessa- tion of proceedings instituted against some ministers of Languedoc, for preach- ing their avowed doctrines — admission of Protestants to public charges — and the liberation of some of their brethren from the galleys. t From this list of their de- mands, a tolerable idea may be formed of their condition at this epoch. Rohan's principles were a decided ob- stacle to his remaining at the court of the king, his mother, and brother, seemed to present them with an occasion for re- volting; and therefore the government endeavoured to satisfy the most reasona- ble of their demands.j When the deputies were assembled, Gallard, the king's commissary, informed them that his majesty would be a good father and sovereign to them, but he for- bade their making protestations and re- monstrances. He directed their attention to several infractions of the king's orders; such as receiving foreigners into the ministry, and French preachers going abroad. There was however another * llth November, 1G30, commonly termed la journce dcs dupes. t The inquirj', instituted by the king's order, con tains the most minute details ; — " Tile queen set out at ten o'clock in the night of lHih July, 1631) in a coach belonging to Madame du Fresuoy, drawn by six bay horses," Sec. &c. Aubery, vol. ii. p. 115. j Bernard, p. 280. vexation at the calumnious reports put into circulation by some who, having ab- jured Protestantism, deemed it essential to their interests that his motives should be assailed. In a discourse composed with the idea of justifying his conduct and character, he observes: "It is a thankless toil to serve the public, espe- cially a feeble and voluntary party, for if each does not find what he anticipated, all cry out against their leader. This I now experience — I am blamed by the people, who have not the relief they ex- pected: being stimulated by false brethren, who, to increase their importance with the opposite party, make it their business to represent me, as they in reality are/j * Benoit states that the king wished to exclude lias- nage, pastor of Caventan, on account of the zeal be had displayed during the siege of Rochelle. Hist, tic I' Edit de Nantes, vol ii. p. 519. t Merc. Franc, vol. xvii. p. 723. J Rohan, Discours sur les Dcrniers Troubles, p. 9X> DEATH AND CHARACTER OF ROHAN. 359 This nobleman being grandson of Isa- 1 of his age. His opinions on military bella d'Albret, daughter of John, King of tactics have been highly prized, especial- Navarre, would have succeeded to that ly on questions relating to mountain war- crown had Henry IV. died childless, j fare. It has been said of him, that he His birth entitled him to much more im-j followed the traces of Sertorius, and Im- portance at court than the circumstances came t lie model of Catinat. He had of the time permitted; he therefore with- great talent as a writer; and Voltaire has drew to Venice at the close of the civil passed some high encomiums on his ac- wars, and was appointed generalissimo count of the Valteline wars. He detest- of that republic. In that capacity he ed avarice, and spared no expense for had made ample preparations for repair- ! spies, whom he termed the eyes of an ing the disasters of some recent cam- army.* An idea obtained circulation that paigns, when his projects were annihi- he was in treaty with the Porte for the lated by the treaty of Cherasco, con- ; purchase of Cyprus, in order to establish eluded in June, 1631. He was after-a free government, where the persecuted wards sent by Louis as his ambassador Protestants might find a refuge. The to the Orisons, and was actively engaged project failed in consequence of the death in similar employs until March", 1637, of the patriarch Cyril, who had promoted ■when a treaty which he had concluded' the negotiation.! respecting the Valteline caused consider- 1 The remainder of the reign of Louis able dissatisfaction at court; and to avoid XIII. presents very few incidents claim- the effects of Richelieu's animosity, he 'ing notice in this work. Richelieu was retired to Geneva. Although his con-! firm, he was even severe: but his ene- duct in the Valteline gave ample proof mies must admit he possessed greatness of his bravery and talent, he dared not of mind; and his advice tempered and return into France, being persuaded that neutralized the tendency to cruelty and the prime minister would make him re- .bigotry which corroded the weak mo- sponsible for the misfortunes attendant narch's breast. on an event which had arisen entirely The fate of Montmorency will always out of that statesman's policy .* be a stigma upon the cardinal's govern- Grotius, in a letter to Oxenstiern, states ment.J That nobleman's sentence was that the court of France was alarmed at 'as strictly just, as Marshal Marillac's was the correspondence between Rohan and legally iniquitous; but Montmorency had Saxe-Weimar, who had great deference j rendered great assistance in consolidating for his talents. Richelieu apprehended , the throne; for which Louis had many some project for reviving the Protestant times expressed his gratitude: indeed it interest in the Cevennes. Rohan was is doubtful whether Richelieu could have sent to Venice with a view of drawing suppressed the Huguenot party in Lan- him away from Geneva; but he metjguedoc without his co-operation. His Weimar, and instead of proceeding to ; name was moreover popular; and his Venice joined his army. While charging: character stood very high for social ex- at the head of a body of troops, at the|cellence: those circumstances combined battle of Rhinfeldt, he received a wound, have thrown a halo around his name, and which ultimately proved fatal.t The ■ probably ensured his fate; for his insur- king wrote Rohan a letter of thanks for|rection might have been pardoned, if the victory he had been instrumental in i Richelieu's plan of government had not gaining; but it was generally supposed j required the sacrifice of every rival, that Richelieu's satisfaction at the defeati Marillac's sentence is by all admitted of the Imperialists was inferior to his J to be odious in the extreme: but Riche- pleasure on being freed from a powerful lien's apologists contend that the marshal enemy.} was guilty of the basest ingratitude, in Henry, Duke of Rohan was, by gene- conspiring against his benefactor; and ral admission, one of the greatest men thus divert a portion of the odium from * D'Avrigny, Mem., Lhrovologiqucs, vol. i. p. 308. r * He was won mleil 2Hih of February, and died ].3th Of April, I(i:i8, JE. 59. His body was carried to Geneva, and buried with great honours. Levassor, liv. 43. t Leclerc, Vie Ue Hichciieu, vol. ii. p. 331. * Levassor, liv. 63. t Amelot de la Floussaye, Jlftm., Hist., vol. ii. p. 26. t Montmorency was beheaded at Toulouse, 30th Oc- tober, 1632; Marillac at 1'aris. in May of the same year. 360 TORTURE AND DEATH OF GRANDIER. the statesman, whose firm administration excited much discontent, and provoked continual plots against bis person. He was, therefore, in self-defence, compelled to adopt tyrannical measures; and a long catalogue of victims is displayed in the annals of this reign. The Huguenots were not, however, the objects of his ju- dicial rigour; and on one occasion when two students of Saumur were convicted of mingling, in a frolic, with the faithful at the midnight mass, on which occasion they irreverently received the sacrament of the Eucharist, the sentence was free from the cruelty which had long charac- terized such judgments. They were ba- nished from Paris for three years — from Saumur, for ever; were fined twelve hundred livres; and the punishment of death was threatened if the offence were repeated.* Urban Grandier, a priest, is among the names rendered famous for a melancholy fate. The Ursuline convent at Loudun was disturbed by apparitions; and subse- quently the nuns displayed all the symp- toms of demoniacal possession; which facts were related in the proces-verbaux of three consecutive ceremonials for ex- orcising the place.j Grandier was a man of considerable talents, and had written a treatise condemning the celibacy of the clergy; for which it is however probable he would never have been mo- lested, had he not published a satirical libel upon Richelieu. He was accused of having bewitched the Ursuline nuns; and writers in the cardinal's employ have asserted that his simulated apparitions were only covers for effecting impure designs. It was believed at. court that he was the cause of the demoniacal pos- session, and to doubt it became a state offence. Grandier was arrested in De- cember, 1G33; and as the sentence which condemned him to be burned alive was not given till August following, it would appear that he defended himself with ability. It was however in vain; for Laubardemont, one of Richelieu's crea- tures, and the Jesuit Lactance, who was there to exorcise the nuns, condemned him for magic, sorcery, impiety, &c. Grandier endured a long martyrdom, be- * Arret ilu Parlement dp Paris, 17lh February, 1632. Merc. Franc . vol. xviii. p. 26. t 7lli October, 14th November, and 4th December, 1632. Merc. Franc., vol. xx. pp. 487—764. ing tortured for some time with ingenious devices. To inspire the public with a hatred of his memory, Father Lactance held a heated iron crucifix to Grandier's lips: the sufferer drew back with the pain, and the Jesuit pointed out to the by-standers how the heretic abhorred the symbol of redemption.* The Count de Lude exposed the infa- mous imposture, which was continued after Grandier had expired in the flames. Pretending to have a choice relic in a casket, he expressed a desire to test the (reality of the possession, by holding it near to one of those suffering from the i demon. The nun in consequence threw I herself into violent convulsions directly j the holy relic was near her; and a tre- mendous outcry was raised against the count, when he opened his box, and dis- played a bunch of hair and some fea- thers, t The deception was then evident; and the exorcists lost the gratuity allowed them by the government. From this time the affairs of France assumed an entirely different character. Richelieu interfered in the general con- cerns of Europe; and the military ope- rations in Germany, by engaging atten- tion and occupying the active spirits of the age, completely finished the civil wars, and introduced a new system of policy, more hostile to the power and in- fluence of the nobles, and for a time se- vere towards all classes: it was however requisite, after so many years of anarchy, to pass under the ordeal of tyranny, as the price of restored order. Ere we quit this era of the Huguenot annals, there remains only to allude to the death of Sully, whose patriotism and loyalty were made to harmonize with his religious principles, in attachment to which he remained unchanged until his denth. We have found him, even while suffering a species of vexatious banish- ment, forget his injuries, and act as me- diator before the walls of Montauban; for which service he was subsequently re- warded with the marshal's baton. It is related that notwithstanding Sul- ly's firm and uncompromising views upon his religious tenets^ he entertained * Hist, des Diables de Loudun. Merc. Franc., vol. sx. t Arcana Gallica, p. 96. t Yet, according to Benoit, his conduct at the reli- gious services was very irreverent; he kept the con- gregation waiting for his appearance, remained covered STATE OF THE PROTESTANTS UNDER LOUIS XIV. 361 great partiality for some Capucins, by whom he was visited: and that a short time before his death, he wished to con- verse with them, but the duchess refused them admittance, and threatened to have them thrown into the moat, unless they retired. That lady was an exceedingly zealous Protestant; and her daughter, the Duchess of Rohan, followed her exam- ple: they washed with their own hands the linen of the communion table; but, with that single exception, all Sully's children embraced the Romish faith.* CHAPTER LIX. Mazarin's administration — Encroachments on the edicts by Louis XIV — Madame de Maintenon'a in fluence — Commencement of Hie dragonnades. From the pacification of 1629 until 1661, when Louis XIV. assumed the di- rection of affairs, the general history of the Huguenots presents few important incidents. There were from time to time individual cases of complaint, and iso- lated instances of hostility; for the spirit of the league was not extinct, and the more zealous partisans of Rome were only restrained from urging their favour- ite measure by the commanding genius of the celebrated cardinals who succes- sively administered the affairs of France. Popular prejudice would frequently burst forth in an access of animosity, under the garb of zeal for religion; and whenever, through some technical irregularity, the protecting clauses of the edict of Nantes could be evaded or infringed, the circum- stance was regarded as a victory over heresy. Unfortunately for the Protest- ants, no effort was made by them to ap- pease the hostile opinion of the people; they repeatedly asserted in their discus- sions and publications, that the pope was Antichrist, and that the church of Rome was signified in Scripture by Babylon. The Catholic clergy became more and more animated in the quarrel; and from the superior advantages of the Romish religion the result could not be doubtful. The church, as a powerful body in the and played with a favourite dog during the sermon Jlist. de FEdit de JVtattei, vol. ii. p. 536. * Supplementauz Memoires de Sully, par I'abbfe de I'Ecluse. 31 state, was enabled to confer a service on the crown, in voting grants, termed dons gratuils, or free gifts. The Protestants, on the other hand, were poor: nearly all the noble members of their community had been seduced into abjuration, by the hopes of lucrative employs and honoura- ble distinctions. And as the votes of each assembly of the clergy was accom- panied by some request for edicts against the Protestants, it is rather a cause for surprise that the edict of Nantes should have remained in force so long, than that it was ultimately revoked. The high ec- clesiastical rank of Richelieu and Maza- rin doubtless enabled them, to repel the successive demands of the clergy, while a layman enjoying the sovereign's confi- dence in the same degree could hardly have escaped the suspicion of secretly favouring heresy: but as princes of the church, they were able to postpone near- ly every project against freedom of con- science; and as they both gave the most liberal recompenses to encourage deser- tion from the Huguenot cause, no com- plaint could consistently be raised against their policv. Richelieu was magnificent in his pro- jects, and elevated in his ideas. His dis- position led him to patronize literature and the fine arts. He was a generous friend, but an implacable enemy; and having succeeded in restoring the regal authority, he swayed it conformable to his own caprices and feelings. He was both hated and feared by the king, whose councils he directed; and would have been speedily removed from his exalted situation, if Louis had been more vigo- rous, or the kingdom less agitated. Be- ing well served by Father Joseph, he firmly established his authority; and every effort to overthrow him recoiled upon his rivals and adversaries. Louis XIII. soon followed his minis- ter to the grave:* his character appears in a most disadvantageous light, on ac- count of the severe examples to which the disorganized state of society gave rise. He was inclined to piety, but, under the influence of injudicious or crafty advisers, he became so infatuated, that he wrote to the pope in 1631, de- claring his readiness to break the exist- * Richelieu died 4th December, 1642 ; Louis XIII- 14th May, 1G43. 362 CHARACTERS OF RICHELIEU AND .MAZARIN. ing treaties with his northern allies, pro- vided tlie King of Spain would join him in extirpating protestantism.* His do- mestic misfortunes arose principally from his readiness to receive impressions of distrust: the inevitable consequence was a series of family feuds, which never failed to kindle political troubles. After making every allowance for his weak- ness, and placing upon his advisers the responsibility of many unjust condemna- tions during his reign, his name and cha- racter are very far from commanding the respect of posterity. Mazarin's government appears to have been destined to form a contrast with that of his predecessor. The predomi- nant feeling of the public against Riche- lieu was hatred; against Mazarin, it was contempt: yet both succeeded in com- pletely subjugating all orders of the stale. Each excelled in crafty manoeuvre; but although Mazarin was the object of avowed jealousy, and exposed to the efforts of open hostilities, he never sought his revenge by means of the scaffold. His besetting weakness was a love of money; and the success of his schemes was probably the true cause of the enmity to which he was exposed. His talent is admitted by his enemies. His plans were less gigantic than those of Riche- lieu, but much better arranged and di- gested. He was less inclined to shine in forming new alliances and combinations, than to follow up the measures begun by his predecessor. With Conde and Tu- renne to command the forces; and, on the other hand, finding the nobles greatly humbled by the augmented stability of the monarchy, it was to be naturally ex- pected that the results of his administra- tion woidd be more, extensive than those produced by Richelieu, upon whose foundation his political edifice was raised. In his foreign negotiations, he had to assume an attitude altogether different. The power of France had made great ad- vances; Spain was considerably weaker; the peace of Westphalia had changed the tactics of several cabinets; and the rise of Cromwell completely altered the as- pect of French diplomacy with England. To this last reason may be probably ascribed Mazarin's tenderness for the Protestants. He prized Cromwell's al- liance, and was aware of the strong feel- ing of sympathy and brotherhood existing between the British presbyterians and the Huguenots. The Protector was solicited to form an alliance with the Prince of Conde, who even offered to become a Protestant; and Cromwell sent an agent privately to notice the state of the re- formed in France. He reported that they were well treated, because Mazarin caused the edicts to be carefully observed; and stated, in addition, that Conde was not much esteemed by the Huguenots.* An inclination to tolerance has exposed Mazarin to some severe animadversions from the more violent writers among the French clergy. One, particularly noted for his acrimony against the Protestants, after representing as a riot what was merely a display of feeling, on account of a Protestant youth being induced to turn Romanist, complains of the cardinal's truckling to the Huguenots. Mazarin's letter to the consistory of Nismes, where it occurred, is thus estimated: "It con- tains expressions as unworthy of the pur- ple, and of his ministerial character, as it is conformable to the subtle and dissem- bling spirit which sustained, and may be said to have guided him to the end of a difficult and thwarted administration."! During the troubles of the Fronde, the cardinal's enemies endeavoured, but in vain, to enrol the Hugueno-s among their partisans. Conde's friends seized some forts at Rochelle; and the prince hoped, by establishing himself in that port, to secure a communication with foreign countries. But the loyal spirit of '.he in- habitants enabled the king's general, D'Eslissac, to regain possession after a siege of three days. Conde had, by that time advanced to Muron. within six leagues of Rochelle: but, on learning that the forts had surrendered, he precipitately withdrew his forces into Saintonge. The Count de Daugnion, Conde's chief agent in the enterprise, maintained himself at Brouage, which place was, for some time, the centre of a most daring system of insurrectionary warfare: his soldiers infested the surrounding country, and vessels, under his flag, annoyed the com- merce of that coast. He had even the * D'Avrigny, Mem. Citron. , vol. i. p. 3G5. * Burnet, Hist, of his Own Times, vol. i. p. 42. t Oaveirac, Apologia de L uis XIV., p. 21)3. PLANS TO CONVERT THE HUGUENOTS. 363 audacity to solicit aid from Cromwell, who promised to send him ten thousand infantry and three thousand cavalry. That assistance never came; and a Spa- nish naval expedition, with which he was to co-operate, was completely defeated by the Duke de Vendome. Still Daugnion was determined to defend his desperate cause; and the court, considering it better to win, than to have the trouble of sub-' duing so desperate a man, sent the Bishop of Saintes to treat with him: his submis- sion was purchased with a marshal's I baton, and live hundred thousand livres.* Having failed at Ilochelle, Conde pro- ceeded to Montauban, still relying on the i insurrectionary disposition attributed to the protestants. There he had some! grounds for anticipating success for his overtures, as the parliament of Toulouse had lately passed decrees condemning Mazarin's conduct; and that body was. prevented from declaring openly for the prince, solely through fear of the Hugue-! riots, who were in the king's party. On presenting himself before the town, a trumpeter was sent to call on the people to submit; appealing to the services ren- dered by Conde's ancestors to the pro- testant cause; and promising, on his part, the maintenance of their liberties if they embraced his interests. But his offers were unanimously rejected ; and St. Luc, the king's general, who, after a recent de- feat by the prince, had taken shelter there, finding himself so well supported, sent back the trumpeter with a message that the town was prepared to resist his attack. The prince had not materials for carrying on a siege, and withdrew to Moissac, a small town at a distance of three leagues, whence a body of troops from Montauban soon after dislodged him.t Never were circumstances more favour- able for the Huguenots to make an at- tempt for regaining their lost advantages than during the civil wars of the Fronde, which lasted from 1649 to 1653; but there appears to have existed no such de- sire in that body. Conde's project for seizing Rochelle was in 1651 ; and we have Mazarin's testimony to the cmiet dis- position of the Protestants. He is repre- sented to have said concerning them — " I • Arciru, vol. ii. p. 341. His edict of amnesty is dated 18lh March. lt>53. t Coste, Hist, de Louis de Bourbon, Prince de Conde, p. '.«JS. have no reason to complain of the little flock : if they browze upon bad herbs, at least they do not go astray."* For their encouragement, the king published a de- claration.! in which positive proofs of their fidelity and affection were recorded, and confirming the various edicts in their favour, notwithstanding any judgments or decrees given against them. Louis like- wise wrote a letter to the consistory of Montauban, thanking its members for the marks of their attachment to his service, and permitting them to restore the fortifi- cations of their town.l A comparison of the above dates will sufficiently prove that the royal promise was not given with a view to future advantage in the civil war; because the declaration was not made until most of the partisans of the Fronde had submitted : still it is mali- ciously recorded by an apologist and flat- terer of Louis XIV., that he gave the de- claration in order to prevent the Protest- ants from joining the malcontents; and, because it was given from no other mo- tive, the request of the clergy procured its revocation in 1656.§ This reversal of a declaration, which should have been deemed sacred and ir- revocable, caused much apprehension among the Protestants. For some years the attention of many eminent persons in the church, and among the offices of par- liament, had been directed towards the most efficacious means for delivering France from the presence of heresy. Va- rious measures were proposed for hasten- ing the general conversion of the Hugue- nots ; and the plan first adopted, cor- ruption, was attended with great success : however, the middle and lower classes could not be bribed by such inducements. Men of high birth were dazzled with the perspective of rank and honours; but the peaceable manufacturers and tradesmen continued steadfast in the reformed faith. A notion, as ridiculous as it was tyranni- cal, had been extensively adopted — " That it was essential for all the subjects of a sovereign to have the same creed." This was maintained by Paul Hay du Chatelet, an advocate-general, who suffered im- prisonment for nobly refusing to join in the iniquitous judgment of Marshal Maril- * KUlhiSre, F.claircissemens historiques, vol. i. p. 19. •f Dated St. Uennain. 21st May, 105i. 1 Coste, p. 303. § Soulier, Hist, du Caloinisme, p. 552. 364 PEACEFUL STATE OF THE PROTESTANTS. lac. In the dispensation of justice, that magistrate was alive to its first principles : but in discussing the rights of conscience, he was lost amid the subtleties of the Romish doctrines; and seems to have been insensible to the value of quiet nier, who had embraced the Romish reli- gion, and who, in order to prove his sin- cerity, endeavoured to injure his late companions. This act contains, among other clauses, that their brethren in Eng- land would come to their assistance, on orderly conduct in a numerous body of; condition that the towns and places, at men, unless they concurred with the state I their disposal, should be given up to authorities on religious opinions. In his remarks upon the Protestants, he as- sumes that they cherish feelings of hatred to public order, and are ever ready for revolt, confusion, and anarchy. These general accusations were, however, unim- porlant, compared with his demand for repealing the edict of Nantes, which, he observes, " was exacted by violence, and in arms; and which was, after all, only a temporary measure, to await their being instructed in the truth for which they have had sufficient time When the edict was given, the happiness of France was promoted by it; and if the same motive now demands its revocation, there needs no hesitation, it must be repealed or set aside." He then proposes fifteen me- thods for inducing a general conversion; by which the protestant religion might be made to disappear, without resorting to open persecution: one of these methods! blame them * When the document was pub- lished, it was declared a calumny and fabrication ; and protestant writers im- pugned and criticised it with severity. The charge was unquestionably serious; yet the convention appears intended to be acted upon only in the event of antici- pated persecution. Admitting the au- thenticity of the piece.it was not with the English government, but with private in- dividuals they treated; and it proves that the English negotiators merely made a stipulation to preserve themselves from a repetition of the treacheries committed by Huguenot commanders in former civil wars; when it frequently happened that a chieftain, being offered advantageous terms by the court, would conclude a separate treaty, and abandon his confede- rates. And on this head even the grand- son of Coligny was not exempt from will suffice to exemplify the spirit in which the whole are conceived: it con- sists in suing the Protestants for their common debts, and thus obtain decrees of seizure and sale of their temples, which cannot be admitted as in mortmain.* Such sentiments being avowed, every decision of the parliaments against the Protestants appeared as an evidence that the suggestions were being acted upon. For the Huguenots, under such circum- stances, to prepare for the coming storm, was no more than common sense would induce any one to expect. And when their lawful sovereign could so far despise the obligations of honour, as to revoke the declaration of 1652 merely because the reasons for making it no longer existed — when this wanton breach of faith is con- sidered, there is great excuse to be made for the Huguenots seeking for foreign assistance in case of need. An act is said to have been signed at the synod of Mont- pazier, in 1659; it was presented to the king in 1677 by a minister named Mou When Louis took into his own hands the reins of government the Protestants were entitled to some very valuable rights; and that their conduct proved they deserved them, we have the testimony of that monarch himself, who at a later period of his reign dictated memoirs for the in- struction of his son. Mazarin's unpopu- larity called for some explanation, why an obnoxious minister was allowed to ex- ercise authority after he had attained his majority; and Louis XIV. justifies himself by enumerating the commotions at the commencement of his reign. The Prince of Conde at the head of the malcontents; the parliament inclined to infringe upon the royal prerogatives; and much in- terested feeling among the nobility, formed a serious combination, by subduing which Mazarin gained his esteem and gratitude. Surely, if the Protestants had given him apprehension, their discontent would have been included among the causes which had combined to direct his policy. To borrow the expression of one who had * Traite de la politique de France, cb. iii. * Soulier, p. 553. NEW PERSECUTIONS. 365 devoted much time and labour to re- and a change of policy, encouraged them searches on this epoch, "He complains of j to make another effort. A decree of the the clergy, the Jansenists, the nobility, the ' intendant of Rochelle was confirmed ; and courtiers, the magistrates, the financiers ; I the ordinance was afterwards converted and does not make the slightest mention jinto a general law. Its dispositions were of the Calvinists."* And in reviewing | very severe ; for a relapse into heresy ex- the characters of those selected to fill the I posed the individual to perpetual banish* various departments of the state, the king ; ment. But its remote consequences were observes: "La Vrilliere and Duplessis still more oppressive: for the Protestant were worthy men, but with intelligence i ministers were forbidden to expostulate merely proportioned to the exercise of j with, or exhort their converted brethren ; their charges, which embraced nothing ] and the presence of such at their preach- iwportant."\ The affairs of the Protest- lings was a sufficient cause for closing a ants especially occupied La Vrilliere, and temple and dispersing a Mock. Remorse the preceding remark upon his abilities [frequently led there some who, in an un- is an additional proof that no charge of , guarded moment, had been induced to disaffection could at that time be brought i abjure; they usually manifested contrition against the Huguenots. 1 on witnessing their brethren and friends In further corroboration may be cited [engaged in a form of worship which they a letter from Louis to the Duke de St. had vowed to renounce and condemn: Aignan :" You have acted very prudently, I the pastor's feelings naturally led him to in not precipitating any thing, upon the [ revive, if possible, the penitent's former information sent you respecting some in- sentiments; and most of the Protestant habitants of Havre, of the pretended re- churches coming in this manner under the formed religion. Those who profess it, [penalty of the law, their numbers were being no less faithful to me than my I rapidly reduced in consequence. other subjects, they must not be treated with less attention and kindness."^ In 166G the Catholic clergy made an- other step towards the subversion of relt- It must not, however, be supposed that gious liberty. There had been many the efforts of the intolerant party were [cases before the courts entirely new in laid aside at this period. A polemical their nature; and the interpretation of the fever tormented the whole nation; and law had often required a declaratory de- there are many instances of individuals J cree. Impartial decisions had sometimes having changed their religion, who after- 1 been given : but for the greater part, wards returned to their first faith. || As j those decrees were favourable to the state the conversions were mostly from Pro- j religion.