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THE [^Z^ /i) 
 
 HISTORY 
 
 OF 
 
 THE REFORMATION, 
 
 FROM THE FRENCH 
 OP/ 
 
 MONS. DE BEAUSOBRE, 
 
 JOHN MACAU LAY, E S Q^ 
 
 A B.- M.R. I. A. 
 
 Member of the incorporated association of Ireland, for dif- 
 
 countenancing vice, and promoting the knowledge and 
 
 practice of the chriitian religion. 
 
 VOLUiME I. dt^a oM^ //s^^ 
 
 Ao-C-u r- 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 PRINTED FOR J. WHITE, AT HORACE'S HEAL^j 
 
 FLEfcT STREET, 
 
 BY T. BENSLEY, BOLT COURT. 
 
 180I. 
 
TO 
 
 HER ROYAL HIGHNESS 
 
 THE 
 
 DUCHESS OF YORK. 
 
 MADAM, 
 TVhe:s tlie grand- daughter of the pijlly 
 venerated Mr. De Beaufohre gave to the 
 world that pojihnmous 'work of her grand- 
 father, the H'lftory of the Reformation, fhe 
 dedicated it, from motives of the htglieji 
 
 gratitude and refpecf, to tlie grand-nnde of 
 
 Your Royal Highnefs, Frederick the Third. 
 
 Encouraged hy very refpe^ahle appro- 
 
 hation, it is my ivifli to introduce this 
 
 work, hitherto untranjlaied, into EngffJi 
 
 notice ; a7id I am ambitious of placing the 
 
 tranflation under the proietlion of Your 
 
 Royal Highnefs, as the Reprefejitative in 
 a 2 ■ this 
 
iv DEDICATION. 
 
 this united hngdom, of the tllujlrmis Tr'ince 
 to whom the original was addrejjed. 
 
 That Your Royal Highnefs may long 
 continue to enjoy every happinejs this life is 
 capable of ajfordiyig, and to promote, by 
 Your fplendid example, the hicreafe of true 
 religion and virtue, is thejincere prayer of 
 
 Madam, 
 
 Your Royal Highnefs" s 
 
 moft obedient, 
 
 and mofi hnmhlefervant. 
 
 J. UACAVhAY, 
 
 Alban Hall, Oxford, 
 2d Oftober ]b01. 
 
PREFACE 
 
 BY 
 
 THE TRANSLATOR, 
 
 It will not, I tmfli, be inexpedient to fay 
 a few words upon the caufes and mo- 
 tives which have given rife to this pub- 
 lication ; and I am the more induced to 
 do fo from the wilh I entertain, that the 
 propriety of my felecftion of the original 
 may reft on a furer foundation than that 
 efmy own private judgment. 
 
 The History of the Reforma- 
 tion by Mr. De Bea.usobre, which 
 was printed at Berlin in the year 1785, 
 not having been reprinted in England, nor 
 a 3 tranllated 
 
VI 
 
 tranflated into the Engliili language, 
 has been very httle known in this coun- 
 try ; but where known, it has been re- 
 ceived with approbation proportioned to 
 its intrinfic merits, and the high re 
 fpcdabihty of its author. , 
 
 The prcfent Lord Bifhop of Oxford 
 liaving, as Regius ProfeiTor of Divinity, 
 llrongly recommended the original to 
 the ftudents attending his courfe, inti- 
 mating at the fame time that it was ex- 
 tremely fcarce, I conceived the idea of 
 tranflating the work ; and my defign 
 being fandioncd by his Lordfliip's ap- 
 probation, I have proceeded in it ac- 
 cordingly. 
 
 From the great difficulty of pro- 
 curing the original, I have laboured 
 under many embarraflments, and have 
 been much retarded ; but the Bifliop 
 having been fo good as to fupply mr 
 with it from his own library, ] am now 
 enabled to bring forward the tranlla- 
 tion, accompanied with my fmcerc 
 wifli that it may prove fcrviccablc to 
 thofe for whofe ufe it is chiefly in- 
 tended. 
 
Vll 
 
 tended, as well as acceptable to the 
 public at large ^•^ 
 
 It does not appear, from fuch in- 
 quiries as I have been able to make, 
 that there is extant in Englifh any life 
 of Mr. De Beaufobre; the account given 
 in the Biographical Didionary, lately 
 publifhed in fifteen volumes odavo, 
 being, from the nature of the work, 
 much too fliort to fall under that title. 
 Two have come within my knowledge 
 in the French language ; one of which 
 is prefixed to the fecond volume of Mr. 
 De Beaufobre's celebrated Hiftory of 
 Manicheifm. It is written by Mr. De 
 Formey, and is entitled by its author 
 " An abridged Memoir," which he ad- 
 mits to have been drawn up in hafte, 
 and before he could obtain fundry do- 
 cuments fuited to render it more com- 
 plete. The other is at the end of the 
 
 * '* The do6lrines and diicipline of the church 
 " of Encrland are nearly conneded with the refor- 
 «» mation of Luther in Germany, and alfo with the 
 '» ftate of ecclefiaftical afEiirs for a confiderable time 
 <' before that reformation commenced." Evans's 
 Sketch cf the Denominatioiis into ivhich the Chrlf- 
 tlc.n PVtrii is divided, p. 67. 
 
 a 4 fecond 
 
Vlll 
 
 fecond volume of a valuable work cn- 
 tirlcd " Remarques Hiftoriques, Criti- 
 " tiques, et Philologiqucs fur Ic Nouvcau 
 " Teflament, par feu Mr. De Beaufo- 
 " fobre, le Pcre," publlfhcd at the Hague 
 in 1742. This account is drawn up by 
 the editor, and is profcfTedly an improve- 
 ment on the former*. It is of too 
 great length to admit of its appearing 
 entire on the prcfcnt occafion; but it 
 has been thouojht that, bv advertino- to 
 both, as well as to fuch other fourccs as 
 may be attainable, and by extracting 
 from them the moft interefting particu- 
 lars, fuch an account might be drawn 
 
 ^ * On a deja vu (fays the author in a note,) une 
 vie (le Monf. E)e Bcaufobie, a la tctc du 2Je Tome 
 ^c Ton Hiftoire du Manichcirmc. Mais comme Ic 
 fcavant qui I'a ccrite avoue, qu'il " a etc oblige dc 
 " drcfTer ion memoire avant que d'avoh- commu- 
 " nication de dlveis papicrs, qui auroient pu le ren- 
 " dre plus complet," et que d'ailleurs il patoit que 
 Ics memoires qu'il a fuivis n'ont pas etc toujours 
 tort exafts, nous avons cru que notre travail nc fe- 
 roit pas inutile, et que Mr. Formey lui-memc nr 
 trouvcroit pas mauvais, qu'eii donnant ici uiie Hif- 
 '■oirc fuivic. ou nous pourrons profiler dc la Tienne. 
 nous inferions quclquis uncs des " corrciflions" ct 
 dcs " additions" qu'il avoit promis de fjiie dans la 
 Uihhotheqiie Geimatntjue. > 
 
 up 
 
IX 
 
 up as ihould prove acceptable to the 
 public. 
 
 For prefenting a life of Mr. De Beau- 
 fobre, no apology, it is prefumed, will 
 be deemed neceflary, whatever may be 
 requifite for the imperfections in the 
 execution of it. Refpecft for his talents 
 and efteem for his virtues have been the 
 infeparable attendants on both, where- 
 cver known ; and it is much to be re- 
 gretted that the intervention of a foreign 
 language, like that of an obfcure me- 
 dium, has veiled too great a part of 
 them from the eye of the Enfflifn read- 
 cr. Of the former, the prefent work/ 
 it is hoped, will afford a fpecimen cal- 
 culated to enfure the refped: of thofe to 
 whom they w^ere, perhaps, unknown ; 
 of the latter, it is prelumed, his life will 
 afford a picflure neither unedifying nor 
 unentcrtaining. In the hiffory, as well 
 as in the works, of a great and good 
 man, there is always fomething to be 
 learned, amply fufffcicnt to repay the 
 trouble of perufal. 
 
THE LIFE 
 
 OF 
 
 Mr. De BEAUSOBRE, 
 
 1 HE family of Mr. De Beaufobre is origi- 
 nally of Limoufm. It appears by domeflic 
 documents that Leonard De Beaufobre, who 
 is ttyled noble in a public aft palled at Ge- 
 neva, was a native of that province. This 
 gentleman, who profeffcd the proteflant re- 
 ligion, was compelled, like many others, to 
 abandon his country in 1572. The outrages 
 of Charles IX. and the horrors of St. Bar- 
 tholomew, having turned France into a kind 
 of infernal region *, thofe who could fave 
 their lives by flight, betook themfelves 
 wherever they could lind an afyium. Mr, 
 De Beaufobre firft reached Swifierland, and 
 
 * Xc Icur laijfant flm ion m Fra7icc qti un -veritahh 
 errfer, are the Itrong expreliions of the author from 
 whom I draw. What would he have faid had he wit- 
 nelfed the calamities of France under its fyUem of ter- 
 rier, and the horrors of a revolutionary tribunal .- 
 
 foon 
 
XI 1 
 
 /bon afcer eftablifhed himfclf in Geneva. In 
 this city his Ton Arnauld was born ; who, 
 either by his own acquirement, or in right 
 of his father, enjoyed the privilege of citi- 
 zenfhip, and became one of the lords of 
 council. He efpoufed a lady of confiderable 
 rank J and from this marriage fprung Ifaac 
 De Beaufobre, grandfather to the illuflrious 
 character who is the fubjecft of the prefent 
 narrative. 
 
 When the vidories of Henry IV. had re- 
 ftored to the kingdom that urbanity which 
 the fatal influence of the bilhops of Rome 
 had banifhed from it, ifaac left -Geneva, 
 and, for reafons unknown to any one, fixed 
 himfelf at Poitou. Neither the titles, the 
 avocations, nor even the baptifmal name of 
 his fon are known -, but it may be readily 
 inferred that he was a perfon of confideration, 
 from the (li ift intimacy which fubfifled be- 
 tween his family and that of JMr. De Villette, 
 a gentleman of great diilindion in the pro- 
 vince in which he lived, and a lieutenant 
 general in the King's army, who requefted 
 Monf. and Madame De Beaufobre to fland 
 fponfors to one of his children. It is, how- 
 c\(;r, certain that he dwelt at Niort, where 
 
 he 
 
Xlll 
 
 he had a houfej and that he poffeflcd a 
 landed property in the neighbourhood of 
 that city. 
 
 How little foever may be known of the 
 perfonal titles and honours of Mr. De Beau- 
 fobre, he has an undoubted claim to the re- 
 lative one of be'ng the father of a fon whofe 
 talents have fufficiently diftinguilhed him in 
 the world, to render dignity of birth, how- 
 ever refpeftable in itfelf, a matter, as far as 
 he is concerned, of very inferior confide- 
 ration *. 
 
 Isaac De Beausobre was born at Niort 
 on the 8th of March 1659, and baptized on 
 the 1 6th of the fame month, in a church 
 belonging to the proteflants, by Mr. Bofla- 
 tran f, the minifler of the place ; his grand- 
 
 fc^ther, 
 
 * "It has been aiVerted," lays Mr. de Formey, " that 
 " the name of Bcaufobre is not the real name of the 
 " family; that the perfon who took refuge in Swilfer- 
 " land affumed it inftead of that of BoiJJart ; and that 
 " he was of the houfe of the barons de Baux. But as 
 " Mr. De Bcaufobre is fufficiently diflinguifhed by 
 " other means, it will be unnecelfary to enter into 
 " greater detail relative to his extra(Slion." 
 
 + Mr. Boffatran was a man of learning, and pof- 
 feffed of confiderable merit. Having quitted Franca 
 after the revocation of the edi6t of Names, he took 
 refuge in England 3 and having ferved the Frpnch 
 church at Wandfworth near London, he died at a very- 
 advanced 
 
XIV 
 
 father, after whom he was called, and Marie 
 de Ferrier, his grandmotlier, being his fpon- 
 fors. From his earhefl infancy the fweetnefs 
 of his temper and natural difpofition en- 
 deared him greatly to his parents, who be- 
 llowed uncommon pains on the cultivation 
 of principles which afforded fo favourable a 
 profped: ; nor was there any objea to which 
 the attention of his father was more flrongly 
 bent, than to lead him to virtue by the love 
 of duty. Thus, he has been often heard to 
 fay that the fear alone of difpleafing fo good 
 a father was a bridie fufRcient to prevent him 
 from launching into the extravagances of 
 youth, had not even his own difpofitions 
 been fuch as to reftrain him from them. 
 
 At a very early age he commenced his 
 lludies in his native city, but was foon re- 
 moved on account of tiie harfli and rigorous 
 difpofition of the regent of his college, and 
 placed in a family where he had the advan- 
 tage of a private tutor. From the treatment 
 he received under tliis roof, through the for- 
 did difpofition of the miftrefs of the houfe, 
 
 ulvanced age, about the year );oi, at the hoiiie of one 
 •>f his daughters, who was mnrried, and refidcd at 
 
 Canterbury. 
 
 ^ who 
 
XV 
 
 who denied him the common neceflaries, and 
 almoft ftarved him, he fell into a confump- 
 tive diforder which was near proving fatal to 
 him J but by the unremitting attention of a 
 moft affedlionate mother, and the bleffing of 
 providence on the means ufed, he was com- 
 pletely recovered. The whole of this tranf- 
 afbion was fo remarkable, and made fuch an 
 imprefllon on his mind, although he was 
 not at the time quite eleven years of age, 
 that it continued to the end of his life ; nor 
 did he ever relate the circumftance without 
 evident emotion. 
 
 Of extraordinary talents, and a predilec- 
 tion for the facred office, he gave early and 
 aftoni^ing proofs. 
 
 Having returned one evening from the 
 church where Mr. Charles Drelincourt had 
 preached, he began to recite aloud in a room 
 by himfelf all that he recollefted of the fer- 
 mon. Not content with the mere heads of 
 the difcourfe, he repeated the paflages which 
 he thought the fined, and gave them all 
 the animation which had acccompanied their 
 original delivery. His father and mother 
 were at the time in an adjoining apartment, 
 feparated only by a partition fo thin as to 
 
 allow 
 
XVI 
 
 allow them to hear every thing. They liften- 
 ed attentively, without lofing a fingle word, 
 and Ihed tears of joy. A fcene like this, 
 which had afforded them fo much fatisfac- 
 tion, appeared too extraordinary and too in- 
 terefting to remain in concealment. A few 
 days afterwards they invited. Mr. Drelincourt 
 with fome other friends to dinner, and did 
 not fail to introduce the flory of the young 
 preacher. Every one was defirous of feeing 
 him, and he was requefled to recite to the 
 company the difcourfe which he had de- 
 livered when alone. He obeyed; and with- 
 out being confounded either by the number 
 or rank of nis auditors, aftonifhed them 
 all, not lefs by the ftrength of his memory 
 than by the graces of his recitation. The 
 preacher greatly (truck, like the others, with 
 an occurrence fo extraordinary, loaded him 
 with praifes, bellowed on him the mod nu- 
 merous benediflions, predicted his future 
 grectnefs, and enforced in the moft prelTing 
 manner upon his parents the obligation they 
 were under, in point of confcience, to dedi- 
 cate him to the miniftry •, a meafure which 
 they had not yet confidered, but to which 
 this event fubfcquently determined them. 
 
 His 
 
XVll 
 
 His health being perfeclly re-eftablifhcd, 
 a friend * of his father's received him with 
 great willingnefs into his houfe, in order that 
 he might refume and continue his ftudies. 
 The opportunity was a moft favourable one. 
 This gentleman had but one fon, for whom 
 he kept a domeftic tutor, who to confidera- 
 ble learning united great abilities for the 
 education of youth. Under a preceptor pof- 
 feffed of fo much knowledge and diligence, 
 the two pupils made great and rapid pro- 
 grefs ; and the young Beaufobre was foon in 
 a itate of readincfs to appear in the acade- 
 mies. He was accordingly fent to that of 
 Saumur f , not only on account of its prox- 
 im.ity to the refidence of his family, but alfo 
 for the fake of the excellent inftruflors to be 
 there met with in every department. During, 
 {cvf^n years which he fpent in this feminary, 
 he perfefted himfeif in the fcienccs, went 
 through his courfe of philofophy, and gave 
 
 * Suppofed to be Mr, De Villette, a gentleman of 
 rank and coniequeiice before mentioned. 
 
 -f Saumur fur le Loire, a town of France in Anjou, 
 "where the Calvinilb polleired a college and academy, 
 which were taken tVom them in l6S4 To this place 
 they drew great numbers; but after their overthrow, 
 Saumur was very little frequented. 
 
 Morcri Did. Edit, de Paris \75Q. 
 b up 
 
xvni 
 
 up eight whole months to the (tudy of divi- 
 nity. His docility, his application, the 
 fweetnefs of his temper, and his underftand- 
 ing procured him general regard. There 
 was bur one opinion on the fubject. All 
 who knew him, entertained for him the 
 higheft efteem, and loaded him with marks 
 of approbation. The regents, and efpecial- 
 ly the feveral profefTors, exceeded one ano- 
 ther in his praifej and the teftimcnials he 
 received from them were fo filled with good 
 wifhes and panegyrics, that they could not 
 have proceeded but from the moft tender 
 afFeclion, and from the high efteem which 
 they entertained for the uncommon prudence 
 of his condu6l, and the fuperiority of his ex- 
 cellent talents. 
 
 Having finifhed his ftudies at Saumur, he 
 returned to Niort, where he foon gave evi- 
 dence of the extent of his acquirements, 
 and of the uncominon gifts he pofTeflcd for 
 the pulpit. The applaufe he received was 
 great and general, and fcrved but to animate 
 him the more to qualify himfelf to fupport 
 with dignity the facrcd profeffion to wliich lie 
 was deft:ined. How great foever his acquire- 
 ments were, he was fenfible of the propriety 
 of adding both to their pjlidity and their 
 
 extent. 
 
XIX 
 
 extent. For this purpofe retirement was ne- 
 ceflary, and he dnbraced with great readinefs 
 the opportunity prefented to him by Mr. de 
 Villette, who invited him to pafs fome montlis 
 at his family manfion. In this pleafing and 
 tranquil retreat he gave himfelf up entirely 
 to the employment of meditating upon the 
 various branches of learning he had acquired 
 at Saumur, and the ufe it would be rncum» 
 bent on him to make of them in the exercife 
 cf the facred fundion. To thefe acquifitions 
 he added others both ufcful and extenri\':e. 
 He always rofe extremely early, and was ac- 
 ■cuftomed to pafs the whole of the day in 
 reading or meditation ; fo that, as he him.felf 
 has frequently declared, he did not at any 
 period of his life employ his time to more 
 advantage, or make more fuccefsful progrei-s 
 in his ftudies. 
 
 According to the relation given by Mr. 
 De Formey, great intreaties had been ufed 
 with Mr. de Beaufobre, by Mr. de Vieux 
 Fourneau, his father's coufin-german, not 
 indeed to induce him to change his leiigion, 
 but to attach himfeif .to the law i becaufe, 
 being nearly related to Madame de Main- 
 tenon, he was defirous of prcfenting^'.him to 
 her, and of making his fortune. " But Pro- 
 b 2 *' vidence," 
 
XX 
 
 ** vidence," adds Mr. de Formey, " who had 
 " other views for him, infpired him with re- 
 " folution fteadily to withfland fuggeftions 
 " fo attraflive to youth." The authenticity, 
 however, of this anecdote is queftioned by 
 the author of the life of Mr. de Bcaufobre, 
 attached to that poflhumous work entitled, 
 " Remarques Hiftoriques, &:c. fur le Nou- 
 " veau Teftament par M. de Beaufobre, le 
 " Pere," on account of a difagreement in 
 point of time *. 
 
 * " Je ne f^ais pourtant quel fond on doit faire fur 
 " cette anecdote J car Madame Maintenon ne eom- 
 *' men^a qu'en 1 681, a entrer dans le grand credit qu 
 " elleeut dans la fiiitc; &: Mr. de Beaufobre, qui avoit 
 "■ alors environs 22 ans, s'y ctoit eiitierement confacre 
 " au St.Miniftere, pour lequel il avoit achevc fes 
 ** etudes." 
 
 This life of Mr. de Beaufobre is (as I have obferved 
 in the preface) of very great extent, and goes much 
 into detail on events in foreign courts; which, though 
 connected in fome degree, with the incidents attending 
 the minillry of Mr. de Bcaufobre, would not, perhaps, 
 be intercfting to an Englifli reader. I had, at one 
 time, foiDe idea of tranllating t/ie ivhok of it; but 
 the bifliop of Oxford having been fo good to dip into 
 that work, and to favour me with his fentiments, 
 (nearly as above), I have felt it incumbent on me to 
 co-incide with an opinion refulting from judgment fo 
 much fuperior to my own ; and I avail myfclf of the 
 prefent opportunity to teflify the fenfe I entertain of 
 his Lordlliip'* polite and friendly attention. 
 
 Devoted 
 
XXI 
 
 Devoted thus early to the miniftry, and 
 prepared for its iaiportant duties by unre- 
 mitted fludy and meditation, and having fuf- 
 tained a long and fevere examination in a 
 manner the moft honourable to himfelf, and 
 gratifying to his examiners, v>^ho loaded him 
 with commendations, Mr. de Beaufobre did 
 not long remain without a flock, over whom 
 he might exercife his paftoral care. During 
 the fitting of the provincial fynod of Lou- 
 dun*, a charge was offered him, namely, 
 that of Chatillon fur I'Indre, a little town in 
 Touraine, the fituation of which was ex- 
 tremely agreeable. The appointment having 
 been conferred by the church, accepted by 
 Mr. de Beaufobre, and approved by the 
 fynod ; the latter named deputies from its 
 own body to confecrate the new paftor by 
 the impofition of hands, which was to be 
 performed with the utmoft folemnity upon 
 the fpot. A domeflic misfortune, however, 
 of the moft affecting nature occafioned fome 
 
 * In l6S3 the province of the reformed churches in 
 France, containhigTouraine, Anjou, Loudunois, Maine, 
 Vendomois, and Pirche ; obtained from the king per- 
 miflion to alfemble in fynod. Jt was ealy to forefee 
 that this would be the laft time of granting that in- 
 dulgence. The deflru6lion of the proteftants, long be- 
 fore refolved on, was then fall approaching . 
 
 b 3 delay 
 
XXll 
 
 deiay m tl.e performance of the ceremony^ 
 which was, therefore, neccflarily poftponed. 
 During thefe tranfactions the father of Mr. 
 deBcaiifobre died, and was thus deprived of 
 a pleafiire he had ardently defired, and which 
 ^/as to him the greateft this hfe could afford j 
 namely, that of feeing the paftoral fundlions 
 cxercifed by a fon who had never given him 
 thfz fmalleft caufe of dilTatisfidlion j and of 
 whom he had, on many accounts, conceived 
 the moft flattering hopes. Mr. de Beaufobre 
 was affefted as he ought to be, at a lofs 
 which the circumftances wherein he himfelf 
 flood rendered yet more afflidtive ; and he 
 tenderly wept for a father, whofe affedion to 
 him had never fuffered the fmalleft dimi- 
 nution. 
 
 The forrows of a virtuous and feeling 
 mind tend rather to elevate than to deprefs the 
 foul ; and the tears which Mr. de Beaufobre 
 fhcd for the lofs of his excellent father were 
 the pure ofrerings of filial affedion, devoid 
 of that weaknefs which fometimes accom^- 
 panies the fofter paflions. He forrov,?ed not 
 " as others whicb have no hope;" — he look- 
 ed forward to a happy reunion with his 
 departed parent in the kingdom of his 
 heavenly Father; and iie could not better 
 
 prepare 
 
XXlll 
 
 prepare for that event than by the difcharge 
 of thofe facred duties to which he was about 
 to be appointed. It was neceffary, befides, 
 to dry up his tears, that he might anfwer the 
 wifhes of his flock who impatiently expedled 
 him. He received, therefore, impofition of 
 hands in their prefence on the nth of July 
 1683*, from Meflrs. de Sicqville, and de 
 Lo de Monmeri, paftors deputed by the 
 fynod for that purpofe. It will prefently be 
 feen that his refidence at Chatillon fur I'lndre 
 was not of long continuance. It was, how- 
 ever, of fufficient duration to allow him an 
 opportunity of entering into the matrimonial 
 ftate, by uniting himfelf with Madame Claude 
 Louifa Arnodot, whofe father was minifter of 
 Lufignan. 
 
 Scarcely had Mr, de Beaufobre been two 
 years and three months in the church, when 
 the heavy llorm v,'hich had been Ions: threat- 
 
 *o 
 
 * Mr. deFormey fays, that Mr. de Beaufobre receiv- 
 ed impofition of hat)ds at the age of twenty- two years. 
 But this, obferves the biographer of Mr. de Beaufobre 
 in the B.ejnaniues Hijloriques, kc. is not corre<5t. 
 ••■ Having been born on the Sth of March iGsg, and 
 " admitted into the miniftry in a fynod which com- 
 " mencedon the 2d of June l683, he could not be lefs 
 " at that time than twenty-tour years and fome 
 '•' months." 
 
 b 4. enins 
 
XXIV 
 
 ening die proteftants of France, burft upon 
 their head with the moft dreadful explo- 
 lion. 
 
 The edid which revoked that of Nantes, 
 was pubHfhed under the feal on Thurfday 
 the i^th of 06lober 1685, and regiftered in 
 the Chamber of Vacations, contrary to all 
 form, on the Monday following, by the par- 
 liament of Paris, whofe example was imme- 
 diately followed by all the other parliaments 
 of the kingdom. In the fecond article of 
 this edifl of revocation, the king forbade 
 every kind of aflem.bly for the exercife of the 
 reformed religion. In the fourth he banifh- 
 ed all the minifters of that religion from his 
 kingdom and its dependencies, commanding 
 them to leave his territories in fifteen days 
 after the publication of the edi6t, on pain of 
 being fent to the gallies j and, in the twelfth 
 article, he interdidted the proteftants who 
 remained from attending any meeting or 
 religious aflembly, under pretence either of 
 prayer or worPnip, of whatever kind it 
 might be. 
 
 The rigours of perfecution having thus 
 taken place, the church where Mr. de Beau- 
 fobre preached was Ihut up j and an impulfe 
 of zeal, nati|ral to his time of life, having led 
 
 him 
 
XXV 
 
 him to infringe the orders of the court with a 
 little too much precipitation, he was under 
 the neceflity of firft conceaHng, and after- 
 wards betaking himfelf to flight; proceed- 
 ings having been carried on againft him, and 
 fentence paffed, condemning him to make 
 the amende honorable* ^ for having broken 
 the king's feal affixed to tiie church door. 
 
 His firft views were turned to England ; 
 but having been prevented at the beginning 
 by particular circumftances from going 
 thither, he went to Holland, where he had 
 the honour of becoming known to Her Se- 
 rene Highnefs the Princefs of Orange, who 
 was much pleafed with him, and who thought 
 it a confiderable acquifition to procure Mr. 
 de Beaufobre to be chaplain to her daughter 
 the Princefs of Anhalt. She therefore en- 
 gaged him to fill that poft; and he repaired 
 to DeiTau in 1686. 
 
 In this retreat his merit loon procured him 
 a new country, with every imaginable com- 
 
 * The. amende honnralk i> a fpecies of puniflirnent, 
 to which a degree of infamy is attached. The perfon 
 .condemned to it appears covered only with a Ihiit, 
 bearing a torch in his hand, and having a rope round 
 his neck, before a congregation or other nlicmbly, 
 where he alts pardon of God, of the King, and of Juf- 
 tice, for fome wicked a6tion. Furetierc, 
 
 fort. 
 
XSVl 
 
 fort. The Princcfs of Anhak, who was pof- 
 lefird of great lenfe, and of a cukivated un- 
 dcritanding, knew very well how to value 
 Mr. De Beaufobre equal to his deferts, and 
 honoured him with a particular confidence. 
 In this agreeable fituation he increafed and 
 brought to itiil greater perfection the literary- 
 acquirements of his former days, of which 
 an effedt became foon vifible that did him 
 confiderable honour. This was his defence of 
 the proteftant doctrines, compofed in con- 
 fequence of a Prince of the houfe of Saxony 
 having changed his religion. This work 
 was extremely well received j and it would 
 have been flill higher valued had not the 
 edition been replete with errors. It appeared 
 at Magdeburg in 1693. 
 
 Aftifr a continuance of eight years at Def- 
 fau, the advantageous eftablillinient of the 
 refugees in Brandenburg, the conveniencies 
 which Berlin afforded for ftudy and the 
 education of a family, and the attraction of 
 friends who had fettled there, determined Mr. 
 de Beaufobre to quit Deflau for the purpofe 
 of removing himfelf to this new abode, 
 where he arrived there in 1694. In this 
 place he completed the remainder of his 
 
 career. 
 
XXVll 
 
 career, and exercifed his miniflry during forty- 
 fix years. He was at firft admitted into the 
 number of ordinary paftors who ferved the 
 parifhes granted to the French refugees. But 
 his diftinguifhed talents for the pulpit pro- 
 cured him afterwards the honour of being 
 chaplain to their maiefties, and he exe-cuted 
 the fun6tions of that appointment until the 
 death of the Queen. At the time when par- 
 ticular paftors were afTigned to each parifh, 
 the church of Ville-neuve had been allotted 
 to him ; but on the death of Mr. Lenfant in 
 1728 he filled his place at Werder, which he 
 retained until the clofe of his miniftry and his 
 life, having held, at different periods^ the 
 honourable fituations of Counfellor of the 
 Royal Confiftory, Direftor of the Mai/on Fran- 
 foife^ and Infpeftor of the French College : 
 about a year before his death he was declared 
 Infpe<5lor of the French Churches of Berlin, 
 and of the towns comprehended in that 
 diocefe. 
 
 As foon as Mr. de Beaufobre had formed 
 his eftablifhment at Berlin, he applied him- 
 felf to his ftudies, and confecrated to them 
 the leifure which the exercife of his funftions 
 would allow 3 and in order to propofe 
 
 feme 
 
xxviii 
 
 Ibme end to which they might be direded 
 he undertook the Hiftory of the Reforma- 
 tion *. 
 
 Meflieurs De Beaufobre and Lenfant hav- 
 ing been diredled by the court to prepare a 
 verfion of the New Teftament, they divided 
 the tafk between them. Mr. Lenfant had for 
 his fhare, the Evangelifts, the A6ls of the 
 Apoftles, the CathoHc Epiftles, and the Apo- 
 calypfe ; the epiftles of St. Paul, confefledly 
 the moft difficult part, fell to Mr. De Beau- 
 fobre. They publiilied their work in 1718, 
 in two volumes 4to. and accomipanied their 
 verfion with an ample preface, together with 
 
 * With refpcct to this work, Mr. de Formey ob- 
 ferves, that, as Mr. De Beaufobre had not publiftied 
 any thing of the kind, it might furprife fome to be in- 
 formed that it had adually been the objeft of his re- 
 fearches. He accounts for this by the length of the 
 work, and tlie intricacy ot the difcullions contained in 
 it y but adds, that Mr. de Beaufobre had left the nia- 
 nufcript in a Hate which allowed of its being prefented 
 to the public; and that it was owing to his great at- 
 tachment to this undertaking, of which he fcarcely 
 ever loft fight, that fo many years elapfed without his 
 fending any publication into the world, " Lkrl- a 
 " cede ctitrcprijt:, il ric Fa frcjquc point perdue ile -vuc, et 
 '■^ dc-la •v'lait (juil s ejl ccoule une loiiguc J'u'ttc d'awiccs^ 
 '* fam (Jill I en donndt rien au public ," 
 
 notes, 
 
XXIX 
 
 notes, and whatever could add to its utility. 
 The fuccefs anfwered the attempt; and if 
 fome criticifms were excited againft the per- 
 formance, they were unable to prevent am- 
 ple juflice being done to it. A publication 
 by Mr. Dartis, a reftlefs and turbulent mini- 
 fter, who had withdrawn himfelf from Berlin, 
 where he had officiated, engaged Mr.De Beau- 
 fobre in an anfwer, in which he repulfed, 
 with as much fpirit as force, the trifling cen- 
 fures of an adverfary who had written under 
 the influence of pafTion. This reply appear- 
 ed in 17 19. 
 
 Upon the formation of the Socicte Anonymc^ 
 'Mr. De Beaufobre was one of its principal 
 members, and was induced, in confequence, 
 to give feveral pieces to the Bibliotheque Ger- 
 manique, fuch as his " DifTertation on the 
 " Adamites," which has been reprinted at 
 the end of the hiflory of the Huflites by Mr. 
 Lenfantj his " DifTertation on the Statue of 
 '' Paneas;"his *' Virgin-Queen of Poland;" 
 his "■ Converfations upon Images," and va- 
 rious other tra6ts difperfed through the vo- 
 lumes of that journal, of which he retained 
 the diredion until his death. 
 
 While labouring at the hiftory of the re- 
 formation 
 
XXX 
 
 formation, Mr. De Bcaufobre made a digref- 
 fion which produced two volumes in 4to. 
 and which would ftiil have produced more, 
 had the author lived : this was the " Hiftory 
 " of Manicheifmj" a work which would pro- 
 bably have been followed by a third volume 
 upon the modern heretics accufed of Ma- 
 nicheifm. Upon this work it is unneceflury 
 to enlarge -, the fentimcnts excited by it are 
 recent. The journals have palTed eulogiums 
 on it ; and the learned have been pretty well 
 agreed in allowing it to difplay great erudi- 
 tion, txcrtrSite. judgment, and a candour 
 truly admirable. It difpleafcd only the a??- 
 /eurs de Trevoux, who did not gain much by 
 attacking itj and the long and folid reply 
 which Mr. De Beaufobre made to them in 
 i\\^ Bibliotheque Garmanique, vol. 37. et feq. 
 (the conclufion of which is to be found in 
 the 43d vol. of the fame journal,) might 
 have taught them not to exceed their proper 
 fphere, if palTion had not fwayed them too 
 much to allow them to liften to the voice of 
 reafon. 
 
 This is the whole of what appeared during 
 die life of Mr. De Beaufobre, "" But it h 
 "' to be prefumed," fays Mr. De Fcrmey, 
 
 " that 
 
XXXI 
 
 " that h's pofihumous works * will furpafs 
 " in number, and even in importance, thofe 
 " he has already given to the world : for the 
 *' Hiftory of the Reformation alone will be 
 " fufficient to make feveral volumes in 4to. 
 ** to which may be added a volume of Phi- 
 " lological Obfervations upon the New Tef- 
 " tamentf, to ferve as a third volume to 
 ** that of MefTieurs De Beaufobre and 
 " Lenfant j feveral volumes of Sermons 
 *' intended by the author for publica- 
 " tion ; and, for that purpofe, felefled by 
 "■'* him from his other comipo0tions of this 
 '' kind, together with a confiderable number 
 
 * The following is the lift of them as given by Mr. 
 De Formey, Hijioire Jes Prchm'tna'ircs dc la llcfov' 
 motion \ ; a part. Hijioire dcs Bogomiks. llijiulre 
 des Vuudois. Hijioire dcs Albigeois. Hijioire dcs 
 Freres dc Bohemia^ Hijioire critique de I'origine ci 
 des frogrcs du cule des marts farmi les Puycns, et 
 parjni Ics Chretiens. All thefe works are written in 
 French, 
 
 \ This work has extended to tivo volumes. It i^ 
 the book mentioned in the preface, and in a former 
 note, as having annexed to it a very comprehenlive life* 
 of Mr. De Beaufobre. 
 
 X This is a (eparate performance from the Killory of the Refdr-- 
 mation, and is the work fo frequently referred to by Mr. De Beau- 
 fobre in liiiit hiilory under the title of Ihc Remarks, eviJeiiliy in- 
 tended by him for previous publication. Sec alfo the advertilenicnt 
 
 preii.xed bv the Berlin editors. 
 
 "of 
 
XXXIl 
 
 '^ of DifTertations upon various fubjedls of 
 *' literature and ecclefiafticai hiftory. The 
 " whole of thefe are in fuch order as may 
 " give the public reafon to hope foon to be 
 " in pofTeflion of them," 
 
 It may readily be conceived, from what 
 has been faid, that the life of Mr. De Beau- 
 fobre, though long, was aftive and laborious, 
 efpecially if it be confidei ed that he beftowed 
 die greatefl attention on his works j that he 
 was not one of thofe rapid authors who bring 
 forth immediately on conception * : exaft, 
 delicate, feldoin fatisfied with himfelf, he cor- 
 reded and retouched his compofitions at dif- 
 ferent intervals. Preaching, although it , 
 might feem really to be born with him, yet 
 did not therefore occupy the lefs fhare of his 
 time : regular in the difcharge of his func- 
 tions, he in confequence compofed a great 
 number cf fermons, and thofe fermons were 
 of a nature to require time and attention. It 
 may indeed truly be faid, that the reforma- 
 tion has produced few preachers of his rank. 
 A fire of imagination, a copioufnefs and 
 juftnefs of exprefTionj a manner new and 
 original in treating on the moft common 
 fubjeclsj offers furprifing, yet natural, to- 
 
 * Qui out auHitut enfantc que conju. 
 
 wards 
 
XXXIJI 
 
 wards the explanation of the Holy Scrip- 
 tures, and the truths of religion ; the brilliant, 
 the fublime, the pathetic, in a word, all the 
 qualities of an orator were united in him, and 
 continued in their full force until the end of 
 his life ; for even at the age of feventy, he 
 preached with all the fire and imagination of 
 his youth *. it may naturally be fuppofed that 
 the preparation of thefe difcourfes occupied 
 many of his hours ; and if to this be added 
 the time taken up by intercourfe with perfons 
 moft diftinguifhed for rank and learning, by 
 his literary correfpondence, and in general by 
 all the avocations with which the life of a 
 minifter, and of a man of uncommon attain- 
 ments muft of neceffity be occupied, it will 
 be apparent that Mr. De Beaufobre did not 
 fail to turn every moment of his leifure to 
 the bell advantage. 
 
 In ftature Mr. De Beaufobre was below 
 the middle fize, but well made, of a noble 
 demeanour, and graceful air. He had fine 
 
 * " The public," fays Mr. De Forraey, " will fome 
 " time or other be enabled to judge of his fermonsj 
 " and it is to be prefumed, that, after having had io 
 *' much fuccefs before the raoft refpedable auditories, 
 " the publication of them will not diminifli the repu- 
 " tation which the author has acquired in that fpecies 
 ** of compofition." 
 
 c features, 
 
XXXIV 
 
 features, a lively eye, a happy turn of vifage, 
 and a countenance brightened v/ith a conftant 
 fmile. In him was truly to be found that 
 Je vej^ais quoiy that inexpreflible agresable- 
 nefs, which prepofTeiTes and gains hearts at 
 firft fight. His internal qualities did not 
 falfify this pleafing exterior : he was polite, 
 affable, and obliging, and perfedly qualified 
 "to prefent himfclf with dillinftion in all com- 
 panies, and even in courts, differing greatly 
 from thofc learned men, who contract a kind 
 of rufl in their clofets. By thefe means Mr. 
 De Beaufobre had a ready accefs in the courts 
 cf Anhak, DefTau, and of tlie then Queen 
 of PrufTia, whofe tafte and acquirements 
 were fuperior even to her high rank. He 
 did not pofTefs lefs talents for converfation 
 than for the pulpit ; he was always liftened 
 to with pleafure ; and, without alTuming any 
 air of fuperiority, was in reality fo fuperior to 
 others, that it was impoflible to rcfufe him 
 that efteem and deference which are due to a 
 fine genius, cultivated by the graces, and 
 fweetencd by gentlenefs and modefly. 
 
 His heart was yet preferable to his under- 
 ftanding ; he was generous, difinterelled, hu- 
 mane, and compafTionate ; incapable of ran- 
 cour or revenge, ever inclined to do good, 
 • ■ - and 
 
XXXV 
 
 and incapable of hurting any one. If he 
 erred at all, it was perhaps by an excefs of 
 facility and complaifance. Detefting evil- 
 Ipeaking, and detradtion of every kind, he 
 always laid hold of the favourable traits 
 in the charafter of his neighbour, taking 
 delight in difplaying them to the beft ad- 
 vantage, and concealing' faults even when he 
 might have had an intcreft in revealing them. 
 In a word, he was one of the fineft charac- 
 ters for fociety -^vhich nature is capable of 
 forming*. Truly born for it, he fulfilled all 
 its duties with the greateft exaftnefs. A 
 good father, a good hufoand, a good rela- 
 tion, a good friend, a good citizen, and a 
 good fubje6l, he taught nothing which he did 
 not inculcate by example. Always ready to 
 obhge, he gave additional value to his fer- 
 vices by the courteous manners with which 
 they were accompanied -, and even anticipated 
 
 * " It will perhaps be imagined," obferves Mr. De 
 Formey, " that I am adopting the tone of a panegy- 
 " rift 3 and true it is, that the efteem with which ray 
 " late illuftrious friend honoured me, and the tender 
 " veneration I preferve for his memory, might be fuf- 
 " ficient to miflead me: but I call thofe to witnefs 
 " who pofleffed the opportunity of knowing him, and 
 ** more efpecially fuch as have been admitted to the 
 *' delights of an intimacy with him, and I do not bc- 
 " lieve that any one among them will have a thought 
 " of contradi(5tingme.' 
 
 c 2 the 
 
XXXVl 
 
 the wifhes of thofe who hefitated through 
 diffidence to apply to him, difpkying always 
 greater fatisfadlion in fucceeding for others 
 than for himfelf. The delight he felt in be- 
 friending the w idow and the orphan amply 
 repaid all his trouble. He was accuftomed 
 to approach the great, and to pay his court 
 to them, but always lefs for himfelf than 
 for others ; and while he refpefted their per- 
 fons and their rank, he neither worshipped 
 their grandeur nor even envied it, being 
 conftantiy of opinion, that the Great ivho ho- 
 nour jnerlt, do, in truths more honour to them- 
 jelveSy tha.i to thofe whom they -patronije. His 
 life was regular, and fuited to the charadler 
 with which he was inverted j he always tef- 
 tified a profound refpedl for the holy religion 
 which he preached \ and invariably perfevered 
 in thefe fentiments to the end of his days 
 with a piety and refignation truly edi- 
 fying. 
 
 \ A vigorous conftitution preferved Mr. De 
 Beaufobre frooT any great diforders, and 
 enabled him to attain to an advanced age 
 without infirmities. His common indifpo- 
 fitions were feverilh complaints, and colds, 
 v;hich fome family remedies fpeedily re- 
 moved. It has already been obferved that he 
 
 preached 
 
xxx'vii 
 
 preached with animation till near his eightieth 
 year. Towards the beginning of 06lober 
 1737, h^ found himfelf indifpofed upon the 
 evening preceding a Sunday on which he 
 was to preach. This was the commence- 
 ment of his laft ilhiefs j and although he had 
 fome favourable intervals during its con- 
 tinuance of eight months, the diforder, 
 which confiiled of obftru6tions and fever, 
 continued to make advances which dellroyed 
 all hopes of his recovery. About the feaft 
 of Pentecoft, his end was perceived to be ap- 
 proaching, and the following week proved 
 the laft of his iife, which he terminated on 
 the 5th of June 1738, at the age of feventy- 
 nine years and three months. He preferved 
 a perfe6t recollection to the laft day, and 
 made, without the fmalleft embarraffment, 
 all the arrangements proper for a dying 
 man. 
 
 Mr. de Beaufobre was twice married, and 
 left children by each of his wives. By the 
 firft, Madame Arnodot, whom he married in 
 France, he left ifuie Mr. Charles Louis de 
 Beaufobre, minifter of a church at Berlin, 
 known for works which announce him worthy 
 of fuch an illuftrious father j Mr. Leopold 
 de Beaufobre, colonel of a regiment in the 
 c 3 fervice 
 
XXXVIll 
 
 fervice of Her Majefty the late Emprefs of 
 RufTa, and Mademoifelle Henriette de 
 Beaiifobre. By the fame lady he had like- 
 wife a fon, who died a captain at the age of 
 twenty-two years before Belgrade, and a 
 daughter nnarried to Mr. Paul Emilius de 
 Mauclere, a preacher belonging to the court, 
 and paftor of the French church at Stettin. 
 By the fecond marriage, contracted with 
 Mademoifelle Charlotte Schwartz on the 
 22d of January 1730, he left two fons of a 
 tender age. " His flock," fays Mr. de 
 Formey, " deeply regretted him ; and will 
 ** long preferve the memory of a paftor, 
 " whofe lofs, in all probability, would not 
 *^ admit of a fpeedy reparation." 
 
TO HIS MAJESTY 
 
 THE 
 
 KING OF PRUSSIA. 
 
 SIRE, 
 
 2^ HE rememhrance of the khidnefs with 
 which your Majcfty was pleafed to honour 
 my late Grandfather, has emboldened me to 
 prefent to your Majefly the loft of his lite- 
 rary produSiions, which, though left by the 
 death of its author in a flat e of imperfec- 
 tion, has been 7ieverihelefs thought worthy 
 of ptiblication, and of being affociated with 
 all that has been written upon the fame im- 
 portant fubjeSi. It is wider that con- 
 fidence, Sire, that I have prefumed to pre- 
 fent it to your Maje/Iy, as the homage of a 
 heart filed with gratitude for the prote^ion 
 c 4 your 
 
xl 
 
 your Majefly and your augu/i Anceftors have 
 deigned to grant to all my family ; a family 
 which, for near a century, has found an 
 afyliim in the Dominions of your Majefly f 
 and of which fhe alone furvives who has 
 the happinefs to fuhfcrihe herfclf, with the 
 mofl profound refpe6i, 
 
 Sire, 
 
 Your Majefly s 
 mofl humble, 
 
 tnofl devoted, a7id 
 
 mofl obedient fubjeH 
 and fervant. 
 
 M, M. De BEAUSOBRE. 
 
 St. Feterfbnrgh, 
 15 Dtc. 1/84. 
 
ADVERTISEMENT 
 
 BY 
 
 THE BERLIN EDITOBS. 
 
 It was not until the illuftrious Author 
 of the Hiftory of Manicheifm had un- 
 dertaken the Hiftory of the Reforma- 
 tion, which we are now about to pub- 
 lifh, that he was induced to give to the 
 world that work which has been held 
 in fuch eftimation. 
 
 The prefcnt performance was put in 
 a ftate for publication by the author; 
 
 and 
 
xlii 
 
 and his fon, Mr. Charles Louis^ whofe 
 wifh it was that the wcrk fliould be 
 pubhfhed in Holland, not having been 
 able to come to an agreement with 
 the bookfcller to whom he applied, left 
 the manufcript in excellent order to his 
 only heirefs, who has committed it to 
 our hands. 
 
 The circumllances of the times ap- 
 pear favourable to our undertaking. In 
 Spain, in France, and in other catholic 
 countries, pcrfons the moft enlightened 
 fcem generally difpofed to a reforma- 
 tion, which many princes have favoured 
 more or lefs openly. When the firft re- 
 formers attacked the abufcs which had 
 infmuated themfelves into religion, the 
 common people adhered violently to 
 their prejudices. The princes and ma- 
 giftratcs themfelves, cither blinded by 
 error, or reftrained by fear, employed 
 
 their 
 
xliii 
 
 their authority much more to preferve 
 the reigning fuperllitions, than to de- 
 ftroy them : and whoever had the bold- 
 nefs to oppofe them, had every thing to 
 apprehend from the civil and ecciefiafti- 
 cal power. It will not therefore be poffi- 
 ble to read in this hiftory the fervices 
 which thofe courageous chara,6lers, ani- 
 mated with a zeal fuperior to all worldly 
 intercft, have rendered to religion and 
 to mankind, without the higheft admi- 
 ration. Happier times permit us to en- 
 tertain the hope of feeing the gofpel fet 
 forth in all its purity, and chriftians no 
 way diftlnguiihed from each other but 
 by their charity and love of peace. 
 
 Mankind has already ceafcd to attach 
 to certain religious opinions the fame 
 importance they poiiePred in the fixteenth 
 and feventeenth centuries. In France, 
 the people are fail recovering Irom the 
 6 prejudices 
 
xliv 
 
 prejudices againft the reformed doc- 
 trines, which fuch authors as Varillas 
 and Maimbourg have taken pains to dif- 
 figure and render odious. Mr. de Bcau- 
 fobre has revived, more than at this day 
 is ncccffary, the calumnies of thofe two 
 writers, who had almoft funk into ob- 
 livion. But our author, whofe death 
 happened in 1738, was bufied in com- 
 pofmg his Hiftory of the Reformation 
 only a fhort time after the revocation of 
 the ediA of Nantz, towards the clofe of 
 the fcventecnth century. 
 
 Although Luthcranifm be the princi- 
 pal objed: of this work, after the exam- 
 ple of the excellent hiftory which Mr. de 
 Seckendorf * has given of it, yet the ac- 
 
 * Viti Ludov. a Scckcndorf. Commentaiius hif- 
 toricus et apologeticus dc Lutheraiiifmo, five de re- 
 formatione leligionis ductu Martini Luthcri in 
 magna Gernianiae parte, alijfque regionibus, &c. 
 Francof. et Lipfice 1692. 
 
 count 
 
xlv 
 
 count of the R.eformation in Switzerland 
 and France is here fufticiently detailed 
 to afford a perfecl: knowledge of thofe 
 perfons who took the moft active part 
 in its favour, and of thofe from whom it 
 met with the ftrongetl oppofition. No 
 one therefore will be able to view, with- 
 out feeling himfelf deeply interefted, the 
 characters, the writings, and the acflions 
 of fo niany perfons who hold a diftin- 
 guifhed place in that hiftory, appreciated 
 and decided on in this, bv an impartial 
 and judicious writer. 
 
 If the public fhall deign to receive 
 favourably this firft volume, it is our in- 
 tention to prefent them with the re- 
 mainder in the courfe of this year. The 
 entire work will form but four volumes. 
 The moderate price of this firft volume 
 proves that we have no other end in 
 view but to draw forth from obfcurity a 
 
 work 
 
xlvi 
 
 work which unites the ufeful with the 
 agreeable ; and, at the fame time, to 
 render to the memory of the author 
 that juft tribute of admiration which 
 is his due. 
 
 Without obtruding ourfelves further 
 into notice, \vc may venture to allure the 
 pubhc that the fame fpirit of forbearance 
 and conciliation, which fo eminently dif- 
 tinguiihed our author, animates us; and 
 that wc will fpare no pains in the revifion 
 of the manufcript, and the corred:ion of 
 the prcfs. According to the encourage- 
 ment which may be given to us, we 
 iliall be induced hereafter to publifh a 
 fifth volume of remarks, as learned as 
 they arc judicious; and alfo the whole 
 of what the author had prepared under 
 the title of Prelhn'manes to the Rtfonna- 
 tton, a work to which we fliould have 
 given the precedence, if wc had not felt 
 
 it 
 
xlvii 
 
 it our duty to begin with that which 
 appeared to us to poiTefs more general 
 utility, and to be more appropriated to 
 the circumftances of the times. 
 
 HISTORT 
 
HISTORY, &c. 
 
 The weftern church had been long torn An. 1517. 
 by inteltine divifions, when the preaching of J^Tem ^^^ 
 Luther was the caufe of the revolutions which fo^/Lther. 
 will be narrated in this hiftory. 
 
 The pride, the tyranny, the extortions of 
 the popes, and the contempt they manifeft- 
 ed for the ancient difcipline, the canons of 
 which they openly violated, had rendered 
 their authority odious to all thofe whom in- 
 tereft: or fuperftition did not induce to de- 
 fend it. The remains only of refped and 
 attachment to the fee of Rome, which a deep- 
 rooted opinion had preferved in the public 
 mind ; apprehenfion of the evils which re- 
 ligious divifion never fails to introduce ; the 
 power of the popes, not lefs formidable than 
 unrelenting ; the dread of excommunication; 
 the ignorance in which the people and the 
 B greater 
 
Ar- 1517. greater part of the clergy were Involved ; the 
 weaknefs, timidity, and indifference of thofe 
 who were in a fitiiation to poffefs fome know- 
 ledge of the truth; thefe caufes had hitherto 
 prevented the adoption of meafures to re- 
 duce the power of the court of Rone, or 
 entirely to throw off its yoke. But mankind 
 now began to prepare themfelvv^s for fuch an 
 tindertaking ; and both princes and people, 
 wearied out with a lono: and fruitlefs forbear- 
 ance, appeared to figh after a deliverer. 
 
 The councils of Conftance and Bafle, af- 
 fembled for the reformation of the head and 
 members of the church, fir from liaving 
 eradicated the feeds of fehifm, had thcmfelves 
 become the fubjecl of new divifions by the 
 enterprifes of the popes, who treated their 
 regulations with contempt j and all Europe 
 refounded with complaints which fuch pro- 
 ceedings occafioned. 
 
 The princes of the Empire could no longer 
 endure that the decrees of councils, thofe 
 ramparts of their liberties, fhould be treated 
 with negle<ft, or eluded by artifice ; that their 
 churches and great benefices fliould be offer- 
 ed to the btil bidders, and that they them- 
 felves fhould be nearly reduced to a ftatc of 
 ilavery to the court of Rome 3 that their 
 7 people 
 
3 
 
 people fhould be exhaufted by innume- An. 1517. 
 rable pretences; and that the German na- 
 tion, iiluftrious by empire and by freedom, 
 lliould fall into a ftate of wretchednefs, and 
 under the dominion of priefts. They had 
 begun to concert meafures for putting a flop 
 to thefe oppreflions * ; and, if they could not 
 be otherwife remedied^ for throwing off en- 
 tirely the yoke of Rome. 
 
 France, which was not lefs offended than 
 Germany with the tyranny of the popes and 
 the infradion of the ancient canons, had tef- 
 tified her refentment by public writings, in a 
 manner the moft clear and ftriking. The 
 univerfities had joined thcmfelves with the 
 parliaments to defend the liberties of the Gal- 
 ilean church and the authority of the coun- 
 cils. Louis XI I. was not contented with af- 
 fembling at Tours the ;?o/^^/fj of the kingdom, 
 and with the agitation in that affembly of the 
 important queftion vjhether there were not 
 circumftances under which it was allowable for 
 a "prince to renounce obedience to the fee of Rome: 
 he was defirous farther to teftify to all the 
 
 * See in Seckendorf, book i. fea. ii. the letter of 
 Martin Meyer, chancellor of Mentz, to^neas Sylvius, 
 upon his elevation to the cardinallhip. Vide Appen- 
 dix, No. 1. 
 
 B 2 world 
 
4 
 An. 15 1 7. world the opinion he entertained of that fee, 
 by having the famous coin * ftruck off which 
 bore this infcription : Perdam Bakylcnis no- 
 men : I will caufe Babylon and her name to 
 perilh. 
 
 Italy itfelf, entirely accuftomed as it was 
 to the yoke and to the licentious manners of 
 the popes, could not, however, endure them 
 without horror, and without making fomc 
 efforts towards their correction. 
 
 Afcer the death of Alexander the f fixthj 
 that monfter of impurity and all other crimes, 
 Pius the third having reigned only thirty 
 days J, the cardinals, affembledfor the eleftion 
 of a pope, were of opinion, that, before they 
 proceeded to it, it would be necelTary to pre- 
 pare ardcles of reformat-on, and to make all 
 the facred college take an oath to obferve 
 them. One of the articles purported that 
 the new pope fhould be obliged to convoke 
 in two years a general council, to reform the 
 
 * The aflembly of Tours was held in tjioj the coin 
 in queftion was of gold, and was ftruck at Naples in 
 1512. On one fide was the head of Louis Xlf. with his 
 titles, and on the reverfe the arms of France. M. de 
 Thou reports that many of them were to be fecn in hi* 
 time. Univerf. Hift. b. 1. p. 11. 
 
 f Roderick Borgia. 
 
 ;|; By M. Henault's account, twenty-five days. 
 
 church. 
 
5 
 
 church. Julius the fecond, elevated to the An. 151; 
 papacy, ratified the oath which he had taken 
 when cardinal ; and although it was conceived * 
 in terms capable of binding * the moft fliithiefs 
 man in the world, he violated it without 
 fcruple of confcience and without fhame. 
 He thought of nothing but to elude the 
 council and the reformation, until after feven 
 years of patience the cardinals who had em- 
 broiled thcmfelves with him, and who, by the 
 account of Guicciardini, were not better than 
 the others, convoked the council offPifa, 
 under the prote6lion of Maximilian the firft 
 
 * The formLilary of the oath taken by Julius the fe- 
 cond was as tollows: 
 
 PiJEmifla omnja et fingula promitto, voveo et juro, 
 obfervare et adimplere in omnibus et per omnia, pure 
 et fimpliciter, et bona fide, realitcr, et cum efFcctu per- 
 jurii et anathematis, a quibus nee rae ipfum abfolvam, 
 nee alicui abfolutionem committam. Ita meDeusad- 
 juvet, et haec Dei evangelia. Edm. Rich. ap. Seckend. 
 p. 8. See Appendix, No. 2. 
 
 t The council of Pifa is defended by the lawyer 
 Hottoman in his Brutum Fuhiien. We have, on that 
 fubje6l, the opinion of Philip Dtcius, a famous lawyer 
 of Milan Pope Julius took up arms to dilfoive the 
 council, who thereupon fufpended him. As foon as 
 he learned the ne^.vs he fell into fo violent a rage that 
 he excommunicated all the French, ordered that they 
 ihould be put to death wherever they were found, and 
 fet a price on their heads, promifing rewards to thofe 
 vsfho ftiould kill them. De Thou, Hift. b. i. p. 31. 
 
