:.;-;K'>&^-!^* .yGr>U;^..X.^ "eî^J^&â^f?^^^^^^"^ ' PRINCETON, N. J. Shelf.. Division Section . . . Number. '-ihi,^\- IM • • f*^:>> j^':#C/^- ^. .>^\> I a^yir^ < -VC THE LIFE Of the truly Eminent and Learned Hugo G r onus. Containing A Copious and Circumftantial Hiftory of the feveral Important and Honourable Negotiations In which he was employed ; Together with A Critical Account of his WORK S. Written originally in French, By M. De'BURIGNY. I, O N D C N, Printed for A. Millar, in the Strand; J. Whiston and B. White, at Mr. Boyle's Head; and L. Davis, at Lord Bacon's Head, both in Fleet-ftreet. M DCC LIV. THE A U T H O R's PREFACE. /T" were to he wijhed that fucb a celebrated Genius as. Grotius had found an Hijiorian equal to his fame > for in this high rank we can by no means 'place thofe who ha've cojitented themfehes with giving a fuferficial account of his Life^ and a catalogue of his PForks. M. Lehman, to whom we owe Grotius's Ghoft re- venged, is much fuller than any that went before him 5 yet he is far from having taken in all that deferves ta he known of that illuflrious writer^ the two moji interefl- ing Dijlin^ions ofwhofs Life have been entirely negleileei hy all who have fpoken of him ; I mean his Negotiations^ and his fmtiments in matters of Religion. Gafpar Brandt and Adrian Cattenburg have in- deed publijhed a long Life of Grotius -, but the Dutch language, in which they wrote, is fo little known, that their book cannot be of general ufe \ with a view to which we have made choice of a more univerfal language, to communicate farther light concerning this excellent man^ whom every onefpeaks of, tho" few with any certainty. His being one of the moJi learned Authors that ever wrote, was not our fole motive for compiling his Life : A 2 for îv PREFACE. for if ive confider him only in that lights and with re- gard to the excellent treatifes with which he^ has enriched the Republic of Letters^ perhaps others may be found to compare with him. But his Life was fo diverjified^ and filled withfo many revolutions^ that what regards lite- rature is not the mofi curious part of it \ greatly differ- ing., in this refpe^^ from the generality of men of letters^ whofe Lives are only the hiflories of their works. Be- Jides, Grotius' s prudence on all occafions., his mo defy in profperity., his patience in adverfity., his fteddinefs in his duty., his love of virtue^ his eagemefs in the fearch of truth., and the arde-nt defire which he conftantly man- "tained for uniting Chrifiians in one Faith., dijiinguifh himfo adv ant ageoufly from mofi other Scholars., that his Life may be propofed as a model to all who make profef- fton of literature. It is divided ititojix Books. Thefirft prefents us with, the brighteft genius ever recorded^ of a Touth, in the hijlory of the republic of letters. The fécond contains all that is worth being known of the difputes between the Gomarifts and Kxm\n\zx\% ; the part Grotius took in them i his difgrace., and the manner of his efcape out of prifon. The third relates his tranfa5iions at Paris, and his retreat to Hamburg, where he continued till the great ChancelicrOxcnUdrnfent for him, to employ him in the important and honourable poft of Ambaffador from Sweden to the Court ^/France. The fourth and fifth Bocks give a detail of his Negotiations , which have ne- ver yet been publifhed. We have been accujlomed to con- Jider Grotius •*^' TABLE O F CONTENTS. g; BOOK I. ROTIUS's Origin : The Marriage of Cornelius Cornets with Ermengarda de Groot Page i Il.^fcjP He has a Son named Hugo de Groot, z III. Life of Cornélius de Groot, • ibid IV. Life of John de Groot, . 3 V. Birth of Grotius, 4 VI. Great hopes conceived of him when a boy, 5 VII. State of affairs in the United Provinces, 7 VIII. Embafly from the States to Henry IV. of France ; Grotius accompanies the AmbafTadors ; is very gracioufly received by the king, ■ ~ 9 IX. His mortification at not having feen M. de Thou 5 he writes to him; and keeps up an intimate correfpondence with him till his death, 1 1 X. Grotius gives an edition of Martiaflus Capella, 1 3 XI. Publifhes the Limneuçsxjx:?, i5 XII. Publifhes the Phoenomena of Aratus, ibid XIII. Cultivates the fludy of poetry, 1 8 XIV. The States nominate him their hiftoriographer, 21 XV. Henry IV. of France intends to make him his librarian 22 XVI. Commences Advocate ; diflikes this employment, 23 XVII. Is nominated Advocate General, 24 XVIII. Marries, Hid XIX. His treatife of the Freedom of the ocean is publifhed, Hid XX. Prints his book De antiquitate Reipubliçag Batavic^, 27 XXL Is CONTENTS. XXT. Is made penfionary of Rotterdam, 28 XXII. Voyage to England : difpute concerning the Fifhery, 29 XXIII. Grotius's intimacy with Cafaubon, 3 1 XXIV. A grand queftion decided by the States of Holland accord- ing to G rotius's opinion, 22 XXV. Sends Du Maurier a method of ftudy, 35 BOOK II. I. I ^tSPUTE between Arminius and Gomarus, '39 II. X^ Remonflrance of the Arminians, — 47 III. The troubles increafe, 45 IV. The edift of the States, 47 V. The States grant the Magiftrates of the Towns permiffion to levy foldiers; which highly difpleafes the prince of Orange, 49 VI. Grotius is deputed by the States to Amfterdam; falls iU through chagrin, , 50 VII. The projeft of reunion proves fruitlefs, 54 VIII. Prince Maurice difbands the new levies, 56 IX. Barnevek, Grotius, and Hoogerbetz taken into cuilody, 57 X. The fynod of Dort, 60 XI. Barnevelt's trial, 61 XII. Tlie fruitlefs felicitations of the French court in favour of the Prifoners: Earnevelt's execution, 63 XIII. Trial and condemnation of Grotius, • 66 XIV. Grotius is carried to the fortrefs of Louveilein, his oc- cupations, 74 XV. Grotius efcapes out of prifon, — 78 XVI. His writings on occafion of the difputes in Holland, 82 BOOK CONTENTS. BOOK III. I. ^"^ROTIUS airives at Paris, where he is well received, 88 II. VJi' State of the French miniftry: I>u Vair's letter to Grotius: the court grants him a penfion, ■ g l III. Grocius's occupations at Paris, 96 IV. Grotias publifhes his Apology: it is condemned in Holland: the French king takes him again into his protedlion, 97 V. He llill maintains great conneftions in Holland; corre- fponds with Prince Henry Frederic of Nafiau, 102 VI. He publifhes his Stobeus, aiid the Extraéls from the Greek Tragedies and Comedies, 103 VII. Goes toBalagni; is feized with the dyfentery ; publifhes the Pkcemii'se of Euripides, 105 VIII. The death of Prince Maurice: Frederic is made Stadt- holder ; Grotias writes to him, > 1 06 IX. Publiihes his treatife De jure Belli & Facis, 108 X. Has thoughts of leaving France, 1^3 XI. Returns to Holland, 118 Xn. Is obliged to leave Holland, • 120 XIII. Goes to Hamburg, — 125 BOOR IV. I. ' I '^HE High Chancellor 0;ienlleirn in\ntes Grotius to him : JL the high efteem in which the latter held the King of Sweden, 131 II. Grotius is appointed AmbafTador from Sweden to the court of France, . 1 — . — 136 III. Situation of the Swedes affairs, — — 137 IV. Grotius fets out for France, makes his entry into Paris, and has an audience of the King, • 141 V. DifcuITions between France and Sweden, 145 \'I. Arrival contents; VI. Arrival of the High Chancellor in France : a new treaty, i ç i VII. Difputes between Grotius and the minillers of Charenton^ '54 VIII. Grotius's feveral journeys to court, and his negotiations with the French miniftry : abftains from vifiting cardinal Riche- lieu, . 158 IX. Uneafmefs given Grotius, . 1 7g X. Difpute for precedency with the Venetian Ambaffador, 1 80 XI. Is of opinion that the Swedes ought not to fend plenipoten- tiaries to Co'ogn, ■ 183 XII. Difputes with the Venetian Ambaffador, 1 84 XIII. Quarrel between the Englifh and Swedes for precedency. /^. BOOK V. I. T^IFFERENT audiences which Grotius has of the French _L^ King 189 II. Converfarion between the prince of Conde and Grotius, 200 III. Grotius's negotiations in relation to tlie truce which was propofed: miitondudl of Schmaiz, ibid IV. Grotius is in great danger of his life, 207 V. Divers audiences of the king and queen, ■■■■ 209 VI. The death of the duke of Weimar — 214 VII. The eleftor Palatine is arrefted in France ; Grotius obtains his liberty, 21^ VIII. Grotius obtains the exchange of marfhal Horn for John de Vert, — 225 IX. Renewal of the alliance between f ranee and Sweden, 228 X. Deaths of cardinal Richelieu and the French king ; the regency of Anne of Auftria, — 230 XI. Cerilante is fent to France; Grotius demands to be recalled, 231 XII. He fets out for Stockholm, and applies to the queen to ob- tain his difmiflion, • — • — 235 XIII. GrotiHs's death, — — ; 238 BOOK CONTENTS. BOOK VI. I. y'^ROTIUS's embafly does not interrupt his literary labours,' VJ 244 II. He again applies to the cultivation of poetry, — 245 III. His notes on Tacitus, ■ — — 246 IV. — notes on Statius, — — — - ibid V. — notes on Lucan, — — — ibid VI. — Anthologia 247 VII. Antiquities of the Goths, 252 VIII. Annals and hiftory of the Low Countries — 256 IX. Treatife of the truth of the chriftian religion, — 259 X. Floram fparfio ad jus Juftinianeum, — — 265 XI. Commentaries on the Bible, 264 XII. Treatifes on Antichrift, and other theological pieces, 269 XIII. Of the origin of the people of America, — • 275 XIV. Other printed pieces or Manufcripts of Grotiua, 277 XV. Grotius's letters, — — 279 XVI. Grotius's fentiments in religion very diftant at firft from thofe of the Roman Catholics, ■ — ■ — < z%z XVII. His attachment to antiquity. — 283 XVIII. Leans towards the Roman Catholics, — 284 XIX. Is a partifan of the Hierarchy, — — 288 XX. His fentiments concerning the Eucharift, . 291 XXL His fentiments concerning the feven Sacraments, 293 XXII. Grotius's fentiments concerning feveral other points con- troverted betVv'een the Romai. Catholics and the Proteftants, 294 XXIII. His projecL for reuniting all Chriftians, — 302 XXIV. Is accafed of Socinianifm, — — 318 XXV. Opinior concerning Grotius 326 XXVI. An account of his family, 33? END of the Tabj-e of Contents. ] BOOKS printed for A. Millar in the Strand ; Meffieurs Whiston and White, at Mr. Boyle's Head, and L. Davis, at Lord Bacon's Head, both in Flcet-ftrect. Q^U *A R T O, Juft Publifhed, Printed on a fine Paper, illuftrated with Maps aud Copper -plates. Price One Pourid ten Siiiilings bound, The Second Edition, Revifed and CoJreded, of I. AN Hiilorical Account of the Eritilh Trade over the Caf- ,2\. pi'i-n Sea : With the Author's Journal of Travels from England through RufTia into Pcrfia ; and back through Ruffia, Germany, and fiolland. To which are added, The Revolutions of Perfia during the prefent Century i with the particular Hiftory of the great Uiurpcr Nadir Kouli. By JONAS H A N W A Y, Merchant. 2. Tables of ancient Coins, Weights and Meafures, explained aiid exemplified in feveral Differ tations. By JOHN ARBUTH- NOT, M. D. Fellow of the Royal Society, and of die College of Phyficians. The fccond Edition. To which is added. An Ap- pendix, containing Obiervations on Dr. Arbuthnot's DilTertations on Coins, Weights, and Meafures, by BENJAMIN LANG- WITH, D. D. Price i8 s. bound. OCTAVO. ■ 3. The Life of the Molt Reverend Dr. John Tillotfon, Lord Archbifhop of Canterbury, compiled chiefly from iiis Original Papers and Letters. By THOMAS BIRCH, D. D. Tie fécond Edition, enlarged. Price 5 s. 4. Memoirs of tl^e Life and Writings of Mr. WILLIAM WHISTON, M. A. containing alfo Memoirs of feveral of his Friends. Written by HIMSELF. The three Parts compleat, in Two Volumes. Price 9 s. 5. The Life of the Honourable Robert Boyle, Efq; with an Account of his great Improvements in Natural Pliilofophy. By THOMAS BIRCH, D. D. Price 5 s. 6. 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HE learned and illuftrious Writer whofe Life we undertake to give, de- rived the name of Grotius from his great-grandmother, married to Cor- nelius Cornet5. This was a Gentle- m.an of Franche-Compte, who tra- velled into the Low-Countries about the beginning of the fixteenth century, and coming to Deltr, got acquainted with a Burgomafter who had an only- daughter : He took a liking to her, all<.ed, and ob- tained her in marriage. The name of this iriagiftrate was Diederic de Groot, or Diederic the Great -, his family was of the firft dil- tindtion in the country; and had produced feveral perfons B of 2 THE LIFE Book I. of great merit *. It is Taid the name of Greatwas given to one of Dicderic's anceftors, above four hundred years ago, tor a fignal fervice done his country ; and it has been obferved '' that all who bore the name of De Groot diftinguilhed themfelves by their zeal for the public. Diederic de Groot had feveral important employ- ments, in which he acquitted himfelf with great ho- nour. The name of his only daughter was Ermen- garda de Groot : Her father, on giving his confent to her marriage, infifted that the children fhould bear the name oi De Groot -, and Cornelius Cornets agreed to it in the marriage contradb. There were feveral branches of the Cornets : one fettled in Provence, as we are informed by *= Grotius. II. Cornelius Cornets had by his marriage with Ermengarda de Groot a fon named Hugo de Groot, diftinguiflicd by his knowledge of the Greek and Latin, and his Ikill in the Hebrew. He died in 1567, fifth time Burgom after of Delft. He married Elfelinga Heemfkerke, of one of the ancienteft noble families in Holland, and by her had two fons, Cor- nelius, and John de Groot. III. Cornelius de Groot, eldefl fon of Hugh, was born at Delft on the 25th of July, 1544. He fhidied with much fuccefs at the Univerfity of Louvain, at that time very famous. The Greek and Hebrew he knew perfeftly, and was well acquainted with the Mathematics. The Platonic Philofophy pleafed him extremely, and he retained a liking to it all his life : lie had read all the books of the feft, had commented their works, and knew them almoft by heart. The Law wholly took him up afterwards : he went to ftudy it at the faculty of law at Orleans, the moft celebrated for that fcience, and took the degree of Licentiate. Returning home he followed the Bar: Ibme time after, he was nominated Counfellor and » Acad. Leid. ed. 1614. •> Vita Grotii ap. Batefmm, p. 420, c Ep. 364. ad Pe/refc. p. 91. Echevin : Book I. OFGROTIUS. s Echevin : William prince of Orange made him Ma- iler of Requefts. The Univerfity of Leyden being founded in 1575, Cornelius deGroot refigned his pod in the magiftracy, to follow his ruling inclination of being ufeful co youth ; and did not think it beneath him to accept of a Proleflbr's place in the new Univerfity : he firft taught Philofophy, and was afterwards made Law- profefïbr -, an employment that pleafed him fo much, he preferred it to a feat in the Grand Council at the Hague, which was feveral times offered him, but which he conftantly refufed. His reputation was {o great, the Grand Council often confultsd wich him on affairs of importance. Six times he v/as honoured with the dignity of Redor, a place of great hor.our and authority: the mem.bers of the Univ^er^ity, and all w^ho are enrolled in the Reélor's book, depend on his jurifdiclion ; before h'm their caufes, civil and criminal, are brought, and from his ientence there is no appeal : a revifal of it is all that can be de- manded. Cornelius de Groot died without iffue in the year 1610, on the fame day of the month of July on which he was born. He left feveral Law Tracls v/hich have never been printed. IV. John de Groot, brother to Cornelius and fé- cond fon of Hus;h, ftudied under the famous juilus Lipfius, v/ho elleemed him m.uch : in fome letters of that learned man to John de Groct he fpeaks of him with great commendation. There is one, writ- ten in 1582, in which Lipfius tells him., " You have " loved the Mufes, they have loved you, they will " love you, and I too v/ith thern will love yo.i.'* We have ftill preferved by his fon ^ a tranllacion m verfe, made by him in his youth of fome Greek verfes of Palladas. He alfo wrote a Paraphrafe on the Epifde of St. John -, which Piugo Grotius mentions in one of his Letters *. * Stobsus, Tit. 98. p. 413. « Ep. xxii. p. 761. B 2 Four 4 THE LIFE Book I. Four times he was Burgomafter of Delft, and Cu- rator of the Univerfity of Leyden : this laft was a place of great confequence at that time. There arc only three Curators in the Univerfity of Leyden j one is taken from the body of the nobility, and nomi- nated by them -, the two others are chofen by the States of the Province from among the cities of Holland, or the Courts of Juftice. The Curators with the Burgomafters of Leyden have the direâ:ion of whatever regards the welfare and advantage of the Univerfity -, they chufe the Profef-^ fors, and have the care of the finances and revenues tor payment of their falaries. John de Groot filled the place of Curator with great dignity and honour. Daniel Heinfius Wrote fome verfes in his praife, in which he ftyles him the Apollo and Protector of the Mufes. This dignity did not hinder him from taking the degree of Doéîor of Laws. In the remaining part of his life he attached himfelf to the Count of Hohen- loo, who made him his Counfellor. In 1582 he married Alida Averfchie, of one of the firft families in the Country ; by whom he had three fons and a daughter. He died in the month of May 1640. In the fame year his wife loft her eye- fight i ilie lived till the beginning of the year 1643 \ V. Of the marriage of John de Groot with Alida Averfchie was born the celebrated Hugo de Groot, better known by the name of Grotius : he was the firft fruit of their coming together. Almoft all who have mentioned his birth ^ fix it on the tenth of April 1583. The Prcfident Bouhier pretends they place it a year too late ; and that he was born on the tenth of April 1582. To prevent the authority of fuch a learned man, which has already feduced feveral writers, f Ep. 499. p. 8g8. Grotii Ep. 638. p. 948. s Athene Batava:. p. 205. Life of Grotius prefixed to his works. I.e Clerc, Hift. de Hollande, 1. 12. t. 2. See the Critical Remarks ttu Ba} le'i Did. cd. 1734. from Book I. O F G R O T I U S. 5 from miflcading others, we fhall fhew that by departing from the general opinion he has fallen into an error. Grotius writes to Voffius on Eafter Sunday 1615^, that on that day he reckoned thirty-two years : He dates another letter * to VofTius the twenty-fifth of March 161 7 -, Eafter-eve, " which, he obferves, be- " gins my thirty-fifth year." April 11, 1643, he fays he had completed fixty years ^, On Eafler-day. 1644. he reckons fixty-one years K He acquaints us in his Poems *", that he was fifteen when he went firft to France : he went there in 1598 ; and fpeaking of Eafter 1614 he informs us "he was then one-and-thirty. From all thefe different calculations it is manifeft that Grotius was born in 1583. It muft be owned, however, that the proof on which the Prefident Bouhier builds his opinion, would be decifive, if there were no error in the text of a ° let- ter written by Grotius to his brother, April 14, 1640, in which he fays, " I have completed my fifty-eighth " year;" but the other pafTages of Grotius juft cited demonftrate that the editors of this letter, inftead of incepi^ I have begun, read implevi^ I have com- pleted : which Grotius could nqt have written with- out contradiéling himfelf. VI, It was therefore on the tenth of April in the year 1583, that Grotius was born, at Delft. It was Eafter-Sunday that year : and he always obferved the anniverfary of that feaft as his birth-day p. He came into the world with the moft happy dif- pofitions. Nature beftowed on him a profound ge- nius, a folid judgment, and a wonderful memory. Several authors report 1 that being employed to re- view fome regiments he retained the name of every foldier. He was but eight years old, when, in 1591, he wrote fome elegiac verfes, very pretty for ''Ep. 55.p. 18. 'Ep. 95. p. 41. ''^Ep. 648. p. 952. 'Ep. 697. p. Q'j. '" Page 213. '^ Poemata, p. 217. ° Ep. 491. p. 896. f Ep- 490. p. Sgç. 1 Bonemanfius, Crenius Anim. Hilt, t, i. p. .20. Du iMauricr. B 3 that 6 THE LIFE Book I. that age : afterwards he thought them not goo4 enoùga to pubiilh. M. le Clerc informs us, that he had ùçvi a copy of them in the poflcirion of a very able man, who purp^Jied co vvrite the life of Grotius. l\othii:g coiitnbuted more to his amazing progrefs, than the excellent education he received. He v/as lb h:ppy, as to find in his ov/n father a pious and able governor, who formed his mind and his morals. He Ep. 1. p. I. April I, 1599. *> Ep. 2. p. I. = Ep. 3. p. I. ^ Poemata, p. 262. Ep. 54. p. 7. « Ep, 1581. p. 711. Ep. 325. p. 115. fEp. 3. p. I. Ep.4. p. I. It Book L O F G R O T I U S. 13 It was a thing infinitely pleafing, and at the fame time extremely honorable to a youth between feven- teen and eighteen, to be moft intimately connefbed with one of the greateft men of his time, already advanced in years, who filled a poll of much eminence, and whom all Europe beheld with admiration. The friendlhip and efteem of fuch a perfonage is the high- c ft encomium. M. de Thou gave Grotius, towards the end of his life, fmcere proofs of the concern he took in his quiet ■ and welfare. That great Hiftorian, who had expe- rienced the fiery zeal of fome Divines, beheld with pain his friend engaging in controverfies which would render him odious to a powerful party. As if he had forefeen what was foon to happen, he adviied him to drop thefe dangerous difputes. Grotius wrote him in anfwer, that he had entered into them only through neceflity, to ferve his Country and the Church ; that he thought himfelf obliged to obey thofe who wifhed he would write on thofe matters -, that, for the reft, he would avoid, for the future, all difputes which were not abfolutely neceflary. This Letter is the laft we have of the valuable correfpondence between thofe illuftrious men : the Prefident de Thou died foon after. Grotius wrote his Elogium m verfe, addreflTed to Francis Auguft'us de Thou his fon, and in this Poem, which was compofed at the time he efcaped from Antwerp to go to Paris, he appears to regret much that he had not the felicity to fee his illuftrious Father. It is looked on as one of the beft Grotius ever wrote. X. Grotius, who had refolved to follow the Bar, pleaded his firft caufe at Delft in the year 1599, at his return from France. The ftudy of law and poetry employed one part of his time -, he fpent the other in publifhing the works he had prepared for the 'prefs. The firft he gave to the public was Martianus Capella. This is one of thofe obfcure authors, who are com- monly not read till we have nothing elfe to learn : the title of his work is, Of the marriage of Mercury and Philology^ U T H E L I F E Book T. Philology, in t-wo looks ; to which are annexed feven other hooks on the liberal arts. The author was an African, and his ftyle, like that of moft authors of his nation, obfcure and barbarous ; which makes it not eafy to be undcrftood. Before this there was no good edi- tion of his works. John Grotius had put into his fon's hands a manufcript of Capella : Hugo fliewed it to Scahger -, and this learned man, whofe counfels were commands to the young Grotius, engaged him to ftudy that author, and publilh a new edition of him. Though Grotius was then but fourteen, the diffi- culty of the undertaking did not difcourage him; he read all the works that had relation to the matters Capella treated of; and at length acquitted himftif of the tafk enjoined him by Scaliger with fuch abili- ties and fuccefs, as, to ufe Mr. Baillet's words, afto- nifhed the whole world. The work appeared in 1599. ^^ would have been» publifhed before, but for his journey to France, ^nd lome delays occafioned by the bookfeller. Grotiu» alfo informs us, that he would have printed it fooner, had he been lefs taken up with the fiudy of the law. To judge of Grotius' labour it will be fu^icient to read what he fays in the preface. " We have col- " lated Capella with the feveral auihors who hvtve ** treated the fame fubjcfts : in the tv,o firlt books " with thofe who have written of the fenti merits af ** the ancient Philofophers, Apuleius, A Ibricuo, and *' others too tedious to name ; on Grammar we have *' compared him with Grammariars : v.hat he has •' faid on Rhetoric, with Cicero ard Aquila; on ** Logic, with Porphyry, Ariftotle, CafTiodorus, Apu- *' ieius ; on Geography, with Strabo, Mela, Soliniis,; ** Ptolemy, but chiefly Pliny -, on ArivhrniCtic, with *' Euclid -, on Aftronomy, with Hygin, and the reft '* who have treated that fubjed: -, on Mufic, with " Cleonides, Vitruvius, Boëthius." Rightly Book I. O F G R O T I U S. 15 /~Ri^htly to underftand Capclla requires an ac- quaintance with all the Sciences. The principal ule of his book is to Ihew how tar the knowledge of the Ancients extended. Grotius, when in France, had often the hoiiour of paying his court to the young Prince of Conde, at that time prefumptive heir of the crown : he was fo well pleafed with his genius, and learning, which was above his years, that he de- dicated his Capella to him. The dedication is dated December 29, 1598. Men of the greateft learning publickly expreffed their furprife to fee a child of fifteen produce a work that would have done honour to the moft celebrated Man of Letters. Scaliger made a very high enco- mium on the young author in fome fine vcrles which are much to Grotius' honour. The Prefident de Thou was very well pleafed with Capella. s Cafiiubon de- clared that whatever high idea he might have of Gro- tius' labour, the luccefs exceeded his hopes. ^ Vof- fius, in fine, after aiïliring Grotius that he had very happily reflored Capclla^ compares the editor to Erafmus ; and affirms that the whole world could not produce a man of greater learning than Gro- tius *. The more we confider this work, the greater diffi- culty we have to believe it to have been executed by a boy. We would fometimes be inclined to think the great Scaliger had a hand in it -, but this is only a conje6i:ure : that Grotius was afililed by his father is very certain -, he tells us fo himfelf. Some perhaps will be gla"d to know how Grotius managed with the bookfellers : for even little details that relate to famous men yield a pleafure. He never took money for the copy, though, he tells us, fome people of good fortune were not fo delicate : but he afked a hundred books on large paper hand- fom.ely bound, to make prefents to his friends ; it s Ep.Gr. 3. p. I. ^Ep.Cauf. 1030. ^De Hift. Lat. lib. 3. being i6 THE LIFE Book I. being unjuft, he faid, that while he ferved the pub- lic and enriched the bookfellers, he fhould injure his own fortune. XL The fame year, 1599, Grotius pubHfhed an- other work which difcovered as much knowledge of the abftraft fciences in particular, as the edition of Mûrtianus Capella did of his learning in general. Stevin, Mathematician to Prince Maurice of Naf- fau, had by his orders compofed a fmall treatife for the inftrudlion of pilots in finding a Ihrp's place at fea. He formed a table of the variations of the needle, according to the obfervations of Plancius, a famous geographer, and added directions how to ufe it. Grotius tranllated into Latin thi^ work, which hr could not have underftood without knowing the Ma- thematics, and particularly Mechanics ; Statics, and the art of working a fhip, and of finding her place at fea, being branches of that fcience. This tranflation he dedicated to the Republic of Venice by a letter dated i^pril i, 1599 ; in which he fays, that having been in France about a year before, with the Ambafiàdors of the States, he there faw Signior Contarini, Ambafiador of Venice ; that a comparifon happening to be made in converfation between the Republics of Holland and Venice, he im- mediately refolved to dedicate to the Venetians the firft work he publifhed that might be agreeable, or wor- thy to be prefented to them ; that an opportunity now offer'd of fulfilling this refolution, and that he de- dicated to them the tranflation of Stevin's work be* caufe Prince Maurice had recommended it to the colleges of the Admiralty to be ftudied by all officers of the Navy ; and as the Republic of Venice atten- tively cultivated Navigation, this book might be as ' ufeful to her as to Holland. XII. The year following, that is to fay, 1600, Grotius publifhed the Treatife which Aratus, of Sola in Cilicia, compofed in Greek on Aftronomy, two hundred and fome odd years before the birth of Chriil. Book I. OFGROTIUS. 17 Chrift. It is known by the name of the Phccnomn.a of Aratus. The title fully Ihevvs what Grotius gives in this book. It contains the Phrsnomena or /: ..s in Greek with Cicero's Latin interpretation, the places where Cicero's Tranflation is wanting being iapj^wicv -, a Tranflation of the fame Phsenomena, afcribed to Germanicus -, the fragment of Aratus's Prognoftics, and the forms of the conftellations as found in a Ma- nufcript -, with Remarks ,upon the whole, the Para- phrafe of Feftus Avienus, and marginal notes. This work is dedicated to the States of Holland and Weft Frieîland : the author in the dedication promifes them others more confiderable. The book is a prodigy of fciencc and erudition : it difcovers a great knowledge of Phyfics, and efpecially of Aftro- nomy. The Latin verfes made by Grotius to fupply thofe of Cicero that were loft, are not inferior to the lines of that great man, in the opinion of the Abbé d'Olivet, an excellent judge, who likewife thinks the fupplement a very good commentary on Aratus's work. The corrections made by Grotius in the Greek are moft judicious -, and his notes fhew he had read feveral of the Rabbi's, and had fome tindlure of the Arabic. Scaliger ^, M. de Thou, and Lipfius, fpeak of this edition with the iiigheft praife, Lipfius, in thank- ing Grotius for his Aratus, fays that notwithftanding his childhood he looks on him as his friend : he con- gratulates him, that, tho' ïo very young, he had by force of genius and labour accomplifhed what few could do in the fiower of their age ^ Cafaubon "^ tells us, every one was furprifed at fuch an extraordinary production. Bonaventura Vulcanus, who took occafion from Grotius's publifti- ing this book, to write his elogium in verfe, fays in the conclufion, that Apollo had opened to him his fanétuary, and that he was himfelf an Apollo. ^ Ep. Seal. 375. Ep. Gr. 2. 1 Ep. Lipf. ad B^îgas, Cent. 3. p. 83. •" Ep. 130. C Grotius's i8 THE LIFE Book I. Grotius's modefly would not permit him to leave us ignorant that he had been afTifted by his Father in this work. It may be proper to obferve, that a libra- ry in Germany contains a copy of Grotius's edition of the Phasnomena of Aratus, collated with an ancient manufcript by the learned Nicholas Heinfius, who has added fome Notes °. XIII. Thefe grave and profound ftudies did not hinder Grotius from cultivating Poetry. He had made fome verfes in his childhood which were thought very pretty : he continued this manner of writing in the midft of his greateft occupations, and with fuch fuccefs, that he was looked on as one of the beft Poets in Europe. The Profopopœia° in which he makes the city of Oftend fpeak, after being three years befieged by the Spaniards, is reckoned one of the beft pieces of verfe fince the Auguftan age. Public fame gave it at firft to Scaliger becaufe he was confidered as the greateft poet of that time. The celebrated Peyrefc p hinted it to that learned man, who made anfwer, he was too old not to be the averfion of the Virgins of Helicon ; and that the verfes were not written by him, but by Grotius, a moft accompliftied youth. Notwithftanding this declaration, Mathieu, in the Life of Henry IV. afcribes them to Scaliger. They were thought fo ex- cellent, feveral men of learning fet about tranflating them into French, particularly Du Vair, afterwards " Fab. Bib. Gr. lib. 3. c. 18. ^ Area parva ducum, totus qusm refpicit orbis, Celiior una malis, et quam damnare ruina; Nunc quoque fata timent, alieno in littore reflo. Tertius annus abit ; toties mutavimus hoftem. Sasvit hiems pelago, morbifque furentibus asftas ; / Et nimium ell quod fecit Iber crudelior armis. In nos orta lues : nullum eft fine funere funus; Nee perimit mors una femel. Fortuna, quid hxres ? Qua niercede tenes mixtos in fanguine manes ? Quis tumulos moriens hos occupet hofte perempto Qusritur, et fterili tantum de pulvere pugna eih P Gaffendi's Life of Pyrefc, lib. 2. p. 79, Keeper teooK ï. O F G R O T I U S, 19 Keeper of the Seals ; Rapin, grand Provoft of the Conllabiilary, and Stephen Pafquier. Malherbe him- felf, the Oracle of the French Parnafîlis, did not think it beneath him to put this Epigram into French verfe : and Cafaubon tranflated it into Greek. Grotius did not confine himfelf to writing fmall pieces of verfe : he rofe to tragedy. We have three •written by him. The firft was called Adamus exful. Hefent it toLipfius, who liked it "i; and it was printed at Leyden in 1601. The author was afterwards dif- fatisficd with it, and would not fuffer it to appea,r in the collctflion of his Poems publiflied by his bro- ther •■. Chrîftus patiens was his fécond tragedy. It was printed at Leyden in 160S, and much approved. CaJaubon greatly admires its poetic flre^ Sandes tranfiated it into Englifa verfe -, and dedicated it to Charles F. It was very favourably received in England ; and in Germany it was propofed as the model of per- fe6l Tragedy. The fubjeâ: of his third Tragedy v/as the frory of Jofeph -, and its title Sophomphaneas^ which, in the language of Eg}'^pt, fignifies the Saviour of the world. Voffius afïlires Meurfius it is the mofb per- fect thing in its kind the age has produced ^ : Vondel, a celebrated poet of Holland, tranfiated it into Dutch : and Grotius expreiTed a high fenfe of Vondel's Iriendfhip, in condefcending to tranflate his works, when he could write much better of his own ". The mofl learned critics, many of whom, were good verfifiers, agreed that Grotius excelled in Poetry. Scaliger acknOv/lcdgcd his epigrams v/cre admirable^. Cafaubon being informed that Grotius had writtCii fome verfes on the death of Th'^odore Beza, fayr, *' he heard with infinite pleafure that lb great a man " had his elegy written by fo great a poet ='." Bau- dius calls him the darlins friend of the Mufes, and 'i=> < Ep. 99. Feb. 3, 1602. ■■ Ep. 87. ad Voflium, p. 3|. ' Caia' b. Ep. Ç97. p. 313. ' Ep. 31 3. p. 317. "Ep.çz;.. p. 204.. ^ Scaligerana p. 178. eu. 1695. ^ *^P- i<^?9' C 2 acquaints 20 THE LIFE BooKÎ, acquaints us that Scaliger thought fome of his fmali poems equal to the beft of the ancients y. Gerard Vof- fius ipeaks of him as the greateft poet of his age, and the prince of poetry. In fine, M. Baillet, who had examined the many opinions given of Grotius,^ alTures us, that all who read his poems approved of them ; that thofe of fine tafte, and who could judge of epigrams, found many of his admirable, fome difcovering the fubtilty of his genius, and the fertility of his imagination -, others, the happy turn which he could give to his thoughts and exprelTions. Even his enemies did not prefume to deny him the praife of an excellent Poet ; and Salmafius, in a letter written with defign to leffen Grotius's reputa- tion, and diftated by jealoufy, injuftice, and fpleen, allows however he was a great Poet. " But, he adds, " every one in this- country prefers Barlsus -, and " many, even Heinfius." Balzac, who in other things did juftice to Grotius, wifhed he had employed his poetic talents only on proper fubje6ts. " I never " faw, fays he, the Swedilh Ambaflador, but I have " long elieemed his genius : and if he had not put " the Injlitutes into verfe, and publijfhed fome other " pieces of the fame nature, I fhould efleem him ftill " more." But it is proper to obferve that thefe were the amufements of his childhood, and never intended to be made public. Grotius had a meaner idea of his poetical talents, than even the rivals of his glory. " As " to merit in poetry (he writes to the Prefident de " Thou) I yield it to every one.'* It was William Grotius who publifhed the collec- tion of his brother's poems. Some of them, and thefe not the beft, had been printed before in Ger- many very incorrect : which induced William to look ' over his brother's papers, extrafl the poems, and publifli them with thofe already printed. This Col- leflion is dedicated to Vandermile, fon-in-law of the Grand Penfionary Barnevelt, Deputy to the States. y Ep. Baudii, lOO. Cent. 3. Seal. Poeaiata, p. 55Q. General, Book I. OFGROTIUS, 21 General, Curator of the univerfity of Ley den, and the great friend of Hugo Grotius. The dedication is dated September i, 1616. A Letter of Grotius, written the 14th of December jn the preceding year, informs us he was very averfe to his brother's proje6t. He forefaw that he would one day be reproached with this edition ; which accordingly happened, particu- larly when, endeavouring to reconcile the two Reli- gions, he incurred the hatred of Rivet and fome other minifters, who feeking to deflroy his reputation, de- claimed againft hisepithalamiums, and found fault with his introducing the falfe divinities in the manner of the ancient poets, and his fpeaking of war rather as a zealous citizen, than a pacific Chriftian. Thefe reproaches touched him : and in the latter part of his life he wiihed only his facred poems had been pre- ferved '^. But, notwithftanding the peevilhnefs of thofe Divines, Grotius's Poems had a great run, were printed in England, and feveral times reprinted in Holland. XIV. The United Provinces ftill bravely main- tained their liberty againft the efforts of Spain, who fince thepeace of Vervins had colledled her whole force againft them. The glory they acquired by this illuftri- ous defence determined them to make choice of an Hiftorian who might tranfmit with dignity to after- ages the fignal exploits of this memorable war. Se- veral learned men made great intereft for the place j among others Baudius, the famous Profeflbr of Elo- quence in the univerfity of Lèyden : but the States thought young Grotius (who had taken no ftep to ob- tain it) deferved the preference : and what is ftill more lingular, Baudius himfelf did not find fault with their choice, becaufe he looked upon Grotius to be already a very great man, ''- Dilcuf. Apolog. Rivetiani, p. 740. Ep. 504. p. 885. Ep. 558. p. 924. Ep. 664. p. 956. Ep. 736. p. 974. C 3 XV, 22 THE LIFE Book I. XV. His high reputation was on tlie point of pro- curing him, about the fame time, a very honourable fettlement in France. King Henry ÎV. fenfibie that he ought to have a man of the grcateil merit at the head of his Library, had, at the recommendation of M. de Villeroi, while Gcffelin iris librarian was yet living, fixed upon Cafaubon, who at that time had the greatell name for literature. This affair was car- ried on myfterioufly : The King defired to fee Cafau- bon in private : he told him, that he interided to make him his librarian ; and that Goffelin could not live above a year -, adding, with the frank and noble air which fo well became that great Pr'nce : " You " fliall fee my fine books, and tell me v/hat they " contain -, for 1 don't underftand them myfelf.'* Goffelin lived three years after this converfation, till 1603. The Jefuits being informed Cafaubon was to be kt over the King's Library, reprefented to his majef^y the inconveniences of confiding a treafure of that nature to the moft obftinate of all heretics. This made feme impreffion on tlie king : nev^erthelefs he was affaid of a clamour were it known that he re- fuftd an em.ployment promifed to a Proteftant on ac-: count of his religion. Lie confuked with fome per- fons i and they advifed him to ibnd to Holland for Grctius, v/hom he knew, and appoint him his libra- rian ; which would make the Public afcribe the change to fome private difcontent, and not to religion. Cafau- bon, apprifed of what was doing, remained perfeftly quiet : but the Prefident de Thou, thirjking the King's honour concerned in keeping l;is word, v/armly fo- licittd in his favour, and, alter the affair had been fuf::ended feme weeks, Caf tubon was at lejiG;th no- mnnated. Grctius had had no part in this whole piocctdipg : accordingly Caiaubon was fo far from being offended with hirn, that, writing to Daniel Hein- iius, December 29, 160.5, he affiircs him if the place tci.ld liave made Grotius's hjitune, he willied he had Book I. OF G R O T I U S. 23 got it, becaufe he loved him, and admired his pro- digious genius. XVI. Grotius was at that time principally em- ployed as an Advocate. He tells us that to make himlelf mafter of the forms of law, he care- fully ftudied the pradical part, tranfcribing pre- cedents of Petitions, Profecutions, and Defences. He pleaded his firft caufe when he was but feveiiteen, with univerfal applaufe, which he maintained whilil he continued at the Bar. We learn the method he followed in his pleadings from a letter to his fon Peter ad- vifing him to imitate it. " 1"hat you may not, fays *' he, be embarraiTed by the little order obferved " by thofe againft whom you fpeak, mind one thing, " of which I have found the advantage, Diflribute " all that can be faid on both fides under certain " heads, which imprint ftrongly in your m.emory ; " and whatever your adverfary fays, refer it to your " owndivifion, and not to his =*." Grotius's great at- tention v/as to avoid prolixity and confufion in his pleadings ''. The employment of an advocate, though he ac- quired infinite honour by it, did not however pleafe him. The reafons of his diilike we have in a letter to Daniel Heinfius, dated July 21, 1603. *' Bendes " that law-luits are improper for a peaceable man, " v/hat doth lie derive from them ? They procure " him. hatred from thofe againil whom he pleads, *' fmail acknowledgments from his clients, and not " much honour with the Public. Add to this, that *' the time Ipent in things 10 little agreeable, might *' be employed in acquiring others much more ufeful. " I fhould have been a better philofopher, more " mafter of the Greek, better acquainted with the " manners of the Ancients, with the Poets, and Phi- **■ lologifts, if I hadpradlifed lefs as an Advocate," ^ Ep. 1 1 34. p. 512. '' Ibid, C 4 XVII. His 24 THE LIFE Book I. XVII. His brilliant fuccefs at the Bar, which he treats as ungrateful, procured him, however, a very confiderable promotion. The place of Advocate- general of the Fife for Holland and Zealand becom- ing vacant, it was unanimoufly conferred on Grotius. This is an employment of great diftinâiion and autho- rity, the perfon inveiled with it being charged with the prefervation of the public peace and the profecu- tion of offenders. It was in 1607 he took pofTelTion of this important office, which he filled with fo much reputation, the States augmented his falary, and pro- mifed him a feat in the Court of Holland. XVIII. John Grotius, on his fon's being made Advocate-general, began to think of a wife for him ; and fixed upon Mary Reigefberg, of one of the firfl tamilies in Zealand, whofe father had been Burgo- mafter of Veer : the marriage was folemnifed in July, 1608. The greateft encomium of the new-married lady is, that fhe was worthy fuch a hufband as Grotius. The m.oll perfect harmony fubfifted be- tween them, and Grotius held her in the higheft: Cileem S This alliance gave occafion to a number of poems. John Grotius wrote his fon's Epithalamium ; Daniel Heinfius compofed a Poem on that fubjed:, which, in the opinion of Grotius, was the bell: of the kind that ever had been written. Grotius himfelf celebrated his nuptials in feme Latin verfes, approved of by Scaliger, and tranfiated them into Diitch : he alfo wrote fom.e in French on that occafion, XIX. At the time of his marriage he was em- ployed in a work of great importance, v/hich was not publiihed till the year following. This was his Freedom of the Ocean^ or the FJght of the Dutch to trade to the Indies ; dedicated to all the free nations of Chriftendcm, and divided into thirteen Chapters. The author ihev/s in the firll, that by the law ot Na- tions navfrfaiion is free to all tlie world : In th.e fécond. ^p. 423. p. 870, that Book I. OFGROTIUS. 25 that the Portuguefe never poiTefTed the fovereignty of the countries in the Eaft-Indies with which the Dutch carry on a trade: In the third, that the donation of Pope Alexander VI. gave the Portuguefe no right to the Indies : In the fourth, that the Portuguefe had not acquired by the law of arms the fovereignty of the States to which the Dutch trade : He fhews in the fifth, that the ocean is immenfe and common to all ; that it is abfurd to imagine that thofe who firft navi- gate a fea ought to be judged to have taken poflef- -fion of it ; that a velTel which cuts the waves of a fea, gives no more right to that fea, than fhe leaves marks of her way in it ; that, befi^des, the Portuguefe are not the firft who failed in the Indian fea, fince there are faâis which demonftrate it was neither unknown to the Ancients, to the Spaniards, nor to the Carthaginians, nor even to the Romans. The fixth chapter proves, that the right of navigation in that fea cannot belong exclufively to the Portuguefe by virtue of Alexander VI's donation, becaufe donation cannot take place in things which enter not into trade -, and that, befides, the Pope is not mafler of the fea. In the feventh chapter it is fhewn, that the Eaflern fea, or the right of navigation in it, cannot belong to the Portuguefe by prefcription, fince prefcription being only by the civil law it cannot operate againfl the law of nature, by virtue of which, navigation in that fea is free to all the world -, that, moreover, prefcription doth not take place in things that cannot be alienated, fuch as the fea, the ufe of the fea, and ihings common to all men : add to this, that the oppofition of other na- tions, and their navigation in that fea would have hindered the prefcription. It is proved in the eighth, that by the law of nations the commerce between na- tions is free, and cannot be prohibited without in- jullice. In the ninth it is fhewn that the trade to the Indies doth not belong to the Portuguefe, exclufive of other kingdoms, becaufe they firft took pofTefTion of it, fince the title of firft occupant takes place only in that 26 THE LIFE Book I. that which is corporeal. The tenth proves, that the Fope could not grant tliePortuguefe an exclufive trade to the Indies : the eleventh, that this trade does not belong to them by preicription : the twelfth, that nothing is more iinjuil than the claim to an ex- clufive trade let up by the Portugueic. The author concludes his work with the thirteenth chapter, exhort- ing the Dutch to continue their trade to the Indies in time of war, of truce, or of peace. This work was printed without Grotius's knov/- ledge, and publifhed without his confent. He ap- pears not to have been quite fatisfied with it : " My " intention (fays he in a letter to Camerarius, May " 2oth, 1637) was good ; but the work favours too " much of my v/ant of years." They wrote againft him in Spain : "I know (he writes his brother, '* April 1, 1640) that a treatife was v/ritten foms '"■ time ago, at Salamanca, againft mine Of ihe Free- " dom of the Ocean \ but it was lupprelièd by the *' King ot Spain." Another appeared, in 1625, at Valladoiid, erititled. De jufto imterio Lufitanorunt Jf.ctico^ by one Francis Séraphin de Freiras. The Freedom of the Ocean was refuted in England by the fam.ous Seldea in his work entitled Mare claiifum^ feu de dominio maris. Grotius tiiought the Spanifli au- tltor's book not ill done, and deferving of an anfwer*^; and was pleafed with the politenefs fhewn him by Selden ^. But at the time thefe Anfwers appeared Grotius was fo difiatisfied with the Dutch, he did not think himJelf obliged to employ his time for people void of gratitude. " Let them leek among my *' Judges (faid he by way of irony on their igno- " ranee) for one to anl\ver the Spaniard ^." As to Selden's book, Grotius feemed not to mind it -, hé looked on himfelf as no longer concerned in the con- troverfy. "■ I wholly forget v/hat I have been, fays he, '• when I fee thofe to whom I have done fo great fer- * Ep 144- P- 796. ' Ep. 364. p. 858. f îîp. 144. p. 796. " vice^ Book I. O F G R O T I U S. 27 " vices, rePxicmber me only to hurt me." Thefe fentimxnts of an indifférence bordering on hatred he did not entertain till after the Dutch had done every thing to make him uneafy, as we fhall fee in the fequel. XX. The year after the publication of the treatife Of the Freedom cf the Ocean, Grotius printed his work De antiquitate reipublic^ Batav^e, divided into feven chapters. In the firft the author fhews what is an ariftocratical government : In the fécond he gives the hiftory of the ancient Batavi, whofe government, he fays, was ariftocratical, under the command of ahead, who was fom.etimes ftyled King. He explains, in the third, the ftate of the Republic of the Batavi in the time of the Roman empire -, and building on a paffage of Tacitus he pretends they were allies, and not fub- jedls of the Romans. In the fourth he enquires into the government of the Batavi after the fall of the Roman empire -, from which sera till the cilablifh- ment of the Counts of Holland we know very little of that nation. The author treats, in the lifth chap- ter, of the government of Holland in the time of the Counts. The firft ele6led to that dignity was named Diederic, ofFrielland, and was Count of the whole nation : He v/as not a vafial of the Empire, and, as Philip ot Leyden obferves, he was Emperor in his County. He was not fo abfolute as a Mon- arch, and though the Dutch in chiifmg their Counts generally followed the order of primogeniture, they never let up a Prince without firil requiring of him an oath, to conform to the laws : lb that he reigned ratherbytheconfentof the people, than by rightof fuc- cefllon. The povv^er ot the Counts was limited by law; and the taxes were alv/ays impofed by the States. In the fixth chapter the author fhews that Philip II. King of Spain, endeavouring to change their form of go- vernment, occafioned the grand war v/hich procured Holland her liberty. Grotius explains, in his feventh ^nd laft chapter, the form of government ellablifhed in 28 THE LIFE Book I. in Holland after the Dutch threw off the Spanifh yoke. The work is dedicated to the States of Holland and Weft-Friefland, March i6, 1610. The States were extremely pleafed with it : they returned their thanks to the author, and made him a prefent s. He afterwards added notes, ferving for proofs of the feveral fafts : thefe were carried away with his other papers at the time of his arreft ; but the Elzevirs, intending to publifh a new edition of it, ac- quainted Grotius, who was at pains to get the notes returned ; and they are now printed at the end of the Elzevir edition. His love to his country led him to advance feveral things in this work, which he after- wards owned to be miftakes ^; in particular, that the Batavi had always been free, and not fubjeâ: to the an- cient Franks \ While this book was in the prefs, Grotius, and his father, who commonly affifled him in his writings, tranflated it into Dutch ^. XXI. Elias Oldenbarnevelt, Penfionary of Rot- terdam, and brother to the Grand Penfionary of Hol- land, dying in 161 3, the city of Rotterdam offered that important place to Grotius, whofe name was fo famous, foreigners fought to draw him to them by offers of honours and lucrative pofts, which love to his Country made him conitantly reje6l. It was fome time before he yielded to the defires of Rotterdam. By the ferment of m^ens minds he forefaw that very great commotions would fpeedily fhake the Republic j this made him infift with the gentlemen of Rotter- dam that he fhould never be turned out of his place of Penfionary : and on their promifing accordingly, he accepted the employment, which gave him a feat in the affem.bly of the States of Holland, and afterwards in that of the States General. £ Apolog. C. I. ^ Ep. 636. p. 947. ' Grotii manes, Conringius, Pope, p. 947. '' Ep. 662. p. 834. Hitherto Book I. O F G R O T I U S. 29 Hitherto Grotius had had very Httle connexion with the Grand Penfionary ; but from this time con- trafted an intimate friendihip with him, which gave him the greater pleafure as he was mofl defirous of the coLinfels of a man of fo much experience, who had been himfelf nine years Penfionary of Rotterdam, and above thirty years Grand Penfionary of Holland (in which employment he had done his Country moft elTentiai fervices) and who was famous not only in Holland, but in foreign countries, for his many em- bafTies, and acknowledged prudence and abilities. The great intimacy between them gave rife to a report, that the Grand Penfionary, who was fenfible of Grotius's great merit, and who loved him, de- figned to have him made Grand Penfionary. We have this particular from Grotius himfelf^, who af- fures us he never defired that high oiHce, the rather as his health would not then permit him to difcharge the many funftions belonging to it. For by the Grand Penfionary the States fee, hear, and aft ; and though he has no deliberative voice, and is the lowed in rank, his influence is the greatefl:. He manages Pro- fecutions, receives Difpatches, and anfwers them, and is as it were Attorney-General of the States : before he be called to be Grand-Penfionary, he is no- minated Advocate of the States. XXII. There was at that time a high difpute be- tween the Englifh and Dutch concerning the right of fifhing in the northern feas. Two veffels hadfailedfrom Amfterdam to Greenland to kill walrus, a fea-animal, larger than an ox, with the muzzle of a lion, the fkin^ covered with hair, four feet, and two large teeth in the upper jaw, flat, hard, and fo white that in colour and value they equal thofe of the elephant : fome even give them the preference, becaufe, befides their exceeding whitenefs, they are not fubjeft to grow yellow. Thefe two veffels having caught twenty-two J Apol. C. 19. Vv'alrus, 30 T H E L I F E Book I. walrus, were met by feme Englifh vefiels bound to Ruflla, who hail'dthem, and demanded whether they had pafports from the King of Great Britain to fifh at Greenland ? The Dutchmen anfwered, that the Sea was free, and they had pafports from Count Maurice their Stadtholder. " That is not enough, " faid the EngUfh "" : and to let you know that that " fea belongs to the King our mailer, if you will not " give us inftantly the walrus you have taken, with " your boats, nets, and inftruments for killing " them, we'll fend you to the bottom." The two Dutch veffels, unable to refill, were obliged to obey. Returning to Holland, they made their complaint y and the affair being laid before the States, it was refolved that Grotius, who had written on the fubjeft, and was more mailer of it than any one, fhould be lent to England to demand juftice : But, fays the Mercure François^ he found the old proverb true : The flrongetl are mailers of the fea, and fuch never care to make reilitution : fo that he could ob- tain no fatisfaftion. This denial of juftice from the Englifh determined the Dutch not to go to Greenland for the future with- out a force fufîîcient to revenge themfelves on the Englifh, or to have nothing to fear from them. The difpute growing ferious, to prevent any afls of hoftility, and to know on what grounds they went, a conference was held in 1615 between the Commiffaries of England and Holland, in which the debate turned chiefly on the whale-fifhery. Grotius, who v/as one of the CommiiTaries from the Province of Holland, gives the hiiloryof this conference in a Letter to Du Maurier, dated at Rotterdam, June 5, 161 5. Thç Dutch Commilfaries put the ^nglifli to filence,. by demonftrating, that neither the land nor the fea of Greenland belonged to them, and that they had no right to hinder the Dutch to navigate and 'C?" Mercvire François, an. 16 13. catch BookI. of GROTIUS. 31 catch whales in that lea, of which none could claim the property. That the land did not belong to them, becaufe till the year 1596 no mortal had let toot on it ; that the Dutch dilcovered it the year before, and gave it the name it ftili retains, as may be fcen in ail the modern geographers, on the globes^ and carts. The Englilh wanted to reply that Hugh Willoughby dif- covered it in 1553 : but the Dutch fliewedeven by the Journal of his voyage, that letting out from Finland he landed on the Ifland which bears his name, at a great diftance from Greenland ; that he died of hun- ger and cold, with all his companions, on the coaft of Lapland, where the Laplanders found him next fummer, and from whence his Journals were lent to England. The Engliili, not knowing what to anfwer, faid, it was a high indignity to their mailer, to dif- pute a right of which he had hitherto been in peace- able poflelTion ; and that their inftruftions imported, they Hiould break off the conference unlefs the Dutch would acknowledge England's claim to Greenland. What was ftill mere diverting (continued Grotius) they added, that they had not then their titles, but would fhew them to Caron, the Dutch Agent in England, and, they flattered themfelves, on feeing them, he would yield the point. They like better (adds he in the conclufion) to deal with him, than difpute with us, becaufe they will take his fiience, as they have done already, for fubmiffion. XXIII. If Grotius had ground to be diflatisfied with the difmgenuoulhefs and injuftice of the Englifh Miniftry in his negotiation concerning the Fifliery, he had at leaft reafon to be pleafed with the politenefs of King James, who, Caiaubon informs us, gave Grotius a moft gracious reception, and was charmed with his converfation. But the greateft pleafure he received by this voyage was the intimate friendfhip he contra6led with Caiaubon. They knew one another before by charafter, and highly efteemed each other. They were ir^ade to be intim.ate friends : in both the 3 moft ^.2 T H E L I F E Book I. mofl profound erudition was joined with the moftper- fe6t probity. They had ftill another fympathy to knit falter the band of this union : both ardently wifliedto fee all Chriftians united in one faith, and defired no- thing more, than to be employed in that great work. They have left behind them tellimonies of the fatis- fadlion they found in each other's acquaintance. " For my part, fays Grotius in a letter to John " Frederic Gronovius ", I reckon it one of the great- " eft felicities of my whole life to have been loved by " a man as illuftrious for his piety, his probity, and *' his candor, as for his extenfive learning. It was " by his counfels or thofe of perfons he approved, " that I condu6ted myfelf in the moft difficult " times." " I refpeâ: no lefs, fays he in another letter, " his franknefs and his probity, than his uncommon " erudition. His letters fufficiently prove what great " friendfliip he had for me." We find in fad: that they contain evidences of the higheft efteem for Grotius. To Daniel Heinfius he writes, April 13, 1613, " I am very well-, and " cannot fay enough of my felicity in enjoying the " friendlhip of fuch a great man as Grotius. O that- " incomparable man ! I knew him before : but " fully to comprehend the excellency of his divine " genius, one muft fee him, and hear him converfe. *' His countenance fpeaks probity, and his difcourfe " difcovers the deepeft learning and the moft fmcere *' piety. Think not that I only am his admirer ; all " learned and good men entertain the fame fenti- " ments for him, particularly the King." Cafaubon v/rites to the Prefident de Thou, April 20, 1 61 3, to acquaint him what pleafure he had re- ceived by feeing Grotius. " I muft let you kno'A^, " fays he, that I have feen here Flugo Grotius. *' He is a man of admirable probity and learning °.'* » Ep. uj68. p. 530. e Ep. S83 p. 531. They Book I. OFGROTIUS. 33 They had long converfations together on religion. Cafaubon ardently defired a reunion of the Proteftants with the Roman Catholics p : and would have fet about it, had he flaid longer in France, as he in- formed Defcordes, who repeated it to Grotius. He greatly refpeéled the opinions of the ancient church % and was perfuaded its fentiments were more found than thofe of the Minifters of Charenton. Grotius and he had imparted their thoughts to each other be- fore the voyage to England : for Cafaubon congratu- lates him, January 8, 1612, on his defiring nothing but peace and a coalition ; and communicated Grotius* fentiments to King James -, who approved of them. This fhews that Grotius thought it was wrong to depart from the difcipline and forms of the ancient church : Cafaubon was of the fame mind ; and his Letter to M. de Thou is a demonftrative proof that thefc two excellent men did not differ in matters of Religion. " I elteem him highly, fays he*", on *' account of his other great qualities ; for he judges " of the modern fubjefts of religious controverfy like " a learned and good man ; and in his veneration ** for antiquity agrees with the wifeft." The laft Letter which we have from Cafaubon to Grotius comprehends all thefe fentiments in few words * : *' I heartily pray God to prefer ve you ever : " and as long as I live, I fliall hold you in the higheft *' efteem, fo much am I taken with your piety, your ** probity, and your admirable learning." XXIV. After l;is return from England, Grotius happened to be one day at the Aflembly of the States of Holland and Weft- Friefland when an affair of con- fequence was under confideration. The States had granted commiffions to feveral Privateers, fome of which made depredations on the friends of the Re- public, and, afterwards quitting the country, fcowered P Ep. Grotii 610. « Ep. Grotii 613. ' Ep. 531. * Ep.890. D the 34 T H E L I F E Book I. the Teas, refiifing to return though iummoned. Some people oi Pomerania who had been ill uled by thefe Corlairs, applied to the States for redrefs. The Quellion therefore was, Whether the States were anfwerable for the aft of thofe privateers, either as having employed bad men in their fervice, or ne- glected to require fecurity from them on giving them commilTions. Grotius' advice being afKed, his opinion was, that the States were only bound to punilli the offenders, or deliver them up, if taken -, and, for the reft, to make fatisfadion to the fufferers out of the effedts of the pirates. We learn from himfelf on what he grounded his opinion ^ The States, faid he, were not the caufe of thole unjuft pra6lices, nor had any part in them : fo far from it they have pro- hibited, by exprefs ordonnances, the injuring of our triends. They were not obliged to a.{k fecurity from the privateers, fmcc, without granting formal com- miflions, they might permit all their fubjedts to plun- der the enemy, as was formerly praélifed ; and the permiffion they granted to thofe privateers was not the caufe of the damage they did to our allies, fmce •any private perfon may, without fuch permiffion, fit out vefiels, and fail on a cruize. Befides, it was im- poffiblc to forefee that thefe privateers would turn out wicked ; and there is no taking fuch precautions as to employ only honell men. When a prince's troops, whether by lea or land, contrary to his order, injure his friends, he is not refponfable for it ; as appears from what has been acknowledged by France and England. To m.ake one anfwerable for the acls of thofe who are in his fervice, even when no fault of his gave any occafion to them, would be to decide the queftion not by the law of nations, but by the civii law-, and even the rule is not general in the civil law. The States were determined by this opinion. ' De jure belli et pacis, lib, 2 c, 17. § 20. BooKÎ. OFGROTIUS. 35 XXV. The multitude of affairs with which Grotius was oppreflèd, and the continual journeys he was obliged to make, left him no time for cultivating Polite Literature. In the midft of his occupations Du Maurier, the French AmbafTadcr in Holland, and his particular friend, having refolved to begin a courfe of ftudy, applied to Grotius for diredions. Wc fhall here s;ive an extra6t from his anfwer ", be- caufe it may be of ufe to grown perfons defirous of acquiring literary accomplifhments. He fliortened his method as much as he could out of regard to Du Maurier's age, dignity, and affairs. He advifes him to begin v/ith Logic, not that of Ariftotle, which is too long, and contains many things of no great ufe : an abridgment v/as fufficient, fuch as Du Moulin's, the moft efteemed at that time. " But your affiliant, fays he, muft read the beft *•' that has been written on the fubjeft, and commu- *' nicate to you Vv^hat is moil rem-arkable: much may " be learnt in an hour or two fpent in this manner.** The fame method he would have obferved in the other fcierîcts, and even with regard to books -, that is to fay, the perfon under v.hom Du Maurier iludies muft read the bell writers on every fubjecl -, and extraél what is moft eftential, to be repeated to him. After Logic he direfts him to the ftudy of Phyncs, which he would not have carried too far -, and recommends fome plain and fhort abridgement : he could think of none at that time but Jaccbaus. He is of opinion, that as in Logic the rules of fyllogifm are chiefly to be attended to, fo in Phyfics the enquiry into the na- ture and fundlions of the foul is of moft import- ance. After Phyfics he advilcs him to proceed to Metaphyfics, of which he might get fome notion h'om Timplerus' book, which is neither long nor obfcure. The ftudy of Moral Philofophy is to be be- gun with Ariftotle, whofe books to Nicomachus are the beft. " Your reader, fays he, muft give you in " Ep. ,-4. p. 17. D 2 « a 36 THE LIFE Book I. ' a fmall compafs what the abkil interpreters have * faid. It is alfo neceflary to beicquainted with the * fentiments of the different feds of Philofophers -, ** for without that knowledge you will be much at *' a lofs in reading the Ancients, and profit little by ** them," To unbend after this ferious ftudy, fome other Ibort and agreeable books that have a re- lation to it may be read : ilich as Eccle/iajiicus, the IV'ifdom of Sskmon^ Tbeognis, Phscilides^ die Golde:^ Verfes afcHbed to Pythagoras^ Epi^etus^s Enchiridion, Hie- rocleSy and the ComrAeniaries of Arrian \ not omitting the Chambers of 'Theophraftus. What the Poets hav« written on Morality may aUb be perufed -, with fome feleâ: Tragedies of Euripides^ 'Terence's Comedies, and Horace's Epijlles. Young people and grown perfons admire différent things in thefe writings : the beauty of the ftyle pleafes the firft : the others learn by them to know men. To thefe v/orks may be added Cicero^ s Offices, a piece not enough efleemed, purely becaufc it is in the hands of every one; fome of Seneca's ^piJîl&Si the Tragedies that go under his name \ and ^e befl: of Plutarch's fmaller pieces. After having gone through Jrijtotle's Politics, the excellent extradt by Polybius of Republics is to be read ; with the Ha- rangues of Mec^enas and Agrippa to Augufîus, in Dion ; and SaUuJl's Letter to C^far. Plutarch's Lives of Pericles, Cato, the Gracchi, Demojihenes, and Cicero, muft not be omitted : much may be learned too from Cicero's Letters to Atticus, if they were tranflated by one well acquainted with the Roman Hiftory of that period. After this would be the proper time for reading AriJ}otk^)S Rhetoric : for, as is well remark'd by that gfeat man, who polTefTed all the arts and fciences in an eminent degree, from Morals and Politics muft the arguments be drawn that are to convince mens underltandings ; that is to fay, it is impofllble to be truly eloquent without extenfive knowledge. The better to perceive the ufe of the precepts it would be proper Book I. OF G R O T I U S. 37 proper to read with attention fome Orations oF De- mofthenes and Cicero, particularly thofe which re- late to public Affairs, fuch as the Philippics, the Olinthia€Sy the Oration pro lege Manilla, that againit the Agrarian Law, and fome others. The next thing to be applied to is Jus publicum, that is to fay, the knowledge of the different forms of government, the Conventions between Nations, and, in fine, whatever regards Peace and War. The treatifes of Plato and Cicero On Laws fhew in what manner the principles of this law are to be deduced from morality. It will not be unprofitable to read likewife, or at leaft to run over, the fécond book of St. Tbonuis Aquinas^ efpecialiy what he fays of Juftice and Laws : The Pandemia, particularly the firft and laft book, the firft and the three laft books of Jujlinian's Codex, point out the ufe to be made of thofe principles. The Law- yers who have beft handled the queftions relating to the Law of Nations and Jus publicum, are Vafques, Hotoman, and Gentilis. After the acquifition of thefe feveral branches of knowledge, the ftudy of Hiftory will be extremely ufefuî, by the application which may be made of the examples to the precepts. Hiftory is to be begun with an abridgement of univer- fai hiftory ; fuch as Jufiin, Florus, and the abridgement ol Livy. But in reading Hiftory a man ought to pleafe his own tafte : for they all contain many ufeful things : and we retain beft thofe we read with pleafure. In general,we ought not to begin with the moft ancient, but with fuch as, being nearer our own times, have greater relation with what we know already : we may afterwards go back to what is more diftant. It is proper to obferve, that there is more advantage t;o be reaped from reading the Greek hiftorians who have written the hiftory of Rome, than tlie Latin, who have treated the fime fubjeft ; becaufe Foreigners give more attention to the public manners and cuftoms, than the Nativies. D : M. du 38 T H E L I F E &c. Book I. M. du Maurier received this Letter with the highefc fatisfadcion -, he permitted feveral copies to be taken of it, and it was printed by the Elzevirs in 1637, in a colle6tion of feveral Methods of Study, under the title of Z)^ omni genere fiudiorum re^e infiituendo. Grotius acquaints us "^ that it was publifhed with- out his confent. ^ Ep. 740. p. 976. THE (39) THE LIFE of G R O T I U S. BOOK II. ROT I US has hitherto appeared to us chiefly as a Man of Learning : v/e are now going to confider him entering into the affairs of the RepubHc, wholly employed in reftoring the peace of his country, and receiving for the reward of his pacific intentions an imprifonment, which would in all probability have been perpetual, had not the ingenious friendfhip of his wife with great addrefs procured his liberty. Bur as the occafion of thefe events was the warm difpute kindled in the United Provinces concerning Grace and Predeftination, we muft refume things a little higher. I. In the year 1608, while the truce between the Spaniards and the United Provinces was nego- tiating, Arminius, an eminent Profeffor in the Uni- verfity of Leyden, departing from the rigid ientiments of Calvin, publickly taught, that God, forefeeing Adam's fin,had reiblved to fend his only Son into the world to redeem mankind ; that he had ordained Grace to all to whom the Law fliould be preached, by which they might believe it they would, and per- P 4 fevere ; 40 THE LIFE Book II. fevere ; that this grace offered to all men was of fuch a nature, that not only it might be refifted, but men aftually did often refiit it -, and that God had only chofen or reprobated thofe, who, he forel'aw, would embrace or rejed the grace offered them. Gomar, another Profelfor in the Univerfity of Leyden, warmly oppofed this dp Book II. O F G R O T I U S. s^ even by the Civil Magiflrate ; that the five Articles of the Remonftrants dodrine fhould be examined in a Synod of Holland, and the decifion carried to a Sy- nod of all the Provinces i that previous to its meet- ing, the Sovereignty of each Province in things fa- cred fhould be fettled ; that no definition fhould be fixed without an unanimous confent ; that if they could not agree they fhould endeavour to convene a General Council of the Reformed Churches \ that in the mean time a fevere Edid be publifhed againll rioters and the authors of defamatory libels ; that the minifters be charged not to treat one another abu-r fjvely i that after the holding of the Council they Ihould examine what was proper to be added to the Union of Utrecht concerning the authority of the Provinces in matters of Religion. This projecldid not pleafe the Prince : he wanted a national Synod, of which the States of Holland were afraid, becaufe they forefaw the Contra-Remonftrants would have more power in i"t than the Arminians, who would confequently be condemned by it; and that inftead of forwarding the peace, it would increafe the confufion and diforder. The States-General, entirely devoted to Prince Maurice, determined, in fpite of the States ot Holland, to convoke a national Synod in Holland itfelt, at Dort. The Provinces of Holland, Utrecht, and Overyflel protefted againft this refolution : Barnevelt was fo thunderftruck by it, that he wanted to refign his place of Grand Penfionary": But Holland, who needed more than ever the counfels of fuch an expe- rienced Minifter, fending a Deputation to befeech him not to abandon the Republic in times of fo much dif- ficulty ^, he thought it his duty to yield to the in- treaties of his mailers, and rcfumed the fundions qF his office. ^ Grotii manes, p. 78, E A Frincc 56 THE LIFE Book II. VIII. Prince Maurice of NalTau, however, who faw withtiieutmoftdifpleafurefeveral Cities,agreeable to the permilTion granted them by the particular States, levy a new Militia without his confent, engaged the States- General to write to the Provinces and Magiftrates of thofe Cities, enjoining them to difband the new levies^ which were ftyled the Attendant Soldiers : but the particular States, who looked on themfelves as fo- vereigns, and the Cities, who thought themfelves obliged to obey only the orders of the States of their Province, paid no attention to the Letters of the States General'. The Prince confidering this con- duit as a Rebellion, concerted with the States-General that he fhould march in perfon with the troops under his command, to get thefe foldicrs who were levied irregularly, diibanded; that he fliould depofe the Ar- minian magiflrateSj and turn out the Minifters of their party. ' The Prince accordingly fet out, accompanied by the Deputies of the States-General, in the year ?6i8, Beginning v/ith Û.e Province of Gueldres, he removed from the Senate of Nimeguen ail who v/ere known or i^jfpefled to favour Arminianifm ; and turned out the Miniflers, obliging them inftantly to leave the town. At Overyffel he met v/ith no oppofition. In Arnheim there was a numerous garrifon of Attendant Soldiers j but the Prince having intelligence in the place, got into it by night : and the foldicrs feeing themfelves betrayed, laid down their arms. Some Senators were depofed, and the Secretary of the Council baniflied the City. The States of Holland, knowing that the Prince was to treat Utrecht in the fame manner, fent tliither Grotius, and Hoogerbetz, Penfionary of Leyden, Their inftruftions bore, firft that they lliould confider and refolve on fomc method of oppohngthe commif- fion 'Jivsn by the States-General to Prince Maurice : ? La Neuvill's Hift. qf Holland. B. iii. c. 5. fecondly. BookII. OFGROTIUS. s7 fecondly, that they fhould confult in what manner the union between the particular States of the Provinces- might be ftrengthened, for their mutual aid and af- fiftance. The Magiftrates of Utrecht, in confequence of the advices given them, doubled the guards at the gates, and armed all the militia they could affemble. Gro- tius and Hoogerbetz promifed that the States of Hol- land would not abandon them on this occafion when their fovereignty was at flake : they alfo brought- Letters from the States to the principal ofBcers of the ordinary garrifon, tending to perfuade them that it was their duty to obey the States of Utrecht, who paid them, and to refift the Stadtholder. Every thing feemed ready for enabling the city, to make a vigorous refiftance : the Burghers had ta- ken up arms, and the Attendant Soldiers were pofted in the principal quarters of the town. Thefe dif- pofitions did not divert the Prince from his de- lign of feizing it. The old garrifon, from a jea- loufy of the new, declared for him ; this bccafioncd a mutiny : fome of the Burghers left the intereit of the city, which being unprovided of good officers, the Prince and the Deputies of the States found means to enter, and reduce it. The Prince being now ma- fter of the town, difbanded the Attendant Soldiers, made Ledenberg, Secretary of the States, and fome Senators, prifoners, and turned out of their places thofe who had difbinguifhed themfelves by their re- fiftance, putting in their room fuch as he could de- pend on. The States-General at the fame timapub- lifhed an Ordonnance at the Hague for difbanding the new levies. Grotiun, v/ho was returned to Rotter- dam, finding refiftance would only occafion new troubles, advifed the city even before receiving the Ordonnance of the States- General, to difmifs the Attendant Soldiers. IX. The Prince of Orange's revenge was not yet Satisfied: that was the name Maurice went by after the 5S THE LIFE Book II. tlie death of his brother Phihp William, which hap- pened at B-ruffels Februaiy 21, 16 1 8. The deftriic- tion of the Grand Pcnfionary he had refolved on. In an extraordinary aflembly of eight perfons, who called themfelves the States-General, he got an Or- donnance paffed, without any previous information, as Grotius complained afterwards ; importing, that Barnevelt, Grotius, and Hoogerbetz fhould be ta- ken into cultody. Accordingly on the 29th '^ of Augiifl, 1618, as Barnevelt was in the court of the Caftle of the Hague ^ returning home from the AlTembly of the States of Holland, one of the Prince of Orange's guards, at- tended with fome foldiers, commanded him, in the name of the States-General, to follow him : He was carried to a room in the Caftle, and there confined. The Prince had lent to acquaint Grotius and Hoo- gerbetz that he wanted to fpeak with them : they hnmediately came, and were arrefted. The fame day was publiflied the following Placard: " Meilleurs the States-General defire to acquaint all " perfons, that to avert the great peril which threaten- '■'■ ed the United Provinces, and reftore and eftablifh '* in the faid Provinces harmony, peace, and tran- " quillity, they have caufed to be imprifoned John *' cle Barnevelt, Advocate-General of Holland and " Weft Frlefland, Romulus Hoogerbetz, and Hugo " Grotius, it having been dilcovered and made ma- '^ nifeft that they were the firft authors of the infur- •^ reciion at Utrecht, and of an attempt which would " have been not only highly prejudicial to the country *' and Province, but to feveral other Cities. For thefe *' caufes they have ordered, that the faid three per- ^ ** fons be arrefted and confined in the Caftle of the "'' Hague, tiil they giVe an account of the adminiftra^ ^ Du Maiirier fays the three prifoners were arrefted the 2 2d of Augun;; others allure us it w.-is the 24th. La Neuville, Le Clerc, But it is evidcrit from what Grotius fay i hinifclf, Ep. 104. that ic was the 2gth. ' Le Clerc. *' don BookII. of GROTÏUS. 