* The clergy demanded and ob- testantism to popery, every powerful in-- tainted that those decisions should be im- terest leading in that direction, the clergy bodied in a general law. The Protestants endeavoured to obtain a law for prevent- (then apprehended a design for their com- ing relapse after abjuration. The Bishops ! plete ruin ; and, within a few years, num- of Languedoc had attempted it in 1638;ibers abandoned their country, to seek in Richelieu, however, refused to confirm the ! other lands that equal protection of the laws, which they could not hope to enjoy in France. An edict against emigration was issued in lGGD.t The tyrannical enactments on this subject afford materials for extensive commentary. Edict fol- lowed edict in rapid succession; and the degree of penalty proceeded in an awfu! gradation from fine to imprisonment, the galleys, and death. provisional decrees given by the authori- ties of the province. In 1660', the assem- bly of the clergy renewed the application, but Mazarin withstood their demand; and after his death, the new administration * Riilbiure. vi>l. i. p. 30. This author is not quilt; justified in liis assertion; firir thti Memoircs do mention the Protestants, though not compluiningly ; " L'on in'avail (lit que flans h> faubourg St. Germain il sVtaii fait pareux qijelques assemblers, et que Ton y preleu dait etablir des ecoles de cette secte; uiais je fis si hjen entendre que je ne voulnis pas soutfrir ces nouveautes, qu'elles cesstrent incontinent.'' Men. vol. i. p 31. The king himself thus testifies Iheir ready submission. t M unoires de Louis XIV., ecrits par lui nienie, vol. I. p. 6. t BufhiSre, vol. i. p. 31. $ Letter dated St. Germain, 1st April, 1G6G. La Beau- melle, vol. vi. p. 21G. i Among others. Bayle- * The adverse feeling of the judicial authorities may he gathered from an incident which occurred in May 11362. The minister Amyraolt was concerned in a cause' before the court of Jlides : the procurer-general demanded, and the court decreed, that he should not style himself D. D., nor allude to his wife, lienoit, vol. iii. p. 453. f Registered in Parliament 13th August, ICW. 31* 366 MADAME DE MONTESPAN. Colbert's influence was still in favour of the Protestants, and the threatened storm was for a time postponed ; but the revocation of the edict of Nantes was cer- tainly contemplated in 1669:* during which year, a royal proclamation forbade the synods from censuring parents or guardians who sent their children to Ca- tholic schools; and enjoined the closing of shops on festivals, with a number of re- gulations, highly vexatious to the Protest- ants.t Circumstances, however, combined to postpone the evil day : the king was fa- voured with a series of brilliant successes, almost unparalleled in history; the Jesuits were engaged in a long dispute with the Jansenists ; and some speculative theolo- gians proposed a scheme for uniting the different creeds, by certain concessions from the pope, on matters of form.]: The last measure was more than once entered upon seriously ; and was under considera- tion about three years. Turenne, who had recently abjured, was in its favour ; and the scheme was not entirely re- nounced until 1673, when the synod of Charenton declared it impracticable. § The jubilee of 1 676 revived in the king's bosom that fervent zeal for the Romish religion which had been laid aside in the transports of his passion for Madame de Moniespan. Even at his most voluptu ous periods, that monarch was observant of devotional forms ; and it is said that during his whole life he never missed hearing daily mass, excepting on two oc casions, when engaged in military affairs. || His qualm of conscience caused him to dismiss for a time his fascinating mistress; and without accusing him of hypocrisy the religious exercises enjoined at this period produced such an effect upon his mind, that he imagined he could meet the late object of his unlawful love on terms of pure friendship. Bossuet was deceived — less by the king, than by his own con- fidence in a religion of formalities. His opinion was asked, whether Madame de Montespan should be allowed to appear at court. She had been as exemplary in fasting, praying and confessing, as her royal seducer; and it was declared that as she had vanquished her own heart, she could live at court, consistently with her altered character. It was decided that their first interview should be in public. They met — the king conversed with her in the recess of a window : they sighed, they wept, they withdrew ; and their in- tercourse was completely renewed.* In the confessional, Louis was taught the necessity of expiating his fault; and a large sum was added to the existing grant, for promoting the conversion of Protestants. The direction of this under- taking was intrusted to Pellisson, a con- verted Protestant, very much celebrated as an elegant writer, but whose character is tarnished by repeated instances of in- terestedness. His accounts were left at his death in great disorder; and although he took orders in the church of Rome, to be qualified for holding the abbey of Gi- mont, and the priory of St. Orens,t it is doubtful whether he did not die professing the faith he had abjured.]: Many of the conversions effected by money were the result of momentary ne- cessities or accidental circumstances, act- ing upon irresolution ; and to prevent backsliding, the proclamation against re- lapsed heretics was renewed. § On the other hand, children were, very soon after, allowed to renounce Calvinism at the early age of seven years ;|| a period of infancy, when a toy would suffice to lead a child to assent to any opinion, however abstruse and unintelligible; while no child was allowed to make a public profession of Protestantism under fourteen years of age for boys, and twelve for girls.^f At this time, Madame de Maintenon began to exercise great influence upon the king's mind. Her letters prove that she already contributed essentially to the triumph of the Romish clergy. In one we find: "The king has passed two hours in my cabinet: he is the most amiable man in his kingdom. I spoke to * Eli pport du Baron de ISreleul, given at length by Rulhiere, vol. ii. p. 49, et seq. It is generally thought I hat Rulhiere himself drew up this document, as he was tne baron's secretary. t Declaration du Roy, dated Paris, 1st Fclruuy, 1669. i Grotius had proposed a measure of this kind in 3031. 5 Rulhiere, vol. i. p. 122. J Souvenirs de Madame de Caylus, p. 37. * Caylus, p. 39. f Abbe d'Olivel, Hist, de I'deademie Francaif. t Kulhiere, Eclaircisscments, &.C.. vol. i. p. 148. } The declaration, dated I2th March, 1679, awards the amende honorable, banishment and confiscation, as the punishment; staling, as a reason, that banishment alone had proved too mild a punishment to deter the co n verts. || Declaralinn, dated 17th June, 1681. IT Edict of 1st Feb., 10)9, art. 3J. MADAME DE him of Bourdaloue, and he listened with attention. Perhaps he is not so far from thinking of his salvation as the court imagines. He has good sentiments, and frequent returns towards God."* In an- other letter she observes : 11 The king is imbued with good sentiments; he some- times reads the Scriptures, and deems it the finest of all books. He confesses his weaknesses: he admits his faults. We must wait the operation of grace. He thinks seriously about the conversion of the heretics; and, in a short time, that will be attended to in earnest."! It appears almost incredible, that the grandchild of Theodore-Agrippa D'Au- bigne could have penned such sentiments. Had her father, Constant D'Aubigne, su- perintended her education, that .circum- stance would have been a sufficient ex- planation; his disposition and character were bad in the extreme; and he detested his father's faith, which he openly abjured. But an aunt, Madame de Villelte, a lady of irreproachable character, had removed her in infancy, from a state of destitution, caused by her father's imprudence; and by that kind relative those principles were imparted, which would have obtained the approbation of the venerable D'Aubigne. Indeed, so fervent was the child in her attachment to Calvinism, that she felt a degree of horror at her father's apostacy, and manifested much ardour on behalf of the Protestant religion. Many interesting anecdotes are recorded of her firmness in defending her opinions, when successively assailed by priests and nuns at a convent of Niort, where she was placed for com- pleting her education, a measure com- manded by the government, at the re- quest of her mother, a rigid Catholic. To detail them here would be superfluous; but they were viewed as an earnest of liberal views, which unfortunately did not appear, when Francois D'Aubigne became Marchioness de Maintenon. Yet her ideas of tolerance did not cease immediately after her change of religion. A letter to her brother, then governor of Amersfort, contains the following censure : "I have complaints on your account, which are not to your honour. You ill- treat the Huguenots ; you seek the means, * Letlre a la Comtesse de St. Geran, 19th of April Jfi7!t. t letter to the same, 2tith Oct , 1673. MAINTENON. 367 you create the occasions ; that is unlike a man of quality. Have pity on people more unhappy than culpable : they are in the errors wherein we ourselves were; and from which violence would never have removed us."* A conviction that her Calvinistic edu- cation might diminish the king's respect for her opinions, and destroy the effect of her exhortations, made her desirous of re- moving every trace of heresy from among her relations. She began by endeavour- ing to convert her cousin, the Marquis de la Villette. Bossuet was employed to convince him, but to no purpose; and Bourdaloue's eloquence produced no re- sult. The king sent him orders to be converted ; Villette asked for time, which was granted. But when Madame de Maintenon pressed him to fix a period, he replied: "It will require a hundred years — ten at least, to believe in the infallibility of a body of men ; twenty to be accus- tomed to transubstantiation, &c." His cousin did not anticipate such obstinacy; and as he was in the navy, she had him ordered upon a long voyage, that he might not frustrate her views for saving his children.t The dispute between the Jesuit and Jansenist parties menaced the church of Rome with another schism. Louis, who had become a confirmed devotee, was strongly inclined to favour the former party; and was enslaved by illiberal, nar- row views to such a degree, that while Duquesne and Turenne were treated with distinction, although Protestants, he would not allow the appointment of a Jansenist to any command.]: The rival sects were both ambitious of the honour of directing the great measure, for bringing back the lost sheep to the Romish church ; and each presented a scheme for effecting that object, drawn up in form of a memorial. * Letlre an Conue D'Aubigne, 1st Oct., 1672. t I, a Beaumelle, Mint de Maintenon, vol. ii.p. 202. — A»2>-r, Vic de Madame de Mainte/non, vol. ii. p. 77. — Cay lug, p 15 t This prejudice increased with the king's age In 17l)li, tlii? Duke of Orleans, on setting out for I aly, wished to he accompanied hy Allgrand de Foniperluis, :i decided libertine. Louis sent for him, and expressed hie displeasure that he should have selected a Jansenist. ' He a Jansenist ?" said the duke, doubtingly. " Is he not," replied Louis, " the son of that mad woman who ran afier Arnaud ? " " I know nothing of his mother,'' the duke answered, " but with respect to the son, far from being a Jansenist, I doubt whether he believes in a God." "Then I have been deceived," observed l.ouis, who allowed Fonlpertuis to accompany the Juke. Ouclus, Mem. de Louis XIV., vol. i. p 133. 368 HARASSED CONDITION OF THE PROTESTANTS. And it is worthy of remark, that neither, of these plans embraced the revocation of the edict of Nantes; on the contrary, its strict and literal observance was de- manded by both. The Jansenists founded their hopes of success upon reiterated in- j structions by the clergy, and the good ex- ample of their conduct : the Jesuits insisted on the firm and unceasing action of the royal authority. The principles of Port- Royal* were tolerant; for according to the Jansenist views, it was better to re- main separate from the church, than to join it without sincere convictions. The Jesuits, on the contrary, were violent in their zeal ; they were impatient to stifle heresy, rattier than convert the heretics; they considered the support of the military far preferable to the influence of the bishops; and called for the expulsion of Protestants from every government em- ploy. Probably the natural feelings of Louis XIV. would have inclined him to adopt the milder recommendations of the Jan- senists, but his soul was enslaved by the Jesuits. La Chaise, his confessor, had for some time refused him the sacraments, on account of his adultery with M;idame de Montespan, a married woman. His passion was now fixed upon Mademoi- selle de Fontanges; the illicit connexion was more susceptible of palliation, and the confessor's complaisance opened a field for sarcasm. The voluptuous mo- narch was admitted to the sacrament at Whitsuntide, in 1G80; and the consola- tion thus afforded was recompensed by several hostile edicts against the Pro- testants. Hitherto the collection of the revenue had been chiefly confided to Huguenots;t and the absence of all complaint against them affords an inference greatly in their favour. Satirical publications abounded, in which courtiers and magistrates were severely handled; but the fermiers are passed by in silence. Their successors, by a system of unblushing peculation, attracted the shafts of censure, and con- * The ahbey of Port-Royal was the cradle of Janse- nism ; and, bo far as corporate existence was con- cerned, il was also its grave; but the doctrines taught by the fathers can never be eradicated — unfortunately, the clergy were not impressed witii their liberal views. t Thev were excluded from such employs by art Arril du Conscil, l?th Aug., ICcU verted the previous silence into an abso- lute eulogy. The misfortune of Louis consisted in his judging men in general by the con- duct of those who breathed the atmo- sphere of his court. As he beheld con- tinual sacrifices of honour and principle for selfish considerations, it was natural for him to be persuaded that it would be easy to seduce the Huguenots from their erroneous religion, by rendering their in- terests subservient to the change. A base spirit of flattery made every func- tionary throughout the kingdom ambi- tious to imitate the king's devout career; and suggestions were constantly forward- ed to court, for promoting the pious de- sign. Ordinances were continually published, forbidding or enjoining some particular, of minor importance in itself, but serious in its application, as it became exceeding- ly difficult for the Protestants to avoid the contravention of some of those nu- merous enactments; and a conviction of the slightest infringement was immedi- ately followed by the suppression of the temple wherein it occurred.* From these attacks upon their public worship the hostility of the intolerant party was directed to personal annoy- ance: no seats were allowed in the tem- ples, that the audience might be disgust- ed with attendance. t Often the conse- quences of one evil became a ready indi- cator for its more extensive application. A notary, who had become Catholic, found that he had lost the confidence of his former friends: to secure his profes- sional gains, the Protestants were de- clared incapable of exercising the charge of notary.! For similar reasons they were successively prohibited from acting in any branch of the legal profession;§ and according to the preamble of another spoliatory edict, it " was represented that most of the young men of the said reli- gion would decide upon studying medi- cine, to take degrees, on finding them- selves excluded from other functions;"|| * Itulhiere, vol. i. p. 181— Mem. de JVoatWes, vol. i. p. 14. t Bayle, in a letter to his brother, dated 16th May, 1G79, states, that the decree was executed with such se- verity at Rouen, that not a seat was allowed, even to the members of the Consistory. J Arret du Conseil.Glh April, IGP2. } Idem. Gth April, 1682.— Declaration du Roy, ]jth June, 1682. - Declaration du Roy, Gth Aug., 1G85 The spirit of THEIR RUIN RESOLVED ON. 369 Protestants were in consequence de- barred from following the medical pro- fessions. The same excluding system pervaded every line of life; and the call- ings of apothecaries, grocers, booksellers, and printers, were forbidden to them. While no Protestant of any trade was allowed to have an apprentice, even a Ca- tholic.* But all these inducements com- bined failed to effect conversions with sufficient rapidity to satisfy the enemies of religious liberty; as a premium for abjuration, converts had been already al- lowed a delay of three years for the pay- ment of their debts;! and at an interval of nearly five years from this dishonest measure, a fresh enactment was issued against surgeons, who are charged with preventing conversions, under the pre- tence of visiting patients.i It would appear that, at court, the most sanguine expectations were raised upon the edicts just alluded to, since the following remark is preserved in a pri- vate letter: "If God spares the king, there will not be a single Huguenot in twenty years.§ At length arrived the commencement of positive persecution, by the invasion of private dwellings, under the pretext of quartering soldiers. This cruel me- thod of annoyance has been termed the dmgonnade and mission bottee. The following extract of a letter addressed by Louvois to Marillac, intendant of Poic- tou, will convey some idea of the mali- cious calculation on which those expedi- tions were based: — " His majesty has learned, with much joy, the great num- ber of persons converted in your district. His Majesty appreciates your endeavours to increase the number, and desires you will continue your exertions, using the same means which have hitherto suc- ceeded. M. Colbert has been charged to examine what can be done, in re- ducing the taxes for those who are con- verted, in order to diminish the numbers of that religion. His majesty has com- these tyrannical enactments is admirably portrayed by Rabaut St Elienne in a tale, entitled Le vieuz Ce- venot. au anecdotes de la vie d'Jimbroise Bortlij. * In the MSS. of M. de la Iteynie, lieutenant eeneral of police, there are lists of Protestants made out at va- rious periods; the number described as marchands de via is remarkable : but almost every other calling was de- barred them. t Arret du Conseil, 18th Nov., 1680. * Idem. 15th Sept.. 1685. } Madame de Maintenon a Madame de Villette, 5th April, 1081. manded me to send, at the beginning of next November, a regiment of cavalry into Poictou which will be lodged in the places you will be mindful to propose before that time; and his majesty will deem it right that the greater part of the officers and horsemen should be lodged with Protestants: but he does not think that all should be lodged with them. That is to say, that when by a strict dis- tribution the Protestants would support ten, you can send twenty} and put. them upon the richest among the Protestants, assigning us a pretext, that when the troops are not sufficiently numerous for all to be charged with them, it is but just the poor should be spared, and the rich have the burden."* This letter was accompanied by an or- dinance, exempting converts from re- ceiving soldiers in their houses for two years. That was afterwards decreed as a general law;t and, although published as a recompense for those who had been converted, it became a most terrible in- strument for harassing the steadfast. Louvois was well seconded by his fa- ther, Michel le Tellier, keeper of the seals. In describing his persecuting zeal, the testimony of a Catholic, as vio- lent as himself, shall be adduced. " He had such an ardent desire to see Hugue- notism terminated in this kingdom, and to behold the king's subjects united in the same faith, that he favoured the inte- rests of the church on all occasions; and particularly when the weakening of that party, or the destruction of their temples was in question." The same writer adds: " Whenever the accusation against a consistory failed, and the continuance of the worship was permitted, he was nearly overcome; and his countenance on leaving the council sufficiently an- nounced the disappointment to his friends."} The ruin of the Protestants was now resolved on. Madame de Maintenon thus writes on the subject: " The king begins to think seriously of his salvation, and of that of his subjects. If God spares him, there will be only one reli- gion in his kingdom. That is the senti- ment of M. de Louvois; and I believe him more readily than M. Colbert, who * Kulhiere, vol. i. p 203. t Ordonmmce du Roi, llth April. 1681. t Soulier, Hist, du Calvinismc, p. 614. 370 SUPPRESSION OF THE DETAILS. thinks only of his finances, and rarely of religion."* The infatuation which dictated the foregoing may be pitied, as arising out of a subjugation of the writer's mind to some strong passion. There is, however, so much sordid feeling in another letter from the same lady, written shortly after, that the pretence of anxiety for the salva- tion of the people becomes an awful mockery. The Count d'Aubigne was a notorious spendthrift; and nothing short of his sister's power could have saved him from ruin on several occasions. In writing to announce a royal gratuity, she slates: " The grant of a hundred thou- sand livres, which you are to receive, affords me pleasure; you cannot do bet- ter than to buy lands in Poictou: they will be had there for a mere nothing, on account of the flight of the Huguenots."! The persecution, which lasted for several years subsequent to 1681, sur- passes in cold-blooded malignity that of the sixteenth century; for the undisguised hostility of the last kings of the house of Valois, although barbarous, was frank: their object was avowed, and the conflict- ing interests were openly hostile. But the Jesuits, who now swayed the royal councils, were crafty: insidious enact- ments rendered it almost impossible to avoid contravention: and liberty of wor- ship was in fact destroyed, even while the edict of Nantes was still in force. Yet the principal actors in this perse- cution were evidently ashamed of their proceedings; although they have ap- plauded the wisdom and piety of the in- fatuated king, whose services to the church are compared to the abolition of paganism by Constantine4 Every detail of the transaction has been carefully ex- cluded from publications under the control of the French authorities; and the narra- tives of the fugitives, published in Eng- land and Holland, are in general sneer- ingly treated as libels. Pellison has already been alluded to as an able and in- dustrious writer; and his letters form a valuable journal of the court for a long period. He was employed in gaining conversions by means of corruption; and * Leltre a la comtesse de St. Goran, 20th Aug., 1(181. I Dated B2d Oct., 1681. This letter, which is quoted as genuine by Rulhiere vol. i. p. 212, is suppressed by Auger, Vie de Madame de Maintenon j D'Avrigny, Mem. dogmatiqucs , vo!. iii. p. 247. must necessarily have alluded to the pro- gress of the great work in his continued correspondence: yet from 1681 until the close of 1688 there is a blank, those let- ters which mentioned the events of inter- vening years being suppressed.* Many of the reports forwarded by the provincial authorities are missing from the public archives: yet enough remains to prove the violence of the persecution, indepen- dent of the flight of many thousand in- dustrious families: there is, moreover, strong corroborative evidence in the ill- judged panegyrics of the Romish clergy, who, in the ardour of adulation, have pre- sented materials for decided censure. A book was published, under the sanc- tion of Ike king's adviser s,\ which com- pletely establishes the fact of severity being exercised towards the Protestants, by justifying the measure as completely similar to the means used for suppressing the Donatist heresy in the fifth century. The condition of the Huguenots — their peaceable demeanour, and admitted loy- alty— for it was unimpeached at the time, though subsequent accusations have been put forward to justify what had taken place — all these circumstances combine to show that state policy was not the cause, as some apologists pretend, and as many are willing to believe. J It was an odious breaking forth of intolerance and bigotry; and in the preface of the work just alluded to it is declared, "that St. Augustin was at first of opinion that the force of truth should alone be used to bring back the heretics; but experience caused him to alter his views, and the success of the salutary severity employed for converting the Donatists convinced him that it would be hostile to the salva- tion of many souls, who would perish miserably, not to wish to force them to join the church, which is justified in pu- * 1 have found several of the year 1684. in vol. iv. of the MSS de la Rcyvie; they all allude either to the bonve a'uvre or recompenses for conversions In one, dated lilth May, 1G84. is this observation: '-La nom- Mil'- Pingard a regu trois fois plus quVlle tie vous dit; et beancoup plus qn'elle oe devoit esperer." f (,'onformite de la couduite de PEglise de France, pour rameuer les Protestans aver, <:elle de I'Esrlise il'Afriqne. pour rameoer les Donatistes a I'Eglise catho- lique : Paris, 1685. The following is from the preface : "Ceux qui ont la principale part a la conrtance du Roy. sur re qui regarde les affaires de PEglise, et a la con- doite du grand dessein qui s'execute si heureusement, ont jnge a propns de faire impmner a part quclques- unes de ces letlres " (de St. Augustin.) ; The author was inclined to that sentiment until his researches for this volume convinced him of his error. LETTERS OF CHRISTINA OF SWEDEN. 371 nisbing its faithless members, although, 'attached to popery, that the propositions in the event of successful resistance, any of the clergy of France, at their assem- violence on their part is impious." The bly in 1682, amounted, in her view, to a advance of civilization forbade a renewal! scandal nearly allied to rebellion.* And of capital punishments for heretical opi nions, but the disposition to inflict it was evidently unchanged. subsequently, when her declared sympathy was held up by Bayle as a remnant of Protestantism, she wrote to him, com- plaining severely of his injustice, in doubt- in" the sincerity of her conversion.t Her letter to the Chevalier de Terlon, the French ambassador at Stockholm, con- tains the following passages: "I will Letters of Christina, ex-aueen of Sweden— Sufferings I frankly avow that I am not quite per- :£ffl:™™feriM'i0"°f,he ,lug"fi jsuaded of the success of this great de- sign; and that I cannot rejoice at it, as Although it might appear superfluous 'an affair very advantageous to our holy CHAPTER LX. to present a complete list of the atrocities religion. * * * * practised at this time under a pretext of; apostles. Military men are strange I consider them more likely to religion, some of them must be recorded,! kill, to ravish and to plunder, than to per- and their real motives placed beyond 'suade ; and, in fact, accounts beyond doubt, or the forbearance which would doubt inform us that they fulfil the mission dictate the exclusion of such painful ; entirely in their mode. I pity the people scenes may be considered an accusation I abandoned to their discretion : I sympa- of all preceding statements. More detail j thize with so many ruined families, so will therefore benecessaryintreatingof this' many respectable persons reduced to beg- period than when othercircumstances were ; gary; and I cannot look upon what is under consideration, and where the more! now passing in France without compas- important events alone claimed descrip- sion."f tion, those of minor consequence frequently Another letter to Cardinal Azolino is in obtaining merely a passing allusion. The a similar strain : " I am overwhelmed with narrative of one who suffered greatly in grief when I think of all the innocent blood this persecution will afford means fin* es timating the general conduct of the op- pressors.* With respect to the value of its testimony, it must not be confounded with the published accounts of the time, which a blind fanaticism causes daily to flow. France exercises, without remorse or fear, the most barbarous persecution upon the dearest and most industrious portion of her people. * * * * Every time I which the court of France sweepingly de-; contemplate the atrocious torments which nounced as libels, composed in a spirit of; have been inflicted upon the Protestants, revenge. This, however, was never in-jmy heart throbs, and my eyes are filled tended for publicity; and the manuscript i with tears. "j remained neglected and forgotten among The admission of one of the most ab- the records o( the family, until the author's jeet flatterers of Louis XIV. being added descendants had become blended with to Christina's testimony, will suffice to re- another nation. The account it contains move every doubt as to the reality of the is moreover amply corroborated by con- persecution : "But if the king has been temporary writers; and the description J obliged to use some severity, and to send harmonizes completely with the views , soldiers into the houses of the most obsti- given in the correspondence of eminent |nate to bring them back into the pale of persons, who cannot be suspected of ex- aggeration on behalf of the Huguenots. Of such the foremost is Christina, ex- queen of Sweden, who was so decidedly * JVa.rrn.ltvc of the Sufferings of a Ft nek Protestant Family, &.C., by John Migault, London, Ir24. Le Jour- nal dr. Jean Migault was published al Paris, in 1H,'5, and at Berlin in 1H27. Although the French copy has des Lettre been chiefly consulted, the \>a>vs refer to the London edition, for the convenience of llie Ems'"*'1 reader. * The four celebrated articles for restraining the pa- pal authority— -drawn up by Uossuet, who, by his elo- quence, secured their adoption. The Jesuit d'Avrigny lot ks upon the proceeding as one of the rudest blows which hul been given to the court of Rome for ages. De Burigny, Fiede Bosseut, p. 262. Tabaraud, Histoire de I'JIssi-mblre gin irate du Clergs en 16"2. p. !I4. t Letter dated Koine, 14th Dec. ICeO. Lettres de Bayle, vol. i. p. 247. I Ibid., 2d Feb., 1H80. Nouvelles de la Republiqtie May, lu>G. J Dated Hamburgh, 1GFG. Lettres secretes de Chris- tine, p. 170. Geneva, 1761. 372 PERSECUTION OF MIGAULT. the church, we have reason to hope that, Jike the Donatists, they will rejoice that this holy and salutary violence has been adopt- ed for withdrawing them from the le- thargy into which the misfortune of their birth had thrown them."* One more proof shall be adduced. The Baron de Breteuil, in an official report to Louis XVI., makes the following asser- tion : " The very minutes of all the orders sent into the provinces, for effecting con- versions by quartering soldiers, are pre- served in the archives of the war-office."t Having premised these corroborating statements, the sufferings of John Migault and his family will be more readily cre- dited. That victim of tyranny exercised the profession of notary until 1681, when a royal decree disqualified Protestants from such functions. Sympathy for his numerous family, and respect for his cha- racter, induced the consistory of Mougon to offer him the situation of reader and registrar of the temple in that place; but his quiet occupation did not last long. Louvois had informed Marillac, intendant of Poictou, that a body of dragoons should be sent there in November: the design of the court was however hastened, and the warlike missionaries entered that province in the summer. The terror inspired by their approach will be appreciated by the fact of a soldier casually exhibiting some slips of paper, as billets for quartering his comrades: — within two hours, three of the first families in the place abjured. \ " We were not exposed to the fury of the storm," observes Migault, " until Tues- day, the 22d of August. 1681. In the morning, as we quitted the church where we had just offered up our accustomed prayers, we beheld a troop of cavalry, commanded by M. de la Brique, advance towards us at a gallop, take their station around the cemetery, and by their de- monstrations strike terror into the stout- est hearts. I had scarcely entered my house, when the quarter-master appeared, holding in his hand a billet. Without dis- mounting, he demanded most perempto- rily, if it was our intention to become Catholics. Such was the method in which these converiisseurs were accus- * Soulier, p. fi23. This seems to be a favourite phrase as the author uses it on more than one occasion. T Rulhiere, vol. ii. p. 71. X Migault, p. 26. Itomed to proceed. On the solemn assu- rance given him by your excellent mother and myself, that we would not change our religion, he turned his horse and went away."