 B 3 and 
 
6 
 
 An. 1517. and Louis the twelfth. The defign, or the 
 pretence of this council was the reformation 
 ' of the church, both as to the head and the 
 members ; in faith as well as in manners. But 
 all thefe meafures had been iiieffcftual. Julius 
 the fccond had made his peace with the em- 
 peror by the intrigues cf the bi ("hop of * Gurck, 
 by promifing him the relVitution of fome cities 
 of Italy ; and Louis the twelfth had preferred 
 thepofTcnion of the duchy of Milan, for which 
 he had grounds given him to hope, to the re- 
 formation of the church. Thefe two princes 
 had bound themfelves to fubmit totheLateran 
 council f begun under Julius, and continued 
 under Leo : and this council aflemblcd in the 
 capital of the pope, and entirely compofed of 
 
 * Matthew Lang. He was of a noble family, was 
 born at Augfbourgh, and was made a cardinal by Ju- 
 lius in confideralion of his fervices. , 
 
 + This council was called by Julius in theyear 1512. 
 Julius died during its fitting on the 2it^ January 15 13, 
 and John de Medicis was chofen the 4th of March 
 following. Louis XIL fuffered himfelf to be gained 
 over by the folicitations of the queen, who was an im- 
 perious woman ; refufed fubruiliiou to the council of 
 Pifa, abandoned it, and fubmitted himfelf to that of 
 the Lateran after the death of Julius. " He would 
 " have done better in the judgment of many," fays 
 M. de Thou, " if he had perfevei ed in the laudable de- 
 ^' f)gn of corroding the ecclefiaftical difcipline." 
 
 De Thou, b, I . p. 30. 
 Italian 
 
7 
 
 Italian prelates, infte:'.d of labouring for the axj. 1517. 
 reformauion of the church, which was fo ar- 
 dently defired *, had ferved only to confirm 
 more than cvf=!r the tyranny of the popes, by 
 placing them above the councils, and by con- 
 demning that of Bafle. Finally, an hiilorian 
 has remarked, that there were never feen in any 
 other ecciefiaftical aiTembly fo many prepa- 
 ratory ceremonies, calculated to dazzle the 
 people and to give them a high opinion of 
 the piety of the prelates; but that the pope 
 and the bifliops v^ere far from having the 
 
 * All the writings of thofe times are full of the ne- 
 ceffity and of the defire which exilied for a reformation. 
 We lliall give, on this occafion, upon the authority of 
 Dr. Richer, the predi6lion of Francis de Paule. This 
 Monk, the day before his death, faid to Louifa of Sa- 
 voy, mother of Francis I. that her fon would reign ; 
 and that he would he the motf fortunate and powerful 
 prince of his a^e if he applied Mwfdf \.o the reformation 
 of the church ; but that, on the other hand, lie would 
 be the mod unfortunate, if he ncgleded {o important 
 a duty 3 contra fore bfortimatJjiintan,fieccltfiie rcforma- 
 tioncm delrcCiarct. M. de Seckendorf relates in the fame 
 place, on the authority of Comines, that Savonarold 
 predi6ted the unfortunate confequences of the expedi- 
 tion of Charles VIII. in Italy, becaufe that prince had 
 not availed himfeif of his fucceifes, to reform the ftate 
 of the church, quia (^cio fuo in Itahu non fatis^ 
 fcciffet, 7iec ft at urn ccchjiajiicum in ordinern rede git. 
 Seek, p. 7. 
 
 B 4 intentions 
 
8 
 
 An. 15 1 7. intentions which thofe ceremonies appeared 
 to indicate*. 
 
 There remained then no longer any hope 
 of reformation ; and a difcontent almoft uni- 
 verfal difpofed the weftern church to come to 
 a manifeft rupture with the court of Rome, 
 when l.uther undertook fingly to oppofe the 
 exifting abufes. It is true, neverthelefs, that 
 an apparent peace covered the divifions of 
 the church, and concealed the incurable evils 
 with which it was affefted. But the malady 
 Ijad taken fuch deep root that violent means 
 alone could fupply a remedy, and vvhich, at 
 length, took place upon occafion of the in- 
 dulgences, the nature and the abufes of which 
 it is neceflary to explain, in order to throw 
 a greater light on this hiftory. 
 Indulgences. Indulgences, in their commencement, 
 abufe." ^"^ "^vere fimply a mitigation of the long pe- 
 nance which the church impofed upon thofe 
 who had fcandalized it by their crimes. Thefe 
 favours were granted on the recommendation 
 of martyrs or confefTors, for whom a great 
 
 ♦ Nunqnam auguftiores ritns et ceremonias quam in 
 Lateranenli concilio vifas effe j fed pontificem cum fuis 
 prelatis mcntem oiniiino alienam et aveiTam ab ejuf- 
 modi facris habuiiTe. Guicciard, in Richer. Seek, 
 p. 6. 
 
 veneration 
 
9 
 
 veneration was entertained. But the cuftom An. 1517. 
 was Toon corrupted, and the dilcipline of the 
 ancient church, the rigour of which it was 
 neceffary to maintain in times of perfecu ion, 
 had admitted great alterations. I'ertulhan 
 complains of thefe in his book upon chaftity, 
 where he inveighs againft the abufes that had 
 already infinuated themfelves into indulgen- 
 ces. There were chriilians who, by a con- 
 federacy with judges and keepers of prifons, 
 got themfelves put into confinement, or load- 
 ed with chains. By thefe means they ac- 
 quired, without danger, the honour and pri- 
 vileges of confeflbrs. Immiediately thofe 
 perfons who were guilty either of fornication 
 or adultery applied to them for letters of re- 
 conciliation, in order to their being received 
 into the communion of the church. TertuI- TermiHan 
 lian cenfured thefe fhameful corruptions, and prian writs 
 attacked not only the abufes of indulgences, duigences. 
 but the indulgences themfelves -, and it can- 
 not be denied but that he has treated the fub- 
 jeft in a manner equally forcible and inge- 
 nious, although Montanifm, to which he was 
 enthufiaftically attached, has led him into ex- 
 travagant excelTes. Maimbourg the hifio- 
 rian treats him with feverity on this occafion. 
 Tertullian himfelf, however, attacks the 
 
 biihop 
 
10 
 
 An. 151 7- bifhcp of Roffie for having been one of the 
 principal authors of the refolution to admit 
 thofe v/ho had been guilty of adultery to a 
 {late of reconciliation with the church. It is 
 thought that Zephirinus was the bifhop in 
 queftion, Tcrtullian's book having been writ- 
 ten about the year 2 14 or 215. 
 
 St. Cyprian in the fame century * cenfurcd 
 the fame abufes in his treatife de lap/is ^ or 
 concerning thofe who had denied Jefus Chrift 
 in the time of perfecutionj and he made ufc, 
 as was his pra6lice, of the thoughts and nearly 
 of the expreffions of Tertullian. He taught 
 in that book that, as there was none but Jefus 
 Chrift who had expiated fins, fo there was 
 none but himfelf who had the power to remit 
 them ; that the fubjeft had no right to par- 
 don crimes committed againft his fovereign; 
 that a prefumptuous indulgence, far from ef- 
 facing fins, Duts the finner out of a ftate to 
 receive pardon for them, becaufe it leads him 
 into a dangerous confidence, condemned by 
 that text of fcripture " curfed is the man who 
 " putteth his truft in man ;" that that fame 
 fcripture is the only rule for indulgences, and 
 that before granting them it is necefiiliry to 
 
 * About the year 250. 
 
 confult 
 
1 1 
 
 confult that rule in order to be afiured An. 1517. 
 whether God approves and ratifies them 5 
 that if Mofes had not been able to obtain the 
 pardon of God to the Ifradites for the idola- 
 try of the golden calf, no affurance could be 
 had that tliC prayers of the martyrs were 
 heard, becaufe no one could imagine that 
 they were more efficacious t;an thofe of 
 Mofes ; that the abufe of indulgences was of 
 more pernicious confequence than perfecu- 
 tion itfrlf j and that, finally, if the martyrs 
 fuffered themfelves to be prevailed on by the 
 folicitations of offenders, and if carried away 
 by the love of fame, they required a com- 
 pliance contrary to the divine lav/, it was the 
 duty of the priefts and deacons to apprize 
 them of it, and to relill their demands. 
 
 It is thus that St. Cyprian oppoied, in his 
 time, the relaxation of difcipline. But it is 
 fcarcely poffible that cuftoms favourable to 
 offenders fhould not find fupport, and acquire 
 authority. Not only indulgences retained 
 their place in the church, but abufes pro- 
 greffively increafed : the profligacy of of- 
 fenders on one fide, and the avarice of the 
 clergy on the other, carried them to that 
 excefs in which they appeared in the time 
 of our fathers. 
 
 It 
 
Nature of 
 
 indulgences 
 at the time 
 of the re- 
 
 formaticn. 
 
 12 
 
 A/i. 1517. It was not therefore any longer a fimple 
 mitigation of tiie rigours of penance, granted 
 on the recomir.endations of martyrs ; it v/as 
 an entire difpenfation from penance, founded 
 on one fide upon the fuperabundant merit of 
 the virgin, the faints, and the monks, to 
 which was joined the overplus of the merits 
 of Jefus Chrift •, and on the other fide, upon 
 the power of which the pope had pofTeffcd 
 himfelf of diftributing thefe merits as he 
 pleafed, whether to exempt offenders from 
 canonical penalties, or to deliver departed 
 fouls from the pains of purgatory*. The 
 manner alfo of diftributing thefe indulgences 
 v/as very different. At the time of St- Cy- 
 prian offenders were to be iccn running in 
 tears to the martyrs f to obtain recommen- 
 dations from them, while the bifliops con- 
 duced the fyftem of indulgences with great 
 prudence and referve, becaufe they thought 
 the profufion of them extremely dangerous, 
 exafling from the penitents promifes of a 
 holy perfeverance. But, inftead of thofe 
 wife precautions adopted in the times of our 
 
 * This doflrine is explained in the ball of Clement 
 the fixih, which is called from the firft word of it, 
 u?7igeniius, 
 
 t Vide Appendix, Ko. 3. 
 
 anceftors, 
 
13 
 
 anceftors, the indulgences of the popes An. i^tj. 
 were carried through all the provinces, the 
 people were exhorted to receive them, or 
 rather to buy thtm ; neither artifices nor 
 impoftures v/ere forgotten to induce a per- 
 fuafion of their neceffityi and although, for 
 form's fake, penance was mentioned, it is cer- 
 tain that, at the bottom, money alone v;a3 
 required for the pardon of the greateft 
 crimes, or, at the mod, foivx external per- 
 formances which it was even then permitted 
 to buy off. Erafmus fiv/s on the fubjeft, in 
 his preface to th^. firft epiftle to the Corin- 
 thians*, '' that remifllon of the pains of purga- 
 tory was openly fold ; and that even thofe who 
 were unwilling, were compelled topurchafe it." 
 It was not pofiibie for the abufe to be 
 greater. The facility of pardons cherifhed 
 the liberty of Honing. The abolition of dif- 
 cipline -j- left the church a prey to diforders 
 and fcandals of all forts. Offenders, en- 
 couraged by the indulgences of the pope, 
 
 * Nunc paffim venditur purgatorise carnificinse re- 
 mifllo, nee venditur folum fed obtruditur nolentibus. 
 
 f Nam fi femel refringas claurtra difciplina', aftum 
 eft de moribus noftris j cum difciplin:!, ut rectc obfer- 
 vatum eft a 'Livio, fit cuftos intirmitatis, quam inter 
 validiores optime timor continst. Baluz, prsef. ad Ant. 
 
 Auguft. 
 
 thought 
 
Ad. 15 17. thought no longer either of lamenting their 
 crimes, or of changing their Ufe. I'rue re- 
 pentance, which confifts in the change of the 
 heart, was altogether unknown, and mention 
 was made only of faftings, abflinence, and 
 frequent repetitions of certain prayers, of ro- 
 faries, pilgrimages, and other performances 
 of the fame nature, which fuperflition had in- 
 troduced or corrupted, and even from which 
 difpenfations might be procured by largeiTes in 
 favour of the monks. But nothing was more 
 odious, nor more intolerable, than that trafEck 
 of merits which had been introduced, by virtue 
 whereof the good v;orks of the dead were 
 fold to the living to fatisfy divine juftice. 
 The monks, who had poffefied themfelves of 
 this commerce, cxercifcd it v/ithout reftraint 
 and v/ithout ihame. Laying afide the me- 
 rits of Jcfus Chrifb, becaufe it would have 
 been difhcult to perfuade the world that the 
 gift of God could be purchafed with money, 
 nothing w:is heard of but the fatisfadtion by 
 faints. The perfection and efficacy of this 
 mode was exaggerated, the whole of devo- 
 tion was turned that way; and, as if appre- 
 henfion had been entertained left Jefus Chrift 
 fhould partake of it with the creatures, they 
 afFe<5ted to reprefent him as an inexorable 
 
 judge 
 
judge to all thofe who dared to approach An. 151: 
 him unlefs through the mediation of faints, 
 and efpecially of thofe who were the founders 
 of their refpedive orders. It is aflonifliing 
 that abufes fo grofs and fo impious could have 
 been eflablifhed -, but it is yet miOre aftonifh- 
 ing, that the world could have endured them 
 through many ages, and that the corre6lion 
 of them was delayed until the pontificate of 
 Leo the tenth. 
 
 After the death of Julius the fecond*, of 
 whom m.ention has been already made, car- 
 dinal Riairi, nephew of Sixtus the fourth^ cx- 
 pecled to be raifed to the papal dignity. The 
 rich benefices which his uncle had bellowed. 
 on him, and the hope of becoming partakers 
 of them, acquired him a numerous faftion ; 
 but the aufterity of his manners alarmed the 
 cardinals, and appeared to them more for- 
 midable than the hope of his fpoils was at- 
 tradlive. They dreaded a reformation under 
 his reign. 
 
 * Julius died en Monday the 2(5th of February 
 J513. The cardin.ils allembled in the conclave on 
 Friday tlie 4rh of March, where Leo was chofen on the 
 lltu of the fame month. See Concil. Lateran. Sefs. 5. 
 concil. vol. 34. p. 350 andSSl. He was crowned by 
 the cardinal di San Eullachio, Alexander Farnefe, on 
 Saturday the ipth of March. Ibid, 
 
 At 
 
i6 
 
 An. 1517. At that time it was a maxim generally 
 received, to choofe for ecclefiallical fuperiors 
 thofe only who authorized debauchery * by 
 their examples. Thus the feverity of Riairi 
 ■determined the young cardinals to choofe 
 cardinal de Medicis, as the moft capable of 
 cherifhing in the court that luxury, efFemi- 
 ^ nacy, and love of pleafur?, which had reigned 
 under the preceding popes. But the fcnior 
 cardinals oppofing this choice, an unforefeen 
 accident accomiplifhed the exaltation of Leo. 
 An impofthume that had formed itfelf in a 
 part which it is not permitted to name, burft 
 while he was in the conclave, and feemed to 
 
 * Brantome, in his Mem. t i. p 251. fays, in fpeak- 
 ing of the elections that were made before the Concor- 
 dat f. " The monks, without having regard to fiiffi- 
 cienc)', which, however, was fcarcely to be found in 
 cloifters, nor to knowledge - ------- 
 
 chofe moft frequently him who was the beft compa- 
 nion, who was moft fond of v. omen, dogs, and birds ; 
 who was the beft drinker j who, in ihort, was the moft 
 debauched J to the end that having made him their 
 abbot or prior, he ftiould afterwards permit them to 
 indulge in all fimilar debaucheries and difiipation, 
 a«, in truth, they had made him before bind himfelf 
 by ftrong oaths to do; and they took care that he 
 fliould obi'erve them by fair means or by foul. 
 
 + By this is generally underftood Francis the. firft's agreement 
 with pope Leo the tenth, in 1516, to abolj/h the pragmatic fandtion. 
 
 Coliisr's Hiftorical Dift. 
 
 prefage, 
 
prefage, that under his reigri the fecret ills An. ipj* 
 and fhameful diforders of theRomifh church 
 would be difclofed. Bibiana, the conclavift 
 of Medicis, availed himfelf of the circum- 
 ftance to perfuade the old cardinals that his 
 mailer v/as afflifted with an incurable malady, 
 and that he could not live. Under this idea 
 they confented to his ele6lion, which took 
 place on the 4th of March 1 5 1 3, in the thirty- 
 feventh year of his age. He took the name 
 of Leo ; and Alphonfo Petrucci, the young 
 cardinal, who had the charge of announcing 
 to the people the new ele6i:ion, did it in thefe 
 words i " We have for our pope, Leo the 
 tenth. Long live the young !" 
 . Leo had all the qualities of a man of the His ch 
 world, without having a fingle one of an ec- 
 clefiaftic. He was well made, liberal, mag- 
 nificent, and of a captivating foftnefs and 
 elegance of manners. He was a lover of the 
 l^el/es lettres^ and was not ill acquainted with 
 them, and his liberalities contributed much to 
 eftablifli themj biit he loved luxury and 
 pleafure ftill better. He was not only with- 
 out attachment to religion, but he had 
 fcarcely any knowledge of it j and, to fpeak 
 the truth, impiety, at his court, was publickly 
 profelTed. Thus, without taking any care 
 C either 
 
 arac< 
 ter. 
 
i8 
 
 A"' »s«7. either of religion or morality, he employed 
 himfclf only in maintaining the papal autho- 
 rity, and in aggrandifing his houfe, loading 
 his relations with the riches of the church, 
 defpoiling princes, and ruining confiderablc 
 houfes *, to whom even he was indebted for 
 his good fortune. In fine, he abandoned 
 himfelf to his pleafures. His bed friends 
 were the miniftcrs of them; and by taking 
 that road they were fure of arriving at his 
 favour, and of maintaining themfelves in it. 
 Bibiana, whom he had made a cardinal, in- 
 vented plays, and gave defigns for the deco- 
 rations. Thefe fpeflacles were exhibited in 
 the Vatican, and fubjeds the mod licentious 
 were the mod agreeable to the tafte of the 
 pontiff. Sumptuous entertainments fuc- 
 ceeded thefe reprefentations : the pope was 
 fond of them, and, in order to enjoy all their 
 pleafures, his table was open to the mod 
 celebrated parafites. Didindlion was there 
 fought for by (kill in inventing new diflies ; 
 but poifoned morfels were fometimes intro- 
 duced ; and the pope did not find it unwor- 
 thy of his fanflity to give one of that kind to 
 
 • He pillaged the Duke d'Urbino, and ruined the 
 boufe of the Petrucci, wbicb was one of the mod opu- 
 knt in Sienna. 
 
 the 
 
19 
 
 the unfortiinate Bibiana, although he was not An. 151 7. 
 in exiftence during his exile, and although he 
 himfelf would never have arrived at the papal 
 dignity, but by the intrigues of that faithful 
 fervant. 
 
 With refpefl to the facrcd college it is Nfanners of 
 agreed, that the greatelt part of the cardinals nau. 
 indulged in exceffes *, which were fcarcely 
 different fronn thofe of the pope. Some of 
 them were attacked with fliameful maladies, 
 the confequenee of debauch j others confpired 
 againft the life of Leo, and bribed perfons to 
 difpatch him by poifon ; others f confulted 
 magicians to learn his deftinyj and, if we 
 may credit fome hiftorians, they received very 
 furprifing anfwers j others, influenced by the 
 vileft motives, difhonoured the purple by 
 bafe and criminal actions. In general, we 
 are informed that all the young cardinals, the 
 number of whom was confiderable, were 
 deeply plunged into profufion and fenfuality. 
 
 Such was Leo and the apoftolical college Leo has «■- 
 
 courle to in- 
 
 under his reign, until the pontiff, having ex- duigences t» 
 
 _ raife money. 
 
 liaufted the treafures of the church by his 
 
 * Seetheextraftofth^aniecdotes of Florence. Seek, 
 p. 190 and 191. 
 
 t Gernetto and Riairi. 
 
 C 2 prodigality, 
 
 \ 
 
20 
 
 An. 1 517. prodigality, had recourfe to indulgences, that 
 Iburce of riches fo abundant, and always 
 open to the wants of his predecefTors. Ur- 
 ban the fccond was the firft who granted a 
 plenary indulgence to whoever fhould go to 
 the Holy Land. His fucceflbrs extended 
 that privilege fometimes to thofe who, not 
 being able to take the voyage, furnifned a 
 foldier for that war, and fometimes to thofe 
 who took arms, or who contributed out of 
 their means to fubdue thofe by force to the 
 authority of the pope who refufed to obey 
 him. Since that period, indulgences, under 
 innumerable pretences, have been granted to 
 the people for the purpofe of drawing money 
 from them. Alexander VI. and Julius 11. 
 had done the fame; and Leo X. followed 
 their example by the advice of Laurentio 
 Pucci, cardinal of Santiquatro. 
 
 charaaer Pucci was coiilin-german to Leo. The 
 
 ofPuCci. II- \ ^ n n 
 
 pope, who loved hun, had nrlt promoted 
 him to be a cardinal, and afterwards to be 
 grand-penitentiary. He was a man who had 
 no knowledge of ecclefiafbical difcipline *, of 
 
 councils, 
 
 * Luther reproaches Pucci witli knowing everything 
 but his trade. This gave occafion to Vaiillas to fay 
 that Luther did not know that the pope in making him 
 penitentiary, was more dcfirous of' filling that impor- 
 tant 
 
21 
 
 councils, or of ancient canons, but who un- ^^' 'S»7» 
 derftood the art of amafling, as well' as Leo 
 did that of fquandering. He was fully per- 
 fuaded that the fale of things facred, when 
 authorized by the pope, was perfectly legal ; 
 and he had befides, the example of preceding 
 reigns, under which the pradlice of finnony 
 had been much greater than it was under 
 Leo X. * 
 
 Leo followed the advice of Pucci, and 
 granted indulgences, the pretence for which 
 was the edifice of St. Peter at Rome, which 
 he was defirous of completing. Permiflion 
 was given to. all thofe who contributed to this 
 building, to eat eggs, miik, cheefe, and butter, 
 during Lent, and to choofe a confefTor to their 
 own mind f . But, what was of much more 
 
 importance, 
 
 tant fituation with a Florentin, his own friend, and 
 one extremely we'll fkilled in civil affairs, than with an 
 ecclefiaftic who had rtudied the difcipline of the church 
 in the ancient canons, about which, he had publicly- 
 enough declared, he had given himfelf very little 
 trouble. Hiftory of France, B. 2. p. 84. 
 
 * Fra, Paolo. Hiftory of the council of Trent* 
 Book 1. 
 
 t Maimbourg relates, that one of the articles of ac- 
 cufation, upon which a procefs was carried on againft 
 John XXIII. was, his having given to his legates' 
 the power of appointing confeflbrs who might give ab- 
 lolution from all fins, and remiffion of all punilhment, 
 C 3 to 
 
An. 1517. importance, and more convenient, an entire 
 remiflion of fins, ^nd a deliverance from the 
 pains of purgatory, were granted to all 
 thofe for whom die living chofe to purchafe 
 pardons. 
 
 The pope ordered that thefe indulgences 
 fliould be every where made public. Dif- 
 pofing before-hand of the revenue which ha 
 expected to derive from this fource, he be- 
 flowed the coUeflions from the provinces of 
 Upper and Lower Saxony, as far as the Baltic 
 fea, on Magdalen de Medicis, his filler, wife 
 of Francis Cibo *, natural fon of Innocent 
 VIII, Leo had a great affedion for his 
 filler J and the prefents which he made her, 
 the animated and flattering billets which he 
 frequently wrote to her, and the empire flie 
 pofl^eflTed over his mind, were proofs of his 
 affedion, though proofs rather too (Irong. 
 But whether from love for his fifter, or from 
 
 to thofe who fliould pay whatever they were taxed j 
 from whence great fums of money were drawn. " But, 
 " this was not done," adds he, " but by deceiving the 
 "faithful, and horribly fcandalizing the catholic 
 '• church." Hift. of Lutheranifm, B. 1 . 
 
 * It was in favour of this marriage that Innocent 
 VJIT. made John de Medicis a cardinal, at the age 
 of fourteen years, whence arofe the ecclefiartical dig- 
 nities of the houfe of Medicis. Hi/tory of the Council 
 cf Trent, by Fra. Paolo- 
 
 gratitude 
 
^3 
 
 gratitude to the houfe of Cibo, in which he An. istf*- 
 had been received durifig his exile at Genoa, 
 he prefented the princefs with the revenue of 
 the indulgences in Upper and Lower Saxony. 
 
 The eafieft method of rendering thefe re- 
 venues produdlive was to farm them out, and 
 to give them entirely up to thofe who offered 
 the moft for them. This was the mode pur- 
 fued by the princefs by means of archbifhop 
 Archimbold*. This man, furnifhed with 
 the power which the emperor had given him 
 to have the indulgences preached up, and to 
 carry off the profits of them, fold his right to 
 the highefl bidder -, and the pope, on his part, 
 fent orders to Albert of Brandenburg, arch- 
 bifhop of Magdeburg and Mentz, to have 
 them preached up in Germany. 
 
 The predecefTor of Albert in the arch- Emeii of 
 
 Saxony, 
 
 bifhoprick of Magdeburg, was Erneflf, Duke archbi/hop 
 
 ^ of Magde- 
 
 burg. 
 
 * John Ang. Archimbold, or Arembaud. There are 
 originals extant in which he entitles himfclf, Nuncio 
 and apoftolical commiflary in the provinces of Cologne, 
 Treves, &:c. Guicciardini ftiles him " a minifter worthy 
 *' of fuch a commiflion, which he executed with avarice 
 *' and extortion." 
 
 f See Seek. p. 1 13 and 1 14. Erneft was archbi(hop 
 of Magdeburg, and bilhop of Halberftadt. He took 
 an aSive part in the eftablilhmeut of the univerfity of 
 Wittemburg. Albert was chofen archbiftiop of Mentz 
 at the age of eighteen years. 
 
 C 4 o^ 
 
^i'"' of Saxony, a prince who deferves thac his 
 memory ihouid nor be fuiicred to be buried 
 in oblivion. He had been elected at the age 
 of fourteen years, whether on account of the 
 efteem in which the elector his father was 
 held, who had acquired fo great an audiority 
 in the empire, that he was aknoil the arbker 
 of peace and war, or becaule, in the latuadon 
 in which the archbilhoprick then ftood, the 
 canons had need of a prince fufficiently 
 powerful to protect them. This young pre- 
 late, educated in a houie which was efteemed 
 a ichool of virtue, became one of the moil 
 wife and beft conducted perfonages to be 
 found in the empire. He executed in pcrfon 
 all the duties of an ecclefkfbc, laying, " that 
 " it was fhameful for any one to pride him- 
 '* felf in being fuperior to others on account 
 " of his epifcopal dignity, and at the lame 
 " tirr.e to defpiJe the functions of it." He 
 had taken the order of priefthood, which was 
 dien much neglected bv the prelates j he very 
 fiequently laid mals j and it was remarked, 
 that, when he officiated for the firll time m 
 the church of Halberftadt, of which he was 
 alfo bilhop, every one was furprifed at feeing, 
 what, indeed, had not been feen in the me- 
 mory of man, a bilhop performing divine 
 
 fervice. 
 
-5 
 fervice. He preached alfo frequently, a duty Aa. 15x7. 
 which had been entirely left to mendicants, and 
 which was looked on with fuch contempt *, 
 that an ecclefiaflick of any dignity would have 
 thought that he dcbafed himfelf by preaching 
 the golpel. There is nothing furprifing in this. 
 Effeminacy caufes the great to difburden 
 themfelves of the troublefome duties of their 
 miniftry, and when they ceafe to execute 
 them, pride leads them to defpife them j and 
 the more fo, as they are befides incapable, for 
 the moft part, to acquit themfelves of them. 
 This prince died in 15 13. In his ficknefs 
 the cordeliers came to vifit him, and to offer 
 him the merits of their order to fecure and 
 haften his recovery. " 1 have nothing to 
 *' do," replied this wife prelate, " either with 
 ** your works or your merits : they are of no 
 " value in the fight of God. There is no- 
 '* thing but the righteoufnefs j- of my Lord 
 
 • Mirandi funt, qui voluat haberi fuccelTores Petri 
 et Pauli, ut Piomani pontifices, aliique epifcopi, qao- 
 modo non videant fedebitores effepr^edicandi Chriitum. 
 Nam a Gregorio ufque magno, nemo propemodum an- 
 <juam vidit Eomanum pcntificem concionantem. In 
 Hifpania, in Italia, in Gallia prorfus muhi funt. Hie, 
 in Anglia, c»ncionantur quidem interdum epifcopi fed 
 rarius quam oporteat. Pet. Alartjr. in Pidm. p. 10. 
 
 ■f See Appendix, No^ 4. 
 
 " and 
 
zS 
 
 An. 1517. (( 
 
 and my Saviour, that can be of any fervice 
 " to me." 
 Aisert of Albert * was a youno; prince well made in 
 
 Branden- . ^ O r ^ 
 
 burg, arch- his perfon, affable, liberal, polite, and lively, 
 
 bifhop of 
 
 Mentz and not deficient in knowledge, a proteflor of 
 
 Magdeburg. 
 
 learned men, fond of liltening to them, and 
 even difpofed to favour a reformation, at leaft 
 in appearance, and in its commencement, 
 provided it did not militate againft his temporal 
 views. In other refpefts he had the inclina- 
 tions common to princes ; he loved luxury, 
 fumptuous buildings, rich furniture, and 
 grand equipages ; his court was the moft nu- 
 merous, and the moft fplendid in Germany; 
 and to defray thefe expences he employed 
 
 • Albert was chofen archbifhop of Mentz in 1514. 
 Two archbifliops had died in the courfe of two years. 
 The pallium of each had coft thirty thoufand livres. 
 The archbilLoprickwas infufficient for thefe expences, 
 and Albert borrowed money from the houfe of the 
 Tuggers, \vit!i the defign of reimbnrfing himfelf by 
 indulgences. It wiil be remarked, that, in the fpacr 
 of three years, indulgences were three times held forth 
 in Germany. 
 
 The Fuggcr; were bankers at Augfburg. In the 
 year 1370, Jolin Fugger, a peafant of the village of 
 Graben, was admitted a citizen of Augfburg, where he 
 exercifed the trade of a weaver. From him is defccnd- 
 ed the family of the Fuggors, which is liner becfome 
 illuftrious. 
 
 1 the 
 
27 
 the revenues of two great archbilhopricks^ An. 15x7. 
 and one biihoprick, to which he had been ap- 
 pointed very rapidly. The iricreafing ho- 
 nours of this prince feemed to arife only from 
 his own merits, from the efteem io which he 
 was held, and from the favour of the emperor 
 which he had acquired. For, if credit is 
 to be given to Hutten, who was in truth his 
 panegyrift, he took, fo little pains to arrive at 
 thefe dignities, that to him might be applied 
 what was faid of the famous commander 
 Timotheus, that his net fifhed for him while 
 he flept *. But Luther teftifies the contrary, 
 and afferts, that his intrigues and his prefents 
 had had a greater fliare in his promotion than 
 his merit. Albert, however, was hke the 
 greatefl part of the bifhops of Germany of 
 that age, who valued httle clfe in their great 
 benefices but the dignities and the revenues, 
 leaving to others the funftions and the duties 
 of them. Cuftom had infenfibly authorized 
 this abufe. With refpedt to title and appear- 
 ance, the bifhops had become fccular princes ; 
 *' and perhaps it is incumbent on us to par- 
 ** don them," faid Erafmus; " fince tliey 
 
 * 'Evhvtt xvPT'o; ai^si. Dormiente pifcatore retia ca- 
 piunt. Hutt. Ep. Juli. Phlug. apud r. d. Hardt. Hift. 
 ^tt. Ref. initio. 
 
 ** have 
 
58 
 An. 1517. " have begun to pofTefs dominions like tem- 
 " poral princes, they have pafled into the 
 *' clafs of thofe princes ; and it is very pro- 
 " per to let them enjoy a right which pre- 
 " fcription does not allow us to conteft with 
 " them." It is not, however, quite clear 
 that the amnefby of Erafnus fhould be ex- 
 tended fo far as to include affairs of gal- 
 lantry, almoft publickly carried on ; at leaft, 
 it fhould not extend to the mod inexcufable 
 cxceffes of debauchery, fuch as thofe laid to 
 the charge of Albert, the memory of which it 
 is not neceffary to preferve. 
 
 Albert was made cardinal by I^eo X. 
 two years after the commifllon refpe^ling in- 
 dulgences had been ilTued. It is faid *, that 
 as this prince held the firfl rank in the empire 
 in quality of eledlor of Mentz, the defign of 
 the pope was to accuilom the German pre- 
 lates, by infenfible degrees, to yield that pre- 
 cedence to the cardinals which they had 
 hitherto refufed them. But, it is more likely 
 that the pope, fearing for his own authority, 
 was defirous of gaining to his intereft, and 
 attaching to the See of Rome, a prince of a 
 great Iioufe, and poffefled, befides, of exten- 
 five influence in the empire. 
 
 - Varil. Heref. B. 3.' 
 
 The 
 
29 
 
 The archbifhop, who had foliclted at An. 1517. 
 Rome the charge of the indulgences, was 
 overjoyed at having fo fair an opportunity 
 of reimburfing himfelf for the great prcfcnts 
 he had made to obtain his benefices, and for 
 the thirty thoufand livres (^aurea) which his 
 palhum had coft him. He conduft.d the 
 affair fo well, and kept fo fiiarp a look- out 
 for his own interefl, that he f^curcd for his 
 own fhare one half of the profits. 
 
 The pope had joined with him in com- 
 mifilon the fuperior of the cordeliers of 
 Mentz, who had the power of appointing 
 colledlors, and of feledlingthem from his own 
 order. But this employment, which feemed 
 at firft fo ufeful and fo honourable, did not 
 appear fuch to the fuperior or his monks. 
 The traffick of indulgences had becomie fo 
 odious that no one could any longer be 
 charged with them* without completely dif- 
 gracing himfelf. Befides, the cordeliers con^ 
 
 fidered 
 
 * Sec In Seek, the extraft from the mannfcript ac- 
 count by Miconins, whence this is taken. There was 
 fcarcely a veur in which ibme indulgences were not pro- 
 claimed in Germany, Ibmetimes under pretence of the 
 \varag:unft the Turks, fometimes for the edifice of St. 
 Peter; fcarcely was there a poor woman who did not 
 buy them either for herfelf or her relations. They 
 
 were 
 
3^ 
 An 151T. fidercd that they would have but a very fmall 
 part of the profit, and that having ah-eady a 
 great deal of trouble in colleflihg the* aims 
 neccflary to the maintenance of their mo- 
 nafteries and their churches, it was not fit 
 that they fhould go about making colleftions 
 for the pope. But, as they were afraid to 
 difoblige the archbifhop, and, as a pofitivc 
 refufal might offend the pope, who had juft 
 conferred honour on their order by giving a 
 cardinal's hat * to Chriflopher de Fortilivio, 
 their general, the fuperior and fome others 
 of the governing members affembled at 
 Veimar, where it was refolved that they 
 Ihould get rid, as handfomely as they could, 
 of the bufinefs of the indulgences. The fu- 
 perior of Mentz fuggefted the means; and 
 John Tetzel having thereupon offered his 
 fcrvices, they were accepted by the arch- 
 bifliop. 
 
 uere paid for at the rate of one grofch, (in value about 
 threepence farthing,) or two, three, or four grofches ; 
 fo that, if that trade had continued, there would not 
 have been left, fays Miconius, one fous in Germany. 
 He odd<, that complaints had been made of this abufc 
 in fcveral diets, but that there were no means of applying 
 a remedy to it. 
 
 • This hat coft the order of cordeliers thirty thou- 
 fand crowns. 
 
 This 
 
3' 
 
 This dominlcan, fo noted as having been An. 1517. 
 the laft, and perhaps the moil fliamelefs of John Tetzd 
 
 * ^ preaches up 
 
 the colleftors who came into Saxony, was theindui- 
 
 •' gences. Iiji- 
 
 born at Pirna, a little villaere of Meiflen, pofturcsand 
 
 ^ exaggera- 
 
 fituated on the Elbe. He had had the charge ^■"'"' °f ^^^ 
 
 *-" colledtors. 
 
 of preaching up indulgences for the knights 
 of the Teutonick order, eftabliflied in Pruflia 
 and jLivonia, and he executed it in a man- 
 ner as advantageous to them and to himfelf, 
 as deftruilive to the people. He was a 
 worthlefs empiric *, whofe follies would have 
 been derided, and whofe impudence would 
 have been chaftifed in an age lefs ignorant 
 and lefs fuperftitious ; but who, among a 
 people unenlightened, and prejudiced in fa- 
 vour of the fuperftitions of their time, eafily 
 procured himfelf attention by a powerful 
 voice, by abfurd affectation, by puerile fables, 
 by ridiculous legends, and by impious exag- 
 gerations + of the power of the popes. His 
 
 • Varillas reprefents Tetzel as the greateft preacher 
 in Germany. It was his pleafure to depift him in fuch 
 a manner; but the authors of that age term him only 
 Stentor infigms, clamator infignis ; and, as to his kna- 
 veries, an account of fome of them may be feen in 
 M. de Seckendorf. 
 
 f ATetzelio pontificis poteftatem fupra omnem mo- 
 dum elatam faille, quafi Chriltus fe orani regimine ec- 
 elefiae, ufque ad cxtremum judicii diem abdicalFet, ora- 
 niaquc abfohite pontificum arbitrio commifiiret. 
 
 Micon. Relat. MSS. apud Seek. ^ 
 manners. 
 
3^ 
 An. 1517. manners, befides, were fo corrupt, that having 
 been convlcfled of adultery*, the emperor 
 Maximilian had fentenced him at Infpruck 
 to be drowned; but he had the good fortune 
 to obtain his pardon by the intercefllon of 
 Frederick, eleftor of Saxony. 
 
 Tetzel and his companions acquitted them- 
 felves perfe6l:Iy well of their commiffion. 
 The advantages of the pardons from Rome 
 were never placed in a more favourable point 
 of view J and it was then feen what avarice is 
 capable of doing, when it has religion for its 
 pretence. Tliey had the audacity to preach : 
 *' that the red crofs, elevated in the churches 
 " with the arm.s of the pope, had the fame 
 " virtue as the crofs of Jefus Chrift; that 
 " Teazel had faved more fouls by indulgences 
 " than St. Paul had by his preaching j that 
 " as foon as the found of the money was 
 " heard in the bafon, the fouls were that 
 " infbant releafed out of purgatory; that 
 " the grace of the indulgences was the 
 
 * Luther, in his defence againft the duke Henry of 
 Brunfwick, relates, that the divines of Wittenberg re- 
 proached Tetzel with this crime, and the punilhment to 
 which he was condemned; a reproach which they 
 vented by order of the elcdor, and which Tetzel did 
 not dare to contradict. 
 
 fame 
 
3d, 
 
 "fame* as that which reconciles man to An. isif 
 *^ Godj that repentance and contrition were 
 *' no longer necefTaryj that robberies, mur- 
 *' ders, debauches the mod deteftable, and 
 '^ blafphemies againft God and the Holy 
 " Virgin were fins, the pardon of which it 
 " was eafy to obtain." To evince the ex- 
 tent of their authority, they fuppofed un- 
 heard-of crimes, and boafted of having the 
 power to pardon them. Their profanations 
 were fo much the greater as they fcandaJized 
 the holy Virgin, the worfliip and adora- 
 tion of whom that age had carried much 
 further than all the preceding ones. In fine, 
 they gave abfdlution equally of fins paflTed 
 and fins to covc\t ; and fold, without fcruple, 
 remillion of crimes, and licence to commit 
 them. The only inexpiable fin was that of 
 defpifing indulgences, or fpeakingillofthem; 
 and to prevent the confefifors from turning 
 
 * Luther, in the letter which he wrote to the arch- 
 bifliop of Mentz, fays to that prelate, " In the in- 
 " ftru6lions to the coramiffaries which have been pub- 
 *' lithed under the name of your reverence, it is faid 
 " that one of the principal benefits of the indulgence^ 
 *' is that ineftimable gift by which man is reconciled 
 " to God. Alfo, that repentance is not neceffary for 
 " thofe who redeem fouls or confeflionals. Glui animas 
 " vel confeffionalia redimunt." 
 
 D the 
 
• 34 
 
 An. 1517. the minds of the people, thefe tyrants obliged 
 them, by an oath, not only merely to be 
 filent, but to teach the fame doftrine *. 
 
 We fhall not ftay to recount particularly, 
 in this place, the impoftures of Tetzel, the 
 chief of the colledors. They were fo daring, 
 and fo publick, that a grave prelate who had 
 often protefted his flock againft the incur- 
 fions of thefe robbers, and who had even been 
 excommunicated for fo doing, feeing the 
 extravagant impudence of this man, pre- 
 difled -f- that he would be the laft merchant 
 who would carry on that traffick in Saxony. 
 Manners of The m^anncrs of the colledors were not 
 
 the collec- 
 tors, lefs fcandalous than their public difcourfes. 
 
 Difpenfers of the favours of heaven, they 
 
 lived like people who no longer feared any 
 
 thing on the part of God, and who braved 
 
 his power; fupported by the court of Rome 
 
 they looked down with contempt on the 
 
 * l,uther, in his letter to the pope on Trinity Sunday 
 1518, expofes thefe impieties, and adds: Extant li- 
 belli, nee poflunt negari. In the fame he further fays, 
 Confeffores juramento adegerunt, quo haec ipfa impia 
 et haeretica, iideliffime et inftantiflime populo incul- 
 carent. 
 
 •f- It was John de Salhaufen bitliop of Meiflcn, who 
 faid thefe words : Hunc fore indulgentiorum inftito- 
 rem ultimum, quod nimia ipfius et intoleranda impu- 
 dentia elfet. Seek. 
 
 opinions 
 
55 
 
 opinions of m:inkind. They laviflied in An. 1517. 
 taverns, in gaming-houfes, in the moft in- 
 famous places, the nnoney they had extorted 
 from the people; and perpetrated without 
 fhame every thing of v/hich licentioufnefs 
 and impunity were capable. It was their 
 publick talk, that in order to pay their hoftsj 
 their valets, and their carriage hire, they had 
 given falvation to four or five fouls, more or 
 lefs; fimony this of a new kind, and truly de- 
 tellable, Luther, who relates a part of thefe 
 enormities in a book whxh he dedicated to 
 the pope, and of which v\^e ihall fay more 
 hereafter, afferts, that if he we«-e to difclofe 
 all that was faid of thcfe perfons, it would 
 make a volume of abominations. It is true, 
 he adds, that he could not believe all that was 
 faid of them, although there were very many 
 witnefTes who affirmed the truth of the ac- 
 count. But this is moderation and charity 
 on his part ; for thefe colle6tors had had the 
 audacity to put into their compofitions a 
 blafphemy againft che holy Virgin, of which 
 Luther had only made mention as a report to 
 which credit could not be given. 
 
 Although the impieties and debaucheries Superftitica 
 
 r>t' the f ec« 
 
 of theie perfons were fufficient to have in- pie. 
 fpired univerfal horror both for them and 
 D a for 
 
3« 
 
 An. 1517. for their doflrines ; yet the blindnefs and 
 
 fuperftition of the people extended (o far 
 that they received them in triumph like 
 angels from heaven *. When they made 
 their entry into the cities, the bull of the 
 pope was carried before them covered with 
 filk embroidered with gold. The clergy, the 
 magiftrates, and the people preceded with wax 
 tapers in their hands; the bells were rung; 
 mufical inflruments were founded; a red 
 crofs was ere<51:ed in the center of the church ; 
 and the preacher mounting into a pulpit, ex- 
 patiated on the excellence of the indulgences, 
 and the power of the pope, with the ufual 
 exaggerations. They then difpofed of , their 
 wares to all who would buy them; the fol- 
 lowing is the form of abfolution ufed by 
 Tetzel, and of which there ftill remain ori- 
 ginals. 
 Form of ab- " May our Lord Jefus Chrift be pleafed 
 
 folution. 
 
 * Tanta in reverentia erant indulgentire, ut ingre- 
 diente aliquem locum prjeoone, bulla pontiiicia, libro 
 in holofericum et aiireum irivolucram compafto, im- 
 po(ita pr.ieferretiir ; obviam procedebant omnes facer- 
 dotes, monachi, lenatiis, fchola, viii, foeminae, pueri, 
 cum vexillo et taedis. Sonabant campanae et organa. 
 In medio templi rubra crux erigebatur, appenfo pen- 
 titices vexillo. Deus ipfe fplendidius recipi non po- 
 tuiffet. Miconius Relat. MSS. ap. Seek. p. 16, 
 
 " to 
 
37 
 
 *<^ to have pity on you, and abibh^e you by An. 1517 
 
 " the merits of his moft holy pafTion ! And 
 
 " for myfelf, under his authority, and under 
 
 " that of the bleffed apofVles Peter and Paul, 
 
 " and of our moft holy lord, the pope, which 
 
 " he hath committed to me, I abfolve you, 
 
 *' firfl", from all ecclefiaftical cenfures in what- 
 
 " ever manner you may have incurred themj 
 
 " next, from all fins, crimes, and excefies 
 
 " wiiich you have committed to this prefent 
 
 " time, how enormous foever they may be, 
 
 '' even if they fhall have been refcived for 
 
 " the cognizance of the apoftolic fee, and 
 
 ** that as far as the power of the keys ex- 
 
 " tends, which power has been given to our 
 
 " holy mother the church. I releafe you, by 
 
 " this plenary indulgence, from all the pains 
 
 " which you would be obliged to fufrer in 
 
 *' purgatory for all your pafTed fins. I re- 
 
 " eftablifli you in the ufe of the facraments, 
 
 " in the communion of the church, in the 
 
 " ftate of innocence in which you were at 
 
 " the moment you received baptifm -, in fo 
 
 " much that if you were now to depart, the 
 
 " doors of punifhment would be fiiut againft 
 
 ^' you, and thofe of happinefs laid open to 
 
 " you ; and that if you do not die fo foon, 
 
 *' the virtue hereof will be preferved, and 
 
 P 3 *' afTured 
 
An. 1517. II aflured to you at the moment of death : 
 " in the name of the Father, of the Son, and 
 " of the Holy Ghoft, Amen." The fubfcrip- 
 tion was as follows: Brother John Tetzel, 
 under cominilTaryj has written this with his 
 own hand. 
 
 It is thus that thcfe impoftors abufed the 
 fimplicity of the people ; that ecclefiallical 
 difcipline was corrupted, the merits of Jefus 
 Chrift: trodden under foot, and heaven itfclf 
 laid open to the mofl flagitious, without re- 
 quiring of them a fingle condition of the 
 gofpeh A more Ihocking depravation of 
 the chriftian religion could not be conceived s 
 and left it fhould be fuppofed that the court 
 of Rome took no part in it, the bulls of the 
 popes were not Itfs fcandalous than the 
 forms of abfolution iffued by the colled ors. 
 Some of them, it is faid, appeared in Ger- 
 many, in which, entrance into Paradife was 
 rated at a crown *. So little indeed were 
 people ignorant that thcfe abufeswere autho- 
 rized by the court of Rome, that nobody 
 even dared to op"pofe them. The intrepid 
 Luther was t!ic only perfon who had the 
 courage to attempt it. 
 
 * VariJ, Anecdotes of Florence, B. 5. 
 
 This 
 
39 
 
 This great man was born at Ifleben, a -A"- ^sn- 
 
 r A /• -fc /- Luther; hi$ 
 
 City of the county of Mansfeld, on the lOth birth, fta. 
 
 r -Ki ^1 ^'^^» ^^^ 
 
 of November 1483*, and was named Martin, fi^ft occupa- 
 becaufe he was baptized the day following 
 the feafl of St. Martin. His father was of a 
 village near Eifenac, called Meraf. Mar- 
 garet Lindeman, his mother, was of Neu- 
 ftadt on the Sala in Franconia. This wo- 
 man being, on fome occafion, at Ifleben, 
 was there delivered of Luther; and his father 
 who was a worker in metals, went to live in 
 the little town of Mansfeld, becaufe there 
 were celebrated mines in the neighbourhood. 
 His property inereafing, he acquired a 
 fhare in the mines, and was one of the ma- 
 
 * The name of Luther is, in ray opinion, the fame 
 as Lotharius, Ex noftris autem duo abavi mei, uno 
 nomine, quod Luiher fonat, lignati. Dithmar, in his 
 Chronicle, page 6. B. 1. He was biOiopof Merfburg, 
 Thefe two ancefloss were Lotharius count of Valbec, 
 and another Lotharius count of Staden, as is to be I'een 
 in the genealogical table which is prefixed to that 
 chronicle. M de Seckendorf remarks that the name 
 of Luther is common in Weftphalia. 
 
 t Moera, or Mera, a village fituated near Eifenac at 
 the foot of the foreft of Thuringia. The >ear of Lu- 
 ther's birth is not known with certainty ; but his 
 brother James Luther atfirmed, that it was the opinion 
 of his family that he was born in 143J. Melanch, 
 Seek. p. 80. 
 
 D 4 giftrates 
 
40 
 
 An. 1517. giftrates of Mansfeld, much beloved and 
 efleemed on account of his probity. 
 
 Thefe particulars of the birth and origin 
 . of Luther are related in order to overthrow 
 the calumnies which his enenojes afterwards 
 publifhed. Cochleus was the firft who had 
 the audacity to fay, that he was born in 
 confequence of a connexion between his 
 mother and a demon ^ and this calumny, 
 extravagant as it was, did not want its fup- 
 porters. Genebrard, Gretzer Serrarius. and 
 others *, were not a(hamed to report and 
 maintain it. 1 he divines of Leipfick, who 
 were, at firft, the moft violent oppofers of 
 Luther, ftudied to circulate the report that 
 he was originally of Bohemia, a country then 
 regarded as the nurfery of hereticks. To 
 render a perfon odious, and even to ruin him^ 
 
 * Maimbonrg, although in general the copyift of 
 wicked originals, has rejedtpd this table. We are not, 
 however, in the leaft obliged to him tor fo doing 1 he 
 time was long paft in France w hen it was believed that 
 demons were the fathers of men ; and Maimbourg was 
 too prudent to expole himff'lf to publick drrifion. But 
 as there are ytt countries in which it is believed that 
 the evil fpirit has a fenfual intercourle with foicereflrs, 
 a certain Pruflian, named Charles de Creutzen, renewed 
 in the laftage the fame calumny cgainll Luther. He 
 was refuted by Dr. Joha Muller, paftor of Hamburg, 
 1111658. Seek. p. 18. 
 
 it 
 
41 
 
 it was fiifficlent to fay that he was a Bohe- An. 1517. 
 mian. As to Florimond of Raymond, he 
 has chofen rather to give a dire6l contra- 
 diflion to all the authors relative to the day 
 of Luther's birth, and to make him come 
 into the world on the a 2d of Oflober, than 
 not to avail himfelf of the predi6lion of an 
 aftrologer named Juntir, who found in the 
 ftars that the mod wicked of men was to be 
 born on that day. 
 
 Luther commenced his ftudies at * Eifenac, 
 continued them at Magdeburg, and finifhed 
 them in the Univerfity of Erford in Thurin- 
 gia. It was there he commenced mafter of 
 arts, and embraced a monadic life at the age 
 of twenty-two years -j-. He was led to this 
 by the fudden death of one of his friends, 
 who, as they were on the road, fell at his 
 fide, and expired before his eyes, without any 
 vifible caufej. It is only known that there 
 
 * He ftudied four years at Eifenac, one year at Mag- 
 deburg, and the reft at Eriord, where he fiaid until he 
 went to Wittenburg. See Luth. Epill. B. 1. Ep. 139. 
 
 f This was in 1505. 
 
 X Melanchthon,in the life of Luther, riy«5, thnt this 
 happened ?iefdo qua caufa. Seek. p. 21. ]]ut there is 
 a likelihood, as Varillas fay?, that Luther fjw his com- 
 panion ftruck by his fide with a thunderbolt. Hilt, of 
 Herefy, B, 3, p. 22/. 
 
 was 
 
42 
 An. 1517. was a furious ftorm, and that Luther himfelf 
 was llruck to the ground without being hurt. 
 This unforefeen accident, and the dread with 
 which he was feized, induced hiin to devote 
 hinnfelf to a monaftic life. His father op- 
 pofed it; and, as Lucher, to prevail upon 
 him, reprefented the danger he had run, and 
 that he regarded, as a divine calling, the en- 
 gagement into which he had entered, by the 
 vow he had taken to obey the voice of God, 
 which, he believed, fummoned him to the 
 monaftic life : " Take care," faid his father 
 to him, " that it is not a voice of an evil 
 *' fpirit, and do not fuffer yourfelf to be de- 
 ** ceived by his illufions." Luther did not 
 yield to thefe remonftrances, but was de- 
 termined to fulfil his vow J he entered into 
 the convent of the Auguftins of Erford in 
 the year 1 505, and took the name of Au- 
 guftine*. 
 
 Luther was feized at firft with a profound 
 melancholy : whether he felt fcruples for 
 having difobeyed his father; or whether he 
 pondered the confequenccs of a vow mad« 
 
 * M. dc Seckendorf relates, upon the credit of an 
 author, that Luther, on entering the monaliery, left 
 behind him p11 his books, and kept only Virgil and 
 Plautus. Seek. p. 21. 
 
 with 
 
43 
 
 with too much precipitation; or whether, An. 1517. 
 laftly, the idea of the danger he had run at 
 the time of his friend's death had made im- 
 prefTions fo lively that he cpuld not forget 
 them, he pafTed the fiift months after he had 
 profefled, in a deep forrow *. He fought at 
 times for confolation in tne fociety of the 
 vicar, John Staupitz, to whom he made 
 known his fecret ii:;quietudes ; and this learn- 
 ed mian, who had an'ffefhon for him, en- 
 deavoured to fortify his mind. *' You do 
 ** not know," fiid he, " the advantage you 
 " will derive from this temptation. God 
 " has reafons for trying you which you are 
 " unacquainted with. It is by thefe means 
 ^' he prepares you for his defigns, and you 
 *' will fee that he will make you his inflru- 
 
 • Quapropj^er confulebim, et confitebar domino 
 Staiipitio, atque apericbam (]vu1m horrendas tt tcrrificas 
 cogitationes habcrem. Tunc ille: nefcis, Martine, 
 q^uam ilia tentatiotihi fit utilis et neceflaria; non enirn 
 temt;re te exercet Dens: videbis quod ad res magnas 
 gerendas le miiiillro utetur Lutli. in Ep. MSS. ap. 
 Seek. p. If). Mdanchthon has remarked, that tliK dread 
 of God, and his tremendous judgments, of which Lvuher 
 had feen an example on the occafion before mentioned, 
 feized upon him fuddenlyat times, and rendered him 
 almoft lifelefs. But that he confoled himfclf with tl:is 
 text. " He hath concluded all under fin, that he 
 '?* might have mercy upon all." 
 
 *' m.ent. 
 
44 
 
 An.isT7- " n^^"'^ for great things." One of the cir- 
 cumftances which afflifbed him the mod was 
 the bad treatment he received from the prior 
 of the monaftery. He not only employed 
 him in the moll abje6t fervices, but he fent 
 him to beg in the city, which appeared to 
 him more diftrefling than all his other labours 
 together. The vicar-general was moved with 
 it ; he direfled the orior to allow him time 
 for ftudy, and recommended to Luther to 
 attach himfelf above all things to the read- 
 ing of the facred fcriptures, and to learn the 
 text by heart. He had been a full year 
 among the Auguftins when a Latin bible fell, 
 for the firft time, into his hands. Until then 
 he had been ignorant that there were other 
 pafTages of fcripture * befides thofe which 
 were to be met with in the liturgies and 
 breviaries. 
 
 In the mean time he betook himfelf to the 
 ftudy of fcholaftic theology ; and as he had a 
 quick underftanding, and an eafy elocution, 
 he penetrated into difficulties, and knew how 
 
 * A profeflbr preaching in the council of Conftancs 
 remarks, that there were prelates who had never read 
 more than fome palFages of fcripture, which they found 
 here and there in the canon law. Litt. Hilt, of Re- 
 form. Part 3. p. 5Q. 
 
 6 to 
 
45 
 to develope them in a manner To plain and An. 15 17. 
 eafy, as to aftonifh all that heard him. He 
 could repeat almoft word for word the works 
 of Biel, of the bifhop of Cambray, and 
 others. He was perfe6lly mafter of the writ- 
 ings of Occam, the fubtilty of which he pre- 
 ferred to that of Scotus or Thomas Aquinas, 
 and he had read with care thofe of the chan- 
 cellor Gerfon. 
 