59 " tion of their offices." This Placard was without any fignatiire. A report was at the fame time fpread by the pri- foners enemies, that Barnevelt and Grotius received money from the Spaniards to deUver up to them the United Provinces ; that they took money in 1609 to conchide the truce ; that they fomented the difputes in order to difunite the Provinces ; and that they had engaged to introduce into Holland the public exercife pf the Roman Catholic Religion. It is faid that Barnevelt had notice of the refolu- tion taken to apprehend him -, that he talked of it to his friends -, and told them he was fo fecure in his in- nocence, he did not fear to take even his enemies for judges, if any fhould dare to attack his condud. It was reprefentcd to him, that there were feafons of fa- naticifm and fury, in which innocence was facrificed to the violence of powerful enemies : but the teftimo- ny of a good confcience hindered his attending to thefc remonftrances. A few days after Grotius' arreft, his wife prefented a petition, praying that fhe might have leave to flay with her hufband till the end of the procefs. This grace was refufed : fhe was not even permitted to fee him ; and having afked to fpeak to him in prefence of his guards, they were fo hard-hearted, as to deny even this flight favour. Some days after thefe imprifonments, the Prince of Orange and the Deputies of the States-General made a tour through the towns of Holland. They had the power in their hands, and the Arminians were in the greateft conflernation. The Prince met with no op- pofition to his defigns : he depofed fuch magiflrates as were relations or friends of the three illuftrious pri- foners, putting in their place others that were wholly devoted to him ; and obliged fome towns to receive a garrifon, particularly Rotterdam. The Arminians had hitherto been the more powerful party there"", ^ Mercure François, &n. 1617. and 6o T H E L I F E Book II. and had excluded the Contra-Remonftrants from preaching in the great Church : but the Prince took that church from them, and gave it, with all the reft, to the Gomarifts, leaving only two to the Arminians. He placed a garrifon of an hundred men in the town, and turned out and baniflied the Minifters who had moft diftinguiihed themfelves by their zeal for Ar- minianifm, fuch as Vorftius, Utengobard, and Epif- copius. Ledenberg, Secretary of Utrecht, hearing of thefe violences, was fo terrified, that he made away with himielf in prifon. X. The warmeft oppofcrs of a National Synod be- ing difabled from giving any further obftruction, the States-General proceeded to the holding of it. The States of Holland, who in May, 1618, had renewed their proteft againft the convocation of a National Synod, frightened by the violences exercifed againft the three iiiuftrious prifoners, at laft gave their con- lent-, and it met at Dort. It was opened on the fifteenth of November, 1618, in the name of the States-General, who aflifted at it by their Deputies -, and was compofed of about feventy Contra- Remonftrants, with only fourteen Arminians. John Bogerman, Minifter of Leewarden in Friefland, was chofen F rendent, and had v/ith him four affefTors ; all five declared enemies of the Arminians. On the tenth of Decem.ber the Remonftrants brought in a long Writing, containing their reafons for not acknow- ledging the Synod, as being an illegal aflembly where the parties made themfelves Judges, contrary to the laws of equity and the Canons of the Church. They further fhewed, that moft of thofe who compofed the . pretended fynod were guilty of the fchifm complained ^ of j that it was publickly notorious they were their declared enemies, and confequently incompetent judges. They afterwards propofecl tv/elve conditions, without which they could not acknowledge the au- thority of the Svncd, nor fubmit to any of its deci- fions. This paper put the Synod into a very ill hu- mour, BooKÏÎ. OF GROTIUS. 6t' mour. Next day the Arminians giving in a protefl, it was cenfured, and a decree of the Deputies of the States-General ordered that the Synod fliould proceed,, without regarding the proteft. The Arminians wanted to leave Dort; but an or- der from the States-General obliged them to flay. Their five articles were condemned ; and Epifcopius and the other Arminian minifbers depofed, and de- clared guilty of corrupting religion, breaking the unity of the Church, and occafioning great fcandal. The Synod's fentence was approved by the States- General on the fécond of July, 1 6 1 9 . The fame day the Armi-nian Minifters who had been detained at Dort, were banifhed, or imprifoned : they were de- prived of their employments, and the effedts of feve- ral were confifcated. They continued to affert the irregularity of this Council j and the BiHiop of Meaux obferves, that they employed the fame arguments which the Proteftants ufe agaiiill the Roman- Catholics concerning the Council ot Trent. XL The Prifoners were not brought to their trial ^ till after the rifing of the Synod of Dort. Their confinement had caufed great murm.uring in the Pro- vince of Holland : for not only all honeft men v/ere perfuaded of their innocence ; but it was alfo evident that the fovereignty of the province of Holland had been openly violated. On the 29th of Augull, 1 61 8, under the firft furprife that an event of this nature muft occafion, when it was mentioned in the AfTembly of the States-General, the Deputies of the Province of Holland expreffed great concern ; they complained the rights of Holland had been invaded, adding, that they v/ould afl< their conftituents what was to be done in fuch a melancholy and lingular occurrence. The City of Rotterdam and ibme others made loud complaints : They acknow- ledged that if the three Prifoners were guilty of trea- fon, or of unlawful correfpondence witli tlie Spaniards, they ought to be profecuted i but maintained that they ^1 THE Life Book il they could not be legally tried but by the States of Holland, who alone were their Sovereigns. The Prince of Orange and the States-General found no way of putting a Itop to the oppofitionof fiich Magiflrates as were zealous for their Country, or friends to the Prifoners, but by depofing them. Nothing now re- mained to obftrud: the Prince of Orange in his pro- je<5ts of revenge : The States of Holland, not being in a fituation to hinder thefe violences, unwillingly left the management of this affair to the States- General : but were fo much perfuaded of the injuflice done them, and the invafion made on their Sovereign- ty, that in the end of January 1619 ", notwithftand- ing the change of Deputies, they palled a Decree, importing that what had been done in the imprifon- ment of the Grand Penfionary, and the Penfionaries of Rotterdam and Leyden, fhould not be made a pre- cedent for the future. The States-General, defirous of making an end of this affair, on the nineteenth of November, 161 8, nominated twenty-fix Commiffioners, chofen from among the Nobility and Magiftrates of the Seven Provinces, who were ordered to repair to the Hague to try the Prifoners. The Decree appointing thefe Judges mentioned that the Accufed were taken into cuftody to fecure the tranquillity of the Republic, to hinder the ruin of Religion and the deftruélion of thé Union, and prevent diihirbance and bloodllied : they were reprefented as ambitious men, who fought by fecret practices to embroil the State : And to give fome appearance of fatisfaftion to Holland, it was faid in the Decree, that the States-General had iffued it without prejudice to the rights of the Provinces. Care was taken to chufe for Judges the declared ene'- mies of the Prifoners. Barnevelt objefted to them; reprefenting that he could not be tried by the States- General : but no regard was paid to his exceptions. " Grotlus, Apology, c. i^*. Thus Book IL O F G R O T I U S. 6^ Thus he was obliged to anfwer before incompetent judges, who were notorioufly known to have Iwora his ruin. He entered a proteft, that his anfwering before them fhould not be conftrued an approbation of their infringement of the juriidiftion of Holland. In fine, after many iniquitous fteps, which will be more particularly mentioned in Grotius' trial, Barne- velt was condemned to be beheaded. The principal grounds ° of his condemnation were. That he had difturbed religion -, that he had advanced that each. Province in its own jurifdidtion might decide in mat- ters of religion, without the other Provinces having a right to take cognizance of it -, that he diverted the King of France from fending the Reformed minifters of his Kingdom to the Synod of Dort ; preferred the interefts of the particular States of Holland and Weft FrielTand to thofe of the States-General ; made ufe of the name of the States of Holland and Weft Frief- land for holding conventicles and unlawful aflemblies ; cccafioned the infurreftion at Utrecht -, authorifed the levying of the Attendant Soldiers , (landered Prince Maurice, accufing him of afpiring to the fo~ vereignty of the United Provinces ; and that he re- ceived large fums from foreign Princes,, which he concealed from the State. XII. Lewis XIII. who had an affedion for the United Provinces, with which he was connecSted by their common intereft, beheld the domeftic troubles of Holland with concern. The Prifoners, efpecially Barnevelt, whofe merit was well known at the Court of France, were held by him in particular efteem. When he heard of their arreft he nominated Thu- meri de Boiftife his Ambaflador extraordinary to Hol- land, ordering him to repair thither immediately, and join Du M aurier the Ambaffador in ordinary, in foliciting the States-General in favour of the Accufed, and labouring to reftore the public tranquillity. ® La Neuville, lib. 3. c. 16. 5 Decern- 6'4 THE LIFE Book ÎL December 12, 161 8, they prefentcd to the States- General a Writing from the King, afking that the prifoners might have juftice done them; that their judges might be perfons impartial and difpaflionate ; that the States would rather chuie mild, than rigorous meafures : " And, faid the Minifters, his Majefty " will take for a high offence the little regard you " pay to his counlels, his prayers, and his friend- '' fhip, which for the future will be as much cooled " as it v/as heretofore warm in your interefb." The States made anfwer on the nineteenth of De- cember following, that they would a6t with all the lenity and clemency which juftice and the fafety of the State would permit -, and that they hoped the King would leave it to their prudence. The French Ambaffadors continued their folicita- tions P-, but the anfwer made them March 23, 161 9, muft have left them no hope : it.reprefented the Pri- foners as turbulent men, fufpefted of very heinous crimes, and almoft convifted of confpiring againft the Republic, and projeding and attempting to de^ ftroy the Union and the State. This anfwer was cer- tainly concerted with Prince Maurice, who was high^ ly offended that the King of France ihould intereft himfelf fo much to fave men whom he looked on as his declared enemies. Boiffife quitted Holland, leav- ing Du Maurier alone to a6l in favour of the Accufed^ On Monday morning. May 13, 161 9, the Am.baf- fador was informed, that fentence had been pafîèd the Day before, and that Barnevelt was to be executed that day. He went imimediately to the Affembly of the States to get the execution fufpended, but was re- fufed audience : he wrote to the States, conjuring- them by the regard they ought to have for the King his mafter, not to fplll the blood of a Minifter who had ferved them lb faithfully -, and, if they would not pardon him, to confine him to one of his country p Apology, c. 15. houles. BooKÎÏ. OFGROTIUS. 65 houfes, his friends being bound for him ; or banifh him the country for ever. This Letter had no effed : their refokition was taicen to deftroy him. When the Grand Penfionary was informed of his fentence, he feemied lefs m-oved at it, than for the fate of Grotius and Hoogerbeiz : he afked if they alfo were to die ? adding. It would be great pity : they are ftill able to do great lervice to the Republic. The fcaffold for his execution was ercfted in the court of the Caftle at the Hague, facing the Prince of Orange's apartments. He m.ade a .Oiort fpeech to the people, which is pre- fervcd in tht Mercure François : " Burghers, faid he, *' I have been alv/ays your faithful countrymian : be- *' lieve not that Î die for treafon -, but for maintaining " theRights and Liberties of my Country." Afterthis Speech the executioner fcruck off his head at one blow. It is afSrmed that the ^r^r^^e of Orange, to feaft himifelf with the cruel piealure of feeing his ene- my perilh, beheld the execution with a glafs. The people looked on it v/ith other eyes : for many came to gather the fand wet with his blood, to keep it care- fully in phials : and the croud of thofe Vv^ho had the fame curiofity continued next day, notwithftanding all they could do to hinder them. Thus fell that great Minifler, who did the United Provinces as much fervice in the cabinet, as the Princes of Orange did in the field. It is highly pro- bable that the melancholy end of this illuftrious and unfortunate man, to whom the Dutch are partly in- debted for their liberty, was owing to his fteadinefs in oppofing the defign of .making Prince Maurice Dic- tator. But this is a queilion difcufTed by feveral writers ^, and foreign to our fubjeft. The French minifLry difcovered no refentment at the little attention paid by the States General to Lewis's folicitations. There is reafon to think Barnevelt would have met with lefs cruel treatment, or at ieait 9 See Du Maurisr, Le VaiTor, La Neirvllle, Le Clerc. F that 66 T H E L I F E Book IL that France would not have palTed it over fo eafily, had Cardinal Richlieu, who was foon after Prime Minifter, been then in place : for a book ' afcribed to- him cenllires the condud: of Meflieurs de Luines, who were in power at that time, with regard to this affair. XIII. Grotius's trial did not come on till five days after Barnevelt's execution, September 3, 161 8, the fourth day after he was arrefled, the Burgomaflers of Rotterdam prefented a petition to the Prince of Orange % fetting forth, that they had heard with great grief that Grotius, Counfellor and Penfionar)^ of Rotterdam, being at the Hague at the.,affembly of the States, was arrefted by order of the States General ; and reprefenting to his Excellency that it was a breach of privilege, by which no Deputy could be arrefted during the fitting of the States ; and as they ftood in need of Grotius's afTiftance and counfels,. praying that he, as Governor of Holland and Weft- Friefland, would prevail with the States General to fêt him at liberty, and put him in the fame fituation he was in before his imprifonment, promifing to guard him at Rotterdam or elfev/here, that he might be forth- com.ing to anfwer any charge brought againft him by the States General. The Prince gave only for anfwer, that the affair concerned the States General. Their petition having had no effeft, on the loth of Septem- ber, 161 8, the city of Rotterdam fent a deputation to the States of Holland, praying that Grotius and the other perfons accufed might be tried according to the cmftom of the country. But the States themfelves were under oppreffion. Grotius's wife petitioned ^ for leave to continue wit^ her hufband whilft his caufe was depending -, but this favour was denied her. On his falling ill, Ihe again prefTed to be allowed to vifit him, they had the cru- elty to hinder her : (he offered not to fpeak to him but ' Hift. de la mere &du fils, t. 2. p. 380. * Hug. Grotii votum, p. 664, * Apol. c. 13. in Book II. O F G R O T I U S. ^'j m prefencc of his guards ; this was alfo refufed. Thus all the time of his confinement at the Hague, no one was permitted to fee him, even when he lay dangeroufly ill. Wc may judge to what length his enemies carried their blindnefs and fury, by the following paffage re- lated by Selden ". When Grotius was arrefted, fome who bore him ill-v/ill, prevailed with Carleton, Am- baïTddor from Great Britain at the Hague, to make a complaint againft his book Of the Freedom of theOcean : the AmbalTador v/as not afliamed ro maintain that the States ought to make an example of him, to prevent others from detending an opinion that might occafion a mifunderftanding between the two nations. Carleton and his advifers were the dupes of this contemptible ftep : the States General paid no regard to his com- plaint. The propofal was ihameful in itfelf. Could they think that it would be made a crime in Grotius lo have written a book, diftated by his love to his country, and deferving a recompence from the States to whom it had been of great ufe in the difpute with England concerning the right of navigation .^ At the firft examination which Grotius underwent, he anfwered ^ that he was of the Province of Hol- land, Miniftcr of a city of Holland ; that he had been arrefted on the territories of Holland ; that he acknowledged no judges but that province, and' was ready tojuftify all hî had done. He maintained that the States General had no jurifdiftion over him, and confequently could not nominate his Judges. He al- îedged alfo the privilege of the citizens of Rotterdam ; and demanded permifiion to fet forth his reafons before the States of Plolland and the States General j and that the validity of his objeftions might be deter- mined by Judges of Holland. All thefe things were denied him. They infiftcd that he fliould plead : he protefted againft this violence -, but this did not hin- • " M;ire claufum, 1. i. p. 198. ^' Apol. c. 15. F 2 der é ^8 THE LIFE Book ÎL der them from proceeding againft him, in contempt ©f all forms. He had been allowed the ufe of pen and ink", but, after his firft examination, they were tp.ken away. The rigour and injuftice, with which he and the" other prifoners were treated, are fcarce conceivable. He tells us, that when they knew they were bad, they chofe that time to examine them -, that they did not give them liberty to defend themfelves ; that they threatened, and teazed them to give immediate an- fwersj and that they would not read over to them their examinations. Grotius having afked leave to write his defence, they allowed him for that purpofe only five hours, and one fheet of paper. He was always perfuaded, that if he would own he had tranfgreffed, and aflc pardon,, they would fet him at liberty : but as he had nothing to reproach himfelf with, he would never take any ftep that might infer confcioufnefs of guilt. His wife, his father, brother, and friends approved of this refolution y. On the 1 8th of May, 1619, the Commifiioners pronounced fentence againft him, which we Ihall give at length. " Whereas ^ Hugo Grotius, who was Penfionary of the Magiftrates of Rotterdam, and at preient a pri- foner before the Commiflaries appointed by the States General to try him, has acknowledged without being put to the torture. That he ventured to endeavour the overturning re- ligion, to opprefs and affjift the Church of God, and for that end advanced heinous things pernicious to the Republic, particularly, that each Province has fmgly a right to decree in matters of reiio-ion, and that the others ought not to take cognizance ol the difputes' which arife on this iubje6t in a particular province ; that againft order, and the cuftom of the reformed churches, he endeavoured to get opinions received * Apol. c. 13. y Ibid, c. 16. "^ Ibid. c. 19. which Book II. O F G R O J I U S. .69 which are contrary to the doétrine of thofe churches, without being lufficiently examined ; that he oppofed the convocation of a National Synod in the name of the States General, though it was judged by the King of Great Britain, Prince Maurice, the majority of the nation, and the principal perfons of the province of Holland, a neceffary and certain remedy for the diforders v^hich had crept into religion ; that he ad- vanced the convening a fynod would be prejudicial to the right of fovereignty belonging to the province of Holland, unlefs the whole or the greater part of the province would confent to it. That he held private meetings with the Deputies of fome tov/ns, with defign to procure a majority in the iiffembly of the States of Holland. That without the orders of the States of Flolland, Utrecht, and Overyflel, he ventured to make an a<5t in the name of thofe provinces, in the houfe of John Barnevelt, protefting againft what-the Deputies of the other provinces might do, and declaring they would be the caufe of the diforders that the Synod might produce -, which a6b he read in the affembly of the States of Holland without being required, and car- ded it to the affemby of the States-General. That he made eight Deputies of the cities fend back die letter of the States-General for the convocation of the Synod. That he wrote to the King of France in the name of the States of Holland, informing him that the name of the States-General was falily made ufe of in the Letters for convoking the Synod, and defiring his Majelty not to fuffer his fubjefts to attend the Synod, ai)d to proted Holland againft the other pro- vinces. That, by the counfel of Barnevelt, he beftirred himfelf to get Minifters to come to the Synod who were of the new opinion. That he embroiled the Republic in crder to get every thing pafTed according to his fancy and ca^ thrice, F 3 That 70 ' T H E LI F E Book II. That he aflifted in fo far changing the U)rm of go- vernment, that thofe who complained of opprelllon were not admitted to be heard, and the Magiftrates of cities difobeyed the orders they received. That by the advice of John Barneveit he held pri- vate meetings with the Deputies of fome towns, whofe deliberations were carried to the States of Holland, to ferve for the model of their refolutions. That he was concerned in the odious decree of the 4th of Auguft, 161 7, permitting the cities of Hol- land to raife new troops for their defence, and to re- quire of them an oath of fidelity to thofe cities. That he gave it as his opinion, the city of Rotter- dam fhould raife thofe foldiers. That he alfo advifed the city of Delft to raife them ; that he wanted to lay the expence of thefe new levies on the Generality. That he afferted thefe new foldiers were not obliged to obey the States-General, if their orders were con- trary to thofe of the cities. That he fent back the French auxiliaries in order to employ the money afllgned for their fubfiflance in paying the new foldiers. That he pretended thefe foldiers ought to ferve even againft the States-General and againft Prince Maurice, That he wanted to prevail with the cities to make a, new union. That he held conferences with a foreign Ambaf- fador. That he was concerned in the deputation fent to the Brille to oppofe Prince Maurice. That, on the 14th of May, 161 8, he made an aél with eight Deputies of cities, by virtue of which they were permitted to oppofe what the States-General might do for accelerating the holding of the Synod j which ad: they wanted to get approved by the States of Utrecht ; that he endeavoured to divert the Depu- ties of Utrecht from difbandin^ their new troops agreeable Book IL OF GROTIUS. 71 agreeable to the intention of the States of that pro - vince, by promifing them afliuance. That he accufed the States-General, as well as Prince Maurice, of evil defigns. That he maintained, they ought to be refilled, and the revenue and forces of the State employed againfl them. That hefaid the dirbanding the new foldiers would increafe the boldnefs of the Difaffeded, and the dif- orders in the State-, that the ordinary troops were not fufficient -, that the members of the province of Hol- land would abundantly fuccour fùch as did not obey the States-General ; that he fuffered himfelf to be de- puted to Utrecht to offer his afiiftance to the States and the City -, that this deputation was ordered only by a few Nobles, three Deputies of Cities, and fome Deputies to the States of Holland, who had no in- Ifruftions on that fubjeft from their Conftituents. That his acknowledged defign, and that of thofe deputed to Utrecht, was to engage the States to re- quire of the ordinary foldiers to obey the States of Utrecht, in prejudice of the obedience due to the States- General. That he carried Letters of Barnevelt, which had' not been read in the affemblyof the States of Holland, declaring, that the foldiers ought to obey the States» and oppofe whatever might be done againfl them. That he had combined with Ledemberg in the meafures to be taken for preventing the new foldiers from being difbanded by the States of Utrecht. That he fpoke againfl the States-General and againft Prince Maurice in the aiTombly of thx States of Utrecht ; that he afTifted the States of Utrecht in. preparing their anfv/er to Prince Maurice and the States General, by which they refufed to acknow- ledge thefe Deputies as fent by the States- General;, though they were in fa6l ; that he held a conference with the Bailly of the city of Utrecht on the meafures to be taken for refilling Prince Maurice if he fhould F 4 come ■72 T H E L I F E Book II. come to Utrecht to difband the new foldiers j and that he endeavoured to prevail with the States of Utrecht to have recourfe to open force on this oc- cafion. That he wanted to make the ordinary garrifon op- pofe the Deputies of the States-General when their orders were contrary to thofe of the States of Utrecht j threatening to flop their pay if they did otherwife. That he advifed the Bailly of Utrecht to obey only the Deputies of Holland or the States cf Utrecht. That he conferred with the faid Bailly on the means of hindering Prince Maurice from introducing foldi- ers into Utrecht -, which might have occafioned much bloodfhed in the city, and put the Prince and the Re- public in the greateft danger-, and which gave rife to diffentions and new treaties, contrary to the union of the provinces : whence the public order in Church and State was difturbed, the finances of the State cx- haufled, divifions arofe between the States-General and the Provinces, and the union was on the point of being broke. . For thefe caufes the Judges appointed to try this affair, adminiflringjuftice in the name of the States- General, condemn the faid Hugo Grotius to perpe- tual imprifonment -, and to be carried to the place ap- pointed by the States-General, there to be guarded with all precaution, and confined the refl of his days -, and declare his eftate confifcated. Hague, May 18, 1619." Grotius, who enters into an examination of this fentence, charges it with many falfities : he maintains^ that it m.akes him fay feveral things which he con- ' ftantly denied : and that he never acknowledged him- ielf guilty. What is mentioned in the fentence con- cerning the deputation to Utrecht, he fhews to be palpably falfe ^. On the 20th of July, 161 8, he ac- quaints us, certain Deputies to the States of Holland * Dedication of his Apology. ^ Apol. c. 13. 17. wanted 3 Book II. OFGROTIUS. 73 wanted to go home ; that the affembly was fummoned for the 24th ; that fome Deputies v;ere indeed abfent that day, but the Curators of the Repubhc of thofe Cities, agreeable to the order they had received, fup- phed their place -, that the afiembly was compofed of the Deputies of Harlem, Delft, Leyden, Amfter- dam, Goude, Rotterdam, Alcmaër, and the Nobles ; that the Deputies of the other cities were fummoned ; that their abfence could not ftay the proceedings of the reft -, that, excepting the Deputies of Amfter- dam, all the others agreed to the deputation fent to Utrecht ; that it was thrice approved ; and that the Deputies at their return received the thanks of the States, who defrayed the expence of their journey. Grotius complains that he was not examined on the tenth part of the fa6ls fpecified in his fentence ; that his examination was not read over to him ; in fine, that he was no ways reprehenfiblc, fmce in all he did, he exaftly followed the orders of the States of Hol- land, or thofe of the city of Rotterdam •=, as the States and the City allowed ; and that if he was to be tried, it ought to be by Judges of Rotterdam, according to the privileges of that city. Hoogerbetz was alfo condemned to perpetual banifîiment. The body of Ledemberg, Secretary of the States of Utrecht, who, as hath been faid, put an end to his life in gaol, was affixed in the coffin to a gibbet. Moerbergen, Counfellor of Utrecht, had only his country-houfe for his prifon, becaufe, fuifering himfelfto be moved by the tears of his wife and children, he made a kind of fubmiffion bordering on thofe which they wanted to draw from Hoogerbetz and Grotius. The Judges who condemned them were fo ignorant of the laws, that they decreed penalties which are only enaéted againft perfons convifted of high treafon, yet omitted mentioning in the fentence that Grotius was guilty of that crime. They were told of this irre- ^ Hug. Grotiivotum, p. 669. gularity. 74 THE LIFE Book II. gularity, and faw they were in the wrong : to remedy it, they declared, a whole year after the trial, without rehearing the caufe, that their intention was to con- demn Grotius and his accomplices as guilty of high- trealbn ; which fbep was the more irregular ^, as de- legated judges cannot, by law, add to their fentence after it is palTed. This addition deprived Grotius's wife of the liberty of redeeming, at a moderate price, her hufband's eftate -, a privilege which the law al- lows in all cafes but thofe of treafon. PI is eftate was therefore confifcated : but by this he was no great lofer. At that time he was very far from being rich : his father being alive, what properly belonged to him was only the favings of his falary and his wile's fortune. XIV. In confequence of the fentence pafled againfl Grotius, the States-General ordered him to be car- ried from the Hague to the fortrefs of Louveftein near Gorcum in South Holland, at the point of the ifland formed by the Vahal and the Meufe ; which was done on the 6th of June, 1619 ; and twenty- four fols per day affigned for his maintainance, and as much for Hoogerbetz : but their wives declared they had enough to fupport their hufbands, and that they chofe to be without an allowance which they looked on as an affront. Grotius' father aflced per- miflion to fee his fon ; but was denied. They con- fented to admit his wife into Louveftein, but if fhe came out, fhe was not to be fuffered to go back. In the fequel it was granted her that fhe might come abroad twice a week. Grotius became now more fenfible than ever of the advantages men derive from a love of the Sciences. Exile and captivity, the greateft evils that can befal Minifters of ordinary merit, reftored to him that tranquillity to which he had been for fome years a ftranger. Study became his bufinefs and confolation. * Ep. Gr. 161. From Book II. O F G R O T I U S. 75 From the time he was a prifoner at the Hague ^,whilft he* had the ufe of pen and ink, he employed himfelf in writing a Latin piece on the means of accommo- dating the prefent difputes. This treatife was pre- fented to Prince Maurice -, but it did not molHfy the indignation he had conceived againft the Remon- trants. Grotius maintained in it, as he had done often before, that notwithftanding difference of opi- nion in fome points relating to grace and predeftination, a mutual toleration ought to take place, and no fe- paration be made. We have ft ill feveral of his letters written from Louveftein, which acquaint us in what manner he fpent his time. He gave VoiTius an account of his ftudies. In the firft of thofe Letters, without date, he obferves to him that he had refumed the ftudy of the Law, which had been long interrupted by his multiplicity of bufmefs ; that the reft of his time he devoted to the ftudy of Morality ^ which had led hirri to tranflate all the Maxims of the Poets coUefted by Stob^us, and the fragments of Menander and Phi- lemon. He likewife purpofed to extraét from the Comic and Tragic Authors of Greece what related to Morality, and was omitted by Stobseus, and to tranflate it into free verfe, like that of the Latin Comic writers. With regard to his tranflation of the frag- ments of the Greek Tragic authors, he intended that the verfes of his Latin tranflation fhould refembla thofe of the original, excepting in the chorus's, which he would put into the verfe that beft fuited him. He was in doubt whether he ought to print thefe additions with Stobaeus, and afks Vofllus's opi- nion whethel* he fliould place them at the end, or en- tirely new-mould that collection. Sundays he em- ployed in reading treatifes on the truth of the Chriftian religion, and even fpent fome of his fpare hours in this ftudy : on other days, when his ordinary labour ^ Apolog. Pref. was yô T H E L J F E Book IL was over, he meditated feme work in FlemiJh on religion. The lubjed: v/hich he liked bed at that time was Chrifl's love to mankind : he no doubt intended to confute the extravagant opinions of the Gomarifts. He purpofed alfo to write a Commentary on the Ser- mon on the mount. Time feemed to pafs very faft amidft thefe fe- veral proje6ls. December 15, 16 19, he writes VofTius, that the Mufes, which v/ere always his delight, even when immerfed in bufinefs, were now his confolation, and appeared more amiable than ever. He wrote fome fhort Notes on the New Teftament 1 thefe he intended to fend to Erpenius, whov/asprojeéling a new edition of it -, but a fit of illnefs obliged him to lay them afide ^. When he was able to refume his ftudies, he compofed in Dutch verfe his treatife Of the 'Truth of the Chriftian Religicn^ and fent it toVoflius; who thought fome places of it obfcure. It makes no mention of the Trinity or Incarnation, becaufe, the authority and authenticity of the facred Books once proved, thefe great points ought to be held demon- ftrated. Thofe who fince Grotius have written againft infidelity with greateft fuccefs, have followed his ex- ample. Sacred and profane authors employed him al- ternately. In the end of the year 1620 s he promifes his brother to fend him his obfervations on Seneca's Tragedies : Thefe he had written at VolTius's defire ^. He acknowledges his conjedlures are fometimes very bold i but is not lb attached to them, but he will fubmit them to Vofilus, and leaves them entirely to him. We have feen that Du Maurier employed his beft offices f(/i Barnevelt and Grotius. From the time they were arrefted all correfpondence between the Ambafiador and Grotius was probably cut off till the beginning of 162 1 ; for it is not till the fifteenth of January that year, he returns him his thanks \ He fays it is impoflible for him to exprefs his obligations f Ep. 126. s Ep. 23. p. 761. ^ Ep. 132. ' Ep. 133. to Booi^ IL -OF G R O T I U S. 77 to the Moil Chrillian King, to his wife Council, and to Du Maurier in particular, for the pains they took to alTift him in his misfortunes -, that tho' their intentions had not the effed: which might have been hoped for, it gav€ him great ccnfolation to find perfons of fuch im- portance intereft themfelves in his troubles. He calls his confcience, as the judge, he mofb refpefled, to witnefs, that all he intended was the prevention of fchifn ; that he never had a thought of making any innovation in the Republic ; that he only purpofed the fupporting the rights of his Sovereigns, without in- vading the legal authority of the States-General -, that fuch as were in the fecret of affairs knew that his whole crime was refuling to comply with the caprices of thofe who wanucd to rule according to their fancies ; and that he chofe rather to lofe his eftate and his health, than to afk pardon for a fault he had never committed. Du Maurier lofmg his lady about this time, Gro- tius writes him, February 27, 1621, a very hand- fome confolatory letter, in which he deduces with great eloquence every ground of fupport that Philo- fophy and Religion can fuggeft in that melancholly event. The only method he took to unbend and re- create him.felf, was to go from one work to rjiother. He tranllated the Phamijf^e of Euripides : wrote his Injîîtutîons of the Laws of Holland in Dutch : and com- pofed fome fhort Inftruftions for his daughter Cor- nelia ^ in the form of a Catechifm, and in Flemifh verfe, containing an hundred and eighty-five Qiie- flions and Anfwers : it was printed at the Hague in 1 61 9. The author afterwards tranllated it into the fame nurp.ber of Latin verfes for the ufe of his fon : it is added in the later editions of his Poems. He wrote alfo, while under confinement, a Dialogue in Dutch verfe between a father and a fon, on the ne- ceffity of filence, explaining the ufe and abufe of ^ Mem. Litt. de laGr. Bretagne, t. xi. p. 66. Speech, 78 THE LIFE Book IT. Speech, and fhewing the advantages of tackurnity. In fine, he colleded, when in prifon, the materials of his Apology ^ XV. Grotius had been above eighteen months fhut up in Louveftein, when, on the eleventh of January, 1 62 1 *", Muys-van-Holi, his declared enemy, who had been one of his judges, informed the States- General, that he had advice from good hands their prifoner was feeking to make his efcape : fome per- lons were fent to Louveftein to examine into this mat- ter ; but notwithftanding all the enquiry that could be made, they found no reafon to believe that Grotits had laid any plot to get out. His wife however waswholly employed in contriving how to fet him at liberty. He had been permitted " to borrow books of his friends, and when he had done with them, they were carried back in a cheft with his foul linen, which was fent to Gorcum, a town near Louveftein, to be waftied. The firft year his guards were very exaél in examining the cheft when it went from Louveftein -, but being ufed to find in it only books and linen, they grew tired of fearching, and did not take the trouble to open it. Grotius' v/ife obferving their negligence, purpofed to take advantage of it. She reprelented to her huft)and that it was in his power to get out of prifon when he pleafed, if he would put himfelf in the cheft that carried his books. However, not to endanger his health, fhe caufed holes to be bored oppofite to the part where his face was to be, to breathe at ; and made him try if he could continue ftiut up in that confined pofture as long as it would require to go from Louveftein to Gorcum. Finding it might be done, fhe refolved to feize the firft favourable op- portunity. It foon offered. The Commandant of Louveftein ** going to Heufden to raife recruits, Grotius' wife made ^ Ep. 144. "1 Le Clerc Hifl. lib. g. p. 71. ^ Du Maurier. • Grotii manes, p. 208. a vifit Book IL O F G R O T I U S. 79 a vifit to his lady, and told her in converfation, that fhe was defirous of lending away a cheft full of books, for her hufband was fo weak, it gave her great uneafi- nefs to fee him fbudy with fuch application. Having thus prepared the Commandant's wife, fhe returned to her hufband's apartment, and in concert with a valet and a maid, who were in the fecret, (hut him up in the cheft. At the fan)e time, that people might not be furprifed at not feeing him, fhe fpread a report of his being ill. Two foldiers carried the cheft : one of them, finding it heavier than ufual, faid. There muft be an Arminian in it : this v/as a kind of proverb that had lately come into ufe. Grotius' wife, who was prefent, anfwered with great coldnefs. There are indeed Arminian books in it. The cheft was brought down on a ladder with great difficulty. The foldier infifted on its being opened, to fee what was in it -, he even went and informed the Commandant's wife that the weight of the cheft gave him reafon to think there was fomething fufpicious contained in it, and that it would be proper to have it opened. She would not ; whether it was that fhe was willing to wink at the thing, or through negligence : fhe told him that Grotius' wife had afTured her there was nothing but, books in it ; and that they might carry it to the boat. It is affirmed that a Ibldier's wife who was prefent, faid there was more than one example of prifoners making their efcape in boxes. The cheft however was put into the boat, and Grotius' maid, who was in the fecret, had orders to go with it to Gorcum, and put it into a houfe there. When it came to Gorcum, they wanted to put it on a (ledge ; but the maid tel- ling the boatman there were fome brittle things in it, and begging of him to take care how it was carried, it was put on a horfe, and brought by two chairmen to David Dazelaer's, a friend of Grotius, and bro- ther-in-law to Erpenius, having married his fifter p. p Ep. 196. When So THE LIFE BookII; "When every body was gone, the maid opened the cheft. Grotius had felt no inconvenience in it, though its length was not above three feet and a half. He got out, drefled himfelf like a mafon, with a rule and a trowel, and went by Daselaer's back-door, through the market-place to the gate that leads to the river, and ftept into a boat which carried him to Valvic in Brabant. At this place he made himfelf known to fome Arminians ; and hired a carriage to Antwerp, taking the neceflary precautions not to be known by the way : it was not the Spaniards he feared, for there was then a truce between them and the United Provinces. He alighted at Antwerp at the houfe of Nicholas Grevincovius, who had been formerly a Minifter at Amfterdam ; and made himfelf known to no body but him. It was on the 2 2d of March, 1621, that Grotius thus recovered his li- berty. In the mean time it was believed at Louveftein that he was ill ; and to give him time to get off, his wife gave out that his illnefs was dangerous ; but as foon as fhe learnt by the maid's return that he was in Bra- bant, and consequently in fafety, fhe told the guards, the bird was flown. They informed the Comman- dant, by this time returned from Heufden, who haflened to Grotius's wife, and afked her where fhe had hid her hufband .'' She anfwered he might fearch for him : but being much prefîèd and even threatened, fhe confeflTed that fhe had caufed him to be carried to Gorcum in the book cheft : and that fhe had done no more than kept her word to him, to take the firft op- portunity of letting her hufband at liberty. The Com- mandant in a rage went immediately to Gorcum, and acquainting the Magiftrate with his prifoner's efcape, both came to Dazelaer's, where they found the empty cheft. On his return to Louveftein the Commandant confined Grotius's wife more clofely : but prefenting a petition to the States -General, April 5, 162 1, pray- ing that flie might be difcharged, and Prince Maurice, to SookII. OFGRÔTltJS. Si to whom it was communicated, making no oppoli- tion, the majority were for fetting her at hberty. Some indeed voted for detaining her a prifoner ; but they were looked on as very barbarous, to want to punifh a woman for an heroic aftion. Two days after prefenting the petition, fhe was difcharged, and fuffered to carry away every thing that belonged to her in Louveftein. Grotius continued fome time at Antwerp. March 30, he wrote to the States-Gene- ral that in procuring his liberty he had employed neither violence nor corruption with his keepers j that he had nothing to reproach himfelf within what he had done -, that he gave thofe counfels which he thought beft for appeafing the troubles that had arifen before he was concerned in public bufmefs ; that he only obeyed the Magiflrates of Rotterdam his mailers, and the States of Holland his fovereigns; and that the perfecution he had fuffered would never diminifh his love to his Country, for whofe profperity he heartily prayed. Grotius's efcape exercifed the pens of the moft fa- mous poets of that period. Barlaeus wrote fome very good verfes on it 1 : and alfo celebrated his wife's mag- nanimity •■. Rutgerfius compofed a poem on his im- prilbnment, in which he places the day of his arreft among the moll unfortunate for the Republic ^ Gro- tius himfelf wrote fome verfes on his happy delive- rance, which were tranflated into Flemilh by the fa- mous poet John Van Vondel. He made alfo fome lines on the chell to which he owed his liberty, and in the latter part of his life was at great pains to re- cover it ^ Henry Dupuis, a learned man fettled at Louvain^ being informed that Grotius was at Antwerp, fenthim 1 Przeft. Vil-. Epifi. p. 655. "■ Grotii manes, p. 230 ■ Ibid. p. 204. He compared Grotius to Mofes, Obfervati Hallenf. 15. 1. 7. p. 336. * Ep. 720. p. 670, S2 THE LIFE Book IL a very handfome letter, to fignify to him thé fhare he took in the general joy of all good men, and offered him his houle, and all that a true friend could give " : but Grotius chofe rather to come to France, agreeable to the advice of Du Maurler and the Prefident Jean- nin i the latter alluring him he might depend on the King's proteélion, the efteem of men of the greateft confideration, and his friendfiiip. But previous to the account of his journey to Paris it will be proper to fay fomething of the writings that appeared relating to the difputes which divided the church and ftate. Among the Minifters who oppofed the Arminians Sibrand Lubert was one of the mort zealous and in greateft reputation. This man was a Profeflbr in the univerfity of Franeker : he wrote againft Worftius, who was fufpeftcd of Socinianifm ; and infmuated that tlie States of Holland favoured that herefy. He alio complained of their renewing the law of 1591, con- cerning the eleftion of minilters, and their oppofing the convocation of a National Synod. The States, incenfed at his prefumption, employed Grotius to write their Apology, which he publiihed in 161 3. In this work he undertakes to fliew that the Armi- nians have very different fentiments on grace from the Pelagians -, that they join with the Greek and many Latin Fathers in their opinion about Predeftination v that the Reformed did not always entertain fuch rigid fentiments, particularly Melandlon, inferior to none in learning or piety -, that fmce the rife of the difputes Arminius and Gomar had declared in writing, there was no difference between them in fundamentals ; that after the difpute of thole two Divines in prefence of the States, it was determined that the two opinions might be tolerated -, that fmce the death of Arminius " He wrote alfo fome lines on the cheft in which Grotius was confined- twelve Book ÎI. O F G R O T I U S. 83 twelve Minifters of the two parties having been heard, the States recommended to them mutual toleration and charity. He afterwards proves that the Synod v/as not ne- ceiïary •,• that it couid be of little ufe, becaufe mens minds were too much inflamed ; that as it could not be alP^mbled in the prefent circumfbances, it belonged to the States to find out v/ays of accommodating thefe difputes, which did -not regard fundamental articles ; and that Socinus had no defenders in Holland. He afterwards treats of the po¥/er which he afcribes to the Sovereign in miatters eCciefiaftic, and his autho- rity in convoking Councils. He fays the Sovereign has a right to judge in Synods, either in perfon or by his commiffioners, and to judge Synods themfelves ; in proof of which he advances what pafled in the firft Councils -, and regards as ads of jurifdidion and examination all that has been done by Princes for maintaining good order and polity. He is of opi- nion that public ads, even thofe which regard the dodrine of the Church, ought to proceed only from the Prince : he relates what Princes have done, at the folicitation of Bifhops, for the affembling of Councils, as proofs of the Sovereign's authority over Councils ; and omits nothing in antiquity that favours the authority of the Civil Magiftrate in matters ec- clefiaflical, and efpecially in what regards eleftions : he fhews that too much precaution cannot be taken againft the prefumption of the reformed Minifters, who want to intermeddle v/ith State Affairs, bringing with them their caprices and pafiions. *' Upon " the whole (he fays in the conclufion) the more " I read Church hiftory, the more evident it ap- " pears^ to ne, that the evils we complain of, are " the fame which have been complained of in all " paft ages." This account of the work is fufficient to fiiew that the author, with much erudition, w^as ftrangely G 2 milled : 84 THE LIFE Book IÎ, milled : if the proofs he makes ufe of are fufceptible of different interpretations, he has not fufficiently un* ravelled their ambiguity and intent. It was re- ceived with great fatisfadlion by the Magiftrates of Holland " : and the States returned him public thanks on the 31ft of Oftober, 161 3, in very honorable terms. Cafaubon ^ and Vôfllus * fpeak of this book with the higheft commendation : but the Gomarifts were greatly diflatisfied with it y. Boger- man wrote fome notes on it, ferving to confute it ; which were fupprefled. Sibrand's friends complained that the author had dipt his pen in gall, and not in ink : and Sibrand himfelf wrote an anfwer, to which Grotius replied in fome Ihort remarks, expofing the falfe citations, the errors, and abufive language of hi» adverfary. Sibrand's work was condemned by the States : but five years after, June 28, 161 8, on the imprifonment of Grotius, the States revoked the condemnation. Grotius*s defire to bring about an union of fentimcnts led him, in 1613, while in England, to compofe a fmall treatife, entitled, y/ Reconciliation of the different Opinions on Predejiination and Grace. This piece con- tains a difplay of the Arminian fyftem, which he en- deavours to place in the moft favourable light ^. The Edift which Grotius prepared by defire of the States *, ordering the two parties to tolerate each other, having been warmly attacked by the Contra- Remonftrants, Grotius reprinted it, with a collection of paflages juftifying it againft their cenfures. He afterwards wrote a defence of that decree, in which hecomplainsof the fchifmaticalfpirit of the Gomarills; proves that the States did all that depended on them to reconcile mens minds : maintains, againll an ano- nymous writer, to whom^ he gives thenameofZ«ri/ag-^,. " Burman's Colleftion of Letters, let. 211, ^ Ep. 92 j, * Ep. r. xEp. Utengobardi. Prœft. Vir. Ep. p. 383. ' Ic is printed among his theological works, • See above, § IV. that Bdok II. O F G R O T I U S. 85 that it is falle the Remonftrants gave the draught of that Edid -, aflerts, on the contrary, that feveral things are omitted in it, which they wifhed to be in- ferted, and which had even an appearance of reafon and juftice -, and fets forth the moderation and equity of the Edi<^ upon the whole. Grotius did not finifh this work ; but on occafion of the difpute concerning the power of Sovereigns in things facred, he compofed a very confiderable treatife. He had already handled this fubjed in a traft on the Piety of the States of Holland : he examines it more thoroughly in this, proceeding on the fame principles. It is certain that this book may be read with fome profit ^, that it con- tains many curious things, but fome others alfo that are very bold, and very falfe. Such as are acquainted with the juft rights of the two powers will never grant to Grotius, that the Sovereign has a right to judge in councils, to alter their decifions, and to depofe the Minifters of the Church. Moft of the proofs on which he builds confift of ambiguous pafTages, which he ftrains to his opinion by forced explanations. This work difcovers rather the great lawyer, than the exadt divine -, and, what is fmgular, the author is afraid he has not granted enough to the Civil Magiftrate, and been too favourable to the claims of the Clergy. He knew, however, that it would not pleafe the King of Great Britain ; and the Bifhops of that kingdom were of opinion he had given too much authority to the Secular Power in things facred. It is probable the Letter fent by the States of Holland and Weft- Friefland, in 161 8, to King James I. was written by Grotius : it is his ftyle and fentiments. The States, who forefaw that the troubles v/ould ftill go on in- creafing, begin with a fliort recital of the rife of thefe difputes ; they afterwards defire his Majefty to exa- mine v/hether in the prelent circumftances a Synod * L'Abbé Longlet, Cataîoçrue des Auteors du Droit Canenique, f '75- G 3 would S6 THE LIFE Book 11, would be of ufe, and whether there was not reafon to apprehend it might occafion a ichifm : they afk the King to grant them his protedlion, and pr-omiie to employ their authority in lupporting truth, and driv- ing away error. Endeavours being ufed to render the Remonftrants odious by accufing them of Socmianifm ; Grotius, to fhew that his fentirnents v/ere very different from thofe of Socinus, attacks him in a treatife, entitled, A Defence of the Catholic Faith concerning the Satisfa^ion ofChriJi^ agrànft Faujhts Sccintis. This work was read with great applaufe by ail who did not profefs an open enmity to the author ; and many of the reformed Divines allowed that the fubjeft had never been handled with more learning and ftrength of argu- ment. It was approved of by fevcral learned men in Germany and England, particularly the famous Overal, Bifhop of Litchfield and Coventry. We find in this treatiie, as in all thofe of Grotius, rrany learned difcuiïions, which prove his profound knowledge of facred and proiane antiquity. In treating of the expiatory facrifices of the Pagans, he examines with great depth of learning the cuftom of facrificing mien, which obtained in ail nations. Grotius's enemies v/ere very active in depreciating the merit of this work. Herman Ravefpenger, Pro- feffor at Groningen, attacked it with fo much rude- nefs, that Balthafar Lydius, who, however, was not of the Arminian party, told him his criticifm was wretched, and he was ready to anfwer it. The Go- marifls, far from recovering from their prejudices, took occafion from the book of the Satisfaction of Chrift to accufe the author of Semi-pelagianifm. He did not thmk it worth while to delend himfelf againil an anonym.ous aiithor "^^ becaufe in his book of the Piety of the States of Holland he had fpoken of Semi-pelagianifm as a very grievous error. « Ep. 19. p. 760, After- Book II. O F G R O T I U S. 87 Afterwards he enquired in an exprefs treatife, whether the Arniinians were Pelagians, and fully cleared them of teaching that herefy. It was during thefe contefts, that he collefted ^he fentiments of the Greeks and Romam on fate and man^s power. He tranflated all that he found in the Ancients on this fubjedl ; and firft publilhcd it at Paris in 1624. G 4 THE ( 88 > THE LIFE of GROTIUS, BOOK III. *^< «ff^_ » ^ f^i fiC "^^ Gl W» , . — 1 ÏSalr f^^ 'î^^ "fM ydMABf %Sk R O T I U S was at no lofs what coun- try to chufe for his afylum. As he was invited by the men of learning in France, and fought after by the virtuous Mini- fters whom Lewis XIII. honoured with his confidence, he gave the preference to Paris, where he had already many friends. Du Maurier, the French ambafîador in Holland, fent him from the Hague to Antwerp feveral letters of recommen- dation to perfons in France : the Prefident Jeannin * wrote him, that he might depend on the king's pro- tection, v/ho was informed by many good men that he had been unjuftly condemned in his own country ; promifing him, at the fame time, the friendfiiip of the men of greateft diftinftion in France, and affuring him he would do him all the fervice that lay in his power. Grotius, therefore, fet out for Paris with confidence. He would not aflv an efcort ^ though he was not without apprehenfion of fome violence from the Dutch -, but chofe rather to travel in difguife and by bye -roads. « Praeft. Vir. E^iH. p 656. ^ Ep, 136. He Book III. T H E L I F E, &c. 89 He arrived at Paris on the 13th of April, 1621, at night. The King was at Fontainbleau. Boiffife, who had been Ambaflador Extraordinary in Holland at the time of Barnevelt's trial, had not followed his Majefty -, but waited for Grotius at Paris, to dired: him how to aét. He afllired him that the King bore him much good-will, that he did not doubt his Majefty would in a little time give him effedive proofs of it, and advifed him to continue at Paris rill his friends did fomething for him. Grotius vifited M. de Vic, and the Prefident Jeannin, who received him with the greateft marks of friendlhip, and repeated what Boiflife had already faid. The States -General, in the mean time, ordered their Ambaffadors to do him every ill-ofHce ; a commifTion which they executed with the greateft zeal. They did all they could to deftroy his reputation, but it was too well eftablifhed to be fhaken. The revenge he took was by fpeaking of his Country like a zealous citizen ; and by feeking every occafion to ferve her : this gained him the ap- plaufe of the King, who could not help admiring the greatnefs of his proceeding. When the Dutch Ambaffadors faw that the French Miniftry were favourably difpofed towards Grotius, and that in all appearance the King would fpeedily give him public marks of his efteem, they fpread a report that he had applied to the French Miniftry, to ufe their influence with the States General for ob- taining his pardon : they added, that the Miniftry, after praifmg the good difpofition he was in, affured him the King fuffered him in France only becaufe he knew thefe were his fentiments, and that the way to obtain a. penfion from the Court was by feeking to recover the favour of the States-General. Qrotius, informed of thefe reports, publicly de- flared he never acknowledged that he had failed in any part of his conduft whilft in place, and that his pgnfcience bore him witnefs he had done nothing con- trary 90 T H E L I F E Book HI. trary to Law. In a Letter "^ to Du Maurier he fpeaks of this flander as what gave him great uneafinefs. " An atrocious lye has been fpread, which vexeà me " extremely : it is reported that I being at liberty *' have afked pardon, which I abfokiteiy refuled to " do, even v/hen it would have faived riie from igno- " miny, imprifonment, and the lofs of my eftate." There was yet another fort of people of whom Grotius had no reafon to be very fond ^ : thefe were the Minifters of Charenton. They had received the decificns of the Synod of Dort, and held the Re- monftrants in abhorrence : they v/ould not therefore admit Grotius into their Communion. But except- ing thefe few all the French ftrove who fhould fliew him greateft civilities. Meffieurs du Puis and Pey- refc " made hafte to vifit him as foon as they heard of his arrival. May 14, 162 1, he writes toDu Maurier that he had as m.uch pleafure at Paris, as he had chagrin in prifon ; that the Great gave him on all occafions marks of their cfteem, and the men of learning an- ticipated his wifhes. The only thing that troubled his joy for his happy efcape was the thought of having left in prifon a wife to whom he had fo great reafon to be attached ^ : this grieved him fo much, as he after- wards declared, that, had they kept her ilill in prifon", he would have furrendered himfelf to his perfecutors, rather than have been feparated from her for ever. The famous Peyrefc took occafLon to fay, that by Grotius's arrival at Paris the Dutch had made amends to France for having form.erly carried away from it the great Scaliger : this thought gave rife to two Latin Epioram.s s. II. The « Ep. 147. "^ Du Maurier, p. 409. ^ Ep 137. ^ Ep. 164. t Gallia, Scaligerum dtderas male fana iacavis : Grotiadcm rcddic terra Batava tibi. Ingratam expcitus patriam venerandus uterqueefi : Felix muiato trit uterque iolc. Ep. Groi. 401 . p. 858. Gallia Book III. OFGROTIUS. 91 II. The Gonflable De Liiynes had the manage- ment of pubHc affairs when Grotius came to France ; Silleri was Chancellor, and Du Vair keeper of the Seals. This lafl had a particular efteem for Grotius, and employed all his credit to engage the King to make him a prefent till he fhould afTign him a pen- fion : He writes him a Letter, afTuring him that he might depend on his fnendfhip, v/hich deierves to be copied entire. " Sir, Ingenuous and generous minds, fuch as '* yours, think themfelves obliged by fmall favours. " I have always, that is, ever fince I heard of you, *' admired your excellent difpofition and uncommon *' learning ; and have fmce lamented your misfor- " tune in fufîering for your too great love to the li- " berties of your Country, and the favour you fhewed " to thofe who were beginning to bring back the " truth to it : I have done all that my fituation and " my mafler's fervice would permit to alleviate your " misfortunes, and procure your deliverance. It has " pleafed God you fhould owe it entirely to him, and " not to the interpofition of earthly powers, that " being freed from worldly cares, you might employ " the many rare talents, with which he has intruded " you, in advancing the work moft agreeable to him, " which is the common peace of Chriflendom, by " reuniting the members which are feparated from " their fpirltual mother, by whom they or their fa- " thers were conceived. And forafmuch as I fee " fo many honourable men hope for it from you, I " cannot but rejoice with them, and encourage by *' my applaufes your happy career. I promife my- " felf, the- King, whofe liberality for the prefent only *' fupplies your necefTities, will then reward your Gallia magnanimis dedit exorata Batavis DÎS geniti asternum Scaligeri ingenium : Fallor an liumanis male dura Batavia Galiis Sçaligerum magno reddidit in Grotio. Buchner. Vind. Grot. p. 237. " virtues 92 T H E L I F E Book III. *' virtues and merit ^ and give them honourable em- " ployment in the affairs of ftate, in the manage- " ment whereof you have acquired great knowledge *' and dexterity. I Ihall never be the laft to promote " what may be agreeable to you, and fhall always *' highly value, as I now do, the fricndlhip of fuch " an extraordinary perfonage -, offering all you c;in " defire of him who is, Sir, yours moft affedlionately *' to ferve you. G. Du Vair, Bifhop of Lifieux. " Camp at St. John d'Angeli, June 13, 1621." Grotius anfwers this obliging Letter on the 24th of June following ^, He owns he was always a lover of Learning-, but modeftly acknowledges that his friends, by engaging him too early in the ftudy of the law and public bufmefs, retarded the progrefs which he might otherwife have made. He hopes, with God's grace, that no worldly motives fhall in- duce him to a(5l or fpeak againft his confcience ; and that if he hrs the misfortune to be deceived, God will gracioufly '".nlighten him, or pardon him for his good intention - and prays for the return, of peace among Chriflians, v/ithout prejudice to truth. " Some " thoufands, fays he, of whom I am one, moit fin- *' cerely wifh for fuch a defirable event j in the mean *' time, if I can be of any ufe, you may command *' me. Though indeed the more JL confider myfelf, *' the more I fee I have no merit but that of good *' defires ; but I will fhew you by my obedience, " that I have at leaft inclination." Du Vair died at Tonneins, Augufl.g, 1621, fix weeks after receiving Grotius's Letter. This was a great lofs to him : but it would have been advan- tageoufly repaired, had the Seals, agreeable to the wifhes of the Public, been given to the Prefid^nt Jeannin, the moft efleemed Magiflrate in the king- dom for his excellent talents and virtue. He had the highefl fricndfhip for Grotius, who ardently ^- Ep. 150,. wifhed Book m. Ol^GROTIUS. 93 wiihed that great man might receive the reward of the fignal fervices he had done the State : " But, he " writes to Du Maurier*, that thofe who know the " court, dare not flatter themfelves with fo much good " luck." While the feals were vacant the Conftable De Luynes did the office of keeper : they were at length given, not to the Prefident Jeannin, but to De Vic, who had on all occafions given Grotius proofs of his friendlhip. He made profeflion of an efteem for men of learning ; Cafaubon held him in great veneration, and Grotius flattered himfelf that he would be his friend. " His behaviour to Cafaubon, " fays Grotius to Du Maurier'', proves his love to ** learning-, and before he left Paris he gave me " fome evident marks of his good- will." It had been determined in the King's Council to do fomething for Grotius*, but it was long before this refolution had its effeét. Du Maurier had written to all his friends warmly to folicit the ifluing of the warrant for the fum granted him : it was fent at length, but there was no money in the treafury. The King was abfent, and when he returned to Paris, the thing, it was faid, would be done. The Prince of Condé openly interefted himfelf for him. "What made Grotius uneafy was, that on the promifes made him he had hired a houfe. His wife came to Paris in Oflober, 162 1', and their expences fo much ex- ceeded the fmall revenue which flie had ftill left, that he wrote to Du Maurier, December 3, 1621, that if fomething were not done for him foon, he mull feek a fettlement in Germany, or hide himfelf in fome corner of France. He afks a recommendation to the Chan- cellor De.Silleri ; " and as he is fomewhat flow, it *' would be proper (fays he) to refrefti the Marquis " de Puyfieux's memory." The King returned to Paris January ^o, 1622. Grotius was prefented to him by the Chancellor and the Keeper or the feals in the * Ep. 156. k Ep. 171. 1 Ep. 165. beginning $4 T H E L I F E Book lit beginning ofMarcii "^ : the Court was very niimerous« His Majefty received him moll gracioufly, aQd grant- ed him a penfion of three thoufand livres. He was much obliged to the Prince of Conde and the Keeper of the Seals on this occafion. The King did not only confer marks of his favour on Grotius -, but on his account prote6led all who were perfecuted by the States ; and by his Letters Patent, dated at Nantes, April 2 2, 1622, takes fuch as were condemned in Holland under his prote6lion as if they were his own fubjefts; willing, that in cafe of death, their children and heirs fhould fucceed, and that their ef- feéls fhould not be liable to be efcheated. De Vic dying on the fécond of September, 1622, his death filled Grotius and the Dutch Refugees in France with the greater concern, as the feals were given to Caumartin, a profefTed enemy of the Pro- teftants. As foon as Grotius thought himfelf fettled, he looked out for a better houfe, intending to go the length of five hundred livres a year ; but Tilenus took half of it : its fituation was in the Rue de Condé, oppofite to the Prince's hotel : He probably made choice of that quarter, to be more at hand to pay his court to the Prince, with whom he had been in friend- fhip above twenty years, and who had on all occafions given him marks of his efteem and prote6lion. Ti- lenus's wife was very delirous of a coach -, Grotius thought one equipage would ferve both ; but he was againll fetting it up immediately, in order to avoid an expence which perhaps he could not fupport. What farther reftrained him was, that though the King had granted him a penfion with the beft grace that could be, and Marfhal Schomberg, fuperintend- ant of the Finances ", had ordered it to be paid quar- terly, and one payment to be advanced on demand, he could not however come at the money. They had forgot to put it on the Civil Lift °, and the Commif- *" Ep. 29. p. 763. ''Ep. 175 p. 65. ? Ep, 32. p. 764. fioners Book III. O F G R O T I U S. 95 fioners of the Treafury found daily fome new excufe for delaying the payment. He imagined p thofe who raifed thediiîicuity hoped by thatm.eans t.i rfîakehim turn Ro- man Catholic. A report that he was not far from chang- ing his religion had reached Holland '^. It gave Vof- fius fome uneafine(s, and he wrote to him, acquaint- ing him of this report, and begging that he would do nothing to give it countenance. Grotius removed his fears, affuring him he might make himfcif eafy -, for he might have avoided, he fays, the grievous fentence pafTed upon him, and fmce his fentence would not have remained fo long in captivity, and might alfo hope for greater honours than his country could bellow, if he would change fides. It is more probable that the bad itate of the finances of the kingdom, or the greedinefs of the Commiffioners, were the only obftruftions to his payment. He had at length reafon to be fatisfied : by the folicitations of powerful friends, who intereftedthemfelves for him, he received his penfion -, and it v/as paid as grants were paid at that time, that is to fay, very ilowly, till Cardinal Richelieu, who bore him ill-will, gave pri- vate orders to prevent his enjoying the benefit of the King's favour: which obliged Grotius to leave France, "as we fhall fee in the fequ-l. He fuftained a heavy lofs in April by the death of the Prefident Jeannin. This worthy Magiftrate had fo much acquiied the efteem cf th.e Dutch by the great fervices he did them when the truce was con- cluded vvith Spain in 1619, that all good men in Holland would have his picture, Grotius. received from him tcftimonies of the greateft friendfhip, and regretter" him moft fincereiy. In a Letter to his brother William Grotius, dated April 23, 1(^23, " Whilft I am now writing this, *' fays he, I receive the miClancholy news of the Pre- " fident Jeannin's death : it is a great lofs to good f Ep. 37. p. j6^. '^ Ep, 158. p. 60. men. 96 THE LIFE Book III. " men, to the King's bufinefs, and to me in par- " ticular." III. The pains which he was obliged to take, and the trouble he underwent at the beginning of his new fettlement at Paris, did not diminifh his pafllon for literature. April 23, 162 1, he informs Vofiius that the irkfomenefs of his folitary manner of life was re- lieved by his daily converfations with men of the greateft abilities. He writes to Andrew Schot from Paris, July 8, 1621, that, delivered from public bufinefs which never leaves the mind at eafe, and from that croud whofe converfation is contagious, he fpent the greateft part of his time in prayer, reading the Scriptures, and the ancient interpreters. He enters into a detail of his ftudies in a letter to VofTius, September 29, 162 1, " I perfift, fays he, *' in my refped: for facred antiquity : there are many " people here of the fame tafte. My fix books in *' Dutch will appear foon (this was his treatife on the *' Truth of the Chriftian Religion, in Dutch verfe) " perhaps I fhall alfo publilh the Difquifition on Pe- *' lagianifm, with the precautions hinted to me by *' you and fome other learned men. In the mean *' time, I am preparing an edition of Stobseus ; and, " to render it more perfedt I collate the Greek Ma- *' nufcripts with the printed copies." He fometimes attended the courts of Juftice to hear the Advocates plead, that he mightjudge of their talents and eloquence. To ht applauded for eloquence at that time, fays the Abbé D'Olivet, an Advocate was to fay almoft no- thing of his caufe -, make continual allufions to the leaft- known pafTages of antiquity, and have the art of throwing a new kind of obfcurity upon them, by making his fpeech confift of à ftring of metaphors. This fault ftiocked Grotius much. He gives an ac- count to his brother of the impreflion made upon him by the ftudied harangues which were delivered at Mar- tinmas term 1622, by M. Servin and the Firft Prefi- dent : they were wholly taken from Greek and Latin 3 authors. Book m. O F G R O T I U S. 97 authors. " Such, fays Grotius, is the eloquence in " fafhion : it is much difliked by men of found judg- " ment.'* The celebrated Patru firft attempted, and accomplifhed the reformation of this bad tafte. Grotius's ardour for ftudy did not prevent his em- ploying a part of his time in reading the Scriptures and books of Theology. The Minifters of Charen- ton perfiiting in their refufal to receive him into their communion unlefs he would renounce his opinions, he refolved to have prayers read at home to his family. IV. Notwithftanding the inveterate enmity of the Dutch, which purfued him even to the French court, Grotius flill preferved a fincere love to his Country. He wrote to his father and brother- in-law that he was continually foliciting all his friends in its favour ; that no injuries fhould ever make him ceafe to love it ; and that he ftifled every thought of revenge as utterly repugnant to the precepts of the Gofpel. He did not however think this difpolition ought to hinder him from labouring to manifeft to the world the innocency of his conduâ:, and that of thofe who were condemned with him. He had even collected when in prifon fome mate- rials for his apology : the Prefident Jeannin advifed him to finifli it while the fads were frefh in his me- mory, and he might print it at a favourable oppor- tunity. Grotius followed this advice, and his Apology in Dutch was finilhed in the beginning of the year 1622. If it had appeared only in that language it could not have been read out of Flolland ; but as he intended that whenever he was known, that is to fay, through- out all Europe, every one might be enabled to judge of the regularity of his condudl, he tranflated it into Latin : He was alfo defirous of having it done into French, that it might be printed at the fame time in the three languages : but he could not find a French tranflator. He expeded that a work, which fet in H the ^8 THE LIFE Book lïL the cleareft light the injuftices and prevarications of men in place, would increafe their hatred to him : but this confideration did not reftrain him from pub- lifiiing it, becaule he was perluaded the laws of God and of nature allowed every man unjuilly accufed to juftify himfelf. His Apology was foon tranilated into Latin, for it was publiflied at Paris in the year 1622, In the de- dication to the people of Holland and Weft Friefland the Author explains his reafons for fo long delaying his vindication. During his nine months confine- ment at the Hague he could do nothing in it; wheri removed to Louveftein he wanted feveral neceflary pieces ; fince his happy efcape he was much bufied -, befides it required time to range the feveral parts of his defence in proper order. The work is divided into twenty Chapters : in the firft he fhews that each of the United Provinces is fovereign and independent of the States-General, whole authority is confined to the defence of the Provinces : in the fécond, that each Province is polTeffed of the Sovereignty in matters ecclefiaftical, and that this fovereignty refides in the particular States of the Province: in the third and fourth, that the different opinions about Predeftina- tion ought to be tolerated : in the fifth, that the con- vocation of a Synod in the fituation of affairs at that time muft have been attended with great danger -, that the aifembling of the Synod of Dort was illegal, fince it was done without confent of the Province of Holland : in the fixth, he fets forth the meafures ta- ken by the States of Holland to reftore tranquillity ; in the feventh, the reafonablenefs of the regulation of 1 59 1 relating to the Ihare which the Magiftrates ought to have in the nomination of the Minifters of the Gofpel ; in the eighth, that the approbation of the majority ought to be looked upon as a decifion : the exceffes of the Contra-Remonftrants are parti- cularifed in the ninth : the tenth and eleventh juftify the province of Holland in relation to the raifing a new ËookIII. OFGROTIUS. 9^ new militia, which were called Attendants. The in- fcrmality of his arreft is difplayed in the thirteenth Chapter ; Grotius there fhews that he and the others arrelled at the fame time had only executed the orders of their Superiors and Sovereigns -, that thofe who arreited him had no power to do it; that the States- General had no authority over the fubjefts of the Provinces ; that they were a party in the difpute 5 that the perfons arrefted were members of the States of Holland, and were arrefted in the Province of Holland, where the States-General had no jurifdic- tion. The fourteenth Chapter expofes the want of formality in the proceedings from the time of their arreft to the nomination of their judges. The fif- teenth Chapter points out the want of formality in the nomination of the judges : and proves the extra- vagancy of making it a crime in them to maintain the rights of the States their Sovereigns, agreeable to the exprefs orders they received. The fixteenth Chapter explains the informality committed after the Judges were nominated. The feventeenth difplays the irre* gularity of the fentence pafîed upon them. The eighteenth gives a detail of the wrongs done to them after the Sentence. The nineteenth Chapter contains feveral remarks all tending to fhew the irregularity of the fentence. The Author concludes this work with a Prayer, imploring the Divine Good nefs to pardon his enemies, and protedl his Country. He farther prays that the Prince of Orange m.ay m-erit the love of the People over whom he is governor -, and that God may give himfelf grace to fupport with patience the perfecution he fufFers, that it may be me- ritorious to him in the other world. The Apology was fent to Holland as foon as pub- lifhed : ir incenfed the States-General the more, as they could not give a reafonable anfwer to it. The ajiprobation it met with throughout Europe would not lutFer them to remain filent -, this would have con- firmed all the dilagreeable truths which the neceflity H 2 of 100 T H E L I F E Book III. of a juft defence obliged Grotius to advance : thus deflitate of any good arguments, they had recourfe to authority, and made thcmfelves judges in their own caufe. They profcribed the Apology, and condemned it as flanderous, and tending to afperfe by faifhoods the fovereign authority of the government of the Pro • vinces, the perfon of the Prince of Orange, the States of the particular Provinces, and the towns them- felves ; and therefore forbad all perfons to have it in their cuftody on pain of death. The Mercure François mentions this in the following terms. " The *' Apology is prohibited j and all perfons of what " quality ibever are forbid to have it in their poffef- " fion on pain of death-, thus making Grotius as it *' were a prey to any perfon who {hall apprehend " him." Thefe menaces gave him uneafinefs : he confulted the French Miniftry, his friends and prote6tors, how to behave in this fituation, and what was to be done to prevent the confequence which might refult from the profcription : he had feveral conferences on this fubjeflwith the Chancellor de Silleri and the Prefident Jeannin. The Chancellor, who was naturally irrefo- lute, contented himfelf with blaming the rigour of the edift, and making general offers of fervice. The Prefident Jeannin was of opinion he fhould write a letter to a friend, fhewing the injuftice of the pro- fcription : others advifed him to defpife thefe vain threats, and publifli a new edition of the Apology in which he might put the i\.uthors of the Edid: to con- fufion : fome were of opinion he ought to complain to the States-General themfelves ; but others repre- fented there would be danger in having recourfe to this laft expedient, as he might feem by it to acknowledge their authority. Againll writing to the particular States of the Provinces there was one great objedlion^ namely, the certainty of drawing upon himfelf a new profcription, becaufe the power was in the hands, of his greatcil enemies. Thole who wifhed to fee him Book m. O F G R O T I U S. loî him pafs the reft of his days in France thought he fhould get himfelf naturalized a Frenchman, becaufe the King by that would neceflarily become his pro- teftor : they farther reprefented that this formality would qualify him to hold a place in France. What kept him in fufpenfe was to know whether he fhould put himfelf under the proteftion of the parliament, or aflc a fafe-conduft from the king. In the beginning of the year 1623 ? he feemed refolved to prefent a petition to the Parliament, and after- wards Write to the States-General. He was in doubt whether to write to the Prince of Orange : at length he took the moft proper ftep, which was to apply to the King. He prefented a petition to his Majcfty to be protefted againft the above- m.entioned Edift, " which imported that he fliould be apprehended *' wherever found-," thefe are the terms of the. Mer cu7'e François-, "and his Majefty took him into "his fpecial " proteftion, the letters for thatpurpofe being ilTued *' at Paris, Feb. 26, 1623." Although the greateft part of the Roman Catholics would have found nothing amifs in his Apology^ yet many of them in the Low -Countries were fcandalized that he had not fpoken of religion as they would have fpoken : and it was condemned at Antwerp as dan- gerous to be read ^. This v/ork was never anfwered. Some years after its publication ^ a report being fpread that a private perfon had written againft the Apology v/ithout being employed by the Stated- General, Grotius defired his brother to enquire into it. It is probable this news was without foundation : at leaft we know nothing of that work. The m.alevolence of thofe who were then in place made no change in Grotius's afteftion to his country : in the height of the new perfecution he v/rote to his brother that he would ftill labour to oromote the intereft of Holland j and tliat if the United Pro- ^ Ep. 46. p. 768, 1 Ep. 102. p. 784. ^ Dec. 20, 1630. H 3 vinces 102 . T H E L I F E Book ÎIî. vinces were defirous of entering into a clofer union with France, he would affift them with all his credit : for the public intereft was not to be facrificed to the refentment of injuries received from a few ^ V. Though the Prince of Orange had taken care to leave none in place but fuch as were entirely de- voted to him, and confequently declared enemies of the Remonftrants, Grotius frill preierved many faith- ful friends who ardently defired his return. He had fcarce been a month at Paris when they wrote to him that there were fom.e hopes of his being recalled : but he rightly judged that they were without founda- tion. He even writes to his brother-in-law, Reigerf- berg, that he looked on that rumour as an artifice of his enemiies, who fought by it to engage him to fi- lence, which they intended to take advantage of to propagate their calumnies. He was not duped by it, fince, as we have juft mentioned, it did not hinder him from writing his Defence, and pubiifliing ic to the world. Among thole who preferved a friend- fnip for him, there was one whom it would feem he had no reafon to count upon : this was Prince Fre- deric Henry of Naflau, brother to the Prince of Orange, and v/ho after the death of Maurice was himlelf Stadtholder. They maintained a correfpond- ence by letters even at the time when the people of Holland v/ere moft exafperated againft Grotius ; and by a Letter from that Prince, which is fiill remain- ing, we may judge that Grotius did him good fer- vice at Paris -, and that Freckric Henry was greatly difpofed to ferve him. This Letter deferves to be copied entire: it is dated Auguft 4, 1622. " Sir, I thank you for the good offices you have *' done me with fome of the King's Council, and " beg of you to continue them both with thefe, and *' with others, as you fliall think proper-, alluring *' you that I fliall acknowledge your friendfliip on all s Ep. 50. p. 739, 769, " occa- Book III. OF G R O T I U S. 103 occafions where I can ferve you j being bound to it by the friendfliip which you have ever Ihewn to me. I have afked your brother-in-iaw Mr. Rei- gerfberg to write to you particularly about an affair in which I Ihould be glad to have your opinion : you will oblige me much by fending it, as you have already done by the memorial you remitted to me ; for which I fincercly thank you. I could wifh to be of ufe in your affairs in this Country, and would labour in them moft chearfully : but you know the conftitution of things is fuch, that neither I, nor your other friends, can ferve you agreeably to our wifhes. I would fain hope that time will bring about fome change, and that I fhall fee you again here efteemed and ho- noured as your great qualities deferve j which will give me no lefs pleafure than I received from your regaining your liberty. In the mean time, I wijfh you, while at a diftance from your country, all the fatisfaftion, profperity, and hap- pinefs which you can defire. 