* The appearance of thedragoons in many cases sufficed to make an entire village embrace the Romish religion ; but when the acquiescence was only partial, the bur- den was proportionally aggravated for the more steadfast Huguenots. The system was one of absolute plunder; for the sol- diers levied contributions on their hosts, and if the amount demanded was not punctually paid, their furniture, cattle, and even their apparel, were sold to raise the money. Those sales afforded great facilities for the Roman Catholics to ob- tain property on very easy terms, of which they frequently availed them- selves, f Migault had fifteen soldiers quartered upon him: they behaved brutally, and made the most insolent demands. It was necessary to send to Niort, in order to supply their table; and because the fo- rage for their horses did not please them, they used the grossest imprecations. As it was indispensable to despatch a mes- senger to Niort for supplies, Migault was allowed to leave the house; and while absent from his home, he learned from some Catholic friends that his complete ruin was intended ; and that it arose from the instigations of the cure, whose sug- gestions included a plan for dragging him forcibly to the Catholic church; when, if violent measures were not used to induce his abjuration, it would at all events be declared that he had made a formal re- cantation, and joined in the Romish rites. This is known to have been done in other places, in order to swell the reports upon the progress of conversion.;!: By the advice of his kind neighbours, the unfortunate man remained concealed in their house; and when the dragoons perceived that he had escaped from their grasp, they directed their malevolence against his wife, whom they threatened to burn, unless she abjured. In vain did some ladies intercede: the commander disregarded the appeal, aid the poor wo- man would probably have perished, if an * Ibid., p. 29. This circumstantial journal was ad- dressed by the author to his children, t Ibid., p. 27. t Ibid., p. 30, et seq. PERSECUTION OF MIGAULT. 373 unexpected deliverer had not appeared in the person of M. Billon, the vicar, an ex- cellent man and a friend of the family. He heard of the treatment to which Ma- priest strenuously exerted his influence with the husband of the child's nurse to have the infant's body thrown to the dogs. The man was not so lost to a dame Migault was exposed, and removed : sense of humanity as to consent; and the her out of the power of her persecutors ; | child was interred in the Protestant buri- but not before he had promised to restore] al-ground.* her, if his arguments failed to effect her The persecution continued during the conversion. The ladies being left alone [month of November, 1681; and more with the sufferer, led her to a place of severe than at the commencement, be- concealment, and the vicar was too hu-| cause at this time the bare fact of per- mane to regret the involuntary breach of sisting in the reformed faith authorized his engagement : he retired to his own house, without noticing the dragoons.* The next day every Protestant in the village abjured, with the exception of about twenty families, who had quitted the seizure of every thing. What the military did not consume was sold or destroyed ; and the losses were rendered more painful by the animosity of some converts, who being animated in the their homes on the approach of the troops, work of spoliation against their late bre- The dwellings of the absentees were \ thren, acted as informers, and shared in stripped of every thing; and when it wasj the pillage.f ascertained that no further mischief could be accomplished at Mougon, the dra- goons were marched to Souche where all the Protestants experienced their severi- ties.! A similar scene passed in the adjoining parish of Thorigne, chiefly inhabited by Protestants ; and as the first visit of the troops effected very little conversion, the cure was incensed, and instigated the sol- diers to oppression and wanton cruelty, far surpassing their former exploits. The people however displayed great constancy and patience; very few recantations oc- curred ; and the forest was again crowded with miserable wanderers. This natu- rally led to an extensive emigration ; the Protestants left the kingdom by thousands for England, Holland, and the new settle- ments of North America ; and the hospita- ble reception afforded the fugitives was amply rewarded by the advantages which resulted from the intelligence and industry of the exiles4 Migault's young family was a serious impediment to his flight. The cure, his old enemy, continued to urge the perse- cution against him ; and after every thing saleable in his house had been removed, the rest was destroyed; even the doors and windows.^ And to aggravate the un- happy man's misfortunes, one of his chil- dren died: on which occasion the cruel Migault then removed to Mauze, a small town in Aunis, where he established a school, which afforded him the means of living comfortably, until March, 1683, when the king published a declaration for- bidding Protestant schoolmasters from re- ceiving boarders in their houses.f The provisions of that tyrannical decree were evaded by the scholars being placed in neighbouring houses; but one blow was no sooner parried than another was struck. A schoolmaster, who had ab- jured, denounced Migault to the autho- rities, for infringing the ordonnance, by permitting his pupils to sing psalms. A technical objection saved the unfortunate man on this occasion ; but within a few months the dragoons were again on the march to complete the ruin of those fami- lies who had withstood the ravages of 1681. We were apprized (Migault re- lates) of the iniquitous and arbitrary pro- ceedings of the cours souveraines,\ and of the intendants of provinces, recently in- vested with authority for pronouncing de- finitively, and without appeal, on any charge preferred against our churches. If no charge existed one was invented ; and thus all the reformed churches, not only of Poictou, but throughout the king- dom, were soon destroyed or interdicted. The temple at Mauze was however spared, amid the wide-spread desolation * Migault, p. 39. f Ibid. p. 44. X DtUaration da Roy, dated 14th July, 1688, forbids emigration, and cancels all sales of property made within a year of departure. § Migault. p. 51. 32 * Migault, p 56. t Ibid., p 5G. \ I lid., p. 07. § Cours souoerain.es, under the old regime, were the courts in which the king was supposed to be present and where the decrees were given in his name. 374 CRUELTIES PRACTISED IN THE V1VARAIS. — a circumstance gratefully attributed to the influence of the Duchess of Bruns- wick-Lunenburgh, who left no means untried for warding off the impending rigours, — or at least for delaying their execution ; and for that purpose she em- ployed all the resources of her credit at the French court, and interceded on be- half of the Protestants with the king him- self.* The Duke de Noailles, who com- manded in Languedoc, allowed his desire to please Louis to supersede every other consideration. Soon after his appoint- ment, he addressed the monarch to this effect: "It suffices that your Majesty's orders be known to ensure their imme- diate execution. "t Unhappily, the bi- goted design of the court rendered this otherwise humane nobleman a minister of wrath to the Huguenots. Conformably to instructions from court, die parliament of Toulouse had, in 1682, forbidden the Protestant worship, and ordered the demolition of the temple, on pretext of infractions of the laws. The bishop of the diocess having demanded permission to use the temple as a church, Chateauneuf, secretary of state, wrote to Noailles, that it would have more effect to execute the decree fully, as it would destroy all hope of its recovery by the reli- i> inha- bitants of iIih (,'evennes, it is statnd lhat Broglie was Basville's brother in-law. Dated 15th of March, 1703. and preserved bv Lamherty. vol. ii. p. 527. I 17th Feb., 1689. Bruevs. vol i. p. 171. ^> Brueys, vol. i. p. 183. FI6chicr, RMt- fidile, &c„ p. | Ricit. fiddle, p. 397. Poureheres, and other places, where a refusal to disperse was followed by a charge of the military. Viviers, Bishop of Lodeve, followed the troops, in order to use his clerical authority and influence for the conversion of the mountaineers; while Basville dispensed the severities of the law with the diligence for which he is celebrated. He condemned the leaders to capital punishment, and gave milder judgments against their companions, ex- empting those only whose ignorance proved them incapable of any thing more than submission to the powerful influence of their preachers. The assemblies soon after ceased; but the authorities would not desist from the pursuit of Gabriel Astier. He had not been found among the killed or captives; and his portrait was extensively distri- buted, for assisting his arrest. He was at length discovered in the ranks of a regiment at Montpellier, having enlisted as the best means of escaping. Basville condemned him to death, and he was hanged at Bays on the second of April, 1689.* From this time until the conclusion of the peace of Ryswick, nothing of impor? tance occurred. Edicts and proclama- tions against emigration were repeatedly issued, and many preachers were victims to their resolution in visiting the country from which they were for ever banished. The constancy of these martyrs is almost incredible; and, if an individual case is selected for example, it is less on account of his superior firmness than from the malignity which has pursued his memory, and given publicity to an unfounded ac- cusation. Claude Brousson was originally an ad- vocate of Nismes; he was afterwards employed in the mixed chamber at Castres, and followed that court when it was incorporated with the parliament of Toulouse. He presided at an assembly held in that city in 1683, for consulting upon the general interests of the Protest- ants under the threatening aspect of af- fairs; and, as the increasing difficulties deterred some from entering upon the ministerial office, he devoted himself to the ecclesiastical service of the reformer church. His sermons, which have beei printed, display much pious zeal anc * Brueys, vol. i. p. 195. 388 CHARACTERS OF BROUSSON AND VIVENS. scriptural erudition:* they likewise prove uncommon facility on his part, as he was constantly a wanderer, and preached by stealth in caves and barns. He was ar- rested at Oloron, and executed at Mont- pellier on the 4th of November, 1698. His character is maliciously portrayed by Brueys, who described him as " a gloomy splenetic, with a very ordinary genius, and inflated with pride: having a slight knowledge of Scripture, affecting moderation, but meditating insurrection."} He had a colleague named Francois Vi- vens, who is represented by the same writer as a " libertine and thief, with the hardihood of a rascal, rather than real courage." He is stated to have ordained Brousson in 1689, but, as much that has been advanced concerning the charac- ter of the latter has been disproved, this may also be unfounded. At all events, the assumption affords Brueys an oppor- tunity for invective. "Thus a public assassin laid his bloody hands upon a se- ditious visionary, and declared him a minister of the Gospel. "J Vivens does not appear to have been highly esteemed as a preacher, or his character would most probably have been vindicated from such accusations. In- deed, if the current accounts respecting his end are well founded, he was belter qualified for conducting a partisan war- fare than to impart religious instruction. In the spring of 1692 he was surprised in a cavern, between Anduze and Alais; and his desperate defence almost deterred his assailants from the perilous task of his capture. Two companions loaded his piece, while he fired on the soldiers, several of whom were slain; and he was at length killed by an officer of militia, while levelling his musket at the com- mander of the detachment. His death was immediately followed by the surren- der of his comrades, who were hanged at Alais.§ Brousson has been accused, conjointly with Vivens, of forming a project for raising an insurrection; and an intercepted letter addressed to Count Schomberg, in- viting a foreign invasion, has been alleged and argued upon to justify his condemna- * La Manne du Desert, or Sermons by Claude Brous- son, 3 vols. )2mo. Utrecht, ]C95. f Brueys, vol. i. p. 208. I Brupys, vol. i. p. 221. $ Brueys, vol. i. p. 26] tion and blacken his character. This version has been adopted by Voltaire," and, as a matter of course, by all popish writers; yet his judges must have been satisfied that he was not so guilty, or his punishment would hardly have been com- muted. His conference with Basville after condemnation was kept secret: he was sentenced to be broken alive after being tortured; but was spared such suf- fering, as the rack was remitted, and he was strangled before his body was placed upon the wheel. Interment was also permitted; and no reply was made to the publications of his friends, who refuted the charges brought against him within a month after his execution. f The persecuted Huguenots had vainly hoped that their interests would have been attended to in the negotiation for the treaty of Ryswick; but they dis- covered, to their cost, that the cessation of foreign disputes only served to revive the efforts of domestic tyranny.^ It was no longer sufficient to prevent assemblies for worship: violence was again resorted to for compelling a change of religion, and the law against relapsed heretics was severely enforced. Even Orange, an in- dependent principality in the centre of the Vaucluse, was exposed to the despo- tism of a monarch who had no claim on its allegiance.§ Relying on the privileges inferred from the preliminary negotia- tions, the inhabitants re-opened their temples, and the ministers resumed their functions. By degrees the Protestants of the neighbouring district proceeded there, to join in the religious services; and the vice-legate of Avignon, perceiving his inability to prevent their attendance, withdrew the guards posted at the bridges and passes.|| This removal of restraint increased the confidence of the country- people, who then attended in great num- bers. However, when it was ascertained that above seven thousand Protestants were assembled, the vice-legate sent troops, * Sie'cle de Louis xiv. ch. xxxvi. t De Larrey, vol. vii. p. 75. i There is much curious and interesting information on (his subject in a work entitled Relation de tout cc qui s'est. foil dans lus affaires de la Religion rcformee el pour ses inrcrets, depuis le commencement de la paix de Res" wick, Rotterdam, 1698. § This territory had been treated in a most hostile manner at the revocation, which is attributed byPuf- fendorf to a hatred of the prince. || August, 1097. The treaty was concluded 20th of September. BRUTALITY OF THE CATHOLICS. 389 awarded confiscation, the galleys, and even death, as the penalty for infractions of previous laws, so monstrous in their character, that their observance could not be expected. In 1697 the king ordered a succinct return of the state of the country, in all its bearings — military, civil, ecclesiastical and productive; and, in consequence, each intendant drew up a memoir, from which some details might be fairly ex- pected concerning the condition of the Huguenots, after the revocation of the edict of Nantes. But the duties and re- sponsibility of the intendants prevented them from dispassionately reporting the truth, and in general the existence of Protestants is but slightly alluded to. The office of intendant was a modern invention; one of those measures by which the last traces of seignorial inde- pendence were obliterated, in the esta- The Protestants, having no means of de- j blishment of absolute monarchy; and the fence, were an easy prey; and the female I common people soon discovered that ad- captives were stripped quite naked. Somejditional chains were thus forged for their of the party escaped into the woods, and oppression. "They learned," observes one unfortunate man, being seized, was a judicious writer, "that these new stripped and tied to a tree, to die of cold magistrates were to be the immediate in- and starvation. On the third day of his struments of their misery: that their lives, agony, an Irishman passing by was moved ! their properties, and their families would with pity, and cut the cords which bound I be at their disposal. Masters of their him; but immediately four men rushed ! children, by forced enrolments; of their forward, declaring that the Huguenot j property, by depriving them of suste- should die in that manner, and that he : nance; and of their lives, by the prison, should have similar treatment if he inter- 1 the gibbet, or the wheel."* fered. The brutality exercised on this | Lefevre d'Ormesson, intendant of Riom, occasion is almost incredible. Females gives a specimen of the value of these were found with their noses cut off, and ! official accounts. He reports that the their eyes put out; and the bodies of the I province had the happiness to be scarcely under pretext that the Catholics were exposed to insult; and informed the popu- lace that, if they would fall upon the Huguenots and plunder them, the spoil should he their own. The unsuspecting Protestants were in consequence assailed, robbed, and even stripped, as they were returning home in small parties; and numbers were led as prisoners to Roque- maure. Basville, being informed of what had occurred, sent orders for them to be conducted to Montpellier: they were tied together two by two, to the number of ninety-seven men and thirty-eight wo- men. A party of forty was retiring into Dau- phiny; and in order to escape a similar disaster, had avoided all the towns and villages. They were attacked at Porte- claire, in the district of Orange. A body of peasants well-armed fell upon them, induced by the promise of their spoils slain were left at the laystalls.* The readiness to resume Protestantism, infected wiih heresy, as there were not more than ten Huguenot families at the manifested by the concourse at Orange, publication of the edict of revocation; was sufficient to convince Louis that he which he declares "the most glorious of had incurred great odium to little purpose. | the kind's acls, the most advantageous to If persecution was slackened, the assem- religion, most beneficial to the state." blies were numerously attended; and on Yet he subsequently confesses that two the other hand, if the penal edicts were j towns in his generality continue very enforced, emigration recommenced. The j much impoverished by the retreat of the government complained of the libels com- i Huguenots.t posed by the fugitives in England and Holland; but no publication is more inju- rious to the king's character than the collection of his own edicts, which * Limiera, vnl. v. pp. 243 — 247 A (induration was soon after published forbidding all persons from settlin? at Orange, aril awarding death as the penalty for pre ceeding there to contract marriage, or perforin any re- ligious act. Dated Versailles, 23d Nov., 1B97. Basville, intendant of Languedoc, was the most eminent of these functionaries. His plan was to strike terror into the minds of those whom he knew to be rankling under oppression. Anticipating a period of resistance, he prepared measures 33* * Boulainvilliers. F.iat de In France, preface p. 39. t Boulainvilliers, Discours sur le Memoirs de Riom- 390 REVOLTING CRUELTIES OF BASVILLE. for aiding the movement of troops, by opening roads and constructing forts. The new converts found themselves as much the objects of suspicion as the stanch Huguenots;* and persecution drove many to the desperate resolution of professing their first faith, although it exposed them to the worst consequences, as relapsed' heretics. This intendant's memoir was much better composed than any which were presented; and Louis is said to have perused it with satisfaction. Basville unfolds the services he has ren- dered the crown, but of course conceals the fact, that an insurrection was to be apprehended from his excessive rigour. Insensible to the misery of which he was the author, and to the death of several thousand persons, sacrificed to maintain his sway, he speaks only of the necessity of obedience: "Can we," observes the writer before quoted, " avoid considering him as one of the most cruel instruments of the public suffering, and as the most dangerous seducer of our prince's piety ?"t In commenting upon the memoir of this intendant, the same author declares: "One hundred thousand persons were sacrificed to justify the conduct of M. de Basville; and of that number, the tenth part perished in the flames, by the gibbet, or on the wheel. "J The apologists of this persecution have attempted to show that the number of victims has been much exaggerated, and especially in the extent to which emigra- tion was carried. None of the statements published by the refugees can be received as altogether correct; but there is a wide difference between the deductions to be made on account of erroneous impres- sions, and the hardy denial of any injury being sustained by France, through the loss of so many industrious subjects. It was on that point that the French govern- ment was most exposed to positive, spe- cific censure: hireling writers therefore directed their efforts to ward off the ex- pected attacks, and vindicate the policy of their patron in the eyes of posterity. There is strong evidence of the extent of emigration in the persons of their de- scendants, numerous at the present day * " Peu sont reellement catlioliques: ils conservent presque tons leuc mauvaise religion dans leur cosnr, dans I'espoir d'un cbaneement." Basville, Mem. pour scroir d j'Hist do Lavgucdoc, p. 79. Amsterdam, 1734. t Boulainvilliers, preface, p .50. + Ibid., Ltiscours sur Ic Memoirs de Lavgucdoc. in every Protestant state; and a letter from the states-general to the King of Sweden* establishes the fact that their numbers were so great in Holland, that the country could support no more: his Swedish majesty was in consequence entreated to locate them in his German provinces. Besides which, it may be asked, for what reason were so many severe edicts issued against emigration during half a century, if the preference shown for a state of exile had not menaced the pros- perity of France, while it proved the un- happy condition of a numerous class of its inhabitants. But the unprecedented severity of the law did not deter the Huguenots from making an effort to escape. Every day fugitives passed the frontier in defiance of the proclamations, and Bayle relates, in a letter to a friend, that thirty persons from Caen, with their children, had reached Rotterdam in a small vessel, with a hundred others from different provinces t A contemporary statement mentions eleven English regiments, composed entirely of refugees, besides others en- rolled among the troops of the line. There were in London twenty-two French churches, supported by the government; about three thousand refugees were main- tained by public subscription; many re- ceived grants from the crown; and a great number lived by their own industry.! Some of the nobility were naturalized and obtained high rank; among others Ruvigny, son of the marquis, was made earl of Galway, and Schomberg received the dignity of duke. CHAPTER LXIII. Commencement of the Camisard War under the Count de Bioglie. The cruelties exercised by Basville were, for a long period, patiently endured * -Nostra quidem terra tarn angustis circumscri- bitur 1 1 m i t ■ tins, totque repleta est e X Gallia religion is causa profugift, Ut plures a/ere nequant, qua- propter si suh iirjperio regjrc majestalis vestrai, proser- in!! in provinciis ejus Germanicis, major daretur op- portunists, Regjam ruajestalem vestram enixe roga- iiiiis, veht lime genii afflicts, vel parti eorum, terras ubi domicihum staluant largiri." The letter, dated Hague, 6th Nov., 1698, is given at length by Laniheity, Mini, pour servir d I' Hist, du 18me Siecle, vol. i. p. 35. t Letter to M Janicon, dated Hth Oct., 1699. j Mtmoireset Observations faites par un Voyageur en Anglelerre, 12mo. La Haye, 1C98, p. 362. CRUELTIES OF THE AEBE DU CHAILA. 391 by the Huguenots of Languedoc. Their j so much; and there are many families constancy in meeting for prayer and re- < lineally descended from Basville's vic- ligious exercises exposed them to frequent tims, among whom the profession of attacks, invariably followed by the con- demnation of those who were unfortunate- ly seized. Many were hanged; preachers were broken on the wheel, or burned alive; and numbers, convicted merely of being present, were sent to the galleys. To detail these revolting spectacles would Protestantism has never ceased. Basville was actively seconded in his rigours by the Abbe Du Chaila, whose disposition had attracted the intendant's notice in 1687. His zeal and severity, with other qualities so well caculated for the suppression of heresy, had procured be impossible; but the following instance I him the office of inspector of missions in will suffice to establish the violence and the Cevennes; and in the fulfilment of the extent of the persecution, some years duties which thus devolved upon him no after Louis had been congratulated on the means were too violent for his adoption, extinction of heresy in his dominions, and j He would accompany the troops search- at a period when the court affected tojing for assemblies engaged in secret deny the existence of any Protestants in , worship; and the prisoners who fell into France. Indeed whenever an edict was his hands were treated with cruelty al- issued against them, they were uniformly i most surpassing credibility. Whenever termed new converts. his tortures failed of effecting abjuration, Some Protestants had assembled at le i or extorting some statement to assist his Creux de Vaie in the Vivarais, when a I search for other victims, he would confine body of soldiers fired upon them, killing i his captives in narrow cells, called ceps, many and wounding more; the remainder where the impossibility of moving caused were nearly all secured.* Basville con- j terrible torments.* His obduracy at demned five of the prisoners to be hanged ! length brought down upon himself a — four men ;md a girl: they were each (severe retribution; and his death was the executed in a different town. Five others were sentenced to the galleys, and among them were three brothers named Marlie. Their father was one of those who suffered capitally; another brother was wounded by the soldiers, and died in prison; their family dwelling was de- stroyed, and all their property confis- cated.! Thus an entire family was cut off, for no other cause than a perseverance in their religious duties. The mountaineers of the Cevennes and the Vivarais had for ages cherished the Scriptural doctrines imbodied in the tenets of Protestantism. This is clearly signal for an insurrection, almost un- paralelled in history. In July, 1702, a guide named Massip was arrested at Pont-de-Montvert, as he was conducting a party of fugitive Pro- testants to Geneva.f Du Chaila had been informed by his spies of the projected evasion ; and placed the whole party in the ceps, to await judgment. Great in- terest was made to move the inexorable abbe in favour of some young ladies, who for security were travelling in male at- tire; but in vain. And as a warm ap- peal was addressed to some assembled Huguenots, that an effort should be made proved by the conduct of the Vaudois and j for their rescue, the abbe declared that, Albigenses, in the twelfth century; by on his return to Pont-de-Montvert, he the revival of the sacred flame among , would order Massip to be executed. The their descendants, immediately after Lu- ' Huguenots re-assembled, nearly fifty in titer's preaching was made known; and [number; and, after prayer, proceeded in by the firmness with which they resisted the tyranny of Basville and his associates. Even to the present day, their descend- ants remain steadfastly attached to the faith for which their forefathers suffered * l-Uh Sept., IfiOH. t Mercure Hlstonque, Nov., 1098, quoted by Court. Hist, des Troubles, des CevennPs ou de la Guerre des Camisards, vol. i. p. n. This author was an inhabi- tant of Nismes, and drew much of his information from actors in the scenes which he describes. a body to that village, armed chiefly with swords, old halberts and scythes; only a few had fire-arms. They entered the place at nightfall : as they chanted a * Louvreleitil (Le Fniinti.ime Renouveli) quoted by Court, vol. i. p 33. (jrtuvreleuil was a priest : his work was published in 1704. und a continuation in 1706. t Court assures us that he conversed frequently with Massip, and had from his lips full particulars of this event, his imprisonment, and the ill-treatment he re- ceived from L)u Chaila, as well as the circumstances of the abbe's death. Vol. i. p. 4a 392 CRUELTIES OF THE ABBE DU CHAILA. psalm on their march, the abbe, who was already there, imagined a religious assem- bly was being held, and accordingly or- dered some soldiers to fall upon them. Almost immediately the house he lodged in was surrounded, and numerous voices claimed the enlargement of his captives. Du Chaila gave orders to fire ; and one of the liberators being killed, his comrades forced open the door. While some pro- ceeded to free the prisoners, others sought the abbe, who was barricaded in his chamber. An invitation to surrender was answered by a discharge of fire-arms, and the enraged assailants at once decided on setting fire to the house. The progress of the flames compelled the abbe to re- treat. Aided by a servant, he descended to the garden, by tying his sheets toge- ther. In the attempt, he fell and broke his leg; yet with his servant's assistance, he sought concealment among the shrubs and bushes, where the light of the conflagra- tion caused his detection. The Hugue- nots at once reproached him with his cruelty, to which he replied by abjectly begging his life.* He was almost in- stantly pierced with nearly fifty wounds, every blow being accompanied by ex- pressions to this effect: " That is for your violence towards my father !" . " That for sending my brother to the galleys !" &c. Several residents in the house were killed with him ; but a soldier and one servant were spared, as the liberated prisoners spoke in their favour.! This energetic proceeding gave rise to the war of the Camisards.\ A deed of such enormity was no sooner committed, than the perpetrators per- ceived the severe pursuit which must fol- low; for however the circumstances might claim and find palliation, in the odious cruelty by which it was provoked, that consideration would have no weight with their enemies, armed with every descrip- tion of authority, and doubly incensed against them for this demonstration. Their case became desperate: they de- cided on retreating into the forests, and there defending themselves to the utmost ; * Brueya says tliat bis life would have been spared, had he changed his religion and consented tn become their minister— an absurdity. Hist, du Fanatisnie vol. i. pp. 2i)U— 301. ■J- Court, vol. i. p. 44. X There are several opinions as to the origin of this word: the most probable derivation is a corruption of tamisade, a nocturnal attack. and in their excitement, took revenge upon several priests, and other persons who had been active in the persecution. The clergy were greatly alarmed, and the Count de Broglie mustered the no- bility and militia, to pursue the insurgents. He was for some days uninformed of the route they had taken ; and under the im- pression that they retired to their respec- tive homes, he dismissed his forces, and retired to Montpellier, leaving small de- tachments in the different towns, under the command of Captain Poul, an officer notorious for his severity. He soon dis- covered the retreat of the insurgents; and falling upon them suddenly, captured Esprit Seguier, chief of the band, with two others. It is related that while Poul was con- ducting his prisoners to Florae, he thus addressed their chiefs: "Well! wretched man, how dost thou expect to be treated?" To which Seguier replied haughtily, "As I would have treated thee, hadst thou fallen into my hands."