 He was fo pafTionately fond of *ftudyj 
 that he has fometimes pafTed near five weeks 
 without fleep": and fuch prodigious exertions, 
 by impairing his health, impaired alfo, in 
 fome degree, his natural livelinefs. Attached 
 to his ftudies and meditations, he could not 
 refolve within himfelf to interrupt them.. In 
 order to go through the fervice of the day, 
 it was his cuftom, after having fulfilled the 
 duties of his order, to fhut himfelf up in his 
 chamber, and there, during the fall, he em- 
 
 * Luther had as a mafter, among others, John of 
 Grevenftein, a learned and pious man, whom he had 
 often heard fay that the council of Conftance had con- 
 demned John Hufs unjuftly. He had paid attention to 
 this difcourfe, and having found in the library of Er- 
 ford fome works of this martyr, he read a little of 
 them, but very foon rejeded them from fcruples of 
 confcience: he dreaded lell he (liould imbibe from 
 them the poifon of herefy. Wolf. Lefit. Mem. vol. it, 
 p. 73. 
 
 ployed 
 
a6 
 
 ^^ »5t7- ployed a whole day in repeating the fervice 
 of feveral weeks. He relaxed his mind, 
 howeverj by fomc innocent diverfions, into 
 which pi'jty al.noft always entered. He 
 loved mufic, and vvas not ill fkilled in it ; 
 and when he was attacked wirh nnelancholy, 
 he dillipated it by fingin^ hymns and pfalms. 
 At other times he exercifcd himfelf in turn- 
 ing, and ufed to fay to his friends, " that if 
 " the world would not fupport him, he 
 " would gain his livelihood by the work of 
 " his hands." 
 Luthertakes Such Were the firft employments of 
 teaches phi. Luther in the monaftery. He took orders 
 in 1 507 *, and the year following he was 
 called to Wittenberg to teach philofophy 
 there J and diftinguiflied himfelf by his learn- 
 ing, by his acutenefs, by the vivacity of his 
 wit, and by the freedom of his fcnriments. 
 It was doubtlefs this which gave occafion to 
 a do6lor of the Univerfity, who had acquired 
 fuch a reputation, that he was called the light 
 9/ the ivcrld\, to predid " that that young 
 
 *' monk 
 
 • This was on the Sundiiy colled Cantate. 
 
 + He was a do(ftor of laws and of ph. fick, and was 
 called Martin Pulichius, and, according to the cullom 
 of thefe times, MelrichUadius, becaiife he was of Mel- 
 
 richlladt 
 
47 
 
 " monk would perplex all the do(5lors, and An. 1517. 
 " that he would change the learning of the 
 " fchools." But it was not known on what 
 foundation a cordelier of Rome took it into 
 his head to prophecy " that there would be a 
 " hermit who would attack the pope /' 
 words, which the vicar-general Staupitz had 
 himfelf heard, and which he could not avoid 
 applying to Luther, who was of the order of 
 the hermits of St. Auguftin. 
 
 The contefts of his order havine; called 
 him to Rome*, he acquitted himfelf of his 
 commifTion with fuccefs; but when relating 
 the incidents of that journey, he conftantly 
 called to his recolleflion the impiety of the 
 Italian priefls, who, feeing him officiate with 
 much devotion and attention -j-, made diverfion 
 of him, and defired him to go on f after . 
 
 On 
 
 rlchftadt in Franconia. Ssepe dixit tantam efTe vim in 
 hoc viro, ut plane praefagiret, mutaturum clie vulgare 
 dodrinae genus, quod tunc unicum in fcholis habeba- 
 tnr. This is what Melanchthon reports. 
 
 • Luther was at Rome in 1510. 
 
 f Quod cum ipfc magna cum devotione facra cele- 
 braret, ab Italis facerdotibus derifus, et feftinarejuflus 
 fuerit. Seek. p. 29. Celebrans inifTam, antequam 
 ipfe unam abfolveret, feptem vidit fieri et finiri, di- 
 centibus facrificis : pajfi, fcijf^f id eft, propera, perge, 
 tt rcm'itte matri fiUum, ncc diu define. Audivit 
 
 quoquc 
 
48 
 
 Ad. 1S17. On his return from Rome, his brethren, 
 the Auguftins, folicited him to take the de- 
 gree of do6lor of divinity. He declined itj 
 and Staupitz faid to him one day, with a fmile, 
 ** that it appeared to him that God was pre- 
 " paring great events in heaven and on earth ; 
 " and that in order to execute them, he would 
 " have occafion for youthful and laborious 
 " doftors." The vicar- general had fomc 
 knowledge of the abufes ; but it did not at 
 all appear that he dreamed of attacking the 
 fee of Rome. Such enterprifes could not 
 enter into the mind of any one ; and the re- 
 fieftions of Staupitz can on.^y be confidered 
 as thoughts which fpring up fuddenly in a 
 perfon's mind without his knowing the caufe, 
 and which are uttered without deficn. 
 
 quoque alios referentes verba facrlficoium nonnnllo- 
 rum, quomodo panem et calicem confecrare folent vi- 
 delicet : pants es, et panis manebh ; 'v'mum es, •vinum 
 maneh'is. Ap. Hott Hift. Ecclel". pars 5. p. 847. 
 
 When Luther was celebrating mafs, he faw fcven 
 maffes begun and ended before he himfelf had got 
 through a fingle one, the priefts in the mean time 
 i?Ly'mg, paj/a, pajfa, make hafte, make hafte! fend the 
 fon to the mother, and don't keep him long! He heard 
 alfo other people repeating the words of fome of the 
 officiating priefts, in what manner they confecrated the 
 bread and the cup, viz. Bread thou art, and bread thou 
 fhalt remain. Wine thou art; wine thou fliak remain. 
 
 Luther 
 
49 
 
 Luther was made a dodor of cJivinity In An. 1517. 
 the Univerfity of Wittcmberg, on the 19th 
 of Oftober 15 12.* Jndrew Rodenjiein^ fur- 
 named Carlojladt, from the place of his birth, 
 prefided at his admiffion, and the eleftor of 
 Saxony paid the expences of the ceremony. 
 The new dodor, encouraged by the degree 
 he had jufl taken, gave himfelf up entirely to 
 the reading of the fcripture, and of the 
 fathers, efpecially of St. Augullin. He 
 ftudied at the fame time the Greek and Latin 
 languages, for the purpofe of reading the 
 facred books in the originals. At this pe- 
 riod it was that his fentiments underwent a 
 change j and that, finding fcholaftic theology 
 full of human opinions and vain fubtilties, 
 he began to defpife it, as well as the philo- 
 fophy of Ariftotle on which it had been 
 founded. He looked upon this philofopher, 
 hitherto fo refpedled in the fchools as an ill- 
 natured critic, who prefumed to cenfure thofe 
 who entertained opinions better founded than 
 his own : and as Luther was pofTeJfTed of 
 courage equal to his penetration, he delivered 
 
 * Luther was created do6lor at the age of twenty- 
 nine years, on the tenth anniverfary of the foundation 
 of the Univerfity of Wittemberg, at which period pub- 
 lick teaching had commenced. 
 
 £ his 
 
6<^ 
 An. 1517. his opinions in an open and decided manner, 
 a circumftance which rendered him fufpedted 
 of herefy*, fome years before the difpute 
 concerning indulgences. 
 
 His firll ledures in dieology were upon the 
 Pfalms, and the Epiftle to the Romans. Everjr 
 body went to hear him; and it was with 
 much pleafure and extraordinary edification 
 that people now began to hear the divine 
 doctrines of fcripture explained in the fchools 
 with elegance and perfpicuity, difencumbered 
 of the barbarous terms and trifling diftindions 
 of the fchoolmen, whom he fcarcely ever 
 cited in his ledures, in whirh it was his 
 
 * Mathefius and Melanchthon affirm this. It ap- 
 pears by his letters to Spalatin in 1514 and 15l6, that 
 he undertook the defence of Caprion againft the 
 Monks 5 and alfo by a letter of February 8th 15 16, to 
 John Lang, whom he efteemed as little as he did 
 Ariftotlc, which at that time was abfolute herefy. It 
 muft be allowed that he delivers his fentiments on this 
 fubje6t in a very extraordinary manner : " Nifi caro 
 fuiffet Ariftoteles, non puderet fe dicere diabolum 
 fuiffe. — Uolefs Ariftotle had been flefli and blood, he 
 fliould not have heiitated to pronounce him a devil." 
 This would have been a terrible piece of blafphemy if 
 it had been known ; but what Luther has written in 
 his letters muft not be taken in too ftrift a fenfe. He 
 was a man of quick feeling, who wrote whatever came 
 into his mind, and who would, doubtlefs, have cor- 
 refted a number of expreffions, if he had been of a 
 cooler temperament. 
 
 cuftom 
 
5^ 
 
 cuftom to quote only the fcriptures and the An. 1517. 
 fathers. He had already adopted the opinion 
 of juftification by faith without works. 
 
 Luther had imbibed this opinion fince the Hisfenti- 
 fecond year after he had entered into orders, juftification 
 from an old monk, who confoled him when wuu 
 ill. This good old man exhorted him to 
 receive remilllon of fins by faith, and fup- 
 ported his advice by a pafiage from St. Ber- 
 nard. The reading of the holy fcriptures 
 and of St. Auguftin completely confirmed 
 him in that opinion-, and in the year 15 16 
 he wrote to a f iar of the order of St. Auftin, 
 who was a friend of his, " I fhould be glad 
 *' to know what you think, and whether your 
 " foul, at laft difgufted with its own righ- 
 " teoufnefs, has learned to place its con- 
 " fidence in Jesus Christ alone, and in 
 " his righteoufnefs." He alfo publifhed 
 thefes on the efficacy of free-will. We fhall 
 have occafion, in the fequel of the work, to 
 fpeak rrvore fully of his tenets on this head ; 
 but it may here be remarked, that, having 
 been commifiioned by Staupitz to vifit the 
 monafteries of MeiiTen and Thuringia *, he 
 
 * There were about forty monafleiies in thefe two 
 provinces. 
 
 E 2 delivered 
 
52 
 An. 1517. delivered his opinion fo freely, that George 
 Duke of Saxony, before whom * he preached, 
 was offended at it ; and began from that time 
 to conceive that hatred towards him which 
 he never loft. At the fame time he drew on 
 himfelf the aniniiofity of the Dominicans, for 
 having treated with difrefpeft the tenets of 
 St. Thomas. 
 
 This is pretty nearly what is known of 
 the opinions and occupations of Luther, be- 
 fore the famous difpute concerning indul- 
 gences. We fhall not attempt, further, in 
 this place, to give the chara6ler of this great 
 man, or to prepolTefs the mind of the reader 
 by an advantageous portrait. It is better to 
 leave each perfonat full liberty to form a juft 
 idea of his difpofition and fentiments, and to 
 ground it on his anions and on his works, 
 which Ihall be faithfully reprefented in this 
 hiftory. But, we can fcarcely avoid re- 
 touching thofe portraits of Luther, which we 
 find in the modern hiftorians of the Roman 
 church. It is agreed that they are worked 
 up with arti but it muft alfo be admitted 
 that there is neither judgment nor probability 
 
 • He preached at Drefden, where the duke refided. 
 In the chapel of his chateau. 
 
 in 
 
53 
 
 m them ; and that they are almoft entirely An. 1517. 
 the work of a bold imagination and an in^ 
 ccnfed malice. 
 
 "Martin Luther* (to ufe the words CrUicifm of 
 " of Varillas) colledbed in his perfon all the the charac- 
 
 ter of Lu- 
 
 " good and all the bad qualities which the ther. 
 " holy fathers had obferved in the hereticks 
 " of their times." We fee in this the fpirit 
 of Varillas, and the charader of his hiftorical 
 writings. He is a man whofe only wifti is 
 to fhine, to furprife, and to dazzle the reader 
 by bold traits, which appear ingenious, with- 
 out being at all concerned whether they are 
 juft and natural. Not only what he advances 
 of Luther is falfe, but it is badly devifed : for, 
 befides that the ancient hereticks were pof- 
 fefled of qualities fo various that no one could 
 range them in the fame clafs, it is certain 
 that thofe of the greater part were extremely 
 different from the qualities which he at- 
 tributes to Luther. Thefe ancient leaders of 
 fe<!ts have often affeded great aufterity, and 
 he reprefents Luther as a libertine. They 
 diftinguifhed themfelves by falls, by mor- 
 tifications, by a fevere difcipline j fuch was, 
 in pardcular, the character of Montanus, 
 
 * Hift, of Hcrcfy. vol. i, p. 225. 
 
 E 3 Novatius, 
 
54 
 
 An. If 1 7- Novatius, and many others; and Luther is 
 defcribed by this author as a man who was 
 fond of good cheer, and attached to plealure, 
 and who addidcd him to exceffes. They 
 prefented an exterior humble and devout; 
 Luther, as Variilas informs us, had a dif- 
 gufting vanity, and a pride which maniteited 
 itfe f in his whole deportment. If Luther 
 had much wit and learning; if h- knew the 
 art of mov ng and calming the paflions; thefe 
 are quahties in which hereticks are frequently 
 deficient : and it cannot be imagined that a 
 man would be put into the inquifit:on for 
 pofie fling them. It is impoiTible to give a 
 juft idea of the qualities of an heretick: error 
 ijifinuates icfelf into a 1 minds, and it is ralh- 
 nefs to atteaipt to difcriminate thofe who are 
 lulceptibie of it. 
 
 VariLas proceeds and relates, in his man- 
 ner, the faults and the good qualities of Lu- 
 ther. We agree with him that he was 
 learned, eloquent, fubtil, laborious, intrepid, 
 firm in his opinions ; but we maintain, that 
 if he Ihewed any ambition to furpafs * others, 
 
 • Maimbourg himfelf here refutes Variilas. He 
 fays, p 30. b 1. "that diflimulation was not very 
 "' fuitable to the difpofition of Luther, who was but 
 •' little inclkied to play the hypocrite for any length of 
 *• time." 
 
 far 
 
55 
 
 far from praftifing an Italian diflimuktion, An. i5»f. 
 he had all the ancient candour of his nation, 
 and even an ingenuoufnefs and an opennefs of 
 heart, which often extended to imprudence. 
 Inftead of feeking for entertainments, he 
 avoided them ; and fo little was he attached 
 to good cheer, that he preferred the fimple 
 fare of his monaftery to the highefl: delicacies. 
 If his conftitution was robuft, and incHnablc 
 to pleafure, he fubdued it by watchings and by 
 labour. It was a fubjedt for the exercife of his 
 virtue : and his enemies agree that his repu- 
 tation was without blemifh in the year 15 17, 
 • that is to fay at the age of thirty-five years j 
 and that he lived fix years longer in a ftate 
 of celibacy, without any one daring to ac- 
 cufe him of having violated it; a conduft 
 which did him the more honour, as he lived 
 in an age in which, certainly, ecclefiaftics did 
 not pique themfelves upon great regularity 
 in that reipeft. It is, however, allowed that 
 he was not without faults; and his enemies 
 would have had more ground to reproach 
 him with them, if he had not had the fin- 
 cerity to avow them himfelf on many occa- 
 fions. But it may be faid, that fome of them 
 were fuch as appeared neceflarily to enter 
 into the compofition of a man deftined " to 
 E 4 " chaftife 
 
S6 
 
 An. 1517. t( chajiife and to corre£f the worlds' as Eraf- 
 
 mus faid of him. The pi6lure that Maim- 
 
 bourg has drawn of Luther pofiefles the fame 
 
 character as that drawn by Varillas, unlefs 
 
 that the execution of it is not quite fo bad; 
 
 and, in general, Maimbourg is more accurate 
 
 and conformable to truth than the former. 
 
 tuther be. While Luther was quietly teaching at Wit- 
 gins to 
 preach tenberg, the col]e6lors, who were overrunning 
 
 againd in- 
 dulgences, all Germany, came into the diocefs of Mag- 
 deburg. Tetzel, the moft celebrated of all, 
 preached there *. i uther, who had given 
 himfelf but little trouble to inquire into the 
 fubftance of indulgences f , feeing the people 
 
 of 
 
 * Tetzel began to preach up indulgences in the 
 diocefes of M.tgdeburg and Halberftadr, the dukes of 
 Saxony not having been willing to allow him to preach 
 in their dominions, which had been drained by fimilar 
 exadions. 
 
 t Ego vero, ita me ChriftusServator falvet, nefcirem 
 quid effent indulgentiae See the account given by 
 Luther in 1541, in his apology againti Henry of 
 Brunfwick Luther, moreover, was at that time fully 
 perfuaded that the Roman church was pure Op. 
 Luth. fol. 50. Mirifice fibi placcre dicif, quod ad earn 
 £dem, quam Romana ecclefia proiitetur, omnium fides 
 debeat confirniari. Ibid. fol. II6. Romanuin pnn- 
 tificem hue ufque non magnoenore . , , . repertumfiiilTc 
 niaculatum. Ibid, fol. 50. Gratias ago Chrifto, quod 
 
 banc 
 
S7 
 of Wittenberg running in crowds to buy An. 1517. 
 them, contented himfelf with preaching that 
 there were things to be done more agreeable 
 toGod,and more conducive to falvation, than 
 tumultuoudy flocking to procure pardons. 
 This fcrmon was delivered in the church of 
 the Auguftins : but as it was too fmall for the 
 great concourfe of people who came to hear 
 him, he was requeiled to preach in the 
 church of the caftle, where he nearly re- 
 peated the fame things. The eleflor was 
 much difpleafed with the difcourfe. He had 
 founded the church, and had plentifully lup- 
 phed it with indulgences to attrafl the de- 
 votions of the people. For this reafon Lu- 
 ther, who did not wifli to offend this prince, 
 and who, befides, was not yet acquainted 
 cither with the magnitude or the importance 
 of the abufes, impofed fiience on himfelf*. 
 
 The 
 
 banc unam ecclpfiam in terrls ita fervat, ut nunquama 
 vera fide ullo fuo decreto receflerit, &c. In Praef. Op. 
 Scias, leftor, me fuilfe aliquando monachum et papif- 
 tam infaniffimnm, cum iftamcaufam aggrefTus fum, ita 
 ebrium, imo fubmerfumin dogmatibus papae, ut para- 
 tiflimus fuiffem omnes, fi potuiflem, occidere, aut oc- 
 cidentibus cooperari, qui papas una fyllaba obedientiam 
 detreftarent. 
 
 * Silebam ita, et negligebam omnia, cum ad me 
 praferretur quanta de indulgentiis ja6taret Tetzelius. 
 
 Luther, 
 
58 
 
 An. Tfir. The general attention was, in the mean 
 while, engaged by the excelTes of the col- 
 lectors, by their irregular life, by their 
 avarice, and by the fcandalous do6Vrines 
 which they preached to the people. It hap- 
 pened alfo, that perfons who had committed 
 crimes, and who had come to confefs to Lu- 
 ther, refufed to undergo the penances which 
 he impofed on them, under the pretext that 
 they had indulgences j and he, on his part, 
 refufed to abfolve them *. They complain- 
 ed of this to Tetzel, who was then preach- 
 ing in the little town of Jutterbok, in the 
 neighbourhood of Wittenberg, and who was 
 fo highly irritated, that, when declaiming 
 againft tliofe who rejed:ed the indulgences 
 and doubted the pope's authority, he me- 
 naced them with the inquifition, and had 
 
 Luther, moreover, in this fermon regulated the ahns 
 as follows. l.To the poor. 2. To ornamenting the 
 churches. 3. To the repairs of the great church of St. 
 Peter at Rome. The interefts of Rome he placed laft 
 of all, and this was a terrible herefy. The poor and 
 the churches where the alms were given took the pre- 
 cedence, and St. Peter of Rome was only allowed (if 
 we may ufe the exprelTion) the fuperfluity of a fu- 
 perfluity. 
 
 * In the manufcript account by Miconiu?. Seek. 
 
 adually 
 
59 
 
 a6lual]y a pile of wood made up in the An. 1517, 
 market place, as if he intended to burn them 
 in effigy. 
 
 Luther on being informed of the violence Yua decb. 
 
 _ . . rations of 
 
 and tyranny of this Dominican grew warm, Luther 
 
 ... _ . _ - againft in- 
 
 became angr)^ in his turn, fet himfelf to duigenc«. 
 examiine into the real nature of indulgences, 
 and compofed thefes which contained ninety- 
 five propofitions. Some of them were ca- 
 tegorical, others hypothetical, and fome of 
 them fapped the very foundation of indul- 
 gences, although the objecl of the difpute was 
 merely to check the abufes, and not to abolifh 
 the ufe of them. 
 
 The following is the fubflance of thefc 
 propofitions : 
 
 *' That the life of a chriftian ought to be 
 ** a perpetual penance; that the pope has 
 " full power to remit canonical penalties j 
 *^ but that, with refpeft to thofe due to divine 
 ** juftice, he has only the right to declare 
 " the remiffion of them ; that the canons re- 
 " fpe6bing penance do not extend to the 
 " deceafed ; that if they had power to remit 
 " all punifhments, and even thofe of pur- 
 " gatory, it couM only be in favour of a few 
 *^ perfons eminent in virtue ; that the money 
 " with which indulgences are purchafed may 
 
 " confiderably 
 
An. 1517. *' confiderably augment the profits and avarice 
 " of the colleftors, but that the efficacy of 
 " the voice of the church can only depend on 
 " the will of God ; that thofe who reft fatif- 
 " fied of their falvation, and have no other 
 " foundation for their confidence but letters 
 '* of pardon, will afluredly be damned, as 
 ** well as the teachers of fo pernicious a doc- 
 *' trine; that every chriftian who feels a 
 *' fincere contrition for his fins, has the full 
 *' remiflion of them without the alTiftance of 
 " the pope's letters ; that they are not, how- 
 *' ever, to be defpifed, becaufe they are a 
 *' declaration of the pardon which God 
 *' vouchfafes to finners ; that thofe who teach 
 " that repentance is not requifite for thofe 
 '' who redeem fouls, or purchafe confef- 
 " fionals *, preach doctrines which are not 
 "chriftian; that it is neceflary to apprize 
 *' the people that the intention of the pope 
 " is not that indulgences Ihould be confi- 
 
 •* In the fchools thofe writings which contain the 
 form of confp.ffion are called confc(]hnah; and at the 
 court of Rome confeJ)hnals are permilfions granted by 
 the popes, in virtue of which each perfon can choofe a 
 confeflbr ; and this confelTor has the power of ab- 
 folving in all referved cafes, or, at leaft, in the greater 
 part of them. 
 
 <' dercd 
 
6i 
 
 " dered as equal to works of mercy, becaufe ^"* 'i'?* 
 
 " charity renders a man more excellent, 
 
 *^ whereas indulgences ferve only to fecure 
 
 " him from punifhinent; that if they were 
 
 " really neceffary to the falvation, or to the 
 
 *' repofe of fouls, the pope ought to fell the 
 
 " great church of St. Peter to give the poor 
 
 *' wherewith to purchafe them, rather than 
 
 " to require money from the poor themfelves 
 
 " to conftrudt that edifice ; that the treafure 
 
 " which the church diftributes is neither 
 
 *^ that of the merits of Jefus Chrifl, nor of 
 
 " the faints, becaufe neither the one nor the 
 
 *' other depend on the pope ; that the true 
 
 *' treafure of indulgences is the gofpel of the 
 
 " grace and glory of God ; that this gofpel 
 
 *' was, to the apoftles, a net to catch men, 
 
 " whereas indulgences are only a net to catch 
 
 " their money ; that the commiffaries of the 
 
 " pope ought to be received with refpeft, but 
 
 " that the obligation is yet greater to pre- 
 
 *' vent them from preaching up their idle 
 
 " notions, by abufing the authority of the 
 
 re " 
 
 " pope. 
 
 To thefe feveral propofitions Luther 
 added queftions which he put into the mouth 
 of the people, whom the inconfidcrate dif- 
 courfcs delivered furniihed with occafion for 
 
 afkins 
 
6z 
 
 An. 1517. afking them : as, '' Why the pope, who 
 " liberates fouls from purgatory for money, 
 " dors not do it for charity ? Why the an- 
 *' niverfaries * of the dead are flill continued, 
 " if the fouls are delivered from purgatory 
 " by means of the pardons ? Why the canons 
 *' of penance f , abolillied fo long ago, were 
 '^ continued in ufe only to afford occafion 
 " for redeeming fouls ? Why the pope, who 
 " was fo rich, did not build one place of 
 *' worfliip at lead, at his own expence, rather 
 " than at that of the poor members of the 
 ^' church ?" Luther concluded by protefting 
 that he v/as ready to receive inftruflions if he 
 were in error ; that he was by no means fo 
 prefumptuous as to fet his opinion above that 
 of all the world; but that he was, on the 
 other hand, by no means fo ftupid as to pre- 
 fer mere human fables to the word of God. 
 
 There is fo much good fcnfe and fo much 
 convi6tion in thefe proportions that it is im- 
 
 * 
 
 * Thefe were yearly obits, or fervices, faid for 9 
 deceafed perfon once every year. M. 
 
 f According to the canons a feven-years penance 
 was impofed for a mortal oflence ; and as perlbns who 
 had committed many fuch could not accomplilli their 
 penance in this life, it followed, according to the theo- 
 logy of the collectors, that they muft either buy in- 
 dulgences, or complete their penance in purgatory. 
 
 poflible 
 
63 
 
 pofTible they fiiould not have pleafed and An iji?. 
 perfuaded. They were publickly maintained 
 in the Univerfity of Wittenberg, and Luther 
 fent them to the archbifliop of Magdeburg, 
 with a very ftrong, but very fubmiffive let- 
 ter *, in which he reprefented to that prelate 
 the greatnefs and importance of the abufes, 
 conjured him, for the fake of his own falva- 
 tion and that of his flock, to put a flop to 
 the licentioufnefs of the colleflors, and, in 
 particular, to fupprefs the inftrudbions that 
 were printed under his name: " For fear," 
 adds he, " that fome one fhould undertake 
 *' to refute them, which would not do honour 
 " to your highnefsj and I fliould be ex- 
 " tremely forry that fuch a thing Ihould 
 *' happen, but 1 fear it may happen, if care 
 " be not fpeedily taken to prevent it." He 
 wrote at the fame time to the bifhop of 
 Brandenburgh f, in the diocefs in which the 
 
 * The letter is dated on the eve of All-faints 151/. 
 No one could exprefs himfelf with more refpect and 
 humility than Luther did, Tellis mihi eft Dominus 
 Jcfus, quod meoe pnrvitatis et turpitudinis mihi coU' 
 fqius, diu jam diftuli, quod nunc perfricta fronte per- 
 ficio. Dignctur tua celfitudo ad pvdverem unum in- 
 tendere, et votum meum pro tua pontificali dementia 
 intelligere. 
 
 t Jerome Scultet, who had been made bifliop of 
 Brandenburgh in 150/. 
 
 7 town 
 
64 
 
 An. 1517. town of Wittenberg was. The bifliop 
 replied, that he ought to take care what 
 he was about * ; that he was attacking the 
 power of the church j that he would bring 
 great troubles on himfelfj and that he would 
 do better to remain quiet. 
 I'l^s bv Lu F^oi^ difputation Luther paffed to preach- 
 indui-ences ^"^' ^"*^ compored tvvo feriTions, very fhort, 
 pTntaTe" '^ ^^^ ^^""J^ ^^''^^ ' ^^^ °"^ "P°" indulgenccs, 
 the other upon repentance. He reprefented 
 to the people, that repentance confifting of 
 three parts, contrition, confefTion, and fatif- 
 faftion, it was only the laft which could be 
 remitted by indulgences, and that the two 
 former were invariably to be pradlifed^ that 
 thele fatisfaftions included fading, prayer, 
 and a6ls of charity, which being good works 
 ought to be pradifed, and that it was con- 
 trary to reafon to d.fpenfe with them; that 
 it did not appear by the fcripture that God 
 required from finners fatisfaftions, properly 
 
 * Luther, in his apology againft Henry of Brunf- 
 wick, fays : IJem ad epijcopum Itirandeburgenferri or' 
 dinarium fcripji, qui 7111/11 "valde favebat. Hie refpon- 
 dit me potejiaieni ecclejiis i/npugnare, viagnafque miJii 
 mole/iias condtaturum (//i; Jibi jatius •videri ut qui- 
 cfccrcm. Cogttabunt ut arbitror uterque (epifcopus 
 Brandeburgenlis et archiepifcopus Moguntinus) pon- 
 tificis potentiam piihi homini imj'cro et mendico gra- 
 vijffimamjbre. 
 
 fo 
 
6s 
 
 To called ; *that, in truth, he chaftlfed the An. 1517. 
 faithful with various fuiTerings; but, befides 
 that this was to ameid, and not to punifh 
 them, it is he aione who has power either to 
 alleviate or ternninate chaflifements allotted 
 by hinrifelfj that fuppofing the reality of fa- 
 tisfadtions, it was woithy of chriftians to 
 forbear ufing indulgences, becaufe thofe fa- 
 tisfacStions were falutary punilbments; that 
 indulgences were introduced only for indolent 
 chriftians ; and that if it were not permitted 
 to difTuade men from them, it is ftill lefs a!-- 
 lowable to exhort people to receive and to 
 purchafe them ; that indulgences were found- 
 ed on the idea that as penance could not be 
 finiftied during life, it was neceflary either to 
 complete it in purgatory, or to obtain a dif- 
 penfation from the pope; but that this foun- 
 dation was not folid, becaufe if the queftion 
 be of divine punifliments, God, who freely 
 pardons fins, requires from finners only their 
 converfion ; and if it be of canonical penal- 
 ties, the church could not command any 
 thing that was impoflible; that, in fine, it 
 was neither certain nor decided that indul- 
 gences delivered fouls from purgatory ; that 
 it could not be proved, and that, for his part, 
 he did not believe it; whence it followed 
 F that 
 
66 
 
 An. I5I7. that the fureft way was to pray for the Gom» 
 fort of fou;S, and to do good works. There 
 are many other reflexions very beautiful and 
 very folid in this httle fermon, and in that 
 which follows it on repentance. 
 
 Luther did The h.ftorians of thc R Oman church have 
 
 not attack -, , r i i i j i 
 
 inadgences endeavoured to perluade the world that 
 loufy^or'^in. Luthef had fecret and interefted motives for 
 oppofing indulgences. Even if that were 
 true, his caufc would not fuffer by it j that 
 caufc is good or bad, independently of the 
 motives which led to adionj whether his 
 condu6t proceeded from a fpirit of vanity or 
 pique, it is always Jefus Chrift that is an- 
 nounced ; and if a wicked, mercenary prieft 
 could make the body of Jefus Chrift, a 
 wicked prieft could correft abufes ; but at 
 a period when thofe abufes w^re fo heinous 
 and fo fcandalous, there is no need to im- 
 pute other motives to him than the abufes 
 thcmfelves. 
 
 With regard, however, to the love of ac- 
 quiring honour h>y a new doctrine, Luther 
 has fince declared, that the reputation which 
 his firft thefes procured him gave him un- 
 eafinefs, becaufe he had not fufficiently made 
 up his mind upon the fubjed of indulgences, 
 aFid did not at that time know whether 
 
 he 
 
67 
 
 he could fuppoit the tenets he had ad- An. 1517, 
 vanced *. 
 
 With refpeft to pique, it is pretended that 
 the Augbains conceived a jealoufy againft 
 the Dominicans becaufe the nnanagement of 
 the indulgences was committed to them; 
 but it is a conjedlure which was firft advanced 
 by Francis Paolo, and of v^^hich no trace is to 
 be found in the ancient records of that timej 
 lb that even cardinal Bellarmin did not ven- 
 ture to take advantage of it. Maimbourff 
 himfelf f has done no more than infinuate it, 
 and he attributes it to Staupitz, and not to 
 Luther. " Whether that vicar," fays he, 
 *' was chagrined becaufe the Dominicans had 
 " been preferred to the monks of his order, 
 " who had formerly held in Saxony the fame 
 " employment which he thought was now 
 " beftowed on others to their injury -, or 
 " whether he was really afFe6ted by the 
 " glaring improprieties which were com- 
 " mitted in the difperfion of thefe indul- 
 
 * Itaque pro egregio dodore landabar, qui unus 
 tandem rem agreirus eflem j fed mihi ifta fama nee 
 placebat, cum dubius hsrerem quid eflent indulgentia; 
 et negotium fupra vires meas metuerera. Apology 
 againft Henry of Brunfvvick. 
 
 t Alaimbourg, b. 1. p. 23. 
 
 F 2 " gences." 
 
68 
 
 ^n. X517. (c gences." This hiftorian, completely pre- ' 
 judiced as he is, inclines to believe that the 
 irregularities of the colle6lors were the caufe 
 of Luther's preaching; and, certainly, he 
 never appeared to aft upon interefted mo 
 tives. He was not, moreover, a man dif- 
 pofed to become the inftrument of the avarice 
 and refentment of his order. It is, befides, 
 falfe that the Auguftins pofTefTed the office of 
 preaching indulgences in Saxony. The Do- 
 minicans had exercifed that employment 
 there fince the year 1507 j and Tetzel in 
 two days had raifed two thoufand florins from 
 the inhabitants of Fridburg, without the 
 Auguftins having manifefted any defire for 
 them, or having pretended that this booty 
 belonged of right to their order. 
 
 Maimbourg, after the pafTagc above quo- 
 ted, relates that Staupitz, refolving to oppofe 
 the Dominicans with all his force, was de- 
 firous of making ufc of that perfon, v/ho, of 
 all the other monks, and even of all the doc- 
 tors, was then moft in vogue, and pofTelTed 
 of the greateil reputation in the univerfity 
 of Wittenberg, that is to fay, the celebrated 
 Martin Luther. 
 
 There is no occafion to controvert this 
 ftory. On the contrary, if Ir were true, its 
 
 tendency 
 
69 
 
 tendency would be to juftify Luther, fince he An. i^i-. 
 could only have afted by the order and 
 under the authority of his fuperior. But 
 after all it is falfe that Luther was the inllru- 
 rnent of the vicar-general. John Staupitz, 
 who was charged with this bufinefs, was a 
 man of merit, venerable on account of his 
 learning, his fweetnefs of manners, his pro- 
 bity, and the efteem which the cleftor had 
 for him. He was by no means ignorant of 
 the abufes that prevailed in his times ; but it 
 may be confidently afferted that there is no 
 proof that he was the firft v/ho conceived the 
 idea of oppofing them. The private letters 
 that Luther and he wrote to each other are 
 ftill extant, in which nothing is to be met 
 with that favours this notion. The former 
 took always the whole matter on hlmfclf, al- 
 though it would have been his intereft to have 
 brought his fuperior forward in ir, if he had 
 afled only in obedience to his orders. More 
 than twenty years after thefe difputes, he pro- 
 tefted that the excefTes committed by the 
 colleflors were the fole caufes that urged 
 him to oppofe indulgences} whence it 
 follows, that it cannot be fuppofed without 
 rafhnefs, that he afted by the fuggeftions of 
 his fuperior. 
 
 F 3 The 
 
1^ 
 
 ILn. 1517. The thefes of Luther fpread themfelves 
 tSAVif- ^^^^ ^" extreme rapidity through all Ger- 
 putations. many*. The people began to open their 
 eyes, and to defpife indulgences which were 
 of no ufe to them. The difiike againfl the 
 collcdlors beca.re almofl univerfal ; and Tet- 
 zel having come to Fridburg a little time after, 
 not only coliecfted Icarccly any thing there, but 
 was very near being killed by the men em- 
 ployed in working the mineb. Every body 
 was ftruck with admiration en feeing a fingle 
 monk endued with fufficient zeal and cou- 
 rage to oppofe the extortions of the pope 
 and his minifters f, while fo many bilhops 
 and powerful ecclefiafticks obferved a pro- 
 found filence, and left their churciies a 
 prey to avarice and impoflure. ButTetzel, 
 proud of the pope's protedlion and of his 
 office of inquifitor, had no fooner ittvi 
 the thefes of Luther than he condemned 
 
 • Ita editae fueriint propofitiones mese contra Tet- 
 zelium, et intra dies quinJccim totam fere Germanicam 
 pervaferunt. Omncs enim querebantnr de indnlgen- 
 tiis, et de articulis imprimis Tetzelii. Luther's Apol. 
 againft Henry of Brunfwick, 
 
 t Taccbant epifcopi et do6tores metu Dominicorum, 
 haereticae pravitatis inquifitorum, qui igne gniflaban- 
 tur, et Tctzclius paftores aliquot, qui aliquid mullita- 
 taverunt, acriterreprefferat. Ibid, 
 
 them 
 
71 
 
 them to the flames, as replete with herefies and An. isiyj 
 blafphemies ; caufed them to be piiblickly 
 burnt, and endeavoured to refute them in 
 two difputations * which he took care to 
 have printed. The firft contained a hundred 
 and fix propofitions upon indulgences ; and 
 the fecond a hundred and fiiiy upon the au- 
 thority of the pope. There is nothing in 
 the firft that deferves to be noticed, two 
 things only excepted. One is, that ingenious 
 mode of reafoning which the colle6lors made 
 ufe of to difcredit charity towards the poor, 
 and to rajfe the merit of indulgences, by 
 arguing that fpiritual alms, that is to fay, 
 thofe whofe obje6t it is to procure com- 
 forts to the foul by the purchafe of pardons, 
 are more excellent than corporeal alms, or 
 the fuccours which are given to the indigent ; 
 and that of thofe more meritorious alms, 
 fuch as are given for a perfon's own benefit, 
 exceed, in point of propriety, thofe which are 
 given for the benefit of others. The fecond is 
 
 to 
 
 * Tetzel was not the aiithor of tbefe difputations. 
 A certain man named Conrad Vimpina, who taught 
 fcholaftic theology at Franckfort on the Oder, was the 
 perfon, Hottinger,vol. vi. p. 191, fays, that the difpu- 
 tations of Tetzel were fuppt'^rted at Franckfort in the 
 prefence of three hundred monks. This is not probable. 
 
 F 4 the 
 
7^ 
 -An. 1517. the audacity with which they prefumed to 
 publilh and tranfmitto all future ages this hor- 
 rible blafphemy, that although a perfon had 
 adua'.ly violated the chaftityof theholy Virgin, 
 the colledors had die power of abfolving the 
 offender, whether with refpefl to guilt or 
 punifhment. On reading accounts of fuch 
 infamous tranfadions, every one mull be 
 aftoniihed that even the moft zealous catho- 
 lics did not feel fome efteem for Luther, for 
 having laboured to purge the earth of thefe 
 deteftable minifters of avarice and impiety. 
 
 The feconJ difputation was a mere col- 
 ledlion of the excelTes of the canonifts under 
 the authority of the pope. A power is therein 
 attributed to him whxh can neither be limit- 
 ted nor increafed, an immediate jurifdifbion 
 over all chriflians, an abfolute authority over 
 the councils, and over the univerfal ciiurch j 
 a power incommunicable to any other, to 
 determihe what are matters of fiith ; all the 
 decrees of the pope, and all the o inions of 
 the doftors who are approved by the fee of 
 Rome, are placed in the rank of catholic 
 truths. It is there pretended, that all the 
 bilhops together have not the power to grant 
 a fingle indulgence; that this is a privilege 
 peculiar to the pope as the hufband of the 
 
 univerfal 
 
1Z 
 
 univerfal church ; that it is not only an error, An. 1517. 
 but a blafphemy, to fay that St. Peter had more 
 power in the diilribution of indulgences than 
 Leo the tenth. Tetzel concluded with this 
 warning — that whoever dared to write either 
 againfl the indulgences, or the power the 
 pope had of diflributing them, or to favour 
 the writings of thofe who had fo done, or to 
 publifh them abroad, or, finall/, to fpeak 
 with contempt of the pardons granted by the 
 pope, might expe'd eternal damnation *, and 
 in this life the moft rigorous punilhments : 
 " for," added he, " every beaft that fhall 
 " touch the holy mountain fhall be ftoned." 
 Thefe propofit;ons having been carried to 
 Wittenberg, the ftudents burned them pub- 
 lickly, to avenge the affront given to thofe of 
 Luther : but he himfelf always protefled that 
 he had taken no part in that outrage ; and he 
 was too fincere to deny it, if he had fo f done. 
 
 It 
 
 * Timeant fibi ne praefatas propofitiones, et per has 
 atque alias d;imnalionis pt^ri' ulo, gravique tcraporali 
 confufioni le exponaiit. Beftia eiiim, quae montem 
 tetigeret, lapidabitur. Tetz. Dilput. 2 Pnpof, 
 
 •f- Miror quod credere potuifli me fuifle au6lorem 
 concremationis propofitionum Tetzelianarum. Adeo 
 mihi, omnem lenliim periiire credis, ut tam infignem 
 injuriam, ego religiofus et theologus in loco non meo, 
 
 homiiii 
 
74 
 An. 1517. It was then that thofe people who pique 
 eiedor";!f thcmfelves on penetrating into the fecrets of 
 aTpanL " prioccs, circulated the report that Luther was 
 puU. ' " fupported by the eledor of Saxony, who en- 
 couraged him in fecret to carry on this dif- 
 pute on account of the hatred he bore to the 
 archbifiiop of iVIagdeburg. Luther had early 
 information of this, and confulted Spalatin 
 whether it might not be proper to acquaint 
 the eleftor with it *, becaufe he was unwilling 
 to be the caufe of unjuft fufpicions being en- 
 tertained againft the conduct of that prince, 
 and thereby to caule divifion between the 
 eleiflors. Although this letter, then written 
 in confidence, clearly evinces the falfity of 
 the conje^lure, the fame has neverthelefs been 
 renewed fince by certain people, who, not 
 being able to oppofe the reformation itfelf, 
 have endeavoured to render its motives 
 fufpecled. 
 
 Varillas -]-, who handles nothing without 
 
 homini tanti officii Irrogarem? Luther addrelTes this 
 to lodocus who had been his mailer. Luther's Epift. 
 b. 1 . ep. 39. 
 
 * Ego mei caul'a principem in fiifpicionem venirrr 
 irgerrime omnino fero, et inter tantos principes diHidii 
 originem efle, valde horreo ct tinieo. I,uther's Epitl^ 
 b. l.ep. 39. 
 
 t Hiftory of Herefy, vol. i. b. 3. 
 
 altering 
 
altering and corrupting it, reports this con- An. 1517* 
 jefture, and, at the fame time, relates, " that 
 ' there was a great jealoufy between the 
 ' houfes of Saxony and Brandenburg, and 
 ^ that it manifefted itfexf upon the fmalleft 
 ' occafions ; that tiie eledor Frederick v/as 
 ' ill made in his perfon, of an ungrace- 
 ' ful and difproportioned fhape, bur the 
 ^ mod crafty prince in the whole north, and 
 the moft attached to interefted purfuitsj 
 ^ that fince he had taken pofiefllon of the 
 ' ele6torate, not being able to make himfelf 
 ^ mafter of the archbifhoprick of Magde- 
 ' burg, and the fix fufFragan bifiiops, he had 
 ' formed the defign of bringing, at leail, fo 
 
 * rich a benefice into his houie ; that the city 
 ^ of Magdeburg was the greateft and moft 
 ^ opulent of all Germany, and that it alone 
 ^ was worth more than all the reft of the 
 ' eledlorate ; that Frederick, not being able 
 ' to compafs his defign through the oppo- 
 ' fition of the houfe of Aufiria on one fide, 
 
 * and that of the court of Rome on the 
 ' other, (the legate of which reprefented to 
 
 * the chapter that it was dangerous that the 
 ^ princes of fovereign houfes Ihould polTefs 
 ' great benefices in the circles of the empire 
 ' where their eldeft ipns have their principal 
 
 '^ eftablifliment,) 
 
76 
 
 An. 1517. " ellablifhmentj) was fo much the more 
 " offended at having loft his aim, as the 
 " eleftion had fallen upon Albert of Bran- 
 " denburg, the man in the world for whom 
 " he entertained the greateft diflike." Such 
 arc the circumftances and reflections with 
 which Varillas accompanies the fuppofition 
 of which mention has been made. 
 
 It is to be wifhed for the honour of thofc 
 who difcover to us thefe myfteries of poli- 
 ticks, that they had taken the trouble to 
 point out the fources whence they drew 
 them, either to give authority to their hiftory, 
 which is not a work of imagination, or to 
 juftify themfelves from the falfehoods and 
 errors which are therein difcovered. For, in 
 fhort, all is illufion in that recital, and con- 
 tradifted by inconteftible accounts of the age 
 in which the affair took place, and by certain 
 and authenticated fafts. 
 
 Frederick was a prince extremely hand- 
 fome, of a proper fize, graceful, and entirely 
 made for the excrcifes fuirable to his birth. 
 According to all appearance, Varillas has 
 confounded him with John Frederick his ne- 
 phew, fon of his brother, who had the fault 
 of having too large a belly. As to the qua- 
 lities of the mind, the elecftor had the re- 
 putation 
 
17 
 
 putadon of being one of the mod wife and An. 151?. 
 prudent princes of his age ; but he was never 
 accufed of an artificial and interefted policy. 
 With refpedh to putting himfelf in polTeflion 
 of Magdeburg and the fuffragan biihopricks, 
 we defy his enemies to prove that this prince 
 ever entertained fuch a defrgn ; and it is even 
 the higheft injuftice to fufpeft him of it; him 
 who had the generofity to refufe the empire 
 which was offered to his virtue alone, and 
 which would have fuppjied him with the means 
 of gratifying his ambition, fuppofing he had 
 entertained it. It is, befides, a piece of folly 
 to place in the north an eledor of Saxony, 
 whofe rich and fertile ftates are in the moft 
 beautiful and fouthern countries of the em- 
 pire. But this hiftorian ftudies, even in the 
 fmalleft things, to lower the perfons whom he 
 is pleafed to calumniate. 
 
 His ignorance in fpeaking of Frederick 
 equals his malice. He afferts that the city 
 of Magdeburg alone was worth more than all 
 the eieftorate of Saxony, although very ex- 
 tenfive and very fertile. Magdeburg is of a 
 middling extent, and befides that it was for- 
 merly more rich and more powerful than at 
 prefent, it has never equalled many imperial 
 cities, as may be feen by the (late of the con- 
 tributions, 
 6 
 
-8 
 
 An. 7517. tributions. It lus IhlJ the fame ey.rcnt it 
 then liad, as appears by its ancient ramparts, 
 and hiis never made a part of the ele6lorate 
 of Saxony. Otho I. founded the arch- 
 bifhoprick out of his own patrimony in 
 940. It is pofiefied at prefent by the royal 
 hoiife of Pruilla, and has the title of a duchy j 
 and it may here be remarked, that the late 
 king, Frederick -Wilham, built there a fine 
 citadel, in an ifiand which the Elbe forms 
 near the city, and that he fortified the 
 city itfelf The ancient fortifications are 
 preferved, and nave been furrounded with 
 baftions and ravelins as outworks. In ge- 
 neral it may be 'confidently afferred that no 
 proof can be found, either in the archives of 
 Saxony or in the belt hiftorians, that the 
 elector of Saxony intrigued for the arch- 
 bilhoprick of Magdeburg 3 and the report is 
 equally void of probability, fince at the time 
 of the vacancy, there was no prince of the 
 houfe of Saxony who was qu alined to make 
 pretcnfions to it. The archbifhop Erneft 
 died in 1513'. John, brother of Frederick, 
 had then but one fon, who was prefump- 
 tive heir to the eleftorate, Frederick being 
 unmai ried. George and Henry, his coufins- 
 germao, were both married. Flenry had no 
 
 children; 
 
79 
 
 children; George had two: the eldeft was An. 1517. 
 entitled to fucceed his father, and in con- 
 fequence thereof was not deftincd for the 
 church J the younger, who was but nine years 
 of age, was weak in underftanding ; it is 
 therefore impoffibie that Frederick entertain- 
 ed the defign of introducing the archbifliop- 
 rick of Magdeburg into his houfe : but it is 
 extremely proper to remark, that had he 
 actually procured the archbiflioprick to hia 
 own family, he would not thereby have ac- 
 quired the city of Magdeburg, which, en ■ 
 joying the privileges of an imperial city, 
 was independent of its archbifliops. 
 
 The account of the negotiations, which 
 Varillas adds, is not only fabulous, but com- 
 pletely ridiculous. He pretends that the 
 chapter of Magdeburg excluded a prince of 
 the houfe of Saxony, under pretence that it 
 was dangerous that the princes of fovereign 
 houfes fhould poffefs great benefices in the 
 circles, where their eldeft fons had their prin- 
 cipal eftablifhment; and that, at the fame time, 
 this chapter chofe for their archbifliop Albert 
 of Brandenburg, who was already eledlor 
 of Mentz, and brother of a powerful eledor, 
 whofe ftates were as near to Magdeburg as 
 thofe of Saxony. As to the oppofition of 
 1 the 
 
8o 
 
 An. 1517. the houfe ofAuflria, and the remonftrances 
 of the legate, they are overthrown by an un- 
 doubted faft, namely, that the death of the 
 archbifhop Erneft was unknown, until after 
 his fucceflbr had been declared. The canons 
 kept his deceafe very fecret : for as it was 
 known that Erneft was Tick, they placed his 
 dead body at the windows of the palace in 
 the pofture of a living man. and deceived the 
 people by this artifice. In fine, we have no 
 reafon to believe that Frederick entertained 
 any ill will againfl: Albert at the time of his 
 eledtion. In the interregnum which follow- 
 , ed the death of Maximilian, thefe two prin- 
 ces came to Zerbft, in the principality of 
 Anhalt, to allay the troubles which had arifen 
 in the empire ; and it was at the return from 
 this interview that Luther heard Frederick 
 fay, " that if that young archbifliop lived 
 " he would accomplifh great matters *." It 
 is true that the eledtor loft afterwards the 
 efteem he had conceived for Albert, and that 
 he declared he had never been more de- 
 ceived than in the judgment which he had 
 
 • Luther affirms that at the return from that con- 
 ference, he heard thofe words from the mouth of the 
 eleftor at Lockau. Apology agaiuli Henry of Brunf- 
 wick, apud Seek. p. 27. 
 
 formed 
 
Si 
 formed of him *. This prelate, befideS, was An. 1517, 
 mafler of fuch profound difiimulatiofi, that, as 
 Luther relates, when he had the honour of 
 fpeaking to him, he replied with fo much 
 fweetnefs, that he looked on him as an angel 
 of heaven f , although he was convinced that 
 he was one of his greateft enemies. 
 
 When Luther had feen the difputations of oifputa- 
 Tetzel he defpifed them, and would not give theragaina 
 himfelf the trouble of refuting them. He fchooudwi. 
 only publifhed new thefes, in which, without thephuofo- 
 fpeaking of indulgences, he deftroyed the wtie. 
 foundations of them, by attacking the power 
 of free-will, the merit of works, and the au- 
 thority of the fchool- divines. He therein 
 maintained that no one could love God unlefs 
 by virtue of a preventing grace j that the 
 infallible and only difpofition to grace is the 
 eledlion and eternal predeftination of God; 
 that on the part of man nothing exifts before 
 grace but difinclination, and even rebellion ; 
 that without grace there is no virtue, and 
 that with it there is dill imperfeiflion ; that 
 
 * Nunquam ie tota vita de aliquo turpius deceptum 
 fuiffe quam ab Alberto. Ibid. 
 
 f Nunquam ipfi ab elefloribus Saxonicis tarn be- 
 nigne reponfura fuifle, ut ab Albertoj ita ut pro angelo 
 eum habuifTet. Ibid. 
 
 G the 
 
S2 
 
 An. tsn- the habit of nghteoufnefs is acquired only 
 by good works, becaufe it is iiecellary to 
 have nghteoufnefs already in the heart, in 
 order to do works real'y good. In thefe 
 thefes there were other propoficions againft 
 fcholaftic theology, and the phiiofophy of 
 Ariftotle. 
 
 7 his was the whole of what pafled in 
 1517. 
 An. 1518. The following year furnifhcd Luther with 
 
 New thefes • r r \ r r i^ 
 
 upon the an opportunity or propolmg the lame lub- 
 jcS, fup'. jeds in a more celebrated affembly than the 
 Heideiirg. audicnce of Wittenberg. The chapter of 
 the Auguftins was held at Heidelberg in the 
 month of April 1518. Luther chofe to go 
 thither on foot. Frederick gave him recom- 
 mendations to the eledtor palatine, and to 
 Wolfgang, his brother, who was the difciple 
 of CEcolampadius. While die Auguftins 
 were engaged upon their own concerns, Lu- 
 ther compofed thefes divided into forty pro- 
 pofitions, twenty-eight on theology, and 
 twelve on phiiofophy *. To render them 
 
 more 
 
 * Thefe thefes were fupported publickly on the 
 SQthof Apiil 1518, in the monafteiy of the Auguf- 
 tins, which has been fince called the college of ivifuom. 
 Whatever is further faid here concerning this difputa- 
 t . ' tion. 
 
83 
 
 more fufceptible of difputation, he had given -An. J51S. 
 them a paradoxical turn. They ran, Hke- 
 thofe of which mention has juft been made,, 
 upon the ftate of free-will fince the fall, upon 
 faith, upon good works, upon juftification 
 by faith without the merit of good works, . 
 Luther maintained thefe thefes in a very 
 brilliant aflembly. The court of the eledlor 
 palatine was held there; every thing was con* 
 du6led with much order and gravity; except 
 only that that young pro feflbr, attacking with 
 much warmth one of Luther's paradoxes, oc- 
 cafioned a general laugh, by exclaiming, " if 
 ** the country peafants heard what we are 
 «* faying, they would flone us." Cardinal Pal- 
 lavicini has made an ill ufe of this circum- 
 ftance, or was himfelf grofsly deceived,^ when 
 he faid, that the thefes of Luther appeared 
 very ridiculous, and that his paradoxes were 
 
 tion, is taken from a manufcript hiftory of the refor" 
 mation of the churches of the Palatinate, by Henry 
 Ailing, profeflbr at Groningen. Mr. de Seckendorf 
 relates, that his brother, being a counfellor of the 
 elector palatine, had procured that hiflory to be copied, 
 which he faid was very well written. Seek, p, 4g, 
 This difputation was held in the convent of the Au- 
 guftins, and not in the auditory of the academy. "Quod 
 " profeflbres theologiae non fatis probarent difputatio- 
 " nem," fays Ailing, 
 
 " G ' 2 treated 
 
84 
 
 An. tsii. treated with the utmoft contempt. It was 
 the intemperance of the young do(5lor, not 
 the tenets of Luther, which created a laugh in 
 the aiTembly. His dodrine was fo conform- 
 able to that of Auguflin, and propounded in 
 fo ingenious a manner, that it is altogether 
 unlikely it fhoiild have been turned into ri- 
 dicule; and, moreover, it infinoated itfelf fo 
 well into the mind, that after having been in- 
 culcated in private, it was loon after publickly 
 taught in the academy of Heidelberg. In 
 order, however, to explain and fupport his 
 paradoxes, he publiihed at the fame time a 
 piece entitled. Proofs of the propofitions Jup- 
 ported at Heidelberg. 
 
 Suceeft of What has been juft faid of the fucccfs of 
 
 thisdifputt* 
 
 «ion. this difputation is confirmed by teftimonies of 
 
 that time. Martin Bucer, who was then 
 almoner to the eleftor palatine *, wrote to 
 - BeatusRhenanus, his countryman, that Luther 
 had much of the fentiments of Erafmus, but 
 that he propounded them more openly than 
 the latter ; that he had procured admiration 
 by his lively anfwers, fhort and precife, in 
 
 • Alting avers that he had the original of this let- 
 ter ; and we may believe the teftimony of Bucer con- 
 cerning it, at a time when there was alTuredly no idea 
 •Dtertained of reparation from ihe church of Home. 
 
 which 
 
85 
 
 which was recognized the acutcnefs of St. An, ijii. 
 Paul, and not that of Scotus. But the prin- 
 cipal advantage which he derived from that . 
 journey, was the efteem of a bifhop, who 
 pofTefled a high reputation for wifdom and 
 piety, and whofe teftimony contributed 
 much to acquire him the proteflion of his 
 maftcr *. This was Laurence de Bibra,, 
 biHiop of Wurtzburg, of one of the moft il- 
 luftrious houfes of Franconia, a prelate who 
 was acquainted with a part of the evils of the 
 church, who had a high contempt for indul- 
 gences and jubilees f, and who Would not 
 allow them to be preached up in his diocefs, 
 unlefs when he could not prevent jt. So 
 great an opinion was entertained of his virtue, 
 that in one and the fame year, the emperor 
 and two clexfVors J had honoured him with 
 the title of their counfellor. He was after- 
 wards raifed to the biftioprick of Wurtzburg, 
 and died in the month of February 15 19, 
 without having had the fatisfadion to fee the 
 
 * This is taken from the manufcript life of Fre^ 
 derick, written by Spalatinus. 
 
 + Thefe were plenary indulgences granted by tbc 
 pope. 
 
 X The emperor Maximilian, the elcftor of Colqg-ne, 
 and the eledor Palatine. 
 
 G J reformationr 
 
jvn. J518. ^formation, to which he would, doubtkfs, 
 have contributed. But before he died he ren- 
 dered an innportant fervice to the caufe, by 
 writing to Frederick*, " conjuring him not 
 *^ to fuffer Luther, a man of worth and pro- 
 *' bity, to go out of his ftates, becaufe that 
 '' would be doing a great injury to it." 
 The eledor did not forget this requeft. He 
 himfelf gave it in charge to Spalatinus j and 
 a few days before his death, he reminded him 
 -of it by one of his gentlemen. 
 