1 his I pray God to grant, and to me an opportunity of (hewing by my aétions that I am yours moft affed:ionâteiy to ferve you, Henry de Naffau." VI. The year after the publication of the Apology, that is to fay, in 1623, Nicholas Buon printed at Paris Grotius's improvements and additions to Sto- basus. This author, as is well known, extracfled what he thought m.oft important in the ancient Greek writers, and ranged it under different heads compre- hending the principal points of Philofophy, His work is the more valu-able as it has preferved feveral fragments .of the Ancients found no where elfe. Gro- tius when very young purpoi'ed to extrad: from this author all the maxims of the poets, to tranflate them into I^atin verfe, and print the original with the tranf- lation. He began this when a boy ; he was employed in it at the time of his arreft, and continued it as an jimufement, whilft he had the ufe of books, in his H 4 prifon 104 T H E L I F E Book III. prifon at the Hague. He tells us that when he was deprived otpen and ink he was got to the forty-ninth title, which is an inveélive againft tyranny, that had a great relation to what paiîèd at that time in Hol- land. On his removal to Louveftein he refumed this work, and he finilhed it at Paris. He made feveral happy corrections in the text of Stobseus, fome from his own conjediures or thofe of his friends, others on the authority of manufcripts in the king's library, which were very politely lent him by the learned Ni- cholas Rigaut, librarian to his Majefty. Prefixed to this book are Prolegomena, in which the author fhews that the works of the ancient Pagans are filled with maxims agreeable to the truths taught in Holy Writ. He intended to dedicate this book to the Chancellor Silleri : he had even written the dedica- tion ; but his friends, to whom he fliewed it, thought he expreffed himfelf with too much warmth againft the cenfurers of his Apology. They advifed him there- fore to fupprefs it -, and he yielded to their opinion. It may be obferved in reading the royal privilege that the prefent title of the book is different from what it was to have had. To thefe extrafts from the Greek Poets tranflated into Englifh verfe, Grotius annexed two pieces, one of Plutarch, the other of St. Bafil, on the ufe of the Poets -, giving the Greek text with a Latin tranflation. Fabricius informs us, that in the Library, of the College of Leyden there is a copy of the Geneva edition of Stobseus, in the year 1609, v/ith feveral notes in Grotius's ov/n hand. Three years after the publication of his Stobseus, Grotius printed a work which may be looked upon as a con- tinuation of it ', being an extraft of the Com.edies and Tragedies of the Greeks : the text is tranflated into Latin verfe. In this work he inferred only fuch maxims as he thought beft worth preferving. He began it, as we have obferved, when a prifoner at Louveftein. The learned Fabricius very judicioufly remarks, that it is to be regretted he did net mention the Book III. O F G R O T I U S. 105 the places of the Ancients from whence he took thefe extradls. VIL After having lived a year in the noife of Paris he was defirous of enjoying for fome time the quiet of the country. The Prefident de Même offered him one of his feats, Balagni near Senlis. Grotius accepted it, and pafTed there the fpring and fummer of the year 1623. In this caftle he began his great work * which ifingly would be fufficient to render its author's name immortal ; I mean the treatife Of the rights of war and peace, of which we fhall fpeak more fully elfewhere. He had with him his family and iour friends ; and was vifited by the moft diftinguifhed men of learning, among others Salmafius and Rigaut. He had all the books he could defire : Francis de Thou the Prefident's fon, who fucceeded to his father's library, one of the beft in Europe, gave him the free ufe of it. Grotius, who knew the Prefident de Même to be a moft zealous Roman Catholic, v/as careful to regulate his condudt in fuch a manner that the Prefident might never re- pent his favouring him with the ufe of his houfe : he gave diredlions that v/hile he was at Balagni no butchers meat fliould be brought to table on Fridays or Saturdays ; he received none of the Dutch refugee Minifters there -, no pfalms nor hymns were fung ; in fine, he would have no public nor even private exercife of the Proteflant Religion performed ; and would fee only thofe whom he could not decently re- fufe. From Balagni he fometimes made excurfions to St. Germain, where the court was, in order to cultivate the friendfhip of the miniftry. Flaving learnt that the Prefident de Même wanted to reiide himfelf at Ba- lagni, he quitted it, and retired to Senlis in the be- ginning of Augufl : in October he came back to Paris. His wife's affairs obliging her to make a journey to Zealand, fhe fet out for that province in the fummer 1624. In her abfence Grotius was feized v/ith a vio- « Ep. 56. p. 770. Ep. 57. p. 77U lent 10(5 THE LIFE Book III. lent dyfentery. Oftober i8th, 1624, he writes to his brother that he had been three weeks confined to his bed, and four times blooded. The news of his illnefs threw his wife into a fever. As foon as it w^as abated Ihe fet out for Paris without waiting the return of her ftrength. Tlie pleafure of feeing her again and the care Ihe took of him wrought a wonderful change in Grotius : in fine, after two montlis dangerous illnefs he began to mend, and in a little time was perfe6lly recovered, fo that he was never in better health than in the beginning of the year 1625. His illnefs did not hinder his ftudies : in this laft he was employed about the Phœnijfie of Euripides. A part of his tranflation of this Tragedy had been loft- when he was a prifoner at the Hague : he did it over again while confined by his dyfentery, and put the lait hand to the whole. It was not publilhed till 1630. He dedicated it to the Prefident de Même. The preface confirms that he did this work in prifon 5 that after his ferious ftudies it ferved him for amufement and even confolation, for he was of Timocles's opi- nion, that Tragedies might ferve to alleviate the idea of our misfortunes by carrying our reflexions to the viciflitude of human affairs -, and begs fome indul- gence to a work done partly in prifon and partly-^ during illnefs. The tranflation is in Latin verfe fuch as the ancient tragic writers ufed. In the preface Grotius enters into an examination of Euripides's tragedy. He ftiews that the time of twenty-four hours has been exadly kept to ; that the unity of place is obferved j that the manners are good -, that it contains many ufeful maxims, and is upon the whole very well written. VIIÏ. The Prince of Orange, Maurice de Nafiau, falling ill in November, 1624, died after fix months indifpofition, at the age of fifty-eight, on the 23d of April, 1625. This event raifed the hopes of Grotius's friends : they flattered themfelves that his return to his Country would no longer meet with any obftacle. Prince Book m. O F G R O T I U S. 107 Prince Frederic Henry fucceeded his brother as Stadt- holder. He had not entered into the malevolent projeâis formed by Maurice againft the Arminians. The Count D'Eftrades has given us fome anecdotes on this fubjedt, which we Ihall relate on his authority. He aflures us that, being one day tête à tête with Prince Henry Frederic in his coach, he heard him fay that he had much to do to keep well with his brother Maurice, who fufpeded him of fecretly favouring Barnevelt and the Arminians. " He told me (thefe *' are the Count D'Eftrades words) that it was true " he kept a correfpondence with them to prevent their " oppofinghis eledbion in cafe his brother fhould die, " but that as it imported him to be on good terms *' with his brother, and to efface the notion he had *' of his connexion with the Arminians, he made ufe " of Vandermyle, one of his particular friends and " Barnevelt's fon-in-law, to let the cabal know that " it was neceflary for him to accommodate himfelf " to his brother, that he might be better able to " ferve them : which Barnevelt approved of." Hoogerbetz's fituation, who, as we have feen, was condemned with Grotius, received fome allevia- tion by the change of the Stadtholder. Four months 9,fter the death of Prince Maurice he was allowed to come out of Louveftein, and to refide at a country- houfe, upon condition of not leaving the country on pain of forfeiting twenty thoufand florins, for which his friends and children were bound. " It is afîèrted *' (fays the author of the Mercure François) that this *' liberty was granted him without any acknowledg- " ment of his fault, and without afking pardon." He did not enjoy it long, for he died three weeks after he was difcharged. Grotius's father, who knew his fon was efteemed and even loved by the new Stadtholder, advifed him to write to that Prince. He obeyed his father : but informed him that he was determined not to do a mean fhing to procure his return. It was from mere com- plaifance io8 T H E L I F E Book III. plaifance that he wrote to the Prince, for he owns to his brother he had very little hopes of fuccefs from his letter : he was even defircus that his correfpondence with the Prince might be kept a fecret, left its being publicly known fhould vex his Highnefs. The ene- mies of the Remonftrants would, no doubt, have been greatly offended with the Stadtholder, had they difcovered that he was favourably inclined to the Ar- minians : and the Prince's authority was not yet fuf- ficiently eftablifhed to free him from the neceflity of keeping meafures with fo powerful a party. Grotius's conjeftures were but too true : and all that he and his friends could do to procure his return was abfolutely fruitlefs. IX. He was now at the height of his glory by the prodigious fuccefs of his admirable book Of the rights of war and peace ^ which a celebrated writer " juftly ftyles a mafter-piece. He began it in 1623 atBalagni, and in 1625 it was publifbed at Paris. It was the fa- mous Nicholas Peyrefc, the Mecsnas of his age and the ornament of Provence, who engaged Grotius to handle this fubjed. He writes to that worthy magif- trate,Jan. nth, 1624. " I go on with my workO//i'^ ' law of nations : if it may be of ufe to the world it ' is to you pofterity will owe the obligation, finceyou ' made me undertake it, and afTifted me in it." In he preliminary difcourfe he fets forth his motives for reating this fubjcâ:. " Many ftrong reafons deter- ' mined me to write at this time. I have obferved ' in all parts of the Chriftian world fuch an un- ' bridled licentioufnefs with regard to war as the moft ' barbarous nations might blufh at : they fly to arms ' without reafon, or on frivolous pretexts ; and ' when they have them once in their hands they ' trample on all laws human and divine, as if from ' that time they were authorifed, and firmly refolved ' to ftick at no crime.'* Thus it was from a prin-- « Bayle, ciple Book III. O F G R O T I U S. 109 ciple of humanity that he compofed this great work i and, as he writes to Creliius "^, to Ihew how unbecoming it was for a Chriftian and a reafonable man, to make war from caprice : which was too much pra<5tifed. In the dedication of this book to the King the author obferves, that Lewis XIII. hke a propi- tious conftellation, not fatisfied with reUeving the mif- fortunes of princes andprotedting nations, had graciouf- ly fupported him under his affligions. He prefented his book to the King and the principal nobiUty -, who, he writes to his brother ^, received it very gracioufly, but made him no return. He imagined it was becaufe he had handled in it feveral points of divinity : and the court would not fhew any favour to heterodox works, in which fuch queflions were difcufled : but the favourable reception it met with from all Europe fufficiently made up this lofs. It will not be expeéled that we Ihould make an analyfis ' or enter into an examination of the treatife On the rights of war and peace : that would be a fubjeft for a large work. We Ihall only obferve that thofe who would fludy the law of nations cannot read this book too often : they will find in it the moft agreeable learning joined to the ftrongeil reafoning. The whole is not equally correét : but what large work is not li- able to the fame cenfure ? Befides, we muft confider that it has the glory of being original in its kind y, and the firft treatife that reduced into a fyflem the moft excellent and ufeful of all fciences. It is divided into three books ; to which is prefixed a preliminary difcourfe treating of the certainty of law in general, and containing a plan of the work. The firft book enquires into the origin of the rights of war and i^s different kinds, as alfo the extent of the power of Sovereigns : he explains in the fécond the nature and extent of thofe rights, whether public or private, whofe violation authorifes the taking up arms : ^ Ep. zSq. p. 104. * Ep. gi. p. 782. y Barbeyrac's Preface. in no THE LIFE Book III. in the third he treats of all that relates to the courfe of the war and the treaties of peace which put an end to it. The celebrated tranflator of Grotiiis and Puffendorf afllires us that Grotius took the hint of attempting a fyftem of natural law from Lord Bacon's works ; and certainly, he adds, none was more proper for fuch an undertaking. A clear head, an excellent judgment, profound meditation, univerfal learning, prodigious reading, continual application to ftudy amidft many diflradtions and the duties of feveral confiderable places, together with a fincere love to truth, are qualities which cannot be denied to that great man without wronging our own judgment and giving room to fufpedt us of black envy or grofs ignorance. It is faid that he defigned at firft to give his book the title, of 'The law of nature and of nations \ but afterwards preferred that which it now bears. Of the rights of war and peace. Never book met with fuch univerfal approbation: Commentaries have been written upon it by many learned men, and it has been publicly read at Univerfities. Though M. Barbeyrac thinks PuffendorPs book much more ufeful, he is at the fame time perfuaded that if Grotius had not led the way, we fhould not yet have had any tolerable fyftem of natural law : " and, he adds, if Puffendorf had been " in Grotius's place, and Grotius in Puffendorf's, " the treatife Of the rights of war and peace would in " my opinion have been much more defeâ:ive -, and " that Of the law of nature and nations much more " perfeâ:." Puffendorf himfelf owns that there re- mained few things to be faid after Grotius. Though the Latin language was at that time more ufed than at prefent, the principal nations of Europe wanted to have this work in their mother tongue. Grotius, on examining the Dutch tranflation, found the tranflator often wilfully deviating from the true fenfe of the original. The Great Guftavus caufed it to be tranOated into Swedifh : a tranflation of it into Engiifh Book m. O F G R O T I U S. in Englilh was preparing in the year 1639 : Mr. Bar- beyrac thinks it was not finifhed in Grotius's Ufe-time, but there have been two EngUlh tranflations of it fince his death. It was firft tranflated into German in 1 707 by Mr. Schutz. The Leipfick journahfts Ipeak of this tranflation as very corredl. There are two in French ; one by Mr. Courtin, which that of Bar- beyrac has totally eclipfed, and moft juftly : for ne- ver did a great author meet with a tranflator more worthy of him. Mr. Barbeyrac pofTelTed all the ne- cefiary qualifications for executing properly fuch a dif- ficult tranflation as that of the treatife Of the rights of war and peace. This fo excellent and highly efteemed work was however feverely criticifed by one of the moft learned men of the laft century. Salmafius, who had been Grotius's admirer, and who in the latter part of his life did all he could to deftroy his reputation, never fpoke of The rights of war and peace but with the greateft contempt : which was the more fhocking-, as, in his difpute with the Englilh on the right of Kings, he every where copies Grotius, and when he departs from him is fure to blunder : with which Boëcîerus has juftly reproached him. We cannot deny Salmafius profound learning ; but he was a man fwayed by his humour, often judged from pafllon and jealoufy, had too high an opinion of himfelf and too much contempt for others, and in fine found fault with whatever was not his own thought, as the learned Gronovius remarks. He ventured to advance, fome time after Grotius's death, that a profeflbr of Helmfted had undertaken to prove that every page of Grotius's book contained grofs blunders ; and he fpeaks it in fuch a manner as gives room to think he was of the fame opinion. This ProfefTor was called John de Felde ; he publifhed his notes againft Grotiits in 1653. Had the great Salmafius been ftill alive, I believe, fays M. Barbeyrac, that with all his fecret jealoufy againft the author cen- fured, 112 THE LIFE Book III. fured, he would have found himfelf greatly difap- pointed in his expeftations from John De Feide's project : never was any thing fo wretched. One would be furprifed a Mathematician could reafon fo ill, did not other much more fignal examples clearly demonftrate that the knowledge of the Mathematics does not always produce juftnefs of thought in mat- ters foreign to that fcience. We find here a man who feeks only for cenfure, and knows not what he would have : he fights with his own Hiadow, and for the moft part does not underftand the thoughts of the author he attacks -, and when he does underftand them draws the moft groundlefs confequences that ever were heard of. His gloomy and unhappily fubtle mind cannot bear the light which Grotius prefents to him. The embroiled ideas and diftinélions of his Peripatetic philolbphy form round him a thick cloud impenetrable by the ftrongeft rays of truth. This is Barbeyrac's judgment of him. Felde met with fome partifans of Grotius who confuted him : Theodorus Grafv/inckel, Advocate, his relation and friend, undertook his defence ; and the redoubled efforts of the Helmfted Profefibr did not lefTen his book in the efteem of the public. Not that the work is perfedl ; this, his admirers and thofe who were moft difpofed to do himjuftice, frankly own. His general principles touching natural law are very folid ; but they are too intricate, and it requires deep meditation to unfold them. He does not fuf- ficiently Ihew the chain of confequences to be deduced from them, and applied to particular fubjedls ; which gave certain authors of little penetration, or candour, occafion to fay, that after laying down his principles he makes no ufe of them, and builds his decifions on a quite different thing. He might have prevented thefe rafh cenfurcs by enlarging fomewhat more, and pointing out on each head the connexion of the proofs he makes ufe of, with the general principles from whence they are drawn. 7 With ÊookIII. of GROTIUS. 113 '^ With regard to the law of nations, which he con- fiders as .an arbitrary law in itfelf, but acquiring the force of a law by the tacit confent of nations, Bar- beyrac obferves that in the fenfe he underftands it, and has endeavoured to eftablilh its obligation, it has been (hewn to be infufficiently grounded : yet the queftions which he builds upon it make a great part of his work. It has been thought that his ftyle is too concife -, that he often exprefTes himfelf but by halves -, that he fuppofes many things which require great ftudy, paiTes over fubjeds of importance, and handles others which he might have omi.cted ; fuch as queftions re- lating rather to Divinity ^ than the fcience of Natural Law : in fine, it has been faid that the defire of Ihew- ing his learning hurt him : and a very judicious Ma- giftrate "^ juftly obferves, that by difplaying lefs learn- ing he would haye appeared a greater Philofopher. Notwithftandirig all thefe defefts, it is univerfally ac- knowledged to be one of the fineft works that ever was v/rittea. When this book appeared at Paris, Cardinal Fran- cis Barberin, who refided there as Legate from his uncle Pope Urbin VIII. hearing it much fpoken of, was curious to fee it ; and read it with attention. It is faid he was fhocked at firft that the author, infpeak- ing of the Popes, did not give them the titles which they are wont to receive from Roman Catholic au- thors ; but v/as otherwife well pleafed with the book. The reading of it had been permitted at Rome two years, -when on the 4th of February, 1627, it was put into the Index Expurgatorius^ with his Apology and X. In the mean time Grotius began to grow tired at Paris : his penîion was ill paid, and his revenue infufEcient to keep him decently with a wife and a numerous family. July 12, 1623, he writes to his * M. Daube, Effais fur les principes du Droit, Preface, p. 6. * Ep. 183. p. 798. I brother, 114 THE LIFE Book III. brother, " Penfions are no longer paid here, which *' embarrafles me greatly. If any Prince, fuch as *' the King of Denmark or the Elector of Saxony, " would employ me, and offer me a handfome *' falary, it would be worth my notice. At prefent " nobody thinks of me, becaufe they imagine I am *' employed by a great King. I have loft fome '' powerful friends : thofe who are now in power " wifh me well -, but they have too much bufmefs on " their hands, and I don't love to importune." M. D'Aligre being made Keeper of the Seals, Grotius flattered himfelf that it would be an advantage to his affairs. " He is a good man, fays he, and I " fhall be well recommended to him. I Ihallgoto fee *' him when he is lefs harrafs'd with vifits i and try " whether his friendfhip can be of ufe to me. How- " ever (he writes to his father and brother, Jan. 21, *' 1624) if any thing favourable fhould offer in " Denmark or the Maritime Towns, I would con- *' fider of it.'* He made a vifit to the new Lord Keeper, and received a promife of more than he hoped for : but he began to build no longer on com- pliments : he wifhed his friends would try to get hirn a fettlement in the North -y but would not have it known that he fet them on. Some advifed him to go to Spires, where there was an Imperial Chamber, and follow the profeflion of an Advocate : the writings there were all in Latin, the Roman law was followed» and the Augfburg confeflion the religion profeiTed. January 26, 1624, he begs of his father to inform himfelf of the manner of living in that country, for he muft foon come to fome refolution. In the mean time hopes were given him of his pen;^ fion ^ : though no penfions were paid, the Keeper of the Seals promifed that he would take particular care of him ; and was in fad: as good as his word : one of the firft things he did was to fpeak to the King ia k F.p. ^4, p. 775. .favour Book III. O F G R O T I U S. 115 favour of Grotius ^, and to obtain an order for the payment of the greateft part of the arrears owing to him. However he ftill prefTed his father and brother to feek out a fettlement for him ^. Feb. 16, 1624, he wrote to them that he perfifted in his refo- lution of going to fome town of the Augfburg con- fefllon, where he mjght live cheap, and wait for better times. " The ftate of the kingdom, fays he, makes " me uneafy ; and I have no profpe6b of a certainty *' for myfelf. Thefe negotiations muft be managed " with precaution and fecrecy, left the knowledge of " them fhould leflen the confideration in which I am " held. It is fufficient that thofe who wifh me well " know that I am not fo fixed here but I can come *' away if any thing better offers." In the mean time the Keeper of the Seals and the Miniftry heaped civi- lities on him ^; they fpoke of him to the King, and at length he received three thoufand Francs, part in money, and part in bills. There were at that time Dutch Ambafladors in France, who carried their malice fo far as to tell the King he could not be too much on his guard againft Grotius, who carried on a private correfpondence with the Spanifh Ambaffadors. He received infor-' mation of this from one of his friends. The foul calumny ftung him with indignation ; and though he did not think it deferved to be confuted, he wrote of it to the Lord Keeper, and in a letter on this fubjeét to Du Maurier he calls God to witnefs, that he had never feen any of the Spanifh Ambaffadors, and that there was not a man in the United Provinces who wiflied better to his Country. He had an offer of being Profeffor of Law in ■Denmark ^ ; but the character of the Danes made him averfe to that country : befides, he thought the places he had already filled did not permit him to ba- '= Ep. 6ç. p. 773. ^ Ibid. 67. p. 774. * Ibid. 68. j). 774V 63. p. 775. 7. p. 775., Ubid. 79. p. 778. I % come ij6 THE LIFE Book III. come a Profeiîbr in a College -, as to the Salary, he was laiisfied with it. While he was in fufpenle what he fliould do, the King nominated Cardinal Richlicu Prime Minifter. His Eminence had a mind to be particularly acquainted with Grotius, and afked him to come to his houfe at Limours : he was introduced by Marlhal de Fiat. We are ignorant of whatpaiFed at this interview : all we know is that the Cardinal, purpofmg to reflore the navy and trade of the nation, talked of thefe matters to Grotius ; who acquainted his brother with his vifit to the Cardinal in a letter dated May 21, 1626. It is highly probable the Cardinal propofed to Grotius to devote himfelf entirely to him : that mi- nifter protefted none but fuch as profefled an abfo- lute fubmiflion to his will in all things. He gave Grotius fo great hopes that he thought he might write to his father, " If I would forget my country, and " devote myfelf wholly to France, there is nothing " which I might not exped." But there is room to imagine the propofals made to him by the Cardinal were inconfiftent with his prin- ciples ; and he was not a man to ad againft his con- fcience on any confideration. This facrifice was the more praife-worthy as he really loved France : he mentioned it in confidence to Du Maurier. " I am *' extremely forry, fays he, that I can be of no ufeto *' France, where I have found a fafe afylum : but I " think it my duty to adhere to my former fenti^ " mentse." . Thus the Cardinal being difpleafed with Grotius'sre- icrvations, hispenfion was unpaid, either for that re afon or on account of the bad ftate of the finances. Grotius was greatly perplexed : " A man mull have lived at " Paris at his own expence, as I have done for eigh- " teen months (he writes to his brother, July 17, '^ 1626) to know what it cofls. I Ihould be ex- 5 Ep. «49. p. 84. tremely Book III. O F G R O T I U S. 117 " tremcly glad that you would inform yourfelf at " your convenieiicy, whether there be any hopes from " the Hans towns, and particularly Hamburg or " Roftock." Sept. 19, 1626, he opens his mind to Du Maurier : " This is the fécond year fince they *' have ceafed all regard for me, and put in praftice " whatever might fervetodeprefs a man of the greateft " fteadincfs," It was precifely iince Cardinal Rich- lieu became the Arbiter of France that Grotius was thus treated. The difgrace of the Chancellor D'- Aligre deprived him of all remains of hope: the Seals were given to Marillac, v/ho profeifed an open enmity to all that was Proteftant. Learning was no merit with him if joined to heterodoxy. He gave a public proof of his zeal ^ when the parliament of Dijon petitioned the King that Salmafius might be permitted to excrcife the office of Counfellor, which his father offered to refign in his favour : the Keeper of the Seals warmly oppofed it, declaring that he would never confent to a Huguenot's acquifition of the office of Counfellor in any parliament of France. Grotius was patient for fome time longer ; for he liked Paris, and there were many perfons in that city whofe converfation gave him infinite pleafure : He told the celebrated Peyrefc *, he was fo ftrongly at- tached to France on his account, that he would not leave it till his patience was worn out -, and he wrote to his great friend Du Maurier, that he was refolved never to quit France till it deferted him, that all the world might be forced to own he could not have adted otherwife. In fine, having lofl all hopes of pleafing the Mi- niftry, he began to think in good earneil of retiring into fome other Country. January 4, 1630, he writes to his brother, " I am wholly taken up with the " thoughts of fettling in fome part where I may live '" more commodioufly with my family." The firfl ^ Ep. 267. p. 100. . ' Ibid. 201. p. 72. I 3 condition ii8 THE LIFE Book lit. condition that he required was Uberty of confcience. Some advifed his going to Rome, becaufe Pope Ur- bin VIII, was a great Poet, and loved men of learn- ing ^. He thought the propofal very ridiculous, and joked on it to his brother. December 27, 1630, he writes to him, " It is not reafonable that I fhould be " always in fufpenfe. I fhall leave this country too " late, but I fhall certainly leave it foon." What heightened his embarraffment was his uncertainty where to go. He writes to his brother, April 4, 163 1, " I muft fpeedily come to a refolution : provifions " become every day dearer, and the payment of my " Penfion more uncertain : would it be proper to " return to my Country by ftealth, and with fo little " hopes, after doing her fo great fervice ? My Coun- *' try men have not the fame fentiments for me that I " have for them." XI. In fine, upon mature confideration, trufling to the good-will of his friends, and the proteftations of friendfhip from the Prince of Orange, he ventured to return to Holland. He had always fecretly wilhed to be reftored -, but, however ardent this defire might be, he was incapable of purchafing his reftoration by any afts of meannefs. They had difcovered his in- clination i and in 1623 a rumour fpread that he was feeking to be reconciled to the States-General. He was fenfible this report had reached Du Maurier, and therefore wrote to him on the 24th of September *= that there was nothing in it ; that the times were not fa- vourable, and that the publication of his Apology put an obftacle in the way of his return. Du Maurier was of the fame opinion"^, and no body had better oppor- tunities of knowing the difpofition of mens minds and the fituation of affairs. However in the year following Du Maurier began to entertain better hopes. Being come back from Holland to France, he wrote to Grotius that his affair? ** Ep, 85, p. 780. <= Ep. 195. p. 71. '^ Ep. 2CO. p. 71- went Book m. O F G R O T I U S. 119 went on fo well, he might flatter himfelf with the profped; of returning : but this agreed ill with other ad- vices receivedbyGrotius-, and he wrote to DuMaurier, July 30, 1624, that he confulted his ancient friend- ihip more than the fituation of affairs ; that his ene- mies were fo powerful he did not fee there could be any hopes for him ; and that he was endeavouring to provide himfelf with patience to fupport perpetual baniihment and the inconveniences annexed to that unhappy fituation. One would imagine the death of Prince Maurice muft make a fpeedy revolution in Grotius' favour : the friendfhip with which he was honoured by Prince Frederic Henry him gave his friends ground tohopefor it ; but he himfelf was of a different opinion. July 3 1, 1625 *» h^ wrote to his father that his return was an affair of great confequence, which perhaps muft not be mentioned at prefent. He fent his wife into Hol- land in the fpring 1627^, that fhe might enquire her- felf how matters ftood. She found many friends s j but as fhe was convinced of her hufband's innocence, and knew that in all Holland there was not a man capable of labouring fo eff^ecflually for the intereft of his Country, fhe imagined they ought to make the firft advances, afk him to forget v/hat was paft, and pray him to return. This was to fuppofe the re- turn of the Golden agej and experience ought to have informed her better. She would not therefore have recourfe to petitions and entreaties to obtain Gro- tius' return, left they fhould be taken for fome ac- knowledsiment of a fault. This encreafed the ma- o levolence of his enemies, and they fought to revenge themfelveS on his brother-in-law Reigerfberg, to whom they wanted to make a crime of his corre- fponding with Grotius by letters -, but their malice was ineffbftual, becaufe the calumnies to which they had recourfe were too eafily confuted. However his ^ Ep. 98. p. 7S3. 99. p. 783. and 100. p. 784. f Ep. 148. p. 797. s Ep. 223. p 77.' I 4 friends no THE LIFE Book III. friends bcftirred themfelves in his favour : of which Grotiiis being informed, he begged of them to promife nothing in his name, that there might be no ground to imagine he foHcited leave to return. " For (he " writes to his brother) that is what my enemies want, *' that they may reproach me with alking pardon for *' my pretended faults." The endeavours of his friends were fruitlefs ; and his brother wrote to him (February 21, 1630) that there was no hope of fuc- cefs. If they did not obtain his return they at lead made him gain a caufe of confequence. He reclaimed ^ his effeds which were confifcated, grounding on the privilege of the Burghers of Delft j and his demand was granted. He fays neither favour nor folicitations had any influence in his gaining this fuit ; and that he owed it to the inconteftable right of which the town of Delft was long in polTeflîon. Though the information received from his brother of the inefHcacy of his friends folicitations might have made him forget his country ', he refolved to regulate his condudl by his wife's advice, who had been on the fpot. On her return from Holland fhe told him it was necefiary he Ihould go thither. He immedi- ately wrote to his brother that on his wife's information he refolved to go to fee him and his father and mo- ther -, and that they would confult together what was beft to be done for his advantage. He adds, that if after fo long patience he ftill found his Country un- grateful, he had received advantageous propofals from more than one quarter, where he might live with eafe and honour. He fet out for Holland in the month of Odlober, 1631. XII. The fentence palTed againft him was flill in force. His friends, afraid of his being arrefted, as he had no fafe-conduél, advifed his concealing him- felf : this ftep appeared to him fhameful and timid : J" Ep. 261. p. 89. ^ Ep. 278. p. 838. He BookIII. of grot lus. izi He wrote to his brother on the nineteenth of November, 163 1, that he would rather retire than conceal him- felf i and that by not appearing in pubhc he had lef- ;#ned the opinion of his innocence, and at the fame time the courage of his friends. He came to Rotterdam ^, where he imagined he would be fafeft, becaufe, having filled the poft of Pen- fionary with much honour, he was greatly beloved in the town. He took it ill that the Magiftrates did not make him the firft vifit after the fignal fervices he had done the city -, and hefitated whether he fhould go to fee them : one of them fent his fon to acquaint him that it was not perhaps prudent, after the fcn- tence of condemnation paflfed upon him, to appear in public. Grotius made anfwer, that he had fuch a good opinion of the gratitude of the Burghers of Rotterdam, he was perfuaded he had nothing to fear among them. The young gentleman replied, that in a populous town there might pofTibly be fome one who would do him an ill turn to gain the reward» Grotius imagined this advice proceeded from the Ma- giftrates jealoufy, who were afraid that the people would difcover too much attachment to him. They fpread a report that he was not in the Remonftrants fentiments, and that the counfels formerly given by himhad been frequently difapproved. In themean time he was much embarraflèd in what manner to behave, and confulted the moft able lawyers on the fubjedl, '^ho refufed to take any fee from him. He had no objeflion to writing to the States-General, provided the letter contained nothing to the difadvantage of his innocence. He met with more difficulties than he imagined : and wrote to his brother (November 28, 1 631) " I am threatened with a ftorm-, but I can ^' live elfewhere, and I leave all to God's difpofal.** He left Rotterdam, and came ifi the end of the year 1631 to Amfterdam, where he was extremely ^ Ep. 297. p. 847. well 122 Tï4E LIFE Book III. well received '. He did not, however, trufl his ftay in the Low-Countries to the fuccefs of his negotia- tion, for he wrote to his father, December lo, 1631, " You may fay you underftand that I have taken my *' refolution to quit this cruel Country." He was not fatisfied with the Magiftrates of Rotterdam : but he fpoke extremely well ot the town of Delft ^ : how- ever no City ventured publickly to protedt him ". His great friend Gerard Voffius did every thing in his power to engage all who had any friendlhip for him- lelf to befriend Grotius, and keep him in Holland. We have a letter written by him on that fubjeâ: to Bevovicius, Magiftrate of Amfterdam °, who was in the intereft of his friend : he reprefents to him what diflionour the States would bring on themfelves by not permitting a man to live in their country who was its greateft ornament, and the wonder of the age. He exhorts him to continue his good offices to prevent Amftcrdam from difgracing herfelf by op- pofmg that great man's return, and affures him that France, Germany, England, and all nations are waiting to fee what Holland will do on this occafion. *' Let us not, fays he, have ground to regret the " lofs of aman whom it depends entirely on ourfelves " to keep." Voffius's defire to have Grotius continue in Hoi-. land was fo great, that his friend's injflexibility gave him much uneafinefs. He wanted him to make ap- plication to the Prince of Orange, and, after ob- taining his confent, to write to thole in power, afking permilTion to flay in the Country: but this was pre- cifely the ftep to which Grotius had thé greateft aver- fion. To employ himfelf till his fatefliould be determined, he refolved to excrcife the profefTion of Confulting Advocate : with this view he defired his brother, in a letter dated February i^, 1632, to fend him what J Ep. 301. p. 844. "> Ep. 504. p. 844. " Ep. 305. f. 844. " Ep. Voflii 38. p. 142. 2 law Book III. O F G R O T I U S. Ti^ law books he had, and which he might need for the proper difcharge of his office. He could make no ufe of thefe books : for the States-General, thinking themfelves affronted by his boldnefs in continuing in the Country without their leave, and by the repugnance he fhewed to afk them pardon, on the tenth of December, 1631, iffued an Ordonnance enjoining all the Bailiffs of the Country to feize his perlbn, and give them notice. No body would execute it : which obliged the States to renew it, on the tenth of March in the year following, upon pain to thofe who would not obey of lofmg their places ; and with a promife of two thoufand florins to any one who would deliver Grotius into the hands of juftice, Therewere many who interefted themfelves for him : belides private perfons he was favoured by the Nobles, the Towns of Rotterdam, Delft, and Am^- fterdam. But the States-General were his Judges and his Adverfaries. We do not find that the Prince of Orange, on whofe friendfhip he had fome reafon to depend, prO' te6led him on this effential occafion. The intrigues of his enemies diverted him from it. They were at great pains to prejudice the Stadtholder againft Gro- tius, by reprefenting that he profeffed an inviolable attachment to the privileges of his Country-, and, being of Barnevelt's principles, would fupport them with equal firmnefs ; and that the Prince could never agree with him becaufe he would always oppofe his views. Thefe reafons made an impreffion on Frede- ric, who being of the fame charafter with all the Princes of his houfe, wanted, fays Du Maurier, to be Prince of Holland. He approved therefore of the proceedings of the States-General, who intended to give Grotius to underftand by their laft Ordon- nances, that they condemned him to perpetual ba- nilhment. It will perhaps be wondered at that a wife man, iuch as Grotius, would hazard a journey to Holland without 124 T H E L I F E Book III. without fucceeding in the projefts he had formed for obtaining permiflion to flay there : but on fome oc- cafions it is prudent to run hazards. The point is whether the appearance of fuccefs was fuch as a man of fenfe ought to build on. He was fenfible this would be objeded to him, and in fome of his letters he endeavours to juftify his return. He writes to Martinus Ruarus, January 19, 1632, that he came to Holland at the folicitations of his Friends, who imagined time and his fervices had mollified his ene- mies ; but that immediately on his arrival he per- : ceived his well-williers would find great difficulty in r bringing them to more moderate fentiments. He complains in another letter, written to Du Mau- rier Feb. 6, 1632 p, that he found a want of courage in gpod men, and his misfortunes prevented them from fpeaking with freedom. Voflius explains his friend's reafons for coming to Holland in a letter of the thirteenth of February, 1632 *!, to William Laud, Bifhop of London. " Gro- " tius is returned to his Country by the advice of - " feveral illuftrious men, fome of whom are in great *' place. He has done this without the knowledge " of fuch as condemned him twelve years ago to per- " petual imprifonment, and of thofe who in that time " of trouble attained to the higheft dignities by de-^ " pofing fuch as were in power. All thefe, excepting a^ " few, think it their intereft that this great man, whofe *' merit they know, fhould be buried in obfcurity -, and " therefore fpoke againft him with great warmth in " the Afl^cmbly of the States. He had feveral illuftri- " ous friends who ftood up for him : the nobility, " three cities, Rotterdam^, of which he was Pen^ ■ *' fionary j Delft, where he was born ; and Amiler- " dam, no lefs famous for her prudence than her " riches. Leyden is much againft him : becaufe " the firft Burgomafter was one of his Judges : Har- p Ep. 28g. p. 105. 3 Prseft. Vir. Epift, 507. p. ^^66. *• lem, Book III. O F G R O T I U S. 125 *' lem, for the like reafon, is of the fame fentiments. *' Of the other towns fome take a middle courfe : " mod of them join Leyden ; efpecially the fmaller *' towns, in which the preachers have great autho- " rity. Hence it is uncertain how this affair will *' end : he has the flower of Holland for him ;■ but " it often happens with us that the Zealots, like the *' rigid Puritans, by their menaces and clamour bear " down the honeft party, who are more modeft. If " it fhould fo happen I fear much that this great •*' man, fatigued with thefe fquabbles, will of him- " felf quit his ungrateful Country : I am the more " apprehenfive of this as I know for certain that *' fome Kings and feveral Princes are endeavouring " to draw him to their courts by offers of great ho- " nours and a confiderable falary. If he is deftined " to live out of his Country, I fhall be jealous of *' any place he fettles in if it be not Great-Britain, *' where, I forefee, he would be of much fervice to " the king and kingdom." Laud, in his anfwer to this letter, owns "^ that he always looked on Grotius*s recall as a thing not to be expefted : as to the pro- pofal of employing him in England, he tells him it was in vain to think of it in the prefent circum- ftances. Grotius feeing fb much oppofltion, judged it moft proper to feek his fortune elfewhere \ and left Hol- land. XIII. It was on the feventeenth of March 1632 that he fet out from Amfterdam on his way to Ham- burg i but did not take up his refidence in that City till the end of the year : the fine feafon ^ he pafled at an agreeable country-feat, called Okinhufe, near the Elbcj belonging to William Morth, a Dutch- man. He had left many friends in France. William De Luffon, Firft Prefident of the Court of Moneys, was ' Prsf. Vir. Ep. 5©8. p. 567. ' Ep. Grotii 245. p. 107. Ep. inter Voflianas 216. p. 13U one 126 THE LIFE Book III. one who adhered to him moft fteadily : and we find by Grotius' letter to him that he was very acflive to ob- tain the payment of his penfion though abfent : In a letter whofe date is falle*, Grotiiis informs him", that while he lived he would never forget the King's goodnefs and the gracious reception with which that Prince honoured him : and promifes to write to Bou- tillier, Superintendant of the finances, as foon as an occafion off'ered. It is probable this Minifter had made him an offer of fervice ; for in fpeaking of him Grotius fays, " It is very agreeable to me to be ap- " proved by a man who in fuch a high ftation has " not loft the tafte for polite literature : I wilh him *' and his family uninterrupted profperity, and the " art of enjoying it." His wife, who had been in Zealand, came to join liim, and the pleafure of feeing her again was a con- folarion under all his troubles. He writes to Vofllus, Auguft 17, 1632 ^% " Opprefi!èd by the violence of " my enemies, to which hand ftiall I turn me, and *' to whom fhall I have recourfe, but to her who has " been the faithful companion of my good and bad "^ fortune -, and to you who have given me public " marks of your attachment in my greateft calamities ? " I have not yet (he adds) come to a refolution in my *' own affair ; but as far as I can fee I fhall have it " in my power to chufe. It ought not to appear " hard to me to live under a Mafter, when I fee that *' after fo many efforts for preferving your liberty '* you have little more than the name of it. I am *' refolved to expofe myfelf to every thing rather " than ftoop to tkofe who have treated me fo un- *' worthily after many years patience. I value not " that man who lays afide all fentiments of genero- * This Letter is dated at Hamburgh Feb. 9, 16^2. He was ftill in Holland in the month of February. See the Letters writ- ten to his brother, 308 and following, p. 845. " Ep. 291. p. 106. ''^ Ep. 298. p. 108. " fity." Book m. OF GROTIUS. 117 " fity." He no doubt means the Prince of Orange, of v/hom he thought he had reafon to complain. He was well pleafcd with the air of the place where he refided, and met with fo many Dutchmen % that he did not look upon himfelf as a ftranger. He wanted his books •, but the learned Lindenbrogius gave him accefs to his library to ufe it as his own. When winter came on, he lodged at Hamburg with Van Sorgen, a Merchant, who had a regard for men of learning : he was brother to Nicholas Van Sorgen an eminent Advocate at the Hague. Notwithflanding the embarraflment of hi^ affairs lie tells the Firft Prefident of the Court of Moneys, that he did not pretend to draw money from the King of France for the future. *' I lliall always, fays he, " retain a moft gretteful fenfe of the King's liberality : " but it is enough to have been chargeable to you " when in France. I have never done you any fer- *' vice, though I made an offer of myfelf. But it *' would not be proper that I fhould now live like a *' hornet on the goods of other men. I fliall never *' forget, however, the kindnefs of fo great a King, *' and the good offices of fo many friends." His wife was gone to Zealand, " to receive, fays " he, the remains of our wreck, which I am uncer- *' tain into what port to carry." He wrote to Def- cordes, to whom he had already fpoke his fentiments in feveral Letters, that he moft humbly thanked the King for his inclination to honour him with his bene- faftions though abfent, and that he was extremely fenfible of the conftant attention of his friends to ferve him ; but that he faw no juft reafon for accept- ing the King's favours lince his departure from France. *' I earneftly wifh, he adds, that my excufes maybe *' well received : I have no lefs grateful fenfe of what *' is offered me than of what was given me : and *' fhall mioft chearfuUy teftify m^y gratitude for the ^ Ep, 29g. p, 108., and 300, p, 108. " favours 128 THE LIFE BookIIL *' favours received from a moft excellent King as *' otten as occafion offers. In the mean time I pray " God to give him a long life and vigorous health, *' and to redore the tranquillity of the kingdom, if " France be capable of fo great a bleffing." There might have been a prudential reafon for his declining at this time to be a penfioner of France, namely, left his connexion with that crown Ihould hurt his projedts of a fettlement which were then on the carpet. This conjefture is ftrengthened by what he writes himfelf to the Firlt Prefident of the Court of Moneys, that the Minifters of fome Princes hav- ing afked him whether he were attached to any Court, as was reported ; he anfwered, that he would always remember with gratitude the favours fhewn him in France, but that fince he came away he was free and his own mafter : he adds, that feveral confiderable fettlements both with regard to honour and profit were offered him -, *' but, fays he, I keep always in *' mind the maxim, to deliberate long before coming " to a refolution. I hope however that my fituation *' will permit me to fee France again, and my dear " friends, and to thank them perfonally ; you, " MefTieurs de Thou, Defcordes, Du Puis, Pelletier, *' whole names will remain engraven on my heart *' wherever fortune carries me." Luflbn yielded to his reafons, and approved of his difmtereftednefs y. He led a dull life at Hamburg. " I am extremely " Iblitary here (he writes to his brother Auguft 3, *' 1633 '^ :) even the men of learning keep up no cor- " refpondence with one another. I might eafily *' fupport this irkfomenefs if I had my books and " papers : for I could employ myfelf in fome work *' that wpuld be ufeful to the public and no difcredit " to me : but at prefent without thefe I am a kind of " prifoner." > Ep. 319 p. 114. 2 Ep. 522. p. 84s'.- The ÊookIII. of GROtIUS. lï^ The difagreeablenefs of his fituation and the un- eafinefs of his mind were increafed by the death of his Landlord after fourteen days illnefs ^. He was a Merchant of rnore knowledge and good fenfe than we commonly find in men ot that profeflion. He left fome young children, in whofe education Grotius in- terefted himfelf. Writing on this lubjeâ: to Vofllus, he tells him that his Landlord's two fons were at the Hague learning Grammar -, that they were beginning to make Themes and Verfions ; that if what they had already learnt were not cultivated, they would foon forget it ; and that the time which boys fpent in their Studies at Hamburg was loft, the method of teaching being only ht to make blockheads. " Se- **- veral, he adds, employ preceptors in the educa- *' tion of their children ; which method anfwers not *' expedation. I never approved of it becaufe I •' know that young people learn not but in company, " and that ftudy languilhes where there is no emula- *' tion. I alfo diflike thofe fchools when the mafter " fcarce knows the names of his fcholars, and where " their number is fo great that he cannot give that " attention to each, which his different genius and " capacity may require. For this reafon I would have " a middle courfe /oUowed : that a mafter fhould *' take but ten or twelve, to ftay in the houfe toge- " ther, and be in one form ; by which means hq " would not be overburdened." He begs of him to inform himfelf whether there was not fuch a houle in Amfterdam where he might place Van Sorgen's fons. VolTius joined with Grotius in his thoughts on education ^. The death of his Landlord obliging Grotius to remove, he v/ent to lodge with a Dutchman called Ahafuerus Mattliias % formerly Minifter at De- venter, which he left on account of his adhering to Arminianifm. The return of his wife from Zea- ^ Ep. 323. p. 448. *" Ep. Grotii 330. p. 119. * Ep. 336, p. 121. K land Ï30 THE LIFE, &c. Book IH. land in Autumn 1633, "^^^ had always been his con- folation in adverfity, rendered his life more agree- able. ^ He mentions it toDefcordesNov. 13, 1633, and informs him that though feveral fettlements were offered him, he had not yet determined which to em- "brace, but would foon come to a refolution. He pafTed his time in writing his Sophomphan^eus, or Tragedy of Jofeph% which he finifhed whilft at Hamburg. It is probable that if he had had his Books and Papers he would have applied himfelf to fomething elfe at his age : but this kind of ftudy was fuitable enough to his prefent fituation. Salvius, Vice-Chancellor of Sweden, a great llatef- man, and a man of learning, was then at Hamburg. Grotius made acquaintance with him, and faw him frequently. Polite Literature was the fubjeâ: of their converfation. Salvius conceived a great efteem for Grotius, and the favourable report he made of him to the High Chancellor Oxenftiern determined the latter to invite Grotius^ to come to him, that he might employ him in affairs of the greateft importance, as we Ihall fee in the following book. * Ep. 331. p. 113. «^Ep. 337. p. 122. fEp. 345.P. i2> THE (131 ) THE LIFE of GROTlUa B O O K IV. I H EN It was known in Europe that Gro- tius had no longer any connexion with the Court of France, the greatefi: Princes fought to draw to them a Man who to the mofl profound learning and know- ledge of public Law joined the ftrifteft probity. In 1629 he was invited into Poland, as we learn from a letter to Voffius, dated November 29 that, year*. Three years after, December 30, 1632, Ruarus wrote to Grotius from Dantzick, " You have *' a very great name at our Court, and the good " odour of it has induced the King to order Savafi, " who goes as his AmbaiTador to Holland and Eng- *' land, to advife with you. He has not done it, ac- *' cording to what the Secretary of the embafiy tells *' me ; and I am ignorant of his reafon : but this I " I know, that many are labouring to bring you *' here with a penfion from the King. I know not " what will become of this affair ; but I believe it *' would be pufhed more briikly, if thofe who con- •' cern themfelves in it were not perfuaded that you Ep. 25Q. p. 85. K 2 " would î^i THE LIFE Book IV. ^' would decline the propofal." Grotlus ' anfwered> that he would readily have waited on Savafi if he had fent him his compliments ; and that he gueffed what it was that hindered him. " When your King, he " adds, fhall be diipoled to employ me, and I know *' in what bufinefs, I (hall not be long in taking my " refolution." In the beginning of the year** 1632 he was flattered with the hopes ot being employed by England. ChriftiernlV.KingofDenmark loaded him v/ith ci- vilities when he was at Hamburg ^ and Voflius, who was well informed of every thing that related to his friend's affairs, writes to Meric Cafaubon, 061. 25, 1633, that the King of Denmark offered Grotius ^ confiderable penfion if he would enter into his fervice. Henry Erneftus informed VofTius, that Grotius had fcen that Prince at Gluckftad, and was extremely well received by him : this he had from Grotius himfelf. He concludes his letter with an invedtive againft die Dutch, who were fo void of common fenfe, as to re- fufe the fervices of fo great a man. It is faid that even the King of Spain ' had thoughts of taking him into his fervice : ;but this Prince's court fuited him ill for many reafons eafy to be imagined ; one of which was that his going to Spain would be matter of triumph to his enemies, who would reprefent it, with fome degree of probabi- lity, as a proof of what they had formerly afTerted, that Grotius was a private Penfioner of Spain. The Duke of Holftein and feveral other ^ Princes made him likewife advantageous propofals. It was reported that the famous Walftein intended to take him into his fervice. Ruarus * wrote about it to Grotius, and tells him he could fcarce give credit to this news, from a perfuafion that Grotius would not employ his pen in writing things of which no doubt he partly difapproved. » Ep. 336. ^ Ep. 30g. p. 845. ^ Henry Dupuis. Grotiï manes, p. zgg. Niceron. "* Ep. Voflii, 257. p. 150. * Ruari Ep. 36. p. 186. fSJ' Book IV. O F G R O T I U S. 133 His remaining fo long without coming to a refolu- tion proceeded, it is probable, from his unwillingnefs to attach himfelf to any Prince, till he defpaired of a reconciliation with his Country -, of which he was fo defirous, that above two years and a half after he had been fo Ihamefully driven out, he had ftill thoughts of March 8, 1634 ^, he writes to his brother, It is of great importance to me that my affair may be no longer protra6led, and that I know fpeedily whether I can fee my Country again, or mud re- linquifh it for ever." A fortnight after he writes to him ^ " I expefl your letters with impatience, to know what I have to hope for from my Country- men. I have been too long under incertainty, and I am afraid of lofing in the mean time the opportu- nities which offer elfewhere. I would not however have any thing afked in my name direftly or in- directly ', but if they make any propofal of their own accord, I fhall be glad to know it.'* He ought to have determined himfelf long before. Convinced at lafl that he mufb lay afide all thoughts of returning into Holland, he yielded to the preffing inftances ot the High Chancellor of Sweden, who wanted to employ him in affairs of importance. Grotius gave the preference more readily to this Minifter, the greateft man perhaps of his age, be- caufe he followed Guftavus's plan, for whom Grotius had a fingular veneration : in January, 1628 % he fpeaks of him as a Prince whofe greatnefs of foul and knowledge in civil and military matters placed him above every other. March 12, in the fame year, he writes to his brother^, thatoii every occafion he would do ail in his power to ferve fuch a virtuous Monarch. On the 28 th of April following, he congratulates Camerarius '\ whole father was Ambaffador from Sweden, on his ferving a Prince who merited every ^ Ep. 326. p. 849. '' Ep. 326. p. 849, Ê Ep. 163. p. 801. ^ Ep. 170. p. 805. ^ Ep. 175. p. 805. K 3 com- 134 THE LIFE Book iV: commendation. " The whole univerfe will not fur- " nifli his equal in virtue ^. Men of the greateft " merit in this country think the brilliancy of this " Prince's anions and virtues muft ftrike even envy " dumb. Happy are they who are under the pro- " teftion offo great a King. He proves the pofTibi- " lity of what appeared incredible in the great men " of antiquity : he is a witnefs who gives evidence in " their favour : he will ferve for a mafter to pofte- " rity -, and the beft lefTons in the art of war will be *' taken from his hiftory. He is no lefs eminent as a '* warrior, than as a ftatefman ^ ; and in him is found " all that makes a great King. He is the wifeft " Monarch now reigning, and knows how to im- " prove every opportunity to the beft advantage, " not only when the injuftice of his enemies oblige " him to have recourfe to arms, but alfo when he is " allowed to enjoy the bleflings of peace." The Letters, in which he expreffes his profound efteemfor the Great Guftavus, were all written before the month of June, 1630, whilft he refided at Paris and had no thought of entering into the Swedifh fervice. Guftavus had fent to Paris Benedidl Oxenftiern, a relation of the High Chancellor, to bring to a final conclufion the treaty between France and Sweden, This Minifter made acquaintance with Grotius, and in a lliort time conceived fuch a high efteem for him, that he refolved to employ his credit to draw him to his Mafter's court. A report of this fpread in Hol- land -, and William Grotius wrote about it to his brother, who made anfwer, Feb, 6, 1632, That thefe reports were without foundation ; that, befides, he had an averfion to foUov/ing an army. It was faid that King Guftavus intended to employ him at the Court of France j and he anfwered his brother on this fubjed, Feb. 18, 1632, That if this Monarch ^ Ep. 184. p. 809. 212. p. 8ig. ' Ep. 215. p. 820. ty. Z2(). p. 824. &ep. 242. p. 829. would Book IV. O F G R O T I U S. 135 would nominate him his AmbafTador, with a proper falary for the decent fupport of that dignity, the pro- pofal would merit his regard. This Prince, who was certainly the greateft Cap- tain of his age, had at the fame time an affedlion for men of learning. The reading of the treatife Of the Rights of War and Peace gave him the higheft opinion of its author, whom he regarded as an original ge- nius ^ i and he was perfuaded that one who wrote fo well on the Law of Nations muft be an able Statefman. He refolved to gain him, and to employ him in fome embaffy. The High Chancellor of Sweden, who was of the fame opinion with his Mafter, wasGrotius's patron at Court. Guftavus, who looked upon Grotius as the firft man of his age, was on the point of fhewing all Europe how much he efteemed him, when he was unhappily flain, on the 6th of November, 1632 ", in a famous battle againft the Imperialifts, in which the Swedes gained a fignal victory. Some time before, this great Prince °, as if he had had a foreboding of his end being near, gave orders for feveral things to be done in cafe of his death j among others that Grotius fhould be employed in the Swedilh Miniftry. The' High Chancellor Oxenftiern, who governed the king- dom during the minority of Queen Chriftina, the daughter of Guftavus Adolphus, thought it his duty and honour to conform to his Matter's intentions : he therefore preffed Grotius to come to him, pro- mifing him an employment fuited to his merit p. Grotius did not yield immediately, not only becaule he had ftill hopes of being recalled to Holland, but alfo becaufe he was perfuaded that one ought to delibe- rate long before taking a refolution which cannot be altered. It may not be improper to obferve that the book Of the Rights of War and Peace was found "" Prefacio Man. Grotii Vir. Grot, p. 30b. " At Lutfen. • Ep. Grotii, 87. p. 384. P.Ep. 344.. p. izj. <^' 346. p. 124. K 4 in 136 THE LIFE Book IV, 'n King Guftavus's tent after his death. Grotius alfc» gives us an anecdote concerning his entering into the Swedifn lervice which deferves to be mentioned, namely, that it was Marllial Bannier's brother, who gave him the hrft hint of preferring Sweden to the other States, by whom he was folicited, II. Grotitis, on the invitation of the High Chan^ cellor of Sweden, fet out for Franckfort on the Main where that Minifter was. He had no notion what they purpofed to do with him ; but he was quite eafy with regard to his fettlement, being perfuaded that a Minifter of Oxenlliern's prudence and credit would not engage him to take a wrong ftep i his only anxiety was, left the High Chancellor, whom he looked on as the greateft man of his age \ and fit to be compared with the moft famous in antiquity, fhould entertain too high an idea of his merit, from the advantageous teftimonies given of it, and left he ftiould be unable to anfwer the hopes that Minifter had conceived of him. He arrived at Franckfort in May, 1634% and was received v/ith the greateft politenefs by the High Cha icellor, who did not however explain his inten- tions : Grotius wrote to his brother, July 13, 1634, that the Chancellor proceeded with great flow- nels in his affair -, but that every body afilired him he was a man of his word : " If fo, he adds, all " will o;o well." He wrote for his wife, and fhe ar- rived at Franckfort, with his daughters and fon Cor? nelius, in the beginning of Auguft. The Chancellor continued to heap civilities ^ on him without men- tioning a word of bufinefs : but ordered him to fol- low him to Mentz ; and at length "^ declared him Counfcllor to the Qiieen of Swedea, and her Ambafla- dor at the Court of France. The authority of Oxenftiern was fo great that this kmd or nommation needed not the Queen*s con- «3 Ep. 349. p. 125. & ep. 346. p. 124. ' Fp. 330. p. 849. ' Ep. 352. p. -izy, ' fclp. 337, p. 851. firma.ion ; Book IV. OF GROTIUS. 137 firmation : it was not till almoil two years after " that Chriftina ratified by her letters Grotius's embafly. Before their arrival he enjoyed the fame honours and prerogatives as if the Queen herfelf had nominated him. As foon as he could depend upon an eftabliHiment, he purpofed to make it known by fome public a6t that he confidered himfelf no longer as a Dutchm.an. On the 13th of July, 1634^, he fent his brother letters for the Prince of Orange and the Dutch : but defired him to read them firfl himfelf, and advife with the Counfellor Reigerfberg and Beaumont about them. " I have ceafed, fays he in another place \ to ^' be a Dutchman fince I entered into the fervice of *' Sweden ; which I have fufEciently intimated to the *' States of Holland. I have written to them, but •" not as their fubje6t. Thus the Spaniards ufed to a6l *' in fuch cafes, as Mariana informs us in feveral " places of his Hiflory of Spain. When I bad adieu •" to the United Provinces (he writes again y) I figni- " fied to them that I was a member of another na- ■ ^' tion ; that I fhould give myfelf little trouble about *' what might be faid or thought of it -, and that I " reckoned never to fee the Country again." We may judge by thefe expreflions that his patience was at length worn out. He wrote to the City of Rotterdam, which had deferred nominating a Penfionary fince the fentence palTed againft Grotius, that they might now chufe one, fince they ought no longer to look on him as a Dutchman. III. At the time that Grotius entered into the fervice of Sweden, the affairs of that Crown were in a very bad firuation. The death of the Great Guftavus had made a ftrange change in them. He left at his death a young Princefs under age, whofe " Ep. 577. p. 227. "^ Ep. 330. p. 84g. » Ep. 572. p. 958. y Ep. 719. p. 970.. right 138 THE LIFE Book IV. right was even difputed. Ladiflaus IV. elefted King oi: Poland on the death of his father Sigifmond, fet up a claim, to the Swedifli crown, and had a party in the kingdom capable of forming a dangerous tadlion. Sweden was unable fingly to lupport the war in Germany ; and faw the allies, whom ihe had hitherto kept on her fide by her authority and the eclat of her vidtories, ready to fall off: the weaker, in consternation at the death of their leader, wifhed for peace ; the more powerful, fuch as the Dukes of Pomerania, the Eleftor of Brandenbourg, the Dukes of Meklenbourg, and fome otl>ers, jealous of the authority ufurped by the Sv/edes in Germany, would acknowledge them only as allies, and not as the head of the Proteftant party. The Duke of Brunfwick was already levying men in his own name, and intended to form a feparate party compofed of the Circle of Lower Saxony. The Eledor of Saxony carried his views ftill farther. He wanted to have the fupreme direction of affairs -, and, if thwarted, there was reafon to apprehend he would foon relin- qiiifh the common caufe. In this perilous fituation the Swedes, hardening themfelves againfl danger, trufted to their courage and addrefs: and after nomi- nating regents to govern the kingdom during Queen Çhriftina's minority, they coir.mitted the care of Sweden's interefts in Germany to Baron Oxenftiern the High Chancellor with an almoft abfolute power. That great man fupported this important charge in the moft difficult times with a firmnefs, addrefs, and capacity, which juflly made him be looked upon as one of the ableft Minifters of Europe. He in- fpired thofe who were wavering through fear with new Courage ; brought back thofe who on private views had detached themfelves from the common caufe; broke the meafures of the Duke of Brunfwick-, fufpended the effedls of the Elecftor of Saxony's jealoufy, and made all the allies fenfible that they could only find their true intereft, their fecurity, and fafety, in their union, By Book IV. O F G R O T I U S. 139 By this means the bands which knit them together were ftrengthened, and Sweden preferred the princi- pal direétion of affairs, and ahnoft as much authority as fhe had in the time of Guftavus. The Swedes had lately loft the famous battle of Norlingen in Septem- ber ; and Marllial Home their General was made prifoner. This difafter was followed by the peace of Prague, in which the Emperor Ferdinand II. engaged the Ele(5lors of Saxony and Brandenbourg to unite a- gainft the Swedes ; and it would have been all over with them in Germany, had not a power which hither- to faintly feconded them, brought them powerful afllftance. Lewis XIIL by the advice of his Prime Minifter, fent Cardinal De la Vallette at the head of an army into Germany ; and concluded a treaty with the Duke of Weimar, engaging to pay him a fub- lidy of one million five hundred thoufand Livrea, and the fum of four millions yearly for maintaining an army of eighteen thoufand men, which the Duke obliged himfelf to furnifh, and command under the diredlion of France, Such is the exadt portrait which Father Bougeant gives of the ftate of Germany. Let us hear what a cotemporary author fays of it ^. " Fortune fmiled on the Imperialifts on every fide. There was no- thing but conqueft and viélories and a happy change of affairs : for in lefs than a month the Swedes, who were become fo powerful and formi- dable, were defeated, and entirely difperfed in one battle, and an unheard-of vi6tory gained moft glo- rioufly with inconfiderable lofs on the fide of the Imperialifts. Bavaria was entirely delivered ; the Swedes driven out of Swabia, the dutchy of Wir- temberg conquered -, and almoft all Franconia: the rivers Ocin and Ifer remained free ; the Lek, the Danube, the Necker, and almoft all the Main f ^ cleared, with the lofs of fo many towns and pro- ?■ Mercure François, an. 1634, p. 621. ** vinces. I40 T H E L I F E Book IV. " vinces in fuch a fliort time, almofl deprived the " Swedes of a retreat ; Ulm and Nuremberg re- " fufmg them admittance, whereas formerly they " were welcome, and mafters every where." Thefe defcriptions agree with that gjiven by Gro- tius. Sept. 20, 1634, he writes to Du Maurier % Had I come fooner to the High Chancellor, I Ihould have found the times more favourable ; but as his great courage 15 moft confpicuous in adverfe circumftances, it is proper we Ihould conform to the example of fo great a leader. France is at prefent the fole refource of Germany in her afflic- tion : fmce the lofs of Ratifbon and Donavert, and the unfortunate battle of Norlinguen, the towns are all frightened, and it is a great happinefs that the conquerors have not approached Franckfort : they have divided their army ; the King of Hun- gary has led one into Bohemia, and his brother is marched with the other towards the United Pro- vinces. France alone is able to reftore our affairs." The Swedes, in the confternation occafioned by the defeat at Norlinguen, were threatened with feeing Franckfort, Mentz, Augfburg, Nuremberg, and Ulm fall into the hands of the Imperialifls ; but by good luck they did not take the advantage of their viftory. Grotius affures us the Swedes were obliged to the King of France for it, who kept the projefts of the enemy fufpended by the apprehenfion of his declaring war. Such was the fituation of affairs when Grotius re^ ceived orders to repair to the French Court, It was the moft important commifTion with which a Miniftep could be charged, fmce the principal refource of the Swedes and their allies was in the proteftion of France-, and Oxenftiern's nominating Grotius to be the Ambaffador who was to flrengthen the union be- tween Sweden and France is a demonftration pf that great man's particular efteem for him, * Ep. 3S4, p. 12761355. p. 128, IV, In Book ÎV. O F G R O T I U S. 141 IV. In the beginning of the year 1635 Grotius fet out from Mentz on his embafTy to France. He was obliged to go a great way about, to avoid being furprifed by the enemies parties. Beginning his journey in very rainy weather, fucceeded by a hard froft, he arrived at Metz much later than he expelled, and indifpofed with a cholic occafioned by the great cold -, which obliged aim to continue there fome time till he recovered. It was five days before he could write to the High Chancellor. January 30, as foon as his pain abated, he wrote to him that he hoped to be able to continue liis journey in two or three days, and that the vexation of his mind at being hindered from getting fo foon as he wilh^d to the place of his deftination, was greater than the indifpofition of his body. He was extremely well received by the Com- mandants of Haguenau and Saverne. At the former of thofe towns he met fome waggons going to the army with a million of money, which it was faid would foon be followed by other two. He left Metz February 2 ^, and was at Meaux the 7th, from whence he went to St. Denis. On the 14th he wrote to the High Chancellor, that by the advice of his friends he had given the introduftors of Ambafladors notice of his arrival, that they might pay him the ufual honours -, and that he would write to the Queen of Sweden as foon as he had his audi- ♦cnce of the King*^. Francis de Thou, hearing of his arrival, came immediately to vifit him. Grotius was fuffered to remain long at St. Denis : February 12, he wrote to Oxenftiern ^ that Count Brulon, introdudlor of Ambalfadors, had been with him to acquaint him that the troubles of the Court had hitherto prevented the appointing a day for his entry. In faét, the Duke de Puy-Laurens, and fome other Lords, accufed of giving bad counfels to Gafton of France Duke of Orleans, had been juft arrefted. *> Ep. 360. p. 130 & 361. p. 610. ' Ep. 362. p. 130. ^ Ep, 363. p. 131. 