* Basville, with all possible despatch, sent a chamber of Justice from Nismes to con- demn the prisoners. Seguier was sen- tenced to have his hand cut off, and to be burnt alive at Pont-de-Montvert: his com- panions were condemned to be broken on the wheel; one at Deveze, the other at St. Andre, those being the principal scenes of their violence. Seguier died with such firmness that the spectators were astonished : his composure was un- disturbed by the flatnes; and he declared to the last that he gloried in having given the first blow to the Abbe Du Chaila.f A scene of desolation succeeded this severity : parties of soldiers scoured the country, and the information of a priest was sufficient to have any one arrested — his condemnation ensued as a matter of course; and, to spread the intimidation, the executions took place in different towns. The murder of the abbe and the outrages which followed were deeds meriting condign punishment; and, if none but the actors in those tragic scenes had been executed, no complaint could have been raised against the intendant * Brueys, yat. i. p. 31P. It is also mentioned by the anonymous author of Hist, des Camisards, primed 1744, vol. i. p 132. This writer has evidently compiled his account from oral statements. There is a confusion in the dates which lessens its historical value; yet, as a corroborating testimony, it is worth consulting. t Court, vol. i. p. GS. WAR OF THE CAMISARDS. 393 Basville : but he assumed that it was the result of a conspiracy, in which all the Protestants and new converts were con- cerned. An ordinance was subsequently published, rendering every township re- sponsible for all acts committed within it; and lists were made of every Protestant absent from his dwelling.* The malcon- tents were then joined by many, who, in despair, saw no safety in their homes; and who, if they failed to better their con- dition, were convinced that nothing could render it worse. One project of the insurgents was to leave the country in a body; another, for each to find a retreat separately as he best could. In their dilemma they were harangued by one of their number, named Laporte.t He had some military expe- rience; and, by his appeal, induced them to proceed in their dangerous undertaking, to deliver the captives, punish their perse- cutors, and claim the right of worship by force of arms. " They might and proba- bly would perish," said Laporte, " but it was more glorious to fall in arms, than to die tamely, under the hands of the exe- cutioner." He was forthwith elected their chief; and proceeded to instruct his com- panions in military tactics. | His efforts were encouraged by the success of Cas- tanet, and Roland, or Rolland,$ who at the same time formed each a corps, composed of Protestants who felt themselves ob- noxious to the authorities on account of their religious sentiments. These bodies were soon augmented by recruits when their early successes were known, and their means of arming were increased. "It was thought," observes Brueys, "that the terrible execution, just made of the most atrocious, would have deterred others from imitating them: but one had to deal with madmen, on whom example produced no effect ; whom neither the gibbet, the wheel, nor the stake could render reasonable. It was evident, by * Ordinanre dated 10'h Oct., ITOJ. Court, vol. i. p. 104. Brueys, vol. i. p :i?l t Brueys says he was un famous scilcrat. a preacher, and a disciple of Vivens : lie confounds him with a mi- nister of the same name, executed at Montpellier in 1690. I Court, vol. i. p. 72. jj Andre Castanet was originally a forest-keeper; though uneducated, he hecame a preacher of note in the mountains. Holland was Laporte's nephew; he had served in the army, and was also an energetic preacher. I the result, that the evil was irritated in- stead of being cured."* The operations of the three insurgent leaders were, to a certain extent, in con- cert; but each command was distinct. Their most pressing necessity was for arms. It was useless to seek them among the Protestants, as every weapon in their possession had long been seized. The priests were, in general, the depositories of such confiscations; and, as force alone could remove them from such keeping, the Camisards combined their operations of vengeance with the effort to obtain the means of effecting it. Laporte soon became celebrated in the province, and Poul was earnestly bent upon his capture. Stratagem and cor- ruption were both tried, but in vain. At length it was known where the rebel chief was to sleep: Poul took his measures for preventing escape; and, on the alarm being given, the Camisards prepared for defence. A heavy shower rendered their muskets almost useless ; only three pieces were discharged at the first volley, but each despatched an enemy. The soldiers then rushed upon the insurgents, who were retreating among the rocks, when their leader was struck by a musket-ball. The Camisards lost nine of their number, whose heads were cut off, and exposed in the towns, along with those of the soldiers who fell, and who thus contributed to swell their commander's triumph.t Meanwhile a new company was formed by a youth, who became subsequently the chief of the insurrection, Jean Cavalier, a native of Ribaute, near Anduze, at that time only twenty-one years of age. He had for some time assisted a shepherd, and afterwards a baker of Anduze, from which place he withdrew to Geneva to escape persecution. He was there when he heard of the movements in the Ce- vennes; and felt a conviction that he was called by Heaven to assist his brethren. Being at an assembly in his native village, he proposed to the young men to take arms, and either join their friends in the Cevennes, or create a diversion in their favour. He represented, with energy, that it was disgraceful to remain quiet, and allow their brethren to be massacred, * Brueys, vol. i. p. 32e. t 19th Oct., 1702. Court, vol. p. 112. 394 WAR OF THE CAMISARDS. without an effort on their behalf; that they ought equally to aim at the liberation of their captive kinsmen ; and that, as re- ligion should be more precious in their es- timation than existence, they were bound to risk their lives in order to obtain liberty of worship. The discourse found an echo in the bosoms of the hearers, and they met the following day, eighteen in num- ber. But their means corresponded little with their resolution: among the whole party there were no other arms than one musket and two old swords; while none but Cavalier had the least notion of mili- tary exercise, and his instruction was limited to seeing the manoeuvres of the town guards at Geneva. Their enthu- siasm was not, however, damped by their scanty resources : they were well versed in the Scriptures; and, descanting upon the examples of Moses and Gideon, they proceeded to the residence of the prior of St. Martin, where they were certain of finding a supply. Their route lay through Anduze, where they beheld the heads of Laporte and his companions fixed upon the bridge: instead of terrifying them, it redoubled their desire to enter upon their campaign. Cavalier's expectation was justified on reaching Ihe prior's house: that ecclesiastic was well known for the mildness of his character; and, confiding in his own reputation, he had remained at home when all other priests were terror- struck, and fled to the towns on account of the revolt. He received the troops with serenity ; and, on learning that they required arms, he allowed them to carry away the recent spoils of neighbouring Protestants, sufficient to equip twenty men.* This commencement was a good omen: but Cavalier took other measures for ad- vancing his cause. He held religious as- semblies, and preached with fluency and force. The Protestants with joy beheld his rising importance : some compared him to Gideon and Maccaba;us, others to Zisca and Ragotzi.t There was nothing in his person to impress beholders. On the contrary, he is represented as small in stature; the head large, and sunk upon the shouldiers; with a broad red face and light hair. His countenance did not be- * Court, vol. i. pp. 107—115. t Menard, vol. vi. p. 381. speak intelligence; but his career proves that he was well endowed. The Count de Broglie being informed of his holding a meeting at Aigues Vives, immediately proceeded there.* Having summoned the entire community, without troubling himself with investigation, he selected sixteen persons as objects of the legal vindict. Four of them were hanged at the church door, and twelve were sent to the galleys : the town was further as- sessed with a fine of a thousand livres to defray the expenses. This act of flagrant injustice was generally condemned, and was one of the causes of Broglie's recall. f Cavalier's troop continued to increase: every day added to his supply of arms; and, as he was soon joined by several other companies, it was considered neces- sary to invest him regularly with autho- rity as commander-in-chief. He repre- sented that several among them were more competent; but the general voice was in his favour, and he accepted the com- mand, on condition that he should have power of life and death over the troop without calling a council of war. The insurgents consented ; but it does not appear that Cavalier ever abused that prerogative.} From the time their force was or- ganized, they regularly performed divine worship, administered the Lord's Supper, and celebrated marriages and baptisms in every town. Their numbers included some who had great talent for preaching ; and the romantic, hazardous life they led contributed so much to promote their enthusiasm, that several believed them- selves inspired. Their motive for taking arms was to enjoy the right of worship ; and in the woods and caverns they were constantly engaged in devotional exer- cises, especially on Sundays, for the con- venience of the country labourers, who flocked to hear them ; and it was their invariable custom before they marched to pray for divine guidance, and on halting to offer public thanksgiving.^ Need we then wonder at the energy they mani- fested, their contempt of death, and the admirable order which prevailed among them? They were supported by the * 15th Nov., 1702. f Court, vol. i. p. 121. J Court, vol i. p. H5. § Court, vol. i. p. 179. CAVALIER BECOMES CHIEF OF THE CAMISARDS. 395 courage which alone impart. religious conviction can them provisions, the Camisards formed stores in caverns, which they replenished It is not precisely known what was the | at the expense of the Catholic clergy, and largest force the Camisards mustered; they were never all collected, and pru- dence compelled them to conceal their numbers. The general sympathy in their favour brought them recruits, even while they were engaged. This occurred at the battle of Martignargues, when several villages sounded the tocsin during the combat, so that Cavalier's force was greatly augmented by the peasantry.* At one period this chieftain was accom- panied by two thousand men : but there were strong detachments in various parts of the Cevennes; and their plan of operat- ing in small bodies, over a wide extent of country, prevented the concentration of the royal troops. Yet they must have been numerous; for, with few exceptions, all the rustic population was with them ; and these hardy, uneducated moun- taineers, inured to peril and constantly exposed to an ignominious death, were kept in habits of good order and fellow ship. There were no quarrels nor slan derings among them; oaths and obscenity were unknown ; their goods and provi- sions were in common ; and they ad lressed their chief as brother. In the ac counts given by their enemies, it is insi- nuated that great debauchery was prac tised among them, and the presence of women found among their slain has been adduced as a proof. But all the inhabi- tants of the Cevennes well knew why women and girls were sometimes seized in their company, and not unfrequently killed by their side. They were the wives and daughters of Camisards who carried them provisions, or were bearers of communications from friends in the town; and as the military looked keenly after all persons connected with the insur- gents, their female relations often re- mained among them for safety. For their sustenance they received con- tributions from the Protestants, who joy- fully aided in supporting their brethren ;t and when an ordinance decreed the pu- nishment of death against any who gave § Mem. du ducde Villars, vol. ii. p. 152. l2mo., La Haye. 1758. t The country abounds with chestnut-trees, present- ;ng a supply of food in the immediate vicinity of their from the houses of gentlemen who had promoted the persecution. The want of shoes was their greatest inconvenience, as the rugged paths they traversed quickly used their stock ; but that deficiency was partly supplied by taking those worn by the soldiers they killed, partly by pur- chases in the towns. They found it almost impossible to ob- tain ammunition in sufficient quantities, on account of the severe orders given by the intendant : they accordingly perse- vered in making it for their own use. The leads of churches supplied them with bullets, and the pewter utensils of an abbe were often melted for that purpose: it was found that soldiers wounded by pewter balls rarely recovered ; and a malignant rumour was circulated, that their bullets had been steeped in poison.* The Cami- sards also endeavoured to cast cannon; for they are accused of stealing eighteen church bells, to be converted into culve- rines, in which they were assisted by an agent of the Duke of Savoy. f It sometimes happened that emissaries joined them, or the temptation of a large bribe would induce a weak brother to de- nounce their movements. These dangers were however warded off by means which, though they may appear visionary, were quite consistent with the character and objects of the Camisards. The lea- ders declared themselves informed by in- xbirafion of the presence of traitor^. On one occasion, Claris (whose functions re- sembled the commissariat department) an- nounced to the assembly that the treason of two men had been revealed to him. Cavalier instantly ordered those under arms to surround the meeting, and Claris seized by the arm one whom he charged with a design to betray them : his con- federate then rushed forward, threw him- self at Cavalier's feet, confessed his crime, and implored mercy. The names of the traitors are preserved by a highly esteemed writer, who was satisfied that the incident did so occur, and has related a most ex- travagant scene which followed.:): There existed at the time a strong impression of * Court, vol. i. p ie5. + Villars, vol. ii. p. 145. j Court, vol. i. p. 438. 396 SUCCESSION OF THE CAMISARDS. miraculous interposition, which is re- corded with gravity by one party, and ridiculed by the other ; but the force of conscience in the traitors, on being chal- lenged, and strong discernment in Claris, are quite sufficient to explain the detec- tion. A brief notice of the leading Camisards may assist the reader : in addition to those already mentioned, were Abdias Morel, surnamed Catinat, who had served under the marshal of that name: he commanded the cavalry, and was the most feared of all the insurgents : Nicholas Joany, who also had served in the army, and fre- quently distinguished himself in this war; and Ravanel. who yielded to none of his party in courage and energy : the latter was Cavalier's lieutenant. Solomon Cou- derc, one of those who contributed to the death of the Abbe Du Chaila : he was not only formidable as a chieftain, but had great influence as a preacher : he was be- lieved to have the gift of inspiration, and is frequently termed the prophet Salomon, by contemporaries. He had a relative of the same name, who was designated La Fleur, one of the abbe's prisoners at the time of his murder. Esperandieu was another Camisard of eminence : he was killed in one of their earliest victories. Cavalier and Joany alone survived the wars ; Rolland and Esperandieu died in arms : the other chiefs all perished at the stake or on the wheel. These details were requisite to explain how a small force, without a single officer or person of distinction, could have re- sisted a strong body of troops for the space of eighteen months, under one marshal ; while his successor in the command, of the same rank, could appease the revolt only by a formal treaty with Cavalier. The military movements during this in- surrection were carried on by small bodies of men, as the designs of the Camisards were to occupy their enemies in every di- rection: the encounters were consequently very numerous; and what in ordinary warfare would be scarcely worth men- tion, or at most be alluded to as a mere skirmish, in this struggle acquired the importance of a battle. Thirty-four such engagements are described by historians; ancl in a very great proportion the Cami- sards had the advantage. The more im- portant can alone be mentioned here ; but they will fully exhibit the determined cou- rage of the mountaineers. The Count de Broglie, who had impa- tiently sought an opportunity to attack the insurgents, overtook them at Val- de-Bane, on the 12th of January, 1703. There were not above two hundred Camisards assembled, and Cavalier being absent, the command had devolved upon Ravanel. The approach of the troops did not move the resolute band, who continued singing a psalm,* with one knee on the ground, until they had re- ceived the first volley ; when they replied with such effect, that their enemies re- treated. Poul, the officer already men- tioned, was thrown from his saddle, struck by a stone which a lad aimed at his head. The stripling killed Poul with his own sword, and mounted his horse to join in pursuing the routed troops. Broglie found it impossible to rally his men, and withdrew to Bernis.f The de- feat caused great consternation in Nismes. of which Cavalier availed himself: he had entered the city in disguise, for the pur- pose of procuring powder; and the pretext of preparing for the defence of the town was advanced by his friends, who under other circumstances would not have dared to apply for the prohibited article.}; Basville's administration of Languedoc unfolds a scene of cruelty and. severity scarcely equalled, certainly never sur- passed in any country. The revolt of the Camisards was sufficient to inspire terror; but the chief ground of the alarm was the consciousness of incessant and unprovoked persecution. However, the instruments of the king's bigotry, un- willing to confess its injustice, represented the evil as the natural consequence of heresy, the source of every bad passion. Even the Bishop of Nismes is open to much censure on this head ; though his character is held up, with that of Fenelon, as a sufficient reply to all detractors of * The sixty-eighth, thus versified: — Que Dieu se montre seiileunt. El I'bn verra dans le moment Abandonner la place; Le camp des ennemis epars, Epouvante de touies parts, Fuira devant sa lace, &c. t Court, vol, i. p.2n5. Brueys stales that Poul was killed hy a musket-ball, vol. ii. p. 205. The author of " Hist, des Camisards," says he received a pistol-shot, and that his head was cleft by a sabre as he endea- voured to rise, vol. ii. p. 11. J Memoirs of Cavalier, London, 1726, quoted by Court, ut supra. SUCCESSS OF THE CAMISARDS. 397 the Romish clergy. In his letters no ex- pressions are too harsh to be applied to the insurgents, on whom he lavishes the terms wretch and fanatic, and to whom he imputes the commission of every crime. In the same feeling he complains of the lukewarmness of the authorities; and ex- presses his astonishment that so many enormities have been committed ivilhout reprisals being adopted.* It was hoped, and indeed expected, that winter would put an end to the excur- sions of the Camisards: and when Basville discovered that the seventy of the season gave him no relief, he summoned the principal officers of Languedoc, to consi- der the most efficacious means for termi- nating the insurrection. Among other measures, it was proposed to kill all the Protestants of the province, and burn every town suspected of favouring the re- volt. Awful as it was, that project was supported in the council, on the ground, "That it was doing nothing to kill the Camisards found in arms; because the country being infected, supplied others, and in greater number."t Happily, Bas- ville reflected upon the injury his reputa- tion would sustain, from the ruin which must fallow such a measure : he adopted a comparatively lenient plan — that of pur- suing the insurgents without relaxation. The Camisards, being hunted like wild beasts, embraced every opportunity of revenge. A garrison placed in the castle of St. Felix soon experienced their fury. Rolland commenced his attack, by setting fire to some barns dependent on the cas- tle, sending information to the governor, who sallied forth with a body of men to seize the assailants. Rolland meanwhile advanced to the castle, and promised to spare the lives of those who opened the gates : two yielded, the others were all killed, and the castle was fired, after the as- sailants had taken away forty-five mus- kets, a barrel of powder, and some pro- visions. The governor perceiving the flames of his castle, hastened back, and was attacked so fiercely by Rolland's men, that he escaped with difficulty, after losing the greater part of his detach- ment.J Similar expeditions were entered * Flechier, Lctlres choisies, 3d Jan. and 1st Oct , 1703; 9th Feb.. 1704. ■f Brueys, vol. ii. p. 29. I 27th Jan., 1703. Court, vol. i. p. 216. 34 on by Cavalier and other chiefs, but they were loudly condemned by the Protes- tants : a Swiss synod addressed a letter to the Camisards, severely reprimanding their violence; and this intervention is ad- mitted to have saved the lives of several priests who fell into their power.* About the same period, the Count du Roure wrote to Cavalier, demanding his motives for taking arms. The Camisard replied, "That it was in self-defence: that the cruel persecution to which they had been exposed for twenty years, and which daily increased, had constrained him and his friends, who preferred death to the relinquishment of a religion they considered good, or to attend mass and prostrate themselves before images of wood and stone, against the light of their conscience. They were ready to lay down their arms, and employ their lives and property for the king's service, whenever they had obtained liberty of conscience, the liberation of their brethren imprisoned for religion, and a cessation of cruel and ignominious punishments for the Protestan's."t Cavalier then made an attempt to pene- trate into the Vivarais, where he expected to find an addition to his force among the Protestants of that district; but the pas- sages of the Ardeche were so well guarded, that he renounced the project: his return gave rise to two encounters of some im- portance. A marshal-de-camp, named Julieil, commanded the troops stationed on that quarter: he was a converted Pro- testant, and had been page to the Prince of Orange: a disappointment induced him to apply for employment in the French army, and his desire to prove the sincerity of his abjuration led to acts of extreme barbarity. He gave no quarter, and obtained much approbation from the bishops and clergy. Although his lan- guage was outrageously blasphemous, his higotry carried him into a senseless ex- treme, in the punctual observance of Ro- mish discipline;:]: and another converted Protestant, who cherished feelings equally violent, gives his panegyric in these terms: " His great services convinced every body that a better choice could not have been made."§ * Brueys, vol. u p. 30. t Cavalier, quoted by Court, vol. i. p. 226. X A>galier, quoted by Court, vol. i. p. 198. j Brueys, vol. ii. p. 26. 398 OPPOSED BY THE FLORENTINES. One of his regiments overtook Cavalier at Vagnas, a small town not far from the Ardeche. The Count du Roure and the Baron de la Gorce, each with a body of militia, co-operated in the plan ordered by Julien, who hoped to surround the insur- gents, and make a general capture. Notwithstanding the extreme disparity of their force, the Camisards awaited the attack with composure. They received the first volley without stirring; and then fired with such precision, that the assail- ants were completely routed. Five cap- tains, including the Baron de la Gorce, several subalterns, and a considerable number of soldiers, were slain on the side of the troops: on the part of the Camisards, Esperandieu alone was killed, and a few were wounded.* The Count du Roure sent immediate intelligence to Julien, who hastened to repair the disaster, marching all night, although the roads were a foot deep in snow. His reinforcement greatly in- creased the chances of victory: but Cava- lier awaited him with resolution at Barjac. Julien, aware of the invincible courage of his opponents, prepared an ambuscade. The action passed off in the same man- ner as on the previous day; but when the Camisards pursued their advantage, they found themselves exposed to the attack of fresh troops, and were compelled to re- treat into the woods. The amount of their loss was published by their enemies as three hundred.t Cavalier, however, states in his own memoirs, that on re- viewing his forces, he found the number of missing between fifty and sixty, some of whom were drowned in the river Ceze: he considers his own escape on this occa- sion as almost miraculous.^ It would be tedious to detail the opera- tions of the chiefs during Cavalier's ab- sence. The unfortunate town of Ge- nouillac was taken and retaken three dif- ferent times by the contending parties; and both parties experienced in turn the effects of vengeance. Julien finally gave up the place to plunder and massacre. § The unsettled state of the country occasioned disorders on every side: but some Catholic partisans appear to have aimed at surpassing the exploits of the Camisards; and as their ravages were frequently attributed to the Protestants, the latter were doubly injured. They spared neither property nor person; killed indiscriminately men, women, and chil- dren; were active in burning houses, and most rapacious in pillage. At first these bandits were called Florentines, as the company was formed at St. Florent: others afterwards imitated their example, and they received the general appellation of Cadels de la Croix. They had four commanders, the most celebrated of whom was a retired military officer, named La Fayole * Through remorse from a life of debauchery, he had with- drawn to a hermitage, whence he emerged, in the cause of his religion, under the name of brother Gabriel: he had a corps of three hundred men, paid by contribu- tions levied upon the new converts + Bishop Flechier has thought proper to eulogize this man in one of his epistles: "We must cheer Brother Gabriel — en- deavours are made to decry him and his troop; vje have well supported him. I know not what he is destined to; but should be glad that he effected something of importance. "J. Brueys admits that these bands were contrary to the precepts of the gospel, but apologizes for the injudicious zeal of the Catholics, by alleging in excuse " their churches burned, their curates massacred, and their families destroyed. "§ In good policy, this writer should have abstained I'rom such an extenuation; be- cause the same arguments, with a hun- dred-fold greater force, may be urged on the adverse side. The justification was moreover misplaced; because those bands had ample authority in the bull issued by j Clement XL, who enjoined a crusade [against the "accursed and miserable race," which he assimilated to the an- cient Albigenses; and granted absolute and general pardon for every sin, to those who might be killed in effecting their extermination. II * Court, vol. i. p. 19H. Brueys, vol. ii. p. 57. t Brueys, vuU ii. p. 70. 1 Courl. vol. i. p. 230. } 23d Feb., 1703. Court, vol. ii. p. 233 * Brueys calls hi in l.n Saginte. and says he took anus because his hermitage hail bei-n pillaged; on which oc- casion lie consulted the Bishop of rVismes, who ap- proved of his resolution, praised his design, and recom- mended hiin to Marshal Montrevel, vol. ii p.2j3. t Couit, vol. i. p. 347 1 Flechier! Let/res, 9 Fev. 1704. # Brueys, vol. ii. p. 77. t Court, vol. i p.349. The hull, dated 1st May, 1703, was addressed lo the Bishop! of Montpellier, NislHes; Usez, Vivien, Mende, and Alais. each of whom pub lislied it, with a mandcmcni, addressed to then clcigy. SEVERE ORDONNANCES OF MARSHAL MONTREVEL. 399 The serious character of the insurrec- tion, after Broglie's defeat, caused great alarm at court. Marshal Montrevel suc- ceeded him in the command, with an increased force for suppressing the revolt. Yet it is maintained, upon good authority, that the marshal's nomination was given under another pretext, and that the king was kept in complete ignorance of the troubles in the south of France. The ill-judged measures Louis had been per- suaded to adopt were in train to falsify the assurances by which he had been deceived. Madame de Maintenon, as usual endeavoured to spare him every additional anxiety; and the whole council joined in deceiving the monarch, who fondly imagined his sway was absolute. Yet the new appointment demanded the allegation of some motive; and the duke du Maine facilitated the views of that in- fluential lady As governor of Langue- doc, he requested that the forces should be commanded by a marshal; and Louis, far advanced in dotage consented to please his illegitimate son. Montrevel was un- questionably tutored before he left Paris; and the minister at war wrote to Basville, "Take care not to give this the appear- ance of a serious war."* These instruc- tion-! contributed greatly to prolong the resistance of the Camisards. CHAPTER LXIV. Continuation of the Camisard war under Marshal Montrevel. Marshal Montrkvel arrived at Nismes on the 15th of February, 1703. Basville, Julien, and another general, named Paratte, waited there to confer with him upon the state of the province. His presence inspired the Catholics with great hopes, as the increased military force rendered the suppression of the re- volt a comparatively easy matter. But the combat of Mas de Serieres showed that impending danger produced no inti- midation on the Camisards : on that It is not in the Ballarium; but its existence appears to- be admitted, as M. Court has not been attacked for ad- vancing it, although severely criticised for other state- ments. An anonymous author gives the mandemont of Ambrose, Bishop of Alais, dated" 29th May, 1703, with a copy of the bull in question. Hist, ries Camisards, vol. ii. p 119 * Rulhiere, vol. ii. pp. 281—283. occasion, Ravanel had the honour of measuring his strength with the marshal. He had approached Nismes with between three and four hundred men, less with any hostile design, than to procure sup- plies from his friends in the city. He had even expressed the desire and hope of passing a day or two quietly; but some straggling soldiers having discovered his presence, the marshal immediately col- lected his forces, and sallied from Nismes at the head of a little army.* Ravanel, accustomed to engage with superior numbers, was undismayed at his approach. Although attacked on all sides, the Ca- misards fought with a desperation, which their opponents could not refrain from eulogizing. Night alone terminated the conflict; for the marshal's force enabled his soldiers to repose by turns, and Rava- nel considered defeat as certain from the onset; yet surrender was out of the ques- tion, and in their determination to perish, rather than be captured, they displayed prodigies of valour. After all, their loss was very trifling; being only twenty-three men and two women. Their enemies however say it was considerable. t But one circumstance connected with this engagement proves the victory was dearly bought: Montrevel immediately ordered the bodies of the slain to be stripped in order that the soldiers might not be dis- tinguished from the Camisards. } Montrevel proceeded upon his task, of pacifying the province by acts of extreme severity, ordering several towns inhabited by Protestants to be pillaged and burnt; among others, Marvejols on the Guard, for no other cause than the misfortune of some troops being defeated by the Cami- sards in the neigbourhood: this " guilty place," as it has been called, was de- stroyed and burnt by the troops in conse- quence. 