 George Spa- Thc part taken in the Reformation by 
 
 latiaus. , . . . ^ , 
 
 His original' GeorgcSpalatinus is too great to permit further 
 fndlt"[oy. <i^lay in making him known in this hiftory. 
 '"^°'' He was born at Spalt j-, a little village of 
 Franconia, in the diocefs of Aifchted, on 
 which account he took the name of Spala- 
 tinus. After having ftudied philofophy at 
 "Wittenberg, and law at Erfert, he was or- 
 dained prieft at the age of twenty. five years; 
 and was prefented to the living of Hohen- 
 Kirchen, a village fituated on the borders of 
 
 ^ *rhis bifhop wrote with his own hand to the 
 
 eleftor: Ne permittas quaefo, ut pius vir, Do6t. Mar- 
 
 . tinus Lntherus, abeat ex ditione tua, fieret enim id 
 
 cam ejus injuria. This is what the German words 
 
 fignify. 
 
 f In 1482, 
 
 the 
 
8; 
 
 the foreft of Thuringia, and near to the An. ijis. 
 celebrated monaftery of the Vale of St. 
 George *. He Vv^as mad,; preceptor to the 
 probationers in this monaftery. Being after- 
 wards called to more honourable employments, 
 theinftru6lion of John Frederick f, nephew of 
 the eleflor, was comm>itted to him ; and two 
 years after, that of Ocho and Erncft, dukes 
 of Lunenburg, who were ftudying at Wit- 
 tenberg. From this place the eledor brought 
 him to court, to officiate as his almoner 
 and private fecretary. Spalatinus, by his 
 wifdom and prudence, merited all the con- 
 fidence of his mafter, who employed him at 
 many diets J, made him canon of Altenburg, 
 and left him a pennon of one hundred and 
 fixty florins of gold [j. The fucceeding elec- 
 tors, John, and John Frederick, employed 
 him in like manner in various § negotiations ; 
 
 * In German, Gcorgen Thai. 
 
 f In 150g, 
 
 % At (he diets of Augfburg in 1518 5 of Francfortj 
 where Chailes was eleded, in 1519 j of Aix and of 
 Cologne in 1520 ; and oi Worms in 1521. 
 
 (I John Frederick redeemed that penfion by a fum 
 of 1600 florins of gold. 
 
 § At the diets of Spire in 1520, of Augfburg in 
 J530, of Cologne in 1532, &:c. 
 
 G 4 and 
 
88 
 A»- i5ts. and particularly the laft mentioned prince 
 made ufe of him with advantage, in thofe of 
 the League of Smalkald. At the time when 
 the reformation was eftabliflied, he was paftor 
 of the church of Altenburg, and fuperintend- 
 ant of the churches in that duchy. He died 
 at his church *, at the age of fixty- three years, 
 after having adorned the cle6loral library 
 with a great number of greek and hebrew 
 books, which he had bought at Venice by 
 order of the eledtor, and after having com- 
 pofed many works himfelf, the greater part 
 of which have not been printed f. 1 1 has been 
 thought neceflary to give, in this place, an 
 abridgment of the life of that excellent man, 
 who was of the greateft fervice to the pro- 
 grefs of the reformation. Varillas has fpoken 
 of him in his hiftory with his ufual affeda- 
 tion and ignorance. He makes mention 
 of the letters which Leo X. wrote to Phef- 
 
 * On the 26th of January 1545: and his tomb is 
 flill to be feen at Altenburg in the church of St. Bar- 
 thqloniew, over againft the altar. 
 
 + There have been printed only a tranflalion of a 
 book by Erafmus, touching the inftruAion of a chrif- 
 Irian prince, a tra6t refpeding Arminius Cherufcus, 
 and a chronicle of ihc origin of the eleftoral houfe of 
 Saxony, in oppolition to a defannatory publication by 
 Henry of Brunfwick. 
 
 finger 
 
89 
 
 finger and Spalatinus in i5i9> and fays on An. ijig. 
 
 that occafion *j *' that they were both coun-" 
 
 " fellers of the elecflor ; that they were poori 
 
 *' that they had many children ; and that the 
 
 *' means of providing for thefe by pro- 
 
 ** curing them benefices, was not to commit 
 
 " themfelves with the fee of Rome." Such 
 
 is the foundation on which this hiftorian 
 
 builds his political fpeculations. Meantime 
 
 it is certain that Spalatinus had the title of 
 
 fecretary only, and that the pope gave him 
 
 no more than that title in his letter of ift 
 
 January 1 5 1 9 f . It is, moreover, certain that 
 
 Spalatinus was a pried, lived in celibacy, 
 
 which no ecckfiaftick had yet renounced, 
 
 and did not marry until the year 1525. It 
 
 is thus that the political romances of Varillas 
 
 * Hiftory of Herefy, b. iii, p. 254. 
 
 t There are two letters extant addreiTed to Spala- 
 tinusj one from Leo X. of 1ft January 1519, and tb© 
 other from Julius de Medicis, who was afterwards 
 Clement VII. of 7th January of the fame year. He is 
 ftyled, both in one and the other, Secretary to the 
 Eledor of Saxony. Likewife, among the letters of 
 Erafmus three are found written to Spalatinus, 1. 5- 
 ep. 35. 1. 9. ep. 20. 1. 13. ep. 40. In the firft 
 of thefe, Erafmus fays many handfome things to him 
 upon occafion of a gold medal which SpaJatinus had 
 fent him on the part of the elector. 
 
 are 
 
quires in 
 toiDiatio 
 by degree 
 
 go 
 
 An. 15.8. are confl:antIy annihilated by certain and in- 
 
 conteflible facls. 
 Luthernc. Luther Having thrown off the yoke of 
 formation Euthotity and of the fchoolmen, acquired 
 every day new hghts; and when the de- 
 cifions of tlie Roman church, which he 
 flill refpedled, did not prevent him, he al- 
 io vved himlelf the liberty of judging of the 
 opinions of the doflors, and of propofing 
 his own, widi the precaution, however, of 
 ^advancing nothing in the tone of a mafter 
 who decides, but of a man who doubts, who 
 is willing to be inflrucflcd, who feeks for in- 
 formation. He continued this kind of lan- 
 guage, until having acquired a knowledge of 
 the wcaknefs of the fchoolmen, and the 
 abufe of the pope's authority, he thought it 
 unnecefTary to lay down as a principle any 
 thing beyond the holy fcriptures. He then 
 began to rejetl every thing that was not 
 founded on thofe f-icred books ; and as it 
 was not by a fudden infpiration that he was 
 enlightened*, but by a prog'-cfs of infor- 
 
 * " Optlme le6tor, mementn me umim fuilfe ex illis, 
 qui, ut Augultiniis de fe fcribit, fcribendo et docendo 
 profecerint, pon de illis qui de nihilo repcnte fiunt 
 fummi." Thefe are the words of Luther in the preface 
 to his works, written a little time before his deccafe. 
 
 mation 
 
91 
 
 mation which kept pace with his labours, we An. J51?. 
 mufl: not be aftonilhed if it was only by de- 
 grees that he pierced the cloud of errors which 
 covered the church j if he perceived at firft but 
 few truthsj and if at the beginning he difcern- 
 ed them only in a confufed and doubtful 
 manner. 
 
 The firfl who undertook to defend Tetzel Prierhsand 
 againll Luther were Sylvefler de Prierias, wntH- 
 mafter of the facred palace*, and John de ^'*'" 
 Eck, or Eckius, profcfTor of theology at 
 Ingolftadt. This latter was alfo canon of 
 Aifchtedt; and it was by order of his bifhop 
 that he made critical remarks on the theles 
 of Luther f, in which appeared much ma- 
 lignity. He accufed him, above all, of bein-^ 
 infefted with the poifon of Bohemia, an ac- 
 cufation the moft odious whicli could at 
 that time be brought againft any perfon. 
 Luther had fo much the greater realbn to 
 complain, as Eckius had profirfTcd himfclf to 
 
 * Le " tnaitre dufacre Palais" is a great ofBccr who 
 lives in the Vatican, and is entrufted with the revifion 
 of all books which are printed at Rome. Moreri. M. 
 
 t The remarks of Eckius are entitled, Gbeli/ks, that 
 is to fay, fliarp points. It was on this accoant that 
 Luther entitled hrs anfwer, Ajier[fks, or iittle ftars. 
 •Each of the terms is taken from the marks which are 
 made in a book when anv thing is particiikrly noted. 
 
 be 
 
9- 
 An. jsis. be one of his fiiends *, and Eckius could only 
 offer in his excufe that he had made his obfer- 
 vations in hafte, and without books : reafons 
 which might very well procure forgivenefs of 
 his inaccuracy, but not of his malice. The 
 reply of Luther was animated and forcible. 
 He did not fpare in it that bitter and pungent 
 fait f , which is found in fuch abundance in 
 his works. He fupported his propofitions, 
 and defended himfclf againfl: the charge of 
 herefy. He teiTified but little efteem and 
 deference for the fchoolmen, but preferved 
 refpedl for the authority of the pope, charg- 
 ing the abufe of indulgences upon the flat- 
 terers of the court of Rome. 
 
 As to Sylvefter Prierias, he wrote a book 
 againft Luther in the form of a dialosue. 
 The epiftle dedicatory to Leo X. favours 
 entirely of the ridiculous fwaggerer. He re- 
 
 * In his letter to Vinceflas Linceius, prior of the 
 Anguftins of Neuremberg, to whom he addrelfed hig 
 aufwer. 
 
 f The letter from Eckius to Carloftadius, of 8th 
 May 1518, hns been printed. See Seek, page 30. 
 Maimbonrg fays that Luther, ccntrary to his natural Jif- 
 fnfition, replied to Eckius and Prierias /'« a mamcr 
 fcaceahJc enough. This is a proof that Maimboiirg had 
 not read his aiifwcrs. B. i. p, 29. 
 
 prefents 
 
^3 
 
 prefents himfclf in the field of battle^ " as a An. isis. 
 champion who did not fear the devil himfelf, 
 and who defired only to enter the lifts with 
 Luther, to prove whether he had a nofe of 
 iron, and a head of brafs." With regard to 
 the book itfelf, all that can be faid of it is, 
 that, if its author expreffes contempt for 
 Luther, he renders himfelf extremely con* 
 temptible by his manner of reafoning. He 
 proves the authority of the pope by the. de- 
 crees of the popes themfelves, and of the 
 Roman church, the infallibility of which he 
 defends in point of fifl and right, both as to 
 decifion and praftice, accufmg every one of 
 herefy who dared to deny that do(5lrine. 
 
 Luther replied, and began to lay down Luther be- 
 
 gins to )iy 
 
 thofe two principles, which were, in the fe- thefounda. 
 
 tion of the 
 
 quel, the foundation of the whole reforma- reformatioa. 
 tion. Firft, " That it is neceffary to prove 
 *^ all things, and to hold faft that which is 
 "good." I Theff. v. 21. Gal. i. 8, 9. 
 Secondly, *' That there is no infallible au- 
 *' thority on earth, but that of the holy fcrip- 
 ** tures." This latter relied upon that paf- 
 fage of St. Auguftin * : "I have learned 
 
 " not 
 
 • Ego fylis iis libris, qui canonic! appellantur i\unc 
 honorem ferre didici, ut nullum horum fcriptonim 
 
 erralFc 
 
94 
 
 An. i.-i?. ** net to confer the honour of infallibility 
 " but upon the canonical writers only." 
 Luther afterwards attacked the infallibility of 
 the pope, the power which he arrogates to 
 himfelf over the temporal concerns of princes, 
 fcholaftic theology, the merit of works, and 
 even the intall'bility of councils; an opinion 
 more refpefled than that of the infallibility 
 of the pope. He maintained that the power 
 of the univerfal church was not concentered 
 in the pope, as Prierias had pre fumed to fayj 
 and that this power could, at the moft, be 
 found only in the oecumenical councils j that 
 if it were neceffary to impute to the whole 
 church the anions of the pope, very horrid 
 outrages would be attributed to it -, on which 
 head he curforily alleged the pride and 
 tyranny of Boniface VIII. and the bloody 
 wars of Julius II. He added, that there is 
 no m.axim more falfe nor more pernicious 
 to the commonweal, than that of invefting 
 popes with fcvereign authority, political as 
 well as ecclefiaftical, becaufe it is to give 
 them a right to pofiefs themfelves of general 
 dominion, without being liable to the charge 
 
 errafTe firmldime credam, coeteros autem quanta libet 
 duitrina fanftitateque polleant, non idco verum efle 
 credo, quud illi lie fcnfcriut. Aug. Ep. ad Hieron, 
 
 7 of 
 
96 
 of ururpation. And as Prierias had up- An. 1513. 
 braided Luther, diat he would not have made 
 fo much noife on the fubjedl of indulgences, 
 if he had had a good biflioprick, or a church 
 in which they v/ere preached upj he re- 
 plied, that if he had afpired to the epif- 
 copal dignity, he would have taken other 
 means to obtain it j that thefe means were 
 not unknown to any perfon ; and that even 
 the ftreets of Rome re founded with the in- 
 famous tranfadiions of the court *, and the 
 fliameful methods of acquiring the bed be- 
 neiices. 
 
 Thefe fmall works were followed by another Explanation 
 
 aiid defence 
 
 which contained the explanation and defence of thethcfea 
 
 -.--.,, of Luther 
 
 of his theies, in a full and ample manner, againftin- 
 He had had it ready fince the year 15 17; 
 but whether he hoped that filence would be 
 impofed on the collefhors, or whether his 
 fuperiors had prevented him. from publiili- 
 •ing itf, his book did not appear until the 
 month of April 1518. There is alfo a pro* 
 babihty that the pope's citation, which was 
 fignified to him at that time, obliged him to 
 
 * Luther alludes to certain fongs which had been 
 ' popular at Rome previous to the eledion of Leo X. 
 
 f This book is entitled, Refolutiones dilputationum 
 % indulgentiarum virtute, ad Leonem X. Fontificem. 
 
 bring 
 
 dulgences. 
 
56 
 
 An.i5i8. bring forward this fpecies of apology, and 
 to addrefs it to the pope himfclf. However 
 that may be, it is an excellent work, wherein 
 he fupports the reputation for learning uhich 
 he had already acquired. It may alfo be 
 confidently afHrmed that on this occafion he 
 treated the matter of indulgences and of pe- 
 nitence with fo m.uch force and addrefs 
 united, that the attempt might pafs for a 
 mafter-piece, at leaft in thofe times. 
 
 Luther defined penitence to be a hatred of 
 one's-felf, which ought continually to be 
 excrcifed by the mortification of the pafTions, 
 v^'hich not being perfefllyfubdued, render pe- 
 nitence coeval with life itfelf. He main- 
 tained that this internal penitence ought to 
 be outwardly manifefted by external peni- 
 tence, which is its neceflary and infeparable 
 fruit, and which confifts in fading, in prayer, 
 and in alms. Under fading, he compre- 
 hends every kind of mortification; under 
 prayer, all the duties of piety j under alms, 
 all the duties of charity towards one's neigh- 
 bour. From this idea of penitence a judg- 
 ment may be drawn, whether libertinifm 
 were the foundation of the reformation, and 
 the caufe of its progrefs. 
 
 He 
 
91 
 He next pafTes to indulgences, which are A"- '5*5 
 
 only an abatement of penance * ; and after 
 having remarked that it cannot poITibly be 
 of that kind which he has been jufl: de- 
 fcribing, becaufe God himfelf difpenfes with 
 it from no one, and becaufe it is of divine 
 right, he defends the fifth proportion, in 
 which he had laid down that the pope could 
 only remit canonical punilhments. It is this 
 which compofes the principal part of his 
 treatife : all the reft comes only occafionally. 
 It muft be obferved, that at this time he was 
 ftill perfuaded of the authority of the pope, 
 and he was defirous that it fhould be relpeded 
 and obeyed. With regard to purgatory, he 
 was fo far from denying it, that he handled 
 the Bohemians, under the name of Picards, 
 very roughly, becaufe they did not believe 
 it; and reafoning always according to the 
 principles of Rome, he accufed them " of 
 " preferring an opinion of fifty years ftanding 
 " to the ancient faith of the church." But 
 he foon recovered from his prejudices, be- 
 came better acquainted with the hiftory 
 and chronology of do<flrines, and rendered 
 
 * The French word penitence, ufed in the original, 
 fignifying c'lihex fenance, penitence, or repentance, the 
 tranflator has endeavoured to render it, as often as it 
 occurs, by the term beft fuited, in his judgment, to the 
 meaning of the author. 
 
 H more 
 
98 
 
 /fl. !5i8. more juflicc to the Bohemians. A much 
 
 longer extraft from this book may be found 
 in tht Remarks*. It will be fufficient here 
 to fay that in it are to be feen very free cen- 
 fures of abufes which were unqueftionable j 
 modefl and doubtful cenfures of thofc which 
 appeared as yet uncertain ; zeal for the truth, 
 courage to defend it, a great diflike to every 
 relaxation of difcipline and manners, and an 
 underftanding which extricates itfelf by de- 
 grees from the darknefs of the age, and which 
 divefts itfelf of the prejudices it has adopted. 
 It is true that there are in the fame work 
 fome materials a little unpolilhed, and fome 
 which are not well fele<5led. But, with more 
 timiC and information, Luther, or rather thofe 
 who fhall come after him, will polifh the one 
 and rejedl the other, and give to his fyftem 
 more order and greater neatnefs. He de- 
 dicated his book to Leo X. perfuaded as he 
 was that this pope was pofTeffed of virtue, 
 and was able to do him juftice. The dedi- 
 cation contained a defence of his conduct, 
 complaints againft that of his enemies, and a 
 fubmiflion, than which nothing could be 
 
 * The tranflator prefumes thefe Eemarh are thofe 
 alluded to by the Berlin editors, and by them intended 
 for future {jublication. See advcrtiferaent from the 
 editors. It does not appear whether the above in- 
 tention has been carried into efFeft. 
 
 7 more 
 
99 
 more refpecflful. He there flrongly repre- ^"^^ '5^^^ 
 lents the avarice and impiety of the collec- 
 tors, proved by their writings j the fcandal 
 which they had given to all people j the dif- 
 grace v/hich their condu6t refledled upon the 
 holy fee -, and finally, the liberty he had taken 
 to bring into queftion the tenets of thefe per- 
 fons : and although he had not exceeded the 
 privilege of a profeflbr of theology, he con- 
 cluded with thefe words*: " I fubmit to 
 " your judgment both my perfon and my 
 " works J you have the power to take away 
 " my life, or to give it me; to fummon and 
 " re-fummon me ; to approve me, or to 
 " condemn me, as it fhall pleafe you. Al- 
 '^ though you pronounce, I fhall receive your 
 " fentence as that of Jefus Chrift who pre- 
 " fides in your perfon, and who fpeaks by 
 " your mouth. If I have deferved death I 
 ** am ready to fufFer it. The earth is the 
 " Lord's, and all that therein is." 
 
 It muft be confefTed that Luther's fub- The fub. 
 millions are conceived in rather extravagant made by 
 terms ; but this is not the thing with which fincJl^^' 
 
 * Proftratum me pedibus tuis beatiffime pater, offero, 
 cum omnibus quae fum et habeo. Vivifica, occide, 
 voca et revoca, approba et reproba, ut placuerit. Vo- 
 cem tuam, vocem Chrifti in te praefidentis et loquentis 
 agnofcam: fi mortem merui, mortem non rccufabo, 
 Domini eft terra, etplenitudo ejus. 
 
 H 2 he 
 
ICO 
 
 An. 15 f 8. ^^ jg reproached. It has been Taid that they 
 were not fincerc. Yet as he has accompanied 
 them with the mofl: fokmn proteftations, 
 which he has many times fince repeated ; and 
 as he has declared, at times when he had no 
 occafion to difiemble*, that he was tho- 
 roughly convinced the Roman church was 
 the true church, it would be rafhnefs and in- 
 juftice to accufe him of falfehood. But, in 
 general, fubmiflions of this nature ought not 
 to be taken too literally. The high elevation 
 on which the pope flood, and the opinion 
 which was entertained of his authority, 
 fcarcely permitted Luther to exprefs himfelf 
 otherwife than he has done; and, in addition, 
 he had reafon to believe that regard would 
 be had to the juftice of his caufe, and that 
 he would not be required to violate his own 
 confcience. The moft unlimited fubmiffions 
 always refpedl the rights of God and of 
 confcience. This was what Luther intended ; 
 and he explains it himfelf in his work when 
 he is treating of the authority of the pope, 
 as may be feen by reference to the extract 
 contained in the Remarks f . And, if Luther 
 
 * Ecro profetlo majori longc cum veneratione ec- 
 clefiam pontifaciam pro vera babul, quam nunc perverfi 
 illi faciunt, qui earn contra me mire extoUiint. Luthe?-, 
 In thr preface to his Works, printed at Jena in I3i5. 
 
 t ^ep. former note, page ps, 
 
 h;is 
 
101 
 
 has not formally exprelTcd this meaning in An. 152S. 
 his addrefs to the pope, it was that he might 
 not give him occafion to fuppofe that he was 
 capable of making an attempt againll his 
 authority, and to feek out beforehand pre- 
 tences to render his opinions ineffedtual. 
 However this may be, it is certain that 
 Luthei had no intention at that time to throw 
 off the yoke of Rome, and that the violence 
 of that court and its writers carried things 
 much further than he had forefeen. Eraf- 
 mus aflerts that the intemperance of the 
 catholic v/riters had kindled the fire which 
 was confuming the church*. 
 
 Lutlier lent his book to the bifl)Op of He fends his 
 
 . book to the 
 
 Brandenburg, and to the vicar-general Stau- biihop of 
 
 1 /- 1 n Branden- 
 
 pitz. The bilhop difapproved of the fhame- burg and 
 
 -. . 1 *" Staupitz, 
 
 ful traffick of indulgences, and thought the in order to 
 
 have it con- 
 
 cenfures pafTed by Luther iuftj but he veyed to the 
 
 pope. 
 
 thought them ftill more dangerous ; and un- 
 der that idea he fent the Abbot of Lehnin to 
 him to intreat him either to fupprefs his 
 writings, or to defer the publication pf them. 
 Luther would do neither ; and contented 
 himfelf with writing to the bilhop j-, " that 
 " he treated his fubjedl like a divine who 
 " examines without deciding; that he fub- 
 
 * See epift. 1. 19. ep. J. 
 
 f Luther's letter is dated on Saturday (called) £;r^«f/i. 
 H 3 "milted 
 
103 
 
 An. i5i8. " mitted his opinions to the judgnnent of 
 " his fuperiors; and that, after all, he 
 " dreaded neither the menaces of the in- 
 ** quifitors, nor the bulls of the pope." But 
 the letter which he addrcfled at that time to 
 Staupitz is well worthy of being * recorded. 
 He writes to this fuperior, that he fhould 
 always call to mind that excellent fentiment 
 which he had heard him exprefs, " that there 
 " is no true penitence but that which begins 
 " with the love of God and of righteoujnefs.'^ 
 That this very fentiment was the firfl light 
 which had difcovered to him that true pe- 
 nitence does not confift in external and pain- 
 ful works, and unprofitable atonements. And 
 after having intreated him to convey his 
 book to the pope, he concluded with thefe 
 words which will be an everlafting proof of 
 his great courage, and of his love for the 
 truth. " I have no poflefTions, nor do I wifh 
 " for any ; if I have had any reputation I am 
 *' lofing it every day. All that remains to 
 " me is a weak body, finking under the 
 " weight of perpetual inconveniences : let 
 " them take it from me, either by violence 
 *' or by fecret means j I am ready to obey 
 " God. They will only, perhaps, fhorten 
 " my hfe a few moments. Jefus Chrid my 
 
 * Tliis letter is dated on Trinity Sunday. 
 
 " Saviour 
 
103 
 
 '^' Saviour is all-fufficient forme, and fuppiies An. J51S. 
 " the place of every thing ; and as long as I 
 •^^ live, I will fing hymns to his honour." 
 
 In this letter Luther recounts to Staupitz, Refle<nion$ 
 
 upon the 
 
 as he had before done to the pope and the origin of 
 
 the difputc, 
 
 bifliop of Brandenburg, the origin of the dif- 
 pute. This vicar-general was his fuperior; 
 he honoured him as his father, and addreffed 
 him with confidence. There can be no doubt 
 but that Luther told him the truth, and, con- 
 fequently, that if he did oppofe indulgences, 
 it was not for the purpofe of advancing the 
 intercft of his order, nor through jealoufy of 
 party, nor from refentment againft the court 
 of Rome, nor by the diredlion of Staupitz j 
 but folely on account of the fcandal they had 
 univerfally occafioned. And affuredly, the 
 manner in which tj-ie affair was brought for- 
 ward, is fo plain and unaffedled, as to carry 
 with it the flamp of fincerity. 
 
 Until this period the difpute had been only 
 among the monks. The people and the great 
 remained fpeftators witiiout taking any part ; 
 and if Leo X. had been fatisfied with impofing 
 filence upon Luther and the Dominicans, it is 
 probable there would never have been a re- 
 formation. It has even been reported that 
 fuch was the opinion of the pope ; and that 
 fome of the courtiers having appeared fur- 
 H 4 prifed 
 
104 
 An. ijiS. prifed that he had not condemned Luther, 
 from the time Prierias fhewed him the here- 
 tical propofirions which his thefes contained, 
 he made anfwer, *' that Luther was a man 
 " of underftanding and a fine genius ; and 
 " that all thefe difputes were only jealoufies 
 " among the monks *." But the impor- 
 tunity of the Dominicans did not leave him 
 long in this fort of neutrality. They ex- 
 claimed inceflandy " that if a bridle were 
 " not put on the moft bold heretick that ever 
 *' lived, it was all over with the holy fee and 
 " the catholic religion -, that not only the 
 " common people, who are always fond of 
 " novelty, lent an ear to his opinions, but 
 " thatthofe rafh wits, who pique themfelves 
 *' on fcience and the belles lettres, already 
 *' applauded the growing herefy ; that it was 
 ** requifite he fhould make hade to ftifie it by 
 " a prompt condemnation, and, if it were 
 ** neceffary, to extirpate it by fire and fword." 
 The famous Dominican, James j- Hochftrat, 
 was, beyond all the reft, of this opinion ; and 
 he conjured the pope to that effect, in a letter 
 which he wrote againft Luther. Prierias, on 
 his part, never ceafed to folicit the fame at 
 
 * Che Fra Martino fufCe un bellifllmo ingegno, e 
 cbe cotefle erauo invidie fratefcbe. Seek. p. 40. 
 
 t He was of the monaftcry of Louvain, and Luther 
 replied to him on the2;3d of July. 
 
 Rome. 
 
105 
 Rome. The pope had the weaknefs to fuffer An. 1318. 
 himfelf to be overcome by the clamours of 
 thefe people j and as it was inceflantly In- 
 finuated to him that his authority and his 
 intereft were in danger, he fummoned Lu- 
 ther to appear before him in fixty days. 
 This citation was fignified to him on the 7th 
 of April *. 
 
 When Luther faw the pope's citation he His magna- 
 clearly perceived that they wifhed to deftroy uThl'i no 
 him, and that he had only to choofe between teftioa. 
 two extremes, either to retrafl, or to periili. 
 He did not hefitate upon the choice ; and being 
 refolved to die rather than betray his con- 
 fcience, he wrote to Spalatinus, " that he 
 " knew very well how to defend his caufe; 
 " that he did not expetft to efcape violence; 
 " but that truth, at leaft, fhould be preferved 
 " from itf." This magnanimity of Luther 
 is fo much the more illuftrious, as he did 
 not at that time perceive any proteftion for 
 himfelf upon earth -, and far from the eleflor 
 of Saxony being difpofed to defend him, that 
 prince had entertained a wifh that he Ihould 
 
 * Maimbourg dates the pope's brief on the 'th of 
 Auguft. He has confounded the day of its receptioa 
 •with the date of the brief; for it appears that Luther 
 fent it on the 8th of A-Ugull to Spalatinus, who was 
 then at the diet of Auglturg. 
 
 f This letter is dated the 2d of September. 
 
 " withdraw 
 
An. i-'i8. 
 
 ic5 
 
 withdraw himfelf from Wittenberg. Thuii 
 it appears by a letter wliich Staupitz wrote 
 to him at that period. This good old man 
 obferved to him, " that the world was vio- 
 " lendy incenfed againft the truth ; that the 
 " hatred of the Jews was evidently rekindled 
 " againfl Jefus Chrift ; that he ought to pre- 
 *' pare to carry the crofs which his Saviour iiad 
 ** left to his difciples ; that he had few pro- 
 " teftors, and thofe extremely timid. I am of 
 *' opinion," added he, " that you (hould quit 
 " Wittenberg for fome time, and that you 
 " Ihould come and (lay with me, to the end 
 " that we may live and die together. Your 
 *^ prince is of the fame fcntiment. I need 
 " fay no more on the fubjedl. It is meet 
 *^ that we fhould not be feparated, fince every 
 " one abandons us, as Jefus Chrift, whom we 
 *^ follow, was himfelf abandoned by all the 
 " world." 
 
 Alexander VI. had not been equally ri- 
 gourous in a difpute nearly fimilar. In- 
 nocent VIII. had granted indulgences in 
 Saxony, and the Dominicans had oppofed 
 them both in their fermons and public 
 difputes. The abufes were, without com- 
 panion, of lefs magnitude than thofe which 
 Luther cenfured ; yet the court of Rome ap- 
 pointed ntverthclefs coinmifTarics in Ger- 
 many ] 
 
107 
 
 many; and, after proceedings for four or An. 1518= 
 five years, contented itfelf with impofing 
 filence on the Dominicans without re- 
 quiring recantation. This court would have 
 pradlifed the fame moderation in the affair 
 of Luther -, but the violence of his adver- 
 faries would not permit it. 
 
 Frederick was not a little embarrafied. 
 He wifhed neither to deliver up Luther, nor 
 to embroil himfelf witli the pope who or- 
 dered him " by virtue of the facred obe~ 
 " dience which he owed to the Roman 
 " church to deliver up that h^^retick into 
 ^' his hands *." Cajetan, befidesf, had ex- 
 prefs orders to fend for Luther, and in 
 cafe he refufed to appear, to enjoin all per- 
 fons, ecclefiaftical and civil, the emperor 
 alone excepted, to deliver him up, under 
 pain of excommunication, of interdi6l, and 
 of forfeiture of all eflates and dignitieg, upon . 
 
 thofe who fhould afford him retreat or pro- 
 tedlion. Frederick, therefore, not to bring 
 the pope upon himfelf, promifed the legate 
 to fend Luther to him ; but, at the fame 
 time, he took precautions, which are not 
 
 * In the brief addrefled to Frederick, of the 22d of 
 Augnft 1518. It is among Luther's Works, vol. i. 
 fol. 204. Witten. edit. 
 
 f In the refcript addreiTed to Cajetan of the fame 
 date. 
 
 thoroughly 
 
io8 
 
 An. 1518. thoroughly known, to prevent his being car- 
 ried to Rome. 
 Diet of The diet was then aflembled at Augfburs:. 
 
 Augfljurg. ° ^ 
 
 Every one appeared with extraordinary mag- 
 niiicence*, the luxury of France having 
 begun already to communicate itfelf to the 
 Germans. The prime of the German no- 
 bility were to be there feen, fo numerous 
 and flourifliing, that they Teemed to pro- 
 mife to the German nation the empire of the 
 world t> ^^ provided that nation," fays an in- 
 genuous author, " had as much underftanding 
 " as ftrength." The pope had his legate at the 
 diet; the kingsof France, Hungary, and Po- 
 land, their ambafladors. The defign of the 
 king of France was to counteract thofe of 
 Maximilian. The king of Poland demanded 
 fuccours againfl: the invafion of the Tartars. 
 The king of Hungary was defirous of Ihel- 
 
 * Mira eft veftra luxuria, a gallis fumpto exemplo, 
 qiios praeter patrium morem in hoc aemulari certamus. 
 In Hutten's letter to Juhui Vlugh, written from Augf- 
 burg during the diet. See Vender Hardt. Hift. Lit. in 
 the beginning. 
 
 t Quod fi hodie tantum cerebri effet Germanic 
 quantum virium aufim orbi terrarum niinari jugnm. 
 Ibid. Hutten's letter is dated 2lft Augult 1518. He 
 was in tbe luite of Albert archbiiliop of Mentz, whofc 
 virtues he extolled in his writings. Hutten remarks 
 alfo.that, according tocnftom.thev drank there ftoutly. 
 •' Et lirenue bibitur, nondum fanitatem accipientibus, 
 " qui rectis fcmpermonitionibus rcclaniarc folent." 
 
 tering 
 
I op 
 
 terlng himfelf from the formidable power of An. 151S, 
 the Turks; and the legate had feveral com- 
 mifiionsj the mofl: fpecious of which was that 
 of engaging Germany in the war againft the 
 infidels. He therefore made a fine fpeech 
 upon this fubjedl, which was printed. 
 
 Selim * after having vanquifhed the Per- 
 fians, and deflroyed the empire of the fultan.s 
 of Egypt and Syria, menaced Italy and Hun- 
 gary alike. Italy, weakened by long wars, 
 timorous and not well provided with good 
 foldiers, was alarmed at the power of Selim, 
 
 * The emperor Selim after having polfoned his 
 father, and made away with his brothers and their 
 children, had commenced his conquells with Armenia, 
 where he killed the king of the Amulites. After- 
 wards having turned his arms to the fide of Egypt he 
 defeated the fultan Campfon, and reduced all. Syria 
 tinder his authority. Finally, having made himfelf 
 matter of Grand Cairo, the capital of Egypt, and having 
 caufed the king Tomumbec to expire on a gibbet, be 
 deflroyed the empire of the Maraalukes. So many 
 victories gained in the eafl, gave good reafon to fear 
 left he fhould pafs into Europe. This year, with the 
 general confent of all the chriftian princes, was em- 
 ployed in levying troops to put themfelves into a ftatc 
 of defence againft the Turks. But the death of Selim, 
 which happened nearly at that time, and the opinion 
 which was entertained of Solyman his fon and fuc- 
 ceiror, a prince of a more mild and peaceable difpo- 
 fition, delivef'ed Leo from the alarms which fuch great 
 preparations for war had caufed him. De Th®u, 
 1. i. p. -12, of theBafie tranflation. 
 
 fearing 
 
/ no 
 
 An. 151S, fearing left, after the example of his uncle 
 Mahomet, he might be inclined to fend an 
 army into the kingdom of Naples. The 
 court of France was, beyond all the reft, 
 alarmed on this head, at leaft it pretended to 
 be fo. After various councils held at Rome, 
 the pope publlfhed a truce of five years 
 among all the chriftian princes*; enjoined 
 them to obferve it under pain of cenfures ; 
 and formed a vaft projefl to himfelf of at- 
 tacking; the Ottomans with all the united 
 forces of the chriftian nations. The emperor 
 was to command the Germans, the Hun- 
 garians, and the Poles, and to march into 
 Bofnia, to pafs from thence into Thrace. 
 The kino- of France, at the head cf his forces, 
 of the Italians, and of the Swifs, was to em- 
 bark in Calabria, and to pafs into Albania, 
 The kings of Spain, England, and Portugal, 
 with a naval force of two hundred veffels, 
 were to fail to the Dardanelles, and to pofTefs 
 themfelves of Conftantinople. Finally, the 
 pope was to follow in perfon with an hun- 
 dred galleys. It is not eafy to kncv. whether 
 all this was ferioufly propofed by pcrfons fo 
 enlightened as thofe were who engaged in 
 
 * Guicciard. 1. xiii. 10. 
 
 it. 
 
Til 
 
 it. What is certain is, that the pope caufed An. 151?. 
 folemn proceffions to be made to implore 
 the affiflance of heaven, and that he gave 
 the example of penitence by going himfelf 
 bare-footed. However it might be, the 
 pope difpatched to the emperor Thomas 
 de Vio cardinal of St. Sixtus, commonly 
 known by the name of Cajetan ; to the king 
 of France, Bernard de BiblianOj cardinal of 
 St. Mary in porticu; to the king of Spain, 
 Giles Antoninus *, cardinal of St. Marcelkis ; 
 and to the king of England, Laurence Cani- 
 peggio, cardinal of St. Mary beyond the 
 Tiber; all of them very able cardinals, and 
 much attached to the pope. 
 
 The defign of Maximilian in the diet of 
 Augfburg was to fecure the empire to his 
 houfe, by procuring either Charles, then be- 
 come king of Spain, or the archduke Fer- 
 dinand his brother, to be elefted king of 
 the Romans. It is faid, that Maximilian in- 
 clined at firft for Ferdinand -j-, Charles being 
 
 * This is the fame wlio is named ^gidius Vitcr- 
 bienfis, becaufe he was of Viterbo, or its neighbour- 
 hood. He was a very eloquent man, as may be judg- 
 ed by the difcourfe which he mads in the firft feffion 
 of the council of the Lateran. 
 
 f Guicciard, ut fup. 
 
 ' already 
 
113 
 
 An. 1518. already fufEciendy powerful by the poflelTion 
 of the kingdoms of Spain and Naples, and by 
 the fucceflion of the houfe of Burgundy. 
 But the friends which Charles had at the 
 emperor's court, among whom was the car- 
 dinal de Gurck *, a minifter in high efteem 
 with that prince, joining themfclves with the 
 enemies of France, and in particular with the 
 cardinal of Sion, the moft violent of any, 
 induced the emperor to change his opinion. 
 They reprefented to him that the glory of 
 his houfe and that of the imperial dignity 
 required that he fliould caufe the empire to 
 fall into the hands of fuch one of his grand- 
 children as was beft able to fupport the one 
 and the other , that the fafety of clirifcendom 
 depended upon an emperor who had fufficient 
 forces to defend it ; that the greater the num- 
 ber of flates united under one prince, the more 
 the public tranquillity, which was always dif- 
 turbed by a multitude of fovereigns, would 
 be fecuredj that Charles having already the 
 kingdom of Naples, could eafily make hlm- 
 
 • This appears by a letter from Charles to Ihyer 
 count of Mansfield, dated from Saragofla, the 18th of 
 January 1518, and which was communicattd to IM. de 
 Seckendorf. This inllrudion is in cyphers, but there 
 is placed with it an interliueary explanation. Seek. 
 1. i. p. 42. 
 
 fclf 
 
113 
 
 felf mafter of Italy, and reftore to the empire An. 151?. 
 its extent and ancient fplendour. It is pre- 
 tended that Maximilian, determined by thefe 
 and other reafons, began to negodate in the 
 empire in favour of Charles, who, on his 
 part, fent large fums of money to * Courtville^ 
 his ambaflador at the court of Maximilian, 
 and who charged the count of Mansfeld to 
 make proper ufe of it for the purpofe of 
 gaining fufFrages. He recommended to him, 
 in particular, to fee the eledlors of Saxony 
 and Brandenburg, and the duke George, and 
 to gain them to his interefts. 
 
 The different parties which were aflfem- 
 bled at the diet, negotiated with all the fe- 
 crecy poflible. Policy, in imitation of 
 nature, endeavours as much as it can to 
 conceal its movements and operations, and 
 to appear tranquil when moft agitated. 
 Meanwhile the party of the emperor pre- 
 vailed. His perfeverance, the negotiations 
 and the money of Charles, had difpofed the 
 greater part of the princes to coafent to the 
 eledion of a king of the Romans j but the 
 eled:or of Saxony oppofed it, becaufe the laws 
 of the empire did not permit that eledbion 
 
 * Guicciardini fays, two hundred thoufand ducats, 
 I during 
 
114 
 An, isis, during the life of the emperor. He firmly 
 refifted the intreaties of his imperial majelly, 
 the folicitations of his own minifters *, and 
 thofe of his beft friends. Laurence de Bibra, 
 bifhop of Wurtzburg, of whom mention has 
 been made, a prelate whom Frederick 
 efteemed exceedingly, prefled him to give 
 his voice to Charles ; but he was inflexible, 
 and juftified on this occafion the eulogium 
 which Spalatinus beflows on himf, " that 
 " he polTeffed a firmnefs and a greatnefs of 
 " foul, fo as never to depart from a refolu- 
 *' tion when he once perceived the juftnefs 
 *' of it." Such was the opinion entertained 
 of the eledlor ; and he drew this proper ad- 
 vantage from it, that no one was offended at 
 his refufal, which he knew befides, how 
 to accompany with great civility, and to 
 fupport by reafonable motives. Thus when 
 the minifters of the emperor tried to profit 
 by that occafion to embroil them together, 
 he ftopped their mouth by faying, " that he 
 *' had heard the eledor's reafons, and that he 
 
 * His minifters of the diet were Philip count of 
 Solms, Frcilcrich count of Thonau, Dcgenhard Je Pfef- 
 fvgtr \\\i chamberlain, and Jdrot/ic P^odolpJiui his private* 
 fccretary. 
 
 t- 1» the MSS. life of Frederick, ap. Seek. 
 
 ** was 
 
115 
 
 ^' was fatisfied with them *." They fe- ^n- ^s^^* 
 parated with mutual marks of friendfhip and 
 confidence ; and when after a fecret con- 
 ference Frederick took leave of Maximilian, 
 the latter, much indifpofed as he was, and 
 unable to walk without pain, conduced him 
 to the fiaircafe. The emperor f fell ill at 
 Wells in Auflria, a litde after the diet. Pfef- 
 finger had followed him in quality of minifter 
 of the eledtor j and as he took leave of him, 
 Maximilian faid to him J, uncovering himfelf 
 at the fame time : " You will falute, on my 
 " part, the elector of Saxony, my dear cou- 
 " fin, andyouwill allure him of my friendfhip. 
 *^ He has conduced himfeif like a good 
 " eledlor, and like an upright and fteady man : 
 " tell him thati intreat him to come to the diet 
 *' of Franckfort where I lliall not fail to be." 
 The pope did not wilh that Charles fhouid 
 
 * Seek. ub. fup. 
 
 f Maximilian I. died at Lintz in the month of Ja- 
 nuary in 1519. Fortune favoured him, but he did not 
 profit by it. He is accufed of defigns ill direded, of 
 inconftancv and prodigality. He had otherwife ex- 
 cellen tqualitiesj he was valiant, diligent, fecret, mild; 
 and laborious. Guicciard. xiii. 2. 
 
 X Ap. Seek. ub. fup. It is in German. Tufalueras, 
 Such muft have been the cuftom of thofe times that 
 the emperors fpoke in that ftyle to the CQunfellors of 
 princes, although they were gentlemen. 
 
 I 2 be 
 
ii6 
 
 An. 1518. be king of the Romans*; and there is no 
 doubt but that the legate had orders to 
 traverfc fecretly that defign. But he had 
 two other plans in his head which did not 
 fucceed, although he exhibited to the diet a 
 fpeftacle fufficlent to gain him the affection 
 of a great number of princes. The pope 
 created Albert archbiiliop of Mentz, a car- 
 dinal-}-. Hutten, who was in the fuite of 
 that prince, is of opinion that it was to recom- 
 penfe his virtue, and to gratify the emperor 
 who loved him much. It is more probable 
 that Leo was defirous of gaining to his in- 
 terefts two eleftors of the empire, Albert and 
 his brother, and to dazzle the eyes of the 
 biihops with the fplcndour of the purple, 
 the hope of which procures fo many crea- 
 tures to the court of Rome in all the dates of 
 Europe. But whatever the dcfigns of the pope 
 may have been, the legate was ordered to carry 
 the hat to Albert, and to put it on his head 
 in the prefcnce of the emperor, of the princes, 
 and of the nobility of the empire J. The 
 
 ♦ This will be fpoken of in the fequel, when the 
 cle6tion of Charles V. is related. 
 
 f Hutt. ep. ad Jul. Phlugh. ub. fup. 
 J The ceremony tool: place on the firft of Auguft 
 1516. 
 
 hat 
 
hat was adorned with pearls and jewels, and Aa, 151!, 
 accompanied with a rich fword. It is re- 
 marked, as an extraordinary favour at that 
 time, that the purple * coft Albert nothing. 
 Perhaps the perfon who relates it was not 
 himfelf well informed : but important fer- 
 vices pay well for a dignity which the firft 
 eleftor of the empire honoured much in 
 receiving. 
 
 This fpedacle was fitted to prepare the . 
 emperor and the princes of the empire to 
 concede to the legate two points which he 
 could not obtain. The firft was the tenths 
 which the council of the Lareran had ordered 
 under pretence of a war againft the Turks, 
 and alfo a capitation tax on the empire. 
 Luther fufpeded it, and took the liberty of 
 faying fo. Hutten -f, who was at the diet, 
 teftifies the fame ; and the inflrucbions of the 
 cardinal of St. Marcellus, at the court of 
 Sipain, would be a proof of it if there were oc- 
 cafion. He required that indulgences Ihould 
 
 • Quod praeter Romanum morem omnes faftum pu* 
 tant, gratis illi (Alberto) mifit galerum et purpuram, 
 Leo X. Hutt. ibid. 
 
 t Hutt. ub. fup. ap. Seek. ub. fup. p. 42. Exigitur 
 viritim pecunia quam in expeditionem infumere 
 ■oporteat. 
 
 I 3 be 
 
ii8 
 
 An. »5ii. be publifhed, and money levied there j but 
 de Chevres * oppofed it after the example of 
 Ximenes, who had treated it in the fame 
 way feme time before f. This is what a 
 well-known author informs us : " Leo X." 
 fays he, " "by the authority of the council 
 *' of the Lateran, had impofed tenths upon 
 *' all the benefices of the catholic church. 
 " The pretence which he held out was, the 
 '' defence of chriftendom, and the war againft 
 " the infidels. Ximenes oppofed and pre- 
 " vented it, fignifying to the pope, that if 
 *' there were not a very prefling and reafon- 
 " able caufe, he would never fuffer that the 
 " clergy of Spain, under his government, 
 " fhould become tributary." Ximenes was 
 then regent, and well-informed of the artifices 
 of the court of Rome. The tenths had been 
 levied in France J. Laurentio de Medicis 
 went thither to efpoufe a daughter of the 
 houfe of Boulogne, and carried to Francis I. 
 
 • Auberi, Hift. of the Cardinals, vol. iii. p. 292. 
 That hirtorian cites on this occafion the words of a 
 letter from P. Martyr : Our goodM.de Chc-vres tJihih 
 that ivhat goes into the coffer i of ether feo^lc is taken out 
 ifhh^urfe. 
 
 \ Flcchier, Hift. of Ximenes, p. 635. 
 X Guicciard.xiii.il. 
 
 a brief 
 
up 
 
 a brief which permitted him to make ufe of An. tsis. 
 the money raifed for the crufade, upon con- 
 dition of replacing it when there fnould be 
 occafion, and of giving out of it fifty thou- 
 fand crowns to Medicis. In this manner 
 were the fpoils of the people divided. The 
 diet granted neither tenths, nor capitation ; 
 and Spalatinus affirms that it was the eleftor 
 of Saxony who baffled the defign of the court 
 of Rome. 
 
 The legate's fecond commifTion was to ter- 
 minate the affair of Luther without noife, 
 and by a recantation ; in cafe he refufed to 
 give himfelf up, to demand him of the elec- 
 tor, in order to have him conveyed to 
 Rome i and, if the elector refufed, to excom- 
 municate Luther and all his adherents. To 
 execute this defign prudent meafures were 
 taken with refpedt to the emperor, who, im- 
 portuned incefTantly by the legate, fullered a 
 letter to be v/ritten to the pope in his * name, 
 that as foon as his holinefs had condemned 
 Luther, he would take care that the fentence 
 fhould be executed. Although this prince 
 was but little informed as to the points in 
 queftion, it may be fafely afHrmed that the 
 
 * Maximilian's letter ta the pope is dated the 5th 
 of Auguft. 
 
 / I 4 letter 
 
120 
 
 An. 1518. letter was furreptitious, and was written by 
 fome naonk, a perfecutor of the fciences and 
 belles lettres, as well as of Luther, or by 
 fome pcrfon devoted to that faftion; for 
 there are proofs that it does not contain the 
 real fentiments of Maximilian*. In it the 
 celebrated Reuchlin and his caufe are fpoken 
 of in a very injurious manner, and it is known 
 that the emperor interefted himfelf for him 
 in the empire and at Rome f . " We have 
 *' learned," fays the emperor in a letter to 
 Peter Galatinus, " that you conduft the de- 
 ** fence of our counfellor John J Capnion, 
 *' and that you intend to make it evident, in 
 *' a book written for that purpofc, that he 
 " has advanced nothing rafh or offenfive, by 
 ^^ which you will afford us m.uch fatisfaftion. 
 ^' The knowledge which you pofTefs in three 
 ^' languages §, joined to great probity and 
 
 • Tacofius HetichVimanam infamaUonan. This is 
 what the emperor is made to fay. 
 
 •f" This letter of the emperor's is of the 1 ft Septem- 
 ber 15 1 8. It is to be found at the beginning of the 
 work of Peter Galatinus, a monk of the order of St. 
 Francis, De arcams cathoUcce veritaih. 
 
 X This is the fame perfon as Kcucklin before 
 mentioned, who was alfo called Capnion. See note 
 p. 152. 
 
 § Latin, Greek, and Hebrew. 
 
 " much 
 
131 
 
 *' much religion, induces us to hope you will An. 151S. 
 " place his reputation above the reach of the 
 " cruel attacks of thofe who envy him. 
 " This is the reafon why we exhort you to 
 " puMifli the fooner, out of love to us, a 
 *' work which the world expeds with im-^ 
 " patience ; and, in the mean time, to con- 
 " tinue to defend the reputation of Capnion. 
 ** with the fame zeal that you have begun." 
 Galatinus's book appeared in 1518*, dedi- 
 cated to the emperor. The author declares 
 in the dedication that he has been encouraged 
 to the undertaking by cardinal Laurentio 
 Pucci, who had folicited him fo much the 
 more to labour at it, as the obje6l w^s to 
 defend the honour of Maximilian himfelf 
 attacked in that of his counfellor Capnion. 
 Thefe declarations render what is found in 
 the emperor's letter to the pope extremely 
 fufpicious. 
 
 Maximilian was not a Lutheran ; but there 
 are proofs that he had an efteem for Luther, 
 and very little for his adverfaries. He read 
 the thefes of the former during the diet, and 
 found in them fo much good fenfe and truth, 
 
 * Apud Van der Hardt. Hift. Lit. Ref. p. ii. 
 p. 10. 
 
 that 
 
122 
 An. ijis, that having aflced Pfeffinger news of the 
 monk of Wittenberg*, he added, " that 
 *' his thefes were not to be defpifed, and that 
 ** they would furnifh plenty of bufinefs to the 
 " priefls." He afterwards directed this mi- 
 nifter to tell his mailer, ^' that he fliould 
 *' take care of Luther ; and that, perhaps, 
 " they would have need of him." With 
 refpeft to Luther's adverfarics, he did not 
 value them much. Conrade Peutinger re- 
 lates, that, during the diet, the prior of the 
 Dominicans of AugA)urg having had fome 
 difference with the legate, v/ho was general 
 of the order, thefe two were reconciled to 
 each other upon the occafion of Luther's 
 bufinefs, which caufed the emperor to make 
 ufe of that downright expreffion, and which 
 could only be the effect of great indignation, 
 " fee how thefe rogues are accuftomed to ad ; 
 *' they wifhed to make me a party in their 
 *' quarrel J if they had fucceeded in their de- 
 ** fign, they would not have become the lefs 
 " friends." Maximilian often complained of 
 the frauds and perfidies of the priefts, which 
 he had but too well experienced. He had 
 at firfl feme opinion of Leo X. i but when 
 
 • Apud Seek. ub. fup. 
 
 he 
 
123 
 
 he perceived his intrigues with Francis I. he An. 151S, 
 could not help faying*, " If that pope had 
 " not deceived me, he v^^ould have been the 
 " only one whofe integrity I could applaud." 
 A prince who fpeaks in this manner, appears 
 but little difpofed to deliver into the hands 
 of the pope a man whofe greateft crime as 
 yet was cenfuring the abufes of the court of 
 Rome, and which he judged neceflary in 
 order to reprefs its defigns. Thefe fa<5cs 
 fhew that cardinal Pallavicini has no right to 
 make a boaft of the emperor's letter to the 
 pope, and to abufe Fra. Paolo for not having 
 made m.ention of it. 
 
 Luther feeing that he was loft if he went 
 to Rome, where his adverfaries would be his 
 judges, (for Prierias was one of them,) he 
 befought the elcftor, through Spalatinus, 
 who had followed his mafter to Augfburg, to 
 requeft the pope to allow him judges in Ger- 
 many. Meanwhile that he might have a 
 pretence for not obeying the citation, he had 
 it infinuated to Frederick to refufe him a 
 paffport to go out of Wittenberg. Paila- 
 
 * Hutten has related this faying of Maximilian's at \ 
 the end of the book, in which he has fhewn, by a feries 
 of fafts, that the pontiffs of Rome had always rebelled 
 againft the emperor. Ap. Scultet. an. 1520. 
 
 vicini 
 
1^4 
 
 Luther 
 obliged to 
 appear be- 
 fore the le 
 gate at 
 Augftjurg, 
 
 An. T518. vicini reproaches him for his conduft, as if 
 he had been highly criminal in reforting to 
 pretexts to fecure himfelf from the oppredion 
 of a court which makes ufe of the mod un- 
 worthy methods, when it willies to get rid of 
 its enemies. 
 
 The eleflor dcfired that a commifTion 
 fhould be named, but he could not obtain it ; 
 and all the fruit of his mediation reduced 
 itfelf to this, that the legate, who was at the 
 diet, fhould take cognifance of the affair. 
 
 Luther was at firft much furprifed at re- 
 ceiving an order to repair to Augfburg, and 
 to appear there before the legate. The 
 eleftor, however, having fenthim an affurance 
 that he would not fuffer him to be fent to 
 Rome, he fet out on foot, with no other 
 fecurity than letters of recommendation to 
 fome fenators which the eleflor had procured 
 hiiTu He had printed, before his journey, 
 a fermon touching the ahufe cf excommunica- 
 tion. And although that feimon was very 
 innocent, and he had only printed it becaufe 
 unfaithful reports had been made of it, the 
 pope's minifters did not fail to take offence, 
 and to lay it to his charge as a new crime, 
 becaufe in that difcourfe he fapped the 
 foundation of their tyranny, l.uther there 
 
 taught, 
 
1^5 
 
 taught, '^ that there are two Ibrts of com- An. 15JS. 
 " munion with the church, and with Jeius 
 *' Chriftj the one external, by alTennblies and 
 *' by the facraments j the other internal, by 
 *' the fpirit and by faith; that unjuft excom- 
 " munication can never deprive a believer of 
 *-' communion with Jefus Chrift, becaufe it 
 " cannot take away his faith, which is the 
 " bond of it; that fuch excommunication, 
 " fupported with patience and humihty, be- 
 " comes the greateil of all merits; that the 
 "• defence of truth and virtue muft not be 
 *' abandoned throus^h fear of excommunica- 
 " tion, becaufe that would be to deprive 
 " one's-felf of internal communion with Jefus 
 " Chrid, in order to preferve an external 
 " communion with the church; that no one 
 " is damned for dying in a ilate of excom- 
 ** munication, if he be penitent ; and that 
 " fuffering until death fo great a punifh- 
 " ment, rather than renounce truth, is to die 
 *' in a ftate of benedidlion." In fine, he ex- 
 horted the people to endure the chaftifements 
 of the church, even when they are unjuft, 
 becaufe, after all, it is the power of Jefus 
 Chrifl which it exercifes, although that power 
 be in the hands of Herods and Pilates. 
 
 At the time Luther fet out, the univerfity hc goes to 
 
 Augfburg. 
 
 of 
 
126 
 
 An. i5i3. of Wittenberg;, which he had begun to ren- 
 der one of the moft celebrated in the world, 
 wrote to the pope a very ftrong and refpeft- 
 ful letter in his favour*. This univerfity 
 conjures the pontiff riot to liften to the re- 
 ports which the. enemies of Luther fpread 
 againft him j it bears teflimony to his ortho- 
 doxy, and his fidelity to the holy fee; and, 
 to give the greater efficacy to that recom- 
 mendation, wrote to Charles de Miltitz^ cham- 
 berlain of honour to the pope, intrcating him 
 to fupport it by his good offices. But the 
 recommendation of the univerfity was ufelefs. 
 The pope was defirous of a recantation ; and 
 Cajetan had orders to demand it, and not 
 to relax upon that head. 
 
 Luther fuffered much in the journey to 
 Augfburg f ; and before he took up his 
 lodgings with his brethren the Auguftins, it 
 is not well known why he ftaid with the Car- 
 
 * This letter is dated on the 27th of September. Jt 
 is not there requefted of the pope that the affair fliould 
 be judged in Germany. Maimbourg, who has faid it, 
 • , is deceived, as well as Amelot de la Houffaye, who has 
 
 introduced it in the notes to his tranllation of the 
 Hiftory of the Council of Trent, 
 
 t Maimbourg fays, that Luther arrived at Augfburg 
 on the 12th of 06tober. He is miftaken j he arrived 
 on the 8th, and appeared on the 12th before the 
 cardinal. 
 
 7 melltes. 
 