2 But Î42 T H E L I F E Book IV. But Grotius fufpeded that his entry was deferred for other reafons ; that they waited for the anfwers of La Grange and Feuquieres, employed by the Court of France in Germany, to know whether the High Chancellor would conform to the intentions of the French Miniflry, and in confequence to propor- tion the honours to be paid Sweden's AmbafTador to Oxenftiern's compliance. Count Brulon affured Grotius that in two or three days every obftruftion to his entry would be removed, and in the mean time gave him an invitation to fee incognito the ballets and entertainments that were to be given the Sunday fol- lowing, in the King's apartments : which the Ambaf- fador thought fit to decline. February 23 ^ Count Brulon came to make Grotius another vifit, and afked, who fent him into France .'' Grotius anfwered, that he was the Queen of Sweden's AmbafTador, and was nominated to that employment by the High Chancellor of Sweden, by virtue of the powers given to his Excellency. Brulon faid, that the King of Spain had form.erly empowered the Duke of Mentz to no- rrinats Ambaffadors ; but they were never regarded as fuch. Grotius replied, that was owing to the war, and a diflike to the duke of Mentz 5 that when the truce between Spain and the United Provinces was treating at the Hague, the Ambafladors fent thi- ther by the Arch-Dukes were received by the French and Englifh Minifters as Ambafladors of the King of Spain ; and that if during the late war in Italy Car- dinal Richelieu, who had very extenfive powers, had nominated Ambafladors, they would have been every where received in the fame manner as thofe fent by the King ; that the High Chancellor's powers could not be difputed ; that they were given him by the wliole kingdom ; that the King of France had already treated as Ambafi'adors Minifters nominated by his Excellency -, and that the Ambafl^adors of the Kin^r o ' £p. 364' P- 13- ' ■ of Book IV. O F G R O T I U S. 145 of France,: in the treaty which they made with Oxen- ftiern, acknowledged this power. Brulon declared, that the difficulty did not proceed from any averfion to Grotius, whom the King highly efteemed. He repeated this fo often, that the Swedifh Ambaflador imagined they wanted to make him quit the fervice of Sweden, and enter into that of France. The Count promifed to return in three or four days : he did not keep his word > he fent however to acquaint Grotius that the Wednefday following, which was the laft of February, every thing would be ready for his entry ; but that he muft firft receive the King's commands who was at Chantilly. Du Maurier, Son of the Ambaflador to Holland, an intimate friend of Grotius, pretends, in his Memoirs, that the Swedifh Ambaflador was fufïered to remain fo long at St. Denis becaufe Cardinal Richelieu, who had a diflike to him, was vexed to fee him nominated Ambaflador to France -, that he wrote to Oxenftiern, afking him to appoint fome other, and that the High Chancellor paying no regard to the Cardinal's whim, he was obliged to acknov/ledge Grotius's quality. The Letters of Grotius rather contradiâ: than con- firm this anecdote, though Du Maurier afllires us Grotius was fully informed of this lecret negotia- tion. Grotius made his public entry into Paris on Friday the 2d of March, 1635. The Marfhals D'Efl:res arid St. Luc were nominated to attend him ; but, the latter falling ill. Count Brulon, Introdudor of Am- bafl^adors, fupplied his j)lace. They came in the King and Queen's coaches to take him up. The coaches of the Venetian, Swifs, and Mantuan Mini- fters were at this entry, together with thofe of the German powers allied to Sweden. The Princes of the Blood did not fend their coaches becaufe they were not at Paris -, Gaflon Duke of Orleans was at Angers ; the Prince of Condé had ^ caufe depending at 144 THE LIFE Êook ÎV. at Rouen ; and the Count De SoiiTons was at Senlis with the Court. Pau, Ambaflador from Holland, greatly chagrined to fee Grotius in fuch an honourable place, was much cmbarraiTedMnwhat manner to behave : he wrote about it to the States-General, and in the mean time fent to make him his compliments. The States-General an- fwered, that they intended their Ambaffadors fhould Ihew the fame regard to Grotius as to the Ambaffa- dors of powers in friendlhip with them. Pau, not fatisfied with this, wrote to the particular States of Holland. Grotius was informed of it, and feemed little concerned, becaufe, he faid, they knew little, were very inconftant, and took their refolutions on flight grounds. May 5, the Count de Nancei, Mafter of the Ward- robe, came to compliment him on the part of the King. He told him that his nomination to the French Embaffy was moft agreeable to his Majefty e, who wifhed he might long continue in that poll. Counc Brulon affured him that he had orders to prefent his lady to the Queen, who remained at Paris, whenever fhe pleafed : but Grotius thought this ought to be de*» ferred till he had feen the King. Grotius was carried to Court at Senlis on th^ fixth of March, by the Duke De Mercceur, whom he calls the moll learned of all the Princes ^ : on the death of his father he became Duke of Ven- dôme, and in the end a Cardinal. The new Ambaf- fador was extremely fatisfied with his reception : the King's guards were under arms ' : Lewis XIII. fpoke much to him, and with fo great goodnefs, that he con- jeélured from it he fhould bring the affairs with which he was entrufted to the defircd conclufion. His Ma- jefty gave him to underftand by his gracious manner, f Ep. 374. p. 137. t Ep. 374. p. 137. ''Ep. 339. p. 851. >« Ep. 367. p. 134. and ËooK IV. C F G R O T I U s. 145 and by his -^ talk, that they could not have fent into France a Minifter fo agreeable to him. He made him be covered in his prefence, and repeated his civi- lities on Grotius's preienting to him his fon Cor- nelius. March 8^ Grotius fent Queen Chriftina nev/s of his entry and his audience of the King : Next day he wrote to Salmafius : after acquainting him with the agreeable revolution in his affairs, he adds, that the firfl formalities of his embafly being over, he hoped to have leifure to refume his ftudies. Salmafius had at that time the greateft efteem for Grotius, and on hearing of his being nominated AmbalTador to France, took occafion to fay that Grotius's friends were only forry the affairs of Sweden were not in fuch a good lltuation, as might render the embafTy of fo great a man as agreeable as could be defired. After having an audience of the King, Grotius made his vifits to Mademoifelle ', the Prince of Con- dé, the Count of SoifTons, the Countefs of SoifTonS the Count's mother, and to his lady the Princefs of Conde. The Prince '^-received him with the greateft politenefs, fpoke to him of their old acquaintance, anci next day returned his vifit. Cardinal Richelieu, before he would fee him, wanted to know his inflruc- tions relating to the treaty lately concluded between France and feveral German Princes, with which the Swedes v/ere diffatisfied. Fîe went to his Abbey of Royaumont till Grotius fhould fee Boutillicr, Super- intendant of the Finances, with whom he was to dif- cufs the late treaty \ and as things paffed at this con- ference the Cardinal was to talk to the Sv/edilh Am- baifador. v.. The fubjeft of the difpute between France and Sweden was this: after the unfortunate battle of Norlin- gucn, tile Swedes and their allies being reduced to tie laft extremity, judged the lupport of France muft be ^ Ep. 3S8. p. 142. ' Ep. 570- p. 135- - Ep. 339, p. 851. h their t^6 T H E L I F E Book IV. their principal refource. They made no doubt that Tuch an able ilatelman as Cardinal Richelieu would IcMze every opportunity to abaie, or at leaft embarrafs the houie of Auilria, tlie eternal rival of France. James Lsfler and Philip Stred were fent in 1634, by the Proteftr^nt Princes and States of the Circles and Elec- toral Provinces of Franconia, Suabia, and the Rhine, to folicit fuccours from the King of France, anci pre- vail v/ith him to declare war againft the Emperor. They propofed that the King Hiould fend an army to the Rhine, and advance a large ium of money to en- able the allies to recruic their army, which was almofb wholly deilroyed. They treated with the Cardinal de Richelieu, who. endeavoured to avail himfelf of the fituation of affairs and their neceffities, to make the mofl advantageous treaty he could for France. He oflered only live hundred thoufand Livres, fix thou- fând foot in fix weeks, and twelve thoufand when they had put France in poffeffion of Benfield : but their powers did not extend to the ceffion of that place. Flowever they promifed it without making any condition ; and had not the, precaution to flipulate that France fhould furniih every year the fame fub- fidies which fne engaged to give King Guftavus by a treaty which was renewed at Flailbron. The Cardinal gave them hopes that France would declare v/ar againft the Emperor •., that after the declaration the King would keep twelve thoufand men in Ger- many, and a ftrong army on the Rhine; advance im- mediately five hundred thoufand Francs to be divided among the army of the allies ; nominate a Prince to command the army of twelve thoufand men, with a lieutenant under him as his collègue ; and have one to aiTiil in his Majefty's name at the Councils of war. After figning the treaty Lîefier and Stredl returned to Germany in December 1634. When a motion was made in the affembly of the Allies at Worms to ratify this Treaty, the High Chancellor Book IV. O F G R O T I U S. 147 Chancellor of Sweden oppofed it. He maintained that it was obfcure and ambiguous, and difcofdant with the private treaty made with Sv/eden. This Minifler v/as chiefly chagrined at Sweden's lofing the principal dire6lion of affairs in Germany by the no> mination of a German Prince to be Generalifflmo of the allied army. FIc declared that he thought him- felf obliged to propofe his difficulties to the Queen of Sweden : and befides would fend an em.bafTy to Paris on the fubjefl. This then was the bufinefs which Grotius had to manage at the Court of France, The Commiiffion was the more delicate as Cardinal Riche- lieu, a pofitive man, ablblutely required that the treaty made with the Envoys of the German Princes fhould have its full effect. It was to confer on this affair that Grotius made a vifit to BoLitillier, Superintendant of the Finances. The Swediih AmbafTador reprefented, that the Treaty ought not to be in force till Sweden's ratification of it, which could not be expefted, as it made void the Treaty of Hailbron. This was not what the Cardinal wanted : he commiflloned Father Jofeph to employ all his addrefs to bring Grotius into his meafures. The Capuchin was the Cardinal's confident, and it was then thought that he was deftined to fucceed him in the Miniftry in cafe of the Cardinal's death. March 14, the Superintendant fent to acquaint Gro- tius that he purpofed to m^ake him a vifit with Fa- ther Jofeph ; but as the Father was taken ill he aflced him to go with him to the Convent of the Capuchins; that he ought to have no reluctance to this, fmce the Cardinal himfelf had lately vifited Father Jofeph there v/hen he was ill. Grotius went to the convent, and was condu6led from thence to the Garden of the Thuilleries, where he found Boutillier and Father Jo- feph. After the ufual compliments, the Capuchin fliewed that the late treaty at Paris was made in con- fequence of a full power given the Minifbeçs of the German Princes, and concluded and figned without L 2 any r4S THE LIFE Book IV, any ftipulation concerning the neceftity of ratify- ing it. Grotius replied, that the High Chan- cellor himfelf had faid the contrary -, that the towns who approved of the treaty owned die necef- fity of its being ratified , that a ratification was fo neceiTary to give a treaty the force of a law, that that which was concluded at Ratifbon, in 1630, by Fa- ther Jofeph himfelf, had not its full execution becaufe the King did not think proper to ratify it ; that the Swedes only aflced what was jull, and would confent thatlbme addition fhould be made to the treaty of Hail^ bron, if that were proper. Grotius was afked, which article of the late treaty Sweden complained of? he firft mentioned that of the Subfidies, the difpofition of which was left to the four circles of Germany, though it was on the exprefs condition of receiving them that Sweden had engaged in the war : he added, that it was unjuft to take Benfield from the Swedes without giving them an equivalent, fmce the Ger- mans had given them that place as a pledge. The two French Minifters, unable to make Grotius ap- prove of the treaty of Paris, had recourfe to menaces and carefTes : they imagined that his inftrudtions bore that he might ratify it provided it was not till the laft extremity. Grotius faw through their defign, and told them they deceived themfelves. They faid, they would write to Sweden to complain of the High Chancellor-, that the King would no longer treat with Grotius as AmbafTador -, that orders would be fent to the Marquis de Feuquieres to complain to Oxenftiern himfelf of his contempt of a figned treaty, and want of due regard to the King. Grotius anfwered, that the Marquis de Feuquieres had already made repre- fentations to the High Chancellor, without efFed:, on this fubjeél ; that if France would not have him for Ambaflador, he would be employed elfewhere -, that it would be in vain to write to Sweden becaufe Oxen- uiern's reafons for not ratifying the treaty of Paris would certainly be approved there. They cooled a ^ little. Book IV. O F G R O T I U S, 149 Jittle ; and gave him to iinderftand, that an alteration might be made in fome of the articles, and that the King would confent that the Swedes Ihould not be ex- cluded from the chief command, though the treaty imported that a Prince fhould be General. Grotius fhewed that there were many other articles, which oc- cafioned great difficulty both by their ambiguity and their oppofition to the interefls of Sweden. The two ' Minifters put themfelves into a paffion, and con- cluded with complaining that they would inform the King and the Cardinal that they could fettle nothing with Grotius, and that the Swedes made a jeft of treaties. Father Jofeph retiring, the converfation be- came milder with the Superintendant -: Grotius fnewed that it was the promife of affiftance from France, which engaged Sweden in fuch a burthenfome war ; that the High Chancellor had done effential fervices to the common caufe ; that if the King fhould drop his alliance with the Swedes, they fliould be obliged to take care of themfelves -, that France might give fub- lidies to the Germans, but it was jufl that thofe pro- mifed to Sweden fliould be exadly paid. Grotius informed the High Chancellor of this conference in a letter of the 15th of March, 1635. Cardinal Hichelieu", to induce the Swedes to con- form more to his meafures, fpread a report, and even faid himfelf often, that he was in treaty with the Em- peror, and the accommodation on the point or being concluded : but Grotius, who knew the Cardinal's charafter, was not duped by it -, and wrote to the High Chancellor that it was only a ftratagem of that Minifter, and the report ought to make no change in Sweden's conduft. On the 28 th of March the Cardinal fending to ac- quaint Grotius ° that he wanted to confer with him, he immediately waited on his Eminence : which fhews the inaccuracy of Du Maurier, who aflures us thai * ^P-375- p. »37- «^ Ep. 380. p. 139. L 3 Grotius 150 THE LIFE Book IV. Grotius never faw Cardinal Richelieu whilft he was Minifler from Sweden in France, hecaufe his Emi- nence gave not the precedence to AmbalTadors. He complimented the Cardinal (with whom he found Father Jofeph) in the name of the Qiieen, the Regents of Sweden, and the High Chancellor, and delivered to him his Letters of Credence. The treaty of Paris v/as foon brought on the carpet : the Cardinal pretended that it ought to be executed v/ithout any reftridiion j he faid the King, by afilfting the Germans with m.en and money, luSciently favoured the Swedes ; adding, that Sweden did not apply the fub- fidies granted by France to the ules agreed on. Grotius made anfwcr, that L^efler and Street could not m.aké à treaty contrary to the intercils of Sweden. Father Jofeph added that the King was informed that -it Vv'as he (Grotius) v/ho advifedthe High Chancellor not to ratify the treaty of Paris, giving him hopes that he throua:h his friends would obtain one more advan- tac-reous. Grotius afTured him it was a faKhood ; and that what had been faid of the miiapplication of the Subfidies was agrofs c.dumny. The Cardinal intor- pofmg faid that he perceived Father Jofeph and the Swedilh AmbalTador v/ere not in good underfland-f ing, and he w^ould endeavour to reconcile them. Grotius founded high the v/eahh ot France, as being more than fufiicient to affift the Germans without abandoning the Swedes, who had entered into the war folely at her folicitation and on her promife of fuc- cours. The Cardinal, v/ithout explaining himfelf what fum v,-ould be given, hinted that Sweden muft not expert for the future a Subfidy of a million. Father Jofeph pretended, that he knev/ from good hands the High Chancellor only wanted that article chaiiged which excluded the Sv/edes from the command in chief, and that regard ihould be had to their in- terdis in concluding a peace. The Cardinal faid the King would confent to this alteration \ but that he v.as furpriled the Fïigh Chancellor, alter giving fo many Book IV. O F G R O T I U S. 151 many afflirances of his fatisfadion, fliould make new demands. Grotius ftill infilled that it was but juft to adhere to the treaty of Hailbron, and that Sweden, which kept up armies and fleets, had a better claim t> the King's Hberality, than feveral other Princes to whom the King generoiifly gave fubfidics. The Cardinal receiving notice that a Courier was juft arrived vv^ith Letters from the High Chancellor, ordered him to be brought in. He prefented Oxen- ftiern's Letters to the Cardinal, who, on reading them, was much furprifcd to find the High Chancellor defirous of coming into France to fettle all difficukies in a conference. This journey was not at all agree- able to the Cardinal : however, as it would have been indecent and improper to oppofe it, he anfwered that he would write about it to the King, and he did not doubt but his Majefty would confentto it; that it would give him the greateil pleafure to fee Oxenftiern, but if his errand was to let afide the treaty of Paris, he fcrefaw the interviev/ would do more harm than good ; and that he would difpatch La Grange to the High Chancellor to compliment him, and afllire him he muft not think of concluding a treaty contrary to what had been agreed on with Lsefler and Strcél. VI. The King being informed that Oxenftiern, to ferve the common caufe, wanted to come to France, confented to it, and gave orders for his being received with great magnificence : the Hotel for Ambaftiidors Extraordinary at Paris was fitted up tor him P. All bufinefs was fufpended till his arrival ^ : and the King went to Compeigne to be nearer Flan- ders and Germany. The High Chancellor camiC thither. ' Grotius had purpcfed to go to meet him as foon as he heard of his being on the vv'ay -, but Oxen- ftiern not giving him notice what rout he would take, nor whether he would come diredly to Paris, or alight at Compeigne, Grotius remained in fulpenfe till p pp. 3S3. p. lijo. 'Î F.p. 590. p. 142. Sc cp. 391. p. 143. L 4 April 152 T H E L 1 F E Book IV, April 21, that a Courier *■ from the High Chancellor: brous;ht him word that he had taken the road through the 1 hree Biflioprics and Champagne, and delired him JO come to him, Grotius let out im.mediateiy -, and met him at Sciflbns, from whence they came to Com- peigne. The High Chancellor had two hundred men in his retinue. The Count de SoiiTons was at firfl nominated to go to meet that Minifter ^ ; it was however the Count D'Alais, Son of the Duke D'An- gouleme, who went v;ith Count Brulon in the King'^ coach. They proceeded the diftance of three leagues, îind on their coming up the High Chancellor ftept withthem into his Majefty's coach. He was conducted to the Hotel prepared for him, and fplendidly enter- tained at the King's expence, On the 26th of April, 1635, he came to Compeigne i and next day had an audience of the King, v;ho received him very gra- cioufly, and exprefied a high efteem for him. The vifit lafted half an hour : the Scots Colonels Hepburn and Leflie were prefent -, and Grotius ferved as Intetr prêter. He afterwards vifited the Queen, and alfq Cardinal Richelieu, v/ho took the right hand of him : he offered it indeed to Oxenftiern -, but he in civility refufed it. They were together at this vifit three hours, but faid not a word ot bufinefs ; nothing pafTed but compliments and mirth, fays the Mercure François. Both fpoke in Latin. Two days after, that is to fay, on the 29th, the Cardinal returned the High Chan- cellor's vifit : his Eminence was booted as if he were returning from the country, that this vifit, fays Puf- fendorf, might not be looked upon as a debt. They converfed long together about bufinefs. Oxenfi:iern, like an able Politician, made no mention of the treaty of Paris, nor of that of Haiibron : he forefaw that it would drav/ on difcufiions which might breed ill blood, and hurt the common caufe : he only talked of a treaty with Sweden. There was fome alteration ' Ep. 393. p. 143. Sc ep. 396. p. 144. « Ep. 387. p. 141. made Book IV. O F G R O T I U S. 153 made in the old one ; and it was agreed that no peace or truce fhould be conckided with the Auftrians without the confent of the two Crowns. The fame day, according to the Mer aire François, or on the 30th of April, according to PufFendorf, the High Chan- cellor had his audience of leave of the King : his Majefty took a diamond ring from his finger, valued at that time at ten or twelve thoufand crowns, which Jie gave him, together with a box fet with diamonds, in which was his Majefty's pi6lure. All the time he was at Compeigne, he was ferved by the officers of the King's kitchen with fo much fplendor and magnifi- cence, that he complained to Grotius of the too great expence they were at on his account. He fet out from Compeigne on Monday the 30th of April for Paris. He wanted to be there incognito -, and lodged with Grotius*; but as foon as his arrival took air, the crowd to fee him was fo great that they could fcarce keep them from forcing into Grotius's houfe. Had he been one defcended from heaven they could not have Ihewn more eagernefs. He ftaid only two or three days at Paris, during which he went to fee the Church of Notre Dame, the Louvre, the Palace of Luxembourg, ^nd fome of the fine Seats near the City. He was fo well fatisfied with the manner in which Grotius re- ceived him, that he made a confiderable prefent to his lady. She would have refufed it, if fhe could have done it with a good grace. Grotius, in returning his humble thanks for it to the High Chancellor, told him that he owed all he had to his goodnefs, and that if he could have done more, he would have thought himfelf fufficiently recompenfed by the honour of lodging fo great a man. Oxenftiern went from Paris to embark at Dieppe -, and Grotius accompanied him a part of the way ". As foon as the High Chancellor arrived at Dieppe, he wrote Grotius a very obliging letter ^. The Court had prepared veiTels at Dieppe, t Ep. 400. p. 146. " Ep. ^14. p. 853. ^ Ep. 408. p. i^a. on 154 THE LIFE Book IV. on board which Oxenftiern embarked for Holland, from whence he proceeded to Lower Saxony. This treaty occafioned a difference between the Duke of Weymar and the High Chancellor''. The Marquis de Feuquieres infmuated to that Prince, that Oxenftiern, in treating with France, had fliewn no regard to the interefts of Germany. The fadl was molt falfe ; for Grotius was a witnefs that the High Chapxellor had recommended the affairs of Germany to tht King with great warmth : it was agreed that neither peace nor truce fl^ould be concluded but in concert Vv'iththem -, and he had ordered Grotius to folicit the affairs of the Allies, who had in conlequence prefled the fending the promifed faccours. It was not probable that Feuquieres lliould of himfelf venture to talk in this manner, which was enough to ruin him : there was therefore reafon to fufpeét that he did it by private orders from the Cardinal, that the Duke of Weymar, dilfruffing the Chancellor, might place his confidence in his Eminence. It is certain, that not- withfl:anding what was agreed on at Compeigne, the Cardinal had the treaty with Lfefier and Streft ftill much at heart-, and Avaugour y, the French Minifter at Stockholm, was ordered to demand its ratification. But he was anf\?/ered, that thole Minifters were not fent by Sweden, and exceeded their powers, and that the affair was referred to Oxenftiern. A fter fuch a formal denial, Avaugour was forced to confine his demands to the ratification of the treaty of Compeigne. VII. Grotius was not only fatigued and embarraffed with State affairs -, the reformed Miniflers gave him uneafineis at a time when he imagined they had room tobefatisfied with him. He was at a lois ^ at firft how to acfl wàth regard to. the celebration of divine fervice. March 30, 1635, ho wrote to his brother : " You have reafon to afk ^ Ep. 432. p. 159. y PufTendorf, I. 8. n. 4. * Ep. 340. p. 15'- " hpw BookIV. of GROTIUS. 155 *' how I muft a(5l in the affair of religion ; it greatly *' embarraffes me. It would be an odious thing, and " might difpleafe the High Chancellor, to introduce, *' by my own authority, a new reformed Church : *' befides, thofe, to whom I might apply for a Minifter, " are of different fentiments from me. What you " propofe, that I fhould hear the Minifters of Cha- *' renton, fince they receive the Lutherans into their " communion, is not amifs." We have feen that Grotius, on his arrival at Paris after his efcape from Louvcfbein, had room to be diflatisfied with the reformed Minifters, who, under pretence of his refufing to receive the Synod of Dort, and his attachment to Arminianifm, would not com- municate with him. The happy revolution in his fortune made one in their minds, as he writes to VofTius *. Immediately on his arrival at Paris in quality of Ambaflador from Sweden, he was vifited by fix of the principal reformed Minifters, among whom were Faucher, Aubertin, Daillé, and Drelin- court. They were not much attached to the rigid fenti- ments on Predeftination : fome even feemed to prefer Melan6lon's fyftem to that of Calvin. Before Gro- tius had determined in what manner he fliould a6t with the Minifters of Charenton, Faucher, Meftre- zat, and Daillé came on the 2d of Auguft, 1635'', to alk him to join their communion ; which, they affured him, difcovered a greater difpofition than ever' towards an union among Froteftants, having lately refolvcd to admit Lutherans. " They hoped, they " faid, that he looked on their Confeftion of Faith as •• confiftent with Chriftianity ; that they had the *' fame charitable fentiments concerning that of the " Arminians ; that they had not forgot what he had " formerly faid, writing againft Sibrand, ' that he ^' vv'ondered whether the Cqntra-Remonftrants would " refufe to admit St. Cliryloftom and Melanfton into r ■I » Ep. 578. p. 13S. '• Ep. 350. p. 854. " their 156 THE LIFE Book IV; " their communion, if they jfhould offer themfelves * " that they had read and approved of his Treatife on '* the Truth of the Chriftian Religion, and what he " had lately written, exhorting Chriftians to live in " peace ; that they had written to Holland, to make '* no more difficulty about admitting the Remon- " ftrants into their communion -, and that the Dutch, *' become more moderate in procefs of time, would •' give attention to their reafons." Grotius anfwered, that he was ready to give them public proofs of his willingnefs to join in communion with them, and that it was not his fault he had not done this fooner : adding, that if he fhould go into any Country where the Lu- therans, knowing his fentiments on the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper, fhould be willing to receive him into their communion, he would make no difficulty of joining with them : which the Minifters approved of. He had not yet determined to go to Charenton on the 23d of Auguft, 1635. " I weigh matters (he *' writes to his *= brother; that I may do what is mofl " agreeable to God, ufeful to the Church, and ad- *' vantageous to my Family.'* This affair feemed almoft finifhed when the Mini- fters fent to tell him ^ that they would willingly re^ ceive him, but not as AmbafTador from Sweden, be- caufe that kingdom was of a different perfuafion. " I am furprifed (he writes to his brother) at the *' ficklenefs of people, who invite the Lutherans to " partake with them, and fay they cannot receive me " in quality of AmbafTador from Sweden, on account *' of their differing in opinion from that kingdom.'*^ To go to fermon as a private man would have been no great inconveniency to him ^, but he could not do this without contradicting his principles, which made him look on the Swedes as orthodox. He refolved there- ' Ep. 354. p. 856. ■^Ep. 358. p. 857. ' Ep. 360. p. 857. i forq BookIV. of grot lus. 157 fore to have Divine Service celebrated for the future in his own houfe. It is evident from this recital, which is faithfully taken from Grotius's letters, that Du Maurier is mif- taken in faying ^, that the Minifters of Charenton, when they knew that Grotius was AmbafTador from Sweden, deputed one of their number to invite him to their Church i and he anfwered, that having negledted him when a Fugitive he would now negleâ; them whert AmbafTador. Not having been able to fettle matters with the re- formed Minifters, he refolved to have Divine Service performed at home. The Lutherans attended his Chapel as if he publicly profeiîèd their religion. He writes to his brother, Dec. 28, 16358, " We cele- *' brated at my houfe the Feaft of the Nativity : " the Duke of Wirtemberg, the Count de Suarfen- *' bourg, and feveral Swedilh and German Lords " affiftedatit." George Calix'tus, an eminent Lutheran Minifter ^, procured him Brandanus for his Chaplain. This man was a zealous Lutheran : Grotius recommended mo- deration to him, and took him upon condition ^ that he Ihould be upon his guard in his Sermons, and never enter into controverfy in public, either with the Roman Catholics or the Reformed. But his zeal car- ried him away -, and feeing his Mafter's Chapel much frequented, he took occafion to rail fometimes againft the Papifts and even fometimes againft the Reformed. Grotius was much offended- at it, not only becaufe it was contrary to agreement, but alfo becaufe, by pub- licly attacking in his own houfe the eftablifhed Church and the others who were tolerated, he expofed himfelf to the hatred of the whole kingdom. He feveral times intimated to Brandanus ^ to behave otherwife ; but his reprefentations and orders having no effeét, ^ Memoirs, p. 414, 415. s Ep. 363. p. 858. ^ Ep. 674. ' p. 275. » Ep. 410. p. 872. " Ep. 840. p. 369. ia 158 r H E L I F E Book IV. in autumn, 1637, he forbad him his Chapel : he kept him however in his houfe till the end of February follow- ing. To fupply the place of Brandanus he pitched upon Francis Dor, who had been depofed at Sedan for his adherence to Arminianifm, and fmce lived by keeping a boarding-fchool, and teaching French to young Flemings and Germans on their travels in France. It was fome time before he could refalve ^ to quit this manner of life ; but at length accepted of Grotius's offer. They lived in good underllanding together, becaufe their opinions were almofl the fame. VIII. Soon after Oxenftiern left the kingdom, the peace of Vervins was broken, and the French and Spaniards began that long war which was not ended till the Pyrenean treaty. The King went to Chateau- Thierry-, and the Cardinal followed him, though in- difpofed. . Grotius went to Court on the eve of Whit- funday, 1635 % as well to folicit the affairs of Sweden, as to attend to the interell of their allies. France was at this time in great joy on account of the vidlory at Ardenne, gained by the Marfhals de Brezé and de Chatilon over Prince Thomas of Savoy. The MisrOial de la Force had alfo gained a great ad- vantage over the Cravats in Lorrain : which happy beginning raifed the hopes of the French exceedingly. It was at this point of time Grotius arrived at Court. He went firft to Cardinal Richelieu, who was three leagues from Chateau-Thierry ; but as that Minifter had been blooded on Whitliinday, he referred the Ambaffiidor to Bcutillier the Superintendant. They talked about feveral things : the chief was the pay- ment of the Subfidics. Grotius after this conference fending to aik how the Cardinal did, his Eminence defired him to v/ait on the King. Grotius accordingly went to compliment his Majeily on the vi6tory of Ardenne, and afterwards begged that he would be ' Ep. 423. p. 879. ■" Ep. 413. p. 150. pleafed Book IV. OF G R O T 1 U S. 159 pleafed to give orders about the money which was demanded by the Swedes. The King heard him with great goodnefs, and defired him to give in a Hate of his demands to Boutilher. At taking his leave, Grotius told his Majefty that he Ihould think himfelf moll happy if he could do him any fervice, or pro- mote the common caufe. The King anfwered, that he might be of great ufe in what concerned the affairs of Holland. He afterwards related to him what had palTed between the Marlhal de la Force and the Cravats j the news of which he had juft received. Grotius was preparing to vifit the Superintendant again, when the Cardinal fent to acquaint him, that he fliould be glad to fee him. Grotius went : he fpoke to his Eminence of the fums due to Sweden be- fore the death of KingGuftavus, and which Chavigni, Secretary of State for foreign affairs, and Boutillier*s fon, promifed the High Chancellor fliould be paid. The Cardinal anfwered, that his bad ftate of health and greater affairs had made him much a ftranger to thole particulars ; and that fince the Superintendant and Bullion fald they were ignorant of the King's in- tentions on the fubjeâ:, he muft wait Chavigni's re- turn, who was expeded at Court in a few days. Grotius after this vifit went to the Superintendant, with whom he left a memorial of his demands as his Majefty had defired. Boutillier talked in the fame ftrain the Cardinal had done concerning the money due to the Swedes. Things being in this fituation, Grotius returned to Paris, leaving his Secretary at Court, who was to give him notice of Chavigni's return. The King drawing nearer Paris, Chavigni came back to that city. The Swedifli Ambaffador " fent feveral times to demand an interview/, which he eluded ; fometimes it was pretended he v/as gone out ; at other times he v/as bufy : he once made a pofitive " Ep. 419. p. 153.. appomtment I^o T H E L I F E Book IV. appointment with him ; but when Grotlus came to his houfe, he was gone to wait upon tiie King at Monceaux. At his return he appointed another meeting -, Grotius did not fail to be there : Chavigni affured him, that fome prefling bufmefs hindered him from conferring with him at that time. The Cardinal returning very ill to Ruel, Chavigni went to fee him : Grotius followed, and prefled him fo clofely, he could not put him off. Bullion was prefent : Chavigni pretended that there never had been any pofitive pro- mife to pay the arrears of the old fubfidies ; that he had only faid from the King, that as far as the fituation of affairs would allow, his Majefty would endeavour that the High Chancellor Ihould have no reafon to complain. However Grotius recommended this affair to Bullion as being juft in itfelf •, and Bullion an- fwered, that he would give as much attention to it as the ftate of the finances would permit. Grotius Ihewed them his letters from Germany, informing him that the body of twelve thoufand men, which the King engaged to furnifh, was in a very bad con- dition, and that even the interefl of France required that it Ihould be fpeedily completed. They made anfwer, that the King intended it, and that this army would loon be increafed to feventeen thoufand men. Grotius's preffmg folicitations were troublefome to Chavigni °, and we fee that he was afraid of his vifits, He fought pretences for delay, and even often broke his appointments with fo little decency, that Grotius complained to the High Chancellor that Chavigni did not fhew proper refpeâ: to the dignity of an Ambaf- fador from Sweden. The King going to Fontainebleau in fummer, 1635 P, and carrying Boutillier with him, whole fon was with the Duke of Orlean^^, Servin, Secretary at War, remained at Paris. Grotius went to fee him ; and was received with great politenefs and friendiliip. * Ep. 426. p. 157. p Ep. 431. p. 160. He feooK IV. OF GROTIÙS. i6i He fpoke to him of the fubfidies ; Servien promifed his good offices. Grotius alfo recommended to him the interefts of the Duke of Weymar, who was hard prefTed byhisenemies: and he received fair promifes. Somedays after, Servien returned hisvifif^. July 20, 1635, Grotius went to fee the Cardinal at Ruel " -, and fpoke to him of the money owing to Sweden. His Eminence owned it ; but enlarged much on the great expence France was put to tor the allies ; and wifhed the Swedifh AmbaiTador would confer on this and other matters \vith Father Jofeph, who had an apartment, at Ruel near the Cardinal's. Grotius faw him, and received much fatisfaftion. The Father faid he had always difapproved of the delays in the paym.cnt of the fub- fidies -, that he would ufe his endeavours to get the promifes made to Sweden punctually performed, and to perpetuate a good underflanding between the two crowns, which would be for the interefb of both : he added, that the troops intended for augmenting the army in Germany were already on their march. Grotius met with the better reception as the French Court was under fome uneafinefs left the allies fnould make a feparate peace. The Cardinal gave fome hints of what he apprehended on this fubjed : Gro-' tius removed his fears in' relation to Sweden, and the Cardinal promifed that France would be faithful to her engagements. Grotius did not lofe fight of the affair of the fubndies ' : he went feveral times to Bul- lion, on whom it partly depended as belonging to his department: butBullionalwaysrefufedtofpeakto him under pretence of indifpofition or multiplicity of bufi- nefs, which did not leave him mailer of his own time. Grotius judging this behaviour equivalent to a pofitive denial, wrote to the High Chancellor, that . he thought his Excellency Ihould write to the King himfelf. The anfwers of the Miniftry depended on <3 Ep, 435. p, 163. ' Ep. 437. p. 162. ' Ep. 43g. . 163'. M the i62 THE LIFE Book IV. the fituation of affairs ^ : v/hen France had need of Oxenlliern they made fine promifes to Grotius, who was not duped by them. At 1 all he faw Bullion", who, after enlarging much on the King's great ex- pence in maintaining an hundred and fifty thoufand men, promifed to advance two hundred thoufand Francs -, but never ilTued the order. Lewis XIII. making a progrefs towards Lorain, Cardinal Riche- lieu was left at Paris with abfolute power. Grotius had an audience of him in September 1635. He found him in a very bad humour. His Eminence faid he was well affured the High Chancellor was ne- gotiating a feparate treaty with the Eledor of Saxony, that it was vain to make alliances if they were not faithfully obferved -, that for his part he was refolved to adhere to his engagements, and chofe rather to be deceived than to deceive. Grotius anfwered, that it was true the Eleflor of Saxony had made propofals to the High Chancellor, but his Excellency had written to the Eieftor himfelf, had told his Envoys, and fent a deputation to inform him, that a feparate treaty would be injurious to France and the other allies of Sweden : The AmbafTador added, that he had orders to declare to his Eminence, that in cafe Sweden fhould be abandoned by France, he muft not be fur- prifed if the neceflity of affuirs fhould oblige the Swedifh Minifters to have recourfe to expedients which were very far from their intention. The Car- dinal replied, that that was the ufual ftyle of fuch as depart from their engagements and treat fepa* rately. Grotius afiured him that there was nothing yet done ; that it were to be wifhed France would fend a Minifter to Oxenftiern to a(5t in concert with him -, and that it was time to pay the arrears which were ftiU owing to Sweden notwithftanding the frequent pro- mifes to the contrary, and whofe payment Bullion always deferred. The Cardinal made no anfwer to * Ep. 468. p. 177. ^ Ep. 475. p. 181. 3 this Book IV. O F G R O T I U S. 163 this article : he afked the AmbafTador whether he thought the High Chancellor had an inclination to return to his own country. Grotius replied, that that illuftrious minifter entertained no thoughts but what were honourable and great, and that his prin- cipal objeét was to terminate with dignity the gr^^at affairs v/ith which he was entrufled. The Ambaffador at the fame time took occafion to thank the Cardinal for the attention which the King and his Eminence gave to what pafled on the Rhine. The Cardinal in- timating that he heard the Princes in thofe parts had a great averfion to Oxenftiern, Grotius replied, that it was impofllble it fhould be otherwife as things were fituated j and that a Foreigner, however great his pru- dence and modefty might be, would be always odious to Princes whofe authority and dignity he eclipfed. The end of the conference was more calm : The Cardinal condufted Grotius to the door of the chamber, ex- cufing himfelf that his health did not perm.it him to go farther. A month after this audience Grotius demanded another of his Eminence, which he ob- tained, after afking it five days fuccefiively ^, at Ruel. Grotius gave him to underfland that the letters he received from Germany ought to make them very uneafy. The Cardinal replied, that he appre- hended the bad (late of affairs was exaggerated in or- der to excufe a feparate peace ;' but that no honour- able or lafting one couid be made but in conjundion, as he defired. Piis Eminence grew more mild after- wards, and promifed that the Marquis de St, Chau- mont fhould in a little time fet out for Germany with very ample powers to a6l in concert with Oxen- ftiern for the good of the common caufe. He defired the Ambaiïador to fee Bullion in relation to the fub- fidies. Father Jofeph v/as prefent at this audience. The Cardinal treated Grotius with more refpeâ: than he had ever done : he waited on him a little beyond >■«' Ep. 491.- p. '.88, M 2 the 1^4 THE LIFE Book IV. the door of his Chamber, and gave him the upper hand. Bullion being at Ruel, Grotius went to wait on him : he promifed to give two hundred thoufand Francs, and even to add three hundred thoufand more as foon as the ftate of the King's affairs would permit it. The AmbafTador anfwered, that was put- ting off the payment to a long day. Bullion repre- fented that the King fent large iums into the Valto- line, Italy, Germany, Lorain, Piccardy, and Flan- ders. Ail this was very true ; but the greateft. part, Grotius faid, remained in the hands of harpies. He informed the Chancellor of thefe conferences in a let- ter dated at Paris, Oftober 12, 1635, which he con- cludes with faying that the fidelity which he owed to the kingdom of Sweden and to his Excellency obliged hini to obferve, that money was very fcarce in France, and that the way to derive advantage from the peace was to haften its conclufion. The Marquis de St. Chaumont, who was nominated to go to Germany, was not liked by Grotius : he was a declared enemy of the Proteftants =', and it has even been faid that he was made choice of for the embafTy into Germany out of compliment to the Court of Rome, who complained loudly of the proteâiion given by France to Heretics. St. Chaumont's zeal, which was to do him much ho- nour at the Court of Rome, was no merit in Germany, where it might even injure the common caufe. He fet out on his embafiy without having had any con- ference with the SwedifTi Ambaflador y, and even without vifiting him j which feemed contrary to cuf- tom and decency. November 3, 1635, Grotius went to Ruel to fee the Cardinal ^, whom he found in a very bad humour. His Eminence thought Sweden wanted to make a feparate peace : he enlarged much on the refpeft due to the obfervance of treaties, and that there could * Ep. 475. p. 180. 492. p. 189. 504. p, 1^4. & 517. p. 200, y Ep. 475. p. 180. " Ep. 505. p. 194. never Book IV. O F G R O T I U S. 165 never be any neceflity for ading difhonourably -, he added, that the defign of Grotius's embafly was a very bad one, and that he could only derive dinio- nour from it, fince it had led him firft to make objec- tions againft the treaty of Paris, and fecondly t3 ac- knowledge that the Swedes would not abide by what they had agreed on at Compiegne. Grorius anfwered, that the High Chancellor was in the greateil dilemma, furrounded by enemies, and abandoned by his allies ; that he himfelf had long folicited the money promifed, but could never obtain payment ; that the fending a French Minifter into Germany, fo often demanded, was agreed to much later than the good of the com- mon caufe required ; and that the High Chancellor defired nothing more than to remedy the unhappy fituation of affairs. The Cardinal made no anfwer concerning the remedy to be applied j and contented himfelf with faying that thefe general difccurfes fuf- ficiently fhewed a formed defign of making a feparate peace. He added, that all the Proteitants were treacherous ; which was a reafon not only for being on one's guard in treating v/ith them, but alfo for thinking their religion bad. Grotius grew warm, and faid, that he needed not produce former inftances to prove the integrity and fmcerity of the Proteflants, fince the Hio;h Chancellor and the Duke of Vv evmar had never departed from their engagements. The Cardinal pretended that the peace which was juil con'- cluded between Poland and Sweden, by the mediation of France, put the Swedes in condition to continue the war againft the Emperor. Grotius anfwered, that it was not yet ratified ; that, befides, the cefTion of PrufTia, ' ftipulated by this treaty, was very difad- vantageous to Sweden, becaufe that province not only covered the kingdom, but alfo yielded a rich re- venue. The Cardinal fecmed to be in (orc.c emotion, and faid that it required a great command of temper to liftcn patiently to difcourfes that bordered fo near on ingratitude. Grotius affured him, that in ajl he M 2 ' baa i66 T H E L I F E Book IV. hadadvarxed he exa6tly followed his inftrudlions. The Cardinal feemed difpleafed widi thofc who had given them i and added that if the High Chancellor was not content with the peace between Sweden and Po- land, it was from private viev/s, becaufe he loft: the government of Pruffia. After this fharp converfation, the Cardinal appearedmore calm-, and laid, that he had nothing to do but hear what might be advanced, and would not judge till he had feen what was done. Grotius anfwered, that the High Chancellor would always a6t as a m.an of honour and a man of courage. Novemiber 5, Grotius had an audience of the King, v/ho com.plained much, that after having been at fo great expence, to the prejudice of his own affairs, on account of the Germans, they fhould break their treaties. Grotius went to Ruel on the 14th of December", again to folicit the payment of what was due to Swe- den. He found there a courier from the Marquis dc St. Chaumont, who delivered to him fome letters he had brought with him from the High Chancellor. Grotius fufpefted that they had been opened, for be- lides their being dirty, the Courier had been arrived near a month -, and he gave very bad reafons both for the condition of the letters, and his not delivering them fooner ; he faid they had fallen into the lea -, that he had been at Paris, but could notfindGrotius's houfej 'and that he had been fmce kept at Ruel. What made Grotius eafy, was that thefe letters were written with fo much circumfpediion, had they been intercepted, the reading of them would rather have been advantageous than hurtful to Sweden. The French Court's fears leil the Sv/edes fnould conclude a fcparate peace made the Miniilers promife him fpeedy payment of the ar- rears of the fubfidies : Bullion aflured him that he v,ould without delay advance three hundred thouland Francs at feveral fmall payments (v^hich Grjtius dif- * Ep. 528. p. 204. liked) Book IV. O F G R O T I U S. 167 liked) and that he had already given orders for pay- ing other two hundred thoufand Francs : Servien promifed that France would make greater efforts next campaign, if Sweden would continue the war. In the beginning of 1636 ^ Grotius went to fe3 the Cardinal, who complained bitterly that Grotius had written to Holland that the affairs of France were in a deplorable fituation, and the French ftill on the point of making their peace. Grotius affured him it was a pure calumny : the Cardinal pretended that it was known to the French Ambaffadors at the Hague. Grotius affured him thefe falfe reports owed their rile to the artifices of Pau and Aërfens his declared enemies ; that Camerarius the Swedifh Ambaffador in Holland, with whom he correfponded by letters, would atteft the contrary •, that this report was probably occafioned by an article inferred in the Bruffels Gazette, that his letters had been intercepted, reprefenting France as in the greateft declenfion, of which he had never had a thought -, and that this was done with defign to make him lofe the friendfhip of his patrons. He added, that he had forgot his Country, that indeed he wifhed its prefervation on account of the friends and the fmall eftate he had in it ; but that he had given himfelf entirely to Sweden, and was not fo ignorant, not to know how much it imported Sweden that whilft Ihe was in arms the Dutch Âiould continue the war ; nor fo difhoneft, to give counfels contrary to the in- tcrefl of Sweden and of the High Chancellor, to whom he owed every thing -, and that if his Eminence would put it in his power to do fome fervice to France, he would much more chearfuUy refute thefe calumnies by his aftions, than by his words. The Cardinal refumed an air of ferenity, faid fe- veral obliging things, and affured him that for the future he would behave to him with more opennefs. He reconducted him a pretty way,_ politely excufing ^ %• 534- P- 208. M 4 himfelf i68 T H E L î F E Book IV, himfelf that he did not go farther left he Ihould be opprefled by the croud that wanted to fpeak to him. ' The Duke of Parma arriving about this time at Paris to negotiate with the Court of France, great difficulties arofe with regard to the ceremoniaL The Pope's Nuncios, Mazarin, and Bolognetti, and the other Ambaffadors, would not vifit him becaufe they could not agree about the manner in which he fhould receive them : the Englifh and Swedifh Ambailadors did not even fend tiieir Coaches to meet him, becaufe they knew that thofe of the Nuncios would take the precedence. The Duke of Weymar came to Paris in Ipring 1636. Grotius'^, who was extremely circum- fpeft, was in doubt whether he fhould pay him the firil vifit : and before he determined, he wanted to fee what the Englifh Ambaiïador would do. The Duke fent him his compliments, and the Am-bafladors coming to an a2;reement to wait firft on that Prince % Grotius went to fee him, and was extrcm.ely well re- ceived : the Duke returned his vifit. As it was through the mediation of the Count d'Avaux that tlie truce of twenty-fix years between Sweden and Poland v»''as concluded, Queen Chriflina ^ ordered her Arnbaf- fador to return her thanks to the King of France. Grotius obtained an audience, April i^, 1636, at Chantilly, and gave an account ot what pafled at it in a letter to her Majeily, dated April 24 s. Hav- ing prefented to the King the Queen of Sweden's letter, his Majefty afllired him, that he interelted himfelf moft fmcerely in her Majelly's health and profperity -, that flrie might depend upon the conftancy of thefc his fentim.ents ; that he had had the conclu- lion of the war betv.een Sweden and Poland the more at heart, as he hoped her Swedifli Majefty, having no longer any diiierenccs with the Poles, would give all her attention to the affairs of Germany ; that he already fav/ v/ith pleafure his hopes had not been «^ F.p. 556. p. 219, ^ Ep. 560. p. 221. « Ep. 562, p. 222, fEp ,77. p. Z27. s Ep. 580. p. 228. without Book IV. O F G R O T I U S. 169 without foundation : that he would write to his Mi- nifters to know how the payment of the fubfidies flood ; that he had always had a good opinion of D'Avaux and therefore employed him in affairs of importance, and intended to make farther ufe of his fervice. Grotius fent the High Chancellor ^ a copy of this letter to the Queen. He ufed to fend her Majefty the fubftance of any affair of importance without defcending to particulars, as Oxenftiern ' had recommended to him. He had an audience of Cardinal Richelieu '^in the beginning of May, 1636: The affairs of the allies were in a good fituation. His Eminence greatly ex- tolled the High Chancellor : he faid what he had done was not inferior to the exploits of the great Guftavus ; that it was a kind of miracle that the Swedes, after being betrayed by their friends, and forced into a corner of Germany, Ihould have been able in fuch a fhort time to penetrate into the heart of the Empire. He affured Grotius, that a part of the money due had been paid by St. Chaumont, and that in a little time there would not be one fol owing. Afterwards embracing the Swedifh Ambaffador with great cordiality, he begged of him in the name of polite learning, which they both profeffed to culti- vate, to do all in his power for the advantage of the common caufe, efpecially with the Englifh ; and, to efface the remembrance of the ill treatment Grotius had received, he told him with a fmile, that the French were often fools in the opinion of other nations, but they foon recovered their right fenfes. This change in the Cardinal proceeded from the Queen of Sweden's ?.pproving Oxenftiern's nomination of Grotius to be Ambaffador in France -, from the confidence which the High Chancellor placed in him-, from Pau's hav- ing loft his authority in Holland ; and from the prince of Orange's having fpoken of him in terms of " EP' 581- P- 22g. ' Ep. 557. p. 210. ^ Ep. 585. p. 231. friendfhip. Ï70 THE LIFE Book IV. friendfhip. The Cardinal magnified the preparations made by France at fea, from which great things, he faid, might be expeéled if the Enghfh would join : he wanted they ihould be given to iinderftand that the French and Swedes would undertake to obtain the reftitution of the Palatinate to Prince Charles Lewis the King of England's nephew, if the EngHlh would unite their forces with thofe of France and Sweden. He added that it was unjuft in the Englifh to claim the Empire of the fea, but that it would be improper for fome time openly to difpute their pretenfions, for fear of preventing their joining in the treaty, or on the other hand to acknowledge diredly the right they afTumed. This v/as all that pafled diredly between Cardinal Richelieu and Grotius : they never conferred toge- ther afterwards. The Swedifh Ambafiador thought he fhould derogate from his dignity by vifiting a Mi- nifcer, who, becaufe he was inveiled with the Purple, refufed to give the upper hand to Ambafladors. He refolved therefore to fee his Eminence no more, but to treat with the other Minifters. The Engliih were the firfb who difputed the pri- vileges of the Cardinalfhip. Lord Scudamore, Am- bafiador in ordinary from England to France \ would not fee Cardinal Richelieu : he fent to tell him that he was exprelly ordered to vifit no one who affumed in his own houfe the precedency of the Ambaf- fadors of Kings. The Engliih had been induced to take this flep by the reprefentation of the Proteftants, that to fuffer a Cardinal to take the upper hand of an AmbafTador was to acknowledge the Pope's dignity. Grotius informed the High Chancellor of this by a letter of the fourth of September, 1635, where he adds, " I fay not this as if I thought the Englifli " ought to be imitated in every thing, but that we " may avoid whatever might expofe us to contempt : I Ep. 475. p. I go. " than Book IV. O F G R O T I U S. 171 " than which nothing, I am perfuaded, can be of more " prejudice to the interefts of kings and kingdoms." He continued, however, to fee the Cardinal till the arrival of the Earl of Leicefter, who came to Paris in fpring 1636, as AmbafTador Extraordinary from the King of England, with orders not to vifit the Car- dinal, becaufe the Britifh Court thought it indecent that AmbafTadors fliould yield the precedence to Car- dinals ; and that it was even contrary to the ceremo- nial of the Court of Spain. " I commend, fays " Grotius writing to the High Chancellor,"", thofe " who defend their rights : 1 dare not however imi- " tate them without orders." He thought it moft proper therefore not to vifit the Cardinal till he knew the High Chancellor's intentions. Receiving no or- ders to continue his viiits to him ", he wholly left them off i and the Queen's Minillry thinking the crown of Sweden at leaft equal in dignity to that of England, approved of his conduél. Count d'Avaux was ordered to ufe his endeavours with the Swedifh Miniftry to write to Grotius that he fhould continue to vifit the Cardinal as formerly : D'Avaux fpoke of it to Sal- vius, a Privy-Councellor, and Chancellor of the Court, who was with him at Hamburg negotiating a new treaty. Salvius anfwered, that Grotius had received orders to conform to the Earl of Leicefter's example -, that it would be abfurd that the Minifter ot fuch a King as yielded not the precedence to any other King, fhould yield it to a Minifter ; and, in fine, that the dignity of Cardinal was unknown in Sweden. Grotius informs us in feveral of his letters, that the Englifh were the firft who refufed to give the Cardinal the upper hand. He writes to the High Chancellor, " ° Chavigni afi<:ed, as by chance, whether " I would fee the Cardinal ? I anfwered, that fince " the Englifh had ceafed to vifit him, I was ordered "> Ep. 598. p. 23g. " Ep. 800. p. 347. Ep. 1 135. " not 172 T H E L I F E Book IV, " not to fee him. I have in h6t letters on that fub- *' jed from Schmalz. I added, if the Earl of " Eeicefter, who wifhed fo v/ell to the common " caufe, and greatly defired the Cardinal's friend- " jfhip, fhould find an expedient to reconcile what is " due to the dignity of his King to that of the Car- " dinai, it would be an example for me to follow : *' but (continues Grotius) the Earl of Leicefter has " afTured me that the King will not change his re- " folution : and Ï dare make no innovation without a " new order." He writes to Muller "*, " I have no " perfonal dealings with tae Cardinal : the Regents " of the kingdom muft fend me their orders if they *' would have me follow the example of theEnglilh. *' If they think it improper, they need only fpeak, " it is mine to obey. I have no intereft in the " matter." We have enlarged fo much on this article, becaufe Puffendorf, the author of Vindiciie Grotian^e, and Father Bougeant have pretended " that the Earl of Leicefter only followed Grotius's example, in re- fufing to give the upper hand to Cardinal Richelieu -, which they would not have advanced had they read, with attention the Ambaffador's letters. Grotius's fteadincfs in fupporting the intereft and dignity of the crown of Sweden rendered him moft odious to the court of France. The Marquis de St. Chaumont was ordered to demand his recall. Oxen- ftiern, who knew that it was his great zeal for the fervice of the Queen his miftrefs that difpleafed the Cardinal, would not confent to it : he apprifed Grotius of what was plotting againft him, and the Swedifti ambaflador wrote him a long letter on this fubje6l°, in which he tells him that St. Chamount's demand proved how greatly theCourtiers were changed towards him, for he had been extremely well received *" Ep. 226. p. 553. " PufFendorf, 1. 11. § 78. Vindiciaa Grotianae, p. 396. Hift. des guerres de Veftpjjalie, t. i. 1. 5, p, 362. ° Ep, 636. p. 256. by Book IV. O F G R O T I U S. 173 by the King at his laft audience -, Madam de Com- balet, the Cardinal's niece, affured his wife in pre- fence of feveral perfons, that the Cardinal had a high efleem for him -, and Count Brulon, Introduftor of AmbafTadors, had afked him to wait upon the King whenever he pleafed, even if he had no bufinefs, his Majefty would take it extremely well. Grotius was perfuaded that the ill-offices done him proceeded from Pau the Dutch Ambaflador, and fome Frenchmen. Pau and his accomplices hoped by this perfecuticn to force Grotius to feek a reconciliation with the Dutch by fome meannefs. As to the Frenchmen, their dif- like to Grotius was occafioned by his oppofition to their defign of abafmg the crov/n of Sweden. " If *' the dignity of the crown of Sweden is to receive *' any diminution, I would rather, he fays, it fhould " be by another than by me." Father Jofeph was one of the greatefl: oppofers of Grotius p, who would not vifit him becaufe the Capuchin had no title ; and, befides, the Englifh AmbaiTadors had declared they would not fee him. As often as they met, Grotius treated him with civility ; but the Monk, who had all the Cardinal's confidence, wanted to be confidered as a Miniller. The Count d'Avaux was alfo againft Grotius. There having been fome interruption in the payment ©f the fubfidies, the Count faid publicly "^ it was owing to the Swedifh Ambaflador in France, who did not make his court to the firft: Minifter, though he was known to poflefs all the King's authority -, and even refufed him the honours paid by the other Am- bafladors. Grotius, informed of the French Miniflry*s diflike to him. Wrote to the High Chancellor •■, praying him to confider whether it would not be better that Sweden fliould have no Ambaflador in France, but only an P Ep. 598. p, 235. "2 Vin. Grot. p. 394. ' Ep. 690. p. 2S4. Vin. Grot. p. 378, Agent 174 THE LIFE Book IV. Agent without a public charader, to enquire into what pafTed, and hear what was faid to him. The Swedijfh Miniflry judged that the more Cardinal Richelieu de- fired Grotius's removal, the greater reafon they had for fupporting him, (ince he difpleafed only by doing his duty too well. Grotius was informed of their fentim.ents, and wrote to Salvius % that the juflice which the Regents of Sweden did him would ferve to confirm his fteadinefs. Father Jofeph faid ^ publicly, the French Minifters defired Grotius's removal, be- caufe it was evident to them that he oppofed the fuc- cefs of the affairs of France. This being repeated to Grotius, he anfwered, that it was of little importance to him whether he ferved Sweden in France or in another kingdom, but that the French might be perfuaded if a fucceffor were fent he would be of the fame opinion. He himfelf informed the High Chancellor of what was plotting againft him in France ; and the Regents of Sweden, notwithftanding this violent oppofition, wrote to him that they were well fatisfied with his good fervices ", The Cardinal's tools endeavoured to render Swe- den fufpicious of him, by infinuating that he was a Penfioner of France. His friends told him one day his name was in the lift of penfioners. He immedi- ately informed the Chancellor of it ; adding, that he did not know whether it was done by mifbake or with a bad defign ; that having been formerly a Penfioner of the King, his name might pofTibly have been copied from fome old lift ; but there was alfo reafon to think it was done with a defign to injure him : he farther adds, " I can afTure your Excellency, before God, that I " have not received a farthing from the Court of " Fr?nce fince I have been in the fervice of Sweden ; " and that I am determined to accept of only what is " ufually given Ambafl^adors when they have their " audience of leave." ^ Ep. 716. p. 301. t Ep, 739. p. 3! 3. " Ep- 745- 317. &'754. p. 323. It Book IV. O F G R O T I U S. 175 It is probable that his name was put in the lift of Penfioners, becaufe the Miniftry imagined if they could get him to accept of a penfion, they would more eafily bring him to their ends. It is certain they offered him one "^ ; and when they faw that he abfo- lutely refufed it, as not thinking he could with de- cency be a Minifter of Sweden and a Penfioner of France at the fame time, they rightly judged that' he would never facrilice the intereft of the Crown of Sweden to the pretenfions of the French Minifters. They fometimes careffed him "^^ however, becaufe they faw him powerfully prote6led. Feuquieres was or- dered to tell him they were very wellfatisfied withhim : but he believed thefe compliments were made, that, being lefs on his guard, they might have a better op- portunity to hurt him. " For (he writes to Oxen- " ftierny) I am perfuaded they would be glad to fee " me gone, becaufe I abfolutely refufe the prefents " they offer me ^ and fuffer not myfelf to be led by " them like fome other Ambaffadors. For this reafon " they put me in fuch a fituation that I muft either " facrifice the dignity of the kingdom, or expofe my- " felf to be hated. I will never do any thing againft " the honour of Sweden ; and I will Ihun, as much " as I can, what may render me odious. What- " ever I may do on fuch critical occafions, I fhall be " cenfured ; but I rely on the teftimony of a good *' confcience." They often threw difficulties in his way, hoping that the Regents of Sweden, tired out with thefe dif- putes, would recall him. We are affured ^, that when, he went to fee the Chancellor Seguier, one of the Cardinal's creatures, Seguier feated himfelf in the higher placé ; which obliged Grotius to take his chair himfelf to place it above the Chancellor. Befides the vexation which they endeavoured to give him in , ^ Ep. 636. p. 257. 1263. p. 575. & 1289. p, 583. ^ Ep. 958. p. 428. y Ep. 958. p. 428. ^ Pulfendorf, 1, lu § 78. bougeant, 1. 5. p. 362. See Ep. 1414. p. 645. France, î;^ the life Book IV. France, he met with feme difguft even from the Swedes. It was intimated to him at the Court of France, that the High Chancellor's nomination to the embaffy of Paris was not fufficient ; it muft be approved of by the Regency of Sweden. This dif- ficulty gave him uneafmefs : he writes to Schmalz, Feb. 28, 1636 % "I know the High Chancellor " has authority enough to maintain me in the poll to " which he has raifed me ; but I think I fhould be " better able to defend the intereft of the crown, if " it were made to appear that what the High Chan- *' cellor has done for me is approved of in Sweden. " He is mortal ; and befides I find his power of fend- " ing Ambaffadors is fometimes called in queftion " here." Grotius was foon after fatisfied, the Re- gency of Sweden confirming his nomination ^. Having been fome time without receiving letters from the Swedifh Minillers, it gave him much cha-. grin, becaufe it difabled him from ferving them ef- lecflually : befides, he looked on it as a want of re- fped:. Augufl 31, 1635, he wrote to the High Chancellor *^, " Since your Sublimity fet out for " Hamburg, I have received no letter from you, nor " from any of your attendants : what grieves me is, *' that not knowing the aftual ftate of things, I fcarce " have afTurance to fpeak to thofe to whom I muft *' recommend the affairs with which I am charged.** Eight days after, he renewed his complaint in a more bitter tone : " I have defired nothing fo much, fays " he, as to give proofs of my zeal and fidelity to the *' kingdom of Sweden, and to your Sublimity, in *' this embaffy ; I have not yet failed in my duty^ " and I hope I never fhall fail ; but it is impoffible *^ for me to difcharge it properly, if I am keptigno- " rant of thofe things which an AmbafTador ought to " know. I have no accounts from Svv'eden. If I a Ep. 557. p.219. "Ep. 585. p. 23t. ' Ep.470, p. 178. " have SooK ÏV. OF GROTIUS. tjj " have not received letters from your Sublimity fmce *' you fet out for Hamburg, I afcribe your filence " to the multiplicity of your affairs : but Schmalz has *' nor written to itie fince -, and for fome time I have " had no letter from Camerarius or Grubbius. '' If they imagine fny enemies fo powerful, that I *' ought to rémain here ArhbaiTador only in name, " without being let into affairs, and without doing " any thing ; that will not fuit me, I am not a man " that would be chargeable or a difhonour to thofe " who nominated me to my employment. Befides, " they are miftakcn if they think my enemies have: " fo much credit in my native Country; and thofe *' who know what palTes there think as I do. I hum- " bly beg you v/ould be pleafed to indemnify me for " tiie expences I have been obliged to be at, and fet " me at liberty : wherever I go, it will be a fufficient " recommendation not to have difpleafed your Subli- " m.ity." Whiift he was thus tormenting himfelf without much reafon, he received two letters from the High Chancellor v/hich made him eafy. He thanked him for them, alfuring him that he defired information of what paffed, not from any eager defire for news, but to enable him better to fulfil the funftions of his eiVibafiy. Oxenftiern fully fatisfied him ; and Grotius v/as extremely pleafed, in the end of 1635 ^"^ ^^^ t)^~ ginning of 1636, v/ith the attention paid him by that great miiniftcr. Dec. 20, 1635 ^, he writes, " I cannot " fufHciently thank your Sublimity for the care you *' have taken of m.y private alfairs and my dignity ; " it is my duty fo to aft as not to appear unworthy *'• luch grea^t and continual favours. God forbid that " I Ihould v/ant to penetrate into thofe things which " prudence requires to be buried in myilery ; but as " to public matters, I would not be the laft to know " them, and to learn them from flrafigers." " It ^ Ep. 528. p. 204. N gives îyS THE LI F E Book IV. " gives me great fatisfadlion (he writes to Oxenftiern's " Secretary ') that the High Chancellor is pleafed to " remark that I difcharge my embaiïy with honour." Befides the embarraffment which always attends difficult negotiations, the trouble of contenting feve-- ral mafters, and the difficulty of treating with Mlni- fbers to whom one is difagreeable, Grotius, who thought it effential to an Ambaffador to live with dignity, received almoft continual uneafinefs from the ill payment of his appointments. Sep. 14, 1635, he wrote to the High Chancellor ^, that the Treafurer of Sweden refufed to pay his quarter's falary ; that the expences of his journies were ftill unpaid, and that he had exhaufted all his private refources. He repeats in a letter of the 8th of November, 1635 s, that he had received but one quarter, which was owing even before his arrival at Paris -, that there were two others due fmce : that he fpared no expence in order to live with more dignity -, that his journies and the furniihing of his houfe were very expenfive ; that he could borrow no more, and what he had al- ready borrowed, was done on very difadvantageous terms. At the end of 1638 there were fix quarters owing, amounting to twelve thoufand rixdollars, befides twelve hundred which he had laid out for the fervice of Sweden. He was defirous of being permitted to pay himfelf out of the fubfidies given by France. He reprefented that his expence was confiderably in- creafed by the high tax laid on all forts of goods, which made living fo dear, that his falary was in- fufficient for fupporting his dignity. For two whole years he received no remittance, and in the end of May, 1639^, there were forty thoufand francs owing befides what he had laid out on feveral occafions. His falary was, therefore, twenty thoufand francs per annum. Salvius ordered one half of what was owing « Ep. 533. p. 207. ' Ep. 475. p. igi. s Ep. 505. p. 195. '^Ep. 1177. p 533. 1183. p. 536. & 1 199. p, 542. him BooKÏV. OF GROTÎÛS. 17^ him to be paid out of the iubfidies received by Sweden from France ; but it was long before Grotius got the money : for on the 9th of July, 1Ô39 '' ^^ pfeiîed Salvius very warmly to orderimmediate payment; and went fo far as to tell him that if he ftill left him in this perplexity, he would demand to be reimburfed and recalled. It vv^as in thefe critical circumftances that the French Miniftry offered him a fupply, which he reiufed with great difmtereftednefs ^. L,iving at Paris growing every day dearer, the Swedifh Ambafîadcr, not knowing how to fupport his dignity, took a refolution to aflc of the Queen of Sweden, Jan.2 1, 1640^, that, as he was unable to make any more advances, and his anxiety about this matter hindered him in fome meafure from attending to her Majefty's more important concerns, he might be .permitted to pay himfelf out of the French fubfidy. Without v/aiting for an anfwer he took fixteen fhou- fand rixdollars of it -, and wrote to the High Chan- cellor, April 14, 1640 *", that he was compelled to this by neceflity, and that it was no rnore than had been uiually done by the AmbalTadors who refided in France. There is reafon to think that Oxenlliern, who had a friendfliip for the Ambaflador, found no fault with his boldnefs, as he did not venture on this ftep rill all his refoufces were exhaulled. IX. The French Miniftry carried their animofity againft: Grotius fo far, that, if we may believe the SwedUhHiftorian"^, they inftigated the Venetian Am- bafTador to difpute with him for precedency at the public entry of the AmbaiTador in ordinary from England. The French took the part of the Venetians. Grotius imagined they did it to make their court to the Pope! He wrote to the High Chancellor, that Father Jofeph, who had a great d'^fire to be a Car- dinal, always favoured fuch counfels c.z might pleafe ' Ep. 1203. p. 544. ^ Ep. 1263. p. ;^73. 2i i2Sq. p. 583. ' Ep. 1308. p- 592. "'Ep. 1.350. p. C12. "PufF. 1.8. N 2 the iio THE LIFE Book IV. the court of Rome. Beficles, the Capuchin fought to make a merit v/ith the Cardinal of vexing Grotius, whom they both hated. About a year after this difpute between the Ve- netian Ambafiador and Grotius, when they both were waiting in a hall for the King, the Introduftors of Amb:";!radors placed their feats in fuch manner, that the Swcdiih Ambafiador might be diflatisfied. They expetSted a quarrel, which would have afforded them diverfion. Grotius difappointed them by chuf- ing rather to ftand, than take the feat intended fot him. It was on this occafion he wrote to the High Chancellor, defiring him to confider, whether, to avoid all thefe diihcultles, it would not be moll ex- pedient to have only a Refident at Paris : but Oxen- fliern thought his honour and duty was the more concerned in prote6ling Grotius, as his ftrong at- tachment to the honour and interefi: of his Maflers was the reafon of his being harrafled. X. The war which vv^as at this time ravaging Eu- rope gave the greater uneafinefs to the Court of Rome^ as there was ground to apprehend that the fuccefs of the Swedes, who were the allies of France, mightgreatly prejudice the Roman-Catholic Religion in Germany. Pope Urbin VIII. ardently defired the re-eilablifh- ment of Peace, aPxd offered his mediation for attain- ing that laudable end. The City of Cologn was chofen for the place of holding the conferences. The Pope deputed Cardinal Ginetti in quality of Legate and mediator between the Roman Catholic Princes; and the Emperor and the King of Spain fent thither their plenipotentiaries : all this was done without con- fuiting the Dutch and the Swedes. The great point was, to gain tiieir confent, without which nothing could be done. The Count de Berlife was ordered to talk with the Swedifh Ambaffador on this head. Accord- ingly he made him a vifit, -November 12, 1636", and '^ Ep. 632. p. 277 Sc 278. after Book IV. OF G R O T I U S. iBt after converfing feme time afked Grotius whether Sweden intended to fend plenipotentiaries toCologn. The Ambaffador made anlwer, he conckided from the High Chancellor's letters that the Prefident of the kingdom, to whom that matter had been referred, would determine it ; that the Pope's mediation would be objefted to ; but that difficulty, however, might be got over ; and then Oxenftiern would chearfully come himfelf to Cologn, if bufmefs permitted him, in order to a6l in concert v/ith the French Plenipo- tentiaries, who, he did not doubt, would be perfona of the greateft merit. Grotius was of opinion that the Swedes ought not to accept of the Pope's mediation, or fend Minifters to Cologn. He wrote a letter about it to the High Chancellor, Dec. 12, 1636°, in which he acquaints him, that talking with Lord Scudamo^e, Amibaffador in ordinary from England, he told his Lordfhip that he forefaw the Protellant Plenipotentiaries would fuf- ter many mortifications in a city where the Pope was held in fo great confideration, and the dignity of Car- dinal fo much refpe6led. The Venetian Ambaiiador, who, agreeably to the intention of his Maflers, ardently defired that the congrefs might take place, came to make Grotius a viht ; he told him that the Proteftants apprehenfions of ill offices from the Pope were without foundation ; that he knew from the Nuncio that the Legate was ordered to concern himfelf only with the affairs of the Roman Catholic Princes, and had no intention to intermeddle with thofe of the Protellants : he added, that Peflafo, whom the Republic of Venice had no- minated her Plenipotentiary to the Congrefs, was extremely well affetied to the Swedes. Grotius could not difcover whether the Venetian came of himfelf, pr was fent by the French Miniftry : he fufpc6led ^ Ep. 690'. p. 284.. N ^ that i82 THE LIFE Book m that Cardinal Richelieu, who wanted him [Grotius] oiit of the kingdom, wifiied he might go to Cologn. The learned Godefroy i\ v/hom the Court of France nominated to accompany and dirc6t the Plenipoten- tiaries, had feveral conferences with Grotius conr cerr'.ng the peace which they feemed defirous to conciwde. The Swedifh Ambafiador gave the Higl^' Chancellor an account oi them in a letter of the 2 2d of January, 1637. 1 He acquaints him that Gocie- froy himfelf thought the Swedes ought not to fen4 Plenipotentiaries to Cologn. He gave for his rea- fons, tha: the whole town hated the Swedes ; that the Legates had fuch averfion to the Proteftants, that at Vervins the Legate declared he would withdraw ra- ther than admit the Englifli Minifhers to the con- ferences ; and that the difputes, which would infal- libly arife between the Plenipotentiaries concerning precedency, would lerve only to four their minds. This difcourfe from one, who was only to fpeak agreeable to the intentions of the French Miniftry, made Grotius doubt whether Cardinal Richelieu ever fin- cerely defired peace, Godefroy alfo infinuated that the King of France ought to have the firft place after the Emperor, in political aiTernblies. Grotius would not allow this claim : he maintained that the rank granted to Princes in Ecclefiailical Coiincils ought not to lerve for a rule in Congrcfles, becaufe in the former regard was only had to the time of their em- bracing Chiifhianity ; and that the Archbifnop of Upfal had proved at the Council of Bafil that the Kingdom of Sweden, on account of its antiquity and extent, the two moft decifive argum.ents that could be ufed in this matter, ought to take pl^ce of all others. Godefroy oppofiiig to them the French King's poficflon ot the precedency, Grotius, like a zeaioLis Miniiterot Sweden, maintained, that that title touid only ferve againft fuch as had never dif- ? Ep. 695. p, 2S0, 1 Ep. 709. p. 296. puted Book IV. O F G R O T I U S. 183 puted it -, that in former times the Kings of Sweden had no tranfaétions of this kind but in the North, where they never yielded the precedency to any perfon-, and that fince they had affairs with France, they always treated upon an equality. Such were Grotius's pre- tenfions, the validity of which remain to be proved. The minds of the contending parties were not yet difpofed to conform to the good intentions of the Pope : and the congrefs of Cologn did not take place bccaufe the Swedes pofitively refufed to fend thither Plenipotentiaries "■. XL Some time after, the Republic of Venice aded in conjunftion with the Pope in order to procure peace to Europe. She made an offer of her mediation to the Swedes % and engaged to fend an Ambaffador to Cologn, who would be lefs fuf- pefted of partiality than the Pope's Legate. The Doge, writing on this fubjedto the Queen of Sweden, in the titles given to her omitted tha.t of moji powerful : this gave great offence to the Swedes ^ ; and the Ve- netian Ambaffador being informed of it, came to vifit Grotius in order to difcufs the point. He told him that the Republic had followed the ancient cere- monial in the titles given to the Queen ; that fhe gave the King of France only thé title of moji ferene and mojî chrijiian, and to the King of Spain that of ' mojl ferene and catholic^ without adding mofi power- ful, Grotius anfwered, that, without prefuming to prefcribe to the Senate, he would only obferve, that gs the Kings of France and England gave the King of Sweden the title oîmoft ferene and moji powerful^ it did not become any other Prince, much lefs a Republic, to treat him with lefs diftinCtion, He added feveral tafts tending to give a high idea of the dignity of the Swedifh nation. The Venetian promifed to write about it to his Mafters. The Queen of Swe- den " declared that (lie would accept of the mediation ^ Ep. 389. p. 86c. * Bongeant 1. 