5 He likewise issued two ordon- nances:|| the first declares as accomplices all who assisted the insurgents directly or indirectly; enjoins all absent from their houses to return within eight days; and forbids the presence of all who are not regular inhabitants of the province. Any * 20th Feb., 1703. t Flechier, Lettre du 25 Avril, 1703, says, " about a hundred Brueys, vol. ii. p. 87, " above two hundred while the troops lost only one dragoon and a few wounded ! ! ! X Court, vol. i. p. 246. $ 25th Feb., 1703. Brneys, vol. ii. p. 84. \ Dated 231 and 24th Feb., 1703. 400 RETALIATORY STRATAGEM OF THE CAMISARDS. such being seized without a passport, to Bishop of Nismes likewise hears witness be reputed an insurgent, and executed as to the terrible fact, in a pastoral letter ad- such. The second ordonnance confirms dressed to his clergy: wherein he laments a previous disposition of the intendant, that many of them are present at the rendering every commune responsible for frequent executions, and adds, "The all violence committed within its limits, j church, so circumspect and so charitable, Like Basville, he was impressed with cannot approve of such sad and indecent the idea of a general conspiracy of the curiosity."* Protestants; and, as a further measure,' A more summary mode of punishing proposed to seize a number of new con- the Protestants was adopted on the occa- vertsfrom different parts, confine them in'sion of an assembly for worship held at a citadels, and declare that, for every mur^mill in the suburbs of Nismes. f Accord- der or conflagration, he would hang three ing to the statement of a hostile writer, or four persons as hostages of the place, "It was not a body of armed men ; it was where such outrages were committed.*; merely one of those religious meetings, This scheme was too violent to obtain convoked contrary to the king's orders, the sanction of the government; and 'where Ihey preached in spite of his pro- Montrevel, having summoned the Protest- hibition."i About one hundred and fifty ant nobility of Languedoc, addressed > were collected, principally old men, wo- them with an apparent wish to be tolerant, men, and children. Montrevel, indignant He urged their co-operation in suppress- at the circumstance, surrounded the mil!, Ing the revolt; and concluded by declaring,'and on a signal being given, dragoons that although he wished every one to be broke in and massacred the party. A Catholic, he would not constrain any: all few attempted to escape by the windows, he demanded was fidelity to the king.f If the marshal's arguments had no weight with the assembled Protestants, his rtign of terror was sufficient to sub- due them: for he not only gave up to pil but a sentinel drove them back to the butchery ; and as the work of horror was too long for Montrevel's impatience, he set fire to the edifice, which was soon en- veloped in a body of flames. Some un- places where the Camisards had fortunate creature?, wounded and burned, been well received, he even inflicted his! were still able to clear the flaming pile ; severity on villages where the inhabitants but the dragoons forced them back, to ex- were unable to resist them. He con- pire in the conflagration. A girl of seven- demned numbers to be burnt alive, or broken on the wheel, on the bare suspi- cion of having favoured the malcontents, or for being absent from their cottages: they were mostly executed without any form of trial. The heroism of these suf- ferers is noticed by a magistrate of Nismes, who bears ample testimony to the awful frequency of the executions. "There were many shot by the troops, and a great number perished by various tortures at Montpellier, Mende, Alais, and espe- cially Nismes; hut, as we have already- stated, these dreadful spectacles made no impression — the new converts regarded the condemned as martyrs. The resolu- tion they displayed in death confirmed them in their old religion; and if I may be permitted to say it, the examples given to the public produced quite a contrary effect to what was intended. "J The * Court, vol. p. 255. t Ibid, p. 29G. t Hist, de la Revolt des Fanatiqves. pir d" la Baume, cnnseiller au prcsidial de Nismes, quoted by Court, vol i. p. 305. teen was saved by the marshal's valet : his generous deed, the result of compas- sion, only served to display the diabolical feelings of his master, who ordered his valet and the girl to be put to death on the spot. The poor girl was executed ; and the valet bound for a similar fate, when some religieuses pleaded in his be- half, and obtained his life. But Montre- vel blamed himself for his weakness in yielding, and banished the valet from the town. Some Catholics who were amusing themselves in a neighbouring garden were killed by the marshal's orders: in vain they asserted their religion ; he declared they had escaped from the mill, and they were executed. In his excess of fury, he was even on the point of devoting Nismes to devastation. 5 * Flfichier, Lettre Pastorale. + Palm Sunday, 1st April, 1703. | Brueys, vol. ii. p. 128. § Court has minutely related this horrible scene : lie was intimate with those who had witnessed it, vol. i. p. 309. Menard seems unwilling to censure the mar- shal. Hist, de Nismes, vol. vi. p. 337. RETALIATORY STRATAGEM OF THE CAMISARDS. 401 De la Baume's account corroborates the foregoing, with a trifling difference as to the numbers killed : " It cost," he says, "the lives of eighty persons, all of the dregs of the people," and afterwards adds, "The court approved of the marshal's conduct."* To the disgrace of the Bishop of Nismes, he also justifies the deed, while he distorts the truth, in or- der to diminish its odium. " They even dared, on Palm Sunday, to hold a meet- ing at a mill, without any precaution, at the gate of the town ; and while we were chanting vespers, they sang psalms and preached. The marshal left his house, assembled some troops, and put to the sword men and women composing the assembly, to the number of more than fifty persons ; and burned the house where it was held. This example was necessary to stay the arrogance of these fellows."! It is unnecessary further to pourtray the character of Montrevel's administration, for a complete narrative of this epoch of blood-thirsty tyranny would be fatiguingly voluminous. Its duration is well attested by historians, inclined by their undisguised prejudices to throw a veil over such occur- rences. Brueys mentions the fact of six executions occurring in one day;} and observes in another part of his work, " I should weary the reader if I were to give an exact detail of all those who were ar- rested and punished; for scarcely a day passed without several of these wretches being made examples." And de la Baume informs us, that the court of which he was a member, judged in the month of Au- gust alone, "a great number of fanatics, who were condemned to various kinds of punishment."^ As a natural result, the Camisards re- solved upon selling their lives dearly, when attacked, and embraced every op portunity of wreaking vengeance on their pitiless enemies. The inhabitants of La Salle had been prominent in causing vexa- tions to the Protestants in general, those who remained quiet suffering as much as the relations of those in arms. Cavalier in consequence determined on giving them a lesson of severity. Having dressed his * Quoted by Conn, vol. i. pp. 313—313. t Flechiur, Lettre du 25 Ami, 1703. I Briipys. vol. ii. p 179. $ Court, vol. i. p. 420. followers in uniforms taken from the sol- diers killed in recent encounters, he ad- vanced at their head, in the full dress of an officer, fully persuaded that on his ap- proach to that town the most violent of the inhabitants would come out to hail his arrival. The company of zealots ad- vanced to express their joy at the arrival of the troops, by whose aid their district would soon be freed from the Camisards. Their congratulations were mingled with boastings upon their individual deeds: and each took credit for something done against the Protestants. A lame man surpassed all others in his accounts : he claimed the honour of contributing to the arrest of several preachers who were hanged, and declared his readiness to in- dicate the dwellings of Huguenots, where numbers might be seized. To his awful surprise, one of Cavalier's men addressed him fiercely: " Hast thou finished '!" The boaster with trembling asked why such a question was put, and almost immediately the poor wretch and his companions, nearly forty in number, were put to the sword.* Similar deeds of violence followed on both sides ; and more frequently towards the close of the year, when Basville de- liberately prepared for destroying the re- sources of the insurgents by devastating thirty-one parishes, comprising one hun- dred and sixty-six villages. This scheme, which menaced ruin to all the Catholic gentry of the district, was not adopted without hesitation ; but as the alternative of indemnifying the loyal part of the in- habitants was a trifle, compared with the suppression of the revolt, the project was ultimately approved by the court. f Montrevel then published an ordinance for collecting the Catholics in the towns, where the authorities would provide for their subsistence Another decree en- joined the new converts to return to their houses within eight days; and forbade their stirring out, upon any pretext, with- out a passport, under pain of the galleys for life. Basville at the same time pre- pared lists of the new converts, in the dif- ferent parishes, in which the names of ab- sentees were to be carefully noted. The gentry among them were allowed to 34 * April, 1703. Court, vol. i. p. 331. t Brueys, vol. ii. p. 219. Court, vo'. i. p. 463. 402 MONTREVEL LAYS WASTE THE COUNTRY OF THE CAMISARDS. choose the town in which they would | reside ; and were promised a share of the property to be confiscated. The parishes and towns marked out for de- struction were (bur hundred and sixty-six in number;* and the inhabitants were ordered to bring their corn, cattle, &c, to certain places, with notice that the infrac- tion of this order would be punished by the seizure of their goods; and for them- selves, the treatment of rebels. To com- plete the list of barbarous preliminaries, the marshal gave orders that his officers, on arriving at a condemned village, were to read thp proclamation forbidding the in- habitants to go home ; but promising that no harm should befall them, as the king would not hear of any bloodshed ! ! !f Montrevel commenced his inhuman ex- pedition on the 26th of September, 1703. The approach of so many troops coin- ciding with a summons for the whole population, convinced the unhappy vil- lagers that they were all to be massacred : as many as couid immediately joined the Camisards. t The marshal's first idea was to pull down the cottages, but the work pro- ceeded too slowly for his impetuosity, and fire was substituted for manual demolition. The ravages of the devouring element speedily covered the land with desolation, and the horrors of reprisals and execu- tions became more than ever frequent ; for many ill-fated villagers avoided the town through fear, and being seized were declared in contravention of the ordi- nance ; while the aggravation of misery became an additional incitement to vio- lence^ This scene of horror, which was capable of calling forth the language of intercession, did not however move the Bishop of Nismes, who wrote to the mar- shal in a style of warm approbation. "The project you are executing is severe, and will be doubtless useful. It cuts at the very root of the evil: it destroys the asylums of the seditious, and confines them in limits, where it will be more easy * Court, vol ii p 49. lirueys, vol. ii. p. 220. t 1 bid . , vol ii. p. 52. t limeys, vol ii. p. 225. § To this cause may be attributed the murder of Ma- dame Miraman, a Catholic laiiy, killed by four Cami sards Cavalier, in his Memoirs admits that the men had joined his troop ; but, t«> mark his indignation at their cr m', he had them tried by a council of war : three were shot — the fourth proved that he endea voured to prevent the murder, and was acquitted. to subdue and discover them."* In a subsequent letter in the following pas- sage : " The court has been too long in deciding upon the remedies which must be employed for staying such great ills. Those which might have sufficed some months since are no longer adequate; and it will be necessary to adopt chastisements more severe than those rejected as too cruel, "t The proclamations issued at this period against the Cadets de la Croix, prove that the Camisards were not the only distur- bers of the peace of the country ; and when their ravages were found oppressive, the troops were as inadequate to sup- press them as the Protestants insurgents. But when the Cadets were seized, the treatment they experienced was very dif- ferent : they were acknowledged brigands, but the others were fanatics. After a long series of encounters in which the results had been varied, Cava- lier was surprised atNages, by the Count de Fimarcon.J Two Catholic historians claim the victory for their party, and greatly exaggerate Cavalier's loss :$ but other accounts give a very different re- sult; and a letter from the Bishop of Nismes, written on the day of the battle, to the priest who sent intelligence of Ca- valier's movements, is far from ascribing a triumphant result to the assailants. "The information you gave of the march of the fanatics was very good ; and if the troops of the neighbourhood had been sum- moned in time, and M. de Fimarcon had collected a greater number of dragoons, or had been better supported, the affair would have been very important. They had then joined the rebels, who would have been entirely defeated ; but they have escaped, and have lost but a few men. "|| The Camisards had time to quit the place and gain an eminence before they were attacked : and their energetic reso- lution compelled their enemies to retire. About thirty women were with the Cami- sards when the alarm was given. They had carried provisions to their husbands and brothers, and found themselves com- * Flechier Letlre du 1 Ortobrc, 1703. t Ibid. aSrt.Oct., 1703. X 13th Nov , 1703. Nages is a village two leagues h est of Nismes. } Brueys. vol ii. p. 238. ( Fiddlier, Letlre du 13 JVbi-fmire, 1703. THE INSURGENTS DEFEAT THE ROYAL FORCES 403 pelled to fight for their lives. A girl of battle; their horses and arms were a wel- seventeen, named Lucrece Grignon, dis- jcome prize to Cavalier, who celebrated played great intrepidity, and stimulated his victory by divine service at Conge- her friends by her example. Shouting, nies* " The sword of the Lord and of Gideon,"j The sufferings of the Huguenots of she disarmed a wounded dragoon, and Languedoc were not disregarded by the joined in the pursuit of the flying soldiers. English and Dutch; but the supplies sent A reinforcement was coming to the assail- 1 for their relief were diverted from their ants, but their rout was too complete to destination. Pamphlets had been pub- allow a renewal of the combat, in which ; lished, showing the benefit which would Cavalier lost five of his comrades: on thejaccrue to the allies from supporting the side of the troops there fell a major, a Camisards; and several individuals were lieutenant, and about thirty soldiers, be-lactively engaged in promoting a move- sides a number of wounded. Cavalier ment of that nature — the Abbe de Bourlie, himself was nearly taken at the outset : j better known as the Marquis de Guiscard; he had gone out to reconnoitre, and was the Marquis de Miremont, and Lord Gal- intercepted by a cornet and two dragoons, ' way, a nobleman of French origin. In concealed behind some olive trees. He j addition, there were a number of in- was within pistol-shot when he perceived j triguing characters, who speculated his danger; and the cornet called to him alike upon the confidence of the Cami- by name, offering quarter. Cavalier re-jsards, and the liberality of the allies. It plied by instantly shooting him through is, however, certain that some measure to the head with his musket. He then assist the insurgents was -in contempla- awaited the attack of the dragoons with tion: ships were perceived off the coast a pistol in each hand. To encounter : of Cette in the autumn of 1703; and two such a foe was almost certain death : they refugees, bearing Dutch commissions, advanced upon him ; each pistol carried were arrested on their way to join the true; and Cavalier rejoined his comrades, drawn up ready for battle. After his victory he proceeded to Clarensac, where he dined and remained three hours ; during which interval he destroyed the walls, and preached a sermon,*— conduct highly characteristic of men, who aimed at imitating Joshua and the Israelite chieftains on entering Canaan. Laborde, one of Fimarcon's officers, was defeated by Cavalier at Roques d'Aubais.f He had four companies of dragoons, which he divided into two troops, in order to surround the Cami- sards. Cavalier likewise divided his force, to present a face to each opposing body. Confident of victory, the dragoons gal- loped down upon the insurgents ; when to their astonishment, their progress was Camisards. Their names were Jonquet and Peytau: the former was induced by promises to make important revelations: he was kept in prison until the peace of Utrecht. Peytau was firmer: he yielded only to prolonged torture; and although his communication preserved France from invasion, it did not obtain any commuta- tion of his sentence: he was broken on the wheel at Alais, and died with resolu- tion.! This incident occasioned some admo- nitory despatches to Montrevel; who, in addition to his former horrors, ordered general arrests of the Protestants, and the massacre of all who were found away from the places assigned them. He sent, among other agents, the brigadier Planque, who scoured the upper Cevennes, killing arrested by a band of sixty recruits: every one he found abroad, regardless of who had recently joined Cavalier; and sex or age. He destroyed all the mills who, for want of better weapons, were armed with slings. A shower of heavy stones threw the troops into confusion; and the main body of the Camisards, rushing forward, completed their defeat. Twenty- five dragoons remained on the field of * Coiir', vol. ii. p 121 t 17th December, 1703. and ovens in the villages with a view to compel the peasantry to retire into the towns. Some did so; but others, unwil- ling to abandon their homes, were put to the sword, to the number of nearly six hundred. | * Court, vol. ii. p. 175 t Ibid., vol. ii. pp.80— 85. j 20lh Feb., 1704. Villars, vol) ii. p. 137 404 THE INSURGENTS DEFEAT THE ROYAL FORCES. Were it desirable to crowd these pages with affecting or revolting scenes this epoch would supply entire volumes. The troops were excited to violence — unhap- pily, we know that they were urged on by the clergy. The bishop of Nismes has penned the following lines: " I see, in a part of the troops, so little zeal for the service of God and the king, that I do not expect great success from the contem- plated expeditions unless Heaven give ar- dour to our warriors."* His appeal was so well answered, that the Cadets de la Croix outstripped all expectation; and he found himself, soon afterwards, obliged to write to one of his clergy: "You must re- strain the armed Catholics. They should combat, and fight the wars of the Lord; and not plunder friends and foes."f The wholesale murders recently committed were not alluded to; but the plunder of a' Catholic demanded repression — alas! for the blindness of bigotry! There were scenes of barbarity on every side: if the cruelties of the troops, and their allies, the Cadets de la Croix, were described, justice would demand a list of the atrocities committed by the Ca- misards; and, in contemplating the chro- nicles of the time, it is some relief to meet with a military engagement, as a less frightful scene. The victory obtained by Cavalier at theDevoisde Martignargues}: was highly important, as it led to Mon- trevel's recall: it was, besides, a brilliant achievement in a military point of view. The marshal, being at Uzes, was in- formed that the Camisards were in that diocess, and sent La Jonquiere against them with a detachment of marines and some companies of dragoons. A rein- forcement of a hundred horsemen followed to support him. This detachment La Jonquiere sent back, as he had full confi- dence in his men, who were impatient to wipe away the disgrace of a former de- feat by Cavalier. Some heavy rains fa- cilitated his tracking the insurgents, who, finding themselves discovered, awaited the attack with their accustomed resolution. Cavalier made a suitable prayer in the hearing of his men; and, having exhorted them to fight manfully for their religion * Si le cif I n'echauffe nos guerriers." Flechier, LeUre ut forty badly mounted horsemen and two hundred infantry, in which account Crucys coincides. If so much discrepancy is discovered in a Flechier, in a letter written the day fol- lowing, after expressing himself in the coarsest invective against the fi/tiniics, re- marks that Cavalier entered into the ne- gotiation because he was afraid of being surrendered. " The reasonings of this peasant," observes the prelate, "are very coarse and savage, although he be preach- er, prophet, and general : still he is not without a fund of good sense for effecting his object."§ On the very day of the conference Rol- land completely defeated a strong de- tachment at Fondmorte. It was com- manded by Courbeville, who was killed, with four captains, six lieutenants, and above two hundred soldiers. Viala, an advocate, who had been active in troubling the Protestants, was taken with his son and nephew : all three were massacred. detail of no moment, need we he surp'ised to find va- riance on questions of real importance? * Mem.d Ctcaticr, quoted hy Court. t Villars, vol. ii. p 173. — Iliueys, vol. :i p. 315. J Court, vol. i. p 330. § Flechier, Lett re du )3.Mni. 408 THE COURT ACCEPTS THE TERMS OF THE TREATY. Holland obtained great booty in money, Rolland urging him to follow his example, arms and clothing.* This event doubt- 1 The Camisards were left in possession of less contributed to render the government Calvisson, awaiting the reply of the go- more willing to accede to Cavalier's pro- posals. Cavalier's troop was meanwhile quar- tered like the division of the royal army. He exchanged visits with the king's offi- vernment ; and during the interval were treated with more consideration than is usually shown for the regular troops. This did not, however, deter Cavalier from detaining hostages, and placing sen- cers; and in every place had public wor- tinels, as if hostilities had continued. The ship, with all the freedom of the best times clergy were horrified at the consequences of Protestant liberty. He wrote to mar- to be apprehended ; the whole population shal Viilars expressing his regret at the engagement of Fondmorte ; and having met D'Aygaliers, was urged by that gen- tleman to request a conference with the was in such rapturous joy at free oppor- tunities for worship according to their conscience, that the town resounded with accents of praise; and psalms and thanks- marshal. D'Aygaliers, whose mission was' givings were openly heard in the streets to make war against the Camisards, was land public places. The bishop of Nismes no sooner in their presence than the divi- thus alludes to the spectacle: " We have sions mingled, embraced, and joined in singing psalms ; while the leaders con versed on the line of conduct to be adopt seen Cavalier at our gates : his interview with the marshal and M. de Basville ; his submission and his pride ; the boldness of ed. D'Aygaliers convinced Cavalier that the scelerels who accompany him; the the happiness of all his brethren in religion 'assembly of so many unpunished mur- demanded his submission, and the Ca misard chieftain signed an offer to submit with his troops to the king's clemency.t After this preliminary Viilars hastened to bring the insurgent leader to positive terms, speculating probably on the effect derers ; the concourse of new converts who go to see them; the psalms they chant, and with which the Vaunage re- sounds; their sermons, in which they utter a thousand extravagancies, ap- plauded by all our people : the prophets which this increase of importance might | and prophetesses who spring up among have on the mind of an uneducated youth. ! them, and encourage the hope of the The arrangements for the meeting were! speedy re-establishment of their religion. — speedily concluded; hostages were left AH this greatly scandalizes and afflicts under the custody of Ravanel; and senti- the Catholics; and seems sad to endure." nels and piquets were posted to maintain But he adds, that the hope of restoring the a communication with the main body of! Romish religion makes them overlook the Camisards, before Cavalier ventured on entering Nismes.l Sandricourt, governor of that city, con many things* Basville represented to the marshal that such a scandal ought not to be tolerated ; versing with the marshal, endeavoured to! that the assemblies should be forbidden, prevent the conference, by representing ! and the troops ordered to fall upon them. the astonishment which would be caused by a low-bred man, known only by his crimes and rebellion, succeeding in con- Villars would not listen to a project cal- culated to revive the insurrection, and de- sired the intendant to be patient for some eluding a treaty of peace with his sove-jtime. He sent word, however, to the reign. Viilars replied by an allusion to chiefs to restrain their preachers from ex- the general advantage of the state; and travagance.t The marshal's biographer Cavalier was soon after announced. He makes no attempt to disguise his dislike presented his sword to the marshal, who to the Camisards, whom he styles misera- desired him to retain it; after which theyjble fanatics; but D'Aygaliers, who was conversed at length upon the projected ' present when Basville urged a renewal of pacification § After the conference Viilars wrote again persecution, has recorded an observation, highly to the marshal's credit. " There to court, and Cavalier sent a despatch to: is something very ridiculous in the impa * Viilars, vol ii p. 177 — Bru vs vol. ii. p. 3 1 9. t Coiir;, vol ii. p. 360. ! I6tti May, 17114. $ Viilars, vol. ii. p. 180 — Erue s, vol. ii. p. 327. I » Flrchicr, Letlre du 23 Mai, 1704.— Tile language of i Bruet s is similar. Vol. ii. p 331. I t Viilars, vol. ii. p 187. QUARRELS OF THE CAMISARD CHIEFS. 409 tience of the priests on tin's subject : I have who offered to proceed to Nismes and received I know not how many letters, learn the conditions offered. Villars and filled with complaints, as if the prayers of Basville met and discussed the terms as, the Camisards blistered not only the ears, before; and Salomon Couderc was au- but the skins of all the clergy. I wish thorized by the marshal to offer Rolland from my heart I knew all those who have a colonel's commission, with privileges written to me, that they might be basti- equal to Cavalier. It was soon evident nadoed; for I think it a very great impro- that Rolland would refuse such terms; priety that those who have caused these for Couderc, before he quitted Nismes, disasters should complain and disapprove delivered to Lalande a letter from the in- of the means used to make them cease."*, flexible chief to the marshal, observing, as On the 22d of May, the Chevalier de he gave it, that peace could not be ex- St. Pierre returned with the answer of pected, without granting liberty of con- the government to Cavalier's proposals. i science. Rolland's letter was to the same What were the terms demanded is not effect : his conscience he declared would known. Cavalier being accused of be- [ not permit him to depose his arms until traying his party, for the advancement of the edict of Nantes was completely re-es- his own interests, has given a prolix state- tablished, and the imprisoned Protestants ment in his Memoirs, which on a close were freed.* scrutiny will appear full of improbabilities: i There were unfortunately at this period such for instance, as the asserted fact of some intriguing individuals who if com- Villars and Basville signing a complete missioned by any party, must have ob- approval of his demands, on the day fol- tained their authority by misrepresenta- lowing the conference. Common sense tion : such were Sallier, Guiscard, Bel- would require the submission of such castel, and others, induced, by the despe- terms to the king's approbation; and nar- rate condition of their fortune, to obtain rators of every party agree that Villars the means of improving it, by serving the did so send them for the opinion of the allies, in preventing the restoration of court, before he ventured to sign the tranquillity in France. Two of these treaty. Basville was averse to the very | agents were arrested at Avignon; their last; and only signed as a matter of ne-i object was to encourage the Camisards cessity, such was his hatred of the see- by the promise of assistance. They were UratsA j punished, but other emissaries were more In consequence of the marshal's in- successful ;f and to this cause it is rea- structions from court, he delivered to Ca-; sonable to attribute the extraordinary valier a commission of colonel, with the scene which occurred at Calvisson, when right of appointing the officers of his regi-! Cavalier returned there, after meeting ment, which was to serve in Spain; and Rolland. a pension of twelve hundred livres.t In composing the regiment to be formed Rolland had not yet submitted ; but by virtue of Cavalier's commission, Ra- hopes were entertained that Cavalier vanel was named lieutenant-colonel, a would persuade him to accept terms, such post to which his bravery and successful as had been granted him; and for that expeditions fully entitled him. His mind purpose the Camisard chieftains met at was under that violent excitement, which, Anduze. Cavalier repeated to Rolland when based upon religious feeling, ex- all the arguments which D'Aygaliers had eludes all idea of fear, disregards every used in persuading him; but Rolland was earthly consequence, and almost renders not so easily drawn from what he deemed martyrdom an object of glory. The life the path of duty. He accused Cavalier he had led, the dangers to which he had of having betrayed the cause ; and vowed been exposed, the plaudits of his brethren, that he would not submit to any thing! which were obvious even in the thanks- short of recognised liberty of conscience, givings offered to the Almighty, and the The interview was very stormy, and constant habit of mingling warfare and might have had fatal consequences, with- worship, — altogether, it was no more than out the interposition of Salomon Couderc, a natural result, that he, one of the most * D'Ayjaliers, quoted by Court, vol. ii. [>. 401. t Brueys. vol. ii. p. 3H. J Villar?, vol. ii p. 187. 35 * Court, vol. ii p. 410 el seq. t Villars, vol. ii. p. 194. 410 QUARRELS OF THE CAMISARD CHIEFS. active of the Camisards, should have taken fire the moment a suggestion was made to him that their cause was be- trayed. Cavalier on his return to Calvisson* was questioned by Ravanel, in the pre- sence of the principal officers, on the con- ditions of his treaty with the marshal. A refusal to impart particulars increased the eagerness of the demand ; threats were uttered ; and when at length Cavalier in- formed them that they were to serve in Portugal, he was assailed with the epi- thets coward and traitor. Ravanel vow- ed that, for his part, he would not lay down his arms till religious liberty was granted, and their temples were restored. His violence caused Cavalier to draw his pistol ; but Moyse, a preacher, appeased the rising quarrel. With the exception of forty men, the troop of Camisards fol- lowed Ravanel ; and when Cavalier en- deavoured to change their resolution, above twenty muskets were levelled at him. Moyse again addressed the Ca- misards, and saved their late leader's life; but fearing a sentiment of attachment might win them over to the man who had formed them to victory, Ravanel and Moyse hastened the departure of the troop, which took the direction of Pierre- don, shouting, " The sword of the Lord !"t This unexpected scene, at a moment when the complete pacification of the pro- vince was hoped for, caused some display of severe intentions, deemed requisite as a warning. Almost immediately after Ravanel's mutiny, an ordinance was issued, forbid- ding religious assemblies ;$ and another fixed the termination of the period of sub- mission for the 5th of June; after which day the devastations of the preceding year would be renewed.