127 
 
 melites. There is, however, a probability An. 75i£. 
 that thofe of his order were afraid to afford 
 him an afylum, and of being involved in his 
 difficulties. Scarcely v/as he arrived,, when 
 an Italian, a domeftic of the cardinal's, came 
 to fee him, carefTed him extremely, and af- 
 fured him of the efteem and good will of his. 
 mafter, and of tlie great impatience he felt 
 to fee him. • Luther, unfufpicious, and 
 ignorant that the legate had received orders 
 to feize him in order to have him conveyed 
 to Rome, was fo charmed with the carefTes of 
 the Italian that he was on the point of falling 
 into thefnare, and delivering himfelf up to the 
 cardinal, when his friends cautioned him to 
 wait to fee whether he v,'ere furniflied with a 
 fafe condu6l from the emperor, who was then 
 at the chafe. The Italian came again to fee 
 him three days afterwards, and reproached 
 him vehemently that he had not yet been 
 with his mafter j and as Luther excufed him- 
 felf upon account of his waiting for the em- 
 peror's fafe-condu6l, the emiflary, irritated at 
 having loft the fruit of h's artifices, faid to 
 him, " You believe, then, that the eleflor 
 " of Saxony will take up arms out of love 
 " for you ?" "I Ihould be extremely forry for 
 
 «it," 
 
128 
 
 An T5I?. cc i^^" j-epij^j Luther. " And where then 
 " do you defign to abide ?" faid the Italian. 
 " Under the heavens," faid Luther, fmiling. 
 *' If you had the pope and the cardinals in 
 " your hands," added the Italian, " What 
 *' would you do to them ?" " I would pay 
 " them every kind of honour," replied Lu- 
 ther. The legate's emiflary quitted him aftei^ ^:, 
 thefe words, biting his fingers, and mutterirf^ 
 feme words between his teeth, which marked 
 the emotion he was in. 
 
 The emperor granted the fafe-condu(5l, 
 and the cardinal was as chagrined at it as pof- 
 fible. It was diredtly thwarting the pope, to 
 take under protedlion a monk whom he had 
 even already condemned, and who, according 
 to the principles of the court of Rome, was 
 not under the jurifdiftion of the emperor. 
 But the fafe-condud being fent, the legate 
 thought it neceflary to dilTcmble ; and that 
 he might fave at leaft his authority, and 
 claim merit in the eyes of the ele6bor, he in- 
 formed him that he had confented to it. 
 Luther appeared in his prefencc on the 1 2th 
 of Ocftober, and would have ipoken in a 
 kneeling pofture, a fubmiflion fuggefted to 
 him by the Italian, but the cardinal raifed him 
 
 up. 
 
1^9 
 
 up, and after having liftened to him calmly An. 1518, 
 enough *, demanded of him three things : 
 that he ftiould make recantation j that he 
 fhould remain filent j and that he fliould ab- 
 flain, in general, from every thing that could 
 give trouble to the church. He promifedhim, 
 on thefe conditions, to make h s peace ^Mth 
 the pope. The errors which he attributed 
 to him were, his rejedting the doftrine of in- 
 dulgences eftablillicd in the bull of Clement 
 VI. and teacning, that he who received the 
 facrament, ought to believe that he does not 
 thereby receive pardon, and that he is not 
 juftified but by faith. 
 
 Cajetan and Lusher judged very differently 
 of thefe two controverfies Tlie latter 
 thought that the difpute refpefting indul- 
 gences was nothing in Comparifon with that 
 refpefting juftification j and the cardinal, on 
 the contrary, defpifed the latter controverfy, 
 
 * Luther, in his account, affords him this teftimony : 
 Sufceptus fui a reverendilfimo domino cardinale legato, 
 fatis clementer, ac prope revt-rentius, Vir enim eft 
 omnibus nominibus alius, quam hi fratrum venatores 
 robuftiflimi. M. de Seckendorf relates, that Cajetan, 
 having feen Luther, Paid to Staupitz, that he loved him, 
 and that he did not any longer look on him as a here- 
 tic. This mud have been in the lirft interview, after 
 Luther had fpoken to the cardinal in a very refpeftful 
 and fubmillive manner. 
 
 K and 
 
130 
 
 Aa. 1518. and faid to Vencellas Lincius, that if Luther 
 would retra<ft upon the point of indulgences, 
 means would eafily be found to come to an 
 accommodation upon the other. Staupitz, 
 who had come to Augfburg to alTift his 
 friend, wiflied that the notaries had taken 
 down thefe words, which would have clearly 
 proved that the court of Rome was very 
 accommodating in matters of faith, and 
 very little fo upon what concerned its own 
 interefts. 
 
 The legate, defirous of Ihewing his learn- 
 ing, undertook to convince Luther, who, 
 not conceding to the authority of the fchool- 
 men, required proofs from the fcriptures or 
 from councils. Cajetan prom ifed them j but 
 he kept his promife very badly. However 
 learned he might be in fchool-divinity, he 
 vinderftood, at that time, nothing at all as to 
 the contents of the holy fcriptures. Palla- 
 vicini himfelf acknowledges this defe6t in 
 the cardinal, confefling that it was not until 
 after this conference that he began to ffcudy 
 the fcripture. Every thing turned upon the 
 meaning and authority of the bull of Clement 
 VL and the contell was fmart enough. 
 Queftions refpeding penitence, remiflion of 
 fins, and grace, were, however, introduced, 
 
 but 
 
131 
 
 but without coming to agreement on any An. 1518. 
 article. Two things occuntd which par- 
 ticularly difpleafed the cardinal : the one, 
 that Luther had the boldnefi to rejc6l the ex- 
 travagant of Clement, aliedging that the 
 fcripture was therein quoted in a fenfe ma- 
 nif-ftly contrary to the intention of the Holy 
 Spirit, and that it was property only the ca- 
 nonization of the opinion of St. Thomas ; 
 the other was, that the cardinal exaggerating 
 the authority of the pope, fo as to raiie it 
 above the fcripture and the councils, and in- 
 fifting upon the condemnation pafTed upon 
 the decrees of the council of Bafle, Luther 
 oppofed him with the appeal of the faculty of 
 theology at Paris, and the writings of Gerfon. 
 Cajetan replied to him with emotion, " The 
 "theologians of Paris fhall be chaftifed^ 
 *^ and as to Gerfon and his difciples, they are 
 " condemned." 
 
 The next day, the i3thof Oflober, Luther He appears 
 prefented himfclf fjr the fecond time before time, 
 the legate, accompanied by four * counfellors 
 
 of 
 
 * Maimbourg is niiftaken when he fays that thefe 
 Were fenators of Augfburg See Luther's account, 
 vol. i. alt. p 22. He names the dean of Trent, and 
 Conrade Peutinger, who fhewed much affection for 
 him in this affair, Philip de Feilitfch, and John Ruel, 
 K 2 a civiliaa 
 
JS2 
 
 An. 15:8. of the emperor, by a notary, and by fome 
 witnefles. He read a proteftation full of 
 refpecl for the Roman church, and of fub- 
 mifTion to the catholic church; but he de- 
 clared, that being convinced of not having 
 advanced anything whi^h was not orthodox, 
 they neither could nor ought to compel him 
 to any recantation, unlefs they convinced him 
 to the contrary; that he was ready to give 
 an account of his writings before any tri- 
 bunal whatever, but that, in particular, he 
 fubmitred himfelf to the judgment of the 
 univerfities of Bafle, of Friburg, of Louvain, 
 and of Paris. The cardinal was not fatisfied 
 with this proteftation ; he refumed the dif- 
 pute ; and, without giving Luther time to 
 anfwer, Staupicz rofe and defired that he 
 might be permitted to defend himfelf in 
 writing ; Luther himfelf requeftt d the fame 
 thing, adding, that he had been fufficientiy 
 difputed with the day before. The word 
 battled *, which he made ufe of, offended the 
 cardinal, who replied with an affedted and 
 
 a civilian, accompanied him alfo. Thej were fent 
 from the eleftor to the diet; and there is an account 
 of this cuiilerence which was laid before the eledlor by 
 Hue). 
 
 * Satis fuilfe, dicens, mecum anteiiori diq di- 
 gladialum. 
 
 pious 
 
us 
 
 pious gentlenefs, " Son, I have not con- An. isi?. 
 " tefted with you, and I do not conne here to 
 " do it i my intention has been only to give 
 '^ you inftruftions, and to hear you with 
 " mildnefs, out of the refpeft v/hich I have 
 " for the illuftrious prince Frederick." Ca- 
 jetan faw the fault he had comniitted in 
 having entered into difpute with Luther, and 
 in not having confined himfelf to the charadler 
 of a judge. It was the moft fure and mod 
 eafy part. But he believed himfelf invincible 
 in argument ; and this opinion made him 
 enter the lifts with an adverfary, even when he 
 had not the advantage with which he flattered 
 himfelf; and deftroyed that which he (hould 
 have preferved. It is, however, certain, that 
 he difputed according to form ; and if he dif- 
 avowed it at the moment, it was only through 
 vexation, and contrary to the truth. Fra. 
 Paolo was miftaken when he faid that the 
 legate would not enter into difpute with 
 Luther. This hiftorian, otherwife fo exa(5t, 
 has com.mittcd fome faults iii the relation 
 which he has given of the conference of 
 Augfburg. 
 
 In the laft interview, which was the • 4th of 
 
 Oftober, Luther prefented his anfwer to the 
 
 pbjedions of the cardinal. It is refpedlful 
 
 K 3 and 
 
134 
 
 An. 1518. and moderate, but without meannefs and 
 without dilTiiTiulation. Of indulgences he 
 faid, " that the merits of Jefus Chrift could 
 " not compofe the treafure of them, becaufe 
 " the diftribution of thefe merits had never 
 " been committed to men, and it was fuf- 
 '^ ficient to have repentance and faith in 
 *' order to participate of them ; that the de- 
 " crees of the pontiff might contain errors, 
 " and whatever engagements were made to 
 *' fubmit to them and to receive them, it was 
 " always on the fuppofition that they agreed 
 " with the fcripture and the ancient fathers ; 
 " that St. Peter having been cenfured by St. 
 " Paul, there exifted a proof that the popes 
 " were not infaUible ; that they themfelves had 
 ** moreover corrected their own decretals by 
 *' fucceeding ones j that the abbot of Palermo 
 " had fhown that in matters of faith, not 
 <' only the council is above the pope, but 
 *' every believer who fupports his opinions 
 " by better reafons than he does ; that the 
 " extravagant of Clement contained an evi- 
 *' dent falfity in attributing fuperabundant 
 " merits to faints, fince there was no one who 
 " ought not to exclaim with St. Auguftine, 
 " ^oe to the heft life^ if it he judged without 
 ■ " mercy V Entering, neverthelefs, into the 
 
 examination 
 
^35 
 
 examination of the bull, he endeavours to An. 1518. 
 reconcile it with the fcripture and his own 
 fentiments ; and the efforts which he made 
 for that purpofe fhow, that he would have 
 been very well pleafed not to embroil himfelf 
 with the court of Rome, without, however, 
 abandoning the truth. 
 
 Upon the article of juftification he faid, 
 " that faith is only a certain perfuafion of 
 ** the truth of the words and promifes of 
 " God i that this faith juftifies the finner, 
 *^ becaufe it is the condition of the grace 
 " which God fheds into the foul, and by 
 " which he renders that foul righteous and 
 " holy." We Ihall have occafion hereafter 
 to fpeak of the fentiments of Luther upon 
 juftification. He concluded his writing by 
 fubmitting to the judgment of the church, 
 and by earneft prayers to the legate to in- 
 ftruft him, and to intercede for him with the 
 pope } " to the end that his holinefs might 
 " have companion on a foul which fought 
 " only the truth, and which refufed to retradt, 
 " only becaufe it could not do it without 
 " prevarication." 
 
 The legate received this anfwer witli dif- 
 
 dain, and faid that he would fend it to the 
 
 K 4 ' pope. 
 
13^ 
 
 An. 1518. pope. He refumed the matter of indul- 
 gences. L.uther wifhed to reply, but as he 
 was continually interrupted, he finally re- 
 quefted that the extravagant of Clement 
 might be fliown to him, adding, that if it de- 
 clared that the merits of Jefus Chrift are the 
 treafure of indulgences he was ready to re- 
 trafl. The cardinal imagined he had got 
 the better, took the book, and, reading in an 
 emphatical tone, came to the place where it 
 is faid that Jefus Chriji has acquired a treafure 
 to the church militant i Luther then inter- 
 rupted him: " Take particular notice of 
 " this," faid he, " and weigh thefe words 
 *' he has acquired. If Jefus Chrift has ac- 
 '^ quired a treafure by his merits, thefe 
 " merits and that treafure mufl be different 
 " things. The merits are not the treafure of 
 " the church J but that treafure, viz. the keys 
 " of the church, is acquired by the merits." 
 The cardinal, who did not expecfl this ob- 
 jection, was embarraffed, and, to conceal his 
 confufion, pretended not to underftand it, and 
 pafled rapidly on to what followed. But 
 Luther perceiving his artifice interrupted 
 him a fecond time, and faid to him in a 
 high tone, which he himfelf cenfured as 
 
 difrcfpeClful, 
 
137 
 
 difrefpedful *, " that his eminence ought An. 1518. 
 " not to fu^pofe that the Germans were ig- 
 " norant of the rules of grammar." This 
 charge difconcerted the cardinal, who anfwer- 
 cd it only by ordering Luther either to re- 
 tra6l, or never to appear before him. 
 
 When this prelate, however, had pondered Lutherism- 
 upon the fubjed:, and recovered from his thecardnai, 
 paffion, he thought: he had better not yet theconfe- 
 
 , 1 1 rr • • 1 quences.has 
 
 give up the matter j that the aitair might lecourfeto 
 
 . - . folicitati'- ns. 
 
 become or much greater conlequence than it 
 had been ; and that he might be rendered 
 refponfible for its bad fuccefs. He then 
 quitted difputation, anJ adopted the method 
 of negotiation. He lent for Staupitz, and 
 direfted him to employ all the influence 
 which his age, his authority, his remon- 
 Itrances, and his afFedlion could have over the 
 mind of Luther. The vicar-general could 
 not, or dared not, refufe him his fervices ; 
 but when Cajetan added that he ought alfo 
 to convince him of his error by the fcriptures, 
 Staupitz replied, " that the enterprife was 
 *' above his powers, and that he \Nas not to 
 
 ♦ The word e/ii'mence is not in the relation, this title 
 not having been given until afterwards to cardinals; 
 but it was not pollible to introduce his reverend pater- 
 nity^ which are the terms made ule of by Lutlicr. 
 
 **be 
 
'38 
 
 An. 15 18. " be compared with Luther, either for genius 
 " or knowledge of the facred books." A 
 ftroke of monaftic prudence has been remarked 
 on this occafion, which ought not to be forgot- 
 ten. Before the conference, Sraupitz had ab- 
 folved Luther from the vow of obedience, 
 cither from unwillingnefs that the outrage 
 which was meditated againft him fhould be a 
 difgrace which would refleft upon the whole 
 order, or from his defire to have an excufe 
 ready at hand, if the cardinal fhould urge him 
 to enjoin Luther either to filence or to re- 
 cantation. This latter called that renuncia- 
 tion of his vow of obedience bis firfi excom^ 
 munication. There were three of them, the 
 fecond of which was that which the pope 
 fulminated againfl him; the third, his pro- 
 fcription by the emperor. 
 
 ThefoUci. Staupitz and Lincius laboured with all 
 
 tutions 
 
 iiiakeLu- xht\r might to reclaim him ; and their medi- 
 
 ther. He ° 
 
 cannot re- ation was fo powcrful that they brought him 
 
 folve to re. * ^ o 
 
 traa ; but j^q^- Q^\y ^q employ his friends to appeafe the 
 
 begs par- ^ •* •*■*-. 
 
 Aon, and is cardinal, but alfo to write him a letter, fub- 
 
 wiUing to . ' 
 
 be fiient, ^/iflive cvcn to flattery *, " He therein 
 
 provKied his ' 
 
 adverfarks u afked pardon for the difrefpefl with which 
 
 be more mo- ■* *• 
 
 derate. jc ^^ had fpokcn ofthcpope, excufed himfelf 
 * It is dated on the 1/th of 06tober. 
 
 " on 
 
'39 
 
 " on account of the violence of his adver- An. 1518. 
 
 " faries, promifed to publifn the apology he 
 
 " had made in his letter, and finally obliged 
 
 '^ himlHf to keep filence, provided his ad- 
 
 *' verfaries reftrained themfelves : but he 
 
 <* fteadily refufed to reti a6l ; and inftead of 
 
 " the authority of St. Thomas, he fubmitted 
 
 *' himfelf to that of the church." Such was 
 
 the fruit of the folicitations of Staupitz and 
 
 Lincius ; a proof that there is not a more 
 
 dangerous temptation to magnanimity than the 
 
 folicitations of friends. The vicar-general 
 
 was a good man : he had fortified Luther in 
 
 Augfburg itfelf, and at times faid to * him, 
 
 " Remember, my brother, that you have 
 
 " begun thij undertaking in the name of the 
 
 " Lord." But he was too weak and timid 
 
 to fupport it : fo m^uch fo indeed as to 
 
 induce Luther to reproach him, " that he 
 
 *' remained in a ftate of fufpence between 
 
 " Jefus Chrift and the pope." This good 
 
 old man quitted Saxony, and retired to Saltz- 
 
 burg, the archbifhop of which, who was one 
 
 of his friends, offered him a fufFragan bifliop- 
 
 * This is what Luther repeated to him in a l«tter 
 which he wrote hira two or three years afterwards. 
 Lib. i, ep. 207. 
 
 ric 
 
140 
 
 An.isis. ric in the year 15 16. He contented himfelf 
 
 with an abbey, where he died in 1524*. 
 Luther re- While Luther awaited the efFe6l of thefe 
 ly i but be- fubmiflions, he prepared an appeal from the 
 out he fends pope, to the popc bcttcr informed ; and 
 
 to a notary 
 
 an appeal to having Tcceived no anfwer from the cardinal, 
 
 the pope bet. 
 
 ter inform- hc put it into the hands of a notary. This 
 
 ed. 
 
 appeal was founded upon his not having made 
 a doubt of any article of faith, but only that 
 of indulgence?, which belonged neither to 
 counfelf nor precept ; upon his having fub- 
 mitted himfelf to the judgment of the pope 
 or of the church ; upon the partiality of the 
 judges which had been afiigned him, and 
 upon other reafons of right. Meanwhile, to 
 fofcen the legate, whom that ftep did not fail 
 to offend, he excufed himfelf in a letter, and 
 went out of Augfburg on the 20th of Oftober 
 by a private gate, which one of the ma- 
 giftrates direiled to be opened for him. He 
 
 ♦ He was abbot at Saltxburg. of an abbey of Benc- 
 di6tines which bears the name of St. Peter. 
 
 t Le.s confeils evangeliques, felon I'eglife Romaine, 
 font diftingues den />ricej>U's ; ils ne pallent point pour 
 freceptes neceffaires i executor. Fureliere. 
 
 Evangelical counfels, according to the Roman church, 
 are diftinguilhed from pracpis, they do not rank as 
 precepts neceirary to be put in practice. M. 
 
 was 
 
141 
 
 was not acquainted, until he got toNeureai- An. 1518. 
 berg, with ail the danger he had run. It was 
 then that he was fhown a copy of the brief 
 before mentioned, and which contained an 
 order to Cajctan to arrefl him, and to have 
 him condu<51:ed to Rome. He was fo pro- 
 voked as to fuffer thefe words to efcape him, 
 *' th^it fo diabolical a brief could not be the 
 " work of a pope, and could not have been 
 " drawn up but by a wicked perfon *," 
 Staupitz and Lincius fet out foon after him, 
 without taking leave of the legate -, and the 
 prior of the Carmelites |, who had received 
 him into his monaftery, fearing left he fhould 
 fuffer punifhment for Luther's efcape, went 
 to feek an afylum in Saxony. 
 
 When Luther was in fafety, the notary, Thecafdi- 
 
 ^ ' ' nal much 
 
 not darins: to prefent his appeal, had it polled '"[^^^'^'^ 
 
 ^ ^ i. I ' r writes a 
 
 up in the market place of Auo-fburg : and ."^^^^^'"^ 
 
 i^ ^ O t) ' letter to the 
 
 the legate, pretending to be ignorant of it, «i*'^°''- 
 wrote the eleflor a letter J, which, replete 
 with flattery as it was, contained fome dif- 
 guifcd menaces, with which that prince, who 
 
 * In Luther's letter to Spalatinus of 30th of 
 Oaober. 
 
 t He was called John Frofch. He was of Bam- 
 berg, and had been admitted dodtor in Wittenberg 
 in 1516. 
 
 X It is dated the 25lh Odober, 
 
 very 
 
142 
 
 Ad. 1518. very well knew the rights of fovereigns, was 
 much offended. Cajetan reproached him 
 with having procured a fafe-conduft for an 
 heretic alieady condemned, and required 
 him, with much haughtinefs, either to banifh 
 Luther from his territories, or to have him 
 conveyed to Rome. To punilli the cardinal 
 for his infolence, the ele6lor thought it pro- 
 per to fend his letter to Luther, with di- 
 rections to anfwer it. 
 
 Faife ac- Such is the hiftory of what palTed at Augf- 
 
 ^^"""nfer- t)urg bctvveen Cajetan and Luther. Fra. 
 
 rpTn^coT- Paolo, who gives an abridgment of it in the 
 firft book of his Hiftory of the Council of 
 Trent, has not been fufficiently well inform- 
 ed *. But the modern hifiorians of the 
 Roman church, who relate this conference, 
 do it in a manner fo contrary to the records 
 
 * Fra. Paolo fays, that Luther ivent to the cardinal 
 protci'icd by aftife-conduri from the emperor : but he had 
 not that laf'e-condu(5l until after he arrived at Augf- 
 burg ; and he did not glk it but at the folicitalion of 
 his friends. Fra. Paolo further fays, that tfic legate did 
 Tnt enter into difpute luith Luther; and "it is certain that 
 there uas a real dii'pote between them. He fays that 
 Luther "JL-rote to the Legate a fubmijjii'e letter after he had 
 left Augfhurg : but it is certain that the letter was 
 written in Augfbnrg itfelf. There were two ot them : 
 one of the 17th, which was written at the inftance of 
 Staupitz; the other of thv 18th, to excufe his appeal, 
 
 of 
 
H3 
 
 of thofe times, that one cannot fufficiently ^°- ^s^^- 
 wonder at either their ignorance or their 
 prefumption J and Varillas exceeds all the 
 reft in this refpeft. 
 
 When the ifllie of the conference at Augf- "^'^^ court 
 
 ot Rome is 
 
 bur» was known at Rome, ereat murmurs m^chdiff«- 
 
 ^ ^ tisfied with 
 
 were raifed againft the legate. Some main- thscondua 
 tained that he ought at all events to have ^'"^' '" '■^- 
 
 *=' gard to Lu- 
 
 feized Luther : and fo much the more, as, ^^='- 
 having come without a rafe-condu6l,he might 
 have carried him off without wounding the 
 authority of his imperial majefty. He was 
 cenfured by others for having treated him 
 with too much feverity, inftead of gaining 
 him by kindnefTes and by offers. Others, in 
 fine, thought that the cardinal ought to have 
 contented himfelf with his fubmiffions, with- 
 out exadling from him a formal recantation, 
 and with impofing filence on both parties. 
 But it is neceflary to know whether his in- 
 ftru(5lions permitted him to relax fo far, and 
 whetlier he even could, without difcovering 
 too much weaknefs, pratStife any thing of the 
 fort towards a man condemned by the pope. 
 The real error of die cardinal was his not 
 having knov/n the truth ; or if he did know 
 it, his having preferred the interefcs of the 
 Roman church. 
 
 The 
 
part it be- 
 hoves him 
 to a&. in 
 regard to 
 Luther* 
 
 '44 
 An. 1518. The e!c(5tor of Saxony was extremely dl- 
 Jf'salc^-h "^'^^^^ ^^ his rentiments. He had too much 
 a" tfthe^" ^^"^^ ^"^ penetration not to perceive that 
 Luther had reafon to cenfure the abufesj 
 and if he had not poflcfled iufficient know- 
 ledge to judge of them himfelf, the univer- 
 fity of Wittenberg, his proper counfellors, 
 and the felicitations of many bifhops and 
 other learned men, would have enlightened 
 him. As a prince otherwife juft, generous, 
 and mao-nanimous, he could not refolve to 
 abandon a man with whofe m.erit and inno- 
 cence he was well acquainted. But it v/asfo 
 dangerous for himfelf, for his dominions, and 
 for his fubjeds, to proted him openly, that 
 prudence did not permit him to do it ; and 
 he was not ignorant that perfons the mod 
 equitable fprcad the report that he prote(5Ved 
 Luther, and thofe who were lefs fo, that he 
 encouraged him. The inconfiftences which 
 appear in the proceedings of this prince were 
 the confequence of his embarraiTment and 
 uncertainty. Sometimes he thought of dii- 
 miillng Luther; and there is a fure proof of 
 it in a letter from Scaupitz which has been 
 already mentioned *. He had given notice 
 
 * See above, p. 1C(5. 
 
 fincc 
 
145 
 fince the month of Auguft to cardinal de St. An. 1518. 
 George * that he would not pretend to be 
 refponfible for the writings and fermons of a 
 divine whom he had invited into his univer- 
 lity only upon the reputation he pofTelTed for 
 learning and orthodoxy. All this might 
 pafs for mere finelTe ; but it is difficult to con- 
 ceive that there was any fuch in the propo- 
 fal which Spalatinus made to Luther by 
 his order, to leave his dominions and to feek 
 a retreat elfewhere. It was in a conference 
 which they had together at Lichtenberg, that 
 Spalatinus made him the firft overture on the 
 fubjedl:. Akhough this propofal was highly 
 diftreffing in the prefent pofture of his af- 
 fairs, Luther was not terrified at it. He 
 refolved to obey the orders of the prince as a 
 voice from heaven ; he prepared himfelf for 
 exile, as foon as the pope's excommunication 
 Ihould arrive. " I expeft every day," faid 
 he to Spalatinus j-, '* the anathemas from 
 " Rome, and I am prepared to fet out, like 
 
 * Se nunquam haclenus fumpjijfe autoriiatem i<elfcripta 
 veJ concionet Luiheri defendendi. In an anfwer to car- 
 dinal de St George, formerly cardinal Riairi. His 
 name was Raphael Saman; bat having been adopted 
 by George Riairi, his uncle, fon to a fifter of Sixtus 
 IV. he took hisnanie. 
 
 f The letter is dated 25th Novemljero 
 
 L " Abraham, 
 
146 
 
 aa. ijiS. " Abraham, without knowing whither I arn 
 "going; but no," added he, *' I know it 
 " well J for God is everywhere." He had 
 thoughts, at that time, of withdrawing into 
 France, believing he woold find prote6lion 
 there, becaufe the faculty of Paris entertained 
 the fanae fentiments as himfelf upon the au- 
 thority of the pope, and upon the council of 
 Bale; befides, the ambaffador of Francis I, 
 at the diet of Augfburg, had invited him 
 thither, through the good will and efteem 
 which he had conceived for him. But when 
 he acquainted the eledor with his refolution, 
 that prince changed his fentiments, and di- 
 rected him to ftay at Wittenberg. There 
 can be no doubt but that this was agreeable 
 to Luther : his only fear was that he fhould 
 be fettered by the politicks of the court, as he 
 exprefled himfelf to Spalatinus * j "I do not 
 *' know what I ought to wifh j for if I ftay 
 *' here, I (hall not have the liberty of faying 
 ** and writing what I think; whereas if I go, 
 " I (hall fay every thing, and (hall offer my 
 " life to Jefus Chrift." 
 
 The eieftor When Luthcr perceived that the elector 
 
 determine J 
 
 to proteft was refolved not to abandon him, he intreated 
 
 Luther. 
 
 • Ti^e letter is dated 2d December 1513. 
 
 that 
 
147 
 
 that prince to write to Rome, and to requeft An. is«s. 
 of the pope that his concerns niight be exa- 
 mined and decided in Germany. But the 
 ele(5tor, always extremely circumfpetSt, thought 
 that he ought not to enter direftly into this 
 matter, nor to commit himfelf by afking 
 favours of the pope, already prejudiced againit 
 him, for fear of drawing a refufal on him- 
 felfj or demands on the part of the popei 
 and, what was much more to be dreaded, for 
 fear of giving the pontiff a pretence to en- 
 tangle him in fo delicate an affair. He 
 judged, therefore, that the interference of the 
 emperor would be lefs fufpefted and more 
 efficacious than his own j and he thereupon 
 lent orders * to Pfeffinger, his minifler at 
 the court of his imperial majefty, to lay 
 before him the conduft which the legate had 
 adopted in regard to Luther, and the letter 
 which he had written to him, to requeft 
 his interceffion with the pope, to the end that 
 Luther's matter might be adjufted, and that 
 judges, who could not be fufpedled, fhould 
 be affigned him in Germany. To this he 
 added, that Luther being a good man, and 
 
 * The inftrudion is dated on the ipth of November 
 1518. 
 
 L 2 ready 
 
148 
 
 An. 1518. ready to liflen and receive whatever folid 
 inllru(5lions were given him, there was a ma- 
 tiifeft injuftice in forcing him to a recanta- 
 tion. But at the fame time that thefe in- 
 ftruftions were fcnt to Pfcffinger, Luther 
 addreffcd to the eledlor * the relation of what 
 pafTed in the conference of Augfburg. It 
 may ferve as an anfwer to the letter which 
 the cardinal wrote to the prince. In it 
 Luther protefts " that the eleftor never 
 *^ countenanced him in oppofing indulgences, 
 *' nor encouraged him to maintain the dif- 
 " pute which he had begun upon the fub- 
 **jefl; that he had never even wrote con- 
 " cerning it to any one, but to the arch- 
 ** billiop of Magdeburg, and the bifhop of 
 ** Brandenburg ; becaufe as it was a matter 
 " of religion, he was not ignorant that the 
 •* cognifance of it belonged only to the ec- 
 ** clefiaftical tribunal. He concluded by af- 
 ** furing Frederick, that, in order not to 
 *' involve him in the misfortunes which were 
 ** about to fall upon himfelf, he was refolved 
 *' to quit Saxony, and to retire whitherfoever 
 
 * Luther's letter 10 the riedor, which is properly 
 the anfwer to that which Cajetan had written to this 
 prince, is dated on the fame day, iQth November 
 1518. Mr. de Seckendorf has put the 2yih ; but in 
 Luther's works it is dated the 1 9th. 
 
 "the 
 
149 
 
 " the mercy of God might conduct him; that An. 1518c 
 
 " he fhould be extremely forry to expofe 
 
 " fo good a prince to hatred and dangers 
 
 " which ought only to affedt himfelf j and 
 
 " that into whatever place he might be caft 
 
 " by the tempeft, he fhould never ceafe either 
 
 *' to remember his kindnefs, or to pray to 
 
 " God for his profperity." 
 
 This letter has been much criticifed *, and Encomium 
 
 upon Frede* 
 
 endeavours have been ufed to make iuft and '^'^^ ^'^^°' 
 
 -' of Saxony. 
 
 moderate praifes pafs for artificial and in- 
 terefted flattery. But although that were 
 true, it vsould ill become thofe who do not 
 refufe even divine honours to princes who 
 favour them, to cenfure fuch an eulogy. 
 The wifdom and virtue of Frederick were fo 
 univerfally kpown and efleemed, that it may 
 be faid without exaggeration, that if he had 
 efpoufed the caufe of Rome, he might, have 
 aipired to an apotheofis. Luther, however, 
 faid nothing to his honour, but what the moft 
 learned men of his age have faid. It has 
 
 • Volo interim oblivifci acerrimum illud, et om- 
 jiibus quoque do6liffimis formidabile judicium, quo 
 Deus infignivit prae omnibus, quos noftra vidit aetas, 
 ingenium principis Frederici. Thefe are the words 
 which Pallavicini cenfures. Hift. Cone. Trid. lib. i« 
 ?:.2. §3, 
 
 L 3 been 
 
ISO 
 
 ^•»5»*' been already remarked, that Frederick was a 
 prince perfedlly well made. He had a lofty 
 and majeftic air, a penetrating underftanding, 
 a happy memory, and an unihaken mind. 
 He was, befides, juft, mild, fober, and tem- 
 perate. He was attached to religion, to the 
 good of his fubjecls, and to polite literature; 
 and it has been reported that he had often in 
 his mouth that fine fayjng of Alexander, 
 *' It is much more noble and excellent to fur- 
 " pafs others in knowledge, than in authority 
 ** and riches." Together with all this, he 
 was a great politician; but his politicks were 
 fuch as did not corrupt his virtue. He was 
 cfteemed by every one, and above all by the 
 emperor, who knew his merit ; and he never 
 permitted his minifters to acquire that afcen- 
 dency which renders them the mafters of the 
 prince and the ftatc: In a word, he was fuch 
 as to be thought worthy by pofterity to be 
 diftinguilhed by the glorious title of Fred£-» 
 
 RICK THE WISE. 
 
 /This prince It wasafcct having received the above letter, 
 
 refoiutionhe that thc ele(5tor dircdedSpalatinus to acquaint 
 
 proteft Lu- Luther from him, that he had only to remain 
 
 at Wit ten berg i but at the fame time he had a 
 
 copy made thereof, and fent it to the legate, 
 
 accompanied 
 
accompanied by an anfwer*, (hort and dry, ^' »5'*' 
 in which, without giving hinnfelf the trouble 
 of noticing the menaces and haughty ex- 
 prefTions of the legate, he contented himfelf 
 with telling him, *' that he had fent Lu- 
 *' ther to Augfburg as he had promifed; 
 " that it would be neceflary to convince 
 " him of error, and not to command him 
 "in an abfolute manner to retraflj that 
 «< very orthodox univerfities had aflured 
 *' him his doflrine was pure ; and that he 
 " was refolved not to deprive that of Wit- 
 *' tenberg of an inftrudor for whom it had 
 " occafion." In fad:, the univerfity of Wit- 
 tenberg had requefted it of the prince, pro- 
 tefting, at the fame time,, that Luther was 
 perfedly catholic. 
 
 The fame year this univerfity had the ho- Frederick 
 
 . . . places Me- 
 
 nour of acquiring a man who encreafed its lanchthon 
 
 jn the uni- 
 
 reputation greatly, and who was or very con- verCtyof 
 
 Wittenberg, 
 
 fiderable fcrvice to Luther. This perfon 
 was Philip Melanchthon, born at Brette, 
 a little village in the palatinate, of a father 
 who was a gunfmith, but fo celebrated in his 
 art that he wa§ known to the emperor and to 
 all the nobility of the empire. His name 
 
 • The eledor's letter is from Altenburg, dated 8th 
 December 1518, 
 
 L 4 was 
 
An. 15 18. was George Schwartzerderiy that is to fay, in 
 German, black earth. But John * Rcuchlin, 
 vvhofe relation he was, changed his name to 
 that of Melanchthon, which fignifies the fame 
 thing in Greek. Philip was diminutive, and 
 of a mien which did not prejudice in his 
 favour; but he had fine parts, a happy me- 
 mory, and an exquifite tafte for the belles 
 lettres. For four years he taught rhetorick. 
 at Tubingen, until the eleftor requefted 
 Capnion to procure him two learned pro- 
 feflbrs for his univerfity, the one for the 
 Hebrew language, the other for the greek. 
 Capnion replied, that he at firft wifhed to fend 
 CEcolampadius for the Hebrew, but that he 
 was detained at Bale j that he did not know 
 in all Germany any layman capable of teach- 
 ing that language but Paul Riccius, phyfician 
 to the bifhop of Gurckj nor any ecclefiaftic 
 but Conrade Pellican a cordelier in the mo- 
 nailery of RufFac f. For the Greek he point- 
 ed out Philip, who was then only in his 
 
 * Hermolaus Barbaras had in the fame manner 
 changed the name ol lleuchlm, formed from a German 
 word which fignifiesy/.w/ff, into that^f Capnion, taken 
 from the Greek, and which fignifies the fame thing. 
 
 f A town in Alface, and the place of Pellican's 
 birth. 
 
 twenty- 
 
153 
 
 twenty-fecond year, but in fuch great repu- An. 1518, 
 tation for polite literature that Erafmus wrote 
 about that time to CEcolampadius *, " that 
 ** if God preferved that young man, he 
 *' would rob him of the fame which he had 
 " acquired." 
 
 As Philip's figure did not anfwer to his 
 talents, he did not at firft meet at Wittenberg 
 with the reception he deferved. But when 
 they heard the difcourfe which he pronounced 
 the- day of his inftallation -j-, every body ad- 
 mired him; and Luther himfelf was fo 
 charmed with his talents, that he aflured him 
 he would never choofe to have any other 
 mafter for the greek language. From this 
 time there Iprung up between them that in- 
 timate friendfhip, which nothing was ever 
 able to diflblve. 
 
 Prierias, one of Luther's adverfaries, chofe Prienas 
 
 . - J , . _ ^ 11 r writes a fe. 
 
 to defend his firit work by a fecond, much cond time 
 
 r \ \ r T T t • againft Lu« 
 
 worfe than the former. He therein colleded ther. 
 together all that the canonifts and divines of 
 Italy had faid, however extravagant, relative 
 to the authority of the pope. He made the 
 
 * The letter is from Louvain, 1518. 
 
 \ the 
 
 pontiff 
 
 t Philip arrived at Wittenberg on the 25th of 
 Auguft. 
 
154 
 
 Aft. 1518. pontiff of Rome the univerfal monarch of 
 the world : all the princes are but his vaffals 
 or his vice-roys : he alone is bifliop by divine 
 right, and all the other bifhops do but exer- 
 cife his authority under him : he is fuperior 
 to the univerfal church : he alone has power 
 to determine the true fenfe of fcripture, and 
 of the divine laws * ^ " and although he 
 " fliould carry offence to fuch height as to 
 " drag the people in crowds into hell, neither 
 " the univerfal council, nor all the world 
 ** together, would have the power to judge 
 *' and depofe him, fuppofing he had been 
 " lawfully eleded." 
 
 Re docs it Althous;h a work fo indecent and extra- 
 
 m a rr.anner ^ 
 
 fo extrava- yagant Contained nothing, after all, but the 
 
 gant that o D' ' 
 
 Romeitfeif theology of Romc J yct as it came out of 
 feafon, it difpleafed every body, and even Rome 
 itfelf. It diredlly tended to draw the whole 
 difpute upon the delicate fubje(5l of the autho- 
 
 * Pontifex indnbitatus, ne dum a coiicilio, fed neqtie 
 a toto mundoj poteft jure deponi veljudicari, etiam ita 
 Ht fcandalofus, ut populos fecum catervatim ducat ad 
 diabolum. 
 
 It is not furprifing after this, that Maimbonrg fliould 
 liave faid that Prierias had fpoken of the authority of the 
 pope in terms vhich Rome itfelf did not approve, 
 b. i. Erafraus has gone further: llefpondit Prierias 
 tarn fcJiciler, ut ipfe pontifex inJixerit iUi fiieniium, 
 Erafm. ep. 7. lib. ix. 
 
 rity 
 
155 
 
 rityof the popes, the difcuITion of which is An.i5i«- 
 always highly dangerous; to furnifh Luther 
 with the moft plaufibie reafons for attacking 
 him, and to gain to his fide all the equitable 
 and moderate catholics. Great care was 
 taken, neverthelefs, not to offend the author 
 by any cenfurci he was only requefted not to 
 write any nnore, and the Donainicans endea- 
 voured to fupprefs the work. 
 
 Luther, however, prevented them greatly Luther pro- 
 from accomplifhing their defign. Prierias in- imprudence 
 tending to write againft him, had a<5lually writ- 
 ten in his favour} and judging with reafon that 
 he could do nothing more advantageous to his 
 caufe than to publifh the impious dofbrine of 
 his adverfary, and the maxims of the court of 
 Rome, Luther had the book reprinted at Wit- 
 tenberg -, and contented himfelf with writing 
 a preface to it, fome notes, and a conclufion 
 in which he did not obferve the bounds which 
 he had hitherto kept. On this occafion, he 
 obferved*, " that if the pretenfions of the 
 
 * Among the works of Luther a little tradl by 
 Prierias has been printed, which he calls his reply to 
 Luther, This is followed by another, entitled, De fu' 
 ridlca, et irrefragabili veritate RomamB ecclefi<e, B-omani- 
 que pontificis, liber teriius, index qui clem hngijjirnus , fed 
 Irei'ifjima epitome. It is this index which is the fubJ6<3t 
 of Luther's reflexions. 
 
 " pope 
 
'56 
 
 Ar. 151S. <c pope were fuch as Prierias ftt forth, and if 
 " the flatterers of the court of Rome per- 
 ^' fevered in publifhing and maintaining fuch 
 *^ impieties, it would be neceflary, in truth, 
 *' to exhort them firft of all to repent ; but 
 *' that after remonftrances, there remained no 
 *' other remedy but that of an exemplary 
 " chaftifement to avenge the majefty of 
 *' princes, and to exterminate thofe monfters 
 '* who were defirous of attributing to the 
 " pope the rights of God and of all fove- 
 *' reigns." He added ; " If this be what 
 *' they believe and teach at Rome, and if the 
 *' pope and the cardinals are informed of it, 
 '^ of which I cannot perfuade myfelf, I here 
 ** boldly declare that Antichrifl: is fitting in 
 *' the temple of God^ that he reigns at 
 *' Rome, that Babylon, clothed in purple ! 
 " and that the court of Rome is the fyna- 
 " gogue of Satan." He concluded his pre- 
 face with thefe words: " Adieu unhappy 
 " Rome 1 Loft and blafphemous Rome ! 
 " The indignation of God is rifen upon thee 
 " to the utmoft height, which thou haft but 
 *' too well deferved. Far from receiving any 
 " advantage from the prayers which have 
 *' been made for thee, thou haft become more 
 " wicked by iheir means. The wounds of 
 
 " Babylon 
 
^57 
 
 " Babylon have been drefled, but (he has not An. 151! 
 
 ** been healed. Let us now defift. Let her 
 
 *^ be the rcfort of dragons, evil fpirits, and 
 
 " monfters ; let her remain in everlafting 
 
 " confufion. She is full of idols, of mifers, 
 
 '^ of traitors, of apoflates, of infamous per- 
 
 '* fons, of robbers, of Simons, and is, as it 
 
 ** were, a new pantheon of impiety. Fare- 
 
 " well, reader ; pardon my grief and com- 
 
 •' paflionate it." 
 
 However violent thefe imprecations were, Luther's 
 It would be wrong to condemn them. They fied. 
 are only minds indifferent about religion, 
 who, colouring their fecret impiety with a 
 falfe moderation, dare to cenfure the indig- 
 nation of a fervant of God in fuch a con- 
 jun6lure. For, in fliort, who can endure, 
 without a holy wrath, that to a vicious and 
 mortal man fliould be attributed the glory 
 and the prerogatives of the divinity; that he 
 Ihould be made the arbiter of truth, and of the 
 falvation of fouls ; and that the foundations 
 of public fecurity fhould be overthrown, by 
 giving him an immediate fovereignty over 
 all the ftates of the world, in quality of the 
 vicar of Jefus Chrifl: ? Afcer ail, does not the 
 famous infcription of Louis XII. Perd:jm 
 Bahylonis Nomen^ (fee before page 4), m- 
 elude all that Luther has faid, howeverftrong 
 
 it 
 
'58 
 
 Aa. 1518. it may be ? Meanwhile, although Prierias's 
 book appeared that year, there is great pro- 
 babihty that the little works with which Lu- 
 ther accompanied it, when he had it re- 
 printed, were not compofed, or at lead pub- 
 iifhed, until the year 1520, when he faw he 
 had been condemned at Rome, and that 
 neither juftice nor reformation were longer 
 to be expeded on the part of a court re- 
 folved to maintain abufes at all events. 
 He pubiift. Very different fentiments were expreffed 
 
 es the a£ls 
 
 ofthe con- upon what had paffed at the conference of 
 
 terence of 
 
 Augfburg, Augfburg. As Luther pofTeffed the favour 
 
 and joins « tj 
 
 with them of the public, the greater part gave him the 
 tions and his advantage ; but the partifans of the pope, 
 
 appeal to ^ ^ r r ' 
 
 the council, coufulting Only their own intereft, declared 
 the contrary. To overthrow thefe falfe preju- 
 dices Luther printed the afts of the con- 
 ference. The elector, who had at firfl con- 
 fented to it, changed his mind. Although 
 he protedled Luther, he wifhed ftill to keep 
 t)n good terms with the court of Rome. He 
 therefore fent a counter order, but too late. 
 The printing of the a6ts was finifliedj and the 
 firft fheets already diltributed. For fuch, 
 indeed, was the ufual deftiny of Luther's 
 works. The public who cxpeded them with 
 extreme impatience, tore them out of the 
 
 hands 
 
159 
 
 hands of the bookfellers ; which evidently An. 151S. 
 Ihews how much the ancient fuperttitions 
 were hated, and the reformation defired. He 
 gave not only the relation of all that paffed at 
 Augfburg, but he added very free refledions, 
 in which he began to queftion whether the 
 authority of the pope over all the churches 
 be fully proved by thofe words of Jefus 
 Chrifl: "Thou art Peter; and upon this 
 " rock I will build my church." He had 
 not before proceeded fo far. Befides thefe 
 a6ls, as he every day expedled excommuni- 
 cation, he thought it proper to draw up a new • 
 appeal to the council. But, as he did not with 
 that this writing iliould be publifhed before the 
 excommunication fhould arrive, he forbade 
 the printer to ifiue any copy of it without his 
 order. He was not able to enforce this. 
 The piece became public as foon as printed. 
 This was a new offence to the pope, although, 
 in fact, there was nothing in that appeal 
 which was not catholic, becaufe it folely efta- 
 blifhed the fuperiority of the council above 
 the pope. 
 
 The court of Rome did not proceed fo The co-art 
 
 of Rome 
 
 faft as Luther apprehended. It perceived ^=^" ^"- 
 
 ■^ ther ; fooths 
 
 that it had been precipitate as to the ^''"^' ^^-^ 
 ^ ^ lends Mil- 
 
 citation, in havins; proceeded without being ^'^^ '"'^ 
 
 ° ^ & Germany to 
 
 7 well g^i'ii''^"^- 
 
l6o 
 Aa.x5i8. well acquainted either with the character of 
 Luther, or the difpofition of the people. But 
 when it had confidered his firmncfs before the 
 cardinal, the applaufe which he publicly re- 
 ceived, and the proteftion of the eleflor of 
 Saxony which began to fhew itfelf, and which 
 might engage other powers in his interelts, it 
 judged that it ought to keep back its thunder 
 for feme time, in order that the apprehenfion 
 entertained of it might give weight to the 
 negotiation. It was defirous, therefore, on 
 one fide to maintain its indulgences, the dif- 
 'credit of which was near drying up one of the 
 principal fources of its riches -, and, on the 
 other, to make the lad efforts to gain Luther, 
 fuppofing that it was impoffible to oblige the 
 elecElor to give him up. Under this idea the 
 pope ifliied a bull *, dated the 9th of Novem- 
 ber, in which he eftablifhed the dodlrine of 
 indulgences upon the immemorial ufage of 
 the church, and ordered that they Ihould be 
 preached up under pain of excommunication, 
 lata Jententue. Great tendernefs was fhewn 
 to the honour of Luther, who was not named 
 in it i and he had alfo the fatisfadion to fee 
 himfelf juftified, at leaft in part, fince his ad- 
 
 * This bull was publillied at Lintz, the 13th of 
 December. 
 
 vcrfaries 
 
i6i 
 
 verfaries were there taxed " with having in- A.n. x^iS,, 
 *' fufed errors into the minds of many, al- 
 *' though they had been fent only to preach 
 " the word of God." But this bull had 
 fcarcely any effe(5t. It required more than 
 the authority of the pope to reinftate indul- 
 gences in their ancient reputation; and thofe 
 who preached them derived thence fcarcely 
 any other fruit than contempt and ridicule. 
 As for Luther, he faw with pleafure that the 
 court of Rome began to be foftened ; but he 
 was very far from falling into the fnare that 
 was laid for him. For as he had fubmitted 
 to the authority of the pope, and as that 
 pontiff had juft decided in favour of indul- 
 gences, without making any ftroke at his re- 
 putation, it afforded him a fair opportunity to 
 make an honourable retreat, by writing to 
 the pope that he fubmitted to his bullj and 
 would fay no more about indulgences; but 
 the knowledge he had acquired did not per- 
 mit him to adopt this meafure, and the nego- 
 tiation was as ineffeftual as the bull. Charles 
 de Miltitz, of an ancient houfe of Mifnia, 
 chamberlain of honour to the pope, came 
 into Germany under pretext of being obliged 
 to do {o upon his private affairs, but in reality 
 upon thofe of his maftcr. He arrived towards 
 M the 
 
l6:i 
 
 An. TjiS. the end of the year 15:8, and entered upon a 
 negotiation which continued for a length of 
 tiine, and which, apparently, would have 
 turned to the advantage of the court of 
 Ronne, if it had known how to profit by it. 
 This fhall be related in the following book. 
 
 END OF TJHE FIRST BOOK. 
 
HISTORY, &c. 
 
 BOOK THE SECOND. 
 
 \ 
 
 CIO. 
 
 The court of Saxony was not without in- An. 15J9. 
 quietude when it learned the departure of gflj^onyit 
 the nuncio, and his commiffion. The elec- theTo^ming 
 tor adhered to his refokition of not giving up ** ^ "^ "'"^' 
 Luther: but it was difHcult to find reafons 
 for refufingj for, befides that this prince 
 feared the power of the pope, Luther was a 
 monk, and of courfe amenable to his au- 
 thority ^ and the point in queftion v/as of a 
 religious nature. Now, the pontiffs had the 
 art, for a length of time, to perfuade the 
 princes and their minifbers, that they could 
 not intermeddle in affairs of that fort without 
 being guilty of facrilegious encroachment. 
 But, although Frederick had been fufHcicntly 
 enlightened not to be flopped by fiich 
 groundlefs fcruples, yet he v/as not able to 
 M 2 fecure 
 
164 
 
 An. 1519. fecure himfelf from the pope's excommuni- 
 cation ; and without doubt he was not ig- 
 norant to what dreadful extremities the 
 bifhops of Rome had reduced, by that me- 
 thod, princes more powerful than the dukes 
 of Saxony. Thus the elector found himfelf 
 agitated by thofe inquietudes which are 
 inevitable in conjunctures, wherein a perfon 
 perceives all the greatnefs of the danger, and 
 is ignorant of the path which he ought to 
 follow to fecure himfelf from it. 
 
 The eiedor Luthcr, acquainted with the fentiments of 
 
 adopts the 1 ■ 
 
 meafuie of tlic dukc his maficr, ao;ain had thoughts of 
 
 rftaking Lu- _ _ ^ ^ ■ P 
 
 therapri. withdrawing hlmfclf from W ittcmbcrg. But 
 
 foner, and ^ ° 
 
 ac<juaints (^at piincc would by no means conlent to it ; 
 
 Cajetan ' 
 
 of It. although, on the other hand, he was afraid to 
 
 leave him at Wittemberg, as he fhould be 
 under the neceHlty of rcfufing him to the nun- 
 cio. He therefore adopted the meafure of 
 making him a prifoner, and of acquainting 
 the nuncio of it *, with a promife of having 
 him brought before fuch judges as fhould be 
 allotted him, provided it were in Germany, 
 This defign was communicated to Luther, 
 who fald, " that he was in the hands of Go4 
 " and his friends." 
 
 * This is to be Teen in a letter from Luther to Spa- 
 |atinus of the 2d of December 1519, 
 
 Whilp 
 
i65 
 
 While thefe things were going on, the An. 1519, , 
 nuncio arrived : but as he was ignorant of .'^J'%""""° 
 
 c-^ ^ jsbunedonly 
 
 the fecret inquietudes of the court of Saxony : withthecar*. 
 
 '■ -'of recanci- 
 
 and as he faw, in pafllng through Germany, '^"fJ'^'J^" 
 the love and univerfal efteem which the peo- p°?«^' 
 pie entertained for Luther^ he abandoned the 
 defign of conveying him to Rome, and 
 thought only of the means of reconciling him 
 with the pope. The firft was, however, the 
 principal defign of his commifllon. On fet- 
 ting out from Rome, Leo had charged him 
 with feventy briefs. He had fome for the 
 Elefcor, for Pfeffinger, for Spalatinus, for the 
 commandant, and for the magiftrates of Wit- 
 temberg. The reft were to be pofted up in 
 the cities through which the nuncio fhould 
 pafs on his return, in order to affure his con- 
 queft and his journey. But as foon as he had 
 fet foot in the empire, he faw clearly that all 
 the briefs would be ufelefs ; and he himfelf 
 afferted, that although the court of Saxony 
 had delivered up Luther to him, he would 
 have needed more than twenty- five thoufand 
 men to bring him to the pope. Thus, aban- 
 doning the charader of an adverfary, Miltitz 
 afllimed that of a mediator, and Spalatinus 
 wrote to Luther, that if he had not quitted 
 Wittemberg, he fhould remain there, be- 
 M 3 caufc 
 
1 66 
 
 An. 1519.. caufe' the nuncio afforded hopes of recon- 
 ciliation. 
 HVendea. j-^e began by prai finer Luther's zeal and 
 
 ▼ours to D y r o 
 
 Lu"th""f ^^•^^"•S} ^nd by condemning the impieties and 
 error and to profanations of the colleflors. He blamed 
 
 onng him *■ 
 
 tatbr""" ^^^ former only for having quarrelled with 
 the pope, and having attacked his authority, 
 which ought to be facred to all the world, 
 but efpecially to a monk, whom his pro- 
 f^flion obliged to a fubmiflion and entire de- 
 votion to the holy fee. He added, that not- 
 withftanding that offence the pope was ready to 
 pardon him -, that his holinefs had fufEcientiy 
 teftified his gocd-will by deferring till then 
 the excommunication which he had incurred, 
 and by not pronouncing any ccnfure againfl 
 him in the laft bull, although his adverfaries 
 had been difgraced in it j that if he were fin- 
 cere, he ought no longer to delay his recan- 
 tation, becaufe he had folemnly fubmitted 
 himfelf to the pope, and the pope had decided 
 in favour of indulgences. Miltitz reprefent- 
 cd afterwards to the counf.'llors of the elec- 
 'for, the great efteem which the pontiff had 
 ' for their mafter, and of which his holinefs had 
 ' given him a ftriking proof by the golden rcfe^ 
 -Which he was fhortly to prcfent to him on his 
 ■•'' parti 
 
167 
 part; he laid before them the dangerous con- An. i5i< 
 fequences which quarrels between thefe two 
 princes might produce, and the lamentable 
 effects of a fchilm which feemed inevitable if 
 Luther were fupported; and if he flill ob- 
 ftinately maintained opinions which had been 
 condemned. 
 
 In order to procure a more favourable re- The nun- 
 
 , . ^ , . cio dcter- 
 
 ception to his rcmonitrances, the nuncio re- mines to 
 folved to chaftife Tetzel who had been the S"' 
 caufe of the diforder *. He wrote to him to 
 repair to Altenburg. This dominican was 
 then at Leipfick, living retired in the monaf- 
 tery of St. Paul, where he began to fuffer 
 the punilliment of his fins. He replied to 
 the nuncio, " that Luther had excited againft 
 " him Germany, Poland, and Hungary j that 
 " there was no place where he could be in 
 *' fafety ; that the legate himfelf would not 
 *' liflen to his juftification upon the charge 
 " of blafphemy againft the Holy Virgin, 
 " which Luther had preferred againft him ; 
 " that when he preached at Leipfick, he per- 
 *' ceived upon every countenance nothing but 
 *' menaces and contempt; but that whatever 
 
 * The letter from Miltitz to Tetzel is on the laftday 
 of December 1518 : but as the year then commenced 
 irom Chriftmas day, it is dated in ISlp. 
 
 M 4 ** calamities 
 
1 68 
 
 An. 15J9. 
 
 The nuncio 
 prom'fes to 
 have the 
 matter de» 
 cidcd by 
 German 
 kilhips. 
 
 " calamities he might have endured for the 
 " holy fee, he would defend its facred pre- 
 " rogatives until death." 
 