4. n. 30. Puffendorf 1. ^o. n. 63. ^Groçii Ep. 851. p. 374, " pp. 949. p. 421. N 4 o^ iS4 THE LIFE Book IV. of the Venetians provided the Republic gave her the honours that were due to her. Chriftina ha4 at length fatisfadtion^, and the Venetian Ambaffador promifed to conform to her intentions. The name of this Venetian Minifler was Corraro. Grotius had reafon to be diflatisfied with him * : he had been to vifit him, and the Venetian gave him not the title of Excellency, nor the precedency due to an Ambaffador of Sweden. Grotius determined to ceafe vifiting him for fome time. One thing, how- ever, embarraffed him : as the Republic of Venice was to be mediator for a general peace it was necef- fary he fhould confer with Corraro : for this reafon he WTOte to the High Chancellor to know, whether, in confideration of the public good, he ought to dif- femble his grounds of complaint againft the Venetian Ambaffador, He had not time to receive Oxen- iliern's anfwer when Corraro came to vifit him y, and gave him fatisfaftion ; he affured him, that if he had given him any offence, it was not from defign, but through ignorance and want of attention. Gro- tius informed the High Chancellor of this, adding that he accepted of Corraro's excufes ; that he would go to fee him, and do all in his power to gain hi^ friendlhip. Accordingly he vifited him fome days after, and no notice w^as taken of what had paffed, the converfation turning wholly on public affairs and the proje6ls of a peace. XII. There happened at this time a more con- fiderable broil between the Englifli and Swedes at Paris. Pau the Dutch Ambaffador in France being recalled, Ooftervich, Ambaffador of the United Provinces at Venice, was appointed to fucceed him''. He had been formerly very intimate with Grotius ; and fignified to him by their common friends that he intended to renew their ancient friendfnip, and live with him in that good underftanding which ought ^ Ep. 1014. p. 457. " Ep. 947. p. 419. y Ep. 960. p. 42g. ^. Ep. 716. p. 502. to pooK ly. O F G R O T I U s. 185 to fubfift between the Minifters of allied powers. Gro- tius made a proper anlwer to thefe advances. Oofter- vich preparing to make a public entry into Paris, in- formed the Swedifli Ambaffador of it, February 16, 1637, by his Secretary, afking him at the fame time to fend his coach to his entry on the fécond day following, according to cuftom^. Grotius fent to make his compliments to the Dutch Ambaffador, and to tell him that he would not fail to fend his coach. He fent it accordingly. There were at that time at Paris an Ambaffador in ordinary and an Ambaffador extra- ordinary from England, who both fent their coaches, with a great number of their attendants. The Swedes took the precedency of the Englifh and kept it fome time. They quarrelled ; and fwords were drawn. The Swedes were worfted, for the Englifh were much more numicrous. The Marfhal de la Force, who conduéied the Dutch Ambaffador, came to make up the quarrel. The Swedes maintained that they ought to have the precedency of the Englifh, becaufe the kingdom of Sweden was more ancient than that of England. The Marfhal de la Force pretended that this queftion had been decided in the reign of Hen- ry III. in favour of the Englifh. The Swedes being unequally matched, agreed to the Marfhal's propofal, that the coach of the Englifh Ambaffador in ordinary and that of Grotius fhould withdraw, without pre- judice to the rights of Sweden. On the nineteenth of February the two Ambaf^ fadors from England fent to Grotius, tp know if it was by his order that his attendants had a6ted and fpoke in the difpute they had with the Englifh. Gro- tius anfwer.ed, that he had ordered them to fupport the dignity of the kingdom of Sweden the moll an- cient and extenfive in Chriflendom ; but tiiat he had no intention to offend the Englifh -, that in the trea- r ^^ It is furprifing that Father Bougeant, after reading the Dccxviii'^ letter of Grotius, ftiould contradift him fo manifeftly py placing this quarrel in i53g. Hift. 1. 5. n. 5. tie^ i86 THE LIFE Book IV. ties which Sweden made with France there was al- ways one copy in which Sweden was named firft j that if his people had tranfgrefTed in point of form, it was not by his order ; that the fmall number he fent to the entry, v/as a demonftration he did not think the quarrel ought to be determined by ftrength; that as to the accommodation, he had no power to make it, nor confequently given any order on the fubjeft : that he was defirous ot maintaining the good underRanding between the two kingdoms, and to live well with the two Englilh Ambaifadors. The De- puties, without making any reply to this anfwer, civilly withdrew. The quarrel was mentioned in the Gazette of France '' ; and Renaudot, in the account he gave, named the Englifli before the Sv/eder, and fpoke of the affair as accommodated. Grotius was very angry at this : he fent to tell him, to name the Swedes firft in another Gazette, and to retra6l what he had faid of the accommodation : Renaudot was even threaten- ed, that if he did not give this fatisfaftion to the Swedes, he would be made to feel to his coft that Sweden was powerful enough to do herfelf juftice. The Gazetteer replied, that he was obliged to obey only the King and the Cardinal. This grand difpute did not hinder ^ the Englifh Ambaffador from vifiting Grotius on public bufinefs. The Earl of Leicefter*^, Ambaffador extraordinary from England, had a long conference with him con- cerning their quarrel : he pretended that what Gro- tius advanced in favour of the precedency of the Swedes, was a thing unheard of. The Ambaffador from Sweden replied, that the fame fafts had been al- ready maintained in the Council of Bafil -, and took occafion to fet forth the extent and antiquity of the • kingdom of Sweden. Leicefter laid, that they had been of the fame opinion formerly in France, b Ep. 719. p. 304. «^ Ep. 722. p. 305. «: P. 306. & cpift. 395. J). Sod. fince Book IV, O F G R O T I U S. 187 fince they decided againft the Swedes. Grotius an- fwered, that he much queftioned this decifion, and that at the time it was pretended to be made he did not think there was ^ny Ambaffador in France from Sweden, which nation was Uttle known to thofe of the South : The Englifh Ambaffador wanted to avail himfelf of the Pope's authority in favour of his na- tion : Grotius rejected it. Leiceller infilled that England had been converted to Chriftianity before Sweden : Grotius replied, that this was a very bad reafon for precedency ; and the employing it might be a prejudice to the Chriftian religion by hindering the converfion of the Pagans and Mahometans. The King of England was not offended with Grotius on account of this difpute ♦, for after it hap- pened Lord Scudamore, Ambaffador in ordinary from King Charles, told him from his Mafter, that he would be glad to fee him in England to reftore the union between the Englifh and Swedes. The Earl of Leicefter, who had the affair of the precedency much fit heart, had another confcrrence on that fubjed: with Grotius, of which the latter gives an account to the Jiigh Chancellor, July 26, 1637. The Englifh Miniiler reprefented, that as the Danes and Norwe- gians, whofe kingdoms were very ancient, yielded the precedency to England, the Swedes ought to fol- low their example. Grotius anfwered, that he did not know how the D^nes ^nd Norwegians adled ; but their conduft ought not to prejudice the rights of Sweden. Leicefter aflved, how high the antiquity of Sweden reached. Grotius anfwered, that it was older than the moft ancient annals ; that, without go- ing higher,' it was fufhcient to mention the teftimony of Tacitus, who fpeaks of the Swedifh nation as very powerful by fea and land. Leicefter replied, that a long fpace of time had elapfed fince Tacitus wrote, in which no mention was made of the Swedes. Grotius Ihewed him that in every age they were fpoken of by the Germans, French, and Englifh j and that even if 3 lefs >8S THE LIFE, &c: Book IV. lefs frequent notice had been taken of them, it would not be matter of furprife, fince in thofe times the Swedes had no difputes but with the Ruffians, the Sclavonians, the Danes, and Norwegians ; that their embracing Chriflianity late could not prejudice the dignity of the kingdom, or the claims of the Swedes. The AmbalTador of Sweden afterwards afked Leicefter what rank the Englilh pretended to give the Czar, to whom the Kings of Sweden would never yield the precedency. He added, that many people were fur- prifed when the truce was negociating at Holland, that the French always preceded the Englifh, who contented themfelves with a writing, fignifying that it was without prejudice to their rights. Leiceiler faid he did not fee how it was poffible to affemble a con- grefs of minifters of Princes who would all have the firft place. Grotius made anfwer, that feveral expe- dients might be found to favethe claim of each. This quarrel, from which a rupture between the two nations was apprehended, had no bad confequence, and did not even leffen the friendfhip which fubfifled between the Minifters of the two kingdoms. Lord Scudamore's lady being brought to bed at Paris, the lady of the Swedilh AmbalTador ftood godmother ^ tq the child in the month of March, 1638, that is, during the height of the quarrel. ■* Ep. 919. p. 406. THE ( i89 ) THE LIFE of G R O T I U S. BOOK t. R O T I U S, notwithftandlng his refolu • tion to abflain from vifiting Cardinal Richelieu, often paid his court to the King, and was well received. His Ma- jelty returning to Paris after the cam- paign of 1 6 3 6, Grorius went on the 2 2d of November * to compliment him. The fpeech he made was fhort, fuch as Kings love. It is in thefe terms he fpeaks of it to the High Chancellor, to whom he fent it. He has preferved to us the fiibftance of his Majefty's an- fwer. " The King, fays he, anfwered me with great goodnefs, that the fuccefs of the Swedes would always give him much pleafure ; that they began the year well, and the French followed their ex- ample -, that the Spaniards made great efforts, but were neverthelefs driven out of Picardy and Burgundy ^ that Cardinal Richelieu deferved thanks for what he did in the recovery of Corbia, and that the Marfhai de Chatillon alfo behaved well : he concluded with complaining of the Germans, who did not obferve their treaties." Ep. 688. p.- 281. The 190 TtiË LîtË ÈoorV. The divifions in the court being healed up for fome time, by the reconciHation of Gallon of France with the King, who was returned to Paris, GrotiuSj at an audience of his Majefly on the 23d of Fe- bruary, 1637 ^, corfiplimented him on the reftoration of peace in the Royal Family. The King aflured him that he and his brother were on the beft terms, and that this reunion gave him the higheft fatis- fadion : he promifed to make very great efforts againft the common enemy, and never to feparate his interefts from thofc of Sweden. The Ambaflador- did not fail to reprefent ^ in ftrong terms to his Ma- jelty all the pains taken by the High Chancellor to keep together the allies, who were opprefTed by fuch a burthenfome war ; and took occaiion to befeech the King to redouble his afliftance, that they might extri- cate themfelves with honour from fo great embar-* raflrnents. The King going in Auguft, 1637, to Chantilli^ Grotius went thither ^ to compliment him on the fuc^ cefs of the Campaign ; and at the fame time recom^ mended to his Majefly the fending a reinforcement of men to the Duke ofWeymar, who had crofîèd the Rhine, that fo he might be enabled to make farther progrefs, and to keep the German allies of the two crowns from joining with their enemies. He afTured him recruits were railing in Sweden for Marlhal Ban- nier's army, that he might make an invalion into Silefia or elfewhere ; and that the Swedes had rejefled all the propofals of peace made to them, becaufe they believed the intention of the enemy was to fow divifion between them and the French. The King anfwered, that he moft fincerely wifhed the profperity cf the Queen his filler -, and that he would fend the Duke of Weymar as many troops as the Hate of his affairs would permit ', adding, that the enemy laboured ^ Ep. 719. p. 303. « Ep. 720. p. 303, ^ Ep 813, P- 354- chiefly bookV. of or onus. 191 chiefly to divide them, againll wliich they could not be too much upon their guard. September 23, in the fame year, 1737, Grotius % agreeable to the orders received from the Queen of Sweden, demanded an audience of the King, which he obtained at St. Maur. He reprefented to his Ma- jefty, that the Queen had nothing fo much at heart as the fuccefs of the common caufe ; and that flie hoped her zeal would induce the King to make powerful efforts to triumph over their enemies. He gave aparti- cular account of what the High Chancel lor had done, and the marvelous refiflance of Marlhal Bannier,befiegedas it were by tive armies, againft which, however, he could not make head much longer without fpeedy and powerful fuccours. He affured him that Sweden was making numerous levies, but would be obliged to keep a part of her troops at home on account of the frequent broils fhe had with the Poles, the Danes, and the Ruflians. He then enlarged on the intereft which France had in maintaining the Swedes in Ger- many ; for no fooner would they quit it, he faid, than the Auftrians would turn all their efforts againft France. He Ihewed, that, befides being in pofTefTion of the Imperial crown, the houfe of Auftria was very powerful by the hereditary dominions of Hungary, Auftria, Bohemia, Silefia, Moravia, Lufatia, Tirol, Carinthia, Dalmatia, and Croatia, which furnifhed her with large f-ipplies of men and money ; that the branch which ruled in Spain had dominions in the four parts of the world j that the Emperor knev/ well France was the greateft obftacle to his projeéls of am- bition ; that he would leave nothing unattcmpted to deftroy a power which gave him fo much umbrage ; that the Emperors, even before the empire came mto the houfe of Auftria, had alu ays regarded the Kings of France as their Rivals and Enemies ; that this hatred and jealoufy were much increafed fmce the 5 Ep. 327. p. 363. Auftrian 19^ T tî È L î F E Book V. Auftrian Family obtained the Imperial throne ; that it was fo difficult to make any accommodation with ihem, they would not confent to peace even if the King yielded up his late eonquefts, fince they had the affurance to claim the three bifhoprics, and to de- mand that the kingdom of Aries, comprehending the three beft provinces of the kingdom, the dutchy of Burgundy^ Provence, and Dauphiny, Ihould be re- annexed to the empire. He reprefented the import- ance of making great efforts, and carrying the war into the enemy's country before their armies fhoiild be augmented. He befeeched his Majefty to make fuch a powerful diverfion as might oblige the Aùftri- ans to recall a part of the army fent againft the Swedes i and fhewed that nothing was more eafy, fince the Duke of Wèymar had fortified himfçlf be- yond the Rhine -, that it was only fending him a pow- erful reinforcement, the princes and towns which" groaned under the Auflrian yoke would then be ieçn joining themfelvcs to the French and Sv/cdes y and that the Swedes, no longer fo hard preffedj Would re- turn into the heart of Germany or penetrate into the hereditary eflates. After this harangue, the Swediili Ambaffador prefented a letter from the Queen, adding- that her Swedilfh Majefly begged of the King to make ipeedy efforts worthy of himfelf, and he might de- pend on the Queen's doing all that could be expected from a fteady and magnanimous Princefs. He con- cluded with complimenting his Majefty on the happy fuccefs of affiiirs in Italy, the tranfadions on rhe Rhine, and the retaking of Capella. The King fometimes interrupted him during this long Speech ; but it was only to approve of what he faid, to con- firm the fa6ts, and acknowledge that his reflexions were moft judicious. He affured him that he had al- ready fent fuccours to the Duke of Weymar, that he was refolved to augment the troops of that Prince in' order to enable the Swedes to enter Germany i and^ that Marflial de Chatillon would have already been oii the Book V. O F G R O T I U S. 193 the banks of the Rhine if the fiege of Ampvillers had not detained him. He ended with protefting that it was his earneft defire to be more ciofeiy united with the Queen his mofl gracious fifter -, which his future a6lions would lliev/. Grotius gave an account of this audience in a letter to the Qiieen of the 26th of Sep- tember, 1637, a copy of which he fent to the High Chancellor, By the letter that he wrote tlie fame day to Oxenftiern we are informed, that the Count de Berlife, Introdu6lor of the Ambaffadors, cam.e to him before he had this laft audience of the King, to know if he would . not firft have a conference with Chavigny, Secretary of State for foreign affairs, agreeable to the ufage of the Minifters from England, Venice, and Savoy. Grotius replied, that he under- flood from the Englifn Minifters themfelves they did not always obferve this cuilom ; v/hich Berlife ac- knovdedged. The Ambaffidor added, that at an- other time he would confider what would be mofl proper; but, on the prefent cccafion, having a letter from the Queen to the King, he thought it his duty to give the firft notice of it to his Majefty ; that he was afraid if he afted otherwife the King might be offended ; but if, after reading it, his Majefty v/ere deftrous he fhould confer with his Minifters, he v/ould not tail to v/ait upon them. The Swedes being ftill very hard prefTed in Ger- many, the Qiieen fent frelli orders to her Ambalfador at Paris to reprefent their fituation to the King. Gro- tius demanded an audience, which he obtained on the I ft of Odober, 16:^7, at St. Germains. He aftured his Majefty, that it was not v/ichout reludtance he fo frequently kid the necefiities of the allies before him, and the importance of their being afBfted by France, but he did it by exprefs order ; that he was particu- larly charged with two things ; firft, to compliment his Majffty on the advantages gained in Piccardy ' and Burgundy ; and fecondly to folicit him to icnà fpeedily a powerful force over the Rhine. He O added. 194 T H E L I F E Book V. added, that the Queen would not have thought this î'equeft necelTary, had fhe received tlie letters in which he gave her a particular account of what paffed at the laft audience he had of his Majefty. He befeeched the King to be pleafed to give orders that the promifes, which he had gracioully made, might be fpeedily exe- cuted. He reprefented, that if fuccours were not imme- diately fent into Germany, theAuflrians, after vanquifh- ing their enemies, would go and overpower the Duchefs ofSavoy the King's rifter,and penetrate into France. He afterwards fliewed that the Swedifli army was in great danger of being overwhelmed, if a powerf'jl diverfion were not fpeedily made. After this fpeech, Grotius pre- fented a letter from the Queen, of the i9th of Auguft, 1637. Lewis XIII. replied to theSwedifhAmbafTador, that he was determined to fulfil his promifes ; that he had already fent fome troops to the Duke of VVeymar ; that he would fpeedily fend him a farther reinforce- ment, and employ all the forces of his kingdom in defence of his fifter the Duchefs of Savoy. The Duke of Weymar began the campaign of 1638 in a very brilliant manner^ : he gained a fignal viftory over the Imperial ifts on the 2d of March ; and, what was very remarkable, all the enemy's ge- nerals were taken in this engagement, and among the reft the famous John de Vert, whofe name was become the terror of the Parilians. The King, on receiving this important news, immediately fent notice of it to Grotius ; fignifying that he knew no body would re- ceive it with more pleafure. March 168, he had an audience of the King, at which he thanked his Ma- jefty for fending him the firft news of the vi6lory gained in Germany, and doing him the juftice to be- lieve that it would give him infinite fatisfaftion : he ad- ded, that it was a happy prognoftic for the reft of the campaign: that God had confounded the pride of the Imperialifts, who publicly gave out that they intended * Ep. 923. p. 408. K Ep. 926. p. 410. to Book V. OFGROTIUS. 195 to come to pillage Paris ^. He faid he had certain advice by letters from the army, thiX the enemy's ge- nerals had been at great pains to provide tliemfelves with maDs of France, in order to examine at what part they could bed enter it. He prefled the King to put the Duke of Weymar in a condition, by fend- ing him immediately a confiderable reinforcement, to make a proper advantage of this happy beginning of the campaign ; and concluded his compliment v/ith good wifhes for the King's happinefs and that of his pofterity, of whicii there began to be then fome hope. People flattered thcm.felves the Queen was with child ; and flie was aétually in the third month of her preg- nancy. The King received this com.pliment with great gaiety : he promifed to fend immediately five or at leaft three thoufand foot to the Duke of Weymar, with fome horfe, under the ccmm.and of the Count de Guebriant. Grotius had a freili audience of the King on the 19th of April, 1638 \ He reprefented to his Majefty, that though the Duke of "Weymar had be- gun the year well, he could not make great progrefs if an additional force v/ere not fent himx : that by pro- ceeding fo fiov/ly in this meafure, the enemy had got. time to recruit their army : and if it were not nov/ taken v/ith great expedition, they v/ould iofe the fruits of their late advantages, and the affairs of the allies ■ fuffer much -, that her Swedifli Majefty was in the fame difpofition with the King, and had no other view than to procure an equitable, honourable, and lafting peace -, that the only way to obtain this great ■end was by making the mod powerful efforts : that the Queen, agreeable to his Majefty's defire, v/ould accept of the mediation of the Venetians, provided the republic woiîld treat lier with due refpe6t : that his mOil Chriitian Majefty being of opinion that a long" truce would lead to a oeace, the Queen, who was fenfible of his great prudence, had^ given her Am- ^ Ej;. 027. p. 411. VEp. 949. p. 421. O 2 bafTador i9<5 THE L IFE BookV. bafTador in France full power to treat of this affair, and to draw up a plan of it in conjunftion with fuch perfons as the King fhould nominate. After this fpeech Grotius delivered to Lewis XIII. a letter from the Queen, acquainting him at the fame time, that had her SwedifhMajefty been informed of the Queen's pregnancy, fhe would undoubtedly have ordered him to' fignify to the King her extreme fatisfaftion at fuch important news ; that he knew the Queen and all the Swedes pafilonately defired that the poilerity of St. Lewis, of Henry the Great, and Lewis the Juft, might long govern France ; and that under them the kingdom might flourifh in piety, increafe in power, and be eftabliflied in juftice. The King received thefe good wifl:ies with much fatisfaétion, and defired Grotius to acquaint her Swedifh Majefty that the Queen was certainly with child. He farther afTured him that the Count de Guebriant was already on his march to join the Duke of Weymar, and he was go- ing to give orders for fending an additional reinforce- ment, and feconding that Prince's efforts. He de- fired him to prefs her Swedifn Majefty to fend nu- merous recruits to her armies : adding, that he hoped the Venetians would do nothing derogatory to the dignity of the crown of Sweden -, that he would at- tend to that point himfelf ; and would nominate Cha- vigny to confer with him in relation to the truce. Grotius alio fet forth on this occafion what pains the High Chancellor had taken for the advancement of the common caufe ; and the King did juftice to the merit of that great Minifter. The Queen's preg- nancy being declared at court, Grotius's lady went to make her compliments : on the 8th of May, 1638 \ he himfelf waited on her Majefty for the fame end : he had demanded an audience for this purpofe as foon as it was publicly known that fhe was with child. He told the Qiieen, that, being eager to exprefs his joy, ^ Ed. 957, p. 426. he Book V. O F G R O T I U S. 197 he could not think of waiting for orders from his court to make his compHment ; that well knowing the fentiments of the Queen his miilrefs he could affirm, with great certainty, that her Majelly and all her fubjeéls were filled with the highefb joy -, that he had lately met with a Greek infcription in honour of a Queen, containing a very fhort but very emphatical encomium : it was faid of this Princefs, that fhe was the daughter, filler, wife, and mother of a King, yet without any pride in fo high elevation : that this modefty was the more to be admired in the Qtieen of France, as fhe was much above the Grecian Queen, and even all other Queens, fince fhe was the coniort of a King, whofe provinces and even towns were equivalent to kingdoms -, that flie had a King for her father, and was defcended from Kings and Emperors who conquered and long poffeffed kingdoms in the four parts of the world ; in fine, that fhe was fiftêr of a mofl powerful King -, that only one thing was wanting to her happinefs, to be mother not of a King, fince France and all the friends of France v/ifhed that the King might attain to the moft advanced age, but of a Prince capable of ruling over a great nation ; that God had at length granted her this felicity, and rendered her fruitful when it was no longer expefted, as happened formerly to an illuftrious woman of the fame name mentioned in Scripture -, that hiftory facred and prophane informs us, that children born at a time when they are no longer expefled are defigned by God for great things ; that in refledling on the Queen's pregnancy he attended to what the Naturalifts teach, that the tumbling of the Dolphin [Fr. Dauphin] pre- dided the end of the tcmpeft, and fine weather ; that there was reafon to hope peace would re-appear in the world at the birth of a Dauphin, which was fo paf- fionately defired ; and what increafed this hope Vv^as, that at the time her Majefcy's pregnancy was declared he received orders to confer with the French Minifters on the means of obtaining a peace, or at lead a truce, O 2 if 198 THE LIFE Book v.. if the conclufion of a peace met with too many dif- ficulties ; that he laboured in it with the more chear- fulnefs, as he knew he would be aided by the Queen's prayers, the efficacy of which was fo great that they could obtain of heaven things alm.oft miraculous ; that her Swedifh Majefty would fhew that the Great Guftavus and Hie had never any other intention, than to infure the quiet and tranquillity of Chriilendom ; that he earneftly wiihed the negotiation for a peace rnig^it turn out well ; that the Queen might have a happy delivery, and be the mother of a Prince, whofe elory and poiterity would continually increafe. The Queen anfwered, that flie did not doubt of the fmce- rity of her Sv/ediïîi Majeity's wiilies ^ that fhe reci- procally defired the profperity of that Princefs, and offered her all that was in her power. In the beginning of June, 1638^, Grctius waited on ^the King at St, Germains : he fjril thanked his Ma- jefty for intimiating to him the Queen's pregnancy ; and afterwards enlarged on the praife of juftice, and on the title of Juft which the King had merited by the laws he enaded, particularly that for abolifhing duels, and the proteftion granted to foreign princes.. Fie entered into a detail of the favours which the King had received irom Providence fmce his acceffion to the throne : the extinftion of the civil wars, the reftoration of the royal authority, the iuccefTes both by fea and land, the palTage ot the Alps forced, and the frontiers of the kingdom enlarged. He added, that after fuch a feries of felicity, the only thing left to be defired was that his Majefty's poilerity might long reign in France -, and for this her Majefty's preg- ■ nancy entitled them to hope ; that the Swedes enter- tained the fame fentiments, and flattered themfelves a perfect harmony would always fubfift between the twt> kingdoms. He concluded with foliciting the King to augment the Duke of V/cvmar's troops, ' Ep. 9^3. p. 434. againfl Book V. O F G R O T I U S. 199 againft whom the Imperialifts made the greatefl ef- forts j and to procure Marfhal Home's liberty, who was made prifoner at the battle of NordHnguen : he reprefented that his Majefly might obtain it when he pleafed, fince he had fo great a number of the enemiies generals in his power, and afilired him that the Queen his miftrefs would take it as a very high obligation. The AmbafTador prefented afterwards letters from the QLieen of the twelfth of April, and concluded with obferving, that he had reafon to think a con- fiderable body of troops would be fent from Sweden into Germany this fame month of June. The King replied, that he had a great friendfliip for the Queen of Sweden, and had already given proofs of his good difpofition towards her ; that he had fent fuccours to the Duke of Weymar, and would fend ftill more con- fiderable ones if neceffary -, that as to the exchange of Marfhal Home, there was only John de Vert with v/hom it could be made ; and that General was not his' prifoner, but the Duke of Weymar's, to whom he had promifed to deliver him on demand. Gro- tius replied, that he did not doubt but the Duke of Weym.ar v/ould fhew all pofîible deference to the King's inclination, if he fhould find his Majefty dif- poled to procure Marfhal Home's difcharge, and that the Queen had written to the Duice on that fub- jed. Some days after this audience, Chavigny *" in- formed the Swedifn AmbafTador that John De Vert was the King's prifoner, though Lewis XIII. had faid the contrary. Grotius had another audience of the King in the middle of July 1638 ". He complimented his Ma- jefly on the happy fuccefs of the French arms on the frontiers of Spain, and exhorted him to fet about the recovery of Isl avarre, which belonged to him of right, ^nd was unjuflly ufurped by Spain: he alfo recom- "> Ep. 971. p. 495. . " Ep 988. p. 447. O 4 mended 200 T H E L I F E Book V. mended to him the Duke of Weymar's affairs, and gavs reafcn to hope that fomething great would be done by General Bannier, who had juft received re- inforcements from Sweden." At this audience the AmbafTador prefented Crufius to the King as a Swed- iih Noblem.an y/ho was returning to Stockholm-, and would foon be employed in public afl'airs, and might contribute to ftrengthen the union between the two kingdoms. The King received him very gracicufly, and defired him to m.ake his compiim.ents to the liigh Chancellor. IL Grotius had always been attentive to cultivate the iriendfnip of the Prince of Condé: they vifiied one another often. The Sv/edifli Ambalfador relates in ons of his letters ° that tlie Prince having been nominated to command in Paris in the abfence of the Kins and Cardinal Richelieu, he waited on him in the beginning of February 1637 : the Prince returned his vilit foon after. The ccnverfation turned on the marriage of Moniieur, which the King had hitherto confidered as void, becaufe it v/as made without his confent. Gabon's conftancy in perfifling to keep his wife had in the end obliged the King to approve of the match. The Prince told Grotius that he had always thought this miarriage valid, and did not doubt but he was of the fame mind. Grotius an- fwcred, that the opinion of thofe who regarded fuch marriages as good, was without doubt mofc generally received. They afterwards talked of Di- vinity : the Prince had been well educated, and loved this kind of converfation. The grand con- troverfies concerning the Eucharift and the Pope's authority came under confidcration j but we know not the particulars. III. The Pope, forelfreing that the conclufion of a peace was ftill very difirant, propoleJ a truce, in hopes that while it continued they might labour more p Ep. 714. p. 299. effeftually Book V. O F G R O T I U S. 201 effeftually in bringing about a peace. France Pand Sweden dilcovered no reluftance to lufpend for fome time the operations of the war -, and Grotius received orders, as we have ah-eady feen, to confer with the French Miniftry in order to fettle the fubfidies to be given Sweden, and the conditions of the truce. Cha- vigny was nominated to treat with the Swedifh Am- baffador on this matter. He vifited Grotius on the twenty- feventh of April, 1638 1, and the Swedifli Minifter telling him, that he had full powers from the Queen to examine, in concert with the Minifter whom the King (hould nominate, what was neceflary to obtain an advantageous truce ; Chavigny afked if he had alfo power to conclude the truce. Grotius an- fwered, if France and Sweden could agree, he had in that cafe permifllon to fign the truce. Chavigny replied, that Cardinal Richelieu had learnt from Schmalz, lately arrived from Sweden with inftruc- tions for Grotius, that the Swedes wanted to have the fame fubfidies during the truce as they had during the war -, which appeared very furprifing -, that he did not doubt but Grotius himfelf would think the claim unreafonable, fince the truce was to be of long con- tinuance, and the expence would be much lefs than in the time of war. Grotius anfwered, that the truce would be attended with as much expence as the war, fince the Swedes could not keep the countries, of which they were in pofTefTion, without great armies. Chavigny replied, that the number of troops to be kept on foot during the truce might be fettled : upon which Gro- tius obferved, that during the truce between the Spaniards and the United Provinces the latter pre- ferved the liberty of maintaining as large garrifons as they thought neceffary for their fecurity, and that the King, after the example of Henry the Great his father, furnifhed them with the fame fuccours during the peace as in time of war. Chavigny maintained P Bougeant, 1. 5. n. 33. ^ Ep. 950. p. 421. that 202 THE LIFE BockV. that the Swedes would have nothing to fear from their enemies whilit the truce lafted, on account of the great number and power of its guarantees : to which Grotius anfwered, that the countries poflefTed by the Swedes were fo diftant from their alHes, that if they did not continue in arms to guard againlt any un- looked-for invafion, thofe countries v/ould be loft be- fore they could receive affiftance. The King was gone to Chantilly, and from thence he was to proceed to Compeigne. Chavigny, who was to follow him, but had not yet fixed the time of his departure, told Grotius he would fpeak to Car- dinal Richelieu to know whether the conferences in relation to the truce were to begin before he went to Chantilly, or after his return, and would fignify to him the Cardinal's intentions. Grotius anfwered, that he would bring Schmalz with him, becaufe he knew the fentiments of the Swedifh Miniftry, and that he might make an exa6l report of what palTed at his return to that kingdom. Schmalz was prefent at this converfation : he was Secretary of the High Chancellor and his confident : Grotius till now had numbered him among his friends. April 30j Chavigny fent to acquaint Grotius that if hepleafed they would hold a conference the next day. They accordingly m.et on the firft of May % 1638, at Chavigny's houfe. Grotius afked that Minifter what conditions of truce the King would have. Cha- vigny anfwered, that the conditions were not yet agreed upon ; that a truce had only been barely pro- pofed, and that his Majefty, as a good friend and faithful ally, was willing the Queen of Sweden fhould be informed of it -, that the cuftom in truces was, that each one fhould keep the countries of which he had poffefTion ; that it was proper the Princes who had been driven from their eftates fhould receive a decent penfion during the truce, to be paid •■ Father Foujreart Plift. L ç. n. 35. places this negotiation in 163g, in which he contraJifts Grotius. See F-p 954- p. 424- 3 by Book V. O F G R O T I U S. 203 by thole who enjoyed their country -, that it was the King's opinion they ought not to be too hafty, but wait with patience for the propofals of the mediators. Grotius faid, if the King would fignify on what con- ditions he would agree to the truce, it would be high- ly agreeable to the Swedifh Miniftry. Chavigny af- fured him that he had no inftrudions on that head ; but if he would acquaint him with the intentions of the Swedes, he would lay them before the Cardinal. They entered on the bufmefs. In the claims of the Swedes there were two articles which met with much difficulty : they took it for granted that France fhould continue the fame fubfidies whilfl the truce lafted, and wanted not only to keep that part of Pomerania which they had already, but that the other Ihould alfo be ceded to them. Thefe propofals were put in writing. Cha- vigny promifed to fend them to the Cardinal, and to give a fpeedy anfwer. May 18% Chavigny went to Grotius's houfe, who immediately fent for Schmalz : the matter under confideration was the amount of the fubfidies : Chavigny faid the Sv/edes alked too much for a time of truce ; that the King could only give three hundred thoufand florins a year whilfl it lafted. Grotius maintained that the fum was too fmall in pro- portion to the expence which the Swedes were obliged to be at -, and that in one word he could confent to no diminution of the fubfidies. Pomerania was next brought on the carpet. Chavigny pretended that the King neither ought, nor could with decency propofe to the enemy to yield to Sweden what they ftill held in Pomerania. Grotius maintained that Sweden's right to that province was not founded on force, but fup- ported by treaties made with the Duke and the people -, that, befides, Sweden was in no hurry about a truce -, that it would even be burdenfome to her if fhe were not furnifhed with fufficient fubfidies for paying her garrifons ; and if fhe were not left in the poifefTion of » Ep. 960. p. 428. all 204 T H E L I F E Book V. all Pomerania. He added, that to enable the Swedifh Miniftry to judge whether the truce would be of ad- vantage to the kingdom, they muft firft be made ac- quainted with its conditions. The conference was concluded by a .promife from Chavigny that he would communicate the King's intentions to Grotius in writing. Schmalz in the mean time did Grotius all :theill offices he could : he wrote to Court that they could no longer refufe the inftances of France to recall the Ambaffador : but it was from jealoufy or hatred that he aded in this manner ; for at the f?,me time that he was feeking to hurt Grotius, the Count de Feu- quieres waited on him from the Cardinal, to tell him that they were extremely well pleafed with him in France, and that far frorn defiring he fhould be re- called, his Eminence would folicit his fcay at Paris. Schmalz, difpleafed with Grotius's firmnefs ^, went privately and told Chavigny, that the Miniftry of Sweden had refolved to confent to a confiderable di- minution of the fubfidies : which he could prove by their letters written in Sv/edifh. Grotius was in- formed of this, and complained to the High Chan- cellor -, at the fame time afTuring him, that Schmalz had prefumed to vent the higheft menaces againft him and his wife, becaufe (fays he) we oppofe his unjuft defigns. Chavigny falling ill, Defnoyers ", Secretary at war, was appointed to confer with Grotius : He came to his houfe, and after making him the King and the Cardinal's compliments, delivered an anfwer to the memorial he had given Chavigny -, acquainting him that every thing was fettled between the Cardinal and Schmalz. On reading this anfwer, Grotius faid, that before he explained himfelf he muft fpeak with Schmalz, who was joined with him in this nego- tiation -, and theretore it was improper for him to a(5l alone. Defnoyers being withdrawn, Grotius in- formed Schmalz of his viTit. Schmalz maintained ' EP'9r4- P- 438- " EP' 976. p. 459- that Book V. OF GROTIUS. 205 that he had fettled nothing, and had made only a draught of a convention ; which he at the fame time prelTed Grotius to approve of, becaufe, he faid, it was agreeable to his Swedifh inftruftions, which em- powered him to accept of two hundred thoufand florins. Grotius anfwered, that as this article was direftly contrary to his inftrudtions, he would give them the preference -, efpecially as he did not under- ftand Swedifh. The difpute grew warm "^ -, Schmalz afTerted that he had full powers to aft independently of Grotius not only in this negotiation, but even in every affair which regarded his embaffy : " If it be " fo, the latter writes to the High Chancellor, the ** French will make a jeft of him and of me : they " will look on me as AmbafTador only in name ; and " on him as AmbafTador in fadl, though he has not *' the name : nay he aftually allows himfelf to be " treated at home as if he were AmbafTador, and to " be written to as if he had the title. It is indeed ." very hard that I, who am advanced in years, *' fhould have difputes with a hot-headed youth.'* This quarrel gave him great uneafinefs : he writes to Oxenfliern '', " I beg it as a favour of your Sublimity, " that if I can be of any ufe to you, you would " be pleafed to protedl me, as you have done hitherto. " I have had nothing in view in all I have done but *' the welfare of Sweden ; and it has coll me much *' pains to raife, by my words and adions, the credit " of a nation hitherto little known in this country. " If I cannot ferve with utility, I had much rather " return to the condition of a private man, than be " a burden to the kingdom, or difbonour myfelf." Schmalz lived on very ill terms with Crufius, a Swedifh Lord, whom Grotius, as we have jufl ken, had prefented to the King. Notwithllanding the grounds of complaint which the AmbafTador had again ft Schmalz, he thought the public fervice re- (juired him to reconcile them, and for this end he often ^ Ep. 976. p. 440. '^ Ep. 982. p. 444. made âo6 THE LIFE Book V. made them dine with him. One day, at the Sv/edifh Banker's, both rofe from table after dinner heated with wine, and came together to Grotius's : there was only his lady at home. They quarrelled, and Schmalz had the impudence to call Crufius feveral times a rafcal -, with the addition of fome threatening gellures. Crufius, highly provoked, gave him a box on the ear, and an Engliih colonel in company was fo enraged againft Schmalz, that had it not been for Grotius's lady he would have run him through. Notwithftanding this grofs infult, Schmalz and Cru- fius y were reconciled at Grotius's houfe ; but Schmalz ftili continued his extravagancies. He had the in- difcretion one time to let his tongue loofe againft the Duke of Weymar : Baron Erlac, who was attached to that Prince, was highly incenfed, and the confe- quences might have been very fatal. Grotius again employed his good offices to pacify Erlac. But this wrought no change in Schmalz's behaviour towards the Swedifh AmbafTador. In a letter of the fixteenth of Odober, 1638 ^, Grotius obferves 1 " It is near two " months fince Schmalz was to fee me, though I have *' been ill ; his reafons I neither knov/ nor enquire. *' I am confcious he has no fubje6t of complaint " againft me -, but I have much to complain of him. *' He will return to you richer than he came out : I *' do not envy him the money, which, it is laid, he " received above two months ago from the French ; " being firmly refolved to adhere to the rule I have " laid downjand hitherto obferved, to accept of no- *' thing from them." Schmalz continued to feek every opportunity of injuring Grotius % who, he faid, was a burden on Sweden ; and Grotius ^ was perfuaded that Schmalz had betrayed the fecret of affairs to the French Miniftryin order to prejudice him. Schmalz returned to Sweden, where his mifcondu6t being made manifeft, he incurred the difpleafure of y Ep. 993. p. 450. ^ Ep, 1046. p. 472. * Ep. nil. p. 500. •* Ep. 1237. p. 560. the Book V. O F G R O T I U S. 207 the Miniflry '^. He afterwards embraced the Roman Catholic Religion, privately abjuring Lutheranifm in Baron Rofte's chapel, the French Refident at Stockholm. The Regency hearing of it, complained bitterly that the Refident (hould lufFer it. Schmalz was throv/n into gaol under pretence of fome malver- fation ; but had the good fortune to make his efcape, and took refuge in Germany, entering into the fer- vice of the Emperor. To return to the truce. The negotiation not fuc- ceeding at Paris, it v,^as transferred to Fîamburg, to be managed by D' Avaux and Salvius ; but as it v/as very coldly defired either by the French, the Swedes, or even by the Imperialifcs, the conditions could not be fettled, and the projeifl v/as dropt. IV. As Grotius was returning from the audience of the King, at which he introduced Crufius, there happened a melancholy adventure which had like to have coil them both their lives. In paffing through a village where a great crowd was alTembled to fee the execution of fome highv/aymen \ one of the Swedifh Ambaflador's domeftics on horfeback, to make t\iQ mob give way for his mailer's coach, ilruck forne of them with his whip : the alarm was inilantly given that they were perfons come to refcue the prifoners : upon which fome ihot were fired at the coach : the coachman received two balls in his body, of which he died fome days after : the balls pafTed within two inches of the AmbalTador's head. On calling out who they were, the tumult ceafed. The King being informed of this outrage, ordered Count Brulon, -one of the Introduftors of Am.baiTadors, to wait on Gro- tius, and aiTure him that he was extremely forry for his misfortune -, and that as foon as the ciFenders were taken, they ihould receive the punifiiment they merited. Count Berlife, the other Introduftor of *= Ep. 1263. p. 573. & 1301, p. 590. Bougeant 1. 6. n. 32. * Ep. 988. p. 447. AmbalTadors, 2o8 T H E L I F E Book V. AmbafTadors, came alfo to vifit Grotius, and acquaint him that the King was greatly concerned at the dan- ger he underv/cnt, and that his Majefty had ordered the Chancellor to profecute the offenders with the utmoft rigour. Grotius anfwered, he was fo far from being animated by a fpirit of revenge, that he intended to folicit a pardon for the offenders ; but that it was proper, however, the King jQiould pub- lickly exprefs his indignation, both for the fafety of AmbafTadors, and from a regard to the Law of Na- tions. In confequence of his Majefly's orders the Chan- cellor ^ fent to the Swedifh Ambaffador's to take the depofitions ; and feven or eight perfons of the vil- lage where the crime was perpetrated were taken up and thrown into prifon at Paris. The Lady of the Manor came to Grotius, to folicit for the prifoners : he told her fhe muft have patience till the trials v/ere over, and then he would employ his intereft in behalf of thofe who fhould be found guilty. He informed the High Chancellor of all thefe particulars -, obferv- ing to him that he was very glad the King gave public proofs that he had the fafety of Ambaffadors at heart ; and that for his part he would do all in his power to fave the offenders from capital puniihrnent*. The moil guilty had had the precaution to abfcond^ : thefe, for their contempt of the court, were con- dem.ned to be broke on the wheel : but the fentence was not made public, becaufe the Judges imagined they might fuffer themfelves to be taken if the affair feenied to be dropt. Some Lords, however, who had got notice of the fentence &, were preparing to alk their forfeited effefts : the Count de Berlife informed Grotius of it, and the Ambaffador defired him to beg the favour of the King not to difpofe of their effeéls, but to order them to be fequeftrated, that he might reffore them to the owners, when the time oi '■- Ep. 993. p, 450'. *' Ep, 438. p. 87g. 2 Ep. 1025. p. 462. their Book V. O F G R O T I U S. 209 their pardon came. " 1 have the honour to inform " you of this, he writes to the High Chancellor, that " it may not be thought I wanted to take advantage " of the misfortune of thefe wretches, as fome here " are wicked enough to believe." The fentence was at length executed on them s : but it was only in effigie -, for none of the offenders had been taken. Grotius was then ill of an ague ^, and pollponed his application for their pardon till his recovery. As foon as he could go abroad^ he afked an audience ; at which, after thanking the King for doing juftice on them, which proved how much hisMajefty had the refpeddue to Ambaffadors at heart, he entreated him to grant a pardon to the offenders, and not only fpare their lives, but alfo reftore their effedls ; of which he claimed no part, though the King had left them to his difpofal. Lewis XIII. feeing him earneft in his requeft, made anfwer, that he would give direflions to the Chan- cellor that their pardon fhould pafs the feals. Gro- tius promifed to go to that Magiftrate to folicit it ; which he did accordingly *', and the Chancellor pro- mifed to finifli the affair agreeable to his defire. V. It was on the firft of October, 1638, that Gro- tius went to folicit the King in favour of thofe v/ho had infulted him : the Court was then in great joy for the happy birth of the Dauphin \ who came into the world on the 5th of September. The Swedilh Ambaffador faw the King, the Queen, and the Dau- phin, and made them his compliments fuch as the occafion required, though it was not the princi- pal pbjeâ: of his journey as he could not have re- ceived orders on the fubjed:. He recommended to the King the affairs of the Duke of Weymar, v;hom the Imperialifts were goino; to attack with a force in- finitely fuperior. His Majefty promifed to augment s Ep. 1028. p. 4.''3. ^ Ep. 1043. p. 470. ' Ep. 1033. p. 468. k £p ,041. p. 4':5. 1 Ep. 1C33. p. 46a. P that 210 THE LIFE BookV. that Prince's army as much as his other affairs would permit. Grotius having reprefented of what advan- tage an extraordinary gratification might be to the good of affairs in Germany, the King exclaimed agajnil the great expences with which he was over- powered, but gave hopes that he would advance a fum of money beyond what he engaged to furnifli. November lo, 1638"^, Grotius had another audi- ence of the King, to entreat him not to abandon the Duke of Weym^ar in his prefent extremity : he afTured his Majefty that he had precife orders to recommend to him the affairs of that Prince Vv'ith the fame zeal as thofe of Sv/eden. The King contented himfelt with giving a vague anfvver, which did not fatisfy the Ambaffiidor. December 4 ", he waited on the King and Queen to compliment them, by order of the Queen of Sweden, on the birth of the Dauphin. A letter written by him next day to Queen Chriftina relates all that pafTed at thefe audiences. After ob- ferving that he had publicly expreffed his joy for the defired birth of the young Prmce by bonfires, enter- tainments, and diftributions of wine to all the neigh- bourhood, he tells her that he had feen the King, whom he informed of the entertainments made in Sweden on occailon of the birth of the Dauphin of France ; that he obferved to his Majefly, if it were true, as the Ancients believed, that names were not given by chance, one ought to prognoflicate great things of the Dauphin \^Anglicè Dolphin] ; that the figns which furrounded the Conflellation bearing his name, denote the mofl happy prefages -, that it was furrounded by the Eagle, Pegafus, Sagittarius, Aqua- rius, and the Swan ; that the Eagle denoted a fuperior genius ; Pegafus prefaged that he would be powerful in cavalry, Sagittarius in infantry, and Aquarius in naval force : the Swan fignified that his great aftions would be celebrated by poets, hiftorians, and orators : ■" Ep. 1064. p. 480. " Ep. 1079. p. 485. that Book V. O F G R O T I U S. 211 that the nine ilars in the fign of the Dolphin denoted, according to aftrologers, the nine Mufes, who were to render the Prince iiluftrious and receive luftre from him : that the Dolphin being near the Equator, fig- nified that the King's juflice would behere.itaf to his fon ; that naturalifts had remarked three proper- ties in the Dolphin, which ought to be confidered as happy prefages of what the Dauphin of France would be ; that it loved men ; that it came quickly to ma- turity ; and had much aâiivity. Grotius, it is probable, had recourfe to thefe unna- tural and confequently ridiculous allegories in com- pliance with the bad tafle of the age. It is to be pre- lumed that fuch an elevated genius, who knew the rules of eloquence, and difapproved of the wretched ftrain of the advocates of that time, was not pleafed with himfelf on this occafion. He concluded his ha- rangue with befeeching the King to be perfuaded that her Swedifli Majcfty would faithfully execute her treaties ; that nothing would be more agreeable to her, than to live in the belt underftanding with the King, and to hear of the profperity of his kingdom; and that flie would chearfully employ all her forces to encreafe the power of France. He afterwards ex- cufed the Queen for not fending an Ambafiador ex- traordinary to compliment the King, giving as a rea- fon, that fuch a commifiion could only be executed by one of the firft Lords of the Kingdom, who were all employed in the army, or in theminifcryj and the Queen prefumed his Majefty would like better that they Ihould difcharge their duty, than undertake fo long a journey. The King feemed much pleafed ■with the conclufion of this compliment. He pro- mifed to be confiant in his friendfhip, and faithful in the execution of his treaties, and to continue the war with the fame ardour as his good filler. Grotius afterwards waited on the Qte^n, to whom he faid, that his com.plimenting her \o late on the part of the Queen of Sweden, was owing to thedif- P 2 tance 212 THE LIFE BookV. tance of Stockholm : he obferved to her that Goth- land was a province of Sweden, from which the Kings ot Spain were not afhamcd to derive their origin : he exprefîed his joy at feeing on the throne of France a Queen defcended from the Goths, and who had brought forth a Prince who by his mother belonged to that nation : he afilired her that of all the Princes who had borne the name of Deodatus, none deferved it fo well as the Dauphin, whom Providence had given to the prayers of the kingdom almoft againft all hope ; that he was born on the day of the Sun, which prefaged that by his heat and light he would confer happinefs on France, and the friends of France, among whom her Swedifn Majefty held the firft rank -, that he was born in Autumn, ths feafon of the year abounding moft in fruit, which denoted that with him would be found the fruit of all virtues. The Queen received the compliment with great po- litenefs, and made an offer of her fervices to her Swedifh Majefty. The Important fortrefs of Brifac having been obliged to furrender to the Duke of Weymar in the end of the year 1638 °, Grotius went to compliment the King on that event : he firft thanked him for fending reinforcements to the Duke, and afterwards enlarged on the advantages of taking Brif^-c, the conqueft of which contributed to the iecurity of Burgundy and Champaigne, facilitated the preferva- tion of Lorain, the towns of Alface, and the liberty ot the Swifs, and, in fine, enabled them to make farther progrefs in Germany ; he concluded with befeeching his Majefty to order the money promifed, to be paid to the Swedes, that they might put Marfhal Bannier in a condition to accomplifh v/hat might be of fer- vice to the Kins;. Lewis afTured him, that he would take care the money fhould be remitted. ? Ep. 1090. p 490. Sc 1093. p. 491. Grotius BookV. of GR onus. 213 Grotius having afl<:ed an audience of the King in the month of March, 1639 p, Count Brulon, Intro- diidor of Ambafiadcrs, waited on him to know what he purpofed to fay to the King, under pretence that when his Majcfly was not previoully apprifed of cer- tain affairs, he was too much afFeâied by them. Grotius anfwered, that he fhould fay nothing dif- agreeable to the King. Brulon v/anting to enter into farther particulars, the AmbafTador told him, he would follow his orders. The audience, however, was granted : he remonftrated to the King the necef- fity of fending fpeedy fuccours to the Duke of Wey- mar to enable him to penetrate into the heart of Ger- many, whilft Marfhal Bannier did the fame on his fide : and aiTured him, that the Queen was deter- mined to embark the recruits and provifions for that General's army as foon as the feafon would permit. The King aniwered, that he had affairs in fo many places he could not do at once all that he defired. Grotius afcribed the King's explaining himfelf fo coldly to the offence taken by Cardinal Richelieu at the Duke of Weymar. His Eminence wanted to prevail with that Prince to come and pafs the winter at Paris, in order to enter into a clofer connexion wich him, and to get from him the poffellion of Brifac. The Duke, who was informed of his intentions, chofe ra- ther to remain in Germany, than to be near an abfo- lute Minifler whom it was dangerous to contradict. It is faid that from this time the Cardinal refolved to obIlru£l the progrcfs of a Prince, whofe ambition and valour filled him with apprehenfions. Grotius had a new audience of the King in the middle of April fol- lowing, to reprefent to him the neceffity of augment- ing the army commanded by tlie Duke of Weymar, who had fent Erlac to court to obtain fpeedy fuccours. The King promifed that Erlac fliould be fatisfied. VI. Thefe v/ere only vague promifes which the Miniflry never intended to fulfil. The Cardinal had p Ep. 1137. p. 514. p 3 made 214 THE LIFE Book V. made no fecret ° of his defire to gain the Duke of Weymar by giving him his niece in marriage : the Prince's refufal and his defire to keep Brifac had fo much offended his Eminence, that he even told Erlac that the Duke hearkened to bad counfels, and that his behaviour to France was not fuch as gratitude and ci- vihty required. The malevolence of the French Minifter p chagrined the Duke fo much that he fell ill : it was only a flight indifpofition, but, however, he did not long furvive it ^ : a violent fever feized him at Neubourg, v/hich on the fourth day cut off a Prince, whom Grotius calls the honour and laft re- fource of Germany "^ : the tenth of July, 1639, was the laft of this illuftrious perfonage. It was at that time very doubtful ^ whether he died of the plague, \vhich prevailed in thofe parts, or of poifon. Grotius tells us ^, that the Duke himfelf thought they had ihortened his days : he even cites on this fubjeft the Prince's funeral oration delivered at Brifac, v/herein the author was not afraid of advancing this anecdote. Grotius was alio perfuaded " that the Prince died by poifon : he mentions it in a letter to the High Chan- cellor of the loth of 06tober, 1639. " The more I *' refled: on the Duke of Weymar's death, the more I " am perfuaded that he had on his body no marks of *' the plague, and that it was not in his houfe : ac- " cordingly the reports of his being poifoned again *' prevail, and the fufpicion falls upon the Geneva *' phyfician, w^ho was brought to remove his cholic." As this Prince's victories made even his allies uneafy, they were accufed of contributing to his death. Car- dinal Richelieu's enemies fpread the report, without ground, that it was he who caufed the poifon to be given to the Duke, that he might get Brifac more cafily J and the Swedifh hiftorian "^ leems inclined to " Grotii Ep. 1 1 1^3. p. 524. P Ep. 1140. p. 516. ^ Ep. 1226. p. 548. ' Ep. 1207. p. 549. & 1224. p. 553. ^ Ep. 1223. p. 557. ' Ep. 1254, p.569. " Ep. 1249. p. 566. :*' PuiFcndorf, 1. u. § 39. think BookV. of GROTIUS. 215 think he was poifoned, without imputing it, however, to the Cardinal. " At the time of the Duke of Wey- *' mar's death, fays he, there was a grand negotia- *' tion on foot to know whether Brifac fhould be *' yielded to France. Grotius preffed the Prince to *' keep it ; and the refufing to yield that place dif- *' gufted France. He died foon after, not without *' fufpicion of poifon. The court of Vienna *, to " whom his death v/as of great advantage, was alfo *' accufed of committing the crime : but thefe-were *' all vague and ill-grounded reports, which confe- " quently merit little attention." The Duke of Wey- mar's death y occafioned the greateil confternation among the Swedes ; the army was left without a leader, the towns without a mafter, and for fome time there was nothing but anarchy in the country where he commanded. This Prince placed the greateil confidence in Grotius, who had for him the moft perfect efteem. When at Paris he was moft in- timate with the Swedifli Ambailador ^, and depofited with him fome valuable things which he would neither intruft to the King, nor to any of his fubjeds. VII. When the Duke of Wey mar's death was pub- licly known, Charles Lewis, Eledor Palatine, fon of the unfortunate King of Bohemia, purpofed to get the Weymarian army to acknov/ledge him for their General. This negotiation could not be carried on without a large fum of money. The Elector went to his uncle the King of England, from whom he got 25000 1. fterling, with the promife of a larger fum in cafe of need. He might have returned into Holland, and would in all probability have fucceeded in his projedl, but the King of England, it is faid, advifed nim to a6t in concert v/ith France, whofe intereft was conne6led with his, and without whole afilftance he would have much difficulty to accornplilh his defign, " Le VafTor, I. 45. p. 265, 266. v Fp. 1216. p. 548. " Ep. 876. p. 384. P 4 King 2i6 THE LÎ^E BookV. King Charles fpoke of it to Bellievre » the French Ambaffador at London : he told him the Eleftor was determined to go to France, and lodge with the Earl of Leicefter, the Englilh Ambaffador at Paris, that he might have an opportunity of conferring v/ith the King. BelUevre, who was informed of the intentions of the French Court, and thofe of the Eleélor, re- prefented to the King, that the Prince, before he em- barked for France, ought to get a paffport from the Court, otherwife he would be in danger of being ar- retted by the Governor of the firll town. Bellievre was defired to v/rite to France about it : the Miniftry were in no hurry to give him an anfwer, becaufe they difliked the prince's projeft. The Elector in his im- patience refolved to go over incognito to France. M. PehfTon afllires us ^ it was Montreuil, one of the firft Academicians, at that time employed by France in England, v/ho gave the Court notice of the Eleftor's defign. That Prince managed his matters with fo little addrefs, that his journey was a fecretto no body. He went on board publicly % fuffcred the EnglilTi fhips to falute him at his departure, and on landing him at Boulogn, the King his uncle's fhips, which efcorted him, m^ade a general difcharge of their great guns. After coming on fliore^ he fet out with five of his fervants for Paris -, and, changing his name, would not lodge with the Earl of Leicefter ; but took the road to Lyons, where the King was, and travelled very flowly. His defign was to turn off to Switzerland, and proceed from thence to the Weymarian army. The Cardinal, who was informed of his rout, dif- fering him to advance into the heart of the kingdom, caufed him to be arretted at Moulins in the Bour- bonoife. He denied at firtt that he was the Eledor Palatine -, but was at laft obliged to own it. ^ He was » Ep. 1876. p. 5-8. ^ Hift. de PAcad. p. 162. «^ Ep. Grot. '1629. p. 575. ''Ep. 1250. p. 576. ^Ep. 1271. P- 57.^- confined BookV. of grot lus. 217 confined in the citadel -, where he was civilly treated, till orders fhould be received from the King. He was from thence carried to Vincennes ^ where he was per- mitted to fee no body, and denied the Life of pen and ink. For fix days he was not fuffered to walk in the garden. The Prince had two brothers at Paris, Maurice and Edward, v/ho came there to learn Riding and Fencing. They were narrowly watched, and ordered not to leave Paris -, and their Governor was charged to attend them wherever they went. About a month after the Eleftor's confinement, they v/ere permitted to fee him s -, but it was in pre- fence of witneffes : the Eledor was alfo fuffered to walk fometimes in the garden on condition that the guard went with him. Cardinal Richelieu and the French Minifters, to jufdfy this conduâi, gave out that it was not allow- able for a foreign Prince to pafs through the kingdom without the King's permifïion -, that the Elector's condud: fhewed that he had fome baddefign ; that they knew he wanted to go to Geneva, to proceed from thence to the Duke of Weymar's army, to feize the towns of Alface, and exchange them afterwards with the Emperor in order to obtain reftitution of the Pala- tinate ; and that fuch a projet muil: be very prejudi- cial to France, to whom the conquefl of Alface had coft fo many men and fo much ir.oney. This imprifonment made a great noife in Europe : the Earl, of Leicefter, AmbalTador from England, de- manded the Prince's releafe -, and Chriftiern King of Denmark ufed fome ftrong exprefTions. The King of England wrote to the French King, that it was he who fent his nephew into France to confer with his Majefty on the itate of his affairs ; and that if the King would not give him an audience he ought at leail to fend him back to England. This letter having pro- duced no efie(5t, the Englifh applied to the Queen of ^ PufFer^dorf, 1. 11. § 6oi ? Ep. 1283. p. 581. Sweden 2iS THE LIFE BookV. Sweden to intercede for the difcharge of the captive Ele(5lor -, and the King declared at laft that he would let Grotius treat with the Miniflry about the accom- modation of this affair. He drew up a plan, in con- cert with the Earl of Leicefter, for giving fatisfaélion to the Court of France that the Prince might be fet at liberty. TheEleAor was to give it under his hand, that he never intended to negotiate with the Duke of Wey- mar's army without the concurrence of the Queen of Sweden and the moft Chriftian King : and on making this declaration he was to remain at Paris, giving his parole not to leave it without the King's permifTion -, and the Englilh Ambaffador was to be fecurity for the obfervance of it. Grotius, in communicating this projefb to Camera- rius the Swedifh Ambaffador in Holland, acquaints him that he was perfuaded nothing could have greater weight with the French Miniftry than what he had fuggefted ; and that he expelled letters from the Queen his miftrefs, who was much affeded with the Eledor's misfortune. Chavigny made two vifits on the fubje6l of this negotiation to Grotius, who communicated to him what he had concerted with the Englifh Am- baffador. As the French Miniflry had need of Grotius in this affair ^, he was now treated by them with more civility. Chavigny came to him, by order of the King, about the middle of January, 1640', and told him that his Majefty and the Cardinal efteemed him highly, and for the future would treat him with friendfhip and candour ; that if any thing had hap- pened formerly, which might difpleafe him, it was wholly owing to Father Jofeph ; and that Cardinal Richelieu was now fenfible he had been injuftly blamed. Grotius returned his thanks for thefe civilities : he affured Chavigny that the Miniftry might expeft from him all that could be hoped for from an honeft man j ^ Ep. Î311. p. 593. * PufFendorf, 1. 11. § 78. that BookV, of grot lus. 219 that he knew the difgufts he had received proceeded from theDutch, who, after having treated him unjuftly, ftill continued to perfecute him j and that he had de- termined to meddle no otherwife in their affairs than as they were connected with thofe of Sweden. Cha- vigny commended this refolution -, adding, that the King intended to employ him in accommodating the affair of the Eleftor Palatine ; which might be ac- compHIhed, if the Prince would only declare, that he had not propofed to himfelf any views on the Duke of Weymar's army but with the King's confent, whom he defigned to confult ; and if he would pro- mife to carry on no intrigue for the future in that army without the approbation of the Queen of Sweden and the French King -, that he might then be per- mitted to remain at Paris, after giving his parole, and engaging the Englifh Ambaffador to give his, that he fhould not leave it without the King's per - mifTion. Grotius anfwered he would be always glad to ferve the King. After this converfation Grotius vifited the Earl of Leicefter, and communicated the projeft to him as his own ; for Chavigny had defired him not to fpeak of the converfation which they had together : he affured the Englifh Ambaffador, that he knew for certain if he approved of the propofal the Prince would not only obtain his liberty, but might alfo hope to recover his dominions if his Britannic Majefly would beflir himfelf for that pur- pofe y and that he hoped his mediation would not be lefs agreeable to the King of England, than to the French King. The Earl of Leicefter anfwered, that he had orders to demand the Elector's difcharge without any condition ; that he would write to Eng- land J and till he received an anfwer muft exadtly follow his inftruftions. He afked Grotius to continue his good offices in this affair, alTuring him that they would be moft agreeable to the King of England. The Swedifh Ambaffador informed the High Chan- cellor 220 THE LIFE BookV. cellor of thefe particulars, in a letter dated Jan. 22, 1640 ''. Chavigny foon returned to Grotius to know what had paflTed between him and the Englifh Ambaflador : and on this occafion afTured him of the Cardinal's fa- vourable difpoficion towards him. Some time after, a perfon belonging to Chavigny brought Grotius fome papers relating to the accommodation of this affair; in which the Weymarian army was fuppofed to belong to the King of France, becaufe he alone paid it. Grotius, on the contrary, was perfuaded that that army belonged to Sweden and the confederate Princes of Germany ; and that the Duke of Weymar, as he himfelf had feve- ral times faid, received the French fubfidies in quality of ally of that crown, as the Landgrave did in his life- time. On reading thefe papers he told the perfon who brought them, they would not pleafe the Englifh ; and afked permilTion to make fome alteration in them. Chavigny's Secretary anfwered, that he had orders to leave them with him, that he might fhew them to the Earl of Leicefter. Grotius replied, that he would lirft examine them farther, and fee what was to be done. Some days after, Chavigny fent another Se- cretary, afking him to confer as foon as pofiible with the Earl of Leicefter. Grotius anfwered, that he had read the papers with attention ; and finding in them fome things to the prejudice of Sweden, he would confult the Queen that he might do nothing to the prejudice of her rights ; that he was forry the diftance would not permit him to receive her orders foon, but if the other AmbafTadors who had offered their good- offices in this affair could obtain the Prince's liberty he would be well fatisfied. Thefe papers differed in many places from what had been fettled between Chavigny and Grotius, They had agreed that the Eleftor, on coming out of Vin- cennes, Ihould remain at Paris : the new regulation Ep. 1312. p. 594. obliged BookV. of GROTIUS. 221 obliged him to follow the Court, that he might be more eafily obferved -, befides, it only made mention of the King of France, and faid nothing of Sweden. The French Miniftry would abfolutely ^ have the Weymarian Army to be the King's ; and that it was a high offence againft him to attempt to get the com- mand of it without his confent. The Landgravine of HefTe "", Amelia Elizabeth of Hanau, whofe uncom- mon merit and attachment to France had gained her the greateft confideration at Court, wrote to the King in favour of the captive Prince, affuring him, that all Germany was under affliftion on account of his fituation. The Queen of Bohemia ", the Eleélor's mother, approved of the difficulties ftarted by Grotius j and Queen Chriftina ordered him to demand an audi- ence of the King to prefent a letter from her, dated Dec. 19, 1639 °. It was fome time before he could obtain this audience, the King being ill of the gout. Some imagined this was only a pretext, and that his Majefby refufed to fee him becaufe the Minillers were treating direélly with the Eleélor, who was to be fet at liberty as foon as they could agree with him, without its appearing to be done at the folicitation of any foreign Prince. The 1 8th of February, 1640, was at laft appointed for the audience : Grotius told the King that by cle- mency men approached neareft to the Divinity, and that it became no Prince fo well as him who bore the title of Mofl Chriilian King ; that the Kings of France had always diftinguifhed themfelves by this virtue, particularly Henry IV ; and that he himfelf had on feveral occafions given fignal proofs of his clemency. Fie afterwards fet forth the ancient fplendour of the Palatine houfe, the moft illuftrious of the empire, whofe heir was now in captivity, with- out lands, without fubjeds, and reduced to feek ^ Ep. 1 3 13. p. 595. "" Ep. 1317. p. 596. " Ep. 1329, p. 598. » Ep. 1319. p. 597. » r^^:elter 222 THE LIFE Book V. fhelter among ftrangers > he fhewed that his houfe was ever clofely attached to France -, that it defended with all its forces the rights of Henry the Great to the Crown when unjuftly difputed -, that the Aultrians were always declared enemies of this houfe, and now kept the fécond Prince of it in prifon ; that the Courts of Vienna and Madrid ardently defired the continuation of the Eleflor's captivity ; that this Prince deferved the better treatment in France, as during his minority he v/as ever an ally of the Crown of Sweden, and thofe, v/ho managed his affairs in his youth, conformed with the greateft zeal and fidelity to all the defires of the King's Minifters, and contri- buted much to the fuccefs of their demands in the diets of Hailbron, Francfort, and Worms -, that his Majefty, by fetting the Prince at liberty, would not only do a great pleafure to Germany, but her Swedilh Majefty would confider it as a high obligation, and take every opportunity to exprefs her gratitude. The King feemed to be affefted with this difcourfe. He faid, Grotius was not ignorant of his reafons for ar- refting the Eledcr Palatine -, that the good of the common caufe induced him to do it ; that he had al- ways had the reftoration of the Palatine houfe much at heart, and caufed it to be mentioned to the King of England, whom this affair regarded more, and had made feveral propofals on the fubjeâ: to the Earl of Leicefter. Grotius replied, that it did not become him to enter into a difpute concerning the reafons which determined fo great a King to a6l as he had done ; but if, without breach of the refpeft due to his Majefty, he might be permitted to fpeak Ms fen- timents, he thought the beft meafure that could be taken v/as to forget what was paffcd, and attend only to the advantage of the com.mon caule ; adding, that fom.e allowance muft be made for the Prince's youth, and it ought to be confidered, that the bad fituation of his affairs did not permit him to engage in his fer- vice fuch as were moft capable of giving him good advice. BookV. of grot lus. 223 advice. The King faid, he had heard what the Am- baffador reprefented, and that he was going to read the Queen of Sweden's letters. The audience con- cluded with the Swedifh Ambaflador's inftances, that the King would remember clemency and goodnefs. Grotius acquainted the Queen of Sweden with all thefe particulars, in a letter dated the 3d of March, 1640 P. As foon as it was known in France, that Grotius had received orders to intercede for the Prince, he was confined more clofely ; fo that thofe of his family, who were at Paris, had no communication with him, as before -, hence it was concluded, that the French Minifters wanted to negotiate direftly with him, and prevent his holding any correfpondence with fuch as might divert him from giving the King the fatis- fa6tion he defired. Thefe fufpicions were well ground- ed *i : Chavigny was treating at Vincennes with the Prince, who, tired of his confinement, figned the declaration which the King wanted, namely, that he had no defign to get the command of the Weymarian troops contrary to his Majefty's inclination, and would not leave France without his permifnon. The King alone was mentioned in this writing, and no notice taken of the Swedes. The Court being fatisfied % Chavigny went on the 13th of March, 1640, at night, to Vincennes, and brought the Prince to the Earl of Leicefler's houfe ; where he ftaid incognito till the Hotel of the Ambaf- fadors Extraordinary, then occupied by Prince Cafi- mir, fhould be empty. In this manner the Prince recovered his liberty % which he owed to the power- ful foiicitation of the Queen of Sv/eden, and tiie good- offices of her Minifter. Grotius informed the Queen, that the Prince was come out of Vincennes, , by a letter of the 7th of April, 1640 ^ He went to p Ep. 1328. p. 601. "î Ep. 1333 p. 613. ' Ep. 1337, p. 607. Puffendorf, 1. 12. § 52. « Ep. 1338. p. 607 * Ep. 1 34+- P-6o9. pay 224 THE LIFE Book V. pay his compliments to his Highnefs, and gave him all the honours due to an Eled:or, though he was not treated as fuch by the French, becaufe they were in negotiation with the Duke of Bavaria, who was in- veiled with the title of Eledlor, v/hich the Palatine houfe enjoyed before the troubles in Bohemia, But Sweden had ftill continued to regard the Prince as if he had been in pofleffion of his eieftorate. Grotius held a correfpondence with him before this event : we have a letter of that Ambaffador, written on the 1 6th of November, 1638, to the Eleftor Palatine,** in which he affures him, that he had fpoken to the Moft Chriftian King and his Minifters, and to the Englifh Ambaffador, for the reftoration of the Pala- tine houfe ; and that he had alio written about it to the Queen of Sweden and the Grandees of the king- dom. The Elector came to make Grotius a vifit ", and begged he would recommend him to the favour of the Queen of Sweden. Grotius demanded an audience of the King, to thank him for the regard he had Ihewn to the Queen his Miftrefs's recommendation. The Prince made his court fo well to the King, and fo managed the French Miniftry, that he at laft got the title of Ele6lor. He was extremely well received at Court : but grew weary, however, of France, and v/as defirous of obtaining full and entire liberty by the Queen of Sweden's credit. He fpoke of it to Grotius -, who promifed him his good-offices. The uneafinefs, which the protracfling of this negotiation gave the Prince, threw him into an ague. At length, after much ado, he obtained full liberty. July 25, 1640, the King gave him permiffion to go where he pleafed, after giving affurances, that he would adhere to the writing figned at Vincennes, by v/hich he en- gaged to do nothing againft the intereft of France. He came to acquaint Grotius v.'ith this agreeable " Ep. 1348. p. 611. news i Book V. O F G R O T I U S. 225 news ; adding, that he was refolved to go to Hol- land, and continue there till the troubles in Scotland were ended. It was not then forefeen that they would laft fo long, and dill lefs that they would bring the King to the block. VIII. Grotius was at this time engaged in another very delicate negotiation at the Court of France. Marflial Horn, the High Chancellor's fon-in-law, had been taken at the battle of Nordlinguen, and Swe- den was moll defirous to recover her General. The fa- mous John de Vert was at the fame time prifoner at Vincennes ^ : nothing feemed more natural or eafy than the exchange of thefe two great Captains : it was obftru(5led, however, by two confidcrable dif- ficulties. The Duke of Weymar pretended that John de Vert was his Prifoner, and that he only fent him into France to be kept there till he fhould redemand him. Befides, the French Court were afraid that Marflial Horn's return would be rather hurtful, than advantageous to the common caufe : there was no longer ^ny employment for the Marfhal in the army, and as he was fupported by the credit of his father-in- law, his return to it might occafion a dangerous divi- lion, the confequences v/^hereof were to be appre- hended even by France herfelf. Grotius'' ne verthelefs was ordered to foiicit the King in favour of this ex- change : he fpoke of it firft to Bullion y, who frankly promifed to do all in his power for Sweden in the affair. He afterwards fpoke of it to the King at an audience in the beginning of November, 1639 ; an account of which he fends to the Queen, in a letter of the 9th of November. He telh her, that, having prelTed the King to procure the Marfhal's liberty, Lewis difcovered great readinefs to do it, and pro- mifed to propofe it in council. The AmbafTador, to engage the King more warmly for tWs exchange, reprefented to his Majefly, that the late Duke of '^ Bougeant, 1. 