§ At the same time Villars expressed his complete ap- proval of Cavalier's conduct; the remains of his troop were quartered at Vala- bregues, an island on the RhCne, and his offices were accepted by Villars, who postponed his measures of rigour until after the result of another effort, in con- cert with D'Aygaliers, to persuade the in- surgents to submit: with a further view * 28th May, 1704. .. + Court, vol. ii. PP- 424-431. Villars, vol. II. p. 169. Brueys, vol ii. p. 343. 1 Dated Nismes, 2Uth May, 1704. § Dated St. Geiiies, 1st June, 1704. of conciliation, he ordered the gibbets and scaffolds to be generally removed.* D'Aygaliers induced Rolland and Ra- vanel who had joined him to meet on a mountain near Anduze. Cavalier's ap- pearance gave rise to some animated re- proaches between him and Rolland ; but they afterwards embraced each other. Not so Ravanel : he repeatedly called Ca- valier a traitor, and a slave of Marshal Villars. Rolland was persuaded to ac- cept the proffered terms ; which, con- sidering all the circumstances, were very reasonable. Cavalier and Rolland were each to have a regiment, to serve out of the kingdom ; each might be attended by a minister; the prisoners were to be freed, the exiles recalled, and free permission to be generally granted for the emigration of the new converts. The Camisards who remained were to lay down their arms; and none were to be molested for their religion, if they remained peaceable. There was moreover full and complete amnesty. But Ravanel could not suppose good faith, on the part of a king who had. violated the most solemn engagements with the Protestants; he suddenly quitted them to harangue the troop, and impress his comrades with distrust. In conse- quence, when the negotiators of both par- ties proceeded to announce the result, an advanced guard seized on R.olland, and upbraiding him, carried him off to the main body. Cavalier was obliged to spur his horse, or he would have been sacri- ficed ; and D'Aygaliers, who was too far advanced for retreat, found himself as- sailed with reproaches, and his life in great danger, having six muskets close pointed at his breast, and a pistol at each ear. His good intentions were, however, so well appreciated by the preachers, that the Camisards were pacified, and he was permitted to depart without injury.! Meanwhile small parties of the Ca- misards occasionally rejoined their late commander: they were well treated by the marshal, and received great attention from the Protestants and new converts. They prayed and sang psalms so much, that the Catholics became indignant, and would have thrown them into the Rhone, but for the soldiers.t Cavalier quitted Valabregues on the * Court, vol. ii. p. 455. -f Ibid , p 459. J De la Baume, quoted by Court, vol. iii. p. 4. QUARRELS OF THE CAMISARDS. 411 22d of June, accompanied by one hundred and fifty men. It was considered that if the Cainisard leaders had acted in con- cert, they might have obtained favourable terms for the Protestants in general : the efforts of D'Aygaliers, however well inten- tioned, created jealousy, and destroyed combination. The little band was well received on their route. At Macon they found orders to halt; and Cavalier came on alone to Versailles, to confer with Cha- millard. The king wished to see the far- famed mountaineer. Cavalier was placed on the grand staircase, and was pointed out to the haughty monarch, as he passed; surprised and perhaps indignant, that one so young and homely should have braved his authority, he shrugged his shoulders and passed on. Cavalier being suspicious of some trea- cherous design on the part of the govern- ment, communicated to his followers a project of evasion. It was generally ap- proved: they traversed Montbelliard, en- tered Porentruy, and proceeded to Lau- sanne. Villars recommenced a system of se- verity the day after Cavalier's departure, by arresting every one supposed to be connected with the Camisards. All the prisons were crowded, and above five thousand agricultural labourers were im- prisoned on that suspicion, until they could give evidence of their catholicity. * At the same time a band of Cadets de la Croix, who had been imprisoned for their atrocities, were let loose upon the pro- vince, as auxiliaries to the king's forces.t The Camisards on their side resumed a hostile position ; but although they con- tinued their former system of warfare, they were less inclined to violence than before the armistice, of which de la Baume has recorded two examples.! Rolland meanwhile sent letters and messages to the marshal, declaring his willingness to surrender, but explaining that he was restrained by his own fol- lowers. Villars then informed the king that he had to deal with madmen, who after consenting to submit and receive the * Court, vol. iii. p. 54. t Plusieurs villars furont pilles el briiles par les troupes; on fit de nouveaui enleveinens parmi les pro- leslans suspects, el on autunsa de nouveau les course des Cadets de la Croix . . . les troupes regulieres fi sil- laient toos les t.'amisards dout elles s'emparaient. Ba ragnon, Jib. de f llisl. de Nismes, vol. iii. p. 203. f Court, vol. iii. p. 25. royal pardon, suddenly broke off, and stood upon the defensive. In one of his despatches the marshal observes : " If they continue this state of indecision, I shall constrain them by force."* The appearance of a hostile fleet off the coast of Provence gave Villars some apprehensions. A storm dispersed the squadron, and drove some of the vessels ashore; by which means two French refugee officers were captured.t The aspect of affairs became serious, and Vil- lars devastated and massacred, in imita- tation of his predecessor; at the same time the judicial vengeance was no less active. D'Aygaliers continued his efforts to persuade Rolland into submission, and a meeting was held at Durfort for discuss- ing the subject; but Ravanel's obstinacy prevented the success of the negotiation. That enthusiastic man, accustomed to re- gard martyrdom as the highest honour, was insensible to all idea of consideration for others, desirous of leading a peaceable life, although they would prefer death to the disgrace of abandoning their party in its decadence. In reply to an observa- tion made by D'Aygaliers, he declared with energy— " I adore God ! Cavalier is a traitor — but for my part, I will serve the Lord, even though thirty thousand devils would prevent it.".t The promise of a hundred louis d'or induced a young man named Malarte to betray Rolland's retreat.§ Paratte sent a battalion of infantry and some dragoons to Castelnau, where the formidable Ca- misard was to lodge, The approach of the troops was not discovered until escape was no longer possible. Rolland, half- dressed, with five of his officers, contrived to reach some trees behind the house, where they were discovered and sur- rounded. The resolute air of these i desperate men caused the officers present to hesitate : the marshal would have pre- ■ ferred taking them alive; but a dragoon * Villars, vol. ii. p 2C«. ) t Pierre Martin, a captain in the CiiL'Hsh service ; he , was hanged; His companion was Charles o> Goulaine, holding a Dutch commission ; he was beheaded. I D'Aygaliers, quoted hy Court, vol. iii. p 30. { Brneys. L,nuviel.-uil, and the Mem de Villars exult « upon a hit of scandal, respecting the demoiselles Oor> • nely. said to be the mistresses of Rolland and Ins com- * paaion Mullie. If true, the fact is not very important; ■ because the Camisards. from their station and circum- stances, could not he selected as specimens id' Protestant conduct : but, if false, how disgraceful for a party to ad- I vance such a calumnious argument ! 412 EXTINCTION OF THE PARTY. speedily settled theirdoubts.by levelling his piece at Rolland, who fell dead. His com- panions made no further resistance, and died upon the wheel with great firmness. Five bishops who were present at their execution were so lost to the require- ments of propriety, as to manifest an in- decent joy at the spectacle* Roiland's body was brought to judgment, and con- demned to be drawn on a hurdle and burned.t From this time the Camisards sustained repeated losses and discouragements. Ra- vanel remained undaunted, until all the other leaders had made terms with the government; and by the end of Septem- ber the insurrection was terminated. The Camisards were conducted under escort to Geneva ; they received the assurance that their captive brethren should be libe- rated, and that no Protestant should be molested on account of his religion .J Cavalier served with distinction in the allied forces, and at his death was a gene- ral in the British army. The arrange- ments he had concluded for his compa- nions would have opened for them an equally honourable career; but after the pacification of Languedoc, their position as discontented exiles made them an easy prey to political adventurers and agents; and particularly to such intriguers as Mi- remont, Guiscard, and Flotard. At the instigation of one or another of these men, most of the Camisard leaders returned to Languedoc. The Duke of Berwick had replaced Villars in the command ; and his vigilance detected a conspiracy for re- kindling a civil war in the Cevennes, as a diversion to favour the alliance against France. The death of Basville and the arrest of Berwick were to be the signals of insurrection : at least it is so asserted, and with some probability.§ The plot being discovered, the result was fatal to all the conspirators. Castanet was ar- rested in the Vivafais, and died upon the wheel at Montpellier. Ravanel and two others were taken in Nismes ; and Catinat was seized while passing the gates of the city in disguise. Ravane) and Catinat were burned alive; their two comrades were broken : all four suffered with al- * 14lli Aug 1704. Court, vol. iii. p. 56. t limeys, vol ii. p 377. I Court, vol. iii. p 92. § Menard attributes the most atrocious projects to these misguided men; but his accusation is too violent to merit refutation. Hist, de Nismes, vol. vi. p. 415. most incredible resolution; and as it was feared they would address the spectators, drums were beaten during their execu- tion. They had been previously tortured; but although three of them confessed pro- jects and accomplices, no pain could ex- tort a single confession from Ravanel.* A frightful list of executions followed; and, notwithstanding these severe exam- ples, fresh projects were set on foot in 1707 and 1709. The principles of the insurgents were still founded on the claim jof religious liberty; but they were the mere instruments of political purposes. Ere we quit this period of cruelty and I vengeance, the unfortunate destiny of the Baron D'Aygaliers claims a passing re- mark. This nobleman's well-meant ex- ertions procured him the king's approba- tion, and a pension of twelve hundred livres. But his residence in France was not permitted. On the payment of his | pension being withheld, he considered himself entitled to return to his estates, as the natural resource for his supply. The authorities of Lyons were informed of his project: he was arrested as lie passed through that city, and conducted to the castle of Loches, in Anjou, where he perished in an effort to recover his liberty. He had escaped from his cham- ber, by removing one of the window bars, with which he despatched the first senti- nel, when another soldier fired upon and killed him.f CHAPTER LXVI. Ri igns of Louis XV. and XVI. The remainder of the reign was occu- pied with military disasters and contro- versies between the contending sections of the Romanists. The amiable Fenelon and the dignified Noailles became in- volved in serious disputes through the vehemence of the Jesuit or Molinist par- ty; and even Madame de Maintenon was in some measure embroiled. The Je- suits were victorious, and the destruction of Port Royal displays the measure of their resentment. The death of Father La Chaise, an event seemingly to be desired by the * 22d April, 1705. Brueys, vol. ii. p. 484. Court, vol. iii. p. 194, t Court, vol. iii. p. 69. DEATH OF LOUIS. 413 Jansenists, and their off-set party the | opposed to the Molinist views. Yet, as they were conformable to the doctrines of St. Paul, St. Augustin, and St. Thomas Aquinas, one of his assistants represented the danger to which lie would he exposed, if he thus assaulted those pillars of Chris- some note: "Animated with the pride of j tianity. "St. Paul!" exclaimed Tellier Quietists, became a misfortune to the sects thus designated on account of the morose and vindictive character of the new confessor, Tellier, of whom the fol- lowing sketch is given by a writer of a wicked angel, endowed with a robust body, a mind strong and capable of great efforts; without the least social virtue, he had all the vices of a vigorous understand- ing. Imbued with the desire of power, of subjugating all to his society, and his society to himself; incessantly devoted to his purpose, he was feared by those whom he obliged, whom he enslaved; and abhorred by all others, even his so- with earnestness: " St. Paul and St. Au- gustin were hot-headed fellows, who would in these days be sent to the Bas- tille: with regard to St. Thomas, you may judge how little I care for a Jacobin, when I scarcely trouble myself about an apostle."* Under the influence of such a confes- sor, it is quite natural that sanguinary edicts should be issued until the close of ciety, which he rendered powerful and the reign; and a declaration published not odious."* His first appearance at court sufficiently announced his disposition. Aware that his penitent would be more struck by an apparent contempt of courtly honour than by the obsequious (lattery with which he was usually surfeited, he manifested from the outset that sternness of disposition which alone could impress the king with awe. When his name was first men- tioned, Louis asked if he was not related to the late chancellor, Tellier de Louvois. "Very far from it," replied the Jesuit, bending reverentially: " I am a poor pea- sant of Lower Normandy, where my fa- ther was a farmer."t The confessor, steady to the tactics of his society, immediately commenced his measures for injuring the Cardinal de Noailles, archbishop of Paris, whom he accused of Jansenism, to be avenged of that cardinal's assertion that he sold church preferment. Circulars were ad- dressed to the bishops, with directions for their conduct, and orders to denounce Noailles and Quesnel to the king: this scheme was, however, defeated by a copy of the circular falling into the cardinal's hands. It was made public, and Tellier was on the point of being dismissed.! Having failed in that plan, the Jesuit re- solved on persecuting Quesnel, whose works had been patronized by Noailles; and in searching for propositions to be condemned, he took care to select those * Duclos, Mcmoires secrets sur la re'gne de Louis XIV , vol. i. p. 135. t Mum. (In Due de Saint Simon, vol. iii. p. 201. Pans 1818. t La Beaumelle, vol. v. p. 131. 35 s long before the death of Louis is at once a monument of cruelty, injustice, and in- capacity.! L declared that a residence in the kingdom of those who had hereto-; fore professed the pretended reformed re- ligion was more than sufficient proof that they had embraced the Catholic religion, without which they would not have been tolerated. Further on, and in direct op- position to the concluding article of the edict of revocation, die whole body of Protestants were exposed to the rigours decreed against relapsed heretics, all who persisted in the pretended reformed reli- gion being deemed in a state of relapse. Within six months Louis ceased to live; and the heavy yoke which hypo- crisy and bigotry had laid upon the na- tion during the period he filled the throne was exchanged for the sway of a prince completely the reverse of the Grand Monurque, In this work it would hardly be fair to attempt a delineation of his character, the subject of these pages being almost exclu- sively connected with his blemishes, while the more brilliant scenes of his pro- tracted reign have had no claim upon our notice. The numerous panegyrists whose pens were enlisted to throw an aureole of glory around this " great era" of the French monarchy have contributed to mislead the judgment of subsequent times; but his policy, his published senti- ments, and his personal conduct must suffer seriously, when subjected to the analysis of impartial men. While hia courtiers were lavish in abject adulations, * Duclos, vol. i. p. 142. t Dated 8ih March, 1715 414 NEW PERSECUTIONS DURING THE REGENCY. he was detested by the people at large; and the indecent joy displayed on the day of his interment must have been grounded on some very obnoxious sentiments.* It may not be misplaced to insert here the opinion of a modern writer, compri- sing an idea which certainly should enter largely into the estimate of this monarch's character. "I demand of all sound minds, of all upright hearts, free from passion, — the Convention, whose chiefs are justly stigmatized for having substi- tuted the legislation of murder and ven- geance for the code of liberty, does it pre- sent in its decrees a single barbarous or immoral combination, the example of which has not been given by the council of Louis XIV. ?"t The question contains an overwhelming accusation, the answer to which is beyond doubt. As his successor was a mere child, the Duke of Oileans was appointed regent; and, during the period of his government a different policy was followed. His re- putation for impiety was an earnest that persecution on account of heterodox opi- nions would cease; and he commenced his reparatory measures immediately after the late king's burial, when the doors of the Bastille were thrown open to the victims of Father Tellier, who at first relied upon the authority of the deceased monarch's will, by which he was ap- pointed confessor to Louis XV. He pre- sented himself with confidence, and in- quired of the regent what were to be his functions until the king was of an age to need his ministry. " That is no concern of mine," the regent coolly answered: "apply to your superiors." This rebuff tormented the imperious ecclesiastic, whose brethren took revenge by preach- ing most fanatical sermons against the go- vernment.:}: Under other circumstances the Hugue- nots might have complained of the re- gent's administration, for he maintained all the edicts against Protestant worship; and, whatever may have been his real opinion in their favour, as has been pre- tended, he did nothing to improve their condition. § Yet, by comparison, they * Lacietelle, Hist, de France pendant le lime Sieclc. Vol. i p. 132. ■f De VEiat den Protestans en France, par M. Aignan, de l'Academie Frangaise, p. 23. % Lacretelle, ul avtea. p. 134. ,» An ordinance dated 20th July, 1720. pprmilted the establishment of a burial-place in Pans for Protestant were in a happy state: emigration in con- sequence ceased, and although no positive favour could be expected, they were free from apprehensions of fresh persecution. The Duke of Orleans was succeeded in the direction of affairs by the Duke of Bourbon, who had the weakness to ima- gine he could immortalize his administra- tion by renewing the severities of Louis XIV.; a new persecution was in conse- quence commenced by an absurd and odious edict, more cruel than that of re- vocation.* Children were torn from their parents to be educated in the Romish re- ligion; death was again decreed against pastors, confiscation against relapsed con- verts, and every kind of oppression en- dured in the late reign was renewed; and this disgraceful measure has been styled a masterpiece of Christian policy.! There was some abatement of the hor- rors of persecution while Cardinal Fleury was prime minister; yet the system did not terminate for many years; and, to judge from the writings of more than one prelate, an unabated desire existed to be freed from the presence of heretics. A memorial from the clergy in April, 1745, declared there was no hope of their con- version, and that there was rising up a generation of Protestants, more obstinate and headstrong than their fathers. "They may protest fidelity, and publish that the spirit which pervades their assemblies is free from revolt and insurrection; but they will be good subjects no farther than fear constrains them. "J Monclus, bishop of Alais, in reply to an intendant who was a friend to tole- rance, thus writes: " The magistrates have relaxed the severity of the ordinances, and thus caused all the evils of which the state has to complain. "§ Chabannes, bishop of Agen, about the same time pub- lished a letter, in which he laments the incurable obstinacy of the heretics, and foreigners ; but every precaution was taken that no French body should be interred there ; and the 6th clause especially declares that the public profession of the Pro- testant rejujion was not permitted, even to foreigners, who wi re forbidden all ceremonial in the sepultures; nor could any Frenchman be present * Dated May, 1724. This declaration, observes M. Boissy U' A riplas, forms the summary of all the t>enal provisions scattered I hroughout the laws of Louis XI V , some of w hich it renders even more severe. — Kssai sur la vie de Maleshcrbes, vol. i. p. 18. | CaVevrac, Ayologie de Louis XIV.. p. 449. i Proces Verbaux de l'Assem'dce generale du Clerge. quoted by Menard, vol. vi p. 601). k Reponse de M. l'eveque d'Alais, dated 6 Octobre, 1751. EXECUTION AND SLAUGHTER OF THE PROTESTANTS. 415 recommends that the state should he freed from them by permitting their departure. The bishop had heard indirectly that the edict of Nantes was to be re-enacted: this horrified his intolerant soul, and he composed a tract which is no credit to the Romish party. He commences by praising the piety of Louis XIV., who made the greatest sacrifices at the peace of Ryswick, rather than listen to any pro- posal in favour of the Protestants. '• He renounced the fruit of his victories, pur- chased with so much blood and toil; he even acknowledged the usurper of Eng- land, notwithstanding the ties which bound him to the dispossessed king — he granted all, he yielded all; he surrendered every thing except the return of the here- tics." The bishop then argues, that what Louis XIV. refused, being in the greatest difficulty, his successor cannot yield in the midst of prosperity.* This correspondence arose out of the inconvenience perpetually springing up, respecting marriage and baptism among the Protestants; a subject which renders it necessary to revert to an earlier period. Ever since the edict of revocation the ju- risprudence had assumed that there were no Protestants in France; while edict ra- pidly followed edict, inflicting penalties upon Protestants and new converts leaving the kingdom. The church of Rome declaring marriage a sacrament, could not administer that rite to any who denied its ecclesiastical authority; and in consequence, the new converts were called upon to give proof of Roman Ca- tholicism, before their marriages could be celebrated. The Huguenots sought their proscribed pastors in the deserts and fo- rests. When the benediction of a minis- ter could not be obtained, the blessing was pronounced by aged heads of fami- lies, awaiting the occasion of a pastor's arrival; and whenever it was known that a minister was in the country, multitudes hastened to meet him, to have a religious sanction conferred on their unions, to present their children for baptism, and to receive the sacrament of communion.t * Lettre rie M. rew^que'd'Agen a M. le contrdleut ge- neral contre la tolerance des Huguenots Hans le roy aume. It Mai 1751. This pamphlet was so eagerly Bought for that ii could nor be procured without difli culty; but it was reprinted, in 17.W, by Court, along with the Patrinte Fravvai ixamunuM. ei >»v" iiM . T.,;n«^nf l \T\ j I • minxerunt. Madier t therefore excite surprise that of Caveyrac's tfpologie, which is called " cet ouvrage immortel." Respecting Froment, we learn from M. Baragnon that his quarrel with the friends of the revolution was altogether personal in its origin ; that he was never the real chief of the Catholic party; and that the M. Barapmn blames the Protestants for i accounts of his services have been greatly the trou! les of 1790. He admits that in i exaggerated by his wounded vanity. His the publications of the Catholic party there ; correspondence with the Count d'Artois, are exaggerations, as well as in those and his zeal in the Catholic cause, are written by Protestants: but his avowed ; however admitted, pp. 446 — 8. preference for the statement made by M. In the terrihle episode of the Bagarre, de Marguerittes, mayor of Nismes, has .the question is, who was the aggressor1? caused him to overlook the circumstance and M. Baragnon unhesitatingly charges of its being a justification of the munici-'the Protestant party. 452 APPENDIX. " L'assemblee nationale, indisposee con- tre les catholiques par la petition du 20 Avril, savait que l'interet des religion- naries les liait etroitement a la cause de la revolution, et lest protegeait ouverte- ment: l'assemblee electorale etait entitle- ment a. leur devotion Toutes les contrees protestantes etaient en armes, et prevenues de longue main ; c'est sous ces auspices que l'assemblee electorale devait se reunir le 4 Juin." — P. 477 — 8. This paragraph decides the author's point of view : the version adopted in this volume will in consequence wound his his- torical susceptibilities. We differ widely in our conclusions; and public opinion is the tribunal which must decide between us. The writings of M. Lauze de Peret have been violently assailed by what is termed the royalist ■parti) in France ; yet the author is not aware that any detailed refutation of his statements has been at- tempted. He is moreover so very minute in dates, names, and places, that, if his as- sertions are unfounded, it would be a very easy task to controvert him. Se- veral highly respectable inhabitants of Nismes, Catholic as well as Protestant, have borne testimony to his veracity, by correspondence and in conversation ; and the best possible reply to M. Baragnon's account of the Bagarre is a passage from M. Lauze de Peret, published in 1818. Both these writers were advocates of Nismes, and equally near the best sources of information. "En 1788, en 1789, et au commence- ment de 1790, jusqu'au moment ou Ton discu ta la constitution civile du clerge, Popinion fut u-nanime dans presque toutes les classes; la revolution, e'est-a-dire une reforme qui n'etait pas encore revolution- naire, fut recue avec un enthousiasme aussi general qu'en aucun autre lieu de la'France. Mais dans cette meme annee 1790, des hommes qui ne voulaient au- cune reforme fonderent sur 1'opposition des cultes 1'esperance d'une opposition po- litique, d'une division qui troublat les esprits, qui fit preferer passionnement les interets particuleirs a l'interet public dont la raison s'occupe seule, et qui enfin, malgre les voeux naturels du plus grand nombre des Fran^ais, fit travailler les Francais eux-memes a 1'entier retablisse- ' ment de ce que l'autorite du siecle venait j d'abolir. C'est ainsi que l'on parvint a se i separer les uns des antres les catholiques \ et les religionnaries." 1 re livraison, p. 96. The official report presented to the Na- tional Assembly by M. Alquier comprises • the depositions of numerous witnesses, 1 who establish the charge of fanatical con- duct and threats on the part of the Catho- lics, in the month of April ; but those Statements M. Baragnon does not conde- scend to notice. The Bagarre occurred in June. The destruction of the capucin convent has been the subject of controversy. The death of M. Massip was the pretext of violence, according to the statement of one party he was killed by a shot, fired or or supposed to be fired from the convent — their opponents declare it was a malicious J colouring, intended to justify the assault. ! One fact is beyond doubt : M. Massip was killed in front of the convent, and M. Ba- ragnon offers the following truly ingeni- ous solution of a charge, rendered more ' intricate by the depositions of the monks 1 themselves, and especially by that of their gardener, who stated that the shots appeared to him to be fired from the con- vent : — " S'il nous est permis de donner notre opinion, d'expliquer la mort de M. Massip, et de faire concorder le recit de M. Mar- guerittes avec la deposition des religieux, nous dirons que des malveillans, postes autour du Luxembourg ou dans Tangle de la rue Notre-Dame, tirerent sur les rassemblement place a l'esplanade plu- sieurs coups de feu qui n'atteignirent per- sonne, et n'avaient d'autre but que d'ex- citer un mouvement; que ces coups de feu mirent l'epouvante dans la troupe, et que, dans le desordre qui en fut la suite, lu maladressc (Pun legionnaire donna la mort a M. Massip." — P. 501. A fourth volume, bringing the history of Nismes down to 1830, has been for some time announced, and the author re- grets that the delay in its appearance has prevented his availing himself of M. Ba- ragnon's superior advantages and skilful reasonings for correcting any erroneous nolions which he may have formed, not- withstanding the most scrupulous atten- tion in consulting individuals, residents of Nismes in 1815. THE END. LEA & BLANCHARD'S PUBLICATIONS. 3 THE GREAT NATIONAL WORK FOR DISTRICT AND OTHER LIBRARIES. THE EXPLORING EXPEDITION. PRICE ONLY TEN DOLLARS. NOW READY, BY LEA AND BLANCHARD, AND FOR SALE BY ALL BOOKSELLERS, NARRATIVE 10 to^ni9qnloiA ViO.l OF THE i.MOCf!/f MS DURING THE YEARS 1838, ;39, '40, '41 and '42. N., lD By CHARLES WILKES, Esq., U. S. COMMANDER OF THE EXPEDITION, ETC. A New Edition, in Five Medium Octavo Volumes, neat Extra Cloth, particularly done up with reference to strength and continued use, containing Twenty-six Hundred Pages of Letterpress, illustrated with Maps, and about Three Hundred Splendid Engravings on Wooi», Descriptive of the Manners and Customs of Savage Life; Arms, Implements and Utensils ; Portraits, Landscapes and Scenery; Remote and hitherto Undiscovered Localities; Strange and Savage races; especially throughout the Southern Pacific, jBpmilalfeyllfe Antarctic Ocean, Oregon and California. (Native of Ellice's Islands.) PRICE ONLY TWO DOLLARS A VOLUME. Though offered at a price so low, this is the complete work, containing all the letterpress of the •edition printed for Congress, with some improvements suggested in the course of passing the work again through the press. All of the wood cut illustrations are retained, and nearly all die maps; the large steel plates of the quarto edition being omitted, and neat wood cuts substituted for forty- seven steel vignettes. It is printed on fine paper, with large type, bound in very neat extra cloth, and forms a beautiful work, with its very numerous and appropriate embellishments. The attention of persons forming libraries is especially directed to this work, as presenting the novel and valuable matter accumulated by the Expedition in a cheap, convenient and readable form. SCHOOL and other PUBLIC LIBRARIES should not be without it. as embodying the results oi the tiR-b-i bciENTiFic Expedition commissioned by our government to explore foreign regions. 4 LEA & BLANCHARD'S PUBLICATIONS. United States Exploring Expedition. — Continued. That the extent and variety of the illustrations may be pro- perly understood, the publishers submit a list of them. MAPS. 1. Map of the World, showing the Track of the U. S. Exploring Expe- dition. 2. Low Archipelago, or Paumotu Group. 3. Australia and New South Wales. 4. Viti Group, or Fejee Islands. 5. Hawaiian Group, or Sandwich Islands. 6. Map of the Craters of Hawaii. 7. The Oregon Territory, with a Chart of the Columbia River. 8. Groups in the Western Part of the Pacific Ocean. 9. Upper California. 10. Sooloo Sea and Archipelago. 