 Tetzel having excufed himfelf from ap- 
 pearing, Miltitz demanded an interview with 
 Luther. The latter declined it, upon the ap- 
 prehenfion that it might prejudice his appeal. 
 He neverthelefs confented to it -, and the in- 
 terview took place at Altenburg *, in the 
 houfe of Spalatinusj in the beginning of Ja- 
 nuary 1 5 19. The nuncio at firft enlarged 
 upon the wrongs which Luther had done to 
 the pope, the imminent danger of a fchifm, 
 for which he alone and the eleflor of Saxony 
 would have to anfwerj and, laftly, the dan- 
 ger into which he was precipitating himfelf. 
 He lavifhed praifes on him ; he embraced 
 him ; he fhed tears ; he abufed the colleflors ; 
 and, to fay all in a word, he omitted nothing 
 he could think of, cither to intimidate or 
 foften him. Ludier replied, that the firft 
 caufe of the evil was in the pope, whofe in- 
 tentions were good, but who had fuffered him- 
 felf to be led away by the ufurers of Florence : 
 
 '^■^ There is in manufcript the. account which Luther 
 gave the eleftor of this conference^ from which the 
 particulars here rchited arc taken. 
 
 the 
 
l6g 
 
 the fecond, in the avarice of the archbifhop An. 1519. 
 of Mentz, who pillaged Germany by means 
 of indulgences^ in order to pay for the pallium 
 from Rome-, and for the difpenfations con- 
 trary to the canons in order to hold at once 
 two archbifhoprics, and one bilhopric : and 
 the third, in the impudence and licentiouf- 
 nefs of the colledors : that the only remedy 
 was to impofe filence on both parties, be- 
 caufe he could not avoid defending himfelf 
 if he were attacked, and that it was then to 
 be feared that what was only a jeft, might 
 become a very ferious affair 3 that, in fine, 
 he was very willing to repair the injury 
 which the pope fuppofcd he had received j 
 that he would write him, for that purpofe, a 
 very refpedlful letter, in which he would 
 acknowledge that he had been carried to ex- 
 cefs J and that he would publifh a book, in 
 which, juftifying his conducl, and excufing 
 his faults, he would exhort all the world to 
 honour the holy fee, and to obey it. With 
 refpe(5t to retraction, he declared fo flrongly 
 that he would never accede to it, that the 
 nuncio thought he ought not to perfift in 
 requiring it. However, as the affair had pro- 
 ceeded too far to be terminated v/ithout a 
 decifion, Mildtz was defirous he fliould fub- 
 
 m:t 
 
An. i^ig. mit it to that of the pope, afluring him it 
 would be favourable. But Luther^ not daring 
 to trull to this, propofed that the pope Ihould 
 name judges in Germany, who having fecret 
 orders to procraftinate the bufinefs, might 
 let it fall infenfibly into oblivion, by which 
 m.ethod he propofed to fave both the pope's 
 honour and his own. He even named 
 the archbifhop of Sakzburg for one of his 
 judges J and it is fufpefled that this was by 
 the advice of Spalatinus, perhaps, becaufe 
 that prelate was a friend of Staupitz. But 
 however this may be, the choice could not 
 be more imprudent ; for the archbilhop pafled 
 for a man full of art, and deftitute of reli- 
 gion. They agreed at laft that Miltitz 
 llioLild prevail on the court of Rome to im- 
 pofe filence on both parties, and that the de- 
 cifion of the affair fhould be referred to Ger- 
 man bifhops; and they named the archbifliop 
 of Treves, and the bifhop of Freifengen; 
 that, in the mean time, Luther fliould re- 
 main in peace, and that he Iliould write a 
 letter of fubmiffion to the pope. 
 
 Thcet.-aor The eledlor on his fide engaged to 
 
 promifes, at _ . 
 
 firft, townee write to the pope; and that letter, which 
 
 to the pope 
 
 in fav.iur of is RiU in cxiftcnce, contained his defence 
 
 Luther, and 
 
 rsfufcs.if- in regard to what he had done to fatisfy 
 
 tcnvarJs to -^ 
 
 fenJthe - . 11^ 
 
 kiter. 
 
171 ' 
 
 his holinefs, either by fending Luther to An. 1519- 
 Augfburg, or by obliging him to appear 
 before the nuncio. In it he teftified of Lu- 
 ther, that he had been always full of fub- 
 mifiion to the holy fee; that he had never 
 difputed againft its. authority, or againft in- 
 dulgences until he was forced to it ; that he 
 was elleemed by all the learned, and was ex- 
 tremely worthy of the good-will of the holy 
 father. But this prince, who pofTefTed an ex- 
 traordinary degree of forefight, confidering 
 that he was already fufpefted, and that if he 
 began to meddle in the affair, the pope might 
 eafily imagine that he took a great intereft in 
 it, and be difpleafed with him ; that he might 
 order him to detain Luther in his dominions, 
 and hold him refponfible for his efcape, if 
 he (hould b.appen to withdraw himfeif ; this 
 prince, I fay, refufed to fign the letter*, 
 which had been already prepared, and ac- 
 quainted Milticz that he was determined to 
 remain neuter. 
 
 Miltitz having no more to do at the court Miititz fets 
 
 , outforL-ip- 
 
 of Saxony, becaulc the golden roje, and the fi' k, pur.iih- 
 
 es Tetzel, 
 
 time of prefenting it, were not yet arrived, difcovc-s his 
 
 rogueries, 
 and ac- 
 qu.iints tlie 
 
 * The letter which (he ele6lor wrote thereupon tn pope of 
 Fabion de Feilitfch is dated from Torgaw, the 11th of ^ '^^' 
 January 15 19. 
 
 fet 
 
An 1519. fet out to meet Cajetan at Coblentz, and to 
 give him an account of his negotiation ; fof 
 his inflriKflions contained a prohibition to at- 
 tempt any thing without the approbation of 
 the legate. He pafTed through Leipfick, and 
 twice called Tctzel and his fupcrior before 
 him. He cenfured them rigcrouflyj both 
 one and the other; but he loaded the former 
 with fo, many reproaches and menaces, that 
 the unfortunate man fell into a flate of forrow 
 and defpair, which obliged Luther to write to 
 him in order to confole him. He judged by 
 the converfation of Miltitz that his adverfary 
 would reconcile himfelf to the pope, and that 
 he fhould be the viftim of their reconciliation. 
 And, in fa6t, the nuncio inftituted an in- 
 quiry into his conduct, and convi6ted him 
 of a great number of impoftures and ro- 
 gueries. 
 
 Miltitz acquainted Pfeffinger with it*, ad. 
 ding, that it appeared by the accounts of the 
 colleftion which the merchants of Leipfick 
 had fhewn him, that Tetzel had eighty florins 
 per month for himfelf, and ten for his fer- 
 vant, without reckoning their diet or the 
 feeding of their horfes, and the robberies 
 
 • The original of Mihitz's letter, winch is in exift- 
 encc, is dated from Greffenlhan. 
 
 ■which 
 
which could not be proved. " I know all Aa. t^tf. 
 
 ** t|iat," faid the nuncio, " and many other 
 ^' things : he has moreover two children." 
 In truth the fuin of ninety florins monthly was 
 fo confiderable in thofe times, that the ftates 
 of Saxony, who did qot like Pfeffinger, foli- 
 cited the ele61:or to difmifs him, under pre- 
 ]text that he coft him too much. He had, 
 however, but four hundred florins * for his 
 annual falary, and he was a counfeUQr of 
 Hate. 
 
 Miltitzf gave advice to the court t! at he mAcrdir^ 
 
 . c tvcrs gtcat 
 
 had chaftifed Tetzel, and acquainted the pope wcrikneisia 
 
 pf his rogueries} and Luther, on his fide, wh.chhe 
 
 wrote the letter of fubmifiion J which he had pope. 
 
 promifed. It began with thefe words : 
 
 ** Moil holy father, I am obliged to write 
 
 ^^ again to your holinefs, and to addrefs 
 
 *' myfelf to your high majefty, I, who am 
 
 " the loweil of men, and the dull of the 
 
 " earth. I fupplicate, therefore, your holi- 
 
 ♦' nefs, who hath the mildnefs and the patience 
 
 <^ of a father, and of a vicar of Jefus Chritl, to 
 
 ^' liften favourably to the groans of a ilieep of 
 
 ♦ A Germnn florin was two thirds of a French 
 prown, as the florin of Holland is at this time. 
 
 f Miltitz letter is dated the 6th of February I5ig. 
 I LmberV letter is dated the Q\\\ of March 15 1 .0. 
 
 " which 
 
174 
 
 An. 1519. " which your holincfs is the fhepherd." He 
 then relates, that Miltitz reproached him 
 "with having been deficient in refpefb to the 
 holy fee j and after having teftified an extreme 
 forrcfWj that an enterprife which he had un- 
 dertaken only for the honour of the Roman 
 church, and which many had endeavoured to 
 render odious, fhould be regarded by the 
 pope as a difrefpeft, he continued thus: 
 " What fliall I do, holy father ? I do not 
 '^ know what courfe to take j I cannot fup- 
 *^ port the weight of your difpleafure, and I 
 '^ do not perceive the means of delivering 
 " myfeif from it. I am required to revoke 
 " my thefes. I would do it this momient, if 
 *' that could produce thedefired effecSt." He 
 adds, that this retradlion would not only be 
 ufclefs, becaufe his writings were in the hands 
 of every one, but that it would do great in- 
 jury to the Roman church, inafmuch as it 
 would afford occafion to believe that that 
 church approves of the impoftures and blaf- 
 phemies v/hich he had oppofed. Laftly, he 
 procefls that he never pretended to deny the 
 power of the pope, which he acknowledged 
 to be inferior only to that of Jefus Chriftj 
 that he will exhort the people to honour the 
 holy fee i that he will vindicate it from the 
 1 profane 
 
^75 
 
 profane exaggerations of the collefiors ; that An. j5i9» 
 he will drop for ever the matter of indul- 
 gences, provided his opponents renounce 
 their impoftures, and fhat, in a v/ord, there 
 is nothing which he is not ready to do for the 
 fatisfad:ion of his holinefs. 
 
 It muft be confelfed that this letter is a Hh com- 
 
 plaifjricc for 
 
 fad monument of the weaknefs of man ; and the court of 
 
 Saxany 
 
 Luther would be inexcufable if he had then cauks him 
 
 great dif- 
 
 had the knowledge which he afterwards pof- q>^ict. 
 feffed; but he was not acquainted with all 
 the myfteries of iniquity j and although he 
 could not find in fcripture the foundation 
 of the papal power, he confidered that it vvas, 
 neverthelefs, eftablilhed upon the decrees of 
 Councils, and the canons of the church. Be- 
 fides, the foiicitations of his friends, the ca- 
 relTes of the nuncio, the confequences of a 
 fchifm, and, finally, the intereft of his repofe 
 andfecurity, led him to that m.ean compliance 
 with the court of Rome. Tiiat of Saxony 
 had commanded him exprefily to m.ake no 
 attack whatever upjn tiie authority of the 
 holy fee, To much did the eleflor fear left 
 fbme v/ritings Hiould efcape him, which 
 might break the negotiation. Fie obeyed, 
 therefore, but it was not Vrichout great ftrug- 
 
 glesi 
 
176 
 
 An. 1519. glesj for he wrote to Spalatinus*, who had 
 acquainted Liin with the intentions of the 
 couit, that the decrees of the pope, which he 
 was then reading in order to prepare himfelf 
 for the difputation at Leipfick, " put him in 
 " doubt whether the pope were antichrift or 
 ** his apoftle, fo miferably was Jefus Chrift 
 ^' crucified in thefe decrees." In this man- 
 ner he exprefled the dreadful abufe which 
 was therein made of the words of the gofpel. 
 He adds: ^' I am cruelly tormented to fee 
 ** the people thus impofed on, under prc- 
 " text of the laws of Jefus Chrift and of the 
 " chriftian name." However this may be, 
 Luther had the weaknefs to write that letter, 
 and the pope the imprudence not to profit 
 by itf, while providence afforded to the for- 
 mer the leifure to inftrufl him.felf, and to 
 recover fiom his ftate of torpor j the inter- 
 regnum, befides, which had commenced with 
 that year, favoured the progrefs of his doc- 
 
 * This letter was dated on Sunday called Invoca-vity 
 thnt is to fnyin the beginning of February \5\Q. 
 
 f Si Moguntinns a principio, cum a nie admoiiere- 
 tnr ; denique, (i papa, iintequnm me non aiulitumdam- 
 paret, et bullis fuis iasviret, hoccepilfet concilium, qnod 
 Carolus Miltitius ccpit, et flatim compelcuiirent Tf f- 
 zelianum furorem, non evcnifTft its in tantum tumul- 
 tuni, Luth. Opcr. Lat.in Piccf. torn. i. 
 
 trine^ 
 
177 
 trine, and drew the attention of his enemies A"* ^519- 
 to another quarter. 
 
 Maxinnilian liked neither the pope nor the Thedeceafe 
 
 of the em- 
 
 monks J he knew the grofs abufes which had p^-^'^ g'^« 
 
 au'^hority to 
 
 been introduced, and all the empire com- Lj he. and 
 
 his dodliine 
 
 plained of them-, but he was prejudiced, like ^y ^^^'^^ °^ 
 
 ^ -^ the vicar- 
 
 all the princes of his time, in favour of the ^'p* 
 
 ancient fuperflitions. This prince died at 
 
 the commencement of ^519. The eledlor 
 
 of Saxony had the vicarfliip of the empire in 
 
 the circles of Upper and Lower Saxony, and 
 
 in Ibme other provinces where his jurif- 
 
 diftion extended during the interregnum. 
 
 At this time thofe who entertained an efteem 
 
 for Luther began to declare themfclvcs. 
 
 They found in Frederick the authority ne- 
 
 ceffary to prote6b them, and an example 
 
 which the wifeft gloried in following. Every 
 
 perfon, befides, entertained fo high an 
 
 opinion of the wifdom and integrity of this 
 
 prince, that no one could imagine he would 
 
 prote(5tafeditious and heretical monk. Thus 
 
 the reputation of Frederick giving a new 
 
 weight to his authority, and the writings of 
 
 Luther fpreading far and wide, it is fcarcely to 
 
 be believed how many difciples he acquired^ 
 
 and with what readinefs. His courage was 
 
 admired i his do6lrine was approved ; an ac- 
 
 N quaintance 
 
178 
 
 An. 1519. quaintancc with the author was fought. 
 People came from all parts to Wittemberg; 
 and the inhabitants of the fuburbs were to be 
 heard giving thanks to God, with clafped 
 handsj and eyes raifed to heaven, that Wit- 
 temberg was become a fecond Sion, whence 
 the light of the gofpel was difFufing itfelf 
 through the whole world. 
 
 The arch- Miltitz having reported to Caietan the 
 
 b'ilhopof , . . . 
 
 Treves con- fucccfs of his negotiation, the archbifliop of 
 
 fents to de- 
 
 cide on Lu- Trcves wrote to the elector *, that (ince Lu- 
 ther's bufi- 
 
 r-efs. ther was willing to fubmit himfelf to his judg- 
 
 ment, he prayed that prince to fend him to 
 Coblentz, where he would be in fafety ; that 
 he would decide on this affair as an honeft 
 man, and that although he entertained refpe6l 
 for the pope, he had alfo an affedlion for the 
 order of the Auguftins. The legate con- 
 curred ill thefe fentiments. Two days after- 
 wards he wrote to Frederick that he would 
 fend the nuncio to prefent him with the 
 conjccrated rofe on the part of tiie pope ; that 
 this prefent being appropriated only to 
 princes of the firft rank, and who had diftin- 
 guilhed themfelves by their attachment to 
 the holy fee, the eledlor might therebyjudge 
 
 * The archbifliop's letter is dated the 3d of May. 
 
 of 
 
179 
 of the edeem which his holinefs felt for him ; An. 1519. 
 finally, that this honou'* could not be beftow- 
 ed on any one to whom the cardinal would 
 more earneftly wifh every kind of greatnejs. 
 He adds : " It is necefiary alfo that your 
 " excellency fliould continue to emulate the 
 ** example of your predecelTors, who have 
 ** rendered great /ervices to the fovereign 
 " pontiff and to the chriftian religion j that 
 ** you lliould honour the Roman orthodox 
 *' church, and that you Ihould courageoufly 
 «' defend it." 
 
 Two ftrokes of policy are obfervable in 
 this letter. The one, that there is not a word 
 of Ijuther, nor of what the archbifhop of 
 Treves had written, in order to induce the 
 elector to believe that the legate took no part 
 in it, and that he was not defirous of deciding 
 on it. The other, that in afluring this prince 
 there was no perfon to whom. he wifhed with 
 more earneftnefs every kind of greatnefs^ he 
 was defirous to lead his thoughts to the em- 
 pire, then vacant, and to infinuate, that, in 
 order to fucceed, he muft not obftinately 
 continue to fupport a monk againft the pope. 
 The defign of his embaffy, however, was to 
 get Francis I. chofen, or any other perfon, 
 provided Charles king of Spain were ex- 
 N 2 eluded. 
 
i8o 
 
 An. 15T9. eluded. Robert des Urfins, archbifhop of 
 
 Rheims, had the fame commifTion. 
 Lutii rdn?s The eledor* wrote to the archbifhop that 
 
 not appear 
 
 b:t>.rethe hc was OH hls ioumev to be prelent at the 
 
 archb ilnp, -' ■' * 
 
 a:id his iff.ir cJJet of Francfort, \^ here they would fee each 
 
 IS rererrf-J to ■' 
 
 thtdietor other; and that in the meantime he would 
 
 Franctorc. 
 
 let Luther know what the prelate had writ- 
 ten to him. The latter prefTed by the nun- 
 cio, who had leturned into Saxony, to appear 
 at Coblentz, excufed himfelf on the fcore of 
 the archbifhop having no commifTion from 
 the pope, on which account his judgment 
 would have no efFeft except in the event of 
 condemnation J alleging befides, that he could 
 not travel in fafety during the interregnum. 
 
 He further reprefented, that Cajetan being 
 at Coblentz, it was, in reality, caufing him to 
 be judged by the legate, becaufe the archbi- 
 fhop would do nothing but by his advice; and 
 that, laftly, although he had acknowledged 
 the former as his judge, yet he hadnotunder- 
 flood he was to be fo alone, and without the 
 ailiftance of fome bifliops. Miltitz not being 
 able to reply to reafons fo jufl, and con- 
 ftrained, befides, to follow the orders of the 
 
 \' • The eledor's letter is dated from Ifelburg, a caftlc 
 inFrancouia, the 8th of June I5ig. 
 
 legate. 
 
i8t 
 
 legate, began to folicit Luther to terminate An, 1519. 
 the affair by the moft fure and expeditious 
 method, which was that of retra6lion. But 
 he conftantly replied, that a retra6lion which 
 was not founded upon good reafons would 
 pafs in the world only for an effefl of hi^ weak- 
 nefs and of the injuftice of his judges; and that 
 it was neceflary, above all things, to inftru6t 
 and convince him. Ic is eafy to fee by this 
 account that Cajetan had not approved the 
 condu(5l of Miltitz, and that the court of 
 Rome ablblutely required a retraction; whicli 
 circumftance fpoiled every thing. However 
 the cafe might be, the proje6t of having Lu- 
 ther judged by the archbifhop of Treves 
 proved abortive ; and that prelate agreed in 
 opinion with the ele6lor at Francfort, that 
 the affair ought to be referred to the diet 
 to be held in the month of November; 
 but which was put off until the end of the 
 following year. 
 
 In the meantime Luther found his courage Lmher's 
 raifed by the univerfal approbation which aniatedby 
 the learned and good beftowed on him. H s which are 
 writings riew from Germany to trance, to lum aii 
 Italy, to England, to Hungary, to Poland. ^ 
 Thirfting after the gofpel, and rejefling 
 monkiih fables and the dodrines of men, 
 N 3 the 
 
An. 15 19. the public eagerly perufed works, in which 
 they found good fenfe and the fpirit of the 
 gofp?l. rhe clamours of monks, almoft 
 univerfally detefted on account of their ig- 
 norance, their tyranny, anu their bad conduct, 
 could hardly have power to turn afide the 
 common people from thefe purfuits. The 
 celebrated painter, Froben*, gave him ad- 
 vice of his fuccefs, and acquainted him that 
 it was publicly faid at Paris, that it had long 
 been wifhed that thofe who treated on facred 
 fubje6bs, fhould do it with the freedom and 
 folidity which were found in his writings} 
 that in Italy itfelf many epigrams had ap- 
 peared in his praife, and that the cardinal of 
 Sion f , one of the mod learned men of his 
 age, could not refrain from crying out, al- 
 luding to his name, O Luther ! Thou art truly 
 lMther\ that is to fay, tiulypure. At this time 
 Erafmus wrote him a letter J, in which he 
 draws too excellent a portrait both of his 
 enemies and his friends, not to allow the in- 
 
 * Froben's letter is dated from Bale, on the 14th of 
 February 1519. 
 
 + He was called Scheiner, bifliop of Sion. 
 
 t Erafmus's letter is from Louvaln, and is dated the 
 £Oth of May. It is an anfwer to a letter which Luther 
 bad written to him on the 38lh of March 1 5 1 9. 
 
 trodu(5lion 
 
1^3 
 
 trodiifbion here of a copious extraft ; be- An. 1519. 
 fides, the letter is very fine in itfelf, and 
 the teftimony it affords to Luther was prior 
 to any difputes between them. 
 
 " I cannot exprefs to you," fays he, " what Sentiments 
 
 of Erafmus 
 
 " fad events your books have caufed here, towards lu- 
 " Nothing has been able to eradicate from 
 " the mind of thefe people," (he fpeaks of 
 the monks,) " the fufpicion that I have an 
 " interefl: in your writings ; that I aid you in 
 '' compofing themi and that I am, as it were, 
 *' the chief of the failion. There are fome 
 ** who think they have found the opportunity 
 " of deftroying the belles lettres, which they 
 " mortally hate, as pernicious to theological 
 *' fublimity, on which they place an incom- 
 " parably greater value than on Jefus Chrifb. 
 " They imagine alfo they can deilroy me 
 " along with them. All is clamour, effron- 
 *^ tery, artifice, (lander, calumny; fo that if I 
 *' had not feen every thing with my own 
 " eyes, and had not felt thefe attacks, I never 
 " could have been able to perfuade myfelf, 
 " that divines were capable of fo much vio- 
 " lence.' Jndinthefequel: " I have cautioned 
 *^ thefe gentry not to declaim againftyou info 
 ** malicious a manner, efpecially before the 
 " people, and without having read your books. 
 N 4 "I have 
 
1 84 
 
 An. 1519. « I have reprefented to them, that the judg- 
 " rrienc of divines ought to be pronounced 
 " with fo much the greater circum!'pt6lion 
 *' and equity, as it was of tiie greater import- 
 *' ancej and that they had to do, befides, with 
 *^ a man, whofe condu'il met with univerfil 
 • " approbation. But I gained nothing . and 
 " they continue unceafingly to abufe you.'* 
 Erajmus qualifies this in what fol'.oivs: " They 
 *' begin, however," fays he, " to foften 
 ** in your favour; perhaps, bccaufe they 
 *' dread the pen of the learned, an I, doubt- 
 '^ kfs a!fo, becavfc" they are intimidated by 
 " their own confcience. An 1, aflliredly, I 
 " (hould paint them as they deferve, if the 
 " do6lrine and example of Jcfns -thrift did 
 " not withhold me. Wi'd beails are render- 
 " ed gentle by kindnefs; thefe men only be- 
 *' come the more ferocious by it. You have 
 ** in England people who efteem your works, 
 *' and thefe are perfons of the highcft rank, 
 " 1 here are fom.e even here whofe afFedlion 
 " you have gained, and among thofe, a man 
 " of great meiit. As for myfelf 1 endea- 
 ** vour to remain neuter, in order to be more 
 ** ufeful to the belles lettres, which are again 
 '*' flourifliing; and it feems to me alfo, that 
 ^'^ people fuccced better by a prudent mode- 
 
 *' ration^ 
 
i8^ 
 "ration, than by too much vehemence." An. 1519. 
 He concludes thus: '' There is a prior in the 
 " monaftery of Antwerp, who was formerly 
 *' one of your difciples : he is a true chrif- 
 " tian, and a man who loves you with a 
 ** great afFeftion : he is almoft the only one 
 " here who preaches Jefus Chrift. Tlie others 
 '' preach only human fables, or their own in- 
 *' terefl. I have begun to read your com- 
 " mentary on the Pfalms j it pleafes me 
 ^' much, and I hope it will be of great 
 *' ufe." 
 
 We have brought forward this letter of Thefame . 
 
 Eralmus 
 
 Erafmus, lefs to do honour to Luther than wnrcstoche 
 
 eleiflor of 
 
 to inform the reader, what was the charaifler ^o^^^y re- 
 of the univerfity of Louvain which cenfured i^^ti-er. 
 his writings; and to draw down upon his ad- 
 verfaries thofc injurious prejudices with which 
 they yet amufe the people in order to divert 
 them from the examination of the truth. 
 Almoft all the learned and good men fivour- 
 ed the reformation, the neceffity of which 
 they knewj and on the fide of thofe wlio op- 
 pofed it, fcarce any thing was to be feen, but 
 interell, ignoran-ce, and vice. Eralmus, 
 rnoreover, had written to the eieftor, that the 
 condud of Luther was univerfally efteemed, 
 sad his books eagerly read ; a teftimony, 
 
 which 
 
The corde- 
 liers write 
 againft Lu. 
 ther, who 
 
 i86 
 
 An. T519. which not a little contributed to determine 
 that prince to prote(fl him. 
 
 While this teacher became every day more 
 celebrated, the cordeliers undertook to de- 
 thcm^in a ^^'""'^ ^"""- They wc re interefted in the mat- 
 Sne!""^ ter of indulgences, and their brother Samfon, 
 who had preached them in Switzerland, had 
 been recalled for excelTes fimilar to thofe of 
 the coIle6tors of Germany. Befides, their 
 general, Chriftopher de Forlivio, had had the 
 direiVion of indulgences in twenty-five pro- 
 vinces. Thc'fe cordeliers being aflembled in 
 a chapter at Jutterbock, a little town in the 
 neighbourhood of Wittemberg, were defirous 
 of fignalizing their zeal by condemning fifteen 
 propofitions which they had extracted from 
 Luther's books. He refuted them * j but it 
 was with menaces that if they did not retraft he 
 would treat them fo roughly, them and their 
 order, that they fhould repent having attacked 
 him. Eckius undertook the defence of the 
 cordeliers -, and Luther replied in an apology 
 which was afterwards publifhcd. 
 The tiifpute It was then that the difpute began to grow 
 b. tweeii tc- warm between thefe two dodors. Eckius 
 
 k.js and 
 Lurher. 
 
 • Lnther's nnfwcr to the cordeliers is dated oa 
 Jubilate Sunday, which is about the middle of April. 
 
 publiflied 
 
18; 
 publilhed thirteen propofitions contrary to An. 1519. 
 the do<flrine of Luther and Luther oppofed 
 him with thirteen others. The laft which 
 related to the authority of the pope was the 
 moft important. Eckius maintained in his, 
 that the authority of the pope over all the 
 churches is of divine right. Luther, on the 
 contrary, aflerted that this authority is up- 
 held only by the deprees of the popes them- 
 felves, to which he could oppofe the fcrip- 
 ture, hiftorical accounts approved for eleven 
 centuries, and the canons of the firfl council 
 of N ice. 
 
 The court of Saxony alarmed at this Thecourt^ 
 
 of Saxony 5$ 
 
 thefis made Spalatinus write to him concern- "°^ pieafed 
 
 * with one of 
 
 ins; it. He replied ; but the court not beine Lutii^'s 
 
 *=• * o thefes. 
 
 fatisfied with his reafons, he wrote again to 
 Spalatinus, " that there was no occafion for 
 •' fo much alarm about his propofition;; that 
 <* after all the dangers he had run, he could 
 *' have no doubt of the protection of God; 
 *' that the chancellor of Pomerania had heard 
 *' from Rome that the court had been fo 
 «' troubled with the explanation of his firft 
 *' thefes againft Tetzc;, and with his reply 
 *« to the dialogue of Prierias, that it had had 
 <^ recourfe to the arms of Italy, that is to fay, 
 I **tQ 
 
i88 
 An. 1519. " to poifoners and affalTins, to put him to 
 *' death; that if he were not withheld by 
 " refpeift for the eledor and for the univer- 
 " fity of Wittemberg, he would unbofom 
 " hinnfelf againft Rome, or rather againft 
 *' that Babylon which equally exercifcd its ■ 
 " violence againft the fcripture; and that, in 
 " fine, it was neceflary to give up the one or 
 "the other J that if God were the author of 
 " his enterprize, he would take care to defend 
 " it. I have always protefled to you," adds 
 he at the conclufion, *' that I was ready to 
 " withdraw myfelf as foon as I could no 
 *' longer remain here, without involving our 
 " prince in the misfortunes which threaten 
 " me ; for as to myfelf I cannot avoid death, 
 " although in my apology *, which is juft 
 " publiflied, I fufficiently flatter the Roman 
 *' church and its pontiff, if, however, that 
 *' could be of any fervice." 
 
 * This apology is a work which Luther compofed in 
 Germony, and which he retratled afterwards (as he 
 did many oih-rs) in the Latin preface to his works, 
 printed in 15-15. The foundation of this work is the 
 ofl'ence which was taken at liis writings. He appears 
 to have compo!"ed it with the view of favouring the 
 reconciliation which Aliltitz was negotiating. 
 
 Meantime, 
 
iSg 
 
 Meantime, in order to give fome fatif- a:i. 1519. 
 faftion to the court*, he compofed an expla- priniranez- 
 nation of his thirteenth thefis. The work was LfuS/ 
 not made public until fome time had elapf- 
 ed, and after the difputation of Leipfick. He 
 firft excufes the vehemence of his writings, 
 and alleges, as the caufe of it, the pride and 
 malignity of his adverfaries. Entering then 
 upon the point, he accedes to the fupeiiority 
 of the pope over all the churches j but he 
 allows no otlier foundation for it than the 
 confent x)f the people, which, neverthelefs, 
 does not render the authority lefs juft, or 
 even lefs inviolable, becaufe St. Paul dire6ls 
 that obedience be paid to the powers even 
 when they abufe their authority. With re- 
 gard to the proofs drawn from fcripture in 
 favour of the authority of the pope, he rejefts 
 them, and fhews that the promifes made to 
 St Peter were made to all the apofiles, as the 
 ancient fathers have faid ; that if the Roman 
 church chofc to appropriate to itfelf all that 
 Jefus Chrift has faid to St. Peter, it ought 
 alfo to apply to itfelf thofe terrible words : 
 
 * This writing ^vas compofed in the month of May, 
 as appears by a letter to Lang, dated on the fecond 
 holiday after Exaudi Sunday, which is about the be- 
 ginning of May. 
 
 '' Get 
 
190 
 
 An. i5!9. " Get thee behind me, Satan, thou art an 
 *' offence unto mej for thou favoureft not 
 " the things that are of God, but thofe that 
 " are of men " And after having recited a 
 great number of arguments drawn from the 
 ancient fathers, he dwelt much upon that 
 "which he draws from the council of Nice, and 
 which he terms invincible. This argument 
 is to be found in the fixth canon *, which 
 was forged afterwards by the legates of Zofi- 
 mus at the council of Carthage, and by thofe 
 of Leo f at the council of Chalcedon. This 
 
 canon 
 
 * Zofimus fent ]egrites to the fixth council of Car- 
 thage to fupport the appeals of the Africans to the fee 
 of Rome. Fauftini, the pope's legate, alleged in de- 
 fence of them a canon of the council of Nice. This 
 was a fraud, which was evidently proved by the bi- 
 fliops of Africa. They fent exprefs to Conftantinoplfe, 
 in order to obtain an authentic copy of the canons of 
 the council of Nice, and the pretended article was not 
 to be found in it. The canon cited by Fauftini was of 
 the council of Sardis.. held in the year 3 4/, which was 
 not an oecumenical council. Befides it is a very ob- 
 fcure confufed canon, and does not give to the pope the 
 power Fauft.ini pretends to attribute to him. 
 
 ■f- The cEcumenical council of Chalcedon gave, byits 
 laft canon, the fame privileges to the bi (hop of Con- 
 fiantinople, whicli the firlt bilhop of Rome polfeliedj 
 and it founded its decrees upon this ground that the 
 prerogatives of the bilhop of Rome arofe from the 
 dignity of the city 3 fo that, in courfe, Coullantinople 
 
 having 
 
IQT 
 
 canon eftablifhes the prcenninence of the An. 1519. 
 bifhop of Rome upon cuftom, and gives to 
 the patriarch of Alexandria, over the churches 
 of Egypt, a power equal to that of the church 
 of Rome over the churches of which Rome 
 is the metropoHtan. He adds the decree of 
 the council of Carthage, cited by Gratian, 
 which declares, " that the bifhop of the 
 *^ former fee fhould be no longer called 
 " prince of the priefts, or fovercign pontiff; 
 " that no fimilar tide lliouid be given him, 
 " but only that of bifhop of the former fee ; 
 *' and that the pontiff of Rome himfelf fliould 
 " no longer be called the oecumenical bi- 
 " fhop.'* He did not forget hkewife the 
 letters of Pelagius and Gregory, wherein 
 thofe popes condemn the title of univerfal 
 hijhop^ as a title of pride injurious to the 
 other patriarchs. Finally, it muft be re- 
 marked that Luther at that time diftinguilhed 
 the Roman church from the court of Rome, 
 
 having become, the new 'Rome and the feat of Empire^ 
 the bilhop of this latter city ought to be equal to the 
 bifliop of the former. Pafchalini, legate of pope Leo, 
 oppofed it, and endeavoured to maintain his oppolition 
 by the fixth canon of the council of Nicej but he was 
 convinced of the forgery by the originals, or authen- 
 tic copies of that council, which were produced to 
 him. 
 
 ^ as 
 
An. 1519. as the princes had done at the diet of Aiigf- 
 buro; in i '18. He gives to the former the 
 titles of which the popes are fo proud, but he 
 leaves it that of mijire/s of the world only for 
 the purpofe of corre6bing the vices thereof, 
 not for that of pofTcfling its riches. It v/as 
 this point of the preeminence and authority 
 of the popes which was agitated with the 
 greateft warmth in the famous difputation of 
 Leipfick, the hiftory of which it is neceffary 
 to relate, 
 Hiftory of Andrcw Rodenftein, furnamed Carlofla- 
 difpuuLion dius from, the place of his birth, was prcfeflbr 
 k^uTo^none" of divinity at Wittcmbcrg, and canon and arch- 
 Cariofl"adi,.s dcaCon of the collegiate church of All Saints« 
 oSihe^otCr. Hc had entered into the dilpute between 
 Luther and Eckius; and the latter, who faw 
 I.uther at Augfburg, propofed to him a pub- 
 lic difputation with Carloftadius, and took 
 upon himfelf the care of finding the place and 
 appointing the time. But in order to incite 
 him to it, he publifhed the thefes of which 
 mention has been made, and wrote to Lu- 
 ther*, that he was defirous alfo of difputing 
 with him. Carloftadius reduced his opinion 
 to certain conclufions which it behoved him 
 
 * Eckius's letter is from Ingolftadt, dated 2()th 
 February. 
 
 to 
 
193 
 
 to fupport ; and Eckius intreated the univer- An. 1519. 
 fity of Leipfick to permit that the fcene 
 of aftion fliould be in their city. The uni- 
 verfity refufed it ; but George duke of Sax- 
 ony and the fenate allowed it. 
 
 Adolphus, prince of Anhalt, bifhop of The bifhop 
 
 of the place 
 
 Merfburg, in the diocefe of wh'.ch Leipfick oppofes the 
 
 difputation ; 
 
 was, oppofed the permiffion which the duke but the duke 
 
 orders it. 
 
 and fenate had given, and forbade the difpu- 
 tation. But the duke wrote him a very 
 flrong letter upon that occafion, in which 
 he reprefented, that it was neceffary the peo- 
 ple fhould know vi^hether indulgences did 
 deliver fouls from purgatory or not; that the 
 pope and cardinals ought by no means to 
 be offended that the laity inflrudt themfelves 
 in the dodrine of falvation ; that divines 
 ought to defend the Tuth, or renounce their 
 privileges and their revenues; that the bifhop 
 prote6led the colle6lors too much ; that if 
 they did not appear at the appointed time all 
 the world would judge that they were only 
 deceiverSj and that he himfelf would declare, 
 by a public edi6l, their ignorance and their 
 impofture. Notwithftanding thefe remon- 
 ftrances the bifhop afHxed an ordinance upon 
 the doors of the church, on the 17th of June, 
 by which he forbade the difputation under 
 O paixi 
 
194 
 
 An. IS 19- P^'" °^ excommunication. But the fenatc 
 had this prohibition torn down by order of 
 the duke, and imprifoned the perfon who had 
 fixed it up. 
 
 Conditions The do6tors repaired to Leipfick on the 
 
 ar^ agreed 
 
 on- 8th of June*. Thofe of Wittembcrg were 
 
 accompanied by Barnimus, duke of Pome- 
 rania, who was then ftudying in their univer- 
 fity, of which he was honorary duke. A 
 great number of ftudents followed; and it 
 was remarked that they were armed, which 
 ought not to have raifed any furprife as they 
 were travellers. Two days pafTed in regu- 
 lating the preliminaries. Carloftadius re- 
 quired fecretaries, and was defirous that the 
 proceedings fhould be printed, and that the 
 decifions thereon fhould be left to the public. 
 Eckius did not find his advantage in thefe 
 conditions. He faid that the tardinefs of 
 fecretaries would render the difputation te- 
 dious. Carlofladius replied that it would be 
 the more exad. Eckius, at laft, gave up 
 this point, in order to gain another of more 
 
 * The Chronicle of Leiplick remarks with aftoiiKh- 
 ment that of three bifliops and eleven abbots, who 
 were in the dominions of duke George, not one of 
 them aflirted at the difputation. However the MSS. 
 of the library of St. Paul mention that three of thofe 
 abbots were prefent. 
 
 importance. 
 
195 
 
 importance. lie was defirous that the pro- An. isi9« 
 ceedings fliould be fecretj and that they 
 Ihould fubmit themfelves to the judgment 
 of fome univerfity. This was afiuring him- 
 felf of victory. All the fchools were Semi- 
 pelagians, and none of them were hardy 
 enough to pronounce in favour of Carlofta- 
 dius and Luther, declared heretics, or fuf« 
 pefted of herefy. This article was never- 
 thelefs conceded to him. Secretaries were 
 chofen on one part and on the other; John 
 Polyander, who was named by Eckius, 
 adopted, by fome capricious alteration, the 
 fide of Luther, and John /^gricola of Illeben, 
 named by Luther, became in confequence 
 one of his enemies. 
 
 The difputation commenced* the i8th of Excellent 
 June, in a hall of the caftle. Peter Schade, from a 
 furnamed Mofellan f, becaufe he was of a feffrV-foi-e 
 
 the difputa. 
 tiojl. 
 
 * All fay the 27th of June 3 and Melanchthon him- 
 felf, who was prefent at the difputation, fays fo in a 
 letter to one of his friends. 
 
 t Mofellan was a young man of great promife in 
 point of knowledge in the belles lettres He unfor- 
 tunately died, being drowned in 15 24, on the 17th of 
 March, at about thirty one years of age. His tomb is 
 to be feen at Leipfick in the church of St. Nicholas, 
 with an honourable epitaph compofed by Julius Phlug^ 
 who was afterwards bilhop of Naumburg. 
 
 O 2 village 
 
196' 
 
 An. 1 519. village upon the Mofelle, was profeflbr of 
 Greek, although he was then but twenty-fix 
 years of age, and was the perfon who opened 
 the difputation by a very eloquent difcourfe, 
 in which he exhorted the difputants to tieat 
 religious fubje(5ts with the refpedl and can- 
 dour they deferved. He reprefented to them 
 that in fuch a conteft, where vidtory is not 
 the effcS: of the powers of man, there is 
 neither glory in conquering, nor Ihame in 
 being conquered, becaufe the vi6tor can only 
 communicate knowledge for which he is in- 
 debted to God J and that the vanquifhed 
 party was liberated from error, into which 
 human weaknefs betrays mankind ; that Plato 
 extolled Socrates for choofing rather to be 
 conquered than to conquer in difpute j and 
 that it would ill become chriftians to have 
 lefs wifdom and humility than a pagan, and 
 to efteem it a difgrace to learn from others 
 the truth of which they themfelves were 
 ignorant. Caifar Phlugius * pronounced 
 another difcourfe upon the fame fubjedt. 
 The hymn of invocation to the Holy Ght)ft 
 was fungi and the theologians promifed to re- 
 
 * He is denominated Eq^iusauratu!. 
 
 flraln 
 
"^97 
 
 ftrain themfelves within the bounds of mode- An. 1SJ9, 
 ration, 
 
 Carloftadius and Eckius began the dif Carioftadius 
 
 . and Eckius 
 
 putation. They were oppofitc in every thing, aifpute upon 
 In Carloftadius were remarked the gravity 
 and modefty of a divine who difputes for 
 truth and not for glory. He advanced no- 
 thing without producing his authors, and did 
 not even admit the quotations made by his 
 adverfary, until he had firft compared them 
 accurately with the originals. This exa6tnefs 
 procured him the efteem of the learned j but 
 others imputed it to the dullnefs of his un- 
 derftanding. 
 
 The deportment of Eckius was extremely 
 different *. His clamours, his proud looks, 
 
 his 
 
 * Zuinglius has given the charafter of Eckius. In 
 order that it may not be thought that our authors im- 
 pofe on us in this point, I fliall here introduce the por- 
 trait which r. F. Pic gives of the do6tors, who were 
 the fchoolmen of his time. De Stud Div. et Hum. 
 Phil. lib. i. cap. v. p. 13. Quo \'itii genere namely 
 that of calumniating their adverfaries), fatagunt cap- 
 tare favorem ignari vulgi, cujus adeo corruptum judi- 
 cium, ut eum, qui ad ftentoris invidiam (as another 
 ftentor) vociferat, exquifitiores calumnias jadat, doc- 
 ti'orem credat. Qua re fit, ut multi, dum parare fibi, 
 aut excogitare argumenta deberent, enixe quaerunt 
 hiflrionum gefticulationes, morefque adverfariorum vi- 
 lipendendi formas, utadflantibus imperitis rifutn excu- 
 O 3 tiat 
 
198 
 
 An. 1519. his haughty gait, befpokc much more the 
 foldier than the man of letters. His aflion 
 in fpeaking refcmbled that of the theatre, and 
 it might have been imagined that a Gorgias 
 was heard, fo much vanity did this man dif- 
 play, and praife himfelf with fo much ef- 
 frontery. He loft by this, in the opinion of 
 judicious people, much of the efteem his re- 
 putatiorv had acquired. In fine, he had a 
 happy memory -, he fpoke with eafe, and he 
 was well verfed in the art of the fophifts. 
 The duke George was prefent, in the begin- 
 ning, at the difputation ; but care was taken 
 to feduce him from it afterwards, in order to 
 perfuade him the more eafily to give credit 
 to the calumnies they were about to invent 
 againft Luther. 
 
 Carioftadius Carloftadius defended the doflrine of grace 
 
 fupports the - . -n 1 • • 
 
 abfoiutein. againft thc powers or free-will, and maintain- 
 
 fufficicncy . ^ 
 
 of man. ed that nature, in its prelent depraved ftate, 
 had, of itfelf, neither the power to do good, 
 nor of fitting itfelf to receive grace, or 
 to deferve it by that difpofition which the 
 
 tiat, eique, qui contra ant oppofnerat, aut repiehen- 
 derat, pndorem, fi naturae mUis ; fi rigidce et ettVoenae, 
 furorem et infaniam. We fee by the above palHige, 
 that this was a vice common to all the fcboolmen ©f 
 that age. 
 
 fchools 
 
199 
 fchools have termed merit of congruity, I'his An. 1519. 
 was the fubjed of the difpute ; and every- 
 one waited to fee either the ftrength or the 
 weaknefs of the will in the converfion of man 
 completely developed. But inftead of that, 
 the dilpurants, led away by the fpirit of con- 
 troverfy, were difpofed to enter into thorny 
 and ambiguous queftions, fufceptible of all 
 the artifices and fubtilty of the fophifts. 
 
 The propofition of Carloftadius * was, Eckius fup. 
 
 porta the 
 
 ^hat all good works are entirely the effect of contrary. 
 the grace of God. Eckius did not dare to 
 deny the propofition \ but he made ule of a 
 diilinflion which paffed for a fubtil one with 
 thofe of his own party, and for a mere fo- 
 phifm with the others. This diftindion f is : 
 ^hat every good work -proceeds from God^ but 
 not abjolutely. He alleged, in defence of * 
 his diftin6lion, that the foul of man is whole 
 and entire in the hand, but that it is not to- 
 tally there, becaufe it is alfo in the other parts 
 of the body j that in like manner, the bleffed 
 fee the whole eflence of God, but that they 
 do not fee it totally, becaufe it exifts elfewhere 
 than in heaven. It was fcarcely poflible to 
 
 Omne bonum opus totum efle a Deo. 
 t Omne opus bonum efle a Deo, fed non totaliter. 
 
 O 4 produce 
 
200 
 
 An. 1519. produce any thing lefs to the purpofe, or 
 more foreign from the queftion ; becaufe the 
 point was to afcertain whether free-will were 
 the partial caufe of good works, by concur- 
 ring with grace. This is what Carloftadius 
 denied, and what Eckius was bound to prove j 
 and certainly there was nothing lefs fuited to 
 clear up the point, than thefe comp r fons be- 
 tween the foul and the eflence of God. 
 Opinion of Carloftadius, in order to take away all co- 
 dius.° *' operation of free-wiil with grace in good 
 works, advanced in the difpute, that the will 
 of unregenerated man is purely pafllve with 
 refpedt to the grace of God, which operates 
 in it, and by it, ali the good that is in man. 
 He did not pretend that the will of man was 
 deftitute of adion at the time when God con- 
 verted it, becaufe it is not converted without 
 willing it. He acknowledged in the foul 
 the natural power of a6cing and willing, which 
 has not been taken from it by fin ; but he 
 afferted that the moral j.:ov\er of doing good 
 proceeds wholly and entirely from grace; that 
 the foul does no more than receive it, and 
 that in this refped: it is purely pajjive^ al- 
 though, after having received that power from 
 God, it exercifes it under the direcflion and 
 with the continual affiftance of grace, by the 
 
 performance 
 
501 
 performance of good works. Thus the opi- An, 1519, 
 nion of Carloftadius refolves itfelf into that 
 which St. Auguftin declares in thefe words : 
 " It is certain that it is ourfelves who will, 
 '^ but it is God who caufes us to will, by 
 " working the will in us. It is alfo certain 
 " that it is ourlelves who af}", but it is God 
 " who caufes us to aft by furnifhing the will 
 " with powers the mod efficacious*." On 
 this fubjeft he cited many pafTages of St. 
 Augullin and the other fathers, and laid great 
 ftrefs upon that of St. Paul, " It is God who 
 " works in us to will and to do f ." 
 
 tckius, on the contrary, maintained that opinion of 
 grace only excites the will, which, by a free 
 confent it either gives or refufes, independent 
 of that very grace, renders it efFeftual or in- 
 effeftual to the converfion of man. After 
 many difputes on thefe abfrra6l points, Ec- 
 kius, either preffed by the reafons of Carlo- 
 ftadius, or afting through artifice, fell upon 
 an expedient which gave him the vi6lory in 
 the opinion of thofe of his party. He adopt- 
 ed the fentiments of Carlofladius, and ex- 
 claimed, with a triumphant air, that he had 
 
 * De Gratia et Lib. Arb. cap. xvi. 
 t Philip, ii. 13, 
 
 brought 
 
505 
 An. 15)5. brought him into his own ; adding, that all the 
 fchoolmen had tauc^ht nothino- but what he 
 then afTcrted. The artifice was grofs ; but as 
 what he had advanced of the fchoolmen was 
 too rafh to be fupported, he abandoned 
 Scotus and Capreolus with their followers, 
 quoting fome other fchoolmen, as William 
 bifhop of Auxerre, &:c. It was, however, a 
 matter of high triumph for Carloftadius to 
 have compelled his adverfary to give up 
 the greateft mafters of the fchool ; almoft 
 all the moderns, except Gregory d'Ari- 
 mini, profelTor at Paris, having embraced 
 Semi-pelagianifm. Eckius, it is true, denied 
 afterwards that he had made this concefTion ; 
 but Luther alTerted it to his face in the dif- 
 putation of the 6th of July. He could not 
 deny his having acknowledged to Carlofta- 
 dius, that free-will without grace can only 
 do evil. But he fuppofed he could extricate 
 himfelf from the difficulty, by this trifling 
 evafion, that he had termed that evil which 
 is not meritorious, or which is indifferent, or 
 which, in fhort, is good only becaufe it pof- 
 fefles merit of congruity. 
 SuperorUy Eckius had the advantao;e over Carlofta- 
 
 ofCarlolla- . . 
 
 dius over dius in flucucy of exprefllon, and Carlofta- 
 dius over Eckius in candour and folidity. 
 
 As 
 
 Eckius. 
 
503 
 As long as he could make ufe of his books, An, 1519. 
 he convicted Eckius of untrue and rafh aflfer- 
 tions ; but when he was obliged to quit them 
 by the clamours of tne. aflembly, and the im- 
 portunity of Eckius, he loft much of his ad- 
 vantage He had a defedtive memory, which 
 was attributed to the too frequent and too co- 
 pious bleedings he had undergone ; by which 
 means Eckius, whofe memory was very 
 good, difputed at that time in a more fpe- 
 cious and dazzling manner. But as to his 
 propofitions, Luther affirmed with an oath 
 that they remained in their full force; Me- 
 lanchthon, Mofcllan, and ethers, bore wit- 
 nefs to the fame; fince which Eckius and 
 he wrote one againft the other with all 
 the vehemence imaginable. It appeared, 
 by their writings, that Carloftadius denied 
 the concurrence of free-will with grace ; that 
 he reje6led in this fenfe the expreflion of St. 
 Bernard, who calls man, Jocium Deiy in the 
 ad: of converfion; and that he only admitted 
 what St. Jerome fays, '■'■ it is ouns to pray, 
 ** it is ours to begin," by fuppofing that 
 thefe prayers and thefe beginnings are thcm- 
 felves the effedls of grace. The opinion of 
 Eckius was, on the contrary, that grace pre- 
 jcedes and excites free-will ; that with relped 
 
 to 
 
504 
 An. 1519. to this firfl: grace, free-will is purely paflivc ; 
 but that the confent which it gives to grace 
 is partly the cfFedl of this very grace, and 
 partly that of the powers of free will j that 
 it is in confideration of this confent of free- 
 will that God difpenfes juftifying grace, with 
 regard to which the will is ftill purely paf- 
 fivej a do(?brine which has, in the Ronnan 
 church, thofe who approve, and thofe who 
 cenfure it. What nnay be faid on this matter 
 is, that thefe nice diflinftions in delicate and 
 abflrufe points, have ever been as unprofitable 
 as fatal to the peace of the church ; and that, 
 '■ in fliort, it is high tinne, that, treading under 
 
 foot thefe ufelefs fpeculations, it fhould be 
 univerfally acknowledged, that we are in- 
 debted to God for every good, and that we 
 ourfelves are the only caufe of every evil 
 wh"ch is in us. 
 Hckius gives After CaHoftadius and F.ckius had difputed 
 to^uthe^ vehemently for feveral days, the latter, in or- 
 ic. ^"^^" der to merit the favours of the court of Rome 
 -by attacking its mod formidable enemy, 
 gave a challenge to Luther. The friends of 
 the latter reprefented to him, that he could 
 not, without extreme imprudence, commit 
 himfelf with a man who was vanity, roguery, 
 and dilTimulation itfelfj that he ought to 
 
 know 
 
know him by the epiftles of Erafmus and ao. 15 19. 
 Zazius, who had drawn his charafter, al- 
 though he were not fufficiently known by the 
 difputation of which he had juft been a wit- 
 nefs. They added, that Eckius fought only 
 to ruin him, and that he would infallibly ac- 
 complifh it by engaging him to advance pro- 
 pofitions which, however true, ought to be 
 fupprefled under the circumftances in which 
 he flood ; that the whole of the auditory was 
 againft him j that he was going to give up 
 his caufe to his opponents; and that he might 
 make an honourable retreat by alleging that 
 he had not a fafe-condudt. In fine, they 
 prefTed him with the authority of the court, 
 which dreaded the confequence of this dif^ 
 pute. Luther was convinced of the folidity 
 of thefe reafons, but he could not refolve to 
 leave to Eckius the glory of having defied 
 him ; and the duke having granted the fafe- 
 condud of which he flood in need, he aCr 
 cepted the difputation. The univerfities of 
 Paris and Erford were to be the judges ; but 
 neither the one nor the other, fome perfons 
 excepted, could agree upon the matter, and 
 the decifion of the difference was referred to 
 the duke. This contefl was, however, in- 
 efFc6tual. The univerfities did not pro- 
 nounce 
 
 3 
 
2o6 
 
 An* 1519- nouncc any judgment. That of Erford re- 
 mained filent; and the univerfity of Paris, 
 which publifhed itsccnfure in 1521, inflided 
 it upon extradts from the books of Luther, 
 and not upon the difputation of Leipfick. 
 Thofe who have faid the contrary are de- 
 ceived *. 
 
 During the fettlement of thefe prelimina- 
 ries Eckius wrote a letter to his brethren of 
 Ingolftadtf , a copy of which was obtained, and 
 publifhed, out of waggery by his adverfaries. 
 It is replete with fuch praifes as a braggard 
 would bellow on himfeif j and Eckius is not 
 afliamcd to affert that he was the admiration of 
 all his hearers. He had even the impudence 
 to relate what had given him the greateft advan- 
 tage; although he thereby let it be feen how 
 ill fitted he was to obferve the vow of con- 
 tinence. He added in the margin, " I have 
 " played Luther a trick, which 1 will tell you 
 ** tete a tete." The letter was piinted for 
 the purpofe of expofing to all the world the 
 artifice, the vanity, and the corruption of this 
 man. 
 
 * Maimbourg is deceived in this refpe6l. 
 
 -f- This letter was written to George Haven, and to 
 Francis Burcard, profeflbr in the univerlity of Jngol- 
 ftadt. It is dated Jft July. 
 
 The 
 
50/ 
 
 The difputation did not commence until An. 1519. 
 the 4th of July, and turned upon the thirteen JJJ[j)^ e,,^" 
 proportions already mentioned. The prin- LuUie"/ 
 cipal part of the difpute concerned the laft 
 of them, namely, whether the authority of 
 the pope over all the churches is of divine 
 right or not. This was agitated during the 
 firfl days. It was by the trial of this quef- 
 tion that Eckius hoped to make his own for- 
 tune, and to ruin Luther. He alleged firft, 
 that the church not being able to exifl: with- 
 out a head, the authority of the pope was of 
 divine right, God having inftituted every 
 thing which is elTential to the prefervation of 
 the church. But Luther anfwered, that Jefus 
 Chrift was the head of the church, and that 
 it ought to have no other. Eckius produced 
 the paflage of the i6th of St. Macthew : 
 *' Thou art Peter, and upon this rock I will 
 " build my church." Luther maintained that 
 this rock, which is the foundation of the church, 
 was Jefus Chrift, which St. Peter had confefTed. 
 He alleged the words of St. Paul: " Other 
 foundation can no man lay than that which 
 " has been laid, namely, Jefus Chrift * ;" 
 and thofe of St. Peter, who calls Jefus Chrift 
 
 * 1 Cor. iii. 11. 
 
 *' the 
 
2o8 
 
 Aa. 1519. «c |-}^g living and corner done*.'* And as 
 Eckius had advanced that St. Auguftine ex- 
 plained the paffage in queftion of St. Peter 
 hirnfelf and that he had never retracbed, Lu- 
 ther remarked that he had faid in his recan- 
 tations, " that St. Peter was not the rock, 
 '' but that he had acknowledged the rock -," 
 and that, in one of his homilies, he had ex- 
 prcfsly excluded the fenfe that Eckius put on 
 it, by faying, '■' it is upon the rock, not upon 
 " thee, but upon the rock which thou haft 
 " acknowledged." He laid great itrefs upon 
 the abfurdities which would follow, if it were 
 faid that St. Peter is the foundation of the 
 church, and made it appear that what Jefus 
 Chrift had faid, at times, to this apoftle, he 
 had faid to all his fellow apoftlcs : that, for 
 example, Jefus Chrift had faid to St. Peter, 
 " I will give unto thee the keys of the king- 
 " dom of heaven j" although the other dif- 
 ciples had received them as well as he. 
 
 They proceeded to the palTage of St. 
 John, * Feed my fheep." Luther, upon this 
 occafion, gave an excellent lefTon to the 
 ecclefiaftics, and cenfured, with great free- 
 dom, the tyranny of paftors : replying then 
 
 • 1 Peter ii. 4, 6. 
 
 to 
 
509 
 
 to the argument, he Ihewed that Jefus An. 1519, 
 Chrift had given the fame authority to 
 all the apoftles ; that he had faid equally to 
 them all, " Receive ye the Holy * Ghofl ; 
 ''teach all nations-]-^ whofoever fins ye re- 
 *' mit, they are remitted unto them Jj" by 
 which it is evident that all the apoftles were 
 paftors of the church as well as St. Peter, 
 fince that office confifted in teaching the v/ord 
 of God, and in remitting the fins of the 
 penitent. 
 
 Eckius did not fail to reproach Luther 
 with the herefy of the Bohemians §, becaufe 
 among Wickhffe's articles this had been con- 
 demned, that " it is not neceffary to falvation 
 " to believe that the Roman church is the 
 " fovereign of all the churches ;" and among 
 thofe of John Hus, " that St. Peter was not 
 the head of the univerfal church." Luther, 
 
 • John XX. 22. 
 
 t Matt, xxviii. 19. 
 + John XX. 23. 
 