6. § 14. ^ Ep. 1259. p. 371. y Ep. 1263. p. 573. 1276. p. 578. Q. Weymar Î26 T H E L I F E Book V. Weymar defigried the generals John de Vert and Enkefort to be exchanged for Marfhal Horn : that the Prmce thought his glory concerned in making this exchange ; that he had mentioned it to the Queen of Sweden-, and often written to his Majefty about it, and lèverai times employed others to folicit it, and that he died in thefe fentimeilts. Marflial Horn's liberty could not be obtained with- out the confent of another Prince, the Duke of Ba- varia, with whom he was a prifoner. That Prince, being fpoke to, readily gave his confent to the ex- change. Marfhal Horn wrote this to Grotius, in a letter delivered to him by John de Vert : and the Am- baflador immediately wrote to the High Chancellor, May 1 6, 1640, that he thought the Queen Ihould make new inllances by letter to the King, and give him [Grotius] frefh orders on the fubjedt. The taking of Arras furnifhing an occaflon to compliment the King, Grotius went to St. Ger- mains in the beginning of November, 1640. He expreffed to his Majefty the joy he received by hi3 happy return, his good health, and the conqueft of fuch a coniiderable town as the capital of the Ar- tois : he added his fincere wifhes for the further in- creafe of the profperity of France, and the happy de- livery of the Queen, who was then with child of the Duke of Anjou, afterwards Duke of Orleans. The King feemed to be pleafed with this compliment, and mentioned fome of the difficulties which attended the fiege of Arras. Grotius afterwards fpoke to the King of Marlhal Horn : he told his Majefty that he had re- ceived letters from him, afluring that die Duke of Bavaria confented to his being exchanged for John de Vert. The Ambaftador added, that the Duke of Weymar always lefired the exchange : and that, if his Majefty wouia do Sweden this pleafure, John de Vert might be fent to Benfcld, and Marftial Horn to Landau, and both be afterwards iet at liberty at BafiL The King anfwered, that he would think ferioufly of it. ÊookV. ÔË grot lus. 217 In faft,, Chavigny came foon after to fee Grotius, and told him that the King, after refleéling on thé propofals he had made to him concerning Marfhal Horn's releafe, had refolved to fend John de Vert to Nancy as foon as the troops were in winter quarters, that he might be fent back with a more confiderable efcort ; that he confented the Marfhal Ihould be ex- changed for John de Vert, on condition, howeverj that the treaty between France and Sweden fhould be renewed. Chavigny added, that the King, having learnt that Grotius complained of the Chancellor Seguier for denying him the honours due to an Am- baffador, had fignified his intentions, that he Ihould be treated as the other AmbafTadors of crowned heads. Grotius having made a vifit a little before ^ to the Chancellor of France, he had neither advanced to meet him, according to cuflom, nor given him the place that was due to him, nor re-condu6led him on coming away. The Ambaflador complaining of it. Count Brulon came and told him in prefence of the Chancellor's fervants, that if any offence had been given him, it proceeded from inattention, and not from defign -, for the King would have him treated with the fame honours as other Ambaifadors of Kings. Grotius replied, that he expedled to receive the fame treatment as the Englifh Ambaflador : on which Count Brulon faid, France gave to each power the honour due to its rank. The exchange, however, was not executed. Gro- tius made a journey to Rheims, where the King was, to fpeak to him of it ^. The King gave him the moft pofitive promiies, and engaged to give John de Vert his liberty, if the Duke of Bavaria fent Marfhal Horn to Landau. Grotius wrote to the Court of Ba- varia -, John de Vert was conducted to Selefdad : and at laft the exchange was made at Strafbourg. Grotius wrote a letter ^ of complim.ent on it to the Marfhal, == Ep. 1414. P- 645. - Ep. 15 12. p. 635. it;i7.p, ,687. 1523. p . 690. & 1532- P- 693. 0^2 ''Ep. i5^'5- p. 708. and 228 T H E L 1 F E Book V, and defired him to come and lodge with him, if he purpofed to pafs through Paris in his way to Swe- den. IX. The renewal of the treaty of alliance between France and Sweden, which was almoft expired, was now on the carpet. This grand affair was negotiating at Hamburg between Claude de Même count d'Avaux, and John Adler Salvius, Vice-Chancellor of Sweden. Grotius % who was attentive to give fuch counfels as might be ufeful to the crown of Swe- den, wrote to the High Chancellor on the 29th of September, 1640, that if the fubfidies made the only difficulty to the conclufion of the treaty, he knew the Cardinal would augment them. And ac- cordingly, inftead of a million, which France pro- mifed to Sweden by the laft ^ treaty, by this fhe gave her twelve hundred thoufand Francs. The negotia- tion meeting with many obftacles, it was drawn into a great length and not concluded till the laft of June, 1 64 1. In the beginning of November in the preceding year, Chavigny came to acquaint Grotius, that the King was ailoniflied that nothing was done in the eight months that the renewal of the alliance had been negotiating at Hamburg-, that it would feem the regents of Sweden imagined by thefe delays to obtain better conditions ; but the King could add nothing to the former fubfidies by reafon of his exor- bitant expences both on his own account and that ot the allies ; that he was defirous of being fpeedily in- formed of the intentions of the Swedifh Miniiiers-, that the renewal of the treaty would contribute to the obtaining a good peace ; that if they would not renew it, it was time the King fhould know it, that he juight take his meafures; and that the peace was 'jgreatly retarded by the hopes which the enemy enter- tained of a difference between France and Sweden. * Ep. 1420. p. 647. ^ Bougeant. 1. 6. n. 38. He Book V. O F G R O T I U S. 229 He added, that if a feparate treaty fhould be fet on foot, France could obtain better terms than Sweden. The whole drift of this difcourfe was to let Grotius know they were not ignorant that he had written to Sv/eden, advifing the Regency to take advantage of the prefent occafion to obtain more advantageous con- ditions from France; which would be granted. The Swedifh AmbafTador anfwered Chavigny, that he had received a letter from the Queen for his Majefty, which he purpofcd to deliver immediately ; that the war was very burdenfome to the Swedes, who had fo many enemieg to combat with, efpecially this year &nd laft ; and that as to the renewal of the treaty, he had nothing to fay to it ; for that affair did not con- cern him, but Salvius. He demanded an audience; but it was denied on feveral pretexts ^ ; becaufe they wanted farther in- formation of what was doing at Hamburg. It was at laft granted ^ on the j6th of November, 1640. He law the Queen firft, whom he complimented on the birth of the Duke of Anjou : he afterwards faw the King, and delivered to him the Qiieen's letters of the I oth of September. He congratulated him on the advantages gained laft campaign, and on the birth of a fécond fon of France ; and entreated his Mpjefty to fend a greater force into Germany as the only means to obtain a glorious peace. The King promàfed it, and afterwards repeated to Grotius what Chavigny had faid -, that the treaty of alliance would foon expire ; that he would be glad to renew it on the former conditions ; but that if her Swedifh Ma- jefty diftikcd them, he wiftied to know it imme- diately, that he might regulate his meaiures accord- ingly. He often repeated that it was not in his power to augment the fubfidies, though the AmbalTador proved that he could never make a better ufe of his nioney. Grotius informed the Queen of what palled - «^ Ep, 1440. p. 653. [ Ep. 1442. p. 654. 0.3 at 230 THE LIFE BookV. at this audience by a letter of the 17th of November, 1640, in which he afTures her that the true reafon why the King deferred feeing him was his waiting for Cardinal Richelieu, with whom he v/anted to concert the anfwer he fhould make. He acquainted this Princefs at the fame time, that it was from the Super- intendant's own friends he underftood the Swedes might hope fcr an increafe of the fubfidies on renew- ing the alliance. Salvius informed Grotius of the flate of the nego- tiation s, that they might act in concert. TheVice- Chancellor was tht primura mcbile of this great affair : Grotius was fubordinate to him, and did him great fervice by the inftrudlions which he fent him. X. Cardinal Richelieu died the year after the re- newal of the treaty of alliance betv/een France and Sweden, on the 4th of December, 1642. This famous Minifcer was not much regretted by the Swedifh Ambaflador : independent of the grounds of complaint which Grotius thought he had againft the Cardinal, it is not furprifing that he fîiould have no great veneration for him -, they were of too dif-r ferent fentiments to elleem, or perhaps to do one an- other juftice. Lewis XIII. did not long furvive his Prime Mi- ni iler -, the fourteenth of May, 1643, was his laft. Anne of Auftria, his widow, was Regent of the Kingdom during the minority of her fon Lewis XIV. She told the Swedifh AmbalTador by Chavigny, and repeated it herfelf, that the King's death would m.ake no change in the alliance between France and Sweden \ that file would follow tiie intentions of the late King in every thing, and obferv with the greatefl fidelity the treaties made with the allies. The Duke of Orleans and the Prince of Conde were of the fame fentiments ^. Cardinal Mazarin foon gained all the Queen's confidence, and the prin- £ Ep. 1472. p. 666. ^ Ep. î59[. p. 713. cipal BookV. of GR onus. 231 cipal part ia the Miniftry : he pretended to fupport the dignity of Cardinal with the fame grandeur as his predecelTor : which made Grotius refolve ^ to wait for orders from Sweden before he faw his Eminence. September 26, 1643, he writes to Salvius \ " I re* " ceived with great pleafure your Excellency's letters. " I caufed them to be delivered to Cardinal Maza- " rin, whom I have not feen, nor will fee, unlefs the " Queen order it. He takes the precedence of the " Ambafîàdors of Kings ; and though the title of " Eminence be given him, he refufes that of Ex- " cellence to Ambafîàdors. " Sweden having de- clared war againft the King of Denmark^, who had taken feveral Swediih Ihips trading in the Sound, Grotius communicated the Queen of Sweden's mo- tives to the French Queen "", without having orders for it, in an audience which he had of her Majefty about the middle of April, 1644; acquainting her that juflice and neceflity obliged Sweden to have re- courfe to arms againft the Danes ; he alfo lliewed her the declaration of war, which he tranflated into La- tin, and printed at Paris. Some time after, Chriftina fent him orders to inform the Queen of France of the realbns which obliged the Swedes to enter' into a war with Denmark -, which Grotius did accordingly at an audience in the beginning of June, 1644. XL It was the adventurer Cerifante who brought Grotius Queen Chriftina's letters, ordering him to lay before the Queen of France Sweden's grounds of complaint againft Denmark. He had had intereft to get himfelf nominated Agent of the crown of Swe- den at Paris, with orders however to do nothing but in concert with the Ambafîador ". Some years be- fore, the continual jars between Grotius and the French Minifters made the Rep:ents of Sweden ° hefi- -O" ' Ep. 632. p. 946. ^ Ep. 161 1, p. 717. ' Bougeant, ]. 8. p. Ç42. ■" Ep. 1661. p. 721. " Ep. 716. p. 970. ? Puffendorf, 1. 13. n. jy. Q^ 4 tate 232 THE LIFE Book V. tate whether it would not be proper to recall Grotius : he himfelf had wrote to the High Chancellor ^., that, to obviate all difficulties railed againft him, it would perhaps be more proper to have only an Agent at Paris. It is pretended that the inclination which he was lufpeded to have for the Roman Catholics con- tributed to fet the Swedes againft him ; and Crufius wrote from Bremen, November 27, 1642 "J, *' It is " publicly reported that Grotius is become a Papift, " and has loft all credit in Sweden." Pie was not confulted in the nomination of Cerifante -, accordingly it gave him much uneafmefs, which he did not dif- femble ^ : he regarded this Agent as a fpy fent to ob- ferve his condudt, and his million as a proof that the Miniftry were not fatisiied with him : this greatly con- tributed to increafe the difguft he had taken to his embafly, which he had already hinted in confidence to ibme of his friends. February 16, 1641, he wrote a letter of compliment to Lewis Camerarius * on his being recalled from his embalfy to Holland, and af- fures him that it would give him great pleafure to live in fuch quiet. He writes to his brother, No- vember I, 1641 *, "If they threatened to recall me *' from my embalfy I fhould not be forry : it is not a " lucrative thing. I am furfeited with honours ; old *' age comes on, and will foon demiand eafe." A year after, he writes to him ", " I am come to the " age at which many wife men have voluntarily re- " nounced places of honour. I love quiet, and *' would be glad to devote the remainder of my " life to the fervice of God and of pofterity. If I *' had not fome hope of contributing to a general " peace, I fhould have retired before now." The headftrong and forward temper of the perfon v/ho was appointed his coadjutor crowned all his un- P Ep. 6qo. p. 284. 1 Inter Voffianas Ep. 656. "■ Ep. 1689. p. 751. » Ep. 1477. p. 668, f Ep. 572. p. 928. " Ep. 620. p. 942. eafineflès. BookV. OFGROTIUS. 233 eafinéflès. In efreét, no body could be more the re- verfe of Grotius than Cerilante. The Memoirs of the Duke of Guife have placed this man in a very ri- diculous light : his family indeed complain that the duke of Guife did not do him juftice; but we know from others that he was as vain as he was inconfi- derate. He was the fon of Duncan, Minifter of Sau- mur, and being perfeft mafter of the Belles Lettres, he had been nominated Governor to the Marquis de Foix, who afterwards made him Lieutenant-Colonel of the regiment of Navarre -, but a quarrel with the Duke of Candale in the beginning of Anne of Auftria's regency obliged him to quit the kingdom. He retired into Sweden, in hopes that the Queen, who loved men of wit, would make his fortune. He was not difappointed : fhe gave him a commifTion to levy a regiment, which he never raifed -, and fent him into France with the titles of Colonel and Agent of Sweden. He foon laid afide that regard for Grotius which was recommended to him ; and gave on all occafions proofs ot his rafh and vain-glorious humour. Gro- tius tells us that he fent very falfe intelligence to Swe- den, which he affirmed that he had from the firft hand : in fhort, he was guilty of fo many extravagancies, that Queen Chriftina, being informed how little he was efleemed, and that fhe was in fome fort cenfured on his account, difmifled him her fervice j but it was not till after Grotius's departure. It v/ill readily be judged that a man of this charac- ter could ill agree with Grotius : accordingly they were foon at great variance. Their mifunderftanding was quickly known. Sarrau wrote to Salmafius, June I, 1644 ^, " Duncan the Swediih Agent at this *' Court gives the Ambaffador much uneafinefs." Grotius's patience being therefore worn out, he wrote to Sweden, defiring the Queen to recall him : his re- * Ep. 83. p. 84. Sarravii. queft 234 T H E L I F E Book V. queft was granted with great readinefs. As flie did 'Hot fignify to him where he muft go ^, he wrote to Baron Oxenftiern, the Swedifh Plenipotentiary to the peace of Munfter and Ofnabrug, and Ton of the High Chancellor, deliring him to inform him of the Queen's intentions, if he knew them ; or to advife him whi- ther he ought to go, to Ofnabrug or elfewhere ; and in fine, to fend him a fafe-condu6l from the Ambaf- fadors of the Emperor and the King of Spain, and even, if he could, from the Eledor of Cologn. Gro- tius was ftrongly perfuaded that they would employ him elfewherey. He demanded an audience of Queen Anne, whom he informed of his being recalled. The Queen of Sweden wrote to the French Qiieen a letter highly to Grotius's honour^, in v/hich fhe faid that flie would never forget his great fer- vices. She wrote alfo to himfelf% fignifying to him her fatisfadion with his fidelity and prudence, and making him the faireft promifes : which confutes what we find in the Menaginna **, that Queen Chriftina began her reign with recalling Grotius ; fince it is beyond doubt that it was Grotius himfelf who afked to be recalled. But v/e muft not expeâ: great exaét- nefs in this kind of works, compiled for the moft part by perfons who relate ill what they heard, and are not always acquainted with the matters of which they write. Before we confider Grotius returned to a private ftation, we fhall obferve that he always fupported with great firmnefs the rights and honours belonging to the rank of AmbafTador, not from vanity, but becaufe he thought it his duty to prevent a dignity conferred on him from being depreciated. He ima- gined % that the Dutch, from ill-will to him, had entered into a kind of confpiracy not to treat him as " Ep. 1743. p. 746. y Ep. 1745. P- 746. ^ Ep. '•757- P- 749- ^ Ep. 1753. p. 748. ^ Tom. 2. p. 298. ^ Ep. 532. p. 912. AmbafTador, BookV. of GROTIUS. 235 AmbalTador, and to make him be confidered as a fimple Refident ^ -, and afterwards to make a crime of his weaknefs in giving up any part of his right. They denied him the title of Excellency when fpeak- ing to him of private bufinefs, under pretext that his embafly was not concerned : but he Ihewed this to be a very bad reafon, fince the greateft Noblemen in Sweden treated him as AmbafTador even in private Içtters : he therefore burnt all thofe letters which did not give him the proper titles, without anfwering them ; and even would not receive in his houfe fuch perfons as denied him the honours due to the Ambaf- fadors of crowned heads. Xll. When the news of Grotius's recall was known at Paris, it was publicly faid that he was going to Sweden to complain of his collègue. Sarrau writes thus to Salmafius, March 15, 1645% " Grotius is " preparing to fet out for Sweden after Eafter, to *' complain of the injury done to him by appointing *' for his fucceflbr a young man who was his rival. " He muft however obey -, and return into a private *' ftation : but this Coloflus, though thrown down, " will be always great ; this flatue will ftill be very " high without its bafe." Whilfh Grotius waited for Baron Oxenftiern's anfwer, he wrote to Spiringius, the Swediih Agent in Holland, afking him, in cafe he fliould not receive a favourable letter from Ofna- brug, to fend him a fhip of war to fome French port, on board of which he might embark for Gottenburg ; or, if that could not be done, to obtain a paflport to go from Holland to Gottenburg ; but on con- dition that no mention Ihould be made of what pafTed in his youth -, otherwife, he declared, he would take another rout. It is probable he obtained fuch a pafT- port as he defired j for embarking at Dieppe ^ he ^ Ep. 542. p. gi8. e Ep, Sarr. p. ii6. f Le Clerc, I. 12. t, 2. Latin Life of Grotius. Barleus, in Vicqueforc's Let- iters, Ep. 79. p. 416. Vind. Grotii, p. 472. went 2-6 THE LIFE Book V, went to Holland, where he was extremely well re- ceived. The Burgomailers of Amflerdam paid him all honour, and he was entertained at the public ex- pence. He had alio reafon to be fatisfied with the town of Rotterdam : not but there were at that time fome mean fouls in Holland, who wanted to make the States of Holland, then aflembled, deny him a paflage through the Province : but this fliameful llep ferved only to draw upon them the public indig- nation. The City of Amfterdam fitted out a veflel to carry him to Hamburg, where he was May i6, 1645, on which day he v/rites to his brother t' that the wind had been againft them ; that he had been eight days by the way -, and that Schrafvius, the Dutch Refident at Hamburg, camiC to vifit him, and had a converfation with him full of friendfhip. He was refolved to fet out next day for Lu beck, and hoped to find at that town, or at leaft at Wifmar, a vefTel that might carry him to Calm^ar, where he believed the High Chancellor to be with the French and Dutch Ambaffadors. In this letter he afl<:ed his bro- ther to give him only the title of Counfellor to her Swedifh Majefty. He fpeaks much of the honoura- ble reception which the Magiftrates of Lubeck gave him ^. " You cannot believe, he writes to his bro- *' ther, how many friends I have found." He was in the end of March at Wifmar \ where Count Wran- gel. Admiral of the Swedifli fleer, gave him a fplen- did entertainment, and afterwards fent a man of war with him to Calmar ^. The High Chancellor was not there, but at Suderacher, four leagues difbant, negotiating a peace between Sweden and Denmark. Grotius wrote to him immediately, and received a fpeedy anfwer : on the 8th of June the High Chan- cellor fent a Gentleman with his coach to bring him ro Suderacher, where he remained a fortnight ' with s Ep. 749- 760. Ep. •49- 1763- h F- Ep. 749- •761 • P- Ep. 749- 1764. P- i Ep. 750. 1762. the BookV. of grot lus. 237 the Chancellor and the other AmbafTadors, who treated him with great honours : returning to Calmar, he went by land to Stockholm. Qiieen Chriftina was then at Upfal : but, as foon as fhe heard of Grotius's arrival in her capital, flie came back to fee fo great a man : a defire to be acquainted with fuch as diftin- gtjiihed themfelves in the republic of letters is well known to have been one of her favourite paflions. On the morrow of his arrival "^j fhe gave him a long audience, v/ith which he appears, by a letter written to his brother July 15, 1645, to be well fatisfied. " I am now at Stockholm, fays he, and have feen " the Queen. She makes me great promifes. I " do not know yet what flie will do with me. The " Senators feem well fatisfied with all that I have " done." Chriftina gave him fevej-al audiences ; made him dine with her-, and he appeared to be abundantly pleafed with the honours he received : but as he faw they were in no hafte to do any thing for him, and only rewarded him with compliments, he grew uneafy, >and aflced permilTion to retire. He was confirmed in this refolution by finding the Court filled with per- fons who had conceived a jealoufy againft him ; be- fides, the air of Sweden did not agree with him. The Queen feveral times refufed to grant him his difmif- fion, and fignified to him that if he would continue in her fervice in quality of Counfellor of State, and bring his family into Sweden, he fhould have no rea- fon to repent it : but he excufed himfelf on account of his own health, which was much altered, and of his wife's health, who could not bear the cold air of .that kingdom. Fie aflced a paflport, which they delayed granting. In the mean time he grew fo uneafy at Stockholm, that he refolved to be gone without a pafT- port. Leaving that city therefore, he went to a fea- port two leagues diftant, in order to embark for Lu- ^ Ep. 1765, p. 750. beck. 238 THE LIFE Book V. beck. The Queen being informed of his departure, fent a Gentleman to inform him that fhe wanted to fee him once more ; otherwife fhe Ihould think that he was difpleafed with her : he returned therefore to Stockholm, and explained himfelf to the Queen, who feemed fatisfied with his reafons, and made him a pre- fent in money amounting to twelve or thirteen thoufand Imperials ", about ten thoufand French Crowns, ad- ding to it fome filver plate, that were not finifhed fooner : which, he was afTured, delayed the grant- ing of his paflport. It was afterwards iffued, and the Queen gave him a vefTel, on board which he em- barked the 1 2th of Auguft for Lubeck. The Menagiana contains an anecdote relating to the laft audience that Grotius had of Queen Chriftina, which we fhall relate rather to throw contempt on this kind of works, than to give weight to it. When Grotius, it tells us, had his audience of leave of Queen Chriftina, fhe faid fome fharp things to him -, on which he imtnediately left her, faying only. Ma- dam, I remain your moft humble fervant. The Queen was afterwards vexed at it, and could not help obferving, that he ought not to have gone away without taking leave of her. Marigny faid to her. Madam, he did take leave of you. You do not know what you fay, replied the Queen -, if he had, I fhould have known it. Madam, added Marigny, what I fay is true -, I was there ; when they fay in France, on going away, I remain your moft humble fervant, it is taking leave of a perfon. The Queen fuftained this -, and fend- ing for Grotius, made him a prefent of copper to the amount of forty thoufand livres. XÎIL Grotius's departure from Stockholm gave rife to feveral very uncertain reports. Vondel, a famous Dutch Poet, and a friend of that learned man, pretends that he defigned to go to Ofnabrug ^^ where the peace was negotiating -, others aiïlire P, that " Vind. Grot. p. 478. ° Vind. Grot. p. 478. p Mena- giana. BookV. of GROTIUS. 239 he was defirous of retiring to Holland, where the Republican party was beginning to gain the afcend- ant. A modern author has advanced '^, that he re- folved to go into Poland, in hopes that the King would fend him Ambaflador to the court of France : but it is more probable, that, difgufted with negotiations and bufinefs, he only fought a place of retreat, where he might complete his imaginary projeét of forming a coalition of Chriftians, and prepare for his latter end. The vefTel was fcarce failed for Lubeck, when fhe was overtaken by a violent ftorm, which obliged h^r to put in, on the 1 7th of Auguft, fourteen miles from Dantzick. Grotius fet out in an open waggon for Lubeck, and arrived at Roftock ' on the 26th of Auguft very ill. Nobody knew him : his great weaknefs determined him to call a phyfician : his name was Stochman, who, on feeling Grotius's pulfe, faid his indifpofition proceeded from weaknefs and fatigue ; and that with reft and fome reftoratives he might recover : but next day he changed his tone; on feeing his weaknefs increafe, with a cold fweat, and other fymptoms of nature being fpent, he judged that his end was near. Grotius then afked for a clergy- man. John Quiftorpius was brought, who, in a letter to Calovius, gives us the particulars of Grotius's laft moments. We cannot do better than copy it. *' You are defirous of hearing from me how that *' Phcenix of Literature, Hugo Grotius, behaved in " his laft moments, and I am going to tell you. " He embarked at Stockholm for Lubeck ; and af- " ter having been toflcd for three days by a violent *' tempeft, he was ftiipwrecked and got to fhore on ^^ the coaft of Pomerania, from whence he came to " our town of Roftock, diftant above fixty miles, in *' an open waggon, through wind and rain. He T Hift. du Sodnianifme, G. 42. p. 831. ' Obfervat. Hallen. 15. t. 7.5. 341, / " lodged 40 THE LIFE Book V. lodged with Balleman ; and fent for M. Stochman, the phyfician, who obferving that he was extremely- weakened by years, by what he fufFered at fea, and the inconveniences attending the journey, judged that he could not live long. The fécond day after Grotius's arrival in this town, that is, on the 1 8th of Auguft, O. S. he fent for me about nine at night. I went, and found him almoft at the point of death. I faid there was nothing I defired more than to have feen him in health, that I might have the pleafure of his converfation. He anfwered, God had ordered it otherwife. I defired him to prepare himfelf for a happier life, to ac- knowledge that he was a fmner, and to repent of his faults : and happening to mention the pub- lican, who acknowledged that he was a finner, and aiked God's mercy, he anfwered : / am that pub' lican. I went on, and told him, that he muft have recourfe to Jefus Chrift, without whom there is no falvation. He replied, / place all my hope in Jefus Chriji. I began to repeat aloud in Ger- man the prayer which begins Herr Jefu ^ ; he fol- lowed m.e, in a very low voice, with his hands clafped. When I had done, I alked him, if he underflood me. He anfwered, / underjiand you very well. I continued to repeat to him thole paflages of the word of God which are commonly offered to the remembrance of dying perfons, and afking him if he underftood me, he anfwered, / heaf'd your voice^ hut did not underjiand what you faid. Thefe were his laft words : foon after he expired, jufl at midnight. His body was delivered to the Phyficians ; who took out his bowels. I eafily obtained leave to bury them in our principal Church, which is dedicated to the Virgin." * It is a prayer addreffed to Jefus Chrift, and fuited to the con- dition of a dying perfon who builds his hope on the Mediator. M. Le Clerc has recited it at large in the Sentimens de quelques Théologiens de Hollande, 17 Lettre, p. 397. Thus Book V. O F G R O T I U S. 241 Thus died this celebrated rrran, on the 28th of Auguft at night, or rather in the morning of the 29th, 1645. A number of falfhoods were pubhfhed on occafion of his death. Du Maurier relates *, that a Roman Catholic Prieft, and Miniiters of diffetent perfuafions, hearing that Grotius was dying, came to him to difpofe him to die in their communion : that he made them no anfwer, but, / donU unàerftand yen-, and on their filence faid to them, Exhort' me 1 die like a Chrijlian. Quiilorpius's relation, ill underftood, h^s given tife to feveral groundlefs flories. M. Arnaud " afllires us that he had the particulars of Grotius's death from one of his Secretaries, who told him, that when he was at Roftock a Lutheran Minifter came to fee him in his illnefs, and fpeaking to him of religion, Grotius anfwered, I don't underftand you -, willing to let him know that his converfation was not agree- able. M. Jurieu ^ maintains, that he died without making any profeîïîon of religion, and that he an- fwered thofe who exhorted him to prepare fordeath in thefe words, I don't underftand you : turning his back to them. If we may believe the Menagiana^ the Minifter who came to wait upon him at his death, faid to him ' what was v€ry poor ; and Grotius, to gain time, arid ' let him know that he could well difpenfe with ^hi's ex- ' hortatlons, faid to him, I am Grotius. To which' the Minifter anfwered. What ! are you the great Gfo- ' tius ? M. Le Clerc ^ mentions his having feea- iri" an Englifti book that Grotius faid when dyings' "'By un- *' dertaking many things I have accompliftied no- " thing." ■•■ ' Not even fo much as the caufe of his death has efcaped without mifreprefentations. M. Le Clerc informs us, that fome of his enemies fpread ' Memoirs, p. 431. " Sentimens des Théologiens de Hol- lande, p. 395. ■«' Efpriç de M. Arnaud, t. 2. p. 30S. f. Sentimens des Théologiens de Hollande, Lettre 17. p. 402. R a re- 242 THE LIFE Book V. a report, that he was killed by lightning: and not long ago, he adds, a learned man of my acquaint- ance afked me by letter û it was true. Patin y writes, that it was fufpedted he had been poifoned. *' We hear, fays he, that Grotius is dead " at Rollock, on his return from Sweden, of a fever, ** not without fufpicion ot being poifoned by the ** Lutherans, on account of what he fays about Anti- *' chrift in favour of the Pope: but I do not think *' that poifoning is ufed in that country.'* They carried their wickednefs to fuch a height as to accufe Queen Chriftina of fhortening that great man's days. The new Memoirs of the Abbé d'Ar- tigny ' acquaint us, that Antony Argoud, Dean of the Cathedral of Vienne, haranguing Queen Cbriftina the 13th of Augull, 1656, pleafed her fo much, that fhe gave him broad hints that fhc would do great things for him if he would attend her in qua- lity of firft Chaplain. The Queen had in her re- tinue Leiîèins, one of the Gentlemen of the King's Bedchamber, who was ordered to accompany that Princefs from Marfeilles to Lions. Argoud telling him of the Queen^s propofals, he diverted him from accepting them by painting out Chriftina as an in- conftant and capricious Princefs. *' He forgot no- " thing to let him againft her, even to telling him " that Grotius would have been flill alive, if he *' had had nothing to fear from the jealoufy of the " Swedes-, but that the ill treatment of the (^leen " brought that great man to his grave." It is very pofTible that not having been treated by the Queen fo well as he expefted, it chagrined him much : but wha«-ever is not conformable to Quiftor- pius's letter, againft which nothing folid can be ad- vanced, ought to be rejedied as apocryphal. His corpfe was carried to Delft, and depofited in the y T. I. Lettre 7. ^ T.' i. p. 340. tomb Book V. O F G R O T I U S. 245 tomb of his anceftors. lie wrote this modeft Epi- taph for him felf*. Grotitishic Hugo eft, Batavum captivuset exul^ Legatiis regni, Suecia magna, tui. Grotius had the precaution to make his will at Paris on the 27th of March, 1645, a little before his departure. He had a very agreeable, perfon, a good complexion, an aquiline nofe, fparkling eyes, a ferene and fmiling countenance. He was not tall, but very ftrong, and well built. * Ep. 536. p. 915. R 2 THE ( 244 ) THE LIFE of GROTIUS, BOOK VI. OWE VER much Grotius was employed in the bufinefs of his embalFy, he ftill found time for ftudy, which was one of the greateft pleafures of his life. He has even been accufed of applying too much to literature for an AmbalTador*; but his let- ters teftify that he did not go to ftudy till he had finiflied what his duty to the crown of Sv/eden re- quired of him, and fpent in it the time only which other Minifters give to. their pleafures, to converfa- tions often ufelefs, andvifits fometimes unneceflary. Eight days after making his entry into Paris in quality of Ambaffador, he wrote to Salmafius, March 9, 1635'', inforrhing him of the happy change in his affairs. He acquaints him, that when he fliall be a little ufed to bufinefs, he hopes to have leifure enough to continue the cultivation of learning. " How de- " firous foever I may be of ferving the public in this " refpeél, he fays, I know not where I ought to be- " gin. My Commentaries on the Evangelifts would * Du Maurler, p. 418. & 423. i» Ep. 368. p. 134. Wiquefort Ambaf. I. 1. p. 9J. " be Book VI. O F G R O T î U S. 245 be apt to expofe me to hatred in the prefent age, when every one maintains his opinions with obfti- nacy. The Hillory of the Low -Countries, tho* written with great fimphcity, will find malevolent readers. Shall I return again to trifles, fiich as are not unworthy men of learning, and turn into Latin the Epigrams collefted by Pla- nudas ? One thing hinders me : I know you have made feveral correélions in the Manufcripts, and I am unwilling to tranflate from a faulty copy. Yet I cannot expeâ: that you fhould interrupt your ftudies, to fend me the correftions you have made." " My greateil relief from the languors of the Court, he writes to Schmalz^ is the converfation of men of learning, to whom I chearfully give all the time that I can fpare from bufinefs." II. Neither his ferious ftudies, nor his public oc- cupations, ever made him reiinquifii the Mufes : Amidft his embarrafiinents and anxiety in the begin- ning of his embafly, he put his tragedy of Jofeph to the prefs '^, which had all the fuccels that could be hoped for -, and wrote feveral Latin Epigrams. June 26, 1637*^, ^^ ^^^^ fome to his brother that were juft finiilied ; obferving to him that he v/ould pof- fibly one day add to them a Greek tranflation in verfe or the Latin verfes in Suetonius -, and a Latin tranfla- tion of Euripides's Iphigenia in Tauris. He wrote toGronovius, February 17, 1638% that he unbended himfelf at times, after his weightier bufmefs, in the company of the Mufes, " However *' much I am bufied, he writes to Freinfhemius^, I " ftill preferve my afîeélion for the Mufes, and look " upon them as the moft agreeable of all Amufe- " ments." t Ep.373. p. 136. ^ Ep. 378. p. 138. .V 339. p. 851. ^ Ep. 402 p. S69. ^ Ep. 91 J. p. 4-02, * Ep. 9^)9. P- 435- R 3 III. He 246 T H E L I F E Book VI. III. He made Tacitus his particular fludy, and writes to Voflius, July 6, 1635^, to inform himfelf, whether a new edition of that celebrated Hiftorian was any where printing, becaufe he bad a mind to communicate his notes to the Editors '\ '^ They arc " neither, fays he, political diifertations, nor a comr " mentary ; but correftions which may be ufeful. I " call them, to fpeak, modeftly, conje(5t:ures \ tho' " I am perfuaded moft of them will appear to be well ♦' grounded." However, as they filled but a few llieets ', he did not think proper to print them at Paris ; but fent them, in 1640, to his brother, who communicating them to the Elzevirs, they were pub- lifhed the fame year in their edition of Tacitus "", and have been lèverai times reprinted. ly. The learned Gronovius, intending to publifh an edition of Statius, requefted Grotius to fend him his remarks on that Poet : this he complied with, in a letter of the 28th of Odober, 1636 ", containing the feveral corrections he had made in the margin of this author, whom he had often read with pleafure and application. The edition of Statins was publifhed : and Gronovius, without receiving Grotius's letter °, had made moft of the remarks that were fent to him : Grotius, however, fufpedted p Gronovius had perhaps been perfuaded to pretend that he did not receive his letter, that he might be under no obligation of com- mending a man, whofe name was odious to thofe in power. V. Grotius alfo wrote notes on Lucan^ which he offered to any bookfeller who would make ule of them. He v/rote to his brother ^, to enquire when any new edition of that Poet fliould be printed, that he might contribute to make it better by communi- cating his remarks. They are to be found in feme ot ^ Ep. 430. p. r:;g. ' Ep. 573. p. 22;. ^ Ep. 402. p. 869. ' Ep. 444. p. 897. '" f abricius, Biblioth. " Ep, 6-3. p. 274. " Ep. 808. p. 3,-7. P Ep. 406. p. 871. 1 Ep. 85..;. p. 377. & 40i. p. 869. the ÊooK VI. O F G R O T I U s. 247 the editions printed in Holland, and are very highly- commended by Voflius % who fays the learned world is much obliged to their author. A letter from Grotius to his brother ' informs us, that the latter part of the notes of Ltican were by Wiiliam Grotius. VI. A work, which he had much at heart, was the colledion of Greek Epigrams, known by the name of Jnthologia : he was long about it, and thought to publifh it loon after his return to Paris in quality of AmbaiTador. As he knew that Saimafiushad made this coHedtion his particular ftudy, he requefts him, June 1 1, 1635% to communicare to him the correcftions he had made in the Greek text, either by the afliftance of manufcripts, or from his own conjectures. He gives a long account of his defign to Gerard Voflius, in a letter of the 20th oï December, 1635. " When I *' was here a private man, fays he, in order to be *' ufefui to the lovers of learning, after tranflating *' Stobasus and the Maxims of the Comic and Tragic " Poet5, I alfo tranflated the Colledion of Greek *' Epigrams by Planudas % adding feveral Epigrams " which are not m Hepry Stephens's edition : on " coming here Ambaiîador, I thought I fnould do " well to finifh what I had begun -, and knowing that *' the great Salmafius hati collated thefe Epigrams " with ancient manufcripts, I prevailed on him to " communicate to me his remarks ; and I had the '* fatisfadlion to find my conjeftures confirmed by the " authority of manufcripts. The whole is now " ready to be printed in the fame form as Stob^eus " and the Extrads from the Greek Tragedies and *' Comedies. When Ï think of a Bookfeiler, Blaeu " firft occurs to me : he loves me and all my friends : *' but one thing vexes me j if I give him my manu- *' fcript, I fhall not know when it v/ill be publifhed : ' Przcf. Vir. Epiil, p. 377. ? Ep, 128. p. 792. * Ep. 418. p. 153. R 4 ^' befides. .248 THE LIFE Book VI. " befides, I doubt whether he has any one that " can corre6t the Greek proofs, and make the In- " dexes which are neceffary for rendering the book *' ufeful to youth. If I could be alfurcd of this, I *' would readily give him the preference. I flioll af- " terwards think of publifhing more confiderable " works." New reflediions on Blaeu's dilatorinefs fet him againil him, efpecially as he was not fatisfie^ with his Greek types " : he therefore wrote to his brother, to confuk with Voffius what he ought to do. " I v/ould not, he adds, have recourfe to the Elze- " virs, not fo much on account of this book, as " of fomiC others which I am preparing for the prefs, *' and which will not be to their tafte." It is un- lucky for the republic of letters, that Grotiusv/as ob- ftinately bent on printing his Anthologia in Holland ; Morelle would gladly have printed it at Paris ^ ; Cramoifi v/ould not have refufed it. Grotius writes to his brother, June 26th, 1637, " I am deliberating, " whether to make ufe of Cramoifi, the eminent Book- " feller -, but I have fome reafon to queilion the abi- " lities of his corrcélor." He once thought to fend it to England ^ ; but he was diverted from this by reflefting, that Francifcus Junius, who refided in that country, printed his works out of the kingdom. The anfwers he received concerning the printing of the Anthologia not fatisfying him, he v/rote to his brother, April 20, 1639 y, " If my Anthologia cannot be " printed, or not printed correétly, I would have it " lent back to me ; Cramoifi, the richeft Bookfeller " in this country, will undertake it." He was kept in hopes of its appearing in Holland; but the printing of it was put off from time to time : he wrote to feveral of his friends about it -, however no progrefs was made. Ifaac Voffius, fon of the famous Gerard, who inherited his father's fentiments for Grotius, " Ep. 368. p. 859. ^Ep. 612, p. 244, 692, p. 285. & 402. p. 8C9. * Ep. 964. p. 432. y Ep. 505. p. 885. < makins Book VI. OF GROTIUS. 249 making him an offer of his fervice for his literary commiffions, Grotius thanked him moft affedionately, in a letter of the 12 th of November, 1644% in which he fays a great deal about his Anthologia. *' I *' cannot ("afficiently thank you for the kind offer of ** your good fervices in relation to the printing of -" my works. No body can be of more ufe to me *' than you : for who has more friendfhip for me, or " better underflands thofe matters ? I would have the •*' Anthologia printed diredly ; and have defired my " brother to fhew you my Prolegomena, and inform " you in what manner I would have the Indexes *' made. I fhall repeat it^ for fear that I have not " fufBciently explained myfelf in what I wrote to my *' brother. I would firfb have an Index of the Poets, " expreffing exaftly from what places the Epigrams ^' are taken. There mull alfo be another Index of *' the perfons who are the fubjeél of the Epigrams, *' and of thofe to whom they are addreffed : there *' fhould be a third, which may be called Chorogra- *' phical, containing the mountains, rivers, tov/ns, " baths, bridges, and other public works mentioned " in the Epigrams. There muft be an Hiftorical one " for the great a6lions which have happened in war " or peace. To the two laft Indej^es I would have " the names of the authors added, who have men- " tioned fuch of thofe aâ:ions as 3re leafl known ; as " Strabo, Paufanias, Prccopius, and others. After *' thefe Indexes there muil be another, compre- " bending the natural hiflory, morality, and other " particulars omitted in the preceding ones. This " work may be ufeful ; but I would not, however, " charge any one with it, who could employ his time " "better. If, v/ithout lofmg too much time, you '* could do it yourfelf, it would give me the highefb ." fatisfadiion, not only on my own account, but qn ^' the reader's, to v/hom thefe Indexes would render ^ Ep. 169S. p. 733. the 250 THE LIFE Book VI. " the edition much more ufeful : for it is proper to " obferve, that thefe Epigrams contain what is moft " important in hiftory, from the time of Plato to " that of Juftinian, and even later." This was the fubjeét of the Preface, or Prolego- mena, that was to be prefixed to the work, and which, with his ufiiai modeily, he fays will not be v/holly ufelefs *. The Anthologia appears to have been put to prefs in Jan. 1645, under the infpedlion of Ifaac Vofiius : for, on the 2ift of that month, Grotius writes thus to him. " I have feen a proof of the Anthologia^ and ** like the type very well. I would abfolutely have it " printed in quarto, like Stob^eus, and the Extrads *' from the Tragic and Comic Poets : but if it will *' make too large a volume, it may be divided into " two, and the Greek and Latin printed to face one " another." Grotius left France a little after the date of this letter ; and his death, which foon followed, was no doubt the greateft obftacle to the publication of the Anthologia, the printing of which BJaeu difcontinued. Grotius's copy falling into Le Clerc's hands, he gave hopes that he would publilh it with confiderable addi- tions. He has a great deal about it in his Bibliothèque Choifie ^. " Thofe who fhall read Grotius's verfion, " fays he, will equally admire the happy genius, and " the uncommon patience of that excellent man, who ^' tranflated the whole book in the fame number of ** verfes as in the original, which he very often equals, " and fometimes even furpaffes. There will be an ^' excellent Preface by Grotius, treating of the yf«/^(?- ^' logia and his verfion of it." Unhappily M. le Clerc did not fulfil the engage- ment he entered into with the public. Father Berthier, a famous Jefuit, who, to folid piety joins extenfive »Ep. 486. p. %C)<^. & 369. p, 860, * Fabric. Bibl. Gr.l. 3. c. 28. p. 707. torn. 2. learning, Book VI. O F G R O T I U S. 251 learning, has lately given us, in the Memoirs de Tré- voux^ a very curious article relating to Grotius's An- thologia. It is entitled, An Account of a Manufcript verfion of the Greek Antbologia by Grotius. He tells us, that the original, in Grotius's own hand, is in the library of the Jefuits College at Paris, where it was depofited in the year 1665 by Edmund le Mercier, Grotius's Secretary. This work, the learned Jefuit obferves, is valuable on three accounts. Firfl, be- caufe the Latin verfcs are excellent, and of the fame meafure with the Greek -, fo that if the text be Elegiac verfes, or pure Hexameters, or Iambics of fix feet, or Anacreontics, the verfion is always of the fame fpecies of poetry. Secondly, he has every where confined himfelf to the number of verfes in the original, being never more laconic nor more prolix ; which difcovers a very ready genius, and a fmgular patience. Thirdly, he correéls the text from time to time by ihort notes placed in the margin. Father Berthier gives afterwards Grotius's tranfla- tion of feveral Epigrams j which makes it earned ly to be wifhed, ,that the learned Jefuit would publifli the whole work : but the prefent prevailing tafte for trifles gives us ground to apprehend, that the book- fellers of France dare not undertake this work, which deferves fo well to be tranfmitted to pofterity. Befides the Epigrams that are to be found in all the editions, Grotius's manufcript contains, firll, thofe which were coUeéted by Henry Stephens, and are placed at the end of his edition ot the Antbologia. 2dly, A very large number of infcriptions from Gruter. 3dly, A colledion made by Grotius himfelf from manufcripts. A note at the beginning of this valuable manu- fcript informs us, that the verfion of the feven books of the Antbologia was begun by Grotius in September, 1630, and finifhed before next September: which Ihews the wonderful eafe with which this great author wrote. VII. He 252 T H E L I F E Book VI. VII. He was fo fenfibJe of his obligations to Sweden, that, as a public tePamony of his gratitude, he iJJide'"took to throw light on the Hillory of the Goths, in hopes of doing honour to the Swedes, who reo-arded them as their ancellors. He wrote to Rome to '^ get what was wanting in Hefchelius's Greek edi- tiou of Procopius communicated to him, and ob- tained it by the recommendation of MelTieurs du Puis -, as we learn from a letter to the celebrated Nicholas Peyrefc, dated April 8, 1636, in which he adds, " I hav^e tranflated the Hiftory of the Goths and " Vandals by Procopius, in honour of a nation who " adopted me after being thrice fold by my Coun- " try." He comm.unicated this projeél to Schmalz, July 24, 1636 ^, " The time, fays he, which I am not '' obliged to fpend in public bufinefs, I devote to an " enquiry into the antiquities of Sweden. Be fo kind *' to fend me, for this work, a Swedifli Diftionary, *' a New Teilament in Swedifli, and the ancient in- *' fcriptions in that language, which are to be met *' with on tombs, or in other places. I have feen a *' Latin tranflation of the Swedifli laws, which I *' fhould be glad to fee again if pofilble. If you *' can procure me all thefe, I fliall think myfelf highly' " obliged by you ; and I hope you will not find me *' ungrateful." He explains his projeft more at large in a long letter to Oxenfciern, Aug. 28, 1636^, " Your Sublimity, *' he writes to him, fliews me fo much favour, and " you intereft yourfelf fo much in what concerns me, *^ that Ï think it my duty to give you an account, " not only of my negotiations, but of my leifure " hours. A^ I intend to devote the time that is not '' employed in the affairs with which I am charged, " to the honour of a kingdom which has loaded me ' Ep. 572. p. 225. ^ Ep. 622. p. 250. *= Ep. 641. p- 259- ; ■' ,' . " with Book VI. O F G R O T 1 U S. 253 " with honours, I had begun to read all that has " been written on the great Guftavus in Latin, Ita- *' lian, German, and French : but foon perceiv- " ing that thefe writers did not know the inten- " tions of the miniflry, were unacquainted with the " places of which they fpeak, and were ignorant of " the art of war, I concluded that it was impoflible, " with fuch materials, to complete a work that might " deferve the approbation of pofterity. This has " made me turn again to antiquities. Of all the An- " cients Procopius has beft handled the Hiftory of " the Goths and Vandals : he was an able man, w^as " Secretary to Belifarius, had been on the fpot, and " fpeaks not only of what happened in his own time, " but alfo of the fads which happened before his " time. The Latin verfion is very faulty, imper- " feet, and inelegant. I have made a new tranflation " from the Greek Edition of Hefchelius ; with the " afTiftance of two manufcripts in the King's " library, which enabled me to m^ake feveral cor- " reftions in the text.-, others I made by conjeéture. " I intend to extraél all that has relation to this fub- " jeâ: from the Secret Hiftory of Procopius, printed *' byAlemannus at Rome, and fromAgathias. Being " informed, that the manufcript of the Hiftoiy oi^ " the Goths and Vandals, in the Vatican library, " was more complete than what Hefchelius followed, *' I have afked my friends at Rome to fill up the gaps " in the printed copies : which I hope they will ** do. That nothing may be omitted, which " has a relation to the antiquities of Scandinavia, I " intend to add what is contained in Strabo, Pliny, *' Tacitus, Ptolemasus, and thofe who have written " fmce, asHelmoldus, Eginhart, Adamof Brem.en, *' and others. I fhall farther add the Gothics of Jor- " nandes, the Epiftle of Sidonius ApoUinaris on " the manners of Theodoric King of the Wifigoths ; ''the Panegyric of Ennodius of Pavia in honour of " Theodoric King of the Oftrogoths and Italy -, the I " Laws 254 THE LIFE Book VI. " Laws of the Oftrogoths, Weftrogoths, and Lom- *' bards, with the Book of Paulus Diaconus, who *' was himfelf a Lombard, and makes his nation *' come from Scandinavia. We fhall add, at the end, " the appellative names contained in the laws, with " their original and explication. I would beg of *' your Sublimity, that being now returned to Sweden, " you will give orders for communicating to me ** the old infcriptions, the ancient laws, and^ in fine, *' whatever is not printed and may contribute to throw *' light on the antiquities of Sweden ; that the *' work which I am about may be the more perfeft. ** I earneftly intreat your Sublimity to be aflured, " that I will do all that depends on me, not only to " procure the advantage of Sweden, but alfo to con- " tribute to her glory." Schmalz going to Rome about this time with Reigerfberg, fon to Grotius's wife's brother ^, Gro- tius took that opportunity of renewing his acquaint- ance with Holftenius, his ancient friend, who refided at Rome ; and to afic of hirp what was wanting in the printed editions of Procopius. On receiving thefe valuable additions ?, he communicates the good news to the High Chancellor, whom he entertains with a further account of his work, in a letter dated June 25th, 1637 K " Your Sublimity, he fays, will " pardon me, if, having Uttle public bufmefs on my *' hands, I give you an account how I employ my *' time. I fend you a pretty long Preface, in which *' I infcribe the new tranflation of Procopius, which " differs greatly from the old one, to your Sublimity, " who have deferved fo well of Sweden, and to whom " I am under fo great obligations. The work itfelf " will include the authors who have written of the '' antiquities of the Goths, Vandals, Wifigoths, and '* Lombards. Two reafons induced me to make the ^ Ep. 645. p. z6Z' * Ep. 676. p. 275, ^ Ep. 780. P- 334- Preface Book VI. OF GROT lus. 255 " Preface fo long : the firft, that I was obliged to *' anfwer Cluverius, who, either from envy, or hired " by the Danes, firft fought to darken our glory -, " but I have confuted him by fuch clear evidence, " that I think no perfonof lenfe will now attempt to " repeat the fame falfities. The other was, that, " the teftimonies in favour of a nation being " liable to fufpicion when built only on the afiertions " of the natives, I have colle£ted the authorities of " foreigners, who have fpoken honourably of the " Swedes and of the nations fprung from them.'* Thus it appears that his defign was to dedicate this work to the High Chancellor '\ who heard with infi- nite pleafure of this new occupation of Grotius. He liked the Preface much ; fpoke of it with the higheft efteem \ and wrote to Grotius \ thanking him in his own name and in the name of the whole nation, and preffing him to publilli the work. However he was in no hurry *", becaufe he wanted to exhauft the fubjeft, and to make all proper en- quiries for enabling him to treat it thoroughly. He imagined he fliould find in Gallia Narbonenlis, and the neighbouring places, feveral things that might contribute to embellifh his work ; and that the French, from envy to the Swedes, hindered his friends from communicating them. This work was finifhed before Grotius died ; but it was not printed till after his death : and whether it was that the intended Dedication to the High Chan- cellor was never written, or was fupprefTed, it is not nov/ to be found. The title of the work is : Hijîoria Gothorum, Vandalorum^ i^ Longobardorumy ah Hugom Grotio partim verfa, partim in ordinem digejla : pramijfa funt . ejufdem Prolegomena, ubi Regum Gothorum ordo e Chro7iologia, cum elogiis ; accedunt nomlna appellativa iS verba Gothica, Fandalica, Longobardica^ cum expli' ^ Ep. 825. p. 360. ^ Ep. 408. p. 871. ' Ep. 410. p. 87Z. "" Ep. 1667. p. 727. catjone. 256 T H E L I F É Book VI. ' catione. Au5lorum omnium ordinem tabula cefitenorum in- dicat. Amjielodami, apud Liidovicum Elzevirium, ^^55- At the head of this work is a very learned Preface, in which the author acquaints us, that he revifed the Gothics and Vandalics of Procopius by the Greek manufcripts ; that he new-tranllated them becaufe there were many things omitted in the old tranflations, which were otherwife badly done ; and that, by the afliftance of the Vatican manufcripts, he filled up large gaps. There follows a geographical defcriptiori of the ancient country of the Goths, a charafter of' the people, much in their favour -, a catalogue of their Kings -, a chronological table of the time when they lived -, a lift of the Lombard Kings, and another of the Kings of the Vandals ; the teitimonies of the Ancients in favour of the people of Sweden and the nations which derive their origm from the Swedes. After the tranflation of all that Procopius has con- cerning the Goths and Vandals there follows an Index, with this title : Nomina appellativa & verba Gotkica, Vandalica^ iâ Longobardica^ qua in hoc volumim repe^ riuntur. It appears from the author's refearches, that almoft all the appellative names of the Lombards had, like thofe of the Greeks, fome fignification. This colleélion concludes with the following pieces : Jornandes De Get arum five Gothorum crigine la rebus gejiis ; the Chronicle of St. Ifidorus, and Paulus Wane- fridus De Gejiis Lo7igobardcrum. The Prolegomena acquaint us, that Grotius intended to expound the ancient laws of the Goths and Vandals : but unhap- pily death prevented his executing this defign, tor which no one was better qualified. VIII. The nomination of Grotius, when very young, to be Hiftoriographer of the States, led him to enquire particularly into the troubles of the Low Countries and their confequences with regard to the Seven Provinces. He was employed about this in the year 16 14, as appears by a letter, written on the 8th of February, to the Prefident de Thou. He in- forms ËookVI. of GROTIUS. 257 Forms him ", that love to his Country had engaged him in a work very like his, but as much inferior as Holland is to France. " I own, indeed, the work is " above my abilities, but I .fhall not publifh it till " years andjudgment enable me to mend it." Com- municating this work to Heinfius, with whom he was then very intimate, that learned youth wanted words to exprcis his admiration. Balzac informs us of thefe particulars in a letter to Chapelin, dated Sept. 20, 1640, in which he mentions a letter from Heinfius concerning th.s Hiftory when Grotius was very young. An author, more fond of his works than Grotius, '^ould have made hafte to publifh this, which appears to have been finiflied in 1636; for that year he wrote to Martinus Opitius °, " My Belgic annals are tran- " f:ribing." He writes to his brother the year fol- lowing P, " My Annals and my Fliflory of the Low " Countries are tranfcribed : but I think I mull flill " keep them a while." He confulted lèverai of his friends on this fubjed, and among others Gerard Voflius. The fudden deaths of many of his acquaintance leading him to rePie*5l on the uncertainty of life, he wrote to his brother, May 21, i6^g\ " I would " have my works printed before my death, that 1 " may be ufeful to thofe that Ihall come after me ; *' and would therefore have my Annals corredlly " printed as foon as poffible -, but I would not have •' them printed by thofe, v/ho, from a party fpirit, " would tell what was in them before they were pub- " liflied, and thereby prevent perhaps their ever ap- *' pearing. I therefore beg of you to find out fome " "honefk man to whom I may intruft my copy." In the mean time he was fbill revifing them ; and near two years after he wrote to his brother, March 23, 1 641 •■, " Till Î put the laft hand to my Hiftory, " Ep, 24. p. 8. ^ Ep. 595. p. 236. p Ep. 402. p. 869. ' Ep. 45JJ.. p, 883. "■ Ep. 539. p, 916. S I would 258 THE LIFE Book VI. ** I would not have any one fee it : you muft there- ** fore find a handfome excufe to thofe who afk you *' for it. Read it, however, yourfelf, and fend me ** your remarks." Grotius had not the fatisfadion to fee his Hiftory printed : it was not pubhlhed till twelve years after his death, by his two fons Corne- lius and Peter, who dedicated it, in 1657, ^^ ^^^ States of Holland and Weil-Friefland. This work is divided into two parts, Annals and Hiftory, in imitation of Tacitus. The Annals be- gin with the year 1566, and contain five books : there are eighteen of the Hiftory, which begins with the year 1588, that is, when Prince Maurice had the greateft influence in the affairs of the United Pro- vinces, and concludes with the year 1609, when the twelve years truce was made. Had his love to truth and honefty been lefs, he had a fine opportunity of re- venging himfelf on Prince Maurice. But he every where does him juftice % and even fpeaks of him as it he had been always fatisfied with his conduét. M. Baillet thinks very advantageoufly and at the fame time very juftly of this work. " That great man *' (fays he, fpeaking of Grotius^) has difcovered in *' this work ail the capacity, accuracy, judgment, foli- " dity, induftry, perfpicuity, honefty, and integrity, *' of a true hiftorian. His impartiality would al- *' moft make him pafs for a foreigner, who had no " intereft in what he relates : he appears a Dutch- " man, only by his thorough knowledge of the *' caufes, motives, ends, and other circumftances of " the fubjeâ; he has undertaken to handle.'* The only thing for which he can be cenfured, is theftifFnefs of the ftyle, by affedingtomake itrefemble that of Tacitus, which renders it obfcure and un- natural. We are affured, that the eminent Advocate- general, Jerom Bignon, took notice of this fault to * Parhafiana, t. i. p. 161, » Preface de THift. de Hol- lande. Grotius, Book VI. O F G R O T I U S. 259 Grotius, with whom he was very intimate ; and thac learned man, yielding to his friend's advice, promifed to do his work over again, and had even begun it, but could not finifh it i and his fons published it as it was at firft. Peter Grotius tells us this Hiftory was his father's favourite work. Grotius intended to dedicate it to the Queen of Sweden. Dec. 5, 1637, he writes to the High Chancellor", " I have written a great part " of the Hiftory of the Low Countries : what I have " done till the truce in 1609 is ready to appear with " fome advantage. I purpofe to dedicate it to our " Queen, unlefs your Sublimity determine otherwife. " Of all the hiftories of our time, it appears to me ". the moft ufefuL It prefents us with the fpeedy " rife of a republic, whofe forces in its weak begin- " ning were fcarce able to defend its fmall frontier ; " and which afterwards carried its arms to the ex- " tremity of the globe : we no where find the art of " befieging or defending towns brought to fuch a *' height ; in fine, we fee her Miftrefs of the Sea *' after her marine had been long negleded." It fliould not be forgot, that the celebrated^ Peyrefc was of great ufe to Grotius in com.piling this work : he communicated to him feveral important papers, and procured him the memoirs collected by Antonius Querengius, who purpofed to write the Hiftory of the famous Alexander Farnefe, Duke of Parfna. Grotius's Hiftory was tranftated into French by M. L'Héritier, father of Mademoifelle L'Héritier, fa- mous for her writings : but it deferves a new tranfla- tor to turn it into better French. IX. It was during his em^bafTy that Grotius revifed "and enlarged his book Of the Truth of the Chriftian religion. He had written a treatife on this fubjed in Dutch whilft a prifoner -, and turning it afterwards in- to Latin, it had prodigious fuccefs. In the year 1637 " Ep. 873. p. 384, '■f Vie par Gaflendi, 1. 3. p. 182. S z it 26o T H E L I F E Book VL it had been tfanilated into all languages^, French, German, EngUHi, and even Greek. The univerfaî approbation this book met with, did not hinder Gro- tius's enemies from doing all they could to depre- ciate it. They laid it contained the venom of Soci- nianifm. Voetius, among others, diftingnifhed him- felf by his rage againft it. *' It is furprifing, fays " G rotins in a letter to his brother, 06lober 22, 1637, " that Voetius Ihould think he fees what the Doélors " of the Sorbonne, who examined the book before " it was printed, could not find in it. Doth Cardinal " Barbarinus, who recommended this work^, and con- " ftantly carries it with him, favourSocinianifm .? The " Bifhops of England have caufed it to be tranflated *' into their language -, the Miniftcrs of Charentori *' have approved of it ; a Lutheran has tranflated it ; *' will he fay thefe are all favourers of Socinianifm ^ '* After this letter was written, Grotius learnt '^ that his book had been tranflated into Swedifh. He jufli- iies himfelf again in a long letter written to Reigerf- berg December 19, 1637% " I have often doubted " which was befl, to anfwer the cenfures of fools and *' knaves, or refting in a good confcience to defpife *'^ them. I have conftantly done the lafl ; but your " example makes me at prefent prefer the firft: " you have defended me with fo much friendfhip "and ftcadinefs, that if I fhould fit ftill, I might " juflly be accufed of indolence. My book of the " Chriftian Religion is read with applaufe by pious " and learned men, not only in the languages in " which I com.pofed it, but alfo in Swedifh, French, *' German, and Englifh. Thofe who think it their " intereft that I fhould not pafs for a good Chriftian,. " feek every pretext to hurt me : they cenfure me for " making ufe of Caftellio's verfion ; but it is very *' certain that I had not feen it when I wrote my * Ep. 411. p. 872. y Ep. 181. p. 8ofî. Ep. Coleri 37. ^ Ep. 412. p. 873. =* Ep. 880. p. 387. " book. Book VI. O F G R O T I U S. 261 " book. I tranflated myfelf from the Hebrew and " Greek all the paflages of Scripture I employed. " They fay I have interpreted fomething in the fifth " Chapter of St. Mathew in the fame manner as So- " cinus. Thefefimple people know not that my explan- " ation is the fame with v/hat almoft all the Greeks and " Latins of greateft abilities and piety have adopted. " How many things are there in the fam.e Chapter of " St. Matthew, which I have explained quite dif- " ferent from Socinus ? " The great argument of thofe who wanted to hin- der the fuccefs of his ^ book was, that the author fuf« ficientiy fhewed his inclination to Socinianifm by his filence concerning the Trinity. Fie opens his mind about this matter to his brother, September 25, 1638, " The book of the truth of the Chriftian Religion " will live and flourifli in fpite of the envy of my " enemies. It was not proper for m.e to fpeak diredly " of the Trinity ; and fuch as have heretofore brought " their arguments to prove it from natural reafon or " the authority of Plato, have done more hurt than " fervice to Chriftian ity." ThemenwhofinceGrotius's time have acquired the greatell reputation in France by writing for the truth of the Chriftian Religion, fuch as Abbadie and Houteville, have followed his exam- ple, and avoided the difcuffion of queftions which fuppofe the Divinity of the Scriptures. Grotius had the fatisfaflion to find the Roman Catholics very well pleafed with this treatife : he writes to his brother *=, December 4, 1 638, " My book of the *' Truth of the Chriftian Religion, which the Voetians " look upon as Socinian, is fc far from being Socinian " here, that Roman- Catholic Monks are tranflatinp- " it into Perfian, in order to make ule of it in -osn- " verting the Mahometans., I have not attempted " a direét proof of the Trinity (he v/rites to Gerard " Voftius'^) for I always remembered what I heard '' Ep. 439. p. 880. <= Ep. 444. p. 881. ^ Ep. 1096, P- 493- S ^ *' Junius 262 THE LIFE Book VI. *' Junius your father-in-law fay, who was a great " man, that Du PlefTis, and thofe who, like him, *' in their difputes with Atheifts, Pagans, Jews, and " Mahometans, endeavoured to eftablifh the Trinity *' by arguments drawn from the light of nature, and " by palTages from Plato often mifapplied, afted *' very imprudently, becaufe they ought firft to have " convinced themi of the truth of the Scriptures, " which alone contain the doctrines which God has '* been plsafed to reveal." A new edit;ion of the book on the truth of the Chriftian Religion, with confiderable additions, was publiflied in 1639, which Grotius dedicated to his illuftrious friend Jerom B'.gncn -, and this great Ma- giftrate, in returning him his thanks^, gives the moft favourable tefbim.ony to the work. He fays, ^that tho' the fubjeél had already been well handled by feveral learned men, none of them had acquitted him- felf fo well, nor difcovered fo great knowledge of the learned languages, and fo much erudition, as Grotius. He admires the order and concifenefs of the work, and congratulates himfelf on living in Grotius's time, and Iharing in the friendfhip of fo great a man. Some time after the publication of this work, an Englifh- man s who had lived long in Turky, came to fee Grotius, and acquaint him that he had tranflated it into the Turkifh language, thinking no book more proper tor inftruding Chriftiahs who live in Turky, and converting the Mahometans. Pie promifed to ufe his endeavours to get it printed in the Turkilh language in England. Befides the tranflations already mentioned, and which came to Grotius's knowledge, there were others in Greek, in Chinefe, in Flemilh, in Daniili, in the language of Malacca, and five French tranflations. An Arabic tranflation of it by the learned Ppcocke • Ep. 1232. p. 55;, f Ep. pr»f, vir. 4:;j. p. 728. 8 Ep. 534. p. 914. was Book VI. O F G R O T I U S.. z6^ was printed at London in 1660. We are aflured^thac there have been three tranflations of it into Arabic, which gave occafion to Spon and Vehler to fay that Grotius copied an Arabic treatife, taking the very verfion of his book for an ancient work : in fine, it had fuch a great run, that the hiftory of it makes the fubjeél of a treatife *. This work of Grotius has been equally efleemed by difpalTionate Proteftants and Roman Catholics. " Few pieces, fays ^ Colomiers, have fucceeded bet- *' ter than the treatife On the Truth of the Chrijlian *' Religion. It is an excellent book, and ought to be " the Vade meciim of every Chriftian. I have read it " feveral times, and always with new pleafure." " Grotius's book, fays the Abbé Houteville *, is *' the firft in which we find thefe great characfleriftics, *' jull reafoning, accuracy, and ftrength : he is ex- *' tremely concife, but even this brevity will pleafe *' us when we find it comprehends fo many things *' without confounding them, or leflening their evi- ** dence or force : it is no wonder the book fhould *' be tranflated into fo many languages.'* X. In the midft of his greateft occupations and moft ferious ftudies, Grotius (till found time to ftudy Civil Law, Blacu printed, in 1643, his Remarks on Jujlinian^s Laws. They are chiefly philological notes, drawn from the Poets and Philofophers "*, ferving to iliuftrate fome palfages of the Corpus Juris ^. " This *" book, the author modeftly tells us, is not of much *' ufe to thofe who frequent the bar : but it is " entertaining : and though I let no great value on " it, I think it is better to publifh it, than fuffer *' it to be loft. It will pofiibly give pleafure to " men of learning **, and fome fuch in this place are ^ Fabric. Deleft. Argum. c. 30. p. 551. ' Joannis Chrifto- phori Lockeri Difiertatio Epiftoiica, Hiftoriam libellj Grotiani De Veritate Rcligionis Chrijliand' com'gXt&.tns, lyzj.in quarto; fee alfo the Journal det Sçavans de Tan. 1724. ^ Colomiers,, p. 586. ' Preface. •" Ep. 1520. p. 689. " Ep. 639. p. 948. • Ep. 640. p. 949. S 4 *' i-Ot ?64 T H E L I F E Book VI, *' not diflatisfied with it, becaufe they love to fee " Grammar and Hiflory united with Law?." What we cannot fufficiently admire in a man of fo great learning, and fo much bufinefs as Grotius, is, that he fhould make the Holy Scriptures his favourite lludy in every period of his life. They were his con- folation in prifon -, he always devoted a part of the day to them : and they were his principal ftudy during a great part of his embaffy. His Commentary on the Evangelijls was Iinilhed in 1637; but before he printed \t\ he wanted to fee the Ariftarchus Sacer which Heinfius was going to put to prefs. This was a Commentary on the New Teftament, which Grotius imagined to be much in the manner of his, and which piqued his curiofity the more as Hein- lius was Grotius's rival in literature, and his fecret enemy. Heinfius's credit with the Elzevirs, who were his bookfellers ""j was one of the reafons which hindered Grotius from employing them. " We muffc " not think of the Elzevirs, he writes in confidence " to Voiïius % on account of that man who has fo *' much credit with them, and bears us ill-will. **■ I fhould be glad to know whereabouts are his *' notes on the facred books, and when they will be *' publifhed, for I poftpone till then the revifal of *' mine." There was at that tim.e in Holland a Jew very famous for his learning, ManalTah Ben- Ifrael. Grotius confulted him fometimes, and alv/ays with profit. In a letter to him without date he tells him, " The anfwer you have given to my difficul- " ties about fome places of the law of Mofes and the ♦' hiftorical books of Scripture, has yielded m.e great " pleafure -, and I do not think any one would have ^' given an anfwer more folid. I have read many *' Interpreters ; but I fee that you know them better .** than I, and that you have read many m.ore, and p Ep. 648. p. 952. "^ Ep. 859. p. 377. & 964. p. 432. I Ep. 1056. p. 476. ' Ep. 1056. p. 476. *' arq Book VI. O F G R O T I U S. 265 ' are mafter of them. I return you therefore my ' fincere thanks -, and encouraged by this favour ' fhall take the liberty to apply to you when I have ' any difficulty, being ever ready to return you the ' like, when it lies in my power. Your books, ' which I have mentioned to feveral perfons here, are ' read with pleafure and profit : I would therefore ' beg and conjure you to employ the leifure you ' may have in explaining the obfcurities of the Law, ' which will be a fignal fervice to all men of learn- This was not a compliment void of truth, but his real fentiment of this learned Jew : he fpeaks in the fame manner in a private letter to Gerard Vôffius ^ " I have written again, he fays, to ManafTah, and " beg of you to deliver to him my letter. I efteem " very highly not only his erudition, but alfo his " judgment. He treads fuccefsfully in the fteps " of Abenezra, Maimonides, and Abrabanel. I *' have made his works known here, and they are '^ much read and valued.'* Grotius forefaw that his Commentary on the New Teftament would occafion him fome difputes. - " I *' am at a lofs, fays he, to Voffius, what to do with " my Notes on the New Teftament. I Ihall eafily " find a bookfeller here ; but I am afraid of meeting " with fome difficulties from the Divines, who will " have nothing of this kind publiffied without their " approbation : and for my own part, I cannot fubmit " in every thing to either of the two parties, nor can I ^' be filent when I have fomething that may be of ^' ufe to deliver. I fhall fee how to remedy this in- f' conveniency. I have no hopes, fays he to his <^' brother", that the Divines of the Sorbonne will " give their approbation to my Notes, efpecially " fince they cenfured Milletiere. It remains to be ^' confidered whether I ffiall print them in my own \ Ep. 1^56, p, 570. Sc 1315. p. 596. " Ep. 503. p. 884. " houfc 266 T H E L I F Ë Book VI. *' houfe without approbation, of which there have '* been examples." Heinfius's work, which was expected with fo much impatience, had no fuccefs ^. Salmafius (his declared enemy indeed) faid publicly, he was ready to fhew, that, abftrafting what he had borrowed, there would not remain one remark of importance : and it was held in no higher efteem by others of the firft rank in learning ". Cardinal Richelieu, being informed that Grotius leaned more to the fentiments of the Roman Catholics, than to thofe of the Minifters of Charen- ton, gave orders y that his work fhould be printed without being obliged to pafs the cenfors. He kept meafures however with Heinfius ; and defired his brother William Grotius to tell him % that he had always faid there were feveral things in his Notes which pleafed him much ; and that he had made the fame remarks in fome places that Heinfius had done, by mere chance. As Grotius had a very great efteem for the learned Father Petau, he communicated to him his works. On fending him his Notes on the Old Teftament, he defired him to hint what alterations he thought necef- fary. When his Commentary on the Evangelifts was printed at Amfterdam % he fent a copy to Father Petau, defiring him to read it, if he had time, and acquaint him what ought to be omitted, added, or changed, that the fécond edition might appear with more advantage. " The bookfellers of Amfterdam *' offer to print what I have written on the Old " Teftament : but I chufe rather to have it printed *' here, that I may fee the laft proofs. I ftiall ex- *' peét your remarks, or thofe of the perfons to *' whom you have communicated what I have written *' on the firft part of the Old Teftament. I would *' have come for them myfelf had I not been confined * Ep. 507. p. B84. *• Ep. 465. p. 886. y Ep. 476. p. 890. * Ep. 481. p. 891. •* Ep. 1531. p. 693. « by Book VI. O F G R O T I U S. 261^ *' by fore eyes. I have a high fenfe of your good- *' nefs, he writes again to Petau^, in taking the *' trouble to revife my Annotations on the Old Tefta- *' ment, in giving them to thofe who have time to " examine them more ftridly, and m contributing " by your recommendation to the fuccefs of the " work. As I have now an opportunity of putting " them to prefs, I mull beg of you to return them as " foon as may be with your remarks. When the reft " is tranfcribed, relying on your goodnefs I fhall take " the liberty to interrupt your occupations, however " important and ufeful, by fending it." The Dutch Bookfellers *^ had prefixed to Grotius's Commentary on the New Teftament his head, with a high elogium annexed to it; which vexed him much. He wrote very ferioufly to his brother that it was the more improper, as this effect of vanity was prefixed to a book defigned to infpire humility ; that he had tore out the piélure in his own copies, and defired that he would endeavour to get the fame done to all the reft, becaufe it concerned his reputation ; and he chofe rather to fupprefs his Preface, than pub- lifh it with this piâiure. A fhort advertifement befora his Notes on the New Teftament acquaints us that he began them when a prifoner, that he finifhed them when a private man, and printed them when Ambaf- fador. Though this work was far advanced before he was employed by the Court of Sweden, it is evi- dent from his letters that he hiade many additions and amendments to it during his embafly. He met with new difficulties after Cardinal Riche- lieu's death from the Chancellor Seguier, who never loved him. " The Chancellor of France, he writes " to his brother, Auguft 27, 1644^, will not grant *' a privilege for printing my Commentary on the *' Old Teftament, though very able Dodlors have t'Ep. 1534. p. 694. ^ Ep. 570. p. 928. ««Ep. 720. p. 970. *' afllired jl6S the life Book VI. '' afTured him that it contains nothing contrary to the " doctrine of the Roman CathoHcs -, but he refufes " to give any even for good books, if the authors are " not of his communion." Crarnoifi however printed it, but he was afraid of being a lofer by the great expence of a handfome edi- tion in foho if he did not obtain a privilege, becaufe the Dutch, who could print it much cheaper, would bring it into France, and underfell him. The refufal of a privilege ^ did not hinder another Paris bookfeller from undertaking an edition of the Notes on the New Teftament, which Grotius calls his favourite work ^. M. Simon, whofe opinion is not always agreeable to the ftri6left juftice, judges very favourably, how- ever, of Grotius : " His Notes, fays he, are efteemed *' by every body ; and ftand in no need of a particu- '* lar recommendation from us. We fhall only ob- " ferve that he abounds too much in quotations *' from the Poets, and many profane authors ; in " which he feems rather to affedl appearing a man '' of learning and erudition, than a man of judg- *' ment and a critic. Had he avoided this fault, his ** Notes would have been mvich fhorter, and not lefs *' excellent. They are chiefly valuable for his fre- " quent collation of the ancient Greek tranflation of ** the bible with the Hebrew text, and his freedom *' from prejudice in favour of the Maforetic verfion : *' though he generally chufes the befl explanation of *' the text, he fometimes multiplies the various read- *' ings without necefllty. After all (adds the author *' of the Critical hiftory) though I blame Grotius " for quoting too frequently the profane authors, " thefe quotations contain feme very good things, *' ferving to explain the difficulties in Scripture. I '* could only have wifhed, that, agreeable to the " rules of criticifm, he had not adduced the tefti- _ » Ep. 740. p. 975. f Ep. 1253. p,553. monies ËookVL of grot IU s. 269 '" monies of profane authors, and efpecially the " Poets, except in places that required thofe eluci- *' dations." M. Le Clerc, after examining this judgment, fpeaks thus of Grotius ^ : *' If you defire- to know " what is chiefly valuable in Grotius's Notes on the '* Old Teftament, and not to be found elfewhere, " it is firft his explanation of an infinite number of " pafTages of Scripture by the afliftance of Pagan *' antiquity. Secondly, an admirable knowledge of the '* different manners of fpeaking ufed in Scripture,which " he fo happily compares with one another, that no " interpreter ancient or modern has thrown fo much *' light on them ; and in fine, an extraordinary pene- *' tration in difcovering the true fenfe of the prophe- « cies." M. Fabricius ^ tells us, that one thing which highly recommends Grotius's Commentary on the New Teftament is the defign, which he happily exe- cuted, of proving the truth of the Chriftian Religion by the Scripture itfelf. Before we conclude this article we muft take no- tice that it has been pretended by fome learned men, who otherwife do him juftice, that Grotius is fre- quently miftaken in his quotations from the Rabbis, becaufe he took them at fecond-hand. Efdras Ed- zardi, well ficilled in thefe matters, made a fmall colledion of his miftakes, which he fhewed to Mor- hof\ XII. This deep ftudy of the Holy Scriptures led Grotius to examine a queftion which made much noife at that time. Some Proteftant Synods had ven- tured to decide thc.t the Pope was Antichrift -, and this, extravagance, gravely delivered by the Mini- fters, v/:is regarded by the zealous Schifmatics as a fundam.ental truth. Grotius undertook to overturn s Sentimers des Theolog. p. 38S. * Deleft. Argum. c. 2. p. 40. » Polihiilor. t. 3. 