11. Map Illustrative of the Currents and Whaling Grounds. ILLUSTRATIONS ON WOOD. VOLUME I. Madeira Sledge. Curral, Madeira- Peasant's House. Wine-Carriers. Wine-Press. Madeira Boat. Porto Praya. Watering Place, Praya. Coffee-Carriers. Music. Mina, Negro. Tattooings. Ashantee. Tattooings. Mundjola. Tattooings. Benguelan. Congo Negro. Kasangi. Tattooing. Makuan. Takwani. Caffre Proper. Tattooing. Nyambana. Mudjana. Corcovado, Rio Janeiro. Slaves Sleeping. Porto Palace. Estancia. Guacho. Parhelion. Mirage. Mirage. Patagonians. Fuegian Paddles. Orange Harbour. Native Fuegian. Fuegians and Canoe. Fuegian Hut. Music. Music. Native Hut. Height of Waves. Porpoise and Schooner separating. Cape Horn. Relief at Noir Island. Music. Taking Grass to Market. Cordilleras, Chili. Peasant's House. Market Place, St. Jago. Viga of the Concon. Ox-Cart. Stirrups, Spurs, &c. Hearse. Pizarro's Autograph Amancaes, Peru. Gateway, Lima. House, Lima. Cooking at Casa Cancha. Plan of Pasco. Temple, Pachacamac. Ground Plan of Pacha- TOLUME II. Swinging, Tahiti. Paofai. Common Tahitian Ca- noe. Native House, Tahiti. Tahitian Girl with the Hau. Male Costume. Music. Trading Canoe. Fishery, Tahiti. Eimeo. Beating Tapa. Harbour of Pago-Pago. Music. Navigator Clubs, &c. Apolima. Parhelia. Tonga Fence. Tonga Gateway. King George's House. Mat-Screen. Fans, Baskets, &c. Ohwa Tree. Music. Music. Papalangi Ship. Devil Man. Samoan Girl. Tattooing. Samoan Canoe. Music. Samoan House. Samoan Pet Pigeon. Acrostichum Grande. Native Hut, N. S. W. Native of Australia. Music. Music. Native throwing the Boomereng. Flight of the Boome- reng. Native Weapons and Shield. M'Gill. New Holland Boy. Settler's Cottage, N. S. W. Daisy Bank. Macquare Island. Land and Field-Ice. Peacock Bay. Iceberg. Diagram. Vincennes in a Storm. VOLUME III. Music. Rotuma Chief. Native of Tonga. Native of Erromago. Canoe-House. Tui Levuka. Music. Tanoa's Canoe. Ava Bowls, &c. Feejee Girl. camac. Church at Banos. Fountain, Lima. Low Coral Island. Section of Coral Island. Canoe. Head of Native. Natives. Native Hut. Tattooing. Double Canoe. One-Handed Chief. Native of Paumotu Group. Coral Blocks. High Coral Island. Costume. Dean's Island. Trading Canoe. Diagram of a Base-Line by Sound. Diagram of Survey. Aurora Australis. Tabular Iceberg. Inclined Iceberg. Iceberg. Ice-Island. Porpoise in a Gale. Auckland Isles. Aurora Australis. Iceberg. New Zealand Pa. New Zealand Carving. Pomare's House. Woman and Child, N. Z. New Zealand Girl. New Zealand Ihu and Weapons. Mbure-House. Feejee Oracle. Cannibal Cooking-Pots. Mbure-House. Vendovi. LEA & BLANCHARD'S PUBLICATIONS. United States Exploring Expedition.— Continued. Thokanauto. Henrietta's House Wailevu, or Peale's Ri- Front of House. Dillon's Rock. Music. Asaua Woman. ILLUSTRATIONS ON WOOD. VOLUME III.— Continued. Somu. Chief's House. ver. Drinking Vessels. Head-dress of Chiefs. Feejee Clown. Music. Waicama, Feejee. Feejee Baskets, &c. Feejee Woman. Muthuata, Feejee. Stone Quoits, &c. Poe-Eating. Cook's Monument. Calabashes. Pendulum Peak. Keaweehu. Lava Jet. Lava Flow. Sand-Hills. Pandanus Tree. Union Island Canoe. Bowditch Islander. Drill. Trading Scene, Apia. Matetau. Bowditch Islanders. Ellice's Islander. Feejee Arms. Henry's Island. Diagram, Malolo. Wild Feejee Man. Feejee Drum. Upper Town, Somu- Monument. Feejee Drummer. Woman Braiding. Maloma. Airou. Toka. Ula. Mode of Building Hou- ses. VOLUME IF. Blowing Cone. Indian Dice. Cattle-Pen. Wailuku Falls. Edible Fern. Native House. Fish-Hooks. Chikeeles Fishery. Fort Vancouver. Rocking Cradle. Mission House. Fishing Huts. Dalles. Child's Hends. Fort Wal'.awalla. Indian Costume, (Male). Mat Hut. Indian Costume,. (Fe- Tatouche Chief. Feejee Canoe. Feejee Pottery. Cooking-Jars. Mode of Drinking. Mode of Sitting. Mode of Sitting. Likus. Feejee Wigs, &c. Mode of Carrying Bur- dens. Street, Honolulu. Indian Lodge.. Mounds. Fish-Hooks. Mount Rainier.. Mount Rainier. Indian Baskets. male). Falls of the Willamette. Music. VOLUME V. Makin Islander. Kingsmill Arms. Inhabitant of Makin. Kingsmill Idol. Ramsey. George. Carved Planks.. Costume, Ellice's Group. Masks, Northwest Drummond's Islander. Drummond's Island Warriors. Kingsmill Canoe. Woman, Drummond's Island. Girl, Peru Island. dians Pipes, Northwest dians. Hats, Northwest Coast Fish-weir. Pounding Acorns. Indians Gambling. Pack-saddles, Sec. Indian Burial Place. Callapuya Indian. Umpqua Indian Girl. Sacramento Indian. Shaste Hut. Vincennes on Bar. In- Japanese. Banca, Manilla. In- Rice Stacks, Luzon. Native of Luzon. Manilla Costume. Manilla Banca. Negrito Boy. De Fuca's Pillar. Sword, Manilla, Hatchet, Manilla. Environs, Manilla.. Saraboa, Manilla. Caldera Fort. Sooloo Canoe. Houses, Soia>g_. Riding, Sooloo. Sooloo Arms. Gentoo Monument. Hottentots. Refraction. Longwood, St. Helena. Cape of Good Hopci This valuable work has been received with the utmost favour by the press, both in this country and in England. From among numerous testimonials, the pub- lishers take pleasure in submitting the following: : We have no hesitation in saying that it is destined to stand among the most enduring mo- numents of our national literature. Its contribu- tions not only to every department of science, but every department of history, are immense ; and there is not an intelligent man in the com- munity— no matter what may be his taste or his occupation, but will find something here to en- lighten, to gratify, and to profit him." — Albany Religious Spectator. " Aware that the results of this movement on the partof the government, given in the language of the master spirit of the whole expedition, must be a subject of general interest to the community, the publishers, rejecting the prior edition as too private, throughout the country.' of the Times. -N. Y. Spiri: " No library can possibly be complete without .1 copy of it. The octavo edition is extremely rea- sonable, considering the value of the work, and the elegant style in which it is got up." — N. Y. Herald: " The work, while its details may be relied upon as every way faithful, possesses all the charms of a romance. It is written in an agree- able, captivating, yet unpretending style — and the, illustrations are admirably adapted to impart ad^ ditional attraction." — Pennsylvania Inquirer. " But the intrinsic value of the work is derived costly for the great mass of readers throughout from its contents, the incidents of the voyage and the country, have concluded to re-issue the entire the reflections, made upon them. The topics work in a more reduced, but still neat typogra- ; embraced in tho narrative are multifarious and phical form. To heighten the value of the nar- I of permanent importance ; — commercial, geo- rative it is plenteously interspersed with wood I graphical, physical, hydrographical, medical, sta- cuts, of no mean style of art, delineating the ; tistical, physical and ethnographical. The natu- most striking physical and artificial objects. — ral sciences will be indebted to these volumes These illustrations (amounting to over three hun- for many new and valuable facts, and the obser- dred) evince skill and tact with the pencil, while vations upon the various mission establishments the engravers have faithfully executed their visited by the expedition will prove of vast inw portion of the pictorial embellishments. The partance, not only to all who take an interest in, entire work thus completed must be hailed as such enterprizes, but to the world at large*"— a valuable addition to every library, public and N. Y, Commercial Advertiser^ 6 LEA. & BLANCHARD'S PUBLICATIONS. United States Exploring " Even at the reduced price, " The Exploring Expedition" is one of the most elegant works ever issued from the American press." — Boston Post. " We promise ourselves a rich treat in the pe- rusal of this work — containing the history of an Expedition, honourable in its conception and execution to the intelligence and munificence of our government, and prolific in its results of nau- tical and scientifical information of the most vari- ed, interesting and valuable kind. What library, nrivate or public in our country, would be com- plete without it." — Charleston Courier. " The cost of this edition is only ten doll ars, or two dollars a volume, a low price, consider- ing the magnitude, execution, and value of the work. It is worthy of a place in every library in the land, and its pagps should be familiar to all. In Europe, as well as in this country, it has attracted a great deal of attention." — Hartford Daily Courant. " This work is got up in the usual splendid styie of these gentlemen, and is most creditable to them. The paper, type and engravings, are all of the best, of the latter, particularly, we have never seen an illustrated work, English or Ame- rican, in which the engravings are so universally first rate. No family should be without this work. Another large edition is published at $25.'' — Lady's Book. " We have still to notice what we consider as the most valuable portion of the work, and which of itself is an ample return for all the expense in- curred by the nation in the prosecution of the undertaking; we allude to the chapter on currents and whaling grounds. We cannot too highly re- commend the subject embraced in this chapter to the attention of the mercantile public, and more especially to that portion of it engaged in the whale trade. We cannot conclude without giving oar meed of praise to the manner in which these volumes have been got up, both as regards their typography, and the numerous illustrations with which they are adorned; these are truly ex- cellent, and may be cited as the best proof of the advanced state of the arts in the United States. The narrative itself is told in a clear and engag- ing manner, and is exceedingly rich in almost every topic that can gratify public curiosity," — Hunt's Merdiants' Magazine. " The contents of this work are of the deepest and most general interest. Aside from the gene- ral desire to become acquainted with the actual condition of the earth which we inhabit, the nar- rative is closely connected with the pursuits of all in any way interested in commerce, in the various missionary undertakings by which the present age is distinguished, or in any pursuit of a wide and liberal scope. As a history of per- sonal adventsi;-e, it has all the attraction of ro- mance; while it derives a far higher value from the addition it has made to our knowledge of lands and seas, and men and things in regions of the earth which have hitherto been covered in obscurity. It is a book which every one should have, and with the contents of which every one should be familiar." — N. Y. Courier and Eng. ft It is almost superfluous to remark that Lieu- tenant Wilkes' narrative is one of absorbing in- terest. The specimens which have been hereto- fore submitted to the public, prove that it pos- sesses almost the fascination of romance. To say nothing of the numerous scientific problems Expedition. — Continued. elucidated in its pages, the details of adventure, incidents, hair-breadth escapes, imminent perils and voyages to regions little known and hardly ever explored, are alone sufficient to invest these volumes with uncommon attraction. In the pre- sent form they can be disposed of at a price within the means of thousands and they will doubt- less meet with a ready sale." — N. O. Bee. " We have adverted to the general character of this work in our notice of some of the preced- ing volumes, and we can truly say that each successive volume has only confirmed our very high estimate of its value." — Albany Argus. " It is as minute and as agreeable as any book of travels we have read, while the character of the investigations and discoveries lend a value and interest to the volume which the narrative of no private traveler could give." — Utica Ob- servei'. " With all these omissions, this edition is really a sumptuous one, and will be an ornament to any library, while the reading matter will be found to be eminently interesting and instruc- tive."— Buffalo Commercial Advertiser. " The inexhaustible fund of information scat- tered through its pages of countries hitherto but little explored and unfrequented, its valuable ac- cession to our knowledge of Natural History, in the departments of Zoology, Mineralogy, Botany and Geology, together with the carefully drawn sketches of the customs, religion, literature, po- pulation, resources, &c, of various nations of whom we have had but slight information, should claim for this authenticated and accurate narra- tive a place in every public and private library. It is written in a terse and agreeable style, clear and perspicuous, is beautifully and faithfully exe- cuted, doing credit to all, both publishers and author, and will constitute a rich and valuable contribution to our stock of American literature. The embellishments in this edition, to the num- ber of 300, are executed in the best style of wood engraving, faithfully delineating numerous objects described by the author, and not only ornament the book but render it far more ac- ceptable and valuable than it would be other- wise."— Baptist Record. " We congratulate out readers upon the issue of this edition, which will enable every body to read the work, and almost every body to own it. It is sufficient to look over the table of contents to be convinced that this work will furnish the reader with abundant amusement and instruc- tion."— Saturday Evening Post. " This great National work is one that every American must feel an exultation of pride in perusing — not only in view of the fact that so much has been accomplished, butthat it has been done by American citizens ; and so effectually done. And it is with great pride that we per- ceive that the acts and doings of the Expedition have been " got up" totally and completely American in all and every part. No library can he complete without Wilkes' Narrative." — Lancaster Am. Republican. " A great National work of this kind should be in all our libraries, private and public ; it con- tains a vast deal of scientific and geographical information, and must become a work of author- ity and reference." — Protestant Churchman. " But the books undoubtedly have a great and varied interest, and should be seen and read by as many as possible of the people of the United \ LEA & BLANCHARD'S PUBLICATIONS. 7 United States Exploring Expedition. — Continued. States. They not only give us descriptions of all sorts of men and manners and places encounter- ed in this vast traverse of the globe, but they pre- sent to the country a worthy view of a great and honourable National work." — Portland {Me.) Advertiser. " As it brings the reader into contact with various nations, portrays their habits and cus- toms, describes the appearance of many objects of interest, refers to natural history, in its several departments, and depicts many thrilling adven- tures, it cannot but be deeply interesting. It is a work not only to amuse, but to afford substan- tia] information." — Presbyterian. " It will form a most valuable addition to the library of every student— containing a mass of scientific information, and many interesting de- tails of travel and voyage." — Philad. Gazette. " The Exploring Expedition was an enterprise of great importance, and a detail of the results accomplished, is a matter in which every Ameri- can must feel the greatest interest, both for the sake of valuable practical science and for the credit of the country, under whose flag this ex- ploration was conducted." — Neat's Saturday Ga- zette. " This work is the first great National one ever published by us, and will be an enduring monument of the liberality and enterprise of our government, and which, not less than the im- portance of the discoveries to science and civili- zation, made by the explorers, should cause it to be highly prized by our citizens. The first volume of the new edition, which is just published, is a splendid one ; it is on good paper and is handsomely bound, and by this reduction in the price, is placed within the reach of many who would not he able to purchase the first edition." — Utrca Observer. " As the first scientific expedition fitted out by our government, every American must feel inte- rested in its results; and we take pleasure in saying that the author and publishers have pro- duced a book worthy of the country." — Banner of the Cross. " It is printed in handsome style, on good paper, and makes an elegant volume. The wood cut engravings are well executed, and ad- mirably illustrate various objects and scenes of deep interest to the reader. The Narrative is a worthy memorial of the noble enterprise, exhi- biting graphic descriptions of scenery, laws, manners, customs, and the various phenomena which came under his observation, in a style and form which entitle it to the cordial approbation of his countrymen." — Christian ObservpK " The great extent of the world traversed — the new and unknown islands and countries visited — the length of time spent and care taken in the examination of all that was new, curious and worthy of investigation — the groat amount of facts given — and the pleasing style of the work — render it by far the most interesting publica- tion of the season. It has additional attractions to an American. It is a national work, tlfe his- tory of the first, but we hope not the last; Explo- ring Expedition sent out by the United States. — Their work is "got up" in beautiful stvle, good paper, large fair type, and is illustrated by ten large maps and about three hundred engravings. It is published in five large octavo volumes, at the very low price of two dollars per volume." — Pittsburgh Morning Chronicle. L. & B. ALSO PUBLISH AND HAVE FOR SALE, A SPLENDID EDITION OF THE NARRATIVE OF THE EXPLORING EXPEDITION. Price Twenty-Five Dollars, IN FIVE MAGNIFICENT IMPERIAL OCTAVO VOLUMES - WITH AN ATLAS OF LARGE AND EXTENDED MAPS. BEAUTIFULLY DOJM E U P IN EXTRA CLOTH. This truly Great and National Work is issued in a Style of Superior Magnifi- cence and Beauty, containing Sisty-Four Ziarge and Finished Inine Engraving's, EMBRACING SCENERY. PORTRAITS, MANNERS, CUSTOMS, &c, &c. FORTY-SEVEN EXQUISITE STEEL VIGNETTES, WORKED AMONG THE LETTER-PRESS; ABOUT Two Hundred mid Fifty Finely Executed Wood-Cut Ft lust rut ions, FOURTEEN LARGE AND SMALL MAPS AND CHARTS. AN D NEARLY Twenty- Six Hundred Pages of Letterpress. It may safely be pronounced the most splendid work ever issued in this country, and the satisfaction which it everywhere occasions, is enhanced from the fact of its being purely national. Great care has been taken that everything concerned in its preparation should be wholly American, and the result has been such as to elicit the highest tribute of praise from all who have seen it, both in this couutry and in England. Avl A1** "\0 OO^. *• 8 LEA & BLANCHARD'S PUBLICATIONS. United Stales Exploring "It is quite equal to any of the handsomest! publications of the kind that have issued from our own press. Our eyes, so long spoiled by the typographical excellence of our own printers, are no longer «aught by mere excellence in printing ; but when we see a beautiful page in our own lan- guage, with the imprimatur, ' Printed by C. Sher- man, Philadelphia, U. S. A.,' we must confess a feeling of novelty is given to an otherwise fami- liar and ordinary object. Not only printing and paper are first rate, but the illustrations are in the best possible taste, and in great profusion. — If such beautiful works are wafted over the At- lantic by every steamer, (and such an event is not far from a probability,) Paternoster Row and Albemarle street must be on the look-out for a stout rivalry." — Douglas Jerrold's Magazine, {London). " We should be doing an injustice to the press of the United States, did we not say in conclud- ing for the present ourremarks on these volumes, which were printed in Philadelphia, that in paper and typography they may take rank with the best productions of the British press. The numerous illustrations, too, whether plates, vignettes, wood cuts, or charts and maps, are creditable to all the artists, both draughtsmen and engravers, engaged in their execution." — London Times. " TABLE TALK. OR; SPECTACLES FOR YOUNG SPORTSMEN. BY HARRY HIEOVER. In one duodecimo volume. This volume contains many amusing sporting Sketches and Anecdotes, embodying much useful information and valuable hints in nearly all the departments of English sport. 10 LEA & BLANCHARD'S PUBLICATIONS. NOW READY. INGERSOLL'S LATE WAR. HISTORICAL SKETCH -y OF THE . , . SECOND WAR BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA AND GREAT BRITAIN, DECLARED BY ACT OF CONGRESS, JUNE 18, 1S12, AXD CONCLUDED BY PEACE, FEBRUARY 15, 1815. BY CHARLES J. INGERSOLL. To be Complete in Three Volumes. VOL.UME I. EMBRACING THE EVENTS OF 1812—1813. ONE VOLUME OCTAVO OF 516 PAUES, Beautifully Printed, and done up in neat extra cloth, and sold separately. The connection with the government which Mr. Ingersoll has enjoyed, owing to his seat in Congress at various times, has furnished him with a fund of novel and curious in- formation respecting the events of the war and the persons who figured in that stirring period. Not only the operations and events of the time, both warlike and political, were seen by him, but also the secret springs and movements which directed ihem, and which could only be known to one situated as he was. " We do not remember ever to have read a more striking sketch than the one just preceding. — It is of a character with the whole book, and imparts to the style of the writer a degree of unusual Npirit, making it more like some well-told and ingenious story, than the detail of mere matters of fact. We have no doubt that Mr. Ingersoll's book will be rapidly purchased and eagerly read. Men of all parties will admire its frankness, and the numerous rich and long-buried stores of infor- mation with which it abounds. Even those who would assail, will pause before views so ably, so boldly, and so intelligently expressed, and portraits so critical and just." — Daily Union. ff There is a freshness in the volume which is peculiar, as the author — being in Congress during the period of the war — had opportunities which have rarely been offered to the historian. He was intimately connected with the leading men of the administration then existing, and he now relates much that passed under his notice. We have no doubt but that the work will be sought with great avidity." — U. S. Gazette. " The History of Mr. Ingersoll, we cannot doubt, will create no little excitement throughout the country. The universally interesting nature of the subject, the vigour and ability with which it is evidently written, and the manner in which distinguished men, living and dead, were connected with the great events it narrates, will combine to give it a very wide circulation. It will be in many respects the most marked publication of the day. We can see marks of a vigour of mind, a fulness of investigation and a striking originality of manner, which cannot fail to make the book exceedingly attractive to a very wide circle of readers." — X. Y. Courier and Enquirer. NEARLY READY. THE SPORTSMAN'S LIBRARY. BY JOHN MILLS, Author of " The Old English Gentleman." In one duodecimo volume. " It has been my object to render this work one of instruction and of reference, as to every sub- ject connected with our national sports. In the helief that the task has been completed in accord- ance with the design, I submit the work, in all humility, to the favourable consideration of those whom 1 am proud to call my fellow sportsmen." — Author's Preface. PREPARING. A NEW AND IMPROVED AMERICAN EDITION aI U '§' rI « c . » g i lAf '.i t fit s HAWKER ON SHOOTING. FROM THE LAST LONDON EDITION. WITH ILLUSTRATIONS. The Sporting world in this country will be glad to have at last presented to them an edition of Colonel Hawker's Standard Work on Shooting. It is well known both here and in England as the highest authority on the subjects of which it treats. LEA & BLANCHARD'S PUBLICATIONS. Now Ready, EASTS REPORTS. REPORTS OF CASES ADJUDGED AND DETERMINED • l in the vJLXri. A -MM. oni COURT OF KING'S BENOH. TABLES OF THE NAMES OF THE CASES, AND PRINCIPAL MATTERS. BY EDWARD HYDE EAST, Esq., Of the Inner Temple, Barrister al Law. EDITED, WITH NOTES AND REFERENCES, Br G. M. WHARTON, ESQ., OP THE I'HILADF.LPHIA BAR. In eight large Royal Octavo volumes, bound in best Law sheep, raised bands and double titles. PRICE TO SUBSCRIBERS, ONLY TWENTY-FIVE DOLLARS. In this edition of East, the sixteen volumes of the former edition have been compressed into eight — two volumes in one throughout — but nothing lias been omitted; the entire work will be found with the notes of Mr. Wharton added to those of Mr. Da}'. The great reduction of price (from $72, the price of the last edition, to $25, the subscription price of this) together with the improvement in appearance, will, it is trusted, procure for it a ready sale. Twenty-seven years have elapsed since the publication of the last American Edition of East's Reporis by Mr. Day, and the work has become exceedingly scarce. This is the more to be regretted, as the great value of these Reports, arising from the variety and importance of the subjects considered in them, and the fulness of the decisions on the subjects of Mercantile Law, renders them ab- solutely necessary to the American Lawyer. The judgments of Lord Kenyon and Lord Ellenborough, on all practical and commercial points, are of the highest authority, and the volumes which contain them should form part of every well- selected law library. These considerations have induced the publishers to have a new and improved edition prepared, to supply this obvious deficiency. The editor, G. M. Wharton, Esq., has added brief annotations on the leading Cases of the Reports, with refe- rence to the more important decisions upon similar points in the principal com- mercial states of the Union. At the head of each case will be found a reference to the volume and paging of that case in the English edition; and the original Indexes and Tables of Cases have been arranged to refer to the volumes of the present edition. The work may be had of the Publishers, or of Little & Brown, Boston; Gould. Banks & Co., New York; Derby Bradley & Co., Cincinnati, O.; and the prin- cipal Booksellers throughout the Union. WILL BE READY 1 1ST JANUARY. A PRACTICAL TREATISE ON THE LAW ITELATING TO TRUSTEES; THEIR POWERS, DUTIES, PRIVILEGES AND LIABILITIES; By JAMES HILL, Esq., f OF THE INNER TEMPLE, Tl ARRISTER AT LAW. Edited by FRANCIS J. THOU HAT, ESQ., OF THE PHILADELPHIA BAR. There is no work at present before the profession occupying the position of this; and embracing so widely and completely the duties and responsihilitips of Trustees, and the bearing of the Law of Trusts ; and thus, necessarily, involving the consideration of the whole Law of Real and Personal Property. 12 LEA & BLANCHARD'S PUBLICATIONS. MILLIARD ON REAL ESTATE. Wow in Press, and will be published early in January, THE AMERICAN LAW n ? A O -1 00F8 T iT rF r\ H REAL ESTATE, A NEW, GREATLY ENLARGED AND IMPROVED EDITION. BY FRANCIS HILLIARD, COUNSELLOR AT LAW. In two large octavo volumes, Beautifully printed, and bound in best law sheep. This book is designed as a substitute for Cruise's Digest, occupying the same position in American Law which that work has so long covered in the English. While it contains all that portion of the law of England which is applicable to this country, it embodies all the statutes and adjudged cases of all the states of the Union, thus presenting a complete elementary treatise for the use of students and practitioners in this country. The plan of the work is such as to render it equally serviceable IN ALL THE STATES, containing as it does the various modifications of the law as laid down for MASSACHUSETTS and MISSOURI, for MAINE and LOUISIANA ; thus presenting advantages which are possessed by no other treatise on the subject before the public. In this edition are inserted the statutes and decisions which are subsequent to the former edition. These are very numerous, and render the work at least one third larger than in the original form, bringing the view of the law on this subject, down to the present time, more fully and completely than is to be found elsewhere. That the author has succeeded in his attempt to present this difficult subject in a clear and useful form may be seen from the following recommendations from distinguished jurists of different states, in respect to the first edition. This edition will consist of two large octavo volumes of near eight hundred pages each, printed on large type, and with thick white paper, and bound in the best style. Judge Story says: " I think the work a very valuable addition to our present stock of juridical literature. It em- braces all that part of Mr. Cruise's Digest, which is most useful to American lawyers. But its higher value is, that it presents in a concise, but clear and exact form, the substance of American Law on the same subject. I know no work that we possess, whose practical utility is likely to be so extensively felt." " The wonder is, that the author has been able to bring so great a mass into so condensed a text, at once comprehensive and lucid." Chancellor Kent says of the work (Commentaries, Vol. II., p. 635, note, 5th edition): — " It is a w ork of great labour and intrinsic value." The American Jurist says: — " We have always found [in it] the information we were in search of, and the principles correctly and perspicuously stated." " The task he imposed upon himself was one of great toil, and he has resolutely and manfully performed it, evincing a patience of labor worthy of the students and jurists of a former age." ft The lawyer will here find, brought into the compass of two reasonable volumes, a vast amount of matter, gathered from many camel-loads of text-books, reports, and statutes, correctly stated." — Jurist, July, 1839. Hon. Rufus Choate says: — " Mr. Hilliard's work has been for three or four years in use, and I think that Mr. Justice Story and Chancellor Kent express the general opinion of the Massachusetts Bar." L. & B. have at Press and will Shortly Publish, A TREATISE ON THE LAW OF CONTRACTS • AND ON PARTIES TO ACTIONS, EX CONTRACTU. BY C. G. ADDISON, ESQ., OF THE INNER TEMPLE, BARRISTER AT LAW. With Notes and Additions, adapted to American Practice. A STANDARD LIBRARY OF WORKS ON HISTORY, BIOGRAPHY, &c. TO BE PUBLISHED BY LEA AND BLANCHARD. It has been suggested that the publishers might render an acceptable service to literature by •jhe publication, in a form for preservation, and at low prices, of a series of STANDARD works s»n History, Biography, &c. Many valuable works of this class are out of print in this country, and many new and interest- ing ones have been published in Great Britain, which should be republished here and added to our many private and public libraries. Though satisfied that valuable works of this class should be multiplied by republication, L. & B. have heretofore hesitated to reproduce them, from the fact, that the comparison of the prices that must be charged for such works with the very low prices asked for novels and light litera- ture, seemed a barrier to the presentation of those, which, from their limited sales, must neces- sarily be charged higher — they trust, however, that the time has arrived when a moderate edition of such works will meet with adequate support. Several of them are now at press, and others are preparing, which will be published in an octavo form, in double columns, on good paper, and with good readable type. Any work will be sold separately and at moderate prices. Among the volumes embraced in this series, will be found the following valuable works: THE HISTORY OF ROME: BY G. B. NIEBUHR. Complete ill Two Large Octavo Volumes, done np In Extra Cloth, or Five Parts In paper, price $1 00 each part* TRANSLATED BY JULIUS CHARLES HARE, M. A. WILLIAM SMITH, PH. D CONNOP THIRLWALL, M. A. LEOJNHARD SCHM1TZ, PH. D. WITH A MAP. The last three parts of this invaluable book have never before been published in this country, havingonly lately been printed in Germany, and translated in England. They complete the history, bringing it down to the time of Constantine. "The world has now in Niebuhr an imperishable model."— Edinburgh Review, Jan. IP44. " The History of Niebuhr has thrown new light on our knowledge of Konian affairs, to a degree of which those unacquainted with it can scarcely form an idea."