 § Id ipfum (quod eflet fautor Eohemorum) tanquam 
 gravem calumniam a fe rejiciens Luther, nunquam, 
 mihi, inquit, placuit, nee in aeternum placebit, quod- 
 cunque fchifma inique faciam, quod fe autoritate pro- 
 pria feparant a noftra unitate, etiamli jus divinum pro 
 lis ftaiet. This is carrying averfion from fchifm to a 
 great extent. Apu4 Hofp. Hift. facram, p. 5. 
 
 P V9h0 
 
510 
 
 An. 15 1 9. who perceived the artifice and maHce of his 
 adverfary, contented himfelf with anfwcring, 
 that he did not countenance thefc fchifma- 
 ticsi but that it mufl: be confciTed, that 
 among the articles framed by WickUffe, and 
 by John Hus, there were fome extremely 
 evangelical, and that widiout examining whe- 
 ther this, *' it is not neceflary to falvation 
 " to believe the fuperiority of the Roman 
 " ch.urch over all the churches/' be the doc- 
 trine of Wickliffe and John Hus or not, 
 yet the contrary could not be maintained 
 without condemning Gregory of Nazianzum, 
 St. Bafil, St. Epiphanius, St. Cyprian, and all 
 the Greek bifliops, who had never acknow- 
 ledged this authority in the bifliop of Rome, 
 and who had never required from him the 
 confirmation of epifcopal dignity; that it 
 was certain there was no church at Rome 
 until about eighteen or twenty years after the 
 afcenfion of Jefus Chrift; and that it followed 
 that the univerfal church would have been 
 without a head during the whole of that time, 
 if the Roman church were the head of the 
 univerfal church. 
 
 Eckius made the mod of this, like a man 
 who knew how to avail himfelf of every ad- 
 vantage. He exaggerated the injury which 
 
 Luther 
 
211 
 
 Luther had done to the council of Conftance, An. i(,x^ 
 in calling thofc articles evangelical which 
 that council had condemned. But Luther 
 avoided the blow by faying, that it was better 
 to believe that the afts of the council had 
 been altered, than to fuppofe that it had con- 
 demned articles taken almofl: word for word 
 from fcripture and from St. Auguftine. 
 
 Luther infilled on the equality of the apof- 
 tles. Eckius agreed to it ; but while he al- 
 lowed they were equal in point of apoftle- 
 (hip, he denied it in point of epifcopacy, 
 pretending that they had received from Jcfus 
 Chrift the charge of apoftles, but that the 
 office of bifhop had been conferred on them 
 by St. Peter who had ordained them. The 
 idea was ridiculous. Luther oppofed to it the 
 paflage from the fecond chapter of the epiftle 
 to the Galatians, where St. Paul fays, that he 
 was in nothing inferior to the apoftles who 
 were in the greateft cfteem, among whom he 
 names Peter, and that thofe who ranked 
 the higheft had taught him nothing newj 
 whence Luther concluded that St. Paul 
 had received neither apoftlelhip nor epifco- 
 pacy from St. Peter. To this he added the 
 decree which forbids any one to call the 
 P 2 bifhop 
 
2i:i 
 
 An. 1519. bilhop of Rome an oecumenical bifliop^ 
 whereupon Eckius betook himfelf to the 
 evafion that the decree certainly forbade 
 calling the bifhop of Rome the univerfal 
 bilhop, but that it did not forbid calling 
 him bifhop of the univerfal church. 
 Sdtol'k-r ^^^"^ '^^^is queftion they palTed to thofe of 
 points. purgatory, indulgences, repentance, and the 
 power of abfolving penitents. Upon the 
 fubjeft of purgatory, Luther protefted that 
 he believed it * j that it even appeared to 
 him that Jefus Chrift had made mention of 
 it in fpeaking of the fin which fhould not be 
 forgiven either in this life or in that which is 
 to come ; that he admitted the paflage of the 
 Maccabees f, where praife is given for the 
 offering and prayers for the dead ; but he 
 confelTed at the fame time, that thefe two 
 pafTages were not conclufive ; that the for- 
 mer was perhaps, only a manner of fpeaking 
 which merely fignified that the fin againft the 
 Holy Ghoft fliould never be forgiven, that 
 it fliould be puniflied both in this world and 
 
 * Ego, qui credo fortiter, imo aufim dicere, fcio, 
 purgatorium efle, fncile perfuadeor in fcriptiiris dc eo 
 fieri nientionem. Hofp. ubi Tup. 
 
 f 2 Maccab. xii. 45. 
 
 in 
 
213 
 
 in the world to come; that the latter being An. 1519. 
 taken from a book which was not in the canon 
 might perfuade minds eafy of belief, but ap- 
 peared infufficient to convince others; and 
 that in fine it will not be fufficient to autho- 
 rize this book, that the church has received 
 it, becaule the church can very well declare 
 a book to be canonical when it is fuch, but 
 cannot m.ake it canonical when in reality it 
 is not fo. Eckius next quoted the pafiage 
 of I Corinthians, iii. 15. " If any man's 
 ** work be burnt, he fhall be faved, as 
 ** to himfelf, yet fo as by fire*," and added 
 fome explanation from the fathers. Luther, 
 without rejefling the meaning of purgatory, 
 maintained that it was, neverthelefs, more 
 natural to underftand this fire as fignifying 
 that of the laft judgment, or that of per- 
 fecution. It was remarked however, upon 
 the whole, that the two difputants wandered 
 from the point, becaufe the queftion then was 
 
 * Si I'cEuvre de quelqu'un brule, il fera fauve, quaut 
 3 lui, toutelois ainfi que par le feu. 
 
 The above is the quotation as given by M. deBeau- 
 fobre, from wiiich I do not think myfelf at liberty to 
 depart, although it appears that the words anfwering 
 to the exprelhon in our fcriptures, " he {hall fuffer 
 ♦• iofs," (sY/aiwdryiTfrai) are omitted. M. 
 
 P 3 not 
 
214 
 
 An. 1519. not to know whether purgatory had any 
 foundation in fcripture, but whether the pope 
 poflefled the power of dehvering fouls out of 
 it by his indulgences. 
 
 They came to the queftion of indulgences 
 on the nth of July. Hckius attacked this 
 propofition of Luther : " Indulgences being 
 ** the abolition of good works, there is folly 
 *' in maintaining that they are an advantage 
 " to the church." But he combated it only 
 by the authority of the church and of the 
 popes, who being infallible could never have 
 introduced a cuftom pernicious to the church. 
 Luther declared that he did not believe in- 
 dulgences to be pernicious in themlelvesj 
 that he was befides perfuaded of the infallibili- 
 ty of the church in matters of faith j but that 
 indulgences were not matters of faith, and that 
 after all he had only condemned the abufe of 
 themj that his propofition was indifputable, 
 fince the works of repentance being good 
 works, it could never be faid that it was an 
 advantage to the church to difpenfe with 
 them from believers. Luther and Eckius 
 remained nearly of the fame opinion upon 
 this article. The latter maintained that 
 indulgences ought not to be delpifed, but 
 
 that . 
 
that neither were they to be confided in; An. 1519, 
 and Luther declared, that if they had 
 been always treated of by others in the fame 
 manner as by Eckius, he Ihould have pre- 
 ferved a continual filence. Finally, indul- 
 gences were openly derided by both parties; 
 and all agreed that it was faying much in 
 their favour, to call them pious frauds. 
 
 On the 1 2th of the fame month they dif- 
 courfed upon repentance. Luther maintain- 
 ed that in order to be fincere and pleafing to 
 God, it muft have the love of God for its 
 principle. Eckius, on the contrary, afferted 
 that repentance was not the lefs conformable 
 to the divine law, although its principle were 
 only the fear of punifhment. On this head 
 he quoted feveral paflages from fcripture and 
 the fathers. But Luther replied, that fear 
 might certainly put a (top to bad exterior 
 anions, and enforce the practice of good 
 ones of the fame kind, but that true repen- 
 tance confifted in fomething more, namely, 
 in a change of the heart and affedions, in a 
 hatred of vice, in a love of virtue, and, 
 above all, in the love of God, which is the 
 moil perfe<5l of all virtues, and which even 
 renders the others pleafing to God. 
 
 P 4 On 
 
2l6 
 
 An. 1519. On the 13th they difcuffed the qucftlon of 
 abfolution and atonement. Eckius wifhed 
 to prove that God, by pardoning fin, did not 
 give up the infliiftion of piinifhment, and 
 quoted the example of Adam, whofe fin was 
 pardoned, but whofe pofterity continued to 
 bear the puniHiment of it ; and that of David 
 whom God forgave for the pride that led him 
 to number t-lie people, but punillied it in the 
 perfon of his people. Luther replied that 
 thefe examples were the confirmation of his 
 pofition; that he had faid that God fome- 
 tim.es changed eternal into temporal punifli- 
 ments ; but that no man had power to im- 
 pofe or remit fuch chaftifements ; that he 
 was perfuaded the pope and the priefts had 
 the power of difpenfing with punifliments 
 which they themfelves have impofed on fin- 
 ners ; but that with refpeft to thofe which 
 God inflifts, they could neither be abolifhed 
 nor leiTened by any authority upon earth. 
 Hence followed that grievous confequence to 
 the pope, that he had no jurifdidlion over 
 purgatory, the punifliments of which were 
 prefcribed by the juftice of God. 
 
 Upon the queftion of abfolution, Eckius 
 denied tha,t prieJIs had power to remit fin, 
 
 and 
 
21/ 
 a?id the punifliment of all fins indifcdmi- An. i5'9« 
 nately ; but in order to fupport his aflertion he 
 ^Ihged only the authority of bifhops, reafons 
 of propriety, and the edification of the 
 church. Sins, faid he, appear more odious 
 when all ranks of the clergy are not allowed 
 to give abfolution of them. But Luther re- 
 prefented that the refervation of this power 
 to bijliops, was far from rendering crimes 
 more hideous, fince all the world knew that 
 the mod enormous fins v/ere regarded at the 
 courts of bifliops as trivial offences, and 
 that they were not punilhed there with the 
 fame rigour as was exercifed in a parilh; 
 that, finally, it v/as a decree of the council of 
 Nice, that repentance was to be prefcribed 
 and praclifed wherever fin was committed ; 
 and that, in fhort, according to St. Paul, 
 there v/as no difference between pried and 
 bifhop. 
 
 Carloftadius and Eckius refumed their dif- peopv- .nt 
 pute for the fpace of two days, and it flill upon'thc 
 turned upon the fubjeds of free-will and thisdiipLuf 
 grace. When it was concluded, John Lang, ^"'"' 
 profelTor at Leipiick, pronounced an oration 
 in which he gave great praifes to Eckius ; 
 but he beftov/cd the fame on Carlofladius 
 
 an4 
 
2l8 
 
 ^n- 1519- and Luther. He admired in the latter a vafl 
 knowledge of theology, a mind aftive and 
 penetrating, an unremitting application in 
 the fearch for truth, a noble freedom in de- 
 claring it, and a life without blemilh. He 
 was of opinion, in fhort, that Luther was a 
 true difciple of St. Auguftinc, both in doc- 
 trine and in condudl. 
 
 People were much divided upon the fuc- 
 cefsof this difputation. The greater part of 
 the divines gave the advantage to Eckius. 
 They were of his principles in regard to the 
 controverfies which were agitated, and they 
 teftified fo much anger againft the doftors of 
 Wittemberg that they had not the civility to 
 pay them a vifit, or even to falute them. 
 Perhaps the jealoufy they entertained becaufe 
 the univerfity of Wittemberg caufed their own 
 to be almoft deferted, contributed to it. How- 
 ever that may be, they were hardy and ma- 
 licious enough to give out that Luther wore 
 on his finger a magic ring, which he made ufe 
 of for enchantments i and although Eckius 
 did not venture altogether to fupport fo ri- 
 diculous a calumny, he did not fail to in- 
 finuate it in a letter he wrote to the elciflor 
 of Saxony. Meanwhile, as thefe divines 
 I wifhed 
 
519 
 wlfhed to claim a part in the vidory they An. i^ig, 
 attributed to Eckius, they fpread the report 
 that Luther defended hinnfclf fo well, that 
 he would have overcome his adverfary 
 without their affiftance. Eckius, on the 
 contrary, wrote to his friends *, that the 
 doctors of Leipfick were good kind of people 
 enough, but that he had expelled to find 
 more learning among themj that he had 
 alone fupported the whole attack of Luthef; 
 and that he had nothing to lay to his charge 
 but the excefs of gencrofity with which he 
 gave him his anfwers over night, in order 
 that he might have leifure to confider them 
 before the fitting. 
 
 It was thought by fome that Luther had 
 furpafled Eckius in learning ; but that h'ckius 
 had fome advantage over him on the fide of 
 memory and expreffion. There did not, 
 however, appear any thing like it in the pro- 
 ceedings } and Luther's fpeaking was at leaft 
 equal to that of Eckius. The celebrated 
 Zazius, profefTor of law at Fridburg, whom 
 Erafmus called the moft learned, mod fin- 
 cere, and moft honeft man in f Germany, 
 
 * In his letter to Haven and Bucard before cited. 
 f See the letters of Erafmus, B. iii. ep- Sp. B. xii. 
 ep. 7. B. XV. ep. 17. B. xxiii. ep. Q. 
 
 gave 
 
220 
 
 An. 1 519. gave the viftory to Luther and Carlofladiu:, 
 although he was of opinion that the former 
 abafed too much the power of the pope. 
 But by the report of Mofellan and Spala- 
 tinus, the exaggerations of Eckius, and his 
 fervile and intercfled complaifance for the 
 pope and the court of Rome, injured him 
 greatly, and rendered him as contemptible as 
 the vanity and affeflation which appeared in 
 his manners and his difcourfes. As to Lu- 
 ther, he candidly acknowledged that the ap- 
 plaufes had not been on his fide of the quef- 
 tion ; but he proteftcd that all the objeflions 
 of the fchoolmen relative to the powers of 
 free-will, and to the perfe6lion of human 
 ri2;hteoufnefs, were annihilated by thefe two 
 principles, the one of St. Auguftine, " free- 
 " will without grace cannot but fin :" the 
 other of St. Ambrofe, " the more free-will 
 " attempts to aft, the nearer it approaches 
 <' to fin." 
 ThUd-ifpjte It is very certain, however, that this dif- 
 thi"Ppe" putation was extremely injurious to Luther 
 and to the pope. Many perfons who had 
 never doubted the authority of the bifliop of 
 Romie, began to open their eyes, upon read- 
 ing the proceedings which were publifhed; 
 
 and 
 
521 
 and the evafions praftifed by Ecklus were An. 1519. 
 infufficient to remove their fcruples. Eckius, 
 on his part, fpread abroad every where that 
 Luther had condemned the decrees of the 
 council of Conllance, and approved the ar- 
 ticles of Wickliffe and John Hus -, and as 
 the Bohemians were generally hated, no 
 other proof was wanted in the world to 
 perfuade people that Luther was a he- 
 retick. 
 
 The difputation at Leipfick was the oc- it occafion- 
 cafion of many works. Philip wrote an ac- number of 
 count of it to CEcolampadius : it foon fell 
 into the hands of Eckius j and although it 
 was written with much moderation, and he 
 himfelf honourably enough treated in it, yet 
 he was fo much offended that he made a very 
 (harp reply, in which he as much exalts his 
 own rank as a divine, as he debafes that of 
 Philip whom he treats as a petty gramma- 
 rian. He wifhed alfo to fow jealoufy be- 
 tween Luther and Melanchthon, by oppofing 
 the learning of the former r o the ignorance 
 of the latter. But Luther, ai-j enemy to ar- 
 tifice, repulfed this attempt with difdain. 
 Philip defended his narration in a Ihort apo- 
 logy, written with much moderation and 
 
 judgment ; 
 
222 
 
 An. 1519. Judgment; but he let his adverfary Tec, that, 
 althougli he were not a do(5Vor by title, he 
 was fcarcely Ids (killed in div.nicy than in 
 polite literature. 
 
 On the other fide, Eckius had the aflu- 
 rance to write to the eledlor of Saxony a let- 
 ter * very injurious to Lu*:her, and wifhed to 
 perfuade that prince to have his books burnt. 
 This would have been to raife his own glory 
 to the higheft pitch, and to afTure his tri- 
 umph. Frederick made a prudent and be- 
 coming reply, fuited to moderate the fury of 
 a violent controverfialiftj but at the fame 
 time he fent Eckius's letter to Luther and 
 Carloftadius, who did not fail to anfwer it as 
 it deferved -f. Eckius replied, and forgot 
 nothing that could vilify the perfon and doc- 
 trine of Luther. It was a very malicious 
 writing, and contained in a Ihort compafs all 
 that has been faid of the moll fatirical and 
 fpecious kind againfl the proteflants. It 
 was foon anfwered by an apology, the ftyle 
 of which appeared to be that of Melanch- 
 thon. But of all the works which were pub- 
 
 • The letter is dated 23d of July. 
 
 t The anfwer is dated iBth of Auguft. 
 
 lifhed 
 
223 
 
 liflied at this time, that which mortified An. 1519. 
 Eckius the mod was a fatire, tolerably well 
 written, of which Qicolampadius was the 
 author. It is in the form of a letter in 
 the name of the ignorant Lutheran canons. 
 He is artfully reproached with his vanity, his 
 violence, his diffimulation, his fraud ; and, 
 above all, with the unfortunate lot of his 
 writings, which fell into oblivion as foon as 
 they had feen the light, while thofe of Lu- 
 ther were read and fought after by all the 
 world. 
 
 There appeared foon afterwards a very Luther pub- 
 important work. Luther, unable to publifh workin 
 the proceedings of the difputation becaufe it exphinsVia 
 had been agreed on that they fliould remain 
 fecret *, publifhed an explanation f of the 
 thefes which had been the fubjeifl of it, to 
 which there is prefixed an abridgment of the 
 hiftory of this difputation. He there dif- 
 cufles the queilions of the infallibiiiry of 
 
 * From this it may be inferred that the proceedings 
 '.vhich were publillied, and which produced fuch an 
 alteration in the opinions of thofe who read them, (See 
 page 220) were unauthorized by Luther, in which cafe 
 there is the ftronger reafon to prefume that no par- 
 tiality was iLewn him in them, and that theeffedi pro- 
 duced was the natural confequence of the force of 
 truth. M. 
 
 t Rdfulutiones fupra Propof. Lipf. Difput. 
 
 councils. 
 
 opinions. 
 
524 
 
 An. 1519. councils, the auuhority of the church, and 
 juftification by faith ; upon the lafl: of which 
 articles, finding hinnfclf embarraffed with the 
 paffage of St. Jannes ii. 24. which fays " that 
 " man is not juftified by faith only, but alfo 
 ** by works," he ventured to advance this 
 hafty conjeflure, " that the ftyle of the epif- 
 *' tie of St. James is far below the apoftolic 
 " majelly, and that it cannot be compared to 
 " that of St. Paul." He was reduced to this 
 extremity becaufe he could not reconcile St. 
 Paul with St. James : but he ought to have 
 confidered that he v/as not obliged to cut the 
 knot which he could not untie. He recover- 
 ed afterwards from this error. It will not be 
 amifs to explain here the fentiments of Lu- 
 ther upon juftification, and the advantages 
 he drew from that opinion, in order to over- 
 turn the fuperflitions of Rome. 
 
 Luther's It muft firfl be remarked that I .uther did not 
 
 opinion 
 
 uponjufti- take the word jujlify in the le^al acceptation, 
 
 fication by _ _ or 
 
 faith. fimply fignifying to declare juji or to abfolve. 
 He underftood it in the fcholaftic kn^t, as 
 fignifying to render juft^ or to form the habit 
 of chrillian virtues in the foul. He taught, 
 therefore, that man is fo corrupt that free-will 
 has, of itfelf, no power to produce good 
 works; that all the works of free-will, 
 
 whatever 
 
whatever outward appearance they may have, ^n. 15194 
 were not really good works, becaufe every 
 good work, confidered as fuch in the judg- 
 ment of God, ought to have the love of God 
 for its principle, whereas all the works of 
 free-will have no other than felf-lovej that 
 it thence followed, that no man could be 
 righteous by his works, that is, could not 
 acquire the habit of righteoufnefs prefcribed 
 by the gofpel, by doing works which might 
 appear good, but which were not fo at the 
 bottom, becaufe they were defedive on the 
 fide of principle ; that it again followed that 
 works of this kind could not be the condition 
 of the grace which forms the habitude of 
 evangelical righteoufnefs in the heart, and 
 which alone produces the love of God ^ becaufe 
 works which were not fundamentally good, 
 having for their principle a fource fo vicious ' 
 as felf-love, could not be acceptable to 
 God, nor become the condition of juftify- 
 ing grace, that is, of that grace which forms 
 the love of God. He taught therefore, in 
 purfuance of thefe principles, that the only 
 condition of juftification, that is, of the grace 
 which forms righteoufnefs in the foul, is faith in 
 JefusChrifti and he confirmed the fame by all 
 the paffages from St. Paul, in which mention 
 Q^ is 
 
526 
 
 An. 151$. is made of juftification by faith. As this 
 fubjeft, which, at that time, was but in a 
 rough ftate, has been fince cleared up and 
 developed in a very different manner, it has 
 been thought not inexpedient to give the 
 reader this explanation of the fentiments of 
 Luther, as neceffary for the purpofe of un- 
 derftandlng his doftrine. 
 
 The opinion J do not examine whether the opinion of 
 
 of Luther is 
 
 exploded as Luthcr be well founded, but it appears harm- 
 
 irxom; ati- 
 
 bic with the lefs ; and any perfon might be aftonifhed at 
 
 intcrcih ot" _ ' * ° 
 
 the Roman jtg havin": bccn condemned and exploded 
 
 church. *-^ '■ 
 
 as heretical upon the folicitation of monks 
 and priefts, if he did not eafily perceive that 
 it was the moft fatal in the world to their in- 
 terefts. For by pulling down the merit of 
 works, and eftablifhing juftification by faith 
 only, the moft fruitful fource of the revenues 
 ♦ of the churches and monafteries was dried up. 
 The good works of that time, and by far 
 the moft excellent and meritorious, were en- 
 dowments, charities given, to convents, or 
 for faying mafles, and other bounties of that 
 kind, which enrich monks and ecclefiaftics 
 in general. Now, if thefe works were no 
 longer of the leaft fervice to the juftification 
 of the finner, they loft all their value, and he 
 no more felt the wilh of enriching the church, 
 3 and 
 
537 
 and of feeking his falvation any where elfe An. 1519. 
 than in faith : now faith not being to be fold 
 as meritorious works were, the monks, like 
 able merchants, perceived they were upon 
 the point of lofmg all their revenues. In the 
 remarks* will be {ecn a copious extrad 
 from the thefes of Luther. 
 
 Thefe were the principal writings which Emfer, the 
 
 r 11 r • r- 1 1 • Jifioft cruel 
 
 followed the difputation of Leipfickj but it enemy of 
 
 Luther. 
 
 was thefource of a new quarrel with the molt 
 malicious and dangerous enemy which Lu- 
 ther had encountered. This was Jerome 
 Emfer, who taught the canon law in the 
 univerfity of Leipfick. This man wrote 
 into Bohemia to a dodlor of the Roman 
 church, that Luther held the fame opinions 
 with the Huffitesj and this report coming to 
 fpread -j-, two do6lors of that feet wrote to 
 Prague, to encourage him to defend the 
 truth. They fent him at the fame time, the 
 
 * See Note, page 98. 
 
 t Thefc doftors were, Rodlolovinm, principal of the • 
 college of the emperor Charles, in the city of Prague, 
 and the other, John Podiefco, reftor of the church of 
 the Holy Virgin in the fame city, Luther frequently 
 calls Emfer ^goceros, or Capricorn, becaufe this man, 
 piquing himfelf upon nobility, affefted to place at the 
 front of his books, the arms of his houfe, which were 
 a he-goat butting ivith his horns. 
 
 Q_^2 treatife 
 
228 
 An. 1519. treatife upon the church which John Hus had 
 compofedj and from which the articles for 
 his condemnation had been extrafted. This 
 intercourfe of letters was imprudent; and 
 occafion was taken from it to give out that 
 Luther kept up a clofe correfpondence with 
 the fchifmatics of Bohemia. He defended 
 himfelf from this charge in a letter which he 
 wrote againfl Emfer, and made it appear that 
 it is an artful method of combating the truth 
 to fay it is adopted by heretics -, that none 
 approved more of his do6trine than the learn- 
 ed who did not hold any intercourfe with the 
 Bohemians. 
 Death of The unfortunate Tetzel ended his life at 
 
 this time, being carried off by the plague. 
 It is reported, that feeing the preparations for 
 the difputation at Leipfick, he fell into fo 
 violent a pafllon, that he exclaimed, " May 
 " the devil take it all !" It is pretended alfo 
 that his body was carried to Pirna, his own 
 country, and the foundation for this con- 
 jedture is, that there is to be feen in a church 
 a pidture, in which he is reprefented as 
 mounted upon an afs, felling his indulgences. 
 But in this reafon there is very little weight. 
 The pidure muft have been placed there, 
 after the death of duke George, who furvived 
 
 Tetzel, 
 
2;z9 
 
 Tctzel, and who would never have permitted An. 15 19. 
 this affront to be offered him. 
 
 Very near about this time Leo X. gave Canoniia- 
 a proof of his power, very flattering for Francis de 
 him. This was the canonization of Fran- 
 cis de Paule, which I am now about to 
 relate. 
 
 Francis MartoUlla * was of Paula, a little 
 town of Calabria, within a day's journey of 
 Cofenza, the metropolis of the province. He 
 was born about the year 1416, and attached 
 himfclf in his infancy to devotional purfuits. 
 He founded a new religious fociety which he 
 named Minims^ becaufe he termed himfelf of 
 this kind, that is to fay, very little^ furpafllng 
 thus the title of Minor s, which the cordeliers 
 had aflAimed. He expelled evil fpirits, cured 
 the moft defperate difcafes, reftored hearing 
 1:0 the deaf, fight to the blind, and reafon to the 
 
 * This is taken from the bull of the canonization of 
 Francis de Paule, apud Bzovium, vol. xix. p. 86, &c. 
 an. 1597. In the bull he is named Mar (Q/i//a» It is 
 remarked in his life that others call his father ^a/Tus 
 Bartolilla Aiexts. See his life in Bzovius an. ub.fup. 
 p. 58 et feq. This life was compofed hy Francis 
 Vidor, defcended from Bridget, filter of Franci , de 
 Paule, printed for the firft time at Rome in l625. A 
 number of miracles are recounted in it as performed 
 by this faint. 
 
 0^3 infane,* 
 
An. 15 19, infanc, cleanfed lepers, and raifed the dead. 
 It is true, that on this laft article the 
 bull is very circumfpeft. The pope,, by 
 no means alTured of the afilftance of 
 the Holy Spirit upon this affair, contented 
 himfelf with faying *, '' that he reilored 
 " feveral dead perfons to life, or at leaft fome 
 " who pafled for dead." According to the 
 manner, however, in which the fa6t is after- 
 wards related, Francis afted very like a man 
 who imitated Jefus Chrifb raifing Lazarus : 
 for the hunters having found, in the winter, a 
 man frozen and buried in the fnow, not 
 doubting but he was dead, were going to inter 
 him, when Francis arriving, flops them, and 
 exclaims, " By love, that man lives !" Then 
 turning towards him, " Rife-j-," faid he, 
 *^ and walk ;" which he did upon the fpot. 
 
 From the time of Paul II. who died in 
 147 1, Francis was famous for his miracles, 
 which obliged this pope to fend one of his 
 chamberlains to inform himfelf of the truth. 
 
 * NonnuUos mortuos, vel pro mortuis habitos, ad 
 vitam priftinamqne lucem duxerit. Ibid. The author 
 of his life does not exprels himfelf like the bull. He 
 fays very pofitively that he railed many dead. Lib. ii. 
 cap. 3. ap. Bzov. p. 60. 
 
 f Exfurge et anibula. Ad ejus verba homo in fe- 
 pulchrum mittendus illico furrexit, et pedetentim am- 
 bulare ccepit, p. 88. 
 
 The 
 
The chamberlain was convinced by ocular An. 1519. 
 demonftration of the divine power v/hich re- 
 fided in this father j for being aftonilhed at 
 his auftcrities, and afl^ing him how he could 
 fupport them, Francis at firft made no anfwer, 
 but approaching the fire, and taking in his 
 hands fome glowing coals without being 
 burnt by them, he faid to the * chamberlain, 
 *' All the creatures obey thofe who ferve God 
 *' with a perfect heart," The refle6bion 
 ought rather to have been put into the mouth 
 of the witnefs to this miracle, than in that of 
 Francis, who thereby pronounced a high en- 
 comium on himfelf. This prodigy, how- 
 ever, of handling burning coals is nothing 
 compared to what took place when our 
 faint being employed in building the houfe of 
 his order at Paula, people came to acquaint 
 him that a lime-kiln was burft, either through 
 the violence of the flames or fome other 
 caufe. "For love!" or " for charity 1" 
 (which, it feems, was his oath, or proverb,) 
 " for charity f !" fays he to thofe who brought 
 him the intelligence, " go and dine, and 
 ''leave it to me!'* They went away; and 
 
 * Qui perfedo cordc Domino femunt, omnia creata 
 illis obtemperant. 
 f Per caritatem. 
 
 c;L4 ^^> 
 
^3« 
 
 An. 1519. he *, having made the fign of the crofs, en- 
 tered the kiln, burning as it was, and repaired 
 it by himfelf, without the fnnalleft injury. 
 No one can deny, after thefe inftances, but 
 that the fandity of Francis has been proved 
 by the famous trial by fire. It is only to be 
 wifhed that, by his interceflion, the dead 
 could obtain the fame gift in purgatory. 
 But if it be true, as the catholic hiftorians fay, 
 that the proteftants burned his body in 1562, 
 there is reafon to believe that the faint had 
 loft this power of his at his deceafe. 
 
 Meantime the reputation of the father 
 pafling the Alps, Louis XI. wifhed to fee 
 him, in the hope of obtaining from him the 
 cure of his diforders. He intreated Sixtus IV, 
 who fucceeded Paul II. to order him to repair 
 to France. The king bcftowed on him great 
 honours, and had a convent built for him, in 
 the park of PlelTis-les-Tours, where he died 
 in 1 507, on the id of April, being Good-Fri- 
 day. His body remained eleven days without 
 interment, and, far from corrupting, it emitted 
 an agreeable perfume. He was already in- 
 
 * Quibus difcedentibus, ipfe ftatim figno crucis 
 fa6to, intrepide fornacem ardentem intravit, et illam 
 folus rfparavit, indeque abfque laefione aliqua incolu- 
 mis exivit. 
 
 yoked 
 
233 
 vokcd in France, when Francis I. at the fo- An. 1519, 
 
 licitation of queen Claudia, his wife, and the 
 duchefs of Angouleme, his mother^ folicited 
 Leo to canonize him. 
 
 Queen Claudia, wife of Francis I. fays the 
 bull *, had formerly made a vow before this 
 father and many other perfons of quality, that 
 if fhe could obtain the favour of having a 
 fon, Ihe would give him the name of Francis 
 in honour of him. She was aftually brought 
 to bed of a very fine boy, and fulfilled her 
 vow. 
 
 This ftory is not beyond the reach of pro- 
 bability. Claudia was the daughter of Louis 
 XII. She did not marry Francis count of 
 Angouleme and duke of Valois until the 
 14th of May 1514; but fhe had been afH- 
 anced to him fince 1 506, a year before the 
 death of the faint. The prince fhe brought 
 into the world was poifoned in a cup of cold 
 water by Sehajlian Montecuculli i and died at 
 the caftle of Tournon on the loth of Auguft 
 1536, without either the name or the repu- 
 tation of the faint being able to fave him. It 
 is thus that the Minim, author of the life of 
 Francis, relates the occurrence. 
 
 * Page 39. col. ii. 
 
534 
 An. 1519' LcOj defirous of obliging Francis I. and 
 the princefs, who interefted themfelves in the 
 canonization of the father, appointed a con- 
 gregation * for the purpofe of examining into 
 the miracles which were neceflarily to be the 
 foundation of it. It was upon the report of 
 thefe delegates, and after having begged of 
 God not to permit the church to err on this 
 occafion, that he publicly canonized him on 
 the ifl of May 1519. "To the honour of 
 " God Almighty, the Father, the Son, and 
 " the Holy Ghoft, for the exaltation of the 
 " catholic faith, for the progrefs of the chrif- 
 " tian religion, and for the comfort and ad- 
 " vancement of the order of Minims, under 
 " the authority of our Lord Jefus Chrift, of 
 " the bleflcd apoftles Peter and Paul, and 
 " our own, we decree and determine, by 
 *' the advice and with the confent of our 
 " brethren, the cardinals, that Francis de 
 " Paule, of bleffed memory, has been re- 
 " ceived among the bleffed of the heavenly 
 " Jerufalem, and is poffeffed of the eternal 
 " glory which has been given him, and that 
 
 * A congregation, in this fenfe, is a certain number 
 of cardinals, appointed by the pope, and diftributed by 
 him into feveral chambers or councils, for the diredtioii 
 of certain affairs. Furetiere. M. 
 
 " he 
 
^35 
 *' he ought to be placed in the rank of faints, An. 1519. 
 " as we do place hina fronn this dayj order- 
 *' ing that he be hereafter worfhipped in 
 *' public and private, and that his feftival be 
 " celebrated by the univerfal church on the 
 *' 2d of April (the day of his death); and 
 *' declaring that believers may implore his 
 " intercefTion, and hope for it, he being 
 *' worthy that all the honours ihould be paid to 
 " him that are due to faints." This decree 
 having been thus pronounced, Te Deum was 
 fung : a cardinal began the invocation of the 
 new faint, and the pope addrelTed this prayer to 
 God : " We render to Thee, O Lord, the 
 " obedience that is due unto Thee; we pray 
 " Thee, by the interceflion of the blefled 
 " Francis de Paule, to increafe thy gifts upon 
 '^ us, and to preferve us from all evil, through 
 " Jefus Chrifl our Lord." Mafs M'as after- 
 wards faid with proper collects for the feftival 
 of Francis. This ceremony was accompa- 
 nied with a plenary indulgence to all who 
 aflifted at it; and to render the church where 
 the new faint was interred more eftimable, 
 the pope granted to all thofe who fhould 
 affift, each year, at divine fervice on the day 
 of his feftival, four years indulgences, and as 
 iTiany lents. 
 
 No 
 
2s6 
 
 As. 1519. No mention is made in the legend of 
 Francis de Paule of what is reported by Me- 
 zerai, that, according to fomc, he entered 
 into a court intrigue with the confeflbr of 
 king Charles VII I. (OHver Maillard,) who, 
 in concert with the confeflbr of the duchefs 
 of Bourbon, perfuaded this young prince that 
 he could not in confcience keep Roufillon; 
 that Louis XL had recommended, when 
 dying, that it fhould be reftored; and that his 
 foul was fufFering in purgatory until his will 
 was executed. " Charles," in confequence, 
 " gave up of his own accord the earldoms of 
 " Roufillon and Cerdagna to Ferdinand, with- 
 " out drawing back even the 300,000 crowns 
 " for which they had been pledged *." 
 
 Wc proceed to an event lefs llriking but 
 more inftru6live than what has been juft re- 
 lated, namely, the quarrel that took place 
 between Erafmus and a learned profeflbr of 
 Louvain, which was terminated by the retrac- 
 tion of the latter. 
 
 Erafmus Is While the vcrfion that Erafmus had made 
 of the New Teftamentj'the remarks which he 
 added to it, and the works of St. Jerome 
 
 d^e"*vfrnon of which he gave the firft edition, were 
 
 of the New 
 
 andtheedi- * Mezerai, Chronolog. abridg. of the hillory of 
 
 tionof St. France. A.m(t. 1696. 8vo. vol. iv. p, 375. 
 
 Jerome. 
 
 printing 
 
 attacked by 
 a profefTor 
 of Louvain, 
 upon the 
 
^?>7 
 printing at Bale *, the divines of Lou vain An. 1519. 
 engaged Martin Dorpius to write againft 
 him f . Dorpius was efleemed by Erafmus ; 
 nor was there in the univerfity a more candid 
 and enlightened profeflbr, or a more polifhed 
 writer. He reproached Erafmus with his 
 elegant fatire entitled Moria, or Folly, m 
 which he had turned into ridicule the pride, 
 the rufticity, and the falfe fubtilty of the 
 fcholaftic divines. Erafmus rather excufed 
 this work than defended it j although, after all, 
 there was nothing blameable in endeavouring 
 to reclaim, by ingenious fatires, perfons who 
 could not be brought back by rcmonftrances 
 to polite learning and folid ftudy. Haughty 
 fpirits and hypocrites cannot be better 
 correfled than by being humbled, and de- 
 livered over to public contempt. There 
 might, perhaps, be in that book traits too 
 bold in regard to matters which it is not 
 becoming to treat with raillery. The 
 reader will be able to judge of it by the ex- 
 
 * Hift. Lit. Reform, p. i. page 21 et feq. 
 
 I Thefe divines were John Atenfis, (whom Erafmus 
 called Noxui, in allufion to Atmfs, which he derived 
 from drri Noxa,) the carmelite Nkholai d'Egmond, and 
 Latomui. 
 
 tra(5^ 
 
238 
 
 An. 1519. tra(5b which it is propofed to give from this 
 
 work in the remarks *. 
 Erafmusan. As to what rcgards the edition of Stje^ 
 
 fwers, and 
 
 affignsthe romc, Erafmus informs us, that what ren- 
 
 rcafons, 
 
 which caufe dercd it odious to the divines of his time was, 
 
 the divines 
 
 of his time the eloqucncc of that father, bred up in the 
 
 to exclaim. 
 
 belles lettres j his readinefs in criticifm, his 
 great knowledge of languages, and the ge- 
 nerous attempt he had made to corredt the 
 ancient verfions by the original, by which the 
 moderns were authorized to make ufe of 
 them as fuch. Erafmus relates on this oc- 
 cafion that fome celebrated divines had gone 
 to Bale to the houfe of his printer f , to con- 
 jure him in the name of God to leave out in 
 his edition all the Greek and Hebrew words 
 to be found in St. Jerome, becaufe thefe 
 languages were very dangerous, and tended 
 only to oftentation and curioficy. Thefc 
 people had not the fame tafte as Origen, 
 who, at an advanced time of life, tranflated 
 Hebrew with the utmoll cares nor the fame 
 as St. Auguftine, who lamented in his old age 
 
 * See Note, page gS. 
 
 t Per omnia facia typographum obteftantes; nc 
 quid groecitatis aut hebraiTmi pateretur admilceii, in- 
 gens in eis Uteris efle periculum, nee quicquani efle 
 frudus, ad folam curiolitatem paratis, &c. Erafm. 
 ibid. 
 
 the 
 
2S9 
 
 the diflike he had entertained, when young, An. 1519. 
 to the languages. In reality it was a great 
 misfortune for St. Auguftine, that one of the 
 fineft and happieft geniufes of antiquity, 
 having to explain the fcripture, Ihould have 
 been deftitute of an aid, which the ftudy of 
 all the Latin orators and philofophers could 
 not fupply. How many faults would have 
 been efcaped had he underftood Greek and 
 Hebrew, and been better acquainted with the 
 flyle of the facred writers ! 
 
 But what gave moft alarm to the divines 
 of Louvain was the verfion of the New Teila- 
 ment, and the remarks which ferved to ex- 
 plain and defend it. Why, faid they, make 
 a new tranflation while we have the Vulgate, 
 venerable by reafon of its antiquity, and the 
 approbation of fo many councils, together 
 with that of the Latin fathers who have quoted 
 no other. To change and correft it, is to 
 change and correiSt the fcripture. Let the 
 Greek be left to the Greeks, to whom it be- 
 longs, and the Latin to the Latins. To 
 borrow the originals of the New Teftament 
 from fchifmatic Greeks, who have altered 
 them, and from fuch originals to correfl the 
 Latin verfion, is to introduce into religion 
 the errors of thefe perfons. It is more fure, 
 
 without 
 
An. 1519. without comparifon, to reform Greek by 
 Latin, than Latin by Greek which has been 
 received from the treacherous hands of he- 
 reticks. It is thus the doftors reafoned, and 
 thus they taught Dorpius to reafon. 
 
 Erafmus had no trouble in refuting fuch 
 frivolous objections, which proceeded as 
 much from the ignorance of the divines of 
 his time as from their defire of preferving their 
 credit and their power. " For, after all," 
 fays Erafmus, " it is not for faith they en- 
 " certain apprehenfions * -, it is for their own 
 ' authority. As they often quote fcripture 
 " very improperly, they are in dread left they 
 " be fet to rights, by quoting the originals to 
 " them, which they do not underftandi and left 
 *^ it be proved to them that the application 
 " they make of the oracles of fcripture to 
 " their opinions, is right only in their own 
 " imagination." 
 
 • Periculum quod idi fcilicet liumerls fuppofitis 
 fulciunt, reftius plauftrum fulturi, et hujufmodi fumos 
 fpargunt apud valgus indoftum ac fuperftitiofum, apud 
 quos cum pro theologis habeantur, nolint ullam opi- 
 nionis fuae ja6turam facerc, verentur ne, cum perperam 
 divinas citant literas, id quod faepe numero faciunt, 
 graecae aut hebraicae veritatis autoritatis in os judicia- 
 tur, et apparent efle fomnum, quod velutoraculum ad- 
 ducebatur. 
 
 Erafmus 
 
541 
 Erafmus having defended hinafelf with An. 1519 
 much mildnefs and moderation, Dorpius, at Dorpius re. 
 
 ' *• pues, and 
 
 the inftigation of the fame divines, replied JJ"^''"^^^^"" 
 with fome fharpnefs. Erafmus remained Erafxus. 
 filent ; but Morusy a friend both of the one 
 and the other, took up the defence of Eraf- 
 mus, and, with as much moderation as po- 
 litenefs, proved the neceffity of ftudying the 
 languages and the holy Scripture, together 
 with the utility of the new verfions which 
 corredled the old one -, and cenfured the un- 
 grateful and thorny fludies which occupied 
 all the fchools of that age. Dorpius, na« 
 tu rally equitable, and, bei des, very well in- 
 formed, although he was acquainted neither 
 with Greek nor Hebrew, recovered forth- 
 with from his error into which the authority 
 and folicitations of his colleagues had led 
 him; and quitting fchool-divinity, apphed 
 to the fludy of the fcripture, and undertook 
 to explain to his d.fciples the epiilie to the 
 Romans. In order to prepare them to hear 
 him, an apology was necelTary, which he 
 introduced in a preliminary difcourfe, pro- 
 nounced atLouvain in 15 17 *, and publiihed 
 
 * This difcourfe is dedicated to Beatus Rhenanus, 
 Mr. Vender Hardt gives it entire. Hift. Lit. Reform. 
 P. i. p. 75. et. feq. 
 
 R in 
 
'* A "^ 
 
 An. 1519. in 15T9, with fome changes. In this dif- 
 courfe are to be found the chara6ler of the 
 divines of that age, their (Indies, fciences, 
 and maxi'Tis, narnued by a profefibr who is 
 unfufpeded, and who d>d* five or fix years 
 after in the communion of the church of 
 Rome. 
 
 Dovpiusre- Dorpius fcts oiit with iliewiner the necef- 
 
 traft-, is ^ o 
 
 defirousthit p^j-y Qf ftudvinor the fcripture, becaufe it is 
 
 the Scrip- ^ J :3 i ' 
 
 tuifsand ^Yie only fource of true divinity, and becaufe 
 
 the Ian- ^ ■^ 
 
 guagcs I,, alone is invefied with an infalUble autho- 
 
 ihould be 
 
 fiadied. j-jf-y. ^hich neither the fathers, nor the doc- 
 tors, nor the glolTes pofTcfs. On this ac- 
 count he is aftoniflied at the fondnefs which 
 thofe of his time entertained for the (ludy of 
 Ariftotle, and at the little value they fet upon 
 the facred books f . " With what care," 
 fays he, " what perfeverance, what watch- 
 
 * He died in 1525. 
 
 t Ex his (namely the evangelill,; and the epiftles of 
 St. Paul,) aliifque canonicis fcriptuiis, hauriamus opor- 
 tet quidquid firmum, lolidum, incancufflim aftere pa- 
 ramus, p, yy. AriRotelem onnies fere nos, quanta 
 cura, (juanta pertinacia, qnibus vigiliis ac I'udore didi- 
 cimus, non propolitiones mndo omnes, led et voculas 
 omnes, fyllabas omnes, (peme divinas) apiculos excii- 
 tientes. Sed cur otiofiuii videtnr, aut alienum, tan- 
 tutidem laboris impendere divn Paulo? Qua. quaelb, 
 fronte Ariftotelis dogmata ad unum lueinoria tenemus 
 et totus ab ilia Paulas exulat f p. yj. 
 
 " ings. 
 
543 
 
 " ings, what labours, do rot almoft all the An. 1519. 
 
 " divines learn Ariftotle ? Not a propofition, 
 
 " nor a word, nor a fyllable, nor, if we may 
 
 *' fo fpeak, an accent efcapes attention. 
 
 " This is not the place to examine whether 
 
 " it becomes chriftians to apply themfelves 
 
 " in th 3 manner to the ftudy of pagan phi- 
 
 " lofbphers. But can any one, after this, 
 
 " call that an unprofitable and miftaken 
 
 " labour which is taken to underfland St. 
 
 " Paul ? And how have we the face to teach 
 
 " all the dogmas of that philofopher, while 
 
 " we do not know a word of this apoftle of 
 
 « Jefus Chrift ?" 
 
 The reafons which the divines of that pe Futile rea- 
 
 fons of the 
 
 riod had for treating the Scripture in this divines for 
 
 rejecting 
 
 manner are too worthy of the curiofity of the ftudy of 
 
 the Scrip- 
 cur age not to be related. Some faid that ture. 
 
 the Scripture was too clear, and that they 
 
 found in it an infipid facility *. Others, on the 
 
 contrary, were difcouraged by its difficulty, 
 
 and found therein obfcurities which no eye 
 
 • Non me deledlant, inquiet aliquis, tarn aperta, 
 tarn manifefta, ac obvia. Obfcura placent, in quibus 
 operae prctium eft verfari, ac operam infumcre. At 
 alius abfterreor inquiet, difficnhate obfcuritateque, 
 turn rerum, turn fennonis literarum facrarura, &c. 
 Ibid. 
 
 R 2 could 
 
244 
 An. 1 5 19. could penetrate. Could great geniufes fubmit 
 to read books in which every thing is too fim- 
 pleand too common to merit their attention? 
 or ought they indeed to lofe ihtlv time in re- 
 ducing to order a chaos, in which the ob- 
 fcuiity of the matter was yet further increafed 
 by that of the exprefiion ? Dorpius, furnifh- 
 ed widi the autliorities of St. Jerome and St. 
 Augulline, anfwered the objeftors of both 
 kinds with- propriety j that the fcripture is 
 clear and eafy in the doclrines neceflary to 
 ialvation 5 and that if it exprefs itfelf a litde 
 obfcurely in one place, it explains itfelf per- 
 feflly in another; that it has, befides, certain 
 depths which are fufficient to occupy, for the 
 whole of life, the molt attentive and pene- 
 trating underflandings ; that the knowledge 
 which rejeds the proud accords kfd{ to the 
 h.umble ; that in order to underftand and 
 relilli the fcripture, a pcrlbn muft get rid of 
 the prefumption and bad tafte which may 
 fometimes be acquired from reading pagan 
 authors ; that St. Augufline complains that as 
 Jong as he was prepoflelfed in favour of the elo- 
 quence of Cicero, he did not find the fcripture 
 worthy of his lludy ; but that he then had 
 . only bornbaft in his mind, while he thought 
 he poffefled fublimity. " I wilh to God," 
 
 continues 
 
245 
 continues Dorpius, " that the misfortune of Au. 15 i( 
 *' St. Auguftine were not that of a great 
 "number* of divines of our age! They 
 ** find in the Scripture a meannefs unworthy 
 " of occupying geniufes fublime and acute 
 *' as theirs, and they difdain to make it the 
 " objedl of their fludy." 
 
 As to the following objeflion that there is 
 no elegance in the ficred books, it did not 
 feem likely to come from divines who pique 
 themfelves upon running down politenefs in 
 fpeech, and hating it. Upon this ground 
 Dorpius takes up the defence, and fhews, 
 that it Is not fufficient to think juftly, when a 
 perfon is called on to communicate his 
 thoughts ; that it is neceflary he fhould ex- 
 prefs himfelf well, and that St. Paul himfelf 
 is defirous " that facred difcourfes be feafon- 
 " edwith the fait of wifdom f," and adorned 
 with what he calls " grace," to the end that 
 they may be the more agreeable to the hear- 
 ers. He maintains, after St. Jerome and 
 
 * Quod, o utinam non multis noftro quoque feculo 
 accideret, ut credant fcripturae facrae humilitatem in- 
 dignam eife ingenioruin fiiorum plufquam Chryfippio, 
 ut ipfis videtur, acnmine; indignam, in quam lludium 
 illi fuum infumant. Ibid. • 
 
 t Col. iv. 6. 
 
 R 3 other 
 
An. 1519, Other fathers, that if this apoftle had not 
 always the eloquence which confifts in the 
 arrangement and harmony of words, and in 
 purity of ftyle, he poflefles an eloquence more 
 vigorou-s and more majeftic, which is not 
 merely perfuafive ; on the contra, y it aflonifh- 
 es, it raifes adrn'ration^ it bears down, it pro- 
 ftrates the m.ind that would refifl 11. 
 
 The author ftates the method which the 
 divines purfued in their ftudics. They paffcd 
 the valuable years of their youth *, in ftudying 
 logic, and did not think ten years too much 
 to acquire the art of compofing fophifms in 
 perfedlion, of inveloping truth in darkneft, and 
 of defending falfehood and truth with equal 
 probability. " I do not condemn logic," fays 
 Dorpius, " but I fhould not wiili it to be 
 ** made the only fludy. Still lefs fhould I 
 " wifh a perfon to lofe the fineft and bell 
 ** part of his life in acquiring an unprofitable 
 " and captious fcience, the refufe of all the 
 " fciences, and completely unworthy of a man 
 " of briUiant parts; for befides, as there is 
 
 • Soli dialefticae, (6 utlnam foret diledica, et non 
 vilior alga fophiftica) huic foli, nomine quidem dialec- 
 ticae, re ipfa cavillatrici fophiflic?e, vix major pars vita; 
 apud multos fatis effe videtur, atqueea fane melior, &c. 
 Ibid. p. 84. 
 
 " nothing 
 
r?47 
 " nothing more dcfpicable, fo is there alfo An. 1519. 
 " nothing more pernicious, inafmuch as this 
 " vain fophiftry depraves the imderftanding of 
 " young perfons who fufter themfclves to be 
 " charmed with it, and who preferve no tafte 
 " forufeful fciences." 
 
 One mud not be furprifed if perfons, edu- 
 cated in this fcience, filled divinity with ufelefs 
 and fpeculative queftions. Dorpius applies to 
 them what St. Paul fays upon this fubjedt, 
 I Timothy vi. 3, 4, 5. He then exclaims, 
 " When I read this pafTage of St. Paul and 
 " others upon the fame fubjedt, I cannot 
 *' enough wonder * that there aie yet divines 
 " who dare to introduce profane and extra- 
 " vagant queftions into the fcience of reli- 
 " gion. I'hey truly fill the characfter of thofe 
 ** mentioned by St. Paul who are always 
 
 * Vehement<°r demirari foleo, qua fronte quidam 
 miferas vexantes chartas, tam multa deliiia, profana, 
 inepta, llulta, anilia, vaniloqua, lacrae theologia; invex- 
 erint. 
 
 Suo ingenio aflidua opinionum fcable prurienti cnnc- 
 ta definientes, ac propemodum jurantes, qiiicquid ipli 
 ulla e\ afione, ullis tcchnis ac iirophis, ullo fuco ac fu- 
 mo a contradiftione, ut ipli loquuntur, tueri poirunt. 
 Unde quantum fit exortum niali quara pci^ifera inva- 
 ferint dogmata, non eft explicandi tempos. Hominum 
 traditiones, nihil aliud atlerentes ; quod fi quis contra 
 muflet, 6 Deus! quanta verborum pugna ! quae digla- 
 datio ! quae bella ! 
 
 R 4 *' fludying 
 
248 
 An. 1 519. «* ftudying without ever arriving at the know- 
 '' ledge of the truth. They forfake the in- 
 " ftrudions ofjefus Chrill to wander after 
 " their own imaginations ; while given up to 
 " their rafhnefs, and tormented with the itch of 
 " opinions, they have the boldnefs to deter- 
 *' mine every thing, and are prepared to af- 
 " firm with an oath whatever they are able 
 *' to defend by any fubterfuge or artifice, be 
 *' it what it may. Who then can enumerate 
 ^' the evils, the poifonous dofhrines which 
 " fpring from this fource. They allege only 
 ** the traditions of men ; and yet if any one 
 '* dare even to open his mouth, what wrang- 
 " lings, what conflids, what wars has he not 
 " to encounter ?" 
 
 After thefe reflexions upon fcholaftic di- 
 vinity, Dorpius recalls the divines from tra- 
 ditions to the holy Scripture, which is the in- 
 fallible rule of faith ; he confirms this by the 
 teftimony of St. Auguftine and St. Jerome. In 
 particular he quotes what the latter wrote to 
 Eujlochium *j namely, that none of the fillers 
 
 * She was the daughter of Paula, a Roman lady, and 
 jived thirty-five years in the nunnery of Bethlem un- 
 der the conduft of St. Jerome, in the fourth age ; (he was 
 fo perfectly learned in the Latin, Greek, and Hebrew 
 languages, that fhe was called, the new prodigy of the 
 world. Collier. INI. 
 
 were 
 
249 
 were fufFered to be ignorant of the Pfalms; An. ifij. 
 and that there was not one of them who did 
 not daily learn fomething out of the Bible. 
 Upon this the author makes the following 
 obfervation ; *' that he cannot conceive what 
 " anfwer thofe perfons can make on this 
 " head, who do not allow women to read the 
 " holy Scripture, fince, at the time of St. 
 ** Jerome, there were fome females more 
 " learned than many divines *." He earneft- 
 ly exhorts his difciples to apply themfelves to 
 the ftudy of the word of God, and concludes 
 with thefe words : " If I can perfuade you to 
 " do it, I fhall render a great fervice not 
 *' only to you, but to the facred volumes, 
 " and to the chriftian republic : to you I, be- 
 " caufe I fliall prevent you from lofing your 
 " time in unprofitable queftions ; to the fli- 
 " cred volumes, becaufe they will not be 
 
 * Quo in loco miror quid di6luri font qui putant 
 nefas effe ut mulieres ulke fcriptnram attiiigant, cum 
 Hieronomi tempore tot fuerint foemiuce multis theolo- 
 giseruditiores. 
 
 ■}• Devobis quibus autor fuero ne tempus, otio- 
 
 fis nugamentis tam rniiere perdatis: De libris facris, 
 quod non ita indigne fcholallicis nugis contaminabun- 
 tur, uti aliquot jam laeculis I'^u'^um fuille videraus : De 
 republica chrilHaiia, quia muUo plurcs hac via con- 
 tingent viri dofti, - - - - atque ex Dei lege, non homi- 
 num fomnio falubriter populo Dei confultari. Ibid. 
 
 " polluted 
 
250 
 An. 1519. " polluted by fophifms, as we fee they have 
 "been for feme ages j to the chriftian re- 
 *' public, becaufe by thefe means it will 
 " pofTefs many more learned men, who will 
 " impart falutary inftruftions, taken from 
 " the law of God, and not dreams and in- 
 " ventions of men." To this exhortation 
 Dorpius adds a very fine encomium on St. 
 Paul, to whom he applies all the titles which 
 the fchool beftows upon its heads, fuch as an 
 irrefragable, angelic, fubtil, feraphic, divine, 
 &c. All the talents pofTefTed by thefe theo- 
 logians are united in St. Paul to fuch a high 
 degree, that it would be a kind of crime to 
 place them on a parallel with him * j " but 
 " this," continues he, " is imperceptible to 
 ** thofe perfons, who entangle themfelves 
 *' inceffantly in the labyrinths of ufelefs 
 ** queftions." 
 
 Dorpius next recommends the ftudy of 
 the Greek and Hebrew languages, without 
 which it is not pofTible to undeiiland the 
 Scripture dioroughly. He juflifies, by tlie 
 authority of St. Jerome and St. Auguftine, the 
 necefiity of recurring to originals in order to 
 corredt the verfions, and to decide when there 
 
 • At hoc non fentiunt, qui perpetuis qusftionum 
 inulilium labyrinthis fefe involvunt. Ibid. p. 82. 
 
 are 
 
231 
 
 are different readings in the latin copies. And An. T519, 
 as the generahty of the modern divines pre- 
 tended that it was neceffary to confine one's 
 felf to the vulgate, as if that vulgate were 
 authentic and infalHble, he cites a manufcript 
 work of Peter d'Ailli, which he had found 
 in the Hbrary of the monaftery of St. Martin 
 of Louvain. *' As there are to be found in 
 ** the bible*," fays this cardinal, " pafiages 
 " which have been corrupted, it is neceffary 
 *^ to correct the copies of itj but for this pur- 
 " pofe great care mufl be taken not to admit 
 ** all forts of divines indifcriminately. Thofe 
 *' mufl be chofen who are flciiled in grammar, 
 " and in the greek and hebrew languages ; for 
 " there are fome who, ignorant of the lan- 
 " guages, have had the prefumption to make 
 " corrections upon their own authority, whence 
 " many corruptions and fcandalous errors 
 
 * Propter cxempla corruptionis, quae in BIblia la- 
 veniuntur, et alia multa ejufmodi, expediret exempla- 
 ria facri canonls examinari diligenter et corrigi, ad 
 quam conationem non funt omnes indifFerentur admit- 
 tendi, fed theologi multum in grammatica et Unguis 
 hebrasa et grosca eruditi. Quia enim multi in his mi- 
 nus periti propria autoritate corrigere pmefumpferunt, 
 multi fcandalofi errores et corrapliones fecutae funt. 
 Et in hoc, prout in multis aliis utijiter providendis, 
 multum negligenter fe habetromana ecclefia, et habuit 
 primoribus temporibus. Ibid. p. 83. 
 