1. 5. p. 54. Vind. Grot, 463. fuch i']o THE LIFE BookVL fucli an abfurd opinion, that ftirred up an irrecon- cileable enmity between the Roman Catholics and the Proteftants, and of confequence was a very great obftacle to their reunion, which was the fole objeâ: of his defires. He entered therefore upon the confidera- tion of the pafTages of Scripture relating to Antichrift, and employed his Sundays in it ^. It was this work that raifed him up moft enemies. We fee by the letters he wrote to his brother that his beft friends were afraid left they Ihould be fufpedled of having fome hand in the publication of the books in which he treated of Antichrift. " If you are *' afraid of incurring ill-will, he writes to his bro- " ther ^, you may eafily find people that are far from ** a factious fpirit who will take care of the impref- " fion. Nothing has incenfed Princes againft thofe •' who feparated from the Church of Rome more •'^ than the injurious names with which the Proteftants *' load their adverfaries ; and nothing is a greater ** hindrance to that reunion which we are all obliged " to labour after in confequence of Chrift's precept *' and the profeflion we make of our faith in the Creed. *' Perhaps the Turk, who threatens Italy, will force *' us to it. In order to arrive at it we muft firft re- " move whatever obftrudts a mutual quiet hearing. " I hope I fliall find afliftance in this pious defign. *' I ftiall not ceafe to labour in it, and Ihall rejoice " to die employed in fo good a work." Reigerft)erg, Blaeu, Voflius himfelf, however much devoted to Grotius, beheld with concern ^ the print- ing of this book, becaufe they did not doubt but it would increafe the number of his enemies. Grotius informs his brother of the uneafinefs which Voftius gave him on this fubjeft " : " Among thofe who wifti " this work deftroyed, fays he, I am aftoniftied and " grieved to fee Vofîîus. Whence could he have this ^ Ep. 416. p. 874. ' Ep. 477. p. 8go. »* Ep. 480. p. 891. &482. p. 891. " Ep. 485. p. 892. a " idea? BookVL of GROTIUS. iyt *' idea ? I imagine fomebody has told him, that it " would injure the fortune of his children if he ap- " proved of fuch books -, and that, on the contrary, *' he would find favour by hurting me. We mull, *' therefore, have recourfe to Corcellius or Corvinus." He elfewhere complains of the too great timidity of this old friend °, who at bottom approved of Grotius's fentiments, but durft not own them publicly becaufe he was not fo independent as Grotius. The treatife on Antichrift made much noife among all the declared enemies of the Romifh Church ?. Michael Gettichius wrote to Ruarus, that he had only glanced over Grotius's book on Antichrift -, but as far as he could judge by the firft reading, that learned man, who was polTeffed of fuch an excellent genius, and fuch fingular erudition, had no other intention than to engage the Learned in a further enquiry con- cerning Antichrift -, and to determine them to attack with greater ftrength the Romifh Antichrift ; or, if he wrote ferioufly, he wanted to cut out a path for go- ing over, without difhonour, to the Papifts. Ruarus anfwers this letter, Dec. i6, 1642, from Dantzic. " I have always, he fays, looked on Grotius as a very " honeft, and at the fame time a very learned man. " I am perfuaded that love of peace engaged him in " this work. I don't deny but he has gone too far ; *' the love of antiquity perhaps feduced him : no Re- *' monftrant, that I know of, has as yet anfwer- "^ ed him -, but he has been confuted by fome ** learned Calvinifts, particularly Defmarets, Mini- " fterofBoifleduc, who has written againft him with *' much bitternefs.'* Grotius's work was printed in 1 640, with this title : Commentatio ad loca quaàam Novi Tejlamenti, qua de Antkhrijio ûgmt aut agere putantur^ expendenda eru' diiis, 9 Ep. 445, p. 89c. 507. p. 901 511. p. 902, & 514. p. 904. ? Ep. 61, p. 376. & 89. p. 415, It 872 tHE LIFE ÊookVI. It contains an explanation of the fécond chapter of the fécond epiftle of St. Paul to the ThelTalonians, in which he undertakes to prove, that the Man of Sin, there mentioned, is the Emperor Caius Caligula, who wanted to place his ftatue in the temple of Jerufalem, as may be feen in Philo -, and was defirous to be thought a God, as Philo and Jofephus relate. He afterwards explains the eighteenth verfe of the fécond chapter of the firft epiftle of St. John. Tou know that Antichriji is come, and that there are many Antichrifii. He thinks the Antichrift already come was Barcho- chebas, and that the other Antichrifts are Simon the Magician and Dofithseus. The beaft, in the thirteenth chapter of the Revela- tion, is, according, to him, Rome pagan ; the powery which is given to it for forty-two months, fignifies Domitian's perfecution, which lafted three years and a half. The beaft that afcended out of the bottomlefs pit, mentioned chap. xi. ver. 7. is magic, and Apol- lonius Thyan^us : in fine, he finds the famous num- ber 6()G, mentioned in the laft verfe of the thirteenth chapter of the Apocalypfe, in Trajan's name, who was called Ulpius, of v/hich the numeral letters form the number G()6, The Reformed were ftrangely fcandalized at this work. Samuel Defmarets anfwered it with great bitternefs, which drew another piece from Grotius in defence of the former, with this title : Appendix ad interpretationem locorum Novi 'Tejîamenti, qu^ de Anii- chrifio agunt, aut agere putantur, in qua viafternitur ad Chrijlianorum concordiam. Defmarets is never men- tioned in it but under the name of Borboricus. It has been obferved, that Grotius was guilty of a flight inaccuracy in this treatife : he fays the Emperor Bar- baroffa's enemies afcribed to him the pretended book De.trikis Impofioribus : he confounds the grandfon with the grandfather, for it v/as Frederic IL againftwhom this calumny was advanced, as appears from the letters of Peter Dcfvignes, his Secretary and Chancellor, and Book VI. O F G R O T I U S. 273 and as Grotius himfelf remarks in his obfervations on Campanella's philolbphy. He printed at the lame time his treatife Of Faith and Works againft Delmarets, and againft the error of the inadmilTibiHty of grace, under the title of Explicatio trium illujiriffimorum locorum Novi Tejlamenti^ Capitis I, Pauli ad Ephefios pojlerioris^ Capitis II. Jacobi Corn- matis XIV. (^ fequentium. Capitis III. Epijiola I. Johannis^ in quihiis agitur de fide & operibus. This work fhews, thatfaithisnot fufficient for Jultification ; and that if thofe who have faith live in fin, they are hated by God. Via adpacem ecclefiafticam was printed in 1642 : it contains the Confultation of Caiïander prefented to the Emperors Ferdinand I. and Maximilian II. accom- panied with remarks by Grotius. He expeded that thefe works, which were compiled folely with a view to promote union among Chriftians, would procure him many enemies ; and he adopted, on this occafion, what was faid in 1557 by an author who laboured in the fame defign, That for perfons to endeavour to make mankind live in peace, was commendable ; that they might mdeed expe6l a recompence from the blefled Peace-maker, but they had great reafon to apprehend the fame fate with thofe, who, attempting to part two combatants, receive blows from both. " Perhaps, by writing to Reconcile fach as entertain *' very oppofite fentiments, I Ihall offend both parties : " but if it fhould fo happen, I Ihall comfort myfelf " with the example of him who faid. If I pleafe men I " am not the fervant of Chrift." Grotius, content with gratifying his pacific defires, expefted his reward from pofterity -, which he clearly intimates in fome verfes written by him on this fubjeft. Accipe fed placidis, quae fi non optima, certe, Exprelfit nobis non mala pacis amor. Et tibi die, noftro labor hie fi difplicet asvo, A grata pretium pofteritate feret. T Rivetus i74 THE LIFE Book VÎ. Rivetus, the Clergyman, treated Grotius with as much indignity, as it he had attempted to deflroy the foundations of Chriftianity. Grotius anfwered him in a tra6l, entitled : Auimadverfwnes in animadverfiones Andrew Rrjeti. This work was followed by two others on the fame fubjed: : Votum pro pace ecdefiajlica^ contra examen Andrew Riveti, and Rivetiani Apologetici Difcujfw :■ this laft did not appear till after the author's death. He wrote, in 1638, a fmall piece, entitled : De ■ Cœna admhnfiratione iihi Pajiores non funt^ item an femper commiinicandumper fymbola. The defign of this pernicious \vork is to Ihew, that Laymen, in the ab- ience of Priefts, and in cafes of neceffity, may do their office. Rigaut had already mantained this error, and been fmartly attacked by M. De I'Aubepine, Bifhop of Orleans : all the defenders of the hierarchy were fcan- dalized at it, and Father Petau, among the Roman Catholics, and Dodwell, among the Englilh Clergy, . have refuted it. In the traft. An femper communicandura per fyfnhola, the Arminians endeavour to maintain, that we are not obliged to communicate with fuch as require fub- fcriptions to which we cannot affent without adting againft our confciences. Grotius's defigii was to Ihew, that the Arminians might difpenfe with communi- cating with the Contra-Remonftrants, if thefe in- , fifted on retracions. Another theological work of Grotius (of whofe publication we cannot fix the time) is entitled : Dif- fer tat io kijlorica ac poli tic a de dogmatis &' ritihis iâ giibernatione Ecclcfice Chriflian^^ de dogmatis . qu^e ret- puUiciS noxiafunt^ aiit dicuntur. In this piece he treats of the end of the priefthood, and the duties of the Priefts : he places what relates to the diftinftion and unity of tlie three Perfons, the two Natures, and their properties, among the points of which v/e may be ignorant without ceaimg to be good Chriltians. It Book VÎ. of G R O T I U S. 2 75 It is probable this piece was written before thofe con- cerning Antichrift, the author appearing in it lefs favourably difpofjd towards the Roman Catholics and the Pope. It is apparent that Grotius had not fufficiently examined this fubjecl, fince he fpeaks of it in a man- ner fo heterodox. He would not have held a language lb oppofite to Chriftianity, at, or after the time of his difpute with Rivetus. XIII. Grotius, even whilft engaged in the difpute againft the zealous Proteftant Minifters, undertook to clear up the origin of the Americans -, which enquiry involved him in a controverfy that gave him much uneafmefs. John de Laët of Antwerp, who had much ftudied thefe m.atters, printed Grotius's work, with Notes, under this title : Joannis de Laët Antvcr- piani Not Ep. 4S9. p. 894. " Ep. 622, p. 943. ? Viaadpacem, p. 623. art xx. " pofe. Book VI. O F G R O T I U S. 295 pole, and in the places where they fuffered mar- tyrdom. The Proteftants acknowledge that they pray for the Church : they are in the wrong there- fore to look on thofe as Idolaters ^ who, agreeable to the opinion of feveral ancients, think the know- ledge of our wants and our prayers may be com- municated to the Martyrs by a revelation from God, or by the miniftry of Angels. Such, he fays in another place p, as think it idolatry to addrefs the Martyrs, that they may pray for us, accufe, St. Chryfoilom, and the other holy Doctors of the Greek and Latin Church, of a horrible crime. For my part, I dare not do this ; neither would I blame thofe v/ho abfbain from praying to the Saints. I have alfo faid that true Relics of true Martyrs de- ferve to be refpe6ted." In fine, in his Votum pro pace "î, he proves by a long feries of palTages from the Fathers, that the invocation of faints v/as ufed by the ancient Church, and there- fore cannot be treated as idolatry, that there is no law in the Gofpel againft the ufe of Images in Churches, that it cannot be faid they are forbid by the law of nature, and that in the times of St. Am- brofe and St. Augufline the relics of Martyrs were honoured in the Church. He defends in feveral places Praying for the Dead, which was pracflifed in all the Churches of the Eaft, as v/ell as of the Weft*': he proves that the ancient Church prayed for the Dead, and that St, Auguftine ^ regarded the oppofers of this praiflice as heretics. He m.aintains* that every ancient liturgy has prayers for the Dead, and that as Tertuilian relates, they were ufed in all the Churches in his time. He aflcrts ", that the Jev/s knew and admitted of a Purgatory. One of the articles which made moil noife in the beginning of the grand Schifm P Animad. inanimad. ad. ar. 19. p. 64^. "J P. 705. ' Via ^d pacem, p. 626. ' Votum pro pace, p. qî6. ' Animad. in animad. p. 646. " Via ad pacem, p. 626. Aniraad. in anim. p. 64.6. U 4 in 296 T H E L I F E Book VI, in the fixteenth Century v/as that of juftification. Grotius declares ^^ that the more hè examined the Scriptures, the greater agreement he difcovered be- tween them and the tradition of the Romifh Church concerning juftification. Hewas perfuaded that they had the fame idea of the Cathohc Church mentioned in the Creed, as the ancients entertained. He would have men fubmit to the decifions of general coun- cils ^', and maintains that a pious and peaceable man ought not to contradi6t them when their decrees are received by almofl: all the Churches, efpecially thole which were founded by the Apoftles. He means no doubt the Council of Trent. Grotius mufb have fuppofed that the Church could not err, when he wrote y, " The Bifliops of Rome • " may be in an error, but they cannot long remain " in it, if they adhere to the univcrfal Church." He was perfuaded that we run no danger in embracing a dodrine taught by the Greek and Latin Churches^: '' For, fays he, the points in which thefe two Churches " agree have been decided by the Apoftles or by ge- " neral Councils." He maintains that exprelTicns tho' new, ought to be received in Theology ", when they are fupported by the authority of General Coun- cils. This was in oppofition to the Proteftants, who maintained that the term tranfubftantiation ought to be rejected on account of its novelty. He is pofitive that "fuch as depart from what was praftifed by the whole Church, and confirmed by Councils ^, are guilty of a moft infolent folly, as St. Auguiline faid. He acknowledged the utility of tradition. Had he lived in the time of the Apoftles he would have believed, he tells us, what they faid, as well as what they wrote '^. He was perfuaded that tiie goodnefs of God ^ had not ^ Ep.622.p. 94.3. " Vottim pro pace, p. 727. y Ep. 613. p. 940. ^ Ep. 668. p. 957. ^ Via ad pacem art. i. p. 61!;. ^ Art. 7. p. 617. "^ Via ad pacem, p. 628. Anjm. in fnim. p, 647. "\'otum pro pace, p. 724. '' Anim. in aniin. p. 642. permitted Book VI. O F G R O T I U S. 297 permitted the doélrine of the univerfal Church to be corrupted, though the manners of the Paflors of the Church might be reprehenfible. He entertained the fame opinion, he tells us % concerning the authority of the Fathers as the illuftrious Father Petavius in the Prolegomena prefixed to his mofl ufetui body of Divinity. The works of the Apoftolical Fathers were, next to the Scriptures, Grotius's favourite fbudy. "When he heard that the Epiflle of St. Clement, which had been long loft to the world, was publiflied in Eng- land by Junius ^, from a Manufcript brought from Egypt, and written about the time of the Council of Nicp, he expreffcd his fatisfadion to Defcordes e, in a letter from Fîamburg, dated June I, 1633. "You *' gave me great pleafure by inlorming me of the dif- *' covery of the Epiftle of St. Clement of Rome. No *' pains fliould be fpared to recover thofe Fragments, ^* which partake much of the nature of the apoftolical ^' Writings : and they ought not to be wholly rejeded " on account of interpolations : v/e muft do with *' them as with metals, feparate the drofs from the " pure metal. Would to God that Father Sirmond, " or fome one of his fociety like him, would give "* us the Epiille of Barnabas, from which there are . *' fome quotations in Clement of Alexandria. I re- *' member to have heard Father Sirmond himfelf *' fay that the Jefuics have this letter." St. Clement's Epiftle was not fent to Grotius till after his departure from Hamburg, and arrival at Francfort ^. He exam.ined it immediately, and wrote his thoughts of it, July 17, to the famous Je- rom Bignon, Ad v^ocate- General : After reading it over and over, he remained fatisfied that it was the ~fame which Photius had feen, and which St. Jerom, Clement of Alexandria, and before them St. Irenseus, " Votum pro pace, p. 681. ^ Tillem. t. 2, p. 158. c Ep. 318. p. 113. h Ep. 3.^.. p. J24. had J 298 THE LIFE Book VI. had ; and which was written in the end of Nero's reign, or fome years before that of Vefpafian ; and that it was mofc authentic, without the leaft inter- polation. As to the fécond Epiilie, afcribed to St. Clement, he did not think it written by that Pope : but at the fame time did not queftion its being a work of the firfl Century. Grotius agrees in this with the moft learned Critics even among the Roman Ca- tholics \ He obtained a fight of St. Barnabas's ^ Epillle, of which he was fo defirous ; but he had not the fatif- fadion to fee it printed. Uflier undertook to pubHIh it in 1643 -, but before it was finilhed a fire confumed at Oxford what was already printed ^ Two years after. Father Menard's edition appeared : but this was the year of Grotius's death. To return to his opinion concerning the points controverted between the Ro- man Catholics and Proteftants : he fpeaks with great contempt of the inadmiiîibility "" of grace. His trea- tife Of faith and works is written againft this error. He maintains that it is the moft pernicious fyftem that can be introduced-, that it is not to be found in any ol the Fathers ; and was not fo much as tolerated in ancient times. He proves that fafting was very early obferved in the Church, as we may be convinced by reading St. Ire- nssus " ; that Lent was always obferved by the anci- ent Church ; that the fign of the Crofs has fomething refpeftable in it, and was ufed in the firft ages, as Tertullian, and others after him, obferve ; that Vir- ginity ° is a more perfe6t ftate than marriage, as the Fathers taught j that the Romiili Church preferved the ancient difcipline of the Weftern Church with re- gard to the celibacy of the Priefts ; that Jefus Chrift ' Tillemont, t. 2. n. 13. p. 567. ^ Ep. 391. p. 866. * Fabric. Bib. Graec. 1. 4, p. 174. torn. 3. ""Commen. ad loca de Antichrift. Anim. in anim. p. 64g. " Commen. ad loca de Antichrift. Via ad pacem, p. 617. * Votum pro pace, p. 750. himfelf Book VI. O F G R O T I U S. 299 himfelf taught p that fuch as lived in celibacy were more proper for the ecclefiaftical fundbions ; that the African Church agreed in this point with that of Rome; and that, befides, the Romifh Church did not refufe to communicate with Churches which per- mitted Prieils to marry. Of all the religious orders ]ie approved moft of the congregation of the Fathers of the Oratory, and the inftitution of the Jefuit^, becaufe the firft retired when they pleafed j and the others might leave the fociety.with permiffion of their fuperiors. In fine, he fpeaks of the Council of Trent with great refped. " Thofe, he fays % who fhall read *' its Decrees with a mind difpofed to peace, will find *' that every thing is wifely explained in them, and " agreeable to what is taught by the Scriptures and the •" ancient Fathers, as may be feert by the paflages ^' cited in the margin." Such as were difpleafed with thefe pacific fentiments, objeded to him that he had formerly thought other- wife. Laurentius wrote a piece on this fubjeé^, which is m.entioned by Grotius in a letter to his brothers " Laurentius, fays he, objeds to me that what I " have formerly written contradifts my later works : *' however, if they be examined by the true rules of " criticifm, no fuch contradi6tion will be found. " Farther, if, as I have advanced in years, conver- " fation with able men, and a more perfect exa- " mination, have made me change my fentiments, I ^' ought not on that account to be accufed of incon- " ftancy, no more than St. Auguftin, who retracted *' many things." He again touches on this point in his Votum pro pace ^ " If in my youth, fays he, " having lefs knowledge than now, the prejudices of " education, or a blind attachment to authors of fame, " carried me too great lengths, ffeall I not be per- P Matt. xix. 12. I Cor. vli. ^ Votum pro pace, p. 682. ' Ep. 647. p. 95}, ^ P. 702. ♦' mittecl 300 T H E L I F E Book VI. *' mitted at prefent, when Î am old, to adopt more " reafonabie fentiments, after long enquiry and a " renunciation of all party fpirit ? " It is not furprifnig that after fuch a declaration the zealous Clerg)^ fought to render him odious. They printed a book againft him, under the title of Grctius ■papijla ^ It is certain that he gave the preference to the Roman Catholic religion above all the others, and it has even been reported that he promiifcd to M. Bignon, before leaving Paris, to declare himfelf openly a Pvom.an CathoHc ". It has alfo been faid that M. Arnaud aflerted, that he was informed by a man of honour, who had it from M. Bignon, that Grotiu5, on fetting out for Svv^cden, declared to this lair Gentleman, that as foon as he came back he would make proicflion of the Roman Catholic Religion. 1 he Jefuits have publilhed a Flemifli book under the title of the Tejlamsnt of Grotius ^, in which they advance that he was readyto turnRoman Catholic : the Author of Vindicia Groticna: has pretended to confute this af- fertion by fome paflliges in Grotius's earlier works : but his reafoning mufl appear abfurd, fmce it was only m the latter part of his life that he preferred the Romi/h Religion. A Proteftant, who could not deny that Grotius gave the preference to the Roman Catho- lic religion, has ventured to advance, that it was perhaps with a view to be made a Cardinal : this wretched conjecture is Ofiander's -, but befides that Grotius had a wife of whom he was very fond, he was a m.an incapable of embracing an opinion from motives of intereft. It is very certain that Grotius was mod intimate with Father Petau, who cultivated his friendfiiip (as this learned Jefuit tells us himfelf in one of his letters) in hopes of bringing him to an open profelTion of the Roman Catholic faith. This gave M. Varlois occafion - Ep. 615, p. 944. " Sent, des TheoJog. de Hollande, p. 393. Mcnagiana-, t. 2. p. 298. "' Vin. Grot, p. 506. to Book VI. O F G R O T I U S. 301 to fay, in his elogium of Father Petau ^, " What " did he not do to gain over the ilkiilrious Grotius to " the CathoUc Rehgion ? He did not diflike us, he " was even almoft one of us, fmce he puhUcly de- " dared his acceptance of tiie do^lrine of the Coun- " cil of Trent. One thing only v/as wanting to him, *' to refort to our Churches, which he only deferred " till he could bring many with him to the unity of " the Catholic iaiLh." Father Briet fays much the fam^e in his Annals of the IVorld for the year 1645. " This year died Hugo Grotius, the honour and " glory of men of learning : his intention was to " die a Catholic, but he wanted time \ for, as he " affured me, he believtd as v/e do." We read in the Menagiana y, that when Grotius's death was known at Paris, Father Petau, perfuaded that he v/as a Catholic at heart, faid mafs for his foul : it was even reported at that time, if we may believe the compiler ot thofe Anecdotes, that Grotius wanted to declare himfelf betore his journey to Sweden, but was advifed by Father Petau to go there firfi:, and re- turn afterwards to Paris to fettle,, and fulfil his relolu- tion. It is improbable that fuch a zealous Catholic as Father Petau v/ould advife Grotius to defer for a moment the edification of all the Catholics by his return to the Church ; but it is certain that Father Petau faid mafs for his friend. The tradition of this fa6t is preferved among the Jeiliits, and there are people of credit alive who remember to have heard it affirmed for certain by Father Harduin and M. Huet Bilhop of Avranches ^. As Grotius's religion was a problem to many. Menage wrote an Epigram oh this occafion, the fenfe of which is, that as many different feels claimed his religion, as there were towns which contended for the; birth of Homer : '^ Vin. Grot. p. Ç05. x Tom. 4. p. 180. ' See Vie du P. Petau, Nicsron, t, 37. p. 159. Smyrna, 302 THE LIFE Book VI. Smyrna, Rhodes, Colophon, Saiamis, Argos, Athena?, Siderei certant vatis de patriâ Homeri : Grotiadse certant de rehgione Socinus, Arrius, Arminius, Calvinus, Roma, Lutherus. XXIII. That which contributed to the removal of Grotius's prejudices againil the Catholic Church was undoubtedly the proje6t he had formed of reconciling all the different parties which divide Chriftendom. Fie faw well the necefllty of having the Catholics on his fide ; and he flattered himfelf that having gained them, he would eafiiy bring over the reft, M. Huet did not think fuch a proje6t abfolutely chimerical ^ : *' The religious differences, fays he, which have " long difturbed the peace of Chriftians, are not " impoffible to be accommodated. If the parties *' would fet about it fincerely, without obftinacy or " private intereft, they would foon find ways of accom- " modation \ but fome of all parties are ^o warm, ^' that they cenfure fuch of their own party as fcek ^' to accommodate différences, with no lefs feverity *' than they do their adverfaries. With v/hat pre^ *' fum.ptuous rigour did Rivetus the Minifter treat *' Grotius for propofmg the means of peace ? Gro- *' tius, in a modeft anfwer, humbles iiis pride witb.!^' " .out naming him ; humoroully pointing him out *"* by that title taken from Catullus ^, Adverfus quem- '* dam opaca quern facit bonum barha.''^ M. Bayle differed from M. Huet concerning the attempt to unite the different religions : he thinks it as great a chimera as the Philofophers ftone, or the quadrature of the circle. The truth is, to hope for fuccefs in fuch a projed:, one muft fuppofe in all men a fincere love of truth, and a readinefs to renounce * Huetiana, S. 16. p. 46. •' M. HaeC is miftaken : it was not Rivetus whom Grotius meant by tliis verfe of Catullus, but Laet. their Book VI. OF G R O T I U S. 303 their prejudices, good underftandings, and upright hearts. In this undertaking one effential thing, which muft not be forgot, is, that if the Catholic Church, by a condefcendance worthy of her charity and her de- fire that all men fhould come to the knowledge of the truth, fhould remit feme point of her difcipline, fhe cannot fhew this indulgence with regard to any tenet condemned by the Council of Trent, without be- traying her principles : there is therefore only one way of reunion, namely, that thofe who feparated from the Catholic Church acknowledge that they have no argument that can juftify their fchifm, and humbly praying to be received into the bofom of their mo- ther, feek to obtain this favour by facrificing their errors. It was very common in the la(t age for men to bufy them.felves in finding out ways of reconciliation be- tween the Proteftants and Roman Catholics : the Re- formed fet about it ; and I cannot forbear relating here the extravagance of Cregutius, Minifter of Mon- telemar, who in a fmall treatife, v/hich I have in Ma-^ nufcript, on the queftion. Whether an union with the Romifh Church is to be hoped for or not? decides it in the affirmative, provided (fays he) the Chiirch of Rome begin with renouncing the doftrine of tranfub- ftantiation : of which he doth not defpair. Grotius with more good fenfe laboured from his youth in the grand proje6f of reconciling all the parties into which. Chriftians are divided. His good intentions were Icnown to Europe before his efcape from Louveftein : Du Vair, Keeper of the Seals, complimented him on his defign. " God, fays he, has ordered it fo that *' you fnould owe your deliverance entirely to him, " to the end that being deii'^ered from worldly dif- " traftions, you may employ the rare talents with *' which he has entrulled you, in promoting that work ** which is no doubt m.o4: agre^.able to him, namely " the common peace of Chriftendom by a reunion of ali 304 T H E L I F E Boor VI. *' all the members which have feparated from their *' fpiritual mother, in whom they or their fathers " were conceived. And far as much as it is the thino- " v/hich many men ot honour expeft *^ from you, I " cannot forbear rejoicing with them, and accele- *' rating by my applaufe fuch a Jiappy courfe." Grotius's anfwer confirmed the Keeper of the Seals in the idea he had entertained. "■ God is my witnefs, " fays he, how much I am afBi6tcd when I compare *' the firft ages of the Church with our unhappy *' times, in which the people, differing in articles of " faith, have divided into fadtions, and thereby *' given occafion to wars of which even-the nations " ot the heathen would have been" afhamed. There " are doubtlefs many good men, who grieve to fee *' fuch a great evil „ and, preferving charity for all " Chriflians, ardently defire to fee union reftored ; *' and are difpofed to procure this great bleffing by " following the Apoftle's counfci, to bear with the *' infirmities of others, and extend their patience and *' candour to their utmoil length : but thofe rigid " notions, which a party fpirit has inflilled into many, *' is a great obftacie to the obtaining of this happi- " nefs.s' May God pour out a fpirit of charity and *' meeknefs on the heads of the Church, on Kings " and Potentates, that, furmounting every difficulty^ " they may without delay reftore to the Church her " primitive beauty, and above all a folid peace, with- " out prejudice to truth. Many thoufands, of whom " I am one, pray without ceafing for the execution *' of this pious defign, and defire nothing more than " to be employed in it." Filled with this idea, he propofed to Lewis XI1Î, in his dedication Of the Rights of War and Peace, to comipole the differences of the Churches, and dirett the age in which he lived how to terminate them in conform.ity to the fentiments of that time, when ail * ^tçVûtiim pro pace, p. 7'^4. . allow Book VI. O F G R O T I U S. 505 allow that Chriftianity was in its purity. He imagined the alliance between France and England would faci- litate the execution of a projeâ: worthy of fuch mighty Kings : he had it fo much at heart, that he thought himfelf deftined to labour in it from his mother's womb ^. " It is a vocation, fays he to his brother, " which God has given me. 1 have many wit- *' nèfles, he v/rites to Duraeus^, who knew me in my " native country, and can atteft not only how much *' I have defired, but alfo how much I have laboured " toleflen the difputes among Chriflians, in order to " promote gradually the reftoration of unity. I " might even appeal to yourfelf, in relation to " what has fince been done both in Germany " and Sweden. 1 fhall never ceafe, he fays *' to his brother 8, my utmoft endeavours for efla- " blifhing peace among Chriflians -, and if I fhould " not fucceed, it will be honourable to die in fuch a *' pious enterprize." He had the confolation to be feconded in his paciific projeéls by Dursus, a Clergyman in Sweden, with whom he cultivated a correfpondence for advancing the coalition of Chriflians ^. " \Vhat you labour in " with fo much zeal is precifely what I have been " employed about fince I began to have any relifhfor " divine things. Experience teaches me how many " difficulties we muft expeâ: both from Statefmen " and Divines bigotted to their own opinions, and " averfe to thofe of others : but all thefe obfla- " cles ought not to prevent our undertaking fuch " a good work : if we do not fucceed, we fhall " at leafl enjoy the fatisfaftion of having enter- " tained very fublime ideas. For my part, as I have " done it already, fo I Hiall fliill continue to recom- " mend to the High Chancellor your piety, your " learning, your good intentions, and your zeal, to ' ^P- 534- ■^ matris vifceribus. ^ Ep. 1471. p. 666. 6 Ep. 383 p. 864. i> Ep. 801. p. 357. X " which 306 THE LIFE Book VI. " which I ardently wifh faccefs ; and the accounts of *' your progrefs from time to time will give me the *' greateft pleafure. Dur^us's enterprize is at- *' tended with particular difficulties at this time, he *' writes to Berneggerus * : but things as difficult have " often had a happy iffue : befides, it affords much " fatistaftion to a man's confcience to have attempted " what is highly ufeful, even though he ihouldfailof " fuccefs." Dur^us meeting with great obftacles, Grotius con- foles him on that head, in a letter of the 21ft of No- vember, 1637, " What gives me hopes, he fays, is " your conftancy, and the countenance of the High *' Chancellor. 1 have conferred on this fubjedt with " the two Engliffi Ambafladors, the Earl of Leicefter " and Lord Scudamore : they are of my opinion, *' that the prefent time, while Europe is engaged in *' war, is not favourable for convoking a general af- " femblyof Proteftants." Durseus's projeft regarding only a union among Proteflants, Daillé and the ableft men among the re- formed Minifters approved of it, with fome limita- tions : there was, however, little profpe6t of fuccefs^ on account of the intollerant fpirit of fome turbulent Minifters, fuch as Voetius. Grotius had much higher views -, he propofed no- thing lefs ^ than to reunite all Chriftians : in this, h^ faid,' he would not ceafe to labour -, and that it would yield him pleafure to die fo v/ell employed *" -, that he gave himifelf little pain about the hatred he might in- cur, for if men gave way to this fear, never any vice would be corrected. What encouraged him farther, in this idea, was the number of great men who entertained it before him. " I am not the only one who hath conceived " this projed, he writes to his brother '^ : Erafmus, * Ep. 835. p 367. ^ Ep. 411. p. 871. ' Ep. 477, p. 890. n» Ep. 487. p, 894. " Ep. 491. p. 895. & J47S. p. 668. « CaiTander^ Book VI. O F G R O T I U S. 307 *' Caflander, Vecelius, and Cafaubon had the fame *' defign. La Miletiere is employed at preient in it : " Cardinal Richelieu declares that he will prote6l the " coalition ; and he is fuch a happy man that he ne- " ver undertook any thing in which he did not fuc- " ceed : and even il there were no hopes of fuccefs at " prefent, ought we not to fow the feed which may *' be ufeful to pofterity ° ? Even if we fhould only " diminilii the mutual hatred among Chriftians, and " render them more fociable, would not this be worth " purchafing at the price of fome labour and rC' " proaches ?" Arminius may ilkewife be numbered with thofe who were defirous of reuniting Chriflians p. The method he propofed was to diilinguilli fundamental points from fuch as were not, and leave men at liberty to believe or difbelieve the latter. He com.municated his proie(5l to Cafaubon, v/ho highly approved it : but how fhall men fettle what articles are fundamental ? This quellion is a fource of endlefs difputes. Befides, they mull be able to anfwer the Roman Catholic Di- vines, who, building on the doftrine that has been always taught, jultly pretend that whatever has been decided to be part of that doftrine ought to be regarded as fundamental. Men could not help approving Gro- tius's intention -, but even thofe, by whom he was held in the greatell efteem, had no conhdence in the fuccefs of his projeft. This made him write to Baron Oxenttiern on the fubjed*!. " Even if religious dif- " ferences, he fays, had not given occafion to bloody *' wars, I llioald ftill think it the duty of Chriftians " to rellore the unity ; fincc, as the Apoftle of the " Gentiles tells us, we ought to be all members of *' one body. But even thofe, who fay they defire it, *' doubt whether the thing be praAicabie. I know " well that all fchifm, the further it has extended, " and the longer it has lafted, will be more difficult • Ep. 494. p. 896. P Fp. prscf. vir. p. 25K "î Ep. 1706. p. •'36. X 2 « to 3o8 THE LIFE Book VI. *' to heal -, fo many being employed to throw oil on ** the flames : however, there are examples of in- *' veterate evils that have been cured in the Church. *' After the Council of Chalcedon there was a very " great fchifm in the Eaft, which continued an hundred *' years till the reign of Juftinian, by whofe autho- " rity, Pope Vigilius lillening at laft to terms of " peace, an end was put to it. Charles V, Ferdi- " nand, and Maximilian thought that the fchifm be- *' tween the Roman Catholics and the Proteftants of " the Augfbourg confeflion was not incurable. Me- " lanfton and other learned men, whofe writings " are ftill extant, were of the fame opinion. I have '* heard from great men, that Henry IV. of France *' faid that he would undertake to obtain, for the King *' of England and his Proteftant allies, fuch condi- " tions of returning to the unity of the Church, as *' they could not handfomely refule -, and that he *' purpofed to fend fome of his Biihops into England '* to confer on this fubjed with the Prelates of that '* kingdom : but this proje6t, which had been con- " certed with feveral great men, was defeated by the *' King's death. I believe the chief difference between *' the tenets of the Augfbourg confefTion and thofe *' of the Council of Trent lies in the ambiguity of " fome exprefTions, which are underftood differently -, *' but may be explained, by men of underftanding *' and friends to peace, in fuch manner, that no dif- ** ference will remain but in thofe things which may " be left to the free difcuffions of the Learned, with- " out any injury to the peace of the Church. It is ** evident, from the examples of the Maronites and *' Greeks, that thole who communicate in both kinds, *' and ufe a liturgy different from that of the Romifh *' Church, provided it be fufceptible of a Catholic *' fenfe, even were it in the vulgar tongue, may be *' received into the communion of the Apoflolical *' See ', and likewife thofe Churches v/hich allow the " Priefts to marry. What has been done in Sweden *' and Book VI. O F G R O T I U S. 309 *' and elfewhere, for the reformation of difcipline, *' by fuppreffing fimony and fuperftition, ought not *' only to be retained ; but there is room to hope that " when unity is reftored other nations will follow this *' example, there being many among them who ar- " dently defire, that the abufes which have crept in " may be removed according to the ancient Canons. " It is very difficult to render the fupremacy of the " Bifhop of Rome ufeful, or at leall not hurtful to " the Church : but if one confiders, that the Kings " and Bifliops of the Romifli religion are as much " concerned in this matter, as the Proteftants, " and reflefts on the precautions taken in it by " France and Spain, he will not defpair of finding *' expedients for fecuring the authority of Kings, " their right in the eledion of Bifhops, and the pre- " rogatives of the Primates, Archbifhops, and Bi- " fhops, agreeable to the Canons and the ancient '* Church difcipline. If the Chriftian world could " have reft from war, the Kings of the Romifh com- " munion, who are favourably difpofed towards the " Proteftants, might prepare matters at Rome in fuch " manner as to give hope of a happy ilTue. I grant " that thefe things are attended with difficulties ; " but fo is every great, and ufeful, and glorious un- " dertaking ; and in fuch a falutary work we may I " confide in the Almighty's aid." After this manner did Grotius write to the Swedifh I Plenipotentiary, in the end of the year 1614, handling I with greater delicacy, as he wrote to Proteftants, the ! nice article of the Pope's Supremacy, in favour of which he had fpoken more llrongly in the pieces he had juft publifhed. We learn from his firft letters, that he communi- cated his pacific ideas to his father, and that he was early fenfihle of the great difficulties attending a re- union. He writes to his brother, Od:. 27, 1623 % ^ Ep. 60. p. 772. X 3 " What 3IO THE LIFE Book VI. " What my father writes, of reftoring things to the " condition they were in before the Council of Trent, *' would be a great ftep ; but tranfubftantiation, à^êl " the adoration ordained by the Lateran Council, and " the invocation of Saints, which is received in all *' the liturgies, will be great ftumbling-blocks to *' tender confciences." Some years after, he imagined that the fhortefl: way to a coalition of Chrifcians would be to reduce the ar- ticles of faith to a fmall number. " It were well» " fays he % if Chriftians would refiesSl how few the " points are, and hov/ clearly expreffed in Scripture, " which conftitute the Rule of Faith laid down by St. *' Irea^us and TertuUian ; and as it is not allowed to *' doubt of thefe, the liberty left to men in others " might contribute to the peace of the Church." Aiterwards he went much farther. " I could " wifh, he fays to his brother % Nov. 14. 1643, that *' Utengobard, when his health will permit, would " write fomething, if he has not done it already, on " the necefTity of refccring the unity of the Church ; *' and by what means it may be done. Many think " that the true v/ay v/ould be to diftinguifli between " what is necefiary, and what is not -, and to leave " men at full liberty in the latter : but it is as difficult " to know what is neceffary, as to know what is true. *' The Scripturer, they fay, are the rule : butinterpre- " ters vary on the paiïages referred to. I know not, " therefore, whether it v/ould not be beft to adhere to *' the fentiments of the Catholic Church concerning *' faith and good v/orks : for I think they hold all that " IS neceffary to be believed in order to falvation. As *' to other articles which have been determined by *' Councils, or received by the firft Chriftians, we " m,uft adopt the mioderate interpretation, and fuch " we Hiall find on every point. It any one can- *' not prevail with himfcif tp be filent in relation to ' Ep. 444. p. 165, = Ep. 678. p. 960. " things. Book VI. O F G R O T I U S. 311 " things, of which he has no certainty, but will " difturb the unity of the Church, inftead of labour* " ing to reftore it, matters will proceed from bad to " worfe." Sometimes Grotius imagined he fhould fucceed. Nov. 23, 1641, he writes to Gerard VolTius S that Codurus, Juftellus, and Melitiere, three of the mofl learned Proteftants, had thanked him for what he had Xvritten on the Confultation of Caffander. " I per- " ceive, fays he to his brother, by converfing with *' the men of moft learning among the Reformed, and " explaining my fentiments to them, that they are of *' my opinion : their number will increafe if my trea- '* tiles are difperfed -, in which, I can truly affirm, I " have faid nothing from a party fpirit, but followed " truth as clofely as I could." He writes to his father ", that he was not without hopes of fome good effeâ: from his incelTant labours to reftore peace to Chriftendom. " That day will at " length fhine forth, of which we now perceive the *' dawn : for many great, pious, and learned men, of " both parries, begin to fee how unreafonable it is to " negled the reformation of manners while we are " framing new tenets, and cenfuringold ones, which " require only a good comment. This excellent de- ** fign I recommend to your prayers ; it was you gave " me the firft hint of it." He writes to his brother"', June*i5, 1641, '* I *' have received a vifit from fome Catholic Counfel- " lors of State, and Codurus the clergyman, who " exped: the coalition will quickly take place, and **■ pay great regard to my opinion. May the God of " peace direct the whole to the advancement of truth " and piety." He received the agreeable account, that the pieces he had written to promote the coalition weie approved ' Ep. 1538. p. 695. AT 573. p. 926. • Ep. 496. p. 8c 7. ■^ Ep.551. p.9i2. X 4 0^ 312 THE LIFE Book VI. of in Denmark, Sweden, England, Germany, and Poland. He imagined feveral Catholics entered into his views. Divers dodtors of the Sorbonne, he faid \ thanked him for the remarks he wrote on the Conful- t.ition of Calfander. " The ableft men among the " Catholics think what I have done, he tells his bro- " ther y, is v/ritten with great freedom and mode- *' ration, and approve ol it," " We ought not, he fays in another letter '^, tore- *' gard only the prefent age, but pofterity alfo : yet I " find fome people who think they lliall live to fee " the union reftored." He imagined his manner of handling the contro- verfy was approved of by the ableft men of the Ro- mifli Communion, and even at Rome becaufe there were moil great men in that city. For fome time he entertained hopes that Cardinal Richelieu would favour him : Jan. 19, 1641, he writes thus to his brother ^ : " When my book is " publifhed, many Proteflants will fee that the recon- *' ciliation of the Churches is eafier than they ima- ** gined : for the principal bafis of the Refor- " mation may fubfiil with the Pope's confent, pro- " vided the affair be managed v/ith mildnefs and with- *' out giving him offence. I write this on good *' grounds : Cardin.al Richelieu thinks the thing will *' fucceed : he has faid fo to feveral." Grotius had either been mifmformed, or the Car- dinal changed his language : for the former writes to his brother '', March 24, 1642, " As Cardinal Riche- ** lieu fpeaks differently from what he did fome time " ago about the peace of the churches, I am afraid " this change conceals fome ill defign againfl the " Reformed." ^ Ep. 1538. p. 696. y Ep. 528. p. 400. ^ Ep. 610. p. 938. * Ep. 530. p. 911. b Ep. 592. p 934. 5 Gr«tius, Book VI. O F G R O T I U S. 313 Grotius, finding at length that the projeft of a coahtion was impraticable without the approbation of the Catholics, contrafted an intimacy with Father Petau, to whom he communicated all his works re- lating to religion and the reconciliation of the churches. In a letter of the 3d of December, 1640, he defires him to fend him his remarks on his works, " That, " fays he, by your aiïiilance I may add, fupprefs, or " correâ:, as fhall be moll neceflary for promoting " truth and peace. Would to God that I had as much " genius and learning as fome others : I would ac- " complilh what it is great barely to attempt.'* He communicated to Father Petau the manufcript of his anfwer to Rivetus ^, defiring him to point out what was not agreeable to truth, or had not a ten- dency to promote peace. " I am refolved, fays he, " to publifh my anfwer as foon as I have your opi- *' nion, to which I pay great regard." Father Petau gives us the hiftory of his acquaint- ance with Grotius, in his xii^'^ letter ^. " I had, " fays he, a great defire to fee and converfe with " him j we have been long together, and very inti- " mate. He is, as far as 1 can judge, a good man, *' and of great candour. I do not think him far *' from becoming a Catholic, after the example of " Holftenius, as you hoped : I fhall negleâ; nothing " in my power to reconcile him to Chrift, and put " him in the way of falvation." Father Petau mentions him again in another letter, written to Cardinal Francis Barberinus ^. His Emi- nence had applied to that learned Jefuit for informa- tion in what ftate Grotius had leit, at his death, his work on the Antiquities of Sweden. Father Petau makes him this anfwer. " I had fome connexion " with Hugo Grotius, and I wifh I could fay he is " now happy. Our love to learning began our ac- « Ep. 1569. p. 708. See alfo Ep. 1576. p. 710. «• P. 284. * L.5. ep. 9. p. 278. quaintance, SH T H E L I F E Book VÎ, •' quaintance, which I kept up in hopes of being ufe- " hil to him. Accordingly I faw him often, and he *' alfo vifited me, and wrote to me frequently." He concludes with afTuring the Cardinal, that he would en- quire of his widow about his work relating to Sweden. Grotius's feveral attempts to reftore the peace of Chriftendom made him be looked upon as a good man by pacific people ; but they occafioned him much uneafinefs from thofe, who, being obllinately at- tached to the opinions of the firft Reformers, re- garded all that kept any meafures with the Romifh Church as Apcilates. Fie laid his account with contradidions. Feb. 23, 1641, he writes to Ifrael Cafld^, "Thofe who had the fam.e defign that I have were generally evil-treated by both parties, and met with the fate of fuch as would leparate combatants : but the God of peace v*^iil judge them Vv^ith juftice. They have alio on their fide pious and learned men, whofe merit outweighs the num.- ber of the others. 1 believe, fays he to his bro- ther s, rny Remarks on CafTander will pleafe few, becaufe there are not many fldlled in the Scriptures and Antiquity : mod people are bigotted to their opinions. I except againil Rich Judges ; I regard them not -, nor have I any defire to know what they fay. I have granted nothing to the Roman Catholics, but what antiquity gives them." The zealous Clergy, not content with writing againft him themfejves, every where ftirred him up enemies : he fpeaks in his letters ^ of one Seyffe6tus of Ulm, who, jnftigated by Rivetus and others of that party, wrote againfl him. Several learned men, who had the higheft efteem and the moft perfe6l friendfhip for Grotius, conceived a violent hatred to him on feeing him lean tov/ards the Catholics. He had been extremely intimate with <■ Ep. 1478. p. 668. 8 Ep. 575. p. 925. *■ Ep. 637. p. 948. Salmafius : Book VI. O F G R O T I U S. 315 Salmafius : he had received letters from him filled with the moll expreffive teftimonies of friendlhip ' ; and Grotius had informed him of the happy change of his fortune, becaufe he looked upon him as one of his bell friends : they had long kept up a learned cor- refpondence by letters, in which we find a reciprocal efteem and the greateft politenefs -, but when Grotius fet up for a Mediator, Salmafius publicly declared, that he difapproved of the way of reconciliation pro- pofed by Grotius ^ -, and from that time his friend- ihip changed into bitter enmity. Sarrau, Counfellor in the parliament of Rouen, who had been one of Grotius's bed friends, as we may fee by the letters that parted between them, withdrew his friendlhip when he thought him in the interefl of the Romifh Church. May 31, 1641, he writes*, " What is reported for certain, that Grotius is gone " over to the Popifh party, is not true : but with " great concern we fee him every day employed in " fomething very like it : he will not fufFer us to " rank him in any clafs of Proteftants whatever, be- *' caufe he has ufed them all too ill in his Treatifcs " on Antichrift and the Confultation of Caflander.'* Sarrau alfo writes to Salmafius *", that it was pub- I'cly faid thefe projedls of reconciliation had fet the High Chancellor and feveral other Lords againft Grotius. He flattered himfelf, however", that Sarrau approved of his projeft : for he writes to his brother, William Grotius, " Among fome others of the Re- " formed. Sarrau, who was a Counfellor in the par- " liament of Rouen, and is at prefent in that of Paris, '* praifes my defi.gn." But it is probable that Grotius took compliments for realities. It is certain that Grotius's fchemes difpleafed Sarrau, and that there was a coldnefs between them, for the latter writes thus to Salmafius, Feb. 10, 1644°, " I am not recon* « Ep. 260. p. 88. Ep. 265. p. 99. & 368. p. 134. ^ Ep. 525. p. 908. lEp. 42.p. 41. "" Ep. 83. p. 84. * Ep. 579. p. 930. ° Ep. III. p. no. " ciled 3i6 THE LIFE Book VF. " died to the Swedifh Ambaffador : if I had an " inclination to it I believe it might eafily be done. '' The alteration in our friendfhip does not proceed " from my fault, but folely from his plan of pacifi- " cation, which I do not approve. I efteem him *' highly, on account of the great fervices he has " done to learning ; and fhall even never ceafe to " love him: but, tar from commending or approving " his late pieces, I am greatly diffatisfied with them : " however, I would not have the many excellent *' things he has done flighted on that account. Every " one acknowledges you to be the firfl man in the. " republic of letters ; but it cannot be denied that " he holds the fécond rank. You have no fuperior, *' nor even any equal j fufFer him to be after you the " firft." The celebrated Schurman, whofe extenfive know- ledge had at that time gained her a very high reputa- tion, fignifies to Rivetus, Jan. 20, 1643 p, the ge- neral difcontent of the greater number of the Re- formed againfc Grotius. " Hitherto, fays fhe, every *' one had a high idea of Grotius's genius and " erudition. But fince he departed from found rea- " fon, changed the obje6t of his ftudies, and in- " fulted by grofs inveiflives the whole body of Pro- *' teftants, and the principal authors of the reforma- " tion, every one feeks for Grotius in Grotius. No- *' thing can be more ridiculous or foolifh than to fee *' a man, who neither agrees with others, nor with " himfelf, as you have well fhewn, undertake, with- " out our defire or confent, to reconcile us with " the Roman Catholics, and pofitively decide that " we may, and that we ought to come into his " viev/s." Ruarus 1 had predifted to Grotius himfelf, that he would reap no other fruit of his labours, than the ha- tred of both parties : but he was at the fame time p Ep. p. 203. ^ Cent. 2. p. 448. perfuaded Book VI. O F G R O T I U S. 317 perfuaded that no worldly intereft entered into Gro- tius's views, more honeftin thisrefped: than the zealous proteftant clergy, who were ready to adopt the moft grofs and groundlefs calumnies, provided they were levelled againft Grotius. So much contradidlion chagrined him greatly, and altered his temper ' : by feeking to eftabliih peace among men, he loft the tranquility of his own mind, which he had preferved in his deepeft ad- verfity. It is faid he became fufpicious, and peevilh, and loft that politenefs towards his friends, which had fo advantageoufly diftinguifhed him from other men of learning. It is even reported (but by one of his enemies, indeed) that one day he abufed M. du Puis in his [Grotius's] own houfe, and turned him out of doors, for prefuming to contradict him ^ Yet it is evident from his letters, that he was moft intimate with the two illuftrious brothers, MelT. du Puis, and was under high obligations to them. " You- have *' always been my beft friends (he writes to them, *' Nov. 19, 1633*) and almoft my only ones fince •" Rigaut went to Metz, Salmafius to Leyden, and " Tilenus died." A letter to his brother", Nov. i, 1641, clearly (hews the change of his temper. Blondius having ufed ReigerftDcrg, Grotius's friend and relation, very ill, he writes to his brother William : " If Blon- *' dius ftiould fpeak to you, tell him I have a fon " here, who will fend him a challenge, for affronting *' the Senator Reigerft)erg." This menace, which feemed to be an approbation of duelling, much fur- prifed William Grotius, who had read in the Rights oflVar andPeace"^^ that this doilrine was clearly con- demned by the gofpel. Grotius proves in another part of the fame book, " That honour being nothing but * See a letter from Henry Villeneuve, p. 545. after the treatife Of the truth of the Chrifian religion, by M. Le Clerc. * Ofiander. Vind. Grot. p. 464. « Ep- 333- P- ' 19- " Ep. 572. p. 928. **' L. 2. c. I. " the 3î8 THE LIFE Book VI. " the opinion we have of our diftinguifhing qualities, ** he who bears with a flight injury, thereby difcovers *" a patience above the common ; and thus, inltead " ot lefTening his honour, adds to it ; and that if " fome people, from a wrong judgment, beftow im- *' proper epithets on this virtue and turn it into ridi- *' cule ; thefe wrong judgments change not the nature " of the thing, nor lefl^en its real value. This has not " only been acknowledged by the firfl Chriftians, " but by the ancient Philofophers, who, as we have " elfewhere fliewn, afcribed an impatient refenfment " of infuks to meannefs of foul. Should any one " even publilh things capable of hurting us with " good men, that will not authorife us to kill him. " If there are authors vv^ho maintain the contrary, it is *' an erroneous opinion which clafheth even with the " principles of natural law : for killing the perfon " who attacks our reputation is a bad way of defend- " ing it." Thus Grotius thought in his beft days. We have enlarged on this head, to fhew into v/hat contradi6lion, and excefs of weaknefs, great men may fall. William Grotius was no doubt aftoniflied at his brother's vivacity, and probably gave him fome check for it -, for Grotius afterwards writes to him, " What I wrote to you, relating to my fon and Blon- " dius, I did it not becaufe I approved of fuch things, " but becaufe that or fomething worfe might " happen." XXV. The hatred, which his projefts of ^reconci- liation drew upon him, contributed to the revival of the invidious accufation of Socinianifm, which had been formerly laid againft him : they founded it on his filence concerning the Trinity in his treatife Of the truth of the Chrifïïan religion^ on his praifes of Crellius, his connexion with the Socinians, and, in fine, on his fetting afidc, or weakening feveral paf- fages v/hich eftablii>ied Chrift's divinity, particularly that in which it is faid, that Chrift was before Abra- ham -, Grotius explaining it with the Socinians oi Chrift's exiftence in the eternal decrees of God. It Book VI. O F G R O T I U S. 319 It was not only his declared enemies, fuch as Def- marets, Ofiander, and many others, that wanted to make him pafs for a Socinian : fome celebrated Ro- man Catholics, among whom we may number M. Boflliet, maintained that he was a favourer of Soci- nianifm. It is true he did not always exprefs himfelf with the greateft exaâinefs, and fometimes enlarged more on the necefllty of good works, than on that of regulat- ing our faith according to the decifions of the Church '': but befides that his expreffions are fufceptible of a fa- vourable fenfe, it is evident that there are feveral tenets, the belief of which he thought neceffary for falvation : this manifeflly appears from the detail he enters into concerning thefe doélrines in his later works. If even fome miftakes have efcaped him, of which the Socinians might take advantage, thefe will not authorife us to accufe him of being a favourer of that herefy. We know that never any carried a love to truth, or an abhorrence of falfehood, farther than he did : now he always exprelTed the greatefl averfion to Socinianifm : he writes to Gerard Voflius y, in 161 3, that there was no body of any authority in the republic, who held not Socinianifm in abhorrence. He wrote againtl Socinus the book entitled A defence of the Ca- tholic faith concerning Chrifï's fatisfa^ion againfi Faujlus Socinus of Siena, in which he proves that there is no- thing contrary to juftice in Chrift's fuffering, though innocent, for offenders j that even the Pagans believed that God punifhed the crimes of the fathers on the fons ; and that, in the early ages of the world, the in- nocent children were often punifhed with the guilty fathers. In fine, he (hews that the opinion of Socinus is repugnant to Scripture, which tells us that Chrift's death has reconciled us to God, according to the ex- * Theological works. y Ep. 20. p. 7. preiTions 520 T H E L I F E Book VL preffions of St. Paul, that he died for us, and that by his death our fins are expiated. He was very orthodox on the article of original fin ; for, he fays, the only true opinion on this mat- ter is that of the ancient Church, which is well fet forth by the Council of Trent. The Socinians were far from thinking Grotius fo favourable to them : Ruarus writes to one of his friends, " You have reafon to think, that hitherto " no body has written fo learnedly againft Socinus, " as Grotius : he was always much attached to the " dodtrine of Chrifl's divinity, even in his earlier " years." Grotius wrote toWalseus ^, in i6i i, " I do " not look upon the Samofatenians, and others like " them, as Chriftians, nor even as heretics ; for their " dodrine is repugnant to the belief of all ages, and *' all nations. They retain Chriflianity in name, *' but deilroy it in fad:. I therefore make no great *' difference between them and the Mahometans, " who even do not revile Chrift." M. Boffuet, tho* far from being prejudiced in favour of Grotius, allows however that he did not deny the divinity of Chriil, nor the efficacy of his facrifice. In feveral of his letters he clears himfelf from the charge of Socinianifm in fuch a manner as leaves us no room to doubt his regarding it as a very dangerous herefy. " I give myfelf little trouble, he writes to " his brother \ June 4, 1639, about the calumnies " fpread againft me by the worft of men, in relation " to Socinianifm. They may be eafily confuted be- " fore equitable judges by the writings which I have " already publifhed, and by thofe I fhall yet publifh. " I have defended the fentiments of the ancient " Church concerning the Trinity, Chrifl's fatisfadion, *' and future punifhments, by Scripture and the con- " fent of antiquity ; and have confuted the contrary ' Ep. 14. p. 5. See alfo Oper, Theol. t, 3. p. gg. * Ep. 556. p. 883. . " Opinions. Book VI. O F G R O T I Ù S. sïf " opiaions. Calvin might more juftly be ^ accufed " of Arianifm, than I of Socinianifm." Sorbiere, who had been his Secretary, difcovering a great pro- penfity to fome opinions of Socinus, Grotius earneftly admonifhed him *= to abftain from fuch dangerous in- novation. One of the principal grounds on which they went,' was, as we have already feen, his filence concern- ing the Trinity, in his book Of the truth of the Chriftiaft religion ; but he has juftifled his method in fuch à manner, that this objeftion cannot be fuftained by art équitable judge : he feems to have forefeen it ; for. Writing to his brother from his prifon at Louveftein> whilft he was compofing this treatife in Dutch verfe, " My intention, he fays, is not to explain the doc- " trines of Chriflianity, but to make the profane, '* the Pagans, Jev/s, and Mahometans acknowledge " the truth of the Chriftian religion, and afterwardà " have recOurfe to our facred books to be informed " of its tenets. The Trinity, and Chrift's divinity *' could not be introduced into my arguments ; for *' thefe dodirines will never bring over unbelievers to» *' the Chriftian faith, and thofe who attempt to de- " monftrate them by other arguments than fuch as are *' drawn from fcripture^ abfolutely lofe their labour : *' but the authority of the fcriptures being once efta- *' blifncd, thefe doftrines ought to be held proved.'* He omitted therefore all mention of thefe points, not becaufe he difbeiieved them, but bécaufe he judged it tnore proper to prove firft the divinity of the facred books, and the miffion of ChriPc : and, as we have already oblerved, the fame method has been followed by the moft fuccefsful writers on the Truth of Chrif- tianitv. ITe has been m^uch reproached vvith his letter td Crellius. Grotius had written againft, Socinus, and Grellius, to vindicate his mailer, aiifwered Grotiuâ ^ Ep. 50Z. p. 884. '^ Ep. 1564. p. 708. 322 T H E L I F E Book VI. with a politenefs and good-breeding feldom found in a polemical divine. Grotius thought it his duty to reply to him, and the meafures he kept with this ad- verfary were looked on by his enemies as a betraying of the truth. Here follows the letter, which has been fo much talked of. " I was fo far from being offended, moft learned Crellius, with your book againft mine, that I inwardly thanked you at that time, and now do it by this letter, firft, for treating me with fo much civility, that the only thing I have left to complain of is your complimenting me in fome places too much : next for informing me of many very ufeful and entertaining things, and exciting me by your example, to examine thoroughly into the fenfe of the facred fcriptures : you judge very rightly of me, that I bear no ill-will to any one who differs from me, without prejudice to religion ; nor decline the friendfhip of any good man. I have found in your book of the True Religion, which I have already gone through, and Ihall read again, many judicious remarks : and I congratulate the prefent age, that there are men in it who make religion confift, not fo much in fubtle controverfies as in amendment of life and a continual progrefs in holinefs. God grant that my writings may pro- duce thefe fentiments in the minds of my readers : I fhould then think my life not fpent in vain. The treatife on the truth of the Chriilian religion I wrote more for my own fatisfa6tion, than for the inftruâion of others. I don't fee how it can be ufeful, after fo many other works on the fame fub- jeft, but by its brevity. If there be any thing in it that pleafes you, or fuch as you, it is a happinefs beyond my expedation. My great aim, in the Rights of IVar and Peace, was to fupprefs, as much as v/as in my power, that favage barbarity unworthy not only of a Chriflian, but of a man, which, to the misfortune of nations, is now too common, of beginning and carrying on wars by caprice. I *' hear ÊookVI. of grot lus. 325 " hear with pleafure that this work has got into " the hands of Princes : God grant they may retain " what is good in it ; for that would be the moft " agreeable fruit I could reap from my labour. If " ever any occafion Ihould offer of ferving you, or " your friends, be allured that I Ihall be ready to " give you proofs of my high efteem. Smce I can " do no more, I fincerely pray that God would pro- " teftyou, and thofe who promote religion." There is another letter from Grotius to Crellius, which has made much noife. After thanking him for a book he had fent him, he adds, " I am refolved " to read your works again and again with care, " having already reaped much benefit from them. " I have always loved peace, and love it ftiil ; and " am grieved to fee fo much enmity between thofe, " who call thernfelves Chriftians, for fuch trifling " matters'^." Crellius having fhewn thefe letters to feveral, the Socinians and Grotius's enemies fpread a report', that he favoured Socinianifm : even extrafts of thefe let- ters were printed. He protefted againft the abufe made of them, and maintained*"^ that if people v»^ould candidly read his works, they would eafiiy be con- vinced of the injuilice of ranking him with Soci- nians. It is certain, that, notwithftanding the terms Vv'hich he makes ufe of in writing to Crellius, he did not at bottom approve of his book : he writes thus in con- fidence to his brother*", " I have read Crellius's book: " he v/rites with candour, and doth not want learn- " ing i but I cannot lee how he will promote re-, " ligion by departing from the Scripture manner of *' fpeaking authorifed by antiquity." *' If I have not anfwered Crellius, he fays in another ** letter §, it was for prudential reafons, and even by ^ Thefe expreflîons afterwards gave cccafion to the accusations of Socinianifm brought againft Grotius. *Ep. 440. p. 880, ^ Ep- '35- P- 794- 2 Ep- 880. p. 387. Y 2 " the 324 T H E L I F E Book VI. *' the advice of the Proteftants of France, who think " that the queilions being unknown in this country, *' ought not to be made pubUc by a confutation. It •' is eafy to refute them with glory, though every one •' is not capable of it : but it is ftill better that they " fhould remain unknown." He fpeaks, in the fame letter, of Socinus as a man very little verfed in the fentiments of antiquity, and whofe errors he had confuted in many of his works. " Muft I alfo ex- *' cufe myfelt, he aflcs, for not fhutting my door " againfb Martinus Ruarus, v^ho defired to fee me } " The time was not lofl: that I fpent in convening *' with him, nor am I forry for his vifit. I acquaint- ** ed him with my rcafons for enquiring into the opi- " nions of the ancient Churches, and for follov/- " ing them : I fliewed him that the doftrine of fa- " tisfaftion was no ways contrary to realbn, even in " the judgm.ent of the Jews, and brouglit him fome " fignal proofs of it. I did not conceal what vio- *' lence it was to the Scripture, and of how danger- *' ous confequence, to deny the eternity of hell tor- " ments -, and I flatter myfelf I advanced more v/ith " him, than tliofe would have done who abound in *' reproaches -, ncr do I fee why I fliould abftain from " writing to him, when I find the pillars of the *' Greek Church correfponding by letters even with " Pagans. For my part, I am refolved and accuf- " tom.ed to preferve friendfliip tor all men, particu- " larly Chriftians, although erring ; and I Ihall ne- " ver blufh at it." He advances almoft the fame reafons to clear him- felf from the charge of Socinianifm, in a long letter to Gerard Voffius *••, of which we Ihall make no cx- traft to avoid repetitions. In fine, thole who knew Grotius befb have defended him on this head. The celebrated Jerom Bignon, Àvho lived in much intimacy with him, could not bear to Ï Ep. 1096, p. 492. hear Book VI. OF GROTIUS. 325 ^ hear him accufed of Socinianifm : he faid he knew him perfeétly, and lb far from being a Socinian, he had fometimes feen him almoft in a difpofition to turn Roman Catholic. His intimate connexion with Father Petau, whofe zeal for the orthodox faiih was equal to his profound learning, is a clear evidence that the Jefuit did not think him a Socinian. No man was moreexpofed than Grotius to groundlefs ac- cufations. An anonymous piece was written againft him, accufmg him of being a Semi-Pelagian : he did not think proper to publilh a defence -, but he men- tions this accufation in a letter to his brother^ of the 29th of May, 1 61 8. "In my trcatife De oTdinum " IlGllanàice pietate^ I have mentioned Semi-Pela- " gianifm as a very grievous error. The fenti- " ments of the Remonflrants are very different from " Semi-Pelagianifm, for the Priefts of Marfeilles, " who were called Semi-Pelagians, or the remains " of the Pelagians, in fpeaking ol" the neceflity of " grace, denied that grace preceded good motions " in the foul, at leaft in fome men : the Remon- *' Itrants, on the contrary," maintain, that all that is ■' fpiritually good in us, even the beginning of it, " fiovv^s from antecedent grace. Conlult the Synod " of Orange, by v/hich the Priefts of Marfeilles were " confuted. But thofe that believe predeftination is *' a confequence of prefcience, or that grace is given " to all men, or in fine that it may be refifted, are " certainly not Semi-Pelagians." They carried their calumnies fo far, as even to accufe him of Judaifm. We read in the Patiniana^ that M. Bignon, Advocate-General, affirmed that Grotius had acknowledged, if hç would change his religion, he vv'ould turn Jew. John Mallet, in his bock Of Atheifm ^ has not only advanced that Grotius judaifed in his Commentaty on the Prophets, but that ^ Menag. t. 2. p. 2q8. ' Ep. ig. p. 760. ^ Patiniana, p. 18, ' \'ind. Grot; p. 557. Y3 . if 526 THE LIFE Book VI, if he had lived much longer he would have become â Turk. Even the immortality of the foul,faid others, he did not believe ™ : this ridiculous tale is grounded on thefe words of the Chevreana " : " Charles Lev/is, " Eleélor Palatine, formerly told me, that having *' aficed the celebrated Grotius, whether the immor- " taiityof the foul could be demonftrated, he an- " fv/ered. Not v/ell, my Lord -, not well." It is univerfally known that thefe books in Ana arc of little authority. We muft be informed of all the circumftances of this pretended converfation before we can determine Grotius's micaning : one thing is certain, that he has proved the im^mortality of the foul by arguments drawn from reafon in his treatife On the 'Truth of the Chrifiian Religicn °. XXV. If Grotius's m.erit ftirred up envy, and if his projefts of reconciliation procured him hatred, the more irreconcilable as it was founded on a reli- gious pretext, he had alfo a great number of friends andjudizious perfons for him, who did juftice to his virtue and his talents. We fliall not enter into a de- tail of all the teftimonies in his favour, they would fill a large volume : we fhall confine ourfelves to the Elogiums of thofe whofe fuffrages defcrve moft atten- tion. We have already feen, that even when a boy he was highly extolled by the greateft m^en of his age. Ifaac Pontanus, Meurfius, James Gillot, Barlseus, John Doufa, M. de Thou, the great Scaliger, Cafau- bon, Vofiius, Lipfius, Baudius, celebrated his child- hood. Ele juftificd the great hopes that were fo early- conceived of him, and the praifcs he received were an additional motive to merit the public eileem. Baudius compared him to Scaliger p, who, he faid, was his favourite author. This he wrote on the third of March, 1606, when Grotius was yet much under "> Animad. Phil. & Kift. Crenii, part. 10. p. 113. " T. i. p. 16s. ^ L. I. S. 23. p 14-. 22. p. 181. age. Book VI. O F G R O T I U S.. 327 age. In a fcazon, written in his praife, he calls him 'i a great, an admirable, and an original man. " If any, lays he in a letter dated Odtober 8, 1607% can form a juft notion of Grotius's merit, which ex- ceeds all that can be faid of it, I am one -, and I think him equal to any office. Ignorant people, who judge of virtue by years and a long beard, may objed; to him his youth; but in my opinion that makes for him, fince in his earlieft youth he pofTefles the prudence and ripenefs of underftand- ing of the moft aged," The celebrated Peyrefc having made a journey into Holland in 1606, would not leave the Hague * till he had made acquaintance with Grotius, already famous for univerfal learning. " Though he was " but very young, fays Gaffendi*, when Peyrefc " heard of his arrival at Paris, he faid, that France, *' by gaining Grotius, had a fufficient reparation for " the lofs of Scaliger ; and that if fome others had " been the ornament af the age, he was the wonder " of it -, and it is with reafon (adds M. Mefnage, af- " ter relating this ftory of Peyrefc) that we ftill con- " fider Grotius as a prodigy of learning, fmce he has " made a greater proficiency in moft of the fciences, " than many of thofe who have wholly applied to one " of them in particular." In the funeral Elogium of Peyrefc, delivered at Rome December 2, 1637, mention is made of the learned men with whom he was connefted. James Bucard, who fpoke it, diftinguiflieth Salmafius and Grotius from the reft, ftyling them the Princes of literature and of the fine arts. We cannot conceive a higher idea of Grotius than the celebrated Gerard VofTius entertained, as appears from the beautiful poem written by him in honour of his friend : we 1 Vir magne, vir mirande, vir fine exemplo Ep- loo. p. 474. * Ep. 68. Cent. 2. ' Life, B. 2. p. 93, ' Life, B. 3. p. 182. Anti Balllet. c. 3. y 4 would 228 THE LIFE Book VL would give it at length if it were not too long, but WG cannot omit the lall ftanza : Felici omine diole magyie^ quid te Sol majus videt ? ô decus tuonim, Delfi gloria^ Patrii Deique amor es ^ Splendor include, Belgices ccelle^ Orbis delicium^ Deique amores ! He never mentions Grotius without admiration. 'f ' He is, fays he % one of the greateft ornaments of ^^ our times, or rather the miracle, the eternal ho- " nour, of Holland, and of his age." He wrote to Meuriius ^ " If we would do him juftice, there is " none we can place above him, nor even any we *' can compare with him." Utengobard, who had been his mafier, faid, that to fpeak after Grotius, was to expofe one's felf to be laughed at, Balzac has employed his moft eloquent phrafes to exprefs his thoughts of Grotius : he writes to Mef- nage, " Is it true, what ypu tell me, of the Swedifh ^' Ambafiador, and fhall I be fo happy to fliare in " his efteem ? I tell it you as folemnly as if I were by " the altar on which we fwore to be friends, that my " ambition was dead, but you have revived it, and ^' my tranfports would be as great as yours, if my ^' blood were as fine and fparkling : who would not ^' glory in the efteem pf one whofe birth our age *' ought to be proud of .