— Quarterly Review. This edition will comprise in the fourth and fifth volumes, the Lectures of Professor Niebuhr, on the latter part of Roman History, so long lost to the world. Concerning them the Eclectic Review says : " It is an unexpected surprise and pleasure to the admirers of Niebuhr— that is to all earnest students of ancient history— to recover, as if from the grave, the lectures before us." And the London Athenreum: " We have dwelt at sufficient length on these volumes to show how highly we appreciate the benefits which the editor has conferred on historical literature by their publication." M These volumes will offer what has never before been presented to the public of this country — the great work of Niebuhr, confessedly the master piece of historical inquiry in modern times, in a complete form, for only two of the volumes now prepared have appeared among ns. Next to Gibbon's matchless book— the vastest monument of historic toil ever raised— the consent of all critics must place these remarkable volumes, the learning of which is crowned by a skill in the philosophy of institutions and events such as has never before been applied to the regular elucidation of the obscurer times of an important body of annals."— JVu- tional Intelligencer. MILLS' CRUSADES. THE HISTORY OF THE CRUSADES THE RECOVERY AND POSSESSION OF THE HOLY LAND : BY CHARLES MILLS. In one part, paper, price $1.00. MILLS' CHIVALRY. THE HISTORY OF CHIVALRY; ou KNIGHTHOOD AND ITS TIMES: BY CHARLES MILLS. In one part, paper, price $1.00. Also, the two works, Crusades and Chivalry, in one volume, extra cloth. FOR PUBLISHING BY LEA & BLANCHARD AS PART OF THE LIBRABY OF STANDARD LITERATURE. PROFESSOR RANKE'S HISTORICAL WORKS. HISTORY OP THE POPES, THEIR CHURCH AND STATE, IN THE SIXTEENTH AND SEVENTEENTH CENTURIES : BY LEOPOLD RANKE. TRANSLATED FROM THE LAST EDITION OF THE GERMAN, BY WALTER K. KELLY, ESQ., B. A. In two parts, paper, at $1.00 each, or one larfre volume extra cloth. I his edition has translations of the Notes and Appendices. " A book extraordinary for its learning and impartiality, and for its just and liberal views of the times it describes. The best compliment that can be paid to Mr. Ranke, is, that each side h.is accused him of partiality to its opponent ; the German Protestants complaining that his work is written in too Catholic a spirit ; — the Catholics declaring, that generally impartial as he is, it is clear lo perceive the Protestant tendency of the history." — London Times. THE TURKISH AND SPANISH EMPIRES, IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY AND BEGINNING OF THE SEVENTEENTH. BY PROFESSOR LEOPOLD RANKE. TRANSLATED FROM THE LAST EDITION OF THE GERMAN, BY WALTER K. KELLY, ESQ. Complete in one part, paper, price 75 cents. This work was published by the author in connexion with the " History of the Popes," under the name of " Sovereigns and Nations of Southern Europe ifi the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries." It may be used separately, or bound up with that work, for which purpose two titles will be found in it. HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN GERMANY: BY PROFESSOR LEOPOLD RANKE. Parts First and Second nine ready. Price Twenty-Five cents each. TRANSLATED FROM THE SECOND EDITION BY SARAH AUSTIN. To be completed in about Five Parts, each Part containing one volume of the London edition. " Few modern writers possess such qualifications for doing justice to so great a subject as Leopold Ranke. Indefatigable in exertions, he revels in the toil of examining archives and state papers ; honest in purpose, he shapes his theories from evidence; not like D'Aubigne, whose romance of the Reformation selects evi- dence to support preconceived theory. Ranke never forgets the statesman in the theologian, or the historian in the partisan.*' — Jjthevtrum. This book will conclude the series of Professor Ranke'a Valuable historical works. A HISTORY OF THE HUGUENOTS: A NEW EDITION, CONTINUED TO THE PRESENT TIME. BY W. S. BROWNING. The object of this work is to give a clear detail of the circumstances connected with the toubles generally called the Religious wars of France. Those events are interwoven with our own his- tory, and are frequently referred to in the present time. Among the many works which relate to the Huguenots, there is scarcely one that comprises the whole in a connected narrative ; and not one, in the English language at least, which is exclusively historical, and divested of all theological discussion. In the present edition, the progress of events is traced to the present time, comprehend- ing the fullest account as yet given of the tragical proceedings at Nismes, on the restoration of the Bourbons in 1815. MEMOIRS OF THE REIGN OF KING GEORGE THE THIRD : BY HORACE WALPOLE, YOUNGEST SON OF SIR ROBERT WALPOLE, EARL OF ORFORD Now first published from the original DISS* EDITED, WITH NOTES, BY SIR DENIS LK MARCHANT, BART. II These Memoirs comprise the first twelve years of the reign of George the Third, and close the his- torical works of Horace Walpnle. ' Of their merits.' to use the words of Lord Holland,' it would he impro- per to enlarge upon in this place. That they contain much curious and orlgifTal information, will not be disputed-1 In common with the memoirs of George the Second, they treat of a part of our annals most im- perfectly known to us, with the derided advantage of the period being one marked with events of a deeper i merest, and more congenial in their character and bearings with those which have since engaged and still occupy our attention. " — Preface of the Editor ],. & B. have still on hand a few copies of Walpole's Early Letters, in four large octavo volumes, and a'so of bis Suppressed Letters lo 3ir Horace Mann, in two octavo volumes. These volumes will possess peculiar interest to the American reader from their containing numerous notices of the early discontent* in this country, resulting in the Revolution. STANDARD LIBRARY CONTINUED. WALPOLE'S NEW LETTERS. THE LETTERS OF HORACE WALPOLE, EARL OF ORFORD, TO SIR HORACE MANN, His Britannic Majesty's Resident at the Court of Florence, from 1700 to 1785. Now first published from the original MSS. In four parts, paper, at One Dollar each, or two handsome octavo volumes, cloth. It was believed that the immediate descendants of some of Walpole's curious anecdotes and racy gossip might be pained by their early publication, and thus the wit of the dead has beeu restrained until the living should no longer be wounded by its piquancy. HISTORICAL MEMOIRS OF MY OWN TIMES, by Sir N. William Wraxall. In two parts, paper, or one volume extra cloth. This is the work for which, in consequence of his portraiture of Catherine II., the author was imprisoned and fined. " Wraxall is one of tiie most amuBing hoarders of Anecdotes of public men since the days of the memo- rable Boswell. These memoirs are distinguished for their refinement as well as the abundance of original anecdotes which they cuntain of all the personages of the day most remarkable for profound talent, for wit, or for beauty." — Blackwood's Magaiine. POSTHUMOUS MEMOIRS OF HIS OWN TIMES, by Sir N. William Wraxall. Ia two parts, paper, at seventy-five cents each, or one volume extra cloth. The author assigns a good reason for making these Memoirs " Posthumous." Taught by the experience of Iiis former series of Memoirs, that those in power dislike their Becret intrigued (o be laid open, he took the only plan to avoid the effects of their inevitable anger, and not only prevented the appearance of these interesting and amusing Memoirs during his life, but took care that they should nut appear till after the decease of George IV, then Prince Regent. The matters which made the work dangerous to the author, render ii peculiarly attractive U> the reader. L. & B. HAVE JUST PUBLISHED THE SEVENTH VOLUME OF MISS STRICKLAND'S QUEENS OF ENGLAND, containing the completion of Hie Lite of Queen Elizabeth, and the Life of Anne of Denmark, done up to match the six volumes already published in green cloth or lemon-coloured paper. THE KITCHEN AND FItUIT GARDENER, to match the Complete Florist, price 25 Cents. EELIGIO MEDICI; ITS SEQUEL, CHRISTIAN MORALS, by Sir Thomas Browne. Kt.M.D., with resemblant passages from Cowper's Task, and a verbal Index. Edited by John Peurce ; in one volume, 12mo., a neat edition. THE EIGHTH VOLUME OF MISS STRICKLAND'S LIVES OF THE QUEENS OF ENG- LAND; containing Henrietta Maria, and Catherine of Bragaiiza. To match the volumes already published. EVERY MAN HIS OWN CATTLE DOCTOR: containing the Diseases of Oxen, Sheep, and Swine, and the Anatomy and Physiology of Neat Cattle. By Francis Clater ; revised by William Youatt. Edited, with numerous additions, by J. S. Skinner. With numerous Cuts ; in one 12mo. volume. EVERY MAN IIIS OWN FARRIER ; containing the Causes. Symptoms, and Methods of Cure of the Diseases of Horses, hy Francis Clater am! John Clater. From the 28th London edition. By J. S. Skinner; in one ]2mo. volume. THE DOG AND THE SPORTSMAN; embracing the Uses, Breeding, Training, Diseases, &c, &c, of Dogs. An account of the Different Kinds of Game, with their Habits ; also, Hints to Shooters, with various useful Recipes ; by J. S. Skinner. In one neat 12mo. volume, w/th En- gravings. REMARKS ON THE INFLUENCE OF MENTAL EXCITEMENT, AND MENTAL CULTI- VATION UPON HEALTH ; by A. Brig ham, M.D. Third edition ; one volume, lduio. HUMAN HEALTH. HUMAN HEALTH; or the Influence of Atmosphere and Locality, Change of Air and Climate, Seasons, Food, Clothing, Bathing, Mineral Springs, Exercise, Sleep, Corporeal arid Mental Pur- suits, &c. &c, on Healthy Man, constituting Elements of Hygiene. By Robley*Duuglison, M.D., &c. &.c. *** Persona in the pursuit of Health, as well as thoBe who desire to retain it, would do well to examine this work. The Author states the work has been prepared " to enable the general reader to understand the nature of the actions of various influences on human health, and assist him in adopting such means as may tend to its preservation : hence the author has avoided introducing technicalities, except whore they appeared to him indispensable." i 16 LEA & BLANCHARD'S PUBLICATIONS. JUST ISSUED. SiBORNE'S WATERLOO CAMPAIGNS. WITH MAPS AND PLANS. HISTORY OF ''TUB WAR IN FRANCE AND BELGIUM IN 1815; CONTAINING MINUTE DETAILS OF THE BATTLES OF QUATRE-BRAS, LIGNY, WAVRE, AND WATERLOO. BY CAPTAIN W. SIBORNE. In one Large Octavo Volume, extra cloth. WITH MAPS AND PLANS OF THE BATTLES, &c, viz : 1. Part of Belgium, indicating the distribution of the armies on commencing hostilities. 2. Field of Quatre-Bras, at 3 o'clock, P. M. 3. Field of Quatre-Bras, at 7 o'clock, P. M. 4. Field of Ligny, at a quarter past 2 o'clock, P. M. 5. Field of Ligny, at half past 8 o'clock, P. M. C. Field of Waterloo, at a quarter past 11 o'clock, A.M. 7. Field of Waterloo, at a quarter before 8 o'clock, P.M. 8. Field of Waterloo, at five minutes past 8 o'clock, P.M. 9. Field of Wavre, at 4 o'clock, P.M., 18th June. 10. Field of Wavre, at 4 o'clock, A. M., 19th June. 11. Part of France, on which is shown the advance of the Allied Armies into the Kingdom. " When the work was first announced for publication we conceived great expectations from a history compiled by one whose access to every source of information was favoured both by interest in the highest quarters, and the circumstance of an official appointment on the stafT. We looked for a work which should at once and forever set at rest the disputed questions of the campaign. We were not disappointed." — Dublin University Magazine. "To Captain Siborne belongs the merit of having taken infinite pains to make himself master of his subject, and of stating his views both of events and of their consequences in a straightforward, manly, and soldier-like manner; his account of cavalry charges, especially in the affair of Quatre- Bras, the advance of columns, of cannonading, and the desultory sports of skirmishers, sweep you onwards as if the scene described were actually passing under your eyes. We now take our leave ol'Captain Siborne and his excellent work, thanking him, not only for the amusement which we have derived from his performance, but for the opportunity with which the appearance of a genuine English history of the battle of Waterloo supplies us of refuting some of the errors regarding it into which other historians had fallen." — FrazeVs Magazine. " In order to render the work complete, it is supplied with a great number of maps, repre- senting the field of battle at various hours of the day, so that the reader may have a constant refer- ence, by which to understand the new positions of the several commands, and the amount gained by the different armies. A part of the description of the battle is deeply interesting, from the exact- ness of the information, the close particulars of the sufferings, escapes, and courage of parties and individuals. The publishers deserve the thanks of general readers for such an addition to the means of correct knowledge, and the value of the library shelves, for we suppose no library will be with- out such an important work." — U. S. Gazette. " The author by a most rigid investigation, and careful comparison of the testimony of nearly all the surviving eye witnesses of those events, has produced a book that may be considered of as much authority as anything that can be expected on this subject. It is hardly necessary to say,'that it is full of the most exciting and thrilling details — and in reading it, one seems to be standing within hearing of the shouts of the conqueror, and the groans of the dying. It has passed quickly through two editions in England, and we predict for it an extensive circulation in this country." — Albany Atlas. * _ i Nearly Ready. A STJjW WORK OH COURTS MARTIAL. A TREATISE ON AMERICAN MILITARY LAW, PRACTICE OF COURTS MARTIAL. WITH SUGGESTIONS FOR THEIR IMPROVEMENT. BY JOHN O'BRIEN, Lieut. U. S. Artillery. In one octavo volume. \ LEA & BLANCHARD'S PUBLICATIONS. 17 NOW READY. In four Beautiful Octavo Volumes, with a Portrait. GRAHAME'S UNITED STATES. THE , HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES OF NORTH AMERICA. FROM THE PLANTING OF THE BRITISH COLONIES TO THEIR REVOLT, AND DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. By JAMES GRAHAME, Esq. EDITED BT President Q.UINCY, of Harvard College. WITH A PREFACE AND MEMOIR OF THE AUTHOR. Ill four beautifully Printed Octavo Volumes, NEAT EXTRA CLOTH, With a Fine Portrait on Steel. PRICE EICrHT DOLLARS. James Grahame, for some years an advocate at the Scottish bar, devoted his life to the elu- cidation of American History. A Republican in principles and religion, he entered into the annals of the early seekers of liberty in this country, with an interest and partiality which have generally been thought impossible for a British subject. He was, it is believed, the first person in either country who engaged systematically in the task of combining in one gene- ral work, all the elements which belong to a complete history of the United States, from their first settlement, to the Declaration of Independence. In 1824, after some years spent in gathering materials, he commenced writinghis history. In 1827, two volumes of it were issued, bringing it to the Revolution of 1688 ; and in 1836 the whole was published in four volumes, in a style at once costly and elegant. To this favourite subject he devoted himself with an ardour rarely equaled in the annals of literature. In order to procure materials before unused, he re- sided for some time in France and Germany, for the sole purpose of availing himself of the treasures illustrative of his theme, possessed by these countries, beyond the resources of public and private libraries of England, which he had previously exhausted. It can be rea- dily understood that a history like his, embracing republican views and opinions, and intensely American in feeling, met with little sympathy from the members of an established church and a constitutional monarchy. It was accordingly received by the literary arbiters of Eng- land with silence and coldness j and as no means were taken to make it known in this coun- try, it was equally disregarded. Nothing daunted, though disappointed, he applied himself to the revision and improvement of it, making many additions and alterations, from 1836 to 1842, when he finally fell a victim to a disease long impending over him, and brought on by the ardour and devotion with which he gave himself up to his favourite pursuit. For some time before his death, his greatest desire was to have his work reproduced in this coun- try, with the hope that the measure of justice denied him at home might be accorded him by those to whom he had sacrificed his life and energies. With this view, after his death, his son transmitted to Harvard College the MSS. and papers of Mr. Grahame, including the whole /materials for a new and improved edition; with a stipulation, that, if published, it should be in a form similar to the English edition. In pursuance with this request, President Quincy has kindly undertaken to edit this publication, assisted by the late Judge Story, Mr. Sparks, and other eminent men; he has added a most interesting memoir, containing extracts from his letters, journals and notes. A fine portrait on steel has been prepared, and the whole edition has been printed in a style to compare with the English copy. It is hoped that a work presenting such claims to the favour of all American citizens, will meet with ready encouragement. SCIENTIFIC PORTIONS OF THE EXPLORING EXPEDITION. L. & B. WILL SOON HAVE READY, The volume of Mr. Haj.e, embracing the PHILOLOGICAL AND ETHNOGRAPHI- CAL portions, in 1 vol. 4to. To be succeeded by Mr. Dana's Volumes on Corals, in one volume quarto, and a folio volume of plates. 18 LEA & BLANCHARD'S PUBLICATIONS. A NEW COOK BOOK. JUST PUBLISHED MODERiN COOKERY, IN ALL ITS BRANCHES, REDUCED TO A SYSTEM OF EASY PRACTICE: FOR THE USE OF PRIVATE FAMILIES. IN A SERIES OF RECEIPTS, WHICH HAVE BEEN STRICTLY TESTED, AND ARE GIVEN WITH THE MOST MINUTE EXACTNESS, By ELIZA ACTON. ILLUSTRATED WITH NUMEROUS WOOD CUTS. TO WHICH ARE ADDED. DIRECTIONS FOR CARVING, GARNISHING, AND SETTING OUT THE TABLE: WITH A TABLE OF WEIGHTS AND MEASURES THE WHOLE REVISED AND PREPARED FOR AMERICAN HOUSEKEEPERS. BY MRS. S. J. HALE, EDITOR OF "THE LADY'S BOOK," ETC. ETC. FROM THE SECOND LONDON EDITION. This work will be found to present one of the best systems, if not the very- best, of modern cookery. With the exception of one or two receipts, which are particularly mentioned, the whole have been per- sonally tried by the Au- thor, and are given as the results of her own experience. One of the distinguishing features of the work, and one which will prove o. great convenience to those using it, is the summary of the quantities of each ingredient, and the times requisite for preparing them, appended to every receipt, thus saving the trouble of searching through the text. The numerous wood cuts with which it is embellished, representing utensils, new fashions for moulds and pastry, &c, as well as the ordinary directions for preparing meats, will be found greatly to elucidate the. receipts. The name of the editor, Mrs. Sarah J. Hale, is a sufficient guaranty that the work has been well altered and adapted for American use. It is printed on fine paper, with clear type, and is well bound in fancy cloth, forming a very neat duodecimo volume of over four hundred large pages, containing about Eleven Hundred Receipts. It has been most favourably received by the press both in this country and in England, where it has passed through Three Editions in the course of a few months. OPINIONS OF THE PRESS. Miss Eliza Acton may congratulate herself on having composed a work of great ulilily, anil one that is speedily finding its way to every "dresser" in ihe kingdom. Her Cookery book is unquestionably the most valuable com- pendium of Hie an that has yet been published. Ii strongly inculcates economical principles, and points out how good things may be concoci ed wii hum that reckless exiravagdnce which good cooks have been worn to imagine the best evi- dence they cau give of sk ill in their profession. London Morning Post. The work before us strikes us as equal, if not superior, to any of its predecessors. Kitchener, in spite of its merits, which are not few or far between, is somewhat passe"; Mrs. Kundle scarcely retains her elevated position: she was always too recherchge ; and an opening still existed for a scient ific work on the "culinary art," which was in all respects "up to the day." Such a work, we think, is Miss Acton's; and accordingly we recommend it to the favourable notice of our readers.— Medical Examiner. The arrangement adopted by Miss Acton is excellent. She has trusted nothing toothers. She has proved all she has written by personal inspection and experiment. The novel feature of her book, which will greatly facilitate the labours of the kitchen, is the summary appended to each recipe of the materials which it contains, with the exact pro- portion of every ingredient and '.he precise time required to dress the whole.— London Alias. LEA . A COLLECTION OF COLLOQUIAL PHRASES, on every topic necessary to maintain conversation, arranged under different heads, with numerous remarks on the peculiar pronunciation and uses of various words ; the whole so disposed as considerably to facilitate the acquisition of a correct pronunciation of the French, 1 vol., 18mo. LES AVENTURES DE TELEMAQUE PAR FENELON, in 1 vol., l2mo., accom panied by a Key to the first eight books, in 1 vol., 12mo., containing, like the Fables, the text, a literal and free translation, intended as a sequel to the Fables. Either volume sold separately. ALL THE FRENCH VERBS, both regular and irregular, in a small volume. 32 LEA & BLANCHARD'S PUBLICATIONS. IWI$CF,LL,ANEOUS WORKS IN VARIOUS DEPARTMENTS OF LITERATURE. PUBLISHED BY LEA & BLANCHARD. Acton's Modern Cookery, with cuts, 12mo. cloth. American Ornithology, by Prince Charles Bona- parte. In 4 vols, folio, half bound. Addison on Contracts, at press. Arnott's Elements of Physics. 1vol. 8vo, sheep. 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To say nothing of his great practical experience, he is the author of the valuable "Inquiry into the Origin of the Laws of Modern Europe, &c." — War- ren's Law Studies. To be followed by a work on The Practice of the Court of Chancery by the same Author. Preparing for Press. A TREATISE ON THE LAW OF CONTRACTS AND ON PARTIES TO ACTIONS, EX CONTRACTU. BY C. G. ADDISON, ESQ. OF THE INNER TEMPLE, BARRISTER AT LAW. With Notes and Additions, adapted to American Practice. PRINCIPLES OF CRIMINAL LAW. In one small volume. Being part of a series of "Small Books on Great Subjects," the remainder of which will be shortly published, at a low price. TAYLOR'S JURISPRUDENCE. MEDICAL JURISPRUDENCE. BY ALFRED S. TAYLOR, LECTURER ON MEDICAL JURISPRUDENCE AND CHEMISTRY AT GUY's HOSPITAL. With numerous Notes and Additions, and References to American Law. BY R. E. GRIFFITH, M.D. In one volume, octavo, neat law sheep. CHITTY'S MEDICAL JURISPRUDENCE. In one octavo volume, sheep, with numerous woodcuts. TRAILL'S MEDICAL JURISPRUDENCE. In one small octavo volume, cloth. LAW BOOKS PUBLISHED BY LEA & BLANCHARD. HILLIARD ON REAL ESTATE, NOW READY. THE AMERICAN LAW OF REAL PROPERTY, SECOND EDITION, REVISED, CORRECTED, AND ENLARGED. BY FRANCIS HILLIARD, COUNSELLOR AT LAW. In two large octavo volumes, beautifully printed, and bound in best law sheep. This book is designed as a substitute for Cruise's Digest, occupying the same ground in American law which that work has long covered in the English law. It embraces all that portion of the English Law of Real Estate which has any applicability in this country ; and at the same time embodies the statutory provisions and adjudged cases of all the States upon the same subject; thereby constituting a complete elementary treatise for American students and practitioners. The plan of the work is such as to render it equally valuable in all the States, embracing, as it does, the peculiar modifica- tions of the law alike in Massachusetts and Missouri, New York and Mississippi. In this edition, the statutes and decisions subsequent to the former one, which are very nu- merous, have all been incorporated, thus making it one-third larger than the original work, and bringing the view of the law upon the subject treated quite down to the present time. The book is recommended in the highest terms by distinguished jurists of different States, as will be seen by the subjoined extracts. Judge Story says: — " I think the work a very valuable addition to our present stock of juridical literature. It embraces all that part of Mr. Cruise's Digest which is most useful to American lawyers. But its higher value is, that it presents in a concise, but clear and exact form, the substance of American Law on the same subject. I know no work that we possess, whose practical utility is likely to be so extensively felt." "The wonder is, that the author has been able to bring so great a mass into so condensed a text, at once comprehensive and lucid." Chancellor Kent says of the work (Commentaries, vol. ii., p. 635, note, 5lh edition) : — " It is a work of great labour and intrinsic value." Hon. Rufus Choate says : — " Mr. Hilliard's work has been for three or four years in use, and I think thai Mr. Justice Story and Chancellor Kent express the general opinion of the Massachusetts Bar." These volumes have been so much enlarged and improved by the introduction of recent American and English statutes and cases, that they may be regarded as almost a new work. The peculiarity of its embracing so completely both the general princi- ples and practical minutiffi of the Law of Real Property, renders it equally valuable to the student and practitioner. WILL BE READY IN SEPTEMBER, 1846, A FOURTEENTH AND SUPPLEMENTARY VOLUME OF THE ENCYCLOPAEDIA AMERICANA. BY HENRY VETHAKE, Esq., LL. D., ONE OF THE PROFESSORS IN THE UNIVERSITY OK PENNSYLVANIA, ETC., ETC. Thirteen years have now elapsed since the publication of the last additions to th« Encyclopaedia Americana, and the numerous important events which have transpired since then, the advance made in all the sciences and arts, and the number of distin- guished men who have become legitimate subjects for biography, render a supplement necessary for the numerous readers of this widely-diffused and popular work. In the hands of Professor Vethake, this difficult task has been faithfully executed, and in a short time those who possess the Encyclopaedia will be able to complete their sets. LAW BOOKS PUBLISHED BY LEA & BLANCHARD. NOW READY, EAST'S REPORTS. REPORTS OF CASES ADJUDGED AND DETERMINED IN THE COURT OF KING'S BENCH. TABLES OF THE NAMES OF THE CASES, AND PRINCIPAL MATTERS. BY EDWARD HYDE EAST, Esq., Of the Inner Temple, Barrister at Law. EDITED, WITH NOTES AND REFERENCES, BY G. M. WHARTON, ESQ., OF THE PHILADELPHIA BAR. In Eight large Royal Octavo volumes, bound in best Law sheep, raised bands and double titles. PRICE TO SUBSCRIBERS, ONLY TWENTY-FIVE DOLLARS. In this edition of East, the sixteen volumes of the former edition have been compressed into eight — two volumes in one throughout — but nothing has been omitted; the entire work will be found, with the notes of Mr. Wharton added to those of Mr. Day. The great reduction of price (from $72, the price of the last edition, to $25, the subscription price of this) together with the improvement in appearance, will, it is trusted, procure for it a ready sale. Twenty-seven years have elapsed since the publication of the last American edition of East's Reports by Mr. Day, and the work has become exceedingly scarce. This is the more to be regretted, as the great value of these Reports, arising from the variety and importance of the subjects considered in them, and the fulness of the decisions on the subjects of Mercantile Law, renders them absolutely necessary to the American Lawyer. The judgments of Lord Kenyon and Lord Ellenborough, on all practical and commercial points, are of the highest authority, and the volumes which contain them should form part of every well-selected law library. These considerations have induced the publishers to have a new and improved edition prepared, to supply this obvious deficiency. The editor, G. M. Wharton, Esq., has added brief annotations on the leading Cases of the Reports, with reference to the more impor- tant decisions upon similar points in the principal commercial States of the Union. At the head of each case will be found a reference to the volume and paging of that case in the English edition; and the original Indexes and Tables of Cases have been arranged to refer to the volumes of the present edition. A NEW WORK ON COURTS-MARTIAL. A TREATISE ON AMERICAN MILITARY LAW, PRACTICE OF C 0 URT S-M A E T T A L. WITH SUGGESTIONS FOR THEIR IMPROVEMENT. BY JOHN O'BRIEN, LIEUTENANT UNITED STATES ARTILLERY. In one Octavo volume. Extra cloth, or law sheep. "This work stands relatively to American Military Law in the same position that Blackstone's Commentaries stand to Common Law." — U. S. Gazette. LAW BOOKS, PUBLISHED BY LEA & BLANCHARD. WHEATON'S INTERNATIONAL LAW. ELEMENTS OF INTERNATIONAL LAW. BY HENRY WHEATON, LL.D., MINISTER OF THE UNITED STATES AT THE COURT OF PRUSSIA, ETC. Third Edition, Revised and Correcled. In one large and beautiful octavo volume of six hundred and jiftij pages. Extra cloth, or Jine law sheep. " In preparing for the press the present edition of the Elements of International Law, the work has been subjected to a careful revision, and has been considerably augmented. The author has endeavoured to avail himself of the most recent questions whicli have occurred in the intercourse of States, and has especially sought for those sources of information in the diplomatic correspondence and judicial decisions of his own country^ which form a rich collection of instructive examples. He indulges the hope that these additions may be found to render it more useful to the reader, and to make it more worthy of the favour with which the previous editions have been re- ceived." — Preface. Hon. Chancellor Kent says: — "The book is admirably got up as to paper, type, and binding, and the merits of the work were well worthy of all that attention and care. I entertain no doubt that the demand will equal your expectations." Professor Greenleaf says : — " It is a beautiful book, and does great credit to the publishers, as the work itself has already done to the distinguished author." " We are not surprised that a third edition of this profound and invaluable work has been called for. Its appearance at this juncture, when the exigencies of the country have directed every intelligent and inquiring mind to the study of the mutual rights and duties of nations, is opportune. — To the study of this glorious science, Mr. Wheaton has brought a powerful and enlightened mind, vast energies in research, and a compre- hensive and philosophical spirit. He is profound without being heavy ; and his style, while it has all the dignity which the subject demands, is animated and agreeable. The work is especially valuable in this country, as it treats, with great fulness, of the American decisions and views bearing upon the subject. Mr. Wheaton's work is in- dispensable to every diplomatist, statesman, and lawyer ; and necessary indeed to all public men. To every philosophic and liberal mind the study must be an attractive, and in the hands of our author it is a delightful one. The work is 'got up' by the pub- lishers in a style that might be adopted as a model for that class of publications. We are glad to see that the war against eyes, so long prosecuted in printing professional works, is being abandoned ; those who have not been already blinded by the mote-like minuteness of the type in the publications of some years back, will appreciate and enjoy the clear and expanded pages now before us." — North American. HILL7)N trustees. A PRACTICAL TREATISE ON THE LAW RELATING TO TRUSTEES; THEIR POWERS, DUTIES, PRIVILEGES, AND LIABILITIES. BY JAMES HILL, of the inner temple, barrister at law. EDITED BY FRANCIS J. TROUBAT, OF THE PHILADELPHIA BAR. In one large octavo volume. » As to the merits of the author's work, the editor can confidently say that, in his opinion, it far surpasses any other on the same subject. Every lawyer who peruses or consults it will most certainly discover that Mr. Hill writes like a man who has a repu- tation to lose and not to build up. Such writers are few and precious. The editor begs leave to iterate the important observation made by the author, that his work is principally intended for the instruction and guidance of trustees. That single feature very much enhances its practical value," — American Preface. « I I fiff iTinilrt ft - • . ' Pffiii?NiiiIihm.lM!Sal Seminary Libraries 1 1012 01220 9831