^ he is a modern whom the *' Prefident Jeannin fets in opppfition to the greateft " of the ancients," In another letter v/ri,tten to Cha- pelain", he fays: " Whatever Comes from Grotius " is a high recommendation of him to me ; and be- ^' fides the fplidity of his learning, the ftrength of ^\ his reafoning, and the graces of his language, I ' Popo Blanet, p. 746. * Ep. 277. " 2 Lettre du xxi. ^|vre, p. 831. ^ çbfervç. BoQîc VI. © F G R O T I U S. 229 " obferve in it an air of probity, that one may put *' entire confidence in him, excepting in what regards '' pur Church, to which he is unhappily a flranger. Colomiez, \i\]\\% Bibliotheq^ue choifie"^ ^ has collefted fome of" the Elogiums which had been then made of Grotius : '* The Prefident Jeannin, fays he, accord- ing to the relation of Balzac, oppofes Grotius to the greateft men of antiquity. Salmafius, in his notes on Solinus, flyles him Virum excellentijfimx do^ïrin^e in omni genere litterarum ; Selden, in his Mare dauftim^ virum aciiminis ct omnigencs do^rin^ ■pr^ftantia incomparahilem ; Gerard VolTius, in his Latin Poems, Seculi noflri grande crnamcntum-, Pric^eus, on the xivth of St. Matthew, Virum in- gentem^ quern non fine horrore mirait fiimus : In fine, J^l. Blondel, who was not lavifh of his praife, fays of him in his Si/yls, that he was a very great man, whether we confider the fublimity of his genius, the univerfality of his learning, or the diverfity of his writings ; m fine, fays Colomiez % he appears a great critic in his Martianus Capella, his Aratus^ and his Stobaus \ in his Notes en Lucan and Tacitus 2l great hiftorian, a great flatefman, a great divine ^ but however excellent thefe different works may- be, we mufl hov/ever acknowledge that Grotius's Letters and Poems much furpafs them -, and that if he appeared great in thofe, in thefe he is incom- parable. But what aftonifhcs me is, that he fhould have written fo many letters, and made lb many verfes, and all fhould be of equal ftrength, that is, that all fhould partake of the powerful and divine genius which animated that great man." Epifcopius, who was regarded as an oracle by his party, looked on Grotius as his oracle. " Your ^' opinion, he v/rites to him^, fhall be to me the de- ^' cifion of an oracle ; for I know your love to truth "^ Biialiotheque choifie, p. 461. •* P, 487, Prief. v^r. p. 23. y Ep. 13. " an4 5^0 T H E L I F E Book VÎ. •* and friendlliip for me to be fuch, that in giving *' it you regard only truth." Chriftian Habfoeker and Philip Limborch fpeak of him with raptures in the Preface to the Letters of illuf- trious men : " At the name of the incomparable Gro- " tius, who is above all praife, and even all envy, we *' are in a fort of tranfport. How Iliall we fufficient- " ly praife the virtues of that moft illuftrious hero, " whom all true fchobrs reo;ard as the moft learned '* of the Learned : we fhall only relate the prophecy " concerning him in 1614 by Daniel Heinfius in *' fome verfes which ought to be put under his pic- " ture." Thofe lines are in faft the mofl complete Elogium that can be made of a man. Depofitum Cceli^ quod jure Batavia mater Horrety et baud credit fe peperifj'ejibi ; 'falem oculis, talem ore tulit fe maximus Hugo : Injiar crede bominiSy cetera crede Dei. Heinfius and Grotius had been moft intimate in, their youth : the divifions which happened in the Re- public deftroyed this clofe union : Heinfius joined the Contra-Remonftrants, and was Secretary to the CommilTioners of the Synod of Dort. Grotius had reafon to complain of him on feveral occafions : ne- verthelefs, talking with Cardinal Richelieu about him, Grotius greatly commended his genius and learn- ing. He gives an account of this converfation to his brother ^ adding, " In this manner I am wont to re- " venge myfelf on thofe who hate me." Cardinal Richelieu, though not prejudiced in favour of Grotius, ranked him however among the three firft fcholars of the age: the other two were Claudius Salmafius, and Jerom Bignon. This famous Advocate-General faid of Grotius ^, that he was the moft learned man who had appeared in the world fince Ariftotle. * Du Maurier, p. 393. Foreigners ^ookVI. of GROTIUS. 331 Foreigners who loved the fciences would not leave France without feeing Grotius. John Chriftenius, who was at Paris in 1629, had more fatisfadion in feeing him, than in the whole kingdom befide : he writes thus to JohnKirkman, June 20, 1629. " The " pleafure I have had, received confiderable addition " not only from having feen, but alfo often converfed *' with that great and eloquent man who has no fel- " low, I mean Hugo Grotius ; for whom I have the *' higheft efteem, and have been for many years of " the fame opinion with all who know'that he pof- *' fefTes fmgly what would be fufficient to entitle " many to great praife. He is mailer of all that is " worth knowing in facred and profane literature. *' Befides the Eaftern languages, there is no art nor '' fcience with which he is not perfedly acquainted : ^' this appears from his agreeable converfation : afk " him about any thing, he immediately gives you an " exafl anfwer, and in fuch a manner as to excite " the admiration of thofe who hear him. After " talking about the fciences, if you enquire of him ** what pafTes in this part of the world, or the other, " you will imagine you heard the anfwer of an oracle " who delivers what is moft worthy to be known. " His virtue is above all I can fay of it, and I " want eloquence fufficiently to extol fo great a *" man." Sarrau^, who had been prejudiced againfl Grotius fmce his leaving the Proteftants, ventures not how- ever to decide whether Salmafius or Grotius excelled in literature -, and he hefitates to make the determina- tion, even in a letter written to Salmafius, wherein he appears much diffatisfied with Grotius. " Whe- " ther the firft place in literature in this age be due to " you or to him, pofterity will judge more equitably *' than this generation." &^ Ep. Sar. p. 145, On 532 THE LIFE Book VI. On hearing of Grotius's death, he writes to Sal- mafius in thefe terms ^ : " Hugo Grotius was cer- ** tainly a great man in name and in fad: : he was " the ftar of our age. How great a Jofs has learning '^ fuftained ! Whiift books and fciences are held in *' honour his name will flourifh. For my part, '^ whiift I live I ihall glory in my intimacy with him.. " You now reign fingly (he concludes, addrefllng ^' himfelf to Salmafius) I pray God you may reign " long." He calls him elfewhere*= the Coryphaeus of learning facred and prophane. Queen Chriftina, hearing of his death, wrote to his widow to make her compliments of condolence, and to get the manufcripts he left. "My AmbafTador, " fhe fays, may have acquainted you in part with my " high eftecm for his admirable learning and the good " fervices he did me : but he could not exprefs how *' dear I hold his memory, and the cffedls of his ^' great labours. If gold and filver could contribute " any thing to the redeeming fuch a valuable life, I " would chearfully employ all I am miftrefs of for *' that purpofe." She concludes with afking his widow to procure her all the manufcripts of this learn- ed man, whofe works had always given her great pleafure : alluring her that they could not fall into better hands, and that the author having been of ufe to her in his life-time, it was juft that Ihe Ihould not be deprived after his death of the fruits of his ii- iuftrious labours. Duncomius wrote to Gerard Voflius, February 2, 1646'^, " It is certain and beyond difpute that Gro-r " tius was a very illuftrious hero, îifque adjluporem *' ferè et miraadum -, that he joined fcience with wif- *' dom ; that he was above all praife ; and that he '* was deeply fl<.illed in divine and human learning.'* Meric Cafaubon, fon of Ifaac, had no lefs efteem for Grotius than his illuftrious father had had before ''Ep. Sar. izS.p, 143. « Ep. 21. p. 24. «• Ep.Voffi, 728. p. 3$, him. Book VI. OF G R O 1" I IJ S. 33^ him. In his preface to Hierocles's book Of providence anddefiiny^ " Hugo Grotius, he lays, was a great, an " incomparable man : in him was ïtçn what is very " rare, a peaceable fpirit, with much judgment, and *' infinite erudition." Auguftus Buchner ^ calls Gro- tius the greateft ornament of his time, the oracle of human wildom, and the wonder of the age. Lewis du Moulin comparing Grotius with Salma- fius ^, allows Grotius much more judgment, but gives to Salmafius a greater extent of knov/ledge. In an- other place s, where he cenfures Grotius for the part he had aâed with regard to religion, he beflows on him, after all, in other refpeâ:s the highefl praifes. " Neither the prefent nor the lad age, he fays, hath " produced a man fuperior to Grotius in judgment '* and erudition. He was great in everything: a *' a very great Divine, Lawyer, Orator, Poet, Phi- *' lolbphcr ; his genius, far l^rom being confined *' v/ithin the limits of the bar, was fcarce bounded " by thofe of nature." Guy Patin writes \ February 24, 1662, " They " have finifhed in Holland, in nine volumes in folio, *' an edition of all the works of Grotius, whom I for- " merly knev/ : he was the fineft genius of his time ; *' a m.an of furprifing knov/ledge, and perfedt ma- •' Her of polite and ufeful learning." " He and Sal- .*' malfius were the greateft fcholars of their time," he writes in another letter \ And in another place, " Peter Grotius, fays he ^^ was fon of the firft man "■ of his age." " I would not mention the moft learned and g-reatefl *' man ot this country, fays Wicquefort ', were I *' not forced to it by the remarks publilhed at Bruf- '* fels on what I have faid of him in my Memoirs : " it will be readily conceived that I mean Hugo de ' Vind. Grot. p. ^46. ^ Crenii Anim. phil. et hift. Part 5. p. 95. 5 In jugulo caufa, c ç.Crenius, Anim. phil. Part 5. p. 85. ^ Lett. 265. ^ Içtt. 545. ^ Lett. 538. f Ainb, J. I, p. 95. tt Groot, S34 THE LIFE Book VI. *' Greet. I admire, with the reft of the world, the " genius, the probity, and the works of this great " man -, and befides this there are particular confidera- " tions, which infpire me with a veneration for his " memory." Morhof calls him the phœnix of his age ■" : Hof- man gives him the fame commendation. " He is the greateft of men, fays Meibomius ", " the light and fupport of letters ; on whom we can " beftow no praife but what will fall fhort of his *' virtue and erudition. His uncommon penetration " makes us compare him to an eagle in the clouds," fays Oldenburg. In 1727 was printed at Hall in Saxony, under the falfe name of Delft, a book entitled Hugonis Grotii Belgarum Phcenicis manes ah iniquis obtre^ationibus vin- dicati. The author, who was faid to be M. Leh- man °, /peaks of Grotius as the greateft man Holland ever produced, and fit to be compared with the moft illuftrious of other Countries, and he flatters himfelf that the Dutch will in the iffue agree with all nations, that he was the greateft ornament of their country. He gives his thoughts of Grotius in the following lines. Hie ilk eft Grotius, majus quo do£lior orhis Nil hahuit ; credo, nil babiturus erit : Gallia quern Jlupuit, Jiupuit quern Suecia, verus ^i Phœbus Delphis, orbe pharufque fuit . Salmafius, who fo unmercifully fell foul of Gro- tius's memory, had formerly been one of his greateft. admirers. Grotius gave him the title of Moft Eminent, which Pope Urbin VIII. had a very little time before attributed to the Cardinals. Salmafius anfwers hnn P Auguft 8, 1630. " You not only offend the Car- ■" Polihift. 1. I.e. 24. n Pope Blount, p. 946. ' Sup- plement de Morcri. P Ep. 21. p. 45. " dinals, Book VI. O F G R O T I U S. 335 " dinals, but, more than moft eminent Grotius (fuper " eminentifftme) you offend me, by giving me a title " which you much better deferve yourfelf." Thefe two Princes of Literature, as they were ftyled, had at this time a great reciprocal efteem and friendihip for each other. We learn from Grotius's letters % that Salmafius, not withftanding the advan- tageous idea he entertained of his own knowledge, fometimes confulted him. He changed all of a fud- den : Grotius imagined ^ it was to make his court to thofe in power in Holland ; but Sarrau, who knew both, affures us * that Salmafius's coldnefs wholly proceeded from the change of Grotius's fentiments in religion. The news of Grotius's death was fcarce fpread over Europe, when Salmafius poured out all his venom in a letter written from Leyden, Nov. 20, 1645, to Sarrau ^ " You think Grotius, fays he, the firft among the " learned : for my part, I give that rank to Voffius. " I do not think it is neceffary to wait for thé judg- " ment of poilerity, to know whofe opinion is moft " juft : it will be fufficient to confult the learned in *' Italy, Germany, in this country, and even in " France : but till we have their fufFrages let us go " through all the fciences, and examine the extent " of Grotius's capacity. There is no one whom I *' would defire to refemble lefs in divinity : he is every " where a Socinian, both in his treatife On the 'itruth " of the Chrijîian Religion^ and his Commentary on the " Old andNewT^eJiament, As to Philofophy, he can " fcarce be compared with the moderately fkilled. " If we confider him with regard to the art of Dif- " putation, I have never feen a perfon reafon with " lefs force, as is evident from his pieces which Ri- *' vetus and Defmarets have anfwered. There are " feveral who may be ranked with him as to know- 9 Ep. 22g. p. 78, ' Ep. 697. p. 964. * Ep. Sarr. 165. Ep. 163. p. 168. t In Crenii Anim. Phil. & Hift. t, i. p. «3. " ledge ^^è t H E L I F É Book Vf. **- ledge of polite learning, and even a great number *' who excel him : not a few have had as much " Greek and Latin, and many of the learned have *' been more mailers of the Oriental Languages. " His Florum fparfiù in jus Jujtinianeum ihew his fl. 933. >^Ep. 641, p. 94g. was 348 T H E L I F E Book VI. was to be in nine volumes in folio. The firft was to contain his Annotations on the OldT'eft anient -, the fécond, the Commentary on the iSew ^ the third would have comprehended his fmaller theological pieces -, the fourth, the treatife De Jure Belli i^ Pacis^ the Apology^ and the work De Itnpcrio fummarum potefiattim circa Sacra ; the fifth, Law 1'ra5ls; the fixth, JVritings Hifiorical ; the feventh. Philological V/orks ; the eighth. Poetical 'Tranjlations^ the Anthologia^ Stoh^us^ and the Extracts from the Tragedies and Comedies -, and, lailly, the ninth, his Poems and Letters. It is probable, that this defign was defeated by Grotius's departure from Holland. It was not till long after, in 1679, that the handfome edition of Grotius's theological works was publifhed in three volumes in folio, dedicated to King Charles II. of England by Peter Grotius, Feb. 28, 1678. The bookfeller promifed, in an adver- tifement prefixed to it, to print all Grotius's other works, even thofe that had never been publifhed i but he did not fulfil his engagements. Grotius's enemies flill oppofmg his fon's advance- ment, he entered into the fervice of Charles Lewis, Eledor Palatine, to v/hom Hugo Grotius had done lingular fervice during his misfortunes. This Prince nominated him his Agent at the Hague. The ferment in mens minds having fubUded, and the face of affairs being changed in Holland, Peter Grotius was nominated Penfionary of Amflerdam in 1 660 ; which important place he filled for feven years with great reputation. This office was the height of Hugo's wifhes for his foR. The Count D'Eflrade, ât that time AmbafTador from France in Holland, was diffatisfied with the Penfionary of Amfterdam, who oppofed the intereft of the French King, in re- fentment of that Prince's having driven Mombas, Peter Grotius's brother-in-law, out of France. Feb. i, 1633, he writes to the King, " I have not been at ** Amfterdam, becaufe the Penfionary M. de Groot *' is brother-in-law to M. de Mombas, whom your " Majefty Book VI. O F G R O T I U S. 349 " Majefty ordered to quit the kingdom for fome " affair in which you were dilTatisfied with his con- " duel : fince that time M. de Groot has conftantly " oppofed your Majefty's interefl at Amfterdam. " He is a man of Ipirit and firmnefs ; and has much " credit in that city. I fhall negleft nothing to bring " him back to his former fentiments." The King anfwered him, May 23, 1633, that he had had reafon to be diffatisfied with Mombas's condu(5t ; that if any confideration could make him forget it, it would certainly be a regard for M. de Groot, whofe perfon, fays the King, I efteem : In fad, Lewis XIV, as he writes to his Ambaffador, Sept. 22, 1665, dropt his refentment againfb Mombas out of confideration for the Penfionary of Amfterdam. After the conclu- fion of the triple alliance, the neceffity of regulating the fubfidies with the northern powers induced the States of Holland to fend Grotius to Denmark and Sweden. He went firft to Copenhagen, and after- wards to Stockholm, where he aifumed the quality of Ambaffador in ordinary. The States ufed only to keep a Minifter of the fécond rank at this Court ; but it was thought proper, fays Wicquefort, to do fomething more than common for fuch an extraordi- nary perfon ; and he was ordered to make a fplendid entry at the expence of the States. The fourth volum.e of M. de Wit's Letters and Ne- gotiations concludes with the correfpondence of Peter Grotius with the Grand Penfionary during his em- baffy at Stockholm. The Dutch Minifter difcovers in it great knowledge of mankind. *' The more I re- " fleft, fays he to M. de Wit, Dec. 8, 1668, on the " regency of Sweden, the more clearly I difcover that *' the moft important affairs are not regulated agree- '* able to the public intereft, but according to that of *' the principal Minifters ; and the fureil aad eafieft " way to facceed, is to gain him who has the King's " ear rather than the King himfelf ; becaufe what is '* done for the good of the nation obliges no one in " particular ; 350 THE LIFE Book VI. *' particular, and procures glory, but no acknow- *' ledgments. When I paired through Denmark, I " perceived that more might be done by means of " M. G. with a hundred thoufand crowns, than can *' be done with the King with five times that llim." The negotiations ofPeterGrotius were in a promifing way at the death of WilHam Borell the Dutch Am- baffador at Paris. Grotius was nominated by the States of Holland to fucceed him, and at the fame time the town of Rotterdam chofe him for their Pen- fionary. M. de Wit was of opinion that Grotius ought to prefer the place of Penfionary : he wrote to his friend. May 14, 1669, " Meffieurs the Burgo- '* mafters and Counfellors of the town of Rotter- " dam have unanimoufly made choice of you to be " their Counfellor Penfionary. I believe your no- " mination to the French embalTy will be let afide, *' if the Gentlemen of Rotterdam apply for that pur- " pofe to their Noble and Great MightinefTes ; and I " imagine you will prefer this honourable eftabiifh- *' ment in a poft your father was undefervedly *' turned out of, to a gilded exile, for fuch an em- " bafTy may be ftyled. Other reafons will occur for *' your taking this llep, without its being neceffary " for me to mention them." Grotius was greatly embarraffed : he v/rites to M. de Wit, May 22, 1669, that his fituation would not fuffer him to give a pofitive anfwer ; that he had written to the Gentlemen of Rotterdam, acknow- ledging their great civility and goodnefs in thinking of him ; but that he had not declared himlelf with re- gard to the accepting of the place. Holland had occafion at this time for the ableft of her Minifters at the Court of Lewis XIV. and Peter Grotius could not refufe to ferve his Country in fuch critical circumilances. The point was to bring about a reconciliation between the United Provinces and the King, who refolved to declare war againft them, iniagining he had great reafon to compjajn of their behaviour. Book VI. O F G R O T I U S. ^^t behaviour. Grotius Vv^as the only Minifter who could lucceed in this negotiation, had a reconciliation been praticable, fays Wicquefort. The King, though highly incenfed againft Holland, Ihewed the greateil; refpeél to her Ambaffador. War being declared in 1672, Peter Grotius was again Tent to the King, to try if an accommodation could be accomplilhed : but the King had made too great preparations for war to conclude a peace fo foon. Grotius returned to the Hague to ferve the Repub- lic in quality of Deputy to the States-General -, but in a fhort time experienced a cruel reverfe of fortune. Being involved in the difgrace of the De Wits, he was ftript of his dignities, and threatened with affaf- fmation ; which determined him to leave Holland : he went to Antwerp, where an attempt v/as made on his life. He retired to Liege, and afterwards to Aix~la- Chapelle, and Coiogn. A general peace was at this time negotiating -, and Grotius having done fingular fervices to the Dutch Plenipotentiaries, he was permit- ted to return to Holland, after being two years ab- fent. He continued fome time undiilurbed in the country -, but W^icquefort, the Duke of Brunfwick's Minifter at the Hague, being taken into cuftody, among his papers were found feveral letters from Grotius, containing, it is faid, fome indifcreet things concerning ftate atfairs, and againft the Republic's Minifters, He was arrefted and profecuted. Of the fifteen judges appointed to try him, nine declared him innocent. This was in November, 1676. Ni- cholas Heinfius, who was not prejudiced in his fa- vour, writes to Grsevius on the 6th of December fol- lowing : " There was certainly imprudence and ma- " lice in what Grotius did -, but I leave others to " judge whether he was guilty of high treafon." It is improbable his judges would have fhewn him favour, had he been convitted of a capital crime : he was known to be hated by the Prince of Orange, whom 552 THE LIFE Book VI. whom the Dutch at that time fought very much to pleafe. Peter Grotius, thus efcaping out of the hands of his enemies, retired with his family to a country feat he had near Harlem, where he fpent the reft of his days in educating his children, and reading the beft authors. He died at the age of feventy. Some pre- tend, but without foundation, that he was poifoned. Thofe who knew him particularly fpeak of him as one of the beft heads of his time. " Peter de Groot, *' fon of the great Grotius, was not fo learned as his *' father, fays Wicquefort ; but I may venture to *' affert he was as able a Minifter. We can't fay too '" much of this man, who was above all praife. I " write this after receiving the news of his death. " How much is Holland to be pitied for lofmg a " man who would have afTifted in repairing the *' breaches made by the diforders which have for " fome years prevailed in the ftate ! He joined fo- *' lidity of judgment to the graces of wit, and muft " have polTeiïed thefe qualities in an eminent degree *' fince they fhone thro' fuch a difagreeable figure. It " may be faid of M. de Groot, that never did fuch " a deformed body lodge fuch a fine and great foul : " he had a furpriling ready wit, his converfation was " delightful, his underftanding clear and folid, and " his fentiments juft and equitable : he poflefled *' great knowledge of all forts of bufinefs, foreign " and domeftic, and efpecially of what the French *' call the art of pleafing." Grotius's third fon, Diederic, began his ftudies in a very prcmifing manner. Grotius writes to his bro- ther William, Auguft i6, 1630, " I am overjoyed to ** hear that Diederic's progrefs even exceeds my " hopes. I wilh he may continue!" His grand- father John Grotius was his tutor. When he came to be old enough to be put to fome bufinefs, Grotius defigned him for an Engineer. He learned under the famous Bofchius, and came afterv;ards, in the begin- Book VI. OF G R O T I U S. 353 ning of 1636, to kc his father at Paris. Grocius having applied to ttie Duke of Ys'çiy.v.av to take Die- cleric into his fervice, he catered into that Prince's ho'jfnoid as one of his Pages, aad wjs inu^a re- .fpeftcd : the Duke foon after ir.ide him his Aid-de- Carap. Grotius feemcd to be well fatisfied with his fon at the time this youth had the rnislortune to lofe his Patron. On hearinf!; of the Duke of Weviriar's death Gro- tias immediately thought of f:;nding Diederic to Mar- ihal Bannier. He wrote a letter to that General '\ October 13, 16^9, in which he puts him in mind that it was his Excellency's brother iiril Dropofed.to ■him his entering into the Swediili fei-vice : he after- wards makes an oïïcr of his fon, who had ferved two years under Bofchius, chief Engineer to tlie Pnnce oi" Orange, and had fmce been feveral years one of the Duke of Weymar's Pages. After the death of that illufbrious Prince, who lliared with Bannier the glory of being the greatefl general in Europe, he thinks he cannot do better than give him to Marfhal Bannier, who was unanimouuv allowed to hold the firil rank in the art of war. He begs that his fon may be only employed in things of which he is capable. On the fame day he Vvrote to Salvius, defiring him to recommend Diederic to the Marfhal. Whiift Grotius v/as thus employed in placing his fon, Diederic entertained a defign of entering into the Dutch fervice. His father was highly difpieafed with this proje<5u -, and wrote to him, and to William Gro- tius, that it was moft improper for him to expofe his life for hiscruellefb enemies -, and that Sweden was his true country, and to th£.t kingdom he ought to de- vote his life, and from it to merit and expert honojiirs. " If my fon diflikes the activity of a military life, ** Grotius writes to his brother, he may find » Ep. 1257. p. 571. A a '* cafe. 354 THE LIFE Book VI, *' eafe, and acquire honour in General Bannier's '' houfhold, or by exercifing his profefllon of En- '' o-ineer. I ilia'l always give him my affiitance, and '' 1 hope Î have as many îriends ellevvhere, as I have '' enemies in Holland. If my fon difgraces himfelf '' fo far, as to aîk favours from the Dutch, he is un- '' v,'crihy to call me father. If he chufes rather to be '' an Enfign with you, than a Captain among others, '' he is mcan-fpirited, and forgetful of what he has " be-n." Dicderic had a dcfign of writing the hi- ftory of the Duke of Weymar -, which projed: Gro- tius approved of, as worthy of a grateful mind. He fent him v/crd, that if he v/ould fet about this work Vv^hilil he was with Marfnal Bannier, he v/ould make his court by it to that General, Vv ho had it m his power to reward him. Diederic at laft complied with his father's defirc, and went to Marfhal Bannier's camp. He wa3 made a pnibner of v/ar by the Bavarians in an unfortunate action near Diilingue and Memingue, in the end of the year 1643. Grotius immediately fet all his friends to work to procure his fon's liberty : he wrote to the famous John de Vert, and applied to the Duke of Bavaria that he would be pleafed to fend him back as foon as pofnble : and at the fame time wrote to his fon to come to him as foon as he fhould be at liberty, that they might confult together what was beft to be done. Diederic fent his father the hiilory of the unfortunate adtion in which he was taken -, and Grotius printed it to give copies to his friends, and to fend others to the Swedifh Miniftry. Diederic v/as carried to Tubingen, from thence to Uim, and confined in a citadel between Ulm and Auo-fDurg : he did not continue there long : imme- diately on receiving his father's letter, the Duke of Bavaria gave orders that Diederic might be fet at li- berty, after fettling his ranfom, v/hich v/as fixed at a thoufand florins. He came to Paris, and on his arrival Grotius wrote a letter of thanks to the BookVÏ. of GROTIUS. 355 the Eledtor of Bavaria, telling him, that as hchad but one way to cxprefs his gratitude, namely by pro- moting a general peace, which his Eleéloral Highnefs wiflied for, he would do all in his power to bring it about. He wrote to Ketner the Bavarian Minifter to the fame effeft. Diederic v/ent back to ferve under Marflial Tu- renne in Germany, and made the campaign of 1644. He was again taken Prifoncr, butfoon releafed, and ferved in the end of the fame campaign. He was de- tached by the Duke d'Anguien and Marihai Turenne to take FridelHiem and Neudftad, and was afterwards fent by them to the Landgravine of Heffe : he acquitted himfelf v/ith honour of all the commilTions that were o-iven him. The Duke d'An2;uien fooke of him in the higheft terms ; and the Landgravine received him in the bed manner, in confideration of the fer-^ vices which his father had done to the houfe of Helîè : he was fent a fécond time by Marfhal Turenne to the Landgravine. The Duke d'Anguien promifed to take care of this youth's fortune -, and the approbation of a prince, who was the Mars of his time and knew men fo well, is the higheft elogium that could be given of Diederic. He came to an unhappy end when but young and unmarried. Queen Chriftina having abdicated the Crown in favour of Charles Guftavus, Diederic and Cornelius Grotius took a refolution to wait on that Prince, who had known and highly efteemed their father in France, with an intention to offer him their fervices, and get employment. Setting out from Hol- land with this defign, they were got betv/een Embden. and Bremen, half way to Hamburg, when a villain, who had ferved Diederic feveral years as his valet, refolved to murder both the brothers for the fake of their money: he went in the night-time into Dicderic*s chamber, and fhot his mafter dead while afleep : he was preparing to ferve Cornelius Grotius in the fame A a 2 manner. o;kfi THE LIFE BookVL manner, but he was awake : he happened to be em- ployed in compofing a Latin epigram. On hearing the fhot, he took a piflol which lay on a chair by his bed fide, and feeing the murderer advance foftly to him (it was moon-light) he fired, and laid him fiat on the fioor : the people of the inn got up on the noife, and delivered the villain, who was dangeroufly wounded, into the hands of juftice, and he was broke on the wheel. Hugo Grotius had alfo three daughters, Frances, Mary, and Cornelia ; Frances, the youngeft, was born in Oélober, 1626, before her time, her mother being delivered of her in the eighth month : accord- ingly this young perfon was fhort-lived, for fhe died in the beginning of the year 1628. Mary, his fécond daughter, died ac Paris in the month of March, 1635, of the fatigue and cold ^^^^ received in her journey to that city. Grotius informed his father of her death by a letter ^ dated March 23, 1635, in which he tells him Ihe died almoft without pain, and with a deep fenfe of religion. " My wife and I, fays he, " bear this misfortune like people accuflomed to ad- " verfity : befides, why fhould we call her death a " misfortune? has not God a right to take back " what he gave ?> and ought not we to flatter " ourfelves that fhe is arrived at that happy flate, " which the young ought to long after as much as " the old } We are delivered from the care of pro- " curing a hufband for her : perhaps we fhould have " had much difficulty to find one that would have " been agreeable to her and to all her family : and " even if we fhould have found one that pleafed us all *■' at firfl, would there not have been room to ap- " prehend that he had concealed his true charaâier " tor a time, and that he v/ould afterwards make her "' unhappy ? She is now delivered from the pains of -'' Ep-377- P- 138- ^ bearing BookVÏ. of grot lus. 357 " bearing children, and bringing them up. More *' happy than her mother. Hie will not fee judges in- *' cenfed againft her hufband, becaufe he is innocent : ** ilie will not be obliged to fhut herlelf up in priibn " for her hufband-, nor to lead a wandering lite to "*' accompany him. Let us congratulate her that God *' has taken her out of the world before (he knew too " much of the evil or what are called the good things *' of it. Let us congratulate ourfelves on her having *' lived with us as long as life was agreeable to her, *' and free from any mixture of bitternefs. What is ** there at prefent in Chriftendom to make us délire *^ life ? Divifions in the Church, bloody wars, men *' flaughtered, women violated, cruel murders, and ** multitudes reduced to beggary ; Bohemia, Mora- " via, and Siiefia pillaged ; the heirs of the moil " noble families reduced to the neceffity of living on " alms, if it can be called living to drag out their *' days ip. mifery, wifning for death, v/hich ^lone " can put an end to it,'* Cornelia, the eldeil of Grotius's daughters.^ who furvived her father, married John Barthon, Vifccunt of Mombas, a Gentleman of Poitou, who was obliged to quit France for having difpleafed Lewis XIV. He vv'entto Holland, from whence he was alfo forced to fly, having been involved in the misfortunes wherein the T)c Wits perilhcd, and v/hich gave Peter Grotius, his brother-in-lav/, lb much uneafinefs. Grotius had a brother named William, with whom he kept up the greateit intimacy during his whole life, and made him the confident ot his ftudies and defigns. It appears by his letters that they lived in the ftricleft friendfliip, Hugo, who was the eldcft, contributed to his brother's education, and direAed his iludies. We have a letter from Grotius to his brother, dated iit Rotterdam September 28, 1614, containing a plan of ihidy. " I am of opinion, fays he, that m order *' to acquire tlie knowledge of Lav/, before you . A a 5 " touch 358 THE LIFE Book VI. " touch upon law tracts you Hiould read \Vlth attention " Ariftotle's fécond and fifth book of Ethics, to Ni- " comachus, or the excellent paraphrafe of them " publifned by Heinfius j then Ariftotle's Rhetoric, " with the learned commentary on it -, afterwards " Cicero's Q^rf J, th2 Paradoxes, De Finihis^ Of Laws^ " the Topkû, and De Inventicne. I could wifh that *' whilft reading you would make extraéls, or at leaft " mark in the margin of your book whatever has re- *' laticn to the Law of Nature and of Nations, to " the origin of Lav,fs and Magiftrates, to Jus publi- " aim et privatum. When you have done this, we " fhall think of the reft." It was Grotius v/ho cor- refted his brother's Law Thefes. William Grotius came to France in 1617 to learn the language ; and retiring to Senlis made great pro- grefs in it : he purpofed to go to Tours, and Grotius approved of his journey, becaufe the air was pure, and they fpoke good French there. William Grotius, as v/ell as his brother, had a turn for theological ftudies : he wrote fomething in verfe pn the Decalogue, v/hich Grotius mentions in a letter dated from his prifon at Louveftein, November i^, 1620. "I have read with pleafure, he fays, what you " have doneon the Decalogue : the maxims are excel- !" lent, and the verfes eafy.'* William had his brother's confidence during his whole life. Grotius writes to him from Paris, April 1 4, 1622, " You arc never weary of affifting me under " my afrhcftions : if ever fortune enables me to " teftify my gratitude, I will forgive her all the " tricks flie has played me." He v/as defirous, in the end of the year 1622, that his brother fhould fet- tle his matters lb, as to come to fee him in the begin- ning of the following year; but this journey did not take place. Grotius's diigrace affeded his brother : ^e deîpaired of attaining to honours, and Grotius ad- vifed BookVÏ. of g rot I us. 359 vifed him to think only of railing hiqilelf by the ftudy of the Law. In April 1623 he married AhdaGrafvinkei. About this time a Dutchman was feized at Lillo, with letters from WiUiam Grotius to his brother. It was ex- peeled that fomething would be found in them againfl the State, and they talked of nothing lefs than im- prifoning him -, but notv/ithfbanding the malice of his enemies, they could not find the ieail pretext from thefe letters to trouble him. In the mean time William followed the profcffion of an Advocate with much fuccefs : Grotius compliments him on it in a letter of the 28th of November, 1625, in which he tells him, that the life he led i.i fhining at the bar was much more agreeable than tliat which is fpcnt in public employments. William Grotius wrote about this time the lives of the Advocates, under the title of Vita- Jurifconfuliarmn quorum in Pande^is exjiant nomina^ confcript^ à Gulislmo Grotio J uri f confiât Delpbenft, He fent this book to his brother, who writes to him that he read it with pleafure, and was delighted to fee a work which de- monftrated his brother's genius, learning, and good fenfe. William Grotius, whofe marriage had prevented his going to France to fee his brother, went thither however in 1629 : he returned again to Holland. William being defirous to have his brother's piélure, Hugo had the complaifance to fit for it, and fend it to him. The enmity of the Magiftrates was ilill fo violent at this timiC, that William made a myllery of this pi6lure ; in which Grotius thought he aded very prudently. In 1638 there was a talk of making William Grotius Fenfionary of Delft. The condi- tions on which the place vi^as offered did not fuit him, and he declined it. This refufal was approved of by Grotius; for he writes to him, March 13, 16385 '' As tojhe place of Fenfionary of our native A a 4 towns 360 THE LIFE BookVI. "' town, th^ more I think of ir, the happier I ima- ** gine you in ha\ing got rid of it, and in preferring " honour to profit : tor in thefe times it would have " been impoff:ble to have prelerved that place and " your honour." The Eaft-îndia Com.pany chofe him for their Advocate in 1639. Grotius comphiments his brother on it March 26, that year, " I always " loved that Company, he fays : 1 look upon it as " the fupport of the Republic ; and if I could be at " prefent of any ufe to it, I would mofl gladly em- *' brace the opportunity." Grotius's writings concerning Antichrift were ap- proved of by William and their Father. Hov/ever, as there was reafcn to apprehend that the printing of thcfe pieces might increafe the num^ber and ani- mofity ot his enemies, Grotius propofed to his Brother not to take upon him their publication, efpecially as he might eafily find perfons that were far from a fadious fpirit, who would willingly undertake it : but William Grotius rap the hazard of this pub- lication, wiihcut being frightened at the confe- quences. Grotius had alv/ays difcovered great impatience when denied the titles of honour due to the Am- halladors of crowned heads. He imagined it to be ihc confcquence of a plot of his enemies to de- preciate him. William did not approve of his brother's great heat on this futjed: : and thought there v/as reafon to prefum.e that it was ov/ing rather to inattention, than a premeditated defîgn. Grotius, whole mildnefs of temper was greatly altered by his late difputes with the Keform.ed Minifters, as Henry de Villeneuve obferves in a letter to the Abbé Barcel- lini, was m.uch diifatisfied with his brother's manner of cxcufinor thofe of v/hom he thou2;ht he had reafon to complain ; and v/rote to him very fharply on this fubjedt, December 1 2, 1643. " I imagine, fayr. he, "1 fee Book VI, O F G R O T I U S. $61 <' I fee and hear you pleading at the Bar : you find " reafons to excufe my enemies for things for " which no body here excufes them : you blame me " for things for which no body here blames me, *' nor will any others except your Dutchmen. It is *' fit that I fhould fupport my dignity : the thing " is done on purpofe ; and the Swedes, whom it " concerns, would be oflended with me if I adled *' otherwife. I would therefore -à{k of you, for the *' future to addrefs the letters you receive for me to " my v/ife -, and I ihall afterwards fee what is to ^' be done." This fmall altercation did not interrupt the friend- fhip of the two brothers, nor their correfpondence by letters, which continued till Grotius's death. William, befides the book we have already men- tioned, wrote another on the law of nature, entitled, îVilldmi Grotii de prindpiis Juris Naturalis Enchiri- dicn. This work is much inferior to the treatife Of V/ar and Peace. However, it has its merit, and is p.^.rticularly valuable for containing in a fmall compafs all the principles of Natural Law clearly dif- played. Grotius had ftill another brother, named Francis, who was the fécond fon of John' Grotius. He died young. Grotius wrote a Poem on his death, and a confolatory piece in Profe and Verfe to his Father : they are both in the colledion of his Poems. John Grotius had a daughter of fine accomplifh- ments. Grotius acquaints us ^, that flie v/rote an ufeful book on Widov/hood, which was very well done. The defign of this work was not to con- demn fécond marriages, but only to fliew that it was more becoming a reafonable woman to content her- felf with havmg had one hufband. After her death it was propofed to print it; and Grotius, to make ' Ep. 550. p. 920. It 362 T H E L I F E, &c. Book VI. it a more confiderable book, tranflated into Dutch three treatifes of Tertullian, one of St. Ambrofe, two of St. Chryfoftome, and three of St. Jerom, on the fame fubjeft. We have not learnt whether this Colledion was ever publifhed. The End of the Sixth and Last Book» A CATA- ( 3^3 ) CATALOGUE OF ' G R O T I U S's WORKS. ;-jP^t7G£/yf7V/ G R or II Batavi Ponti- ^H 'Bfù CardinaliSy Regina Anglia^ Or dines Fœde- -^^^^^^ Tc.ti : ex qffidnd Plantinianâ, apiid Chrijio- «I^i4>%4âs^ phvnrtn Raphelengium^ Academia Lugduno- "Batava lypographum, 1 3 9 9 • Grotius's Poems are in two collerions -, the pro- phane, in that publiflied by his brother, which has gone through many editions ; in the latter ones are inferted the Tragedy of Sophomphaneus, the Gate- chifm in Latin verle, and Sylva ad Francifcum Augujium rhuannm. See the Ufe of Grotius^ Book i. § 13. B. 2. § 14. B. 5. § 2. The facred poem.swere printed, in quarto, at the Hague, in 1610, in a col^ lection wherein we find Adamus exful, a tragedy ; Exordia quatuor Evangeliorum ; Paraphrajts metrica Hymnorum in Evangelio ^ ASiis Luca^ variique Pfalmi^ ^ alia carmina \ Martiani Minei Felicis Satyricon^ feu denuptiis Philologie i^' Mer cur ii lihri duo \ & defeptem artihus liber alihus lihri totidem : emendati ùf noiis il- luftrati. Lugduni-Batavorum^ ^599' See the Lite of Grotius, B. I. § 10. Lime- 3^4 A CATALOGUE OF Limneu^£Tix»î, five portuum inveftigandorum ratiOy metaphrafie Hugone Grotio Batavo : ex ofidnâ Planti- nia?îâ^ apud Chrifiophorum Raphelengium, .Academite Lugduno-Batav<£ typographum^ ^599- See the Life of Grotius, B. I. § II. Hug. Grotii Batavi Syntagma Arataorum^ opus poetics 8? ajironomi<£ ftudiofis utiliJjiTiium. Ex officina Plantiniana^ apud Chrijiophorum Raphelengium^ academice Lugdimo-Baifiva typographmn^ i6oo. Hoc opere continentur Arati Bhœnomena^ là Diofemeîa Grace Ciceronis interpretatio H. Grotii verfbus inter- polata. Phœnomena Aratea Germanico Cafare interprète.^ multo au5liora ^ emendatiora, cpe manufcripti profeSti €x hibliotheca nob. dom. Jaccbi Sujii de Grifendorf. Ejufdem fragmenta Prognojlicorum., imagines fiderum Germanici verfibus interpofita., ex manufcripo defiimptcCy iâ a Jacobo Gheinia œri incifa. Nota H. Grotii ad Aratum. Nota ejufdem ad Germanici Phœnomena, Nota ejufdem ad imagines, in quibus fiderum iS fingu- larum jiellarum nomina Arabica^ Hehraa^ Graca^ à? Latina, & Jitus cxponuntur. Nota ad Fragmenta Ciceronis. Fefii Avieni paraphrafs^ cum notis hrevibus in marginc appofitis. Mare Liberum, feu de jure quod Batavis competit ad Indica commercia, Lugduni-Batavorum, 1609. See the Life of Grotius, B. i. § 19. De antiquitatereipublica Batavica. Lug. Bat. 1610. See the Life of Grotius, B. i. § 20. The theological works were printed in four volumes in folio, by the hdrs of Blaeu, at Amfterdam, 101679. The three firft tomes contain the Commentary on the Holy Scriptures. See the Life of Grotius, B. i. § 14. B.6. § II. The fourth volume contains divers theological pieces. Ds GROTIUS's WORKS. 365 De Veritate Religionis Chrifiian^e. See the Life o^ Grotius, B. 2. § 14. B. 6. § 9. Ordinmn Hollandi^e i^ Wefifrifia pietas ah improhijfimis muUorum calumniis^ pr.-efertim vera a Sihrandi Luberti Epijiolâ^ quam Archiepifcopo Cantiiarienft Jcripfit ^ vindi- cata. See the Life of Grotiuf, B. 2. § 16. Bona Fides Sihrandi hiiberti. See the Life of Grotius, B. 2. § 16. Ordinum Hollandia ^ Wejîfrifia decretum pro pace ecckfiarum^ munihim S. Scriptur^^ Ccnciliorum^ Palrum^ Confejfionmn^t^ T'heologorum teJîiniGniis. See the Life of Grotius, B. 2. § 4. & 17. Or alio ix. cal. Mait hahita in fenatu Amftelcàamsnjî^ verfa è Belgico fcrvAone per I'heodorum Schreveliiira. See the Life of Grotius, B. 2. §6. Defenfio decreti pro pace ecclefiarum. See the Life of Grotius, B. 2. § 16. Delmperio fiimmarumpoteflaJAim circafacra. Seethe Life of Grotius, B. 2. § 16. DefenfiofidciCatholicc-e de fatisfo^ione Chrifti^ adverjiis Faiifmm Sociniim Senenjhn. See the Life of Grotius, B. 2. §16. Concilialio dijfidenliur/i de re predejtinatoriâ atqtie gratia opinionum. See the Life of Grotius, B. 2. § 16. Difquifitio^ an Pclagianajïnt ilia dogmata^ qti^ nunc fuh 60 nomine traducuntur. See the Life of Grotius, B. 2. § 16. Philcfophorum 'ueterum fent entire de fat 0, & de eo quod efi in nojîrâ potefiate. See the Life of Grotius, B. 2. §16. Comment arius ad loca qu^edamNovi Tejlamenti de Anti- chrifio. See the Life of Grotius, B. 6. § 12. Appendix ad Comment atioyiein de Antichrifio. See the Life of Grotius, B. 6. § 12. DiJJertatio de Cœn<£ adr/iinijlratiojw uhi Pajlores non adfunt. Seethe Life of Grotius, B. 6. § 12. Dijfertatio anfemper communicandumper fymbola. See the Life of Grotius, B. 6. § 12. ExpUcattQ 366 A CATALOGUE OF Explicatio trium utilijfmicrum locorum N. T. in quihus agitur de fide iâ operibus. See the Life of Grotius, B. 6. § 12. Via ad paccm ecclcfiajiicam -, quo tra^atu cordinentur Bulla Pii Pap^e IV, fiiper forma juramenti prcfejjloms fidei exhibita inviclijjlmo Impcratori Carolo V. in comitiis /lugitjianis^ î^^g. Gecrgii Cajfandri Confultatio de Grticulis Religionis inter Catholicos àf Protefianies contro- verjis. Hiigonis Grotii Annotata ad Confiât aticnem Caj- fandri^ ejufderti difquifitio . de dogmatiUis Pelagiams^ ejufdera baptizatorum infiitutio ^ de eiicharijîiâ ; denique Syllabus auBormn^ qui de conciliatione cojUvG-verfiarum in religione fcripferunt . Animadverfwnes in Andre^e Riveti animadverfiones. See the Life of Grotius, B. 2. § 12. Votum pro pace ecclefiaflicd^ contra examen Andrea Riveti. See the Life of Grotius, B. 6. § 12. Rivetiani apologetici difciiffio. See the Life of Grotius, B. 6. §12. Tie fummo facer dotio. See the Life of Grotius, B. 5. § 12. De dogmatis^ ritibus, i^ gubernatione Eccleji^e Chrif- tiana. De dogmatis qu^ reipublica noxia funt ant dicuntur. M. Annai Lucani Pharfalia^ ex emendatione i^ cum notis H. Grotii. Lug. Bat. 1614. See the Life of Grotius, B. 6. § 5. Di5la poëtarum qu^ apud Joannem Stobeum extant^ emendata & Lati7w carmine reddita ab Hugone Grotio : accefferunt Plutarchi & Bafilii Magni de ufu GracorurA pc'étarum. Parifàs^ 1622. See the Life of Grotius, B. 2. §14. B.3. §6. _ Apologeticus eonim^ qui Hollandiie^ TVeflfriJi^e, (^ vicinis quibufdam nationibus ex Legibus prtefuerunt ante mutationem anni 161^. Parifiis, 1622. See the Life of Grotius, B. 2, § 14. B. 3. § 4. De Jure Belli ac Pads Libri très. Parifiis^ 1625. The bell edition of this celebrated work is thatpubHflied atAmfterdam, in 1720, by John Barbeyrac, who has tranflated GR onus's WORKS. 3^7 tranflated it lb happily. At the end of this edition he fubjoined a fmall tradb of Grotius : De equitate^ inàul- gentiâ, & facilitate, liber ftngularis. See the Life of Grotius, B. 3. § 9. Excerpta ex tragœdiis iâ ccmediis Gr^fcis, turn qu<£ extant, turn qu<3 perierunt : emendata £s? Latinis verfibus reddita ab Hugone Grotio, cum notis à^ indice au^orum ce rerum. Parifiis apud Nicolaiim Buon, 1626. See the Life of Grotius, B. 2. § 14. B. 3. §6. GrolLe obfîdio, cu?n amiexis anni lôij. Amfielodamt^ apudGtiilklmum Blaeu, 1 629. See the Life of Grotius, B. 6. §14. Earipidis Tragœdia Phenijfe, eme^idata ex manufcripttSy i^ Latina fa5îa ab Hugone Grotio. Parifiis, 1630. Seethe Life of Grotius, B. 2. § 14. B. 3. § 7, An Introduftion to the Laws of Holland, in Dutch. Hague, 1631. See the Life of Grotius, B. 2. § 14. B. 6. § 14. C. Cornelius 'Tacitus, ex J. Lipjîi editione, cum notis. ^ emendationibus H. Grotii. Lugduni - Batavorum, ex officinâ Elzevirianâ, 1640. See the Life of Grotius, B.6. §3. Florum fparfw in Jus Juftinianeum, ^ in loca quidam Juris Civilis. Parifiis, 1642. See the Life of Gro- tius, B. 6. § 10. De origine gentium Americanarum dijfertatio prior. Parifiis, 1642. See the Life of Grotius, B. 6. § 13. De origine gentium Americanarum dijfertatio altera^ ûdversiis obtre£fatorem opaca bonum quern fecit barba, Parifiis, 164.^. See the Life of Grotius, B. 6. § 13. Hugonis Grotii quidam ha^enus inedita, aliaque ex Belgicè editis Latine verfa, argumenti theologici, Juridici, politici. Amfielodami, 1652. Confiliwn juridicum fuper iis, qua Naffavii in Juliacum i^ Geldriam competerefM dicunt. Èpijiola ad Car. V. an Provincia Fcsderati Belgii in-^ fer end a funt imperio Germanico. F. Thoma CampanelU Philofophia realis pars tertia^ qua eji de politicâ, in aphorifn}os digejla. De S6S A C A T A L O G U E, à^'c. De pace Germanio' epftola ad clarijfimum virum N. P* An fuppofiHtia fît dijudicet fagax ktîor. Hugonis Grotii rpfponfio ad qiu-edam ah utrcquejudiaim confejju ohjcula^ tibi wulta dijputa-Atur ds jure furnmcrum potejiatum in HoUandiâ Wejifrifumie^ & Magijiratuum in oppidis. See the Life of Grotiiis, B. 6. § 14. Hificria Gothorum^ V andalorum^ IS Longohardort'jn ; ah Hugone Grotio partim verfa^partim in ordinemdigefta^ cum ejiifdemprolegomenis^ uhi regiim Gcthorum or do i^chrcnologia cum elogiis : accedunt nomina appellativa cum explicatione. Scriptores funt Procopius^ Agathias^ Jornand?s^ B. Jji- dorus^ Paulus V/a'rnefridus. Amjielodaml^ 1655. See the Life of Grotius, B. 6. %"]. Annales i^ HtJiori<£ de rchus Belgicis^ ah chitu PMIippi regis ufque ad inducias anni 1609. Amftelodami^ anno logy. See the Life of Grotius, B. 6. § 8. Hugonis Grotii EpijlolcC, quotqiiot reperiri potuerunt. Amjîelcdami, 1687. See the Life of Grotius, B. 6, §ï5- ^.^ INDEX. I N D E X. A. ADAMUS exful, a tragedy, 19. Aligre, keeper of the ieals, Grotius flatters himfelf with being protefted by him 114 — The fervices which he accordingly receives from him ibid. America, Grotius's treatife of the origin of its inhabitants .275. Amfierdam, that city favours the Gomariib, and declares againft a toleration 50 — Deputation fenî to it on this fubjefl ib. et feq. Anne of Auftria, queen, is declared regent during the minority of her fon Lewis XIV. 230 — Gives Grotius an audience 231. Anthologia, Grotius purpofes to publifh an edition of that col- leftion 247 — The feveral indexes he would have to it 249 The printing of it begun, but ftopt, 250 — Where the original of this work is to be found 251 — The time employed by the author in it ibid. Antichrill, Grotius's book on that fubjedl 269 — It occafions him many enemies 270 — Made a great noife among the enemies of the Romiih Church 271 — The offence which it gave to the re- formed 272 — A miitake of the author in this book ibid. Aratus, Grotius's edition of his Phœnomena 16 — Commended ibid — A copy of this edition collated by Nicholas Heinfius, who added ibme noîes 1 8, Ardenne, battle of, 158. Arminians, their conference with the Gomarifts înprefence of the Hates of Holland 41 — Their remonftrance to the ftates ibid — By whom it was dra.vn up 45 — A fummary of their doftrine 45 — Acknowledge the civil magiftrate to be judge of ecclefi- allical difputes 40 — Perfecuted by prince Maurice 59 — Refufe to receive the fynod of Dort 60 — Their proteft againft that af- , fembly ibid — Are condemned in it 61 —The pretexts they make ufe of againft that fynod ibid — Favoured by prince , Henry Frederic of Naflau 107. Arminius, his difpute with Gomar 39 et feq — His doftrine con- cerning predeftination and grace ibid — He is complained of to •the fynod of Rotterdam 40 — Prefents a petition to the ftates of Holland and Weftfriefland ibid et feq. — 'His death 41 — Gro- tius's Elogium of him ibid. — Method propofed by him for a reunion of chrillians 307. B b Arnaud, INDEX. Arnaud, his relation concerning Grotius's death 241*. B. Bacon, Lord, the reading of his works gave Grotius the firft hint of compiling a fyftem of natural law 1 10. Baillet, his judgment of Grotius's poems 20 — Of his annals of the Low Countries 258. Balzac, what he faid of Grotius's poems 20 — His efteem for thac learned man 328. Bannier, Marlhal, his brother firft put it into Grotius's head to enter into the Swedilh fervice i 36. Barberin, Cardinal Francis, what he found fault with in Grotius's book of war and peace 113. Barbeyrac, his commendation of Grotius's treatife of the right.s of war and peace 100 et feq. — Character of his tranflation of that book 1 1 1 — His judgment of John de Felda's notes againft it 1 1 1 , II 2 — Defers obferved by Barbeyrac in it 113. Barlaeus, his elogium of Grotius when a boy 7. Barnevelt, grand penfionary of Holland, his iirmnefs in oppof- ing the earl of Leiceller's defigns 9 — Contributes to the nomi- nating count Maurice of Naflau captain general ibid — Sent am* baflador to Henry IV. 10 — Succefs of his negotiation ibid. Grotius's connexion with him 29 — The report it gave rife to jbid — His behaviour in the difpute between the Arminians and Gomarills 40, 46. et feq. — He and Grotius have the diredlion of the ftates conduft in this affair 44 — Decree propofed by him to the ftates 49 — Rife of count Maurice's hatred to' him 50 Wants torefignhis employments 55 — Arrefted by count Maurice ç8 — Crimes ofwhichhis enemies accufehim 59 — Is brought to his tryal 62 Excepts againft his judges ibid His con- demnation, and its grounds 63 — The court of France interefts itfelf in his behalf ibid — His death and elogium 65. Baudius, his opinion of Grotius's poetical talents 19 — A candi- date for the place of hiftoriographer of the United Provinces, which he yields to that learned man 21 — S cazon written by him in honour of Grotius 327. Bayle, his opinion of Grotius's projedl for reuniting the religi- ons 302. Berthier, father, thejefuift, his information concerning the ori- ginal manufcript of Grotius's Anthologia 251 — What he fays • of his tranflation of the Supplicanfes of Euripides 278. Eignon, Jerom, advocate general, his obfervation to Grotius concerning his Annals of the Low Countries 258 — His opinion of the treatife of the truth of the chriftian religion 262 — Can- not bear to hear Grotius accufed of focinianifm 324 — His efteem for him 330. Bilhops, their authority favoured by Grotius 28S. et feq. — He fays they were eftabliihed by Chrift ibid. Blondius, î N D E X. èlondius, his ill treatment of Reigerfberg 317— How t'lreatened by Grotius on that account ibid. Boiifife, Thumeri de, on what occafion nominated ambaflador from France to Holland 63— Succefs of his negotiation 64 Receives Grotius at his arrival in France 89. BoiTuet, his fummary of the Arminian doftrine 4^ — 'Accufes Grotius of favouring Socinianifm 31g — -Allows that he did not deny Chrift's divinity 320. Bouhier, the prefident, his miftake concerning the year of Grotius's birth 4. Boutillier, fuperintendant of the finances, makes Grotius offers of fervice 126— His conference with him concerning the treaty concluded in Fraftce with the envoys of the allies 147. Bdze, a colleftion of Grotius's letter<: in cipher in his cabinet 282 Brandanus, Grotius's chaplain 157 — His charafter, ibid — Is turned away by Grotius 158. Briet, father, a jefuit, what he fays of Grotius's difpofition to turn Roman Catholic 301. C. Calvin, fpokcn of by Grotius with the greatefl: indignation 287 His equivocal expreflions concerning the Eucharill 293. Calvinifts, Grotius difapproVes of their fentiments on the Eu- charill, and reproaches them with their contradi£lions 792 Capella, Martianus, Grotius's edition of that author 13— The nature of his work, and its character i 3, 14 — Its ufe 15. Carleton, the englifh ambaffador in Holland, demartds that Gsotius Ihould be puniftied for writing the book of the Freedom of the ocean 6y. Câfaubon, Ifaac, his commendation of Grotius's edition of Capella 15 — What he fays of his edition of Aratus's Phœno- mena 17 — Tranflates into Greek v^rfc Grotius's Proiopopœia of the town of Oilend 19 — His commendation of his Chrif- tus patiens ibid. — His opinion of his talents for poetry ibid. — Henry IV. has thoughts of making him. his librarian 22 — Dif- ficulties that defign meets with ibid — Is nominated Librarian ibid — Grotius contratls a p;reat friendlhip with him 31 — His efteem for that learned man 32 — His thoughts of the reunion of the roman catholics with the proteftants 33 — The lail tefti- mony of his fentiments for Grotius 33 — Commends his Apology againll Sibrand Lubert 84 — What Grotius fays of Cafaubon's rcfolution to turn Ro.nan Catholic 286 — His opinion of the Roman Catholics of France ibid. Cafaubon, Meric^ his efteem for Grotius 332 — His elogium of Grotius in the Preface to Hierocles of Providence and Fate ibid. Caumartin, is made keeper of the fcals 94. B b 2 Cerifantc, INDEX. Cerifante, nominated agent from Sweden at the court of Franxre 231 — His charafter and birth 232, 233 — His adventures ibid Is difmifled by the queen of Sweden 233 — His difputes with Grotius ibid. Charenton, the minillers of, refufe to receive Grotius into their communion on his firll ariival in France 90 His difcuffions with them when he returned in quality of ambaflador from Sweden 154 — Send a deputation to him 155. Charles I. ofEngland, invites Grotius into that kingdom 187. Charles Lewis, Eledlor Palatine, purpofes to put himfelf at the head of the Weymarian army on the duke of Weymar's death 215 — Goes into France, and is arrelled 216 — Is conducted to Vincennes 217 — Princes who intereft themfelves in procuring his liberty 217 — He comes out of prifo-n on certain conditions ibid. Chavigny, his negotiations with Grotius 159 — Treats with him concerning a truce that was propofed 201 — Another negotiation between them concerning the eleclor Palatine's difcharge 218 Chriftenius, John, his fatisfadlion on feeing Grotius when he was in France 331 — Efteem with which he fpeaks of him ibid. ' Chriftian IV. King of Denmark, his offers to Grotius to draw him into his fervice 1 3.1 . Chriitina, queen of Sweden, ftate of affairs at her acceflion to the throne 92 — Her right to the crown difputed ibid — Approves of Grotius's nomination to the French embaffy 169 — Honours paid by her to Grotius at his return to Sweden 237 — Her pre- fent to him at his departure 238 — Accufed of fhortening that learned man's days 243: — Purchafes feveral of his manufcripts after his death 279 — Her compliment to his Vifidow on the death of her hufband 3.3 2, Church, Grotius's thoughts of her infallibility, and the fubmif- fion due to her 297. Clement, St. publication of his epiftle 297 — Grotius's thoughts of it and of the fécond letter afcribed to him ibid. Clerc, Le, his relation of the manner of Grotius's death 241 Gives hopes of his publifliing an edition of that learned man's Anthologia 250 — His opinion of his commentary on the Scrip- tures 269. Colomiez, his opinion of Grotius's treatife of the truth of the chrillian religion 267 — Elogiums of Grotius related by him 329 — His own opinion of him ibid. Conde, prince of, Grotius dedicates his Capella to him 15 — Is entirely in Grotius's intereft 93 — Renews his acquaintance with, him on his arrival in France in quality of ambaffador fro'm Sweden 145 — Their converfation together 200. Contra-remonflrants. See Gomarifts. Cornets, Cornelius, who he was i — His marriage with Ermen- garda de Groot 2 — A branch of his family in Provence ibid His children ibid. Corraro» INDEX. Corraro, the Venetian ambafTador at Paris, Grotius's complaint againft him 184 — How the affair was made up ibid. Crellms, anfwers Grotius's book againft Socinus 321 — That learned man's letters toCrellius on this fubjeft 322. Crulius, a Swedifti lord, his quarrel with Schmalz zo6. D. D'A vaux, aâs againft Grotius 173 — his Negotiation with Salvius for a renewal of the alliance between France and Sweden 228. Daubc, his opinion of Grotius's treatife of the rights of .war and peace 113. Dead, Grotius's opinion of praying for them 294. Defmarets writes with great bitternefs againft Grotius's treatife on Antichrift 272 — His anfwer to him ibid. Defnoyers, fecretary at war, treats with Grotius about a truce 204. Dc Vic made keeper of the feah 93 — Grotius flatters himfelf with being favoured by him ibid — Services which De Vic doth that learned man 94 — His death ibid. D'Or, Francis, enters into Grotius's fervice as his chaplain 158 Who he was ibid — Turns Roman Catholic, and not cenfured by Grotius 288. Dort, Synod of, its convocation 55 — the holding of that afTembly 60 — It profcribesthe Arminians 61. Douza, John, his Elogium of Grotius when a boy 7. Du Maurier, ambafTador from France to Holland 35 — Grotias gives him a method of ftudy ibid — He fends Grotius a re- commendation for France 88 — Gives him falfe hopes of a return to his -country 1 1 7. Du Maurier, the fon, his account of the circumftances attend- ing Grotius's death 241 — His criticifm of his letters 280. Du Moulin, Lewis, what he fays to Grotius's advantage 333. Duncomius, what he writes Voflius concerning Grotius 332. Dupuis, Henry, congratulates Grotius on his efcape put of prifon, and makes him an ofFer of his fervices 81, 82. Dupuis, MeiT. vifit Grotius on his arrival at Paris 90— His wreat intimacy with them 3 1 7. DursEus, minifter of the church of Sweden, féconds Grotius's pro- jet!: of pacification 305 — Obftacks to the execution of his de. fign 306. Du Vair, keeper of the feals, his efteem for Grotius 92 — Letter to him affuring him of his friendihip ibid — His death 92 Compliments Grotius on his goodint^ention of formino-acoa- Ktion of all chriftians 303. E. Elizabeth Queen of England takes the United Provinces under her proteiftion 8 — Her treaty with them ibid. Engliih, their difpute with the Dutch couceiiiing the Gree-iUnd 6 b 3 iifhery INDEX. fifhery 29 — Were the iîrft who difputed with cardinal RicheiiçVf the privileges of the cardinalihip 170— Their broil with the Swedes about precedency 184. Ej)ifcopius, is depofed by the fynod of Dort 6i~-What Grotius writes to him concerning the Eucharift 291 — Regards that learned man as his oracle 329. Eftrades, an anecdote related by him of prince Henry Frederic of Naffau 107 — Is difpleafed with Peter Grotius penfionary of Anr.lteidam 348. Eucharift, Grr«-!us is at firft prejudiced againft the opinion of the Romifb church concerning this facrament 29 1 — His thoughts of it afterwards ibid. Euripides, "moft efteem.ed by Grotius of all the tragic poets 278 Several of his pieces tranflated by him ibid. F. Fabricius, his opinion of Grotius's Commentary on the Scrip- tures 269. Felda, John de, his notes againft Grotius's treatife De jure belli et pacis 1 1 1 . Freiras, Francis Séraphin, his anfwer to Grotius's treatife of thç freedom of the Ocean 26. G. Gettichius, his opinion of Grotius's writings concerning Anti- chrift 271. Gilot, James, his praife of Grotius when a boy 7. Gomar, rife of his difpute with Arminius 39— His doflrinç concerning predeftination and grace 40 — Is fummoned to ap- pear before the magiftrates ibid — What he fays there ibid. Gomarifts, their conference with the Arminians in prefence of the States of Holland 41 — On what occafion they were cal- led Contra-remonftrants 4;, 46 — Are favoured by the people 46 — Difturbances raifed by them ibid — Their complaint a- gainft the edidl publiflied by the States 49 — Separate from the communion of the Arminians 50. Goths, Grotius writes their antiquities 252 — Thespian and de- fign of this work ibid — Its publication 255, Grafvinkel, Theodore, who 112 — undertakes a defence of Grotius's treatife of war and peace ibid. Gronovius, fufpeéled by Grotius of having availed himfelf of his notes on Tacitus 246. Groot, Cornelius de, his birth 2 — His employments 2, 3 — Hie death 3 — Leaves feveral Pieces in MS. ibid. Groot, Diederic de, origin and fignification of his name of Groot I Marries his daughter to Cornelius Cornets 2. Groot, Ermengarda de, who ftie was i, 2 — Her marriage with Cornelius Cornets ibid — Her children 2. Groot, INDEX. Groot, Hugo de, his birth 2 — How he diftinguifhed himfelf ibid His death Ibid — His children ibid. Groot, John de, ftudies under Juftus Lipfius 3 — That learned man's efteem for him ibid — His works ibid — His employments ^ — Verfes by Heinfius in his praife 4 — His marriage and children ibid — His death ibid — Aflifts his fon Grotius in the edition of Martianus Capella 15 — His verfes on his fon's marriage 21 — Tranflates into dutch, in conjundlion with him, his book of the antiquities of the Batavi 28 — Direfts his grand- fon Diederic Grotius's Ihidies 352. Grotius, Cornelia, Grotius's eldeft daughter, her marriage with vifcount Mombas 357. Grotius, Cornelius, fon of Hugo, his ftudies 338— Enters into the high chancellor Oxenfteirn's fervice 339 Goes to ferve under the duke of Weymar 33g— His ficklenefs ibid — His death 34.1. Grotius, Diederic, fon of Hugo Grotius, diftinguifhes himfelf by his ftudies 352 — Enters into the duke of Weymar's fervice 253 — Diverted by his father from entering into the Dutch fer- vice ibid — Goes to ferve under marlhal Bannier, and is made prifoner 354 — Obtains his liberty ibid — Serves under marlhal Turenne 355 — The duke D'Anguien's efteem for him ibid. His death ibid. Grotius, Frances, Grotius's youngeft daughter, hex'birth and death 356. Grotius, Francis, brother of Hugo Grotius, verfes by the latter on his death 361. Grotius, Hugo, whence he derived the name of Grotius i his family and anceftors ibid — ^ra of his birth 4 — Great hopes given by him in his childhood 5 — Writes elegiac verfes at eight years of age 6 — The good education he receives ibid — Rife of his conneftion with Utengobard the clergyman ibid — His ftudies at Leyden, his mafters, and the progrefs he makes ibid — His firft journey to France 11 — Honours he re- ceives from Henry IV. ibid — Takes the degree of Dodlor of Laws ibid— His correfpondence with the prefident de Thou II, 12 — His elogium of that magiftrate after his death 13 Pleads his firft caufe ibid — His edition of Martianus Capella ibid — The praife this work procures him from the Learned 15 — His management with the bookfellers ibid — Tranflates into latin the Limneupltxjj of Stevin 16 — Publifties an edition of Aratus's Phcenomena 1 6 — Compliments he received on it from feveral men of learning 17 — Cultivates poetry 18 — His pro- fopopceia of the town of Oftend ibid — His tragedies, and their fuccefs ig — Opinion of the learned concerning his poeti- cal talents ibid — Edition of his poems 20 — His own thoughts of them in the latter part of his life 21 — Nominated Hiftorio- grapher of the United Provinces ihil — Henry IV. has thoughts B b 4 of INDEX. of making him his librarian 22 — Applies to the bar 23 — Mis method ot pleading ibid — Takes a diflike to this occupation ibid^ Appointed advocate general of the provinces of Holland and Zealand 23, 24 — His marriage 24 — His book of the freedom of the ocean ibid— His own thoughts of this work 26 — His book De antiquitate Reipublicas Batavicae 27 Nominated penfionary of Rotterdam 28 Contracts an intimacy with Barnevelt 29 Makes a voyage to Eng- land, about the Greenland fifhery 29 — Nominated com- miflioner in this affair 30 — Is gracioully received by king James I. 31 — The great friendiliip he contracts with Cafaubon ibid — His efteem for that learned man ibid — A grand queftion decided by the Statesof Holland according to Grotius"s opini- on 33, 34 — The method of ftudy fent by him to Du Maurier 35 — His elogium of Arminius 41 — He declares for his doc- trine ibid — The remonllrance of the Arminians drawn up ia concert with him 45 — He and Barnevelt have the fole diredti- on of what the States do in this affair 47 — Rife of count Maurice's enmity to him 50 — Deputed by the States to the town of Amfterdam 50 — His fpeech on that occafion 51 The bad fuccefs of his negotiation ihrov./S him into a fit of ill- nefs 53, 54-— His fcheme Tor a coalition proves ineffeftual 54, 55 Deputed to Utrecht 56 — Arrefted by order of prince Maurice 58 — The crimes he is accufed of by his enemies 59 His profecution, and fentence 66 — Rotterdam interefts itfelf for him in vain ibid — Hard-heartednefs and rage of his ene- mies 66 et feq. — His condemnation, and its grounds 68 Confutes them, and complains of his fentence 72 — Irregula- rity of bis fentence 73 — Is removed to the fortrefs of Loa- vellein 74 — His employment in prifon 75 — Makes his ef- cape 78 — His Apology fur the States of Holland againft Sibrand Lubert 79 — Publifiies another work concerning pre- dertination and grace 84 — Prints the decree of the States, and its defence ibid — -His treatife Deimperio fummarum poteftatum circa fa era 85 — Writes againll Socinus S6 — Cenfure it draws upon him ibid — Publilhes a traft, proving that the Arminians are not Pelagians 87 — His work on deftiny ibid — He arrives at Paris 89 — 111 offices which the States do him by their am- baffadors in France ibid — Has no reafon to fpeak well of the minifters of Charenton 90 — Epigrams occafioned by his ar- rival in France 91 — The court grants him a penfion 93 — A report fpread of his going to change his religion 95 — His em- ployment at Paris 96 — His opinion of the eloquence of the advocates of thofe times 96 — Publifhes his Apology 97 — Its contents 98 — It is condemned by the States, who profcribe the author 99, 100 — His uneaiinefs on this fubjeél loo Taken by the French king under his protedion loi — The con- nexions he Hill keeps up in Holland 102 — Correfponds by letters INDEX. letters with prince Henry Fredric of NafTau 102 — Publiflies his Stobeas 103, and hi:s extrafl of the Greek tragedies and comedies 104 — Begins his work De jure belli ac pads 105 ; — Is taken ilj 106 — Publifhes a tranflation of Euripides's PhœniiTse 106— Writes in vain to prince Henry Frederic of NafTau to obtain leave to return to Holland 107 — Publilhes his treatife De jure belli ac pacis 108 — Purpofes to leave France 1 1 3 — A place offered him in Denmark, which he re- fufes 1 1 5 — His conference with cardinal Richelieu, by whom great hopes are given him 116. Grotius returns to Holland 118 — Gains an important law-fuit 120 — Difgufts he receives 121 — Is again outlawed by the States 121 — Leaves Holland, and goes to Hamburg 125 Refufes a penfion from France 1 27 — His thoughts on the edu- cation of children 12g — His firft acquaintance with Salvias 130 — Is courted by feveral princes 131 — Is defirous of a re- conciliation with Holland 133 — The high Chancellor Oxen- fteirn fends for hin; ibid — His veneration for the great Guf- tavus ibid — Goes to Oxenfleirn at Francfort 136 — Is nomi- nated ambafTador from Sweden to France ibid — His public de- claration that he ought no longer to be looked on as a Dutch- man 137 — His journey to and arrival in France 141 — Objec- tions made to his nomination 142 — His public entry into Paris 143 — His firft audience^ of the king 144 — Renews hii ac- quaintance with the Prince of Conde 145— His conference with Boutillier and father Jofeph concerning the treaty con- cluded in France with the envoys of the allies 147 — Another conference on the farrje fubjedl with cardinal Richelieu 150 His difcuflions with the minifters of Charenton 154 — Refolves to have divine fervice celebrated in his own houfe 156, 157 His feveral journeys to court, and negotiations with the mini- fters 158 et feq. — His audiences of the cardinal 162, 164, 167 — Abftains from vifiting his eminence 170 Becomes odious to the court 172 Accufed of being a penfioner of France 174 Difgufts he receives 175 Is uneafy about the payment of his lalary 178 The Venetian ambaffador contends with him for precedency 179 Oppofes the Swedes fending plenipotentiaries to the congrefs of Cologn 181 His difpute with Godefroy concerning the right of precedency be- tween France and Sweden 182 Another difpute with the Venetian ambaiudor 183 His explanation with the earl of Leicefter in relation to the precedency of England and Sweden 186 Several audiences which he has of the king 18 ^Compliments the queen on her pregnancy ig6 His con- verfation with the prince of Condé 200 His negotiation with Chavigny concerning the truce that was propofed ibid Smalz's bad behaviour to him 204 Is ifi great danger of his life 207 -His compliments to the king arid queen on the birth INDEX. tirth of the Dauphin 210 His efteem for the duke of Weymar 215 Labours to obtaivi the eleftor Palatine's li- berty, and fucceeds 218 He negotiates the exchange Of marftial Horn for John de Vert 225 The fhare he has in the renewal of the alliance between France and Sweden 228 His fmall regret for the death of cardinal Richelieu 230 Vifits not cardinal Mazarine 231 — His audience of the queen mother ibid The regency of Sweden are inftigated againft him 232 — ' — The diftafte he takes to his embafly ibid— De- fires be recalled, which requeft is readily granted 233, 234. The gracious letter queen Chriftina writes to him onthatfub- jeft 234 — His departure for Stockholm 235 — —Honours he receives by the way 236— —His reception in Sweden 237 He afks leave to retire ibid His departure from Stockholm ibid Anecdote concerning his laft audience of the queen 238 Conjeftures to which his departure gave rife 238 His arrival at Roftock, and his death 20g Reports fpread in relation to it 241 His epitaph by himfelf 244 His t)0rtrait ibid His embafTy did not interrupt his literary la- bours 244 He again cultivates Poetry 245 His notes On Tacitus 246 On Statius ibid On Lucan ibid — His Anthologia 247 His prodigious readinefs at writing 251 His hiftoi-y of the antiquity of the Goths 252 The ac- count he gives of this work to the high chancellor ibid. His annals of the Low Countries 256-— —His treatife of the truth of the chriftian religion 259 Is accufed, on account of this book, of Socinianifm 260 His defence ibid — His florum fparfio ad jus Juftinianeum 263 His Commentary on the fcriptures 264 His efteem for father Petau 266 His writings on Antichrift 26g The many enemies they flir up againft him 270 — His treatife of faith and good works 273 — His Via ad pacem ecclefiafticam ibid — Expects his re- ward from pofterity ibid — His writings againft Rivetus 274 His other theological works ibid — His treatife of the origin of the Americans 275 — His hiftory of the fiege of Grolla 277. His Introduftion to the laws of Holland ibid — His other writings ibid- — His tranflation of the Supplicantes of Euripi- des 278 — Manufcripts he left at his death ib. et feq. His Letters, and their praife 27g — Why cenfured, and for what efteemed 280, 281 — His circurhfpeélion with regard to the news he wrote to the high Chancellor 281 — His fentiments in relation to the Jefuifts 282, 288 — His veneration for an- tiquity ibid' — Leans towards the Roman Catholics 284 — His elogium of pope Urbin VHL ibid — His difefteem of the re- formers ibid — Difapproves of the feparation of the proteft- ants 286 — Indignation with which he fpeaks of Calvin 285, 287 — Is a partifan of the Hierarchy and the pope's fupre- macy 288 — Entertains hopeô of reuniting chriftians 2go — His fentiments INDEX. fcnteraents concerning the Eucharift 291 — A kind of formula propofed by him in relation to it 292— Juftifies the decifion of ^he council of Trent concerning the number of facraments 294— His fentiments on feveral other controverted points ibid. His fondnefs for the works of the apoftolic fathers 297 What Order of Monks he moll efteemed 299— In what man- ner he fpeaks of the council of Trent ibid — What has been faid of his difpofition to turn Roman Catholic 300 — His con- neélions with father Perau ibid — His religion problematical 301 His projeft of reuniting all chriftians 302 — Propofes to Lewis XIII. to pacify the differences which prevailed in Chrift- endom 304 — What encouraged him in this projeft 306 — Flat- ters himfelf with being fupported by cardinal Richelieu 307, 3 1 2 — His letter on this fubjeft to baron Oxenfteirn 307 — Com- municates to his father his projeft of a coalition 309— The ftiorteft way which he propofed of bringing it about 310 — En- tertains hopes of fuccefs 311 — His connexion with father f*etau on this occafion 315 — The enemies which this defign raifed up to him 314 — It embroils him with Salmafius and fe- veral others ibid — He becomes fufpicious and peevifti 3 1 7 — Is accufed of focinianifm 318 — His vindication from this charge 319 — His letters to Crellias 321 — Is accufed of being a Semi- pelagian 325— Other accufations brought agaînft him ibid. Elogiums and opinions of the learned concerning him 326 ^^edals ftruck in honour of him 337 — His regard for the church of England 338 — Plan of ftudy fent by him to Wil- liam Grotius 357 — Altercation between them 360. Grotius, William, prints his brother's poems 20 — Grotius di- redls his ftudies 357 His verfes on the Decalogue 358 The confidence which his brother places in him ibid — His marriage 359 — Is a fuccefsful pleader ibid — His Lives of the advocates ibid — Refufes the place ofpenfionary of Delft ibid. The Eaft India Company chufe him for their advocate 360 His altercation with his brother 360 — His book on the LaVy of Nature 361 — The merit of this wOrk ibid. Grotius, Mary, fécond daughter of Grotius, her death 356 Grotius's letter to his father on that occafion ibid. Grotius, Peter, advice given him by his father with regard to his method of pleading 23 — What he relates concerning his father's Annals of the Low-Countries 259 — His bad ftate of health while a child, and his ftudies 341 — His uncertainty what courfe of life to follow 344 — Applies to the ftudy of the law 346 — Uneafinefs which his irrefolution gives his fa- ther ibid — His marriage 347— Thé edition which he purpofed to publifh of his father's works ibid — Enters into thefervice of the eleflor Palatine 348 — Is nominated penfionary of Am- fterdam ibid— Rife of his difpleafure againft France ibid. Goes ambaftador to Stockholm 34.9 — His great knowledge of I N D E X. irea 349 — Is made penfionary of Rotterdam, and nominatea ambaffador from Holland to France35-D — Succefs ofhisem- baffy ibid — Involved in the difgrace of the De Wits 351 Arrefled and acquitted ibid — His death 352 — His elogium by Vicquefort ibid. Guftavus, king of Sweden, Grotius great veneration for that prince 133 — His efteem for Grotius 135 — Purpofes to engage him in his fervice ibid — Gives orders before his death for em- ploying him in the SwediOa minillry ibid — The value he fet upon his treatife of War and Peace ibid. H. Heemflcerke, Elfelinga, her family, and marriage with Hugo de Groot 2 — Her children ibid. Hçinfius, Daniel, his elogium of Grotius when a boy 7 — His Ariftarchus Sacer 264 — The rival and fecret enemy of Grotius ibid — Hi fuccefs of his commentary on the New Tcllament ^66' Grotius's management of him ibid — Verfes by Heinfiu« to be put under Grotius's pifture 330. Heinfius, Nicholas, 18, 351. Hjenry IV. the reception given by him to Grotius 1 1. Hoffman, calls Grotius the Phœnixof his age 334. Holland, the counts of, who was the firft 27 — Their power and authority ibid. Holland, the fiâtes of, their firft regulation with regard to the Arminians and Gomarifts 41 — They declare for a toleration 46. Their edidl on this fubje»£ ;3v*>. t. v^. *^ï % 1 jf&'>«».>6^i^Ê5'Gr^îse>yrrACL^^r^