 ** have 
 
^5^" 
 An. 1S15. << have enfued. And in that, as in many 
 " other things, for which it would have been 
 " important to provide, the Roman church 
 '' hath been, and flill is, extremely negli- 
 " gent." 
 
 Dorpius defends, at confiderable length, 
 the new verfions, and the necefTity of cor- 
 refting the vulgate by the originals ; he fhews 
 that a number of verfions cannot be other- 
 wife than ufeful, becaufe one interpreter fuc- 
 ceeds better in one place, and another in a dif- 
 ferent one. He obferves that there have been 
 feveral Latin verfions, as appears by the nu- 
 merous quotations made by the Latin fathers; 
 and that thofe who were not qualified to con- 
 fult the originals, might inform themfelves of 
 the fenfe of a pafTage by comparing the dif- 
 ferent verfions. For a man who was un- 
 acquainted with the languages, this author is 
 extremely judicious and critical. Rewrites 
 Latin in a polifhed ftyle, and is pofTcfTed of 
 candour and fincerity *. He candidly acknow- 
 
 * It is, I believe, to this piece of Dorpius that 
 Froben alludes in the letter to Zuinglius in 1522. A p. 
 Hott. n. E, viii. 26. Dorpii orationeni niitto, iiili 
 habucris antea, qui- a fa6tione theologica fumma ab 
 orationem iftam affeitus contumclia, fimulijue ex fiio 
 ejetftus coUegio, &:c. 
 
 Icdged 
 
Jedged the injuftice he had committed in An. 1519. 
 writing againft Erafmus, makes reparation 
 for it, and returns thanks to Moms for having 
 undeceived him. 
 
 While the divines were difputino- at Leip- Fredenck 
 
 •^ ° ^ refufcs the 
 
 fick, the eledors affembled at Franckfort imperhi 
 
 crown, and 
 
 were eno-aored in the cleflion of an * emperor, procu es 
 
 ^ ° _ _ ,, * _ Charles the 
 
 The two principal candidates were Francis I. f'fthto be 
 king of France, and Charles of Auftria, 
 king of Spain. The pope oppofed the elec- 
 tion of Charles; the Swifs that of Francis j 
 neither felicitations nor offers were omitted 
 by either party to gain Frederick to their fide. 
 Francis I. deputed ambafladors, and addreffed 
 letters to him conceived in the mod pohtc 
 terms. To the former he replied, that his duty 
 and his oath obliged him not to take any ftep % 
 
 either through felicitations or intereft^ and 
 that he hoped the king, their mafter, who 
 beflowed on him the titles of a wife and 
 pious prince, and of an honefl man, would 
 
 * Maximilian died at Lintz In the month of Ja- 
 nuary. He was favoured by fortune, but did not avail 
 himfelf of it. He is accufed of defigns ill conduced, 
 of inconftancy and prodigality. Neverthelefs he pof- 
 felfed line qualities: he was valiant, a6tive, laborious, 
 fecret, and gracious. Guic. xiii. 2. 
 
 be 
 
554 
 An. 1519. be fatisfied with this anfwcr *. Charles, 
 on his part, reqiiefled his vote, and the ori- 
 ginal letters are ftill to be feen which he ad- 
 drefled to himf, and which could not be 
 more handfome and engaging. The elec- 
 tors, embarrafTed with the folicitations and 
 intrigues of thefe two competitors, refolved 
 to beftovv the empire on Frederick. This 
 prince returned them his thanks with a great- 
 nefs of foul fcarcely to be paralleled, and 
 obferved to them, with that modefty which 
 always accompanies the greateft merit, that 
 the affairs of the empire required a prince 
 more able than him to govern it, and more 
 powerful to defend it. The eledor of 
 Treves took every means in his power to 
 perfuade him not to refufe a dignity which all 
 the princes yielded to him without envy, but 
 he could not move him j yet the elector was 
 not difcoui'aged : he went to him at night, and 
 
 * It was on the Thurfday after Jxcmhi'tfccrc Sunday, 
 that is to fay, towards the end of February, that the 
 eletilor, who was then at Altenburg, made the above 
 reply to the amballadors of Francis I. This is taken 
 from his mauufcript life by Spahitinus. 
 
 t There are two of them 5 one dated from Men t- 
 ferrnt, the Oth of February, and the other from Bar- 
 celona the 2d of March. 
 
 reprefented 
 
^35 
 reprefented to him, that princes of a mode- An. 1519. 
 rate power had often raifed great armies, 
 and achieved glorious exploits, both within 
 and without the empire ; that a duke of 
 Saxony had fupported war in the low coun- 
 tries almofl at his own expence ; that before 
 him, the Margrave Albert had affembled 
 great forces j that he ought to recoiled that 
 duke Erneft, his father, had obliged Mathias, 
 king of Hungary, who had declared war 
 againfl: him, to fue to him for peace, without 
 daring to hazard a battle, becaufe he had 
 perceived that this prince, with the afliftance 
 of his brother and fome other allies, was in a 
 condition to crulh himj that he might 
 reckon upon the forces of the princes who 
 would intereft themfelves in maintaining an 
 authority which they had given only to his 
 merit ; and that, finally, the archbifnop had 
 diredlions to afTure him, on their part, that 
 they would devife the means of keeping up a 
 force fufFicient to caufc him to be refpefted 
 by Germany, and by the neighbouring 
 powers. He did not fail to reprefenr to Iiim 
 the danger there was in confiding, to a foreign 
 and powerful prince, the fovereign authority 
 of the empire. The ambaffador of England, 
 likewife, offered him all his mailer's forces 
 
 to 
 
256 
 
 Ab. 1519. to fupport the imperial dignity, which he in- 
 treated him to accept. But Frederick con- 
 tinued inflexible, and declaring fuddenly in 
 favour ofCharles, for whom he inclined, with- 
 out any one having been able, until that mo- 
 ment, to penetrate his defigns, he drew all the 
 eleftors to tlie fame fide, and had in one and 
 the fame day the glory of refufmg the em- 
 pire *, and of giving it away. 
 
 Charles the xhe ncw emperor had no fooner received 
 
 firth thanks ^ 
 
 Frederick, an account of his elecftion, than he returned 
 
 and requells 
 
 him to take fhanks to Frederick by letters which ftill 
 
 enaia; of ^ 
 
 afF.irsinhis exift +, and which will not be fo much the 
 
 abfence. ' ' 
 
 monument of his thankfulnefs as of his in- 
 gratitude. He requeued him at the fame 
 time to take charge, during his abfence, of the 
 affairs of the empire. The eleftor's gene- 
 rous refufal m.ade a great noife, and drew on 
 him much commendation : it is, in faft, 
 an inftance extremely uncommon even in 
 times of the mofl exalted virtue -, but almoft 
 incredible at a period when ambition and 
 felf intereft were the objefts of general adora- 
 tion. It would have been of greater fervice 
 
 * See ill thcRemarksi fome parliculars of the elec- 
 tion of Charles V. 
 
 t They are written from Barcelona, the 29th of 
 
 July. 
 
 X Vide p. c8. 
 
 to 
 
^S7 
 to ihe reformation, if fo excellent a prince An. 1519. 
 had accepted the empire ; but his refufal did 
 him greater honour, and will for ever reflect 
 glory upon the truth, which, on revifiting the 
 earth % had him for its defender. 
 
 The concerns of the empire had interrupt- Miichzre. 
 
 ti.rn5 into 
 
 ed the negotiation carried on by Miltitz. He Saxony, w 
 
 prclent the 
 
 refumed it after the election, and returned goWenroie 
 
 to the elcc- 
 
 into Saxony for the purpofe.of prefefiting the tor. 
 ele6lor with the golden rofe. It was only a 
 few months fmce the pope had refolved on 
 fending it to himj for iie had not given it to 
 IVIikitz when he left Rome j-j either in order 
 to render it more deiirable, or from a wifh that 
 the difpofition which the court of Saxony en- 
 tertained with refpeft to the pope, and witb. 
 Tefpe6t to the affair of Luther, fnould not be 
 known. The prefent was accompanied with 
 a number of briefs J. In that which was 
 addreffed to the eledor the pope explained 
 
 * En rentrant dans h monde. Truth may juftly be 
 faid to have rcviftied the earth, when the glorious re-^ 
 iprmatipn, dilpellipg the gloom of dark fuperftition, 
 .w.hich hung heavy on the chriftian world, made way 
 for the return of the pure light of evangelical truth, to 
 irtadiate the minds of men. M. 
 
 f Miltitz received it at Auglburg the 11th of May. 
 
 X The brief to the ele6lor is dated the 24th of OAo- 
 ber, 1518. Thofe addreffed to Pfeffinger and Sp^. 
 tinus, are dated in the month of January 1519. 
 
 S at 
 
-58 
 An. 1519. at length all the mylleries of the bleired rolc^ 
 and the ceremonies of the benedidlion j he 
 enlarged upon the affection and extraordinary- 
 regard he entertained for this prince, of which 
 he afforded him a fignal proof, in making 
 him a prefent of fuch importance, and upon 
 the obligation under which he placed the 
 cledlor of being more than ever devoted to 
 the holy fee. There were other briefs for 
 Pfeifinger and Spalatinus, which turned upon 
 the fame fubjefti unlefs that thofe minifters 
 were folicited in them, to induce their 
 matter to reprefs " the deteftable rafhncfs 
 " and notorious herefy of Luther, that fon of 
 *' the devil J " and to employ for that pur- 
 pofe meafures honourable to the prince and 
 lliited to the holy fee. This was, in fa6t, to 
 fay, that he ought to be delivered up to the 
 cruelty of inquifitors. In another brief, ad- 
 drefied to the bifhop who was to perform mafs 
 on the day of the prefentation of the golden 
 rofe, the pope gave to the prelate the power 
 of granting plenary indulgences to all the 
 alTiftants who fhould fay five paters and five 
 aves, for the profperity of the fovereign 
 pontiff and the eleftor. 
 Theeieaor 'pj^g nuncio fumifhcd with thefe briefs was 
 
 «oes not 
 
 '''°°'^'°/^- dcfirous of carryine; the rofe in great ftate to 
 6- Wittemberg, 
 
^^9 
 
 Wittemberg*, imagining that by thefe means An. 1519. 
 he Ihould be able to renew the ancient devo- J'J^^''Jeof" 
 tion of the people for the holy fee, and that |;\Vto"re'!'' 
 a meafure of fo much celebrity would mortify ^-j^^^'^e! 
 Luther and the Lutherans, and would induce 
 llrangers to believe that the pope retained all 
 his credit and authority in Saxony. But 
 whether the court was unwilling to per- 
 mit it, or whether, on better confideration, 
 he was in fear left the pope's prefent lliould 
 receive an affront in a place where his 
 name was become every day more odious, 
 and his favours more defpicablc, the nuncio 
 changed his intention, and prefented it to the 
 eledor at Altenburg on the 25th of Septem- 
 ber. It would have been acceptable four 
 years fooner, when Miltitz was direded by 
 Frederick to apply to the pope for it on his 
 part; but it could not come more out of 
 feafon than at the prefent. The difputation 
 of Leipfick had given a terrible blow to the 
 authority of the pope. However Leo might 
 pleafe to boaft of his prefent, its time was 
 over; and things of this kind, like thofe 
 which delight children in their infancy, and 
 which they defpife as foon as they begin to 
 ufe reafon, had loft their value. The eledlor 
 
 * Quart! (rofam) nefcis quanta pompa conatus 
 fuerat Vittenbergam ducere. Luther, in a letter to 
 Staupitz dated the 30th of September. 
 
 S 2 would 
 
z6o 
 
 An. 1519. vvoiild not refufe the rofe, in order not Co 
 ofFend the pope too openly ; but not choofing 
 to receive it in perfon, that he might avoid 
 playing a farce unworthy of himfelf *, he di- 
 re(5led Fabian de Feilitjchy his counfellor, to 
 go through the cerennony in his room. 
 
 Miititz is Miltitz, after this, requefted a frefh inter- 
 
 recallc-d, , . ^ 
 
 and the view with Lutlier. It was granted him, and 
 Saxony is took placc at Libcnverde^ a little town in the 
 
 di (heartened 
 
 from inter- nelghbourhood of Wittcniberg. The refult 
 
 tering tor 
 
 an accom- was that Luther fhould appear before the 
 
 modation 
 
 between the archbifliop of Treves, but fliould receive, 
 
 pope and 
 
 Ludier. neverthelefs, neither cenfure nor excommu- 
 nication oh the part of the pope. The elec- 
 tor approved of this determination ; but the 
 nuncio, a little after his departure, wrote to 
 Frederick j-, that (he pope began to loofe his 
 patience ; that Luther preached inceflantly ; 
 that there were bifhops who advifed his ho- 
 linefs to recall Miltitz, and to commit this 
 bufinefs to another who pofTefTed more vi- 
 gour and lefs complaifance j and that it was 
 to be feared left the court of Rome, wearied 
 out with fo many delays, might at length let 
 fall the thunder, which it had held fufpended 
 for fuch a length of time. The eledor, who 
 
 * Rofam, quafx) vocant auream, nullo hnnore dig- 
 riatm ell^, imo pro ridiculo habuit eledjr, lays Luther 
 i n thepreface to his works in Latin. 
 
 t The letter is dated the 10th of December. 
 f faw 
 
2i6l 
 
 faw clearly that thefe menaces regarded him- An. 15:9, 
 lelf, being invariably refolved not to commit 
 his authority, nor to afford any handle whatever 
 to the pope, put an end to the negotiation, 
 and declared that he would no more inter- 
 meddle in it. This is the whole of what took 
 place on this occafion in the year 1 5 1 9. 
 
 During thefe tranfadions Luther continued Luther dir- 
 
 . covers nevif 
 
 to explain the Pfalms in his public lectvires, errors. 
 the Gofpel and the book of Genefi? In his 
 fermons. He fulfilled, befides, all the duties 
 of his fituation J he wrote and received letters 
 from all parts, and his knowledge increafing 
 by ftudy and meditation, he began to doubt 
 concerning the number of facraments, auri- 
 cular confefllon, communion in one kind, 
 -the facred rights of the priefts *, and other 
 points of the doftrine of tjie fchools. f he 
 eleftor having fallen fick during this period, 
 he fent him a little book of confolatipn, 
 which contained fourteen meditations, {cv(in 
 upon the evils which afflidl chriftians, and 
 feven upon the advantages which ought to 
 
 * " Tiufacerdrice des pretres," literally ihQ pricjiliood 
 of the priefts. The Abbe Furetiere thus explains the 
 woxAfaccrdoce. " Ordre et caradere de Pretife, qui 
 " donne pouvoir dans Teglife Romaine de confacrer des 
 *• hoflies, et d'abfoudre des penitens." The order and 
 charafter of the priefthood, which confers power in the 
 Roman church to confecrate hofts, and to abfolve pe- 
 nitents. M. 
 
 S 3 confole 
 
262 
 
 An, 1519, confole them. This litde work was thought 
 an excellent one *, and was univerfally efleem- 
 ed. The ele6lor alio required from Luther 
 an explanation of the epiftles and gofpels for 
 Lent. He promifed it, although he was 
 overwhelmed with bufinefs. 
 
 Luther pub- But of all the works of his which appeared 
 
 li flies, this . . . 
 
 year, his tliis year, the moft confiderable is his Corn- 
 commentary 
 upon the ■ mentary upon the Epiftle to the Galatians. It 
 
 epiftletothc ^ ^ 
 
 Gaktians, was tranflatcd into feveral lanffuaees, and 
 
 which was 
 
 fo well re- printed in the following year in Spanifh with 
 tetrann.ued his Other works. It is a theological and 
 
 into kveral *-' 
 
 Jaflguagcs. moral commentary. Excellent remarks are 
 to be found in it for the clearing up of the 
 text, although the author (who held this epif- 
 tle in fuch admiration, that he called it bis 
 epiftle, to which he was, as it were, entirely 
 devoted) had not then confidered it fp 
 thoroughly as he has fince done. He ex- 
 plained, at great length, in that work, his 
 opinion upon juftification by faith •, but he 
 was fo far from making any attack upon the 
 neceffity of fandliftcation that he treated as 
 
 * Erafmus wrote about that lime to Cbriftopher, 
 bifhopof rialcj and fpraking (jf thi^littlework, he fays: 
 Magnepere probatus tli, tiiam ab his, qui dodtrinarn 
 illius omnibus modis averiantur. Lib, xiv. ep. 2^. 
 This book is inc'ud. d among the works of I uther 
 during the year 15zO ; but it was tompofed ia 
 15J9. 
 
 deceivers 
 
5^3 
 
 deceivers thofe divines who aflerted that a An. 1519, 
 fingle degree of charity was fufficient to fal- 
 vation. He maintained that thefe perfons 
 deftroyed the fpirit of chriftianity, and the 
 hyv of Jefus Chrift, the objedt of which is to 
 render man perfed:. In it Luther cenfured 
 the errors of the court of Rome, which he 
 diftinguifhed in the dedication from the Ro- 
 man church ; but in order to foften the cen- 
 fure, he fubjoined great proteftations of obe- 
 dience to the fee of Rome. He was at that 
 time influenced by thofe fentiments of reconv 
 ciliation to which the negotiation of Miltitz 
 had inclined him -, and he hoped the pope 
 would enter into the fame. Both the cenfure 
 and the proteftations were omitted in a fe- 
 eond edition which was publilhed in 1524. 
 To this there are two prefaces which deferve 
 to be read*. The perufal of the facred 
 books is therein recommended, and cenfure 
 pafied in a grave and modeft manner upon 
 the negligence of the age in regard to the 
 ftudy of thofe books, while men attached 
 themfelves with an infatiabie curiofity to that 
 of books merely human. Thefe prefaces 
 appear to be the work of Melanchthon, al- 
 
 ♦ Thefe two prefaces are under the fuppofititious 
 names of Ot^o German us, and Paul us Commodus Bret-: 
 
 S 4 though 
 
264 
 
 An. 1519. though the ftyle of them is more florid than 
 the ftyle of that great man at a later period ; 
 but this may be a confequence of his youth. 
 
 Zwing^us ic is time to fpeak alio of Zwin;2;Hus, who 
 
 had thou Jus ^ ° 
 
 ofreform ng labourcd to correfl the dodtrine and abufes 
 
 the church, 
 
 b« ore Lu- ^^ Swifferland, wliilc Luther was doing the 
 
 tber. ^ 
 
 fame with fo much fuccefs in Germany. 
 This is the lefs to be difpenfed with, fince 
 it cannot be denied that ZwingHus had pre- 
 ceded Luther in the defign of the reforma- 
 tion of the church, Luther having been fince 
 led to adopt that meafure only by accident, 
 and on account of the indulgences. Of this 
 Zwinglius produces public proofs and living 
 witnefles *. He could not allow himfelf to 
 be termed a Lutheran ; not that he was in- 
 clined to withhoid juftice from Luther, but 
 becaufc it would be doing injuftice to him- 
 
 • Etiamfi quis Lutheri dogmata nunquam legifTet, 
 pvaedicaret autem verbum Dei pure et finceriter, eum 
 magni conviiii loco Lutheranum vocitare audcnt : hoc 
 idem mihi quoque contingit. Coepi ego evangelinm 
 praedicare, anno falutisdecimo fexto fupra miHefimum 
 et quintengeffimum, eo fcilicct tempore, cum l,utheri 
 iiomen in noRris regionibus inauditum adhuc erat, fic 
 autem praedicavi cum mifla adhuc in ufu effet pontificiis. 
 Evaugelium, quod in mifla legebatur, populo propofui 
 explicandum; explicandum, inquam, non hominura 
 commentis, fed fola Icripturarum bihlicarum collatione 
 
 Teftem hujus rei habere poiTum generofum tt vere 
 
 pobiiem Theobaldum de Geroldfeck, adminiftratorem 
 templi Eremitici. Zwing. Op. t, i. fol. 3y. 
 
 fclf 
 
z6s 
 
 felf and to truth. For, befides that he had An. 1519. 
 drawn no part of his knowledge from this 
 reformer of Germany, but from the fcripture 
 itfelf, which he had taken care to read 
 thoroughly, and to ftudy deeply; he had 
 too much good fenfe not to perceive that 
 thofe names of fe6ls were only fitted to divide 
 men, and to give them falfe ideas of religion, 
 by making them believe, that to be of fuch or 
 fuch a religious fociety is to be in the way of 
 falvation '\ It is thus that perfons relapfe into 
 the error which they cenfure in the catholics. 
 Out of the church there is no falvation \ which 
 is as inuch as to fay, out of that of which we 
 are members; and thus that by attaching 
 thcmlelves too fcrupuloudy to the opinions of 
 a man, they only fubftitute other errors in the 
 place of thofe oppofed by him. Zwinglius 
 boafls of being a chriftian, and a good chrif- 
 tianf. This is the end ac which he aims, 
 
 and 
 
 * How ftrongly does tfeis apply to the narrow fen- 
 tlmentsof our modern feftarles! Yet Zwinglius was a 
 dijfcnter and arcform£r; a diffr'nter from the do6\rii)es of 
 the church of Rome, and a reformer oi its abufes, M. 
 
 f Nullus qn,Trat a proximo Lutheranus ne fiet ? 
 fed hoc, quid de Chrifti do6lrina fentiat, quam placeat, 
 quam obieftet verbum Dei; Chriltianus an fiet, id eft, 
 an incelTanter bonum opcrctur erga Deum et prnx- 
 imum ? Hie enim dicitur C-hriftianus qui indefeiro 
 
 iludio 
 
266 
 
 Ax^ J515- ^^^ ^^ which he is defirous that others Ihould 
 aim alfo. 
 
 It muft be allowed that to knowledge, 
 extraordinary for that age, he joined a can- 
 dour, a prudence, a rectitude, a grandeur of 
 foul extremely worthy of praife. He has 
 been unjuftly defamed, not only by the ca- 
 tholics, but by thofe who, being engaged 
 themfelves in the fame defign, ought to have 
 done him the more juftice : but pride, envy, 
 and malice enter efpecially into the foul of 
 thofe men, who uniting fortunate ifiues with 
 great talents, are defirous of bearing rule 
 every where, and cannot endure the fmalleft 
 contradi6lion. This is what Zwinglius has 
 experienced from Luther ^nd his followers, 
 
 fiujio bonum operetur erga Deura et proximum. 
 Zuing. Op. t. i. p. 38. 
 
 " Let no one inquire of another whether he is a 
 " Lutheran. Let him rather inquire what his feni» 
 " timents are concerning the dodrine of Chriftj hovr 
 ♦* far he is pleafed, how far he is delighted with the 
 " word of God, Let him inquire whether Jie is a 
 ** chnJimTiy that is, whether he be inceflantly employecj' 
 •' in good works, towards God and towards man. For 
 '* he alone is properly to be called a chriftian, who, 
 "with indefatigable zeal, labours in doing what ig 
 " right and fitting, in refpe6\ to God, and in refped 
 *' to his neighbour." 
 
 It were much to be wilhed that fentlments of fo en-r 
 larged and truly catholic a nature prevailed more than 
 ;bcy apprar to do at prefent in the chrUliaii world. M. 
 
 Ulric 
 
Ulric Zwinglius * was born on the iftof An. 1519. 
 January 1484, in a village in the county of ^^'^^[^^ 
 ^ockenhurg, called Wildhans-\^ fituated upon [I'^'J^r 
 the borders of the lake of Zurich, and of ^"^'^''«* 
 which his father was bailiff. He was fprung 
 from a good and ancient fannily, which had 
 preferved property, and was refpefted. He 
 was brought up until the age of ten years 
 with one of his uncles who was a dean, and ai 
 inan of learning and probity. From the 
 hands of this good prieft he pafled into thofe 
 of Binzlius^ who was Hcilled in the art of 
 inftruding youth, and exercifed, at this time, 
 that employrnent at Bafle. But as he made 
 an aftonifhing progrefs in a very fhort time, 
 and as he drew on himfelf the ill-will of all 
 the fcholars, efpecially of thofe who were the 
 mod advanced in age, becaufe he carried off 
 all the prizes} this preceptor, who was a very 
 honed man, wrote to his father and ac- 
 quainted him that having nothing more which 
 he could teach his fon, it would be proper to 
 fend him to a college, where he would pur- 
 fue ftudies more fuitable to his genius. The 
 father took him away, and placed him under 
 the diredlion of Lufulus J, who taught the 
 
 * Hotting Hift. Feci. vol. vi. p. IpS. et feq. 
 
 \ In Latin Domusfihejlns- 
 
 \ He was called Henry Lu^ulus. 
 
 belles- 
 
268 
 
 An. 13 13. belles-lettres and poetry at Berne, and who 
 was the firft who opened a college for the li- 
 beral fciences in Swifferland *. 
 
 The application of Zwinglius was equal to 
 his talents. He made a wonderful progrefs, 
 and partook of no other amufement in the 
 courfe of his fludies, but that of mufic, to 
 which he was extremely inclined, and where- 
 in he fucceeded fo well, that the Dominicans 
 formed the defign of engaging him in their 
 order. The enemies of Zwinglius have made 
 a charge againft him of his fls-ill in an art, 
 apparently of fo little importance, without 
 confidering that it is nature which moulds 
 men much more than inftruftions, and that 
 this f!<ill had coH him extremely little. For 
 his own part he judged very differently. 
 Looking upon mufic as a recreation the mod 
 fuitable to a man of ftudyf, becaufe there is 
 none whatever more proper to refrefh a mind 
 fatigued by meditation, he continually re- 
 commended it to his followers. 
 
 * Miconius in vita Zwinglii. 
 
 t He was certainly in the right. <^/iin/iHu7i, fj weJI 
 known, aiid ^o extc/lled, paiics an enconuum ou mufic, 
 and al'ferts that it is ntceflary to every orator who withes 
 to excel. He fets out with thefe words ; " Quis ignorat 
 " antiquis temporibus non Hudii modo, rerum ctiamve- 
 " nerationis habuiOe, ut iidem niufici. et votes, et I'a- 
 " pientes judicartntur ?'' inftit. Orat. lib. i. cap. 8. 
 
 His 
 
2^9 
 Mis father and uncle would not fuffer hinri An. ijig, 
 to enter into the order of the Dominicans, He ftudSes 
 
 ^ /• t - - -r ■ divinity un- 
 
 and lent hnn to ftudy philolopliy at Vienna deranabie 
 At the end of two years he returned to Bafle, Bafle. 
 in order to ftudy divinity under a profeffor of 
 great reputation at that period. This was 
 ^hcfmcs Wittembach, who had quitted the uni- 
 verfity of Tubingen to teach in that of Bade. 
 This learned man was not ignorant ot the 
 abufes of his age, and particularly that of in- 
 dulgences, which he had the courage, upon 
 occaiion, to oppofe. It appears by a * letter 
 which Zwinglius wrote to him in 1523, that 
 this good old man was difgufted with fcho- 
 laftic divinity. ^'^ You have reafon," fays 
 Zwinglius to him, " to complain of us, one 
 '* and the other, for having confumed our time 
 " lb ufelefsly in the frivolous fubtiltiesof the 
 *' fchools. You muft not, however, be uneafy 
 *' on my account : it is a natural confetquence 
 ** of tat calamity of the age. But our re- 
 *' pentance will ferve as a motive and eXam- 
 " pie to thofe who pofiefs any elevation and 
 " freedom of mind, not to amufe themfelves 
 " with things which we (tt\ joy on having 
 
 * Hottinger recites it p. ig-i, r,r.d hns taken it frotn 
 the archives of Zurich. 
 
 " quitted. 
 
 I 
 
An. 1519. " quitted, accompanied with regret at fiot 
 
 " having done it fooner.'* 
 Zwingiius Zwingiius took the degree of maftcr of 
 
 receives the 
 
 order of arts at Bafle, at the age of twenty-two years, 
 
 priefthood, . 
 
 and con- prcached, for the firft time, at Rapperfwyl in 
 
 tinues to 
 
 4udy. the territory of Zurich, received foon after 
 the order of prieflhood, and faid his firfi mafs 
 in his own country on St. Michael's day 
 1506. He was afterwards chofen paftor of 
 Claris, where he exercifed his miniftry for 
 ten years. It was there that tliis great man 
 applied himfelf entirely to ftudy. He learned 
 Yiihxz^ wwditr Andrew Bretenjlein. He read 
 the Scripture diligently, confulted the fathers, 
 and wrote v/ith his own hand the epiftles of 
 Paul in Greek, added thereto remarks taken 
 from Origen, from St. Ambrofe, and from 
 St. Jerome, the original of which has been 
 preferved *. He formed common places of 
 divinity, with the fentiments of the fathers 
 upon each point, and did not negleft the 
 ftudy of the modern divines, but above all 
 of Picus of Mirandolay whom he highly va- 
 lued ; he read the ancient philofophers Jrif- 
 totle and Plato j took delight in Seneca whom 
 
 * BuUinger relates that he had feen this volume in 
 1524, in the hand-writing of Zwingiius. 
 
 he 
 
he termed the gardener* of Joul5-\; learned An. 1=19. 
 Valerius Maximus by heart, in order to have 
 always prefcnt the hijlory of great men : and 
 for the purpofe of forming his ftyle and be- 
 coming an orator, he took care to read Salluft 
 and Horace among the Latins, Thucydides 
 and Lucian among the Greeks. A judgment 
 may be formed by thefe ftudies what was the 
 tafte and genius of Zwinglius, and whether it 
 was pofiible for any perfon to prepare himfelf \ 
 
 better for the great work to which providence 
 deftined him. 
 
 While he exercifed his miniftry in the He begins 
 ' . /• ^y reform- 
 
 church of Claris, he was very delirous of en- ing the 
 
 manner pre. 
 
 lightening the underflanding of his hearers, v.ous to en- 
 
 Tightening 
 
 but he laboured above all to reform their the mind. 
 manners, being well perfuaded that he could 
 not make them relifli the truths of religion 
 until he had firfl eradicated the reigning 
 vices. One of them he particularly attacked, 
 'which he looked upon as among the mod 
 pernicious, and the fource of a great number 
 of others. This was the cuftom eilabhlhed 
 for a length of nme in Swifierland of furnifh- 
 ing troops for money to foreign powers, 
 
 * Animaru7n agrlcala, 
 
 t ^I. de Beaufobre's words are, /<• jurdimer da 
 nines, M. 
 
 Many 
 
Aa. 1519, Many perfons received penfions from kings 
 and princes of Europe, and levied forces in 
 the ftate. 
 
 Hottinger takes notice of a letter from 
 Nicholas Hag£us of Soleurc *, written in 
 J520J v,'hich might alone fufficc to juftify 
 Zwingliiis for tht zeal with which he laboured 
 to difTuade his fellow- citizens from the prac- 
 tice of furnifhing troops to ftrangers. 
 
 It appears by this letter \^ that all the Swifs 
 were foldieri, and that they were perfuaded 
 that there was no way more fure to reach 
 heaven than the trade of war ; that the more 
 men rhcT^ killed, the more meritorious works 
 they performicd, and that, provided they pur- 
 chafed mafles or indulgences, they were cer- 
 tain of their falvation. Thence it is that the 
 author calls thefe mafles the treafure of Pluto. 
 It formed an admirable fecrct of the popes. 
 By means of the money which they difperfed 
 by their emiffaries, they had the beft troops 
 
 * Bookvi. p. 306. 
 
 t Cum haftcmis nihil nifi arma noviflent, qui fibi 
 ipfis perluafum habuerint, re(Ha I'e ad fupera volatu- 
 ros qui multos obolos perlblverint aureos, Dcofque fibi 
 multum propitios liabicuros, (i Plutonis a;rarium au- 
 geant, fi multos homines interimant: el laudis tamen 
 aliquid hinc libi adfcribere voluut. 
 
 at 
 
^72, 
 at their difpofal \ they were enabled to flatter An. 1519. 
 themfelves with giving the law every where, 
 and they were lure of the money returning 
 into their coffers, by the channel of malTes and 
 indulgences. Was it not, therefore, natural 
 that a friend to his country fliould open the 
 eyes of his fellow-.citizens, and caufe them to 
 fee the wickednefs and the folly of their con- 
 duft. But as private benefit has greatly the 
 advantage over that of the public in the 
 minds of the greater part of mankind j thofc 
 who found their account in the levies, joined 
 themfelves to the emilTaries of the pope, 
 made much noife, and gave free fcope to 
 their inveftives; other princes who profited 
 by thefe fuccours joined the party; and a 
 judgment may eafily be formed of the num- 
 ber of enemies which fuch boldnefs drew 
 on Zwinglius, by the motives and in- 
 fluence of thofe who were interefled in the 
 matter. 
 
 One may judge of the ideas of Zwinglius, Specimen ©f 
 and of the difcourfes which he held to the fes of 
 people upon this fubject, by the * letter upon the 
 
 fuojeft of 
 
 which he fince wrote to the canton of f««)gn v.-arw 
 
 * Zwing. Op. torn- i, p. 353. edit, Guallh. 
 
 T Schwitz, 
 
An. 1519. Sch vvitz *. He availed himfeir of the occafion 
 when the Swifs had been defeated in Italy, in 
 
 order 
 
 • During the vacancy of the pontificate by ths 
 death of I>eo X. the bifliop of Veroli requefted o{ the 
 cantons that they would enter into the alliance of 
 the pope and the eoiperor for the defence of Milan, and 
 that they would furnilli ten thoufand men. They rc- 
 fufed both requefts, and direded him to depart. On 
 the other hand, the greater part of the cantons fent 
 among them lixteen thoufand men to the aid of France 
 in Italy, where they were beaten by the imperial 
 army a day's journey from Biccca, three miles from 
 Milan, and loft three thoufand men. Difpirited by 
 this difailcr they retired into their own country. Th<; 
 cantons themfelves renewed their complaints againft 
 thefe levies; and that of Schwitz, which had futFered 
 the moft on this occafion, adopted the refolution of 
 prohibiting them for twenty-five years. Zwinglius 
 took advantage of thefe difpofitions for writing the 
 letter in queftion. 
 
 The Swifs began to be weary of being the fport of 
 popes, who facrificed them to tlieir intcreft. I fliall 
 here relate what took place in 151 7. The duke 
 of Urbino had re-eftablilhed himlelf in his duchy, of 
 which the pope had unjuftly difpofllired him. The 
 crafty pontiff had it given out every where that he was 
 levying troops for the purpofe of making war upon the 
 Turks. This is, in particular, what his nuncio de- 
 clared to the Swifs, in order to induce them to furnirti 
 him with auxiliaries. The cantons replied, " that 
 " -when the other dates fliould do their duty in this 
 *' matter, they would contribute to this war, provided 
 " they were fupplied with the money requifitc." But 
 it was foon feen that this was only a feint, and that 
 
 the 
 
order to induce them to relifii his remon- An. 1519. 
 ftrances. 
 
 He 
 
 the real delign of Leo was to ma^e war upon the duke 
 of Urbino He gave a commiHion. ' lieretbie, to the car- 
 dinal of Sion toenlift feveral thoufand Swifs fecreilyj 
 but the cantons forbade their ful jeds to enroil them- 
 felves. Leo then declared h'nifelt openly, andearneft- 
 lyintrcated the Swifs t" grant hmi tix thouln:id men, 
 which they refufed. In fpight of this ictulal his 
 emiffaries fecretly levied O-ven coin')anies of !■ 1 J er=> *, 
 whom they condufted through by paths inio Italy. 
 But all thefe troops periihed, either by the f\vo"d,or by 
 licknefs. Ii is faid tha ihe pope expended to no pur- 
 pofe eight hundred thoufand ducits upon this war. 
 The cantons were fo provoked at thefe levies that they 
 pafled a decree for imprifoiiii.g all the emiffirirs who 
 Ihould be found in the country, and for contil'cating 
 the property of thofe who had tak' n flight, and ba- 
 nilhing them for ever. And as the pope did i.ot pay 
 the fubfidies which he had promifed to the Swifs by 
 the treaty of alliance made with them, many of the 
 Cantons, exafperated at that procedure, were defirous 
 of breaking the alliance with him, and refufed him the 
 troops when he applied for them. Meantime he ob- 
 tained ten thoufand men under the fame pretext of 
 
 * " Sept tnfeignei de gens de guerre," are the words of Mr. 
 Rachat, as quoted in this not'. I have tranflated en/i!_j«« by the 
 v;ord companies, (which feems to lie the only meaning it will admit of 
 in this place,) upon the ftrength of the following obiervation under 
 the word ertje'igne in the valuable didtionary of Mr. TAbbe Fure- 
 tiere. %.', 
 
 " Dans les compagnies Swlfles il y a nnenfeignc, et un porte»eneig$e 
 " qui eft fous lui. Dans les autres corps d'infanterie il n' y a que 
 ** deux erfeigties par regiment." 
 
 In the Swifs companjes there is one enjlgn, and an erjigtfbeartr 
 who is under him. In the other corps of infantry there are but two 
 evfigns ta a regiment. M. 
 
 T 2 war 
 
hn. 1519. He fiid Hates the fpecious pretexts with 
 which the partifans of the princes coloured 
 their difcourfes. It was, they laid, a fhame- 
 ful thing, that men fo robuft and fo brave 
 ihould confume their ilrength in cultivating 
 barren lands ; that they had only to take a 
 part in the fervice of fuch or fuch a prince, 
 and that they would foon fee themfelves laden 
 with riches and honours. Nothing is more 
 falfe, faid he, than thefe fine promifes, and it 
 is upon this occafion you ought to call to 
 mind the words of Solomon : " The deceiver 
 " deceiveth his friend j" and thofe of Jefus 
 Chrift: " Ye fhall know them by their 
 " fruits : Do men gather grapes of thorns, 
 " or figs of thirties ?" Thefe perfons have no 
 other objedt but their own interefl:, and thofe 
 of the flates who pay them j they abufe your 
 fimphcity, they think only of precipitating 
 you into a thoufand dangers, and of fatisfying 
 the ambition and tyranny of fovereigns at 
 the expence of your toils, your dangers, and 
 
 war againft the Turks ; but as he wanted twelve thou- 
 fand, they replied they would add two thoufand prieft> 
 to^ake up the aumber; and that if his agents enlift- 
 cd fecretly more than the ten thoufand men, each 
 canton would punilh fuch of its fubje£ts as fliould take 
 part therein. Hilary of the Reformation of Sivijferland 
 hyMr. Ruchui, b. i. p. 15. and p. 100. 
 
 your 
 
^11 
 
 your blood. Never has it cofl you fo much An. 1519. 
 to defend your property, your country, your 
 wives and your children, as it colls you 
 every day for foreigners. Call to your 
 recolledion all you have loft in the wars of 
 Naples, in the battles of Novara and Milan. 
 "What rivers of blood have you not there 
 fhed ? What would you fay were you to fee 
 the mercenary foldicr, enlifted for money, to 
 whom you have done no injury, pillage your 
 corn, fell your woods, deftroy your vine- 
 yards, carry off your flocks, maffacre your 
 children, violate your virgins, remain un- 
 moved at the tears of your women and aged 
 men, murder them before your eyes, and fet 
 fire to your habitations ? Would not you call 
 upon God to fend down fire from heaven upon 
 them ? And if he refufed to hear you, would 
 you not be tempted to believe there was no 
 God in the world? And this is what you 
 yourfelves do, allured by the thirft of riches, 
 and in order to poflefs property acquired by 
 evil means. 
 
 Thofe who pleaded the caufe of this fo- 
 reign warfare, faid, war is a fcourge with 
 which God chaftifes finful men, and God 
 muft make ufe, for that purpofe, of the mi- 
 niftry of men. That is true, fiid Zwinglius, 
 T 3 bill- 
 
Aa. I5I9' but remember this faying of Jefus Chrift, 
 " It muft needs be that offences come j but 
 *' woe to that man by whom the offence 
 " cometh." Woe, in like manner, to thofe 
 who, without being called to it, become the 
 inftruments of the vengeance ot Godj for 
 after having made them ferve for the pu- 
 nifliment of others, he ufualiy puniihes them 
 in their turn. But, added thefe inrerefted 
 advocates, the war into which we are entering 
 is a jufl: one, for its objedl is to reduce rebels 
 to obedience. If its objed be to defend a 
 lawful, equitable, beneficent government, re- 
 pHed Zwinglius, nothing can be more reafon- 
 able J but its obje6t, for the moft part, is to 
 eftablifh tyranny, to fatiate avarice, and to 
 gratify the boundlefs ambition of fovereigns; 
 and of what fovereigns ? Of thofe who ought 
 to govern the people only by means of per- 
 fuafion, of thofe who ought to fet the exam- 
 ple of equity and moderation, of the pope, of 
 bifhops, and of abbots. But, what mean you ? 
 Said thefe partifans of foreign powers, our 
 country cannot furnilh fubfiflence for its in- 
 habitants, and we are forced to leave it, and 
 enlift ourfelves abroad. It is tjue, fays 
 Zwinglius, it cannot fatisfy a luxury which 
 knows no bounds, and an unbridled love of 
 
 pleafure : 
 
^79 
 
 pleafure : but never was country more cal- An. 1519, 
 
 culated to afford a decent competency to 
 
 laborious, modeft, fober inhabitants. A 
 
 moment's attention to the fertility of its 
 
 plains, and the abundance of its fruits, 
 
 may convince us of it -, but you defpife thefe 
 
 mere common advantages : you fuffer your- 
 
 felves to be allured by the promifes of men, 
 
 whofe only obje<5t is your defcru^lion. I 
 
 know I fhall draw on myfelf the indignation 
 
 of formidable perfons, but I fhall not ceafe to 
 
 declare the truth. I have reprobated your 
 
 treaty with the pope, becaufe it is my duty to 
 
 reprobate it. You are dripping yourfclves of 
 
 your forces, and you are running the rifk of 
 
 reducing yourfelves to the point of being the 
 
 prey of your enemies ; and after having 
 
 ferved to gratify their ambition and their 
 
 avarice, you are incurring the hazard of 
 
 being, in your turn, the vi(5lims of thofe 
 
 pafTions. 
 
 It is eafy to conceive that difcourfcs of this ^wingiius 
 
 . . IS called to 
 
 nature would draw upon Zwinglius a num* thpciiur.h 
 
 . of the Ber- 
 ber of enemies. Meantime he retained mitage. 
 
 the elleem of the worthieft people; and 
 
 after having exercifed his miniftry with 
 
 great reputation at Claris, he was called 
 
 T 4 to 
 
28o 
 An. 1519. ^Q the church of our Lady of the Her- 
 mitage*. 
 
 The hermitage of the Holy Virgin was the 
 moft celebrated place in Swiflerland. A mira- 
 culous image was preferved there with g eat 
 vcneration,whichdrew devotees from all parts. 
 
 * T^e Hermi/age, as it is called in the country of 
 Einfid.en, is an ancient and rich , abbey, the abbot of 
 ■which has the title of p'ince. It elates its origin from 
 the time of Charlemagne or Louis le Debonaire, and 
 derives it from a munk educated in the abbey of 
 Bichenow, named Miynard, only fon of the count of 
 Salgow upon the Danube. Siniuen with a love of fo- 
 litude. he fouL,ht it in a d( fert htuated upon the bor- 
 ders of the Limmaf, which traverfes the lake of Zurich. 
 In this pLite he built a fmall houfe, and was ki.led 
 thereabout the year 863. No perfon occupied the 
 fituation until about fixty years after j at which time 
 ESranl, dean of the chapter of Stralburg, retired into 
 the lame defert, to lead a life of folitude. He re- 
 paired Maynard's houfe, which was in ruins, and added 
 a chapel to it His fucceffor was the fon of a king of 
 Eng'and, named G/rgory, related to Olho the Great, 
 who founded the infant monaflery of the hermitage, 
 gave it titles and privileges, and created Gregory' prince 
 and abbot thereof. Its governors mult be counts at 
 leaft, and the o onks gentlemen. The riches of this 
 monaflery increafed in after times by the favour of the 
 popes, and by the indulgences which they granted to 
 thofe who went thither on pilgrimages. By thefe 
 means its abbots w^re fnfficientiy powerful to fupport 
 long wars againft the canton of Schwitz, their 
 neighbour. 
 
 Zwinglius 
 
28i 
 
 Zwinglius * was called to the fervice of this An. 1519. 
 church in 15 16. The abbot of the monaftcry 
 at that time was Conrad Rechenherg. Bullinger 
 relates f, that the vifitors of the order having 
 come to the hermitage, reproached the abbot 
 that he neglected to fay mafs, and v/ere de- 
 firous of compelling him to fay it oftener. 
 He replied, that although, being abbot t of 
 
 * Hottlnger (vol. viii. 24.) gives a copy of the 
 compaft made between Theobald of Hohenc^erolfeck, 
 principal of the abbey of the hermitage, and Zwinglius, 
 on the 14th of April i,5l6. It was the duty of Zwing- 
 lius to ferve the church in the qualifyof ziicar anAparyji 
 frk/i [%'icariuni ti fhhanum) . Among the condiiions 
 the principal referves to himfelf the perquifites arifing 
 from perfons living, which he terms Ubrl "jita: provcn- 
 ius, and a part of the confcjjionah ; but leaves him the 
 oblations, q\ iriortuary rights, and gives liim a quarterly 
 penfion uf twenty florins of fixtt-en batzens|| each. 
 He afterwards promifed him the beft vacant benefice 
 in the nomination of the abbey, upon condition he 
 gave up that he had already at Glaris, He was aifo 
 entitled to lodging and diet in the monaftery. Theo- 
 bald of Hohengerolfeck was, in the end, obliged to 
 retire, and abdicate his dignity and revenues, becaufe 
 he favoured the reformation, being iullrudted by 
 Zwinglius and the books of Luther. 
 
 •|- Hotting, vol. iii. p. 28. 
 
 X Praefes. 
 
 jl A batzen is a coin of SwilTerland in value about twopence. 
 
 his 
 
2Sz 
 An. 1519. his monaftery, he was not obliged to give an 
 account of his conducSt; he wilhed never* 
 thelefs to obferve to then:i, that if it were 
 true, as was commonly believed, that the 
 body of Jefus Chrift was effentially prefent in 
 the hoft, he did not prefume to judge of 
 others J but that in regard to himfelf, who 
 ^vas only a poor contemptible monk, he 
 thought himfelf unworthy not only to offer 
 Jefus Chrift to God his father, but even to 
 look at him: and that if, on the contrary, 
 the body of Jefus Chrift were not prefent, 
 woe would be to him ftiould he elevate a bit 
 of bread into the place of God, and caufe it 
 to be adored by the people. Hottinger does 
 not fay that this took place after the time 
 Zwinglius came into that monaftery ; nor 
 does he fpccify the place where Bullinger 
 relates it. The fame Hottinger fays that 
 Zwinglius quitted Glaris to ferve the mo- 
 naftery of the hermitage, only to have an 
 opportunity of making known the truth to a 
 greater number of people, by means of the 
 croud of ftrangers who reforted to this 
 place from all parts, on account of the 
 miraculous image which was worftiipped 
 there, 
 
 Miconius 
 
283 
 
 Miconius informs us that ZwingVius con- An. 1519, 
 tented himfelf with preaching evangeUcal ftfjf.J* 
 truths without reprehending ihe abufes of the ou^txprfing 
 Roman church; or, at lead, touched very "'^°"' 
 (lightly upon them. He thought it was ne- 
 ceflary, in the firft place, to make known the 
 truth, and to let it work upon the hearts of 
 the hearers, who would infenfibly draw con- 
 lequences from it againfb the abufes. He 
 had already written from Glaris to the bifhop 
 of Conflance to exhoit him to reform them,- 
 This was his duty, and it became him to do 
 fo, in order not to fail in what he owed his 
 fuperior. He fpoke of them in the fame 
 manner to the bifhop of Sion, who was then 
 in SwiiTerland for the purpofe of conducing 
 the interefls of the pope. This latter prelate 
 declared to Zwinglius " that if ever God 
 " vouchfafed him the favour of recovering * 
 " the credit and authority he once poficlTed, 
 
 * The v/ord con/ervcr here uis^, {\gm^t% to prcfer-ue 
 rather than to reo-vcr ; but 1 have reuilcred it by the 
 latter, both on account of the woyAjaiPiaii (ever) in the 
 former part of the fentencc, Ji jamah D'lcu luifaijoit la 
 grace; and alio from the words ot the oiiginal declara. 
 lion as given by Zwinglius hiivifclt in the firfl volume 
 of his works: (^uod /i Domini clariaitia mc i?t prijisnam 
 dignitatem ct imperii locum rcjiitucnt, Sec. 
 
 « he 
 
584 
 
 An. 15195 « he would Qimploy all his power to reform 
 '' the oftentation and corruption of the court 
 " of Rome *. " He always teftified the fame 
 zeal in the different interviev/s which he had 
 with Zwinglius upon this fubjedl. He was 
 well acquainted with the exifting errors, and 
 loudly condemned them; and if he after- 
 wards changed f , this is not the place, fays 
 Zwinglius, nor the time for difcuffing it. 
 
 The reputation which Zwinglius acquired 
 in the hermitage foon occafioned him to be 
 recalled to Zuric. This took place on the 
 loth of December 1518. He left his charge 
 of the hermitage to Leo of Juda J. In this 
 
 * Zwing. Op. vol. i. p. 230. 
 
 f We find in Hottinger a letter from Beatus Rhena- 
 nus, by which it appears that Zwinglius laboured in 
 concert wiih this illut^rious and learned man for the 
 reformation of abufes. The queliion turned upon in- 
 dulgences, and fome matter which is not fpecified, on 
 which Rhenauus writes to him in greek, "I fuipe6t the 
 *' integrity of the cardinal " Ihis, afTuredly, is the 
 cardinal of Sion. " He is alfo one of the a6tors in this 
 " farce, unlefh his difgracehas made a change in him." 
 Hotting, vol. vi. p. 307- 
 
 X Leo of Juda was afterwards paflor of the church of 
 St. Peter of Zuric, and was chofen by the congregation 
 at the age of twenty-three years. This church was the 
 only one of the country which had preferved its ancient 
 right of eleiStion by the voice of the whole people. 
 
 new 
 
2Ss 
 new funftlon he declared at the beginning, An. i^t^. 
 that he would not follow the old cuftonn of 
 explaining certain portions of the gofpels, 
 appointed for the Sundays of the year and 
 the feflivals ; but that he would purfue the 
 plan of the fathers, by explaining the books 
 entire one after another *, and that he would 
 have no other interpreter of Scripture than 
 Scripture itfelf. Enlightened perfons ap- 
 proved his method, others condemned it as 
 novel; but he cited the examples of St. 
 Chryfoftom and St. Auguftine, and declared 
 he would condud himfelf with fo much dif- 
 cretion, as not to give caufe of complaint to 
 any one. He quitted the hermitage, and 
 commenced his miniftry at Zuric with the 
 explanation of St. Matthew, on the firft of 
 January 15 19, at the age of thirty-four 
 years. 
 
 * If this method afford more liberty to the preach- 
 er, it is not mthout its inconveniencies. There are 
 fome pafTages whicii do not require explanation ; there 
 are alfo a great number which require fuperior talents 
 in order to draw from them ufeful truths ; and if this 
 method were to be extended to all Scripture, as is 
 the practice in fome churches, I doubt whether it 
 would contribute to the edification of the flock. I 
 believe the beft method is, to leave to the paftor the 
 choice of texts ; with prudence and knowledo-e 
 which it is to be fuppofed he poflefles, he will make 
 a ufe of itfuitable to times and places. 
 
 View 
 
586 
 
 An. T519. View him, then, occupied in explaining 
 «n Zwing ocnpturc after a new niethod *. He treads 
 his'mann°er i^ ^^c flcps of the ancients; he draws his in- 
 ing'^tle'^gof- formation from the Scriptures; he examines 
 the text, he explains the meaning of it; he 
 eftablifhes the dodlrine contained in each 
 paflage-, he teaches that Jefus Ch rift is the 
 only author of falvation ; he leads to him 
 alone the faith of the believer; he declaims 
 againft vice in general, and particularly againft 
 hypocrify and fuperflition : he recommends 
 works of piety; he overthrows luxury, idle- 
 nefs, intemperance, debauchery; but he is 
 anxious rather to eftabliih religion than to 
 oppofe errors and fupei^ftition j courage and 
 prudence unite in his miniftry with know- 
 ledge, pulpit eloquence, and irreproachable 
 manners. 
 He obtains a In ordcr to obtain greater authority he did 
 
 place in ihe , 
 
 ch.pterof not neglcd the ufual line of his profefiion; 
 
 Zunc. 
 
 and on the 29th of April 1521 he was ad- 
 mitted into the chapter of St. Felix and St. 
 Regalusof Zuric, where he obtained a canon- 
 ry upon the refignation of the canon Henry 
 Engelhard f . Pie fwore, according to cuftom, 
 
 * That i<:, after a method at that time new. 
 
 f This Engelhard was a doftor of the canon lavej 
 *' a grave and learned man," fays Hot linger, p. 88. 
 
 6 upon 
 
58; 
 upon the holy evangehfts, to obferve the fta- An. isi9« 
 tutes and culloms. The claufe pure propter 
 Deum was not forgotten, in order to mark 
 that there was no fimony in his eledlion; but 
 it is to be obferved, that it was more than two 
 years fince Zwinghus preached the gofpel at 
 Zuric, and that his doflrine could not be 
 unknown to the canons. There is a certain 
 proof of it, inafmuch as, in the year 1519, 
 he oppofed in Zuric itfelf the cordelier Sam- 
 fon who preached indulgences there. The 
 bilhop of Conftance was apprized of it, and 
 far from difapproving it, he made John Fabcr, 
 his vicar*, write to him to keep up his cou- 
 rage, and be firm, and that he would fupport 
 him. Since that time Zwinglius befought 
 the bilhop, both privately by letters and pub- 
 
 • Zwinglius declares that he had the original of the 
 letter : he adds only that he did not know whether the 
 vicar wrote to him without the knowledge of the 
 bithop. It appears however from the opinion of this vi- 
 car upon theilate of thepreachersof the Roman church 
 that he was well acquainted with the prevailing abufes. 
 *' Concionatorem vicem perfaepe vehementer dolui, qui- 
 " bus ncfcio quas putida commentaria revolvenda funt, 
 " quolies ad populum declamandum eft ... . Quae in- 
 " fania eft, pro evangelica veritate, fomnia qnaedam et 
 " anicularum vifiones, et terriculamenta referre. Sola 
 " divini verbi declamandi facultas rudior, quam hsec 
 " aetasdoda ferat, atque impurior videbaiur." Hotting. 
 p. 12/1. 
 
 licly 
 
288 
 
 An. 1519. llcly by writings, and that with all the refpe£b 
 he owed him, to embrace the truth, which 
 was difcovering itfelf on all fides, and which 
 it was no longer poffible to refill. But this 
 prelate, who efteemed him at firft, became' 
 afterwards cold and deaf; and, far from 
 anfwering, he thwarted him. Zwinglius 
 protefts that Faber had faid to him more 
 than once, and had written to him, that his 
 bifliop would no longer fuffer the oftentation 
 and unfounded arrogance of the bifliop of 
 Rome. He addrelTed himfelf alfo to An- 
 tonio Pucci*, legate in Swifferland, with 
 
 whom 
 
 * With regard to Pucci, wlio was at Zoric for the 
 purpofe of perfuading the cantons to furnifli troops to 
 the pope alone, Mr. Ruchat gives us an anecdote which 
 lias a claim to be preferved, becaiife It tends to make 
 ^ known the ftate of the church. The Swifs complained 
 to the legate, " that their country was cpprclfed by 
 *' the courtiers j" (fo they termed thofe who, without 
 any right, and without being called thereto by their or- 
 dinaries, took polfeffion of the re61oiies and other be- 
 nefices of the country, by virtue of bulls and grants 
 which they brought from the court of Rome, and of 
 whom the greater part were ftrangers;) " that the be- 
 •' nefices were given to foldiers of the pope's guard, 
 *' who fold them again afterwards; that prielis accufc'd 
 ** and attainted of murders, herefies, &c. and cafi into 
 *' prifon, were abfolved by thebifhop, and reeftablillied 
 " in the facerdotal dignity." They requefted the pope 
 would remedy thefe diforders. Pucci promifed ever/ 
 thing, and performed nothing. He was very foon recalled, 
 
 and 
 
whom he had four interviews upon the fame -'^n- ^s^9' 
 lubjed:. -The latter made him great pro- 
 miles. Zwinglius boldly told him his de- 
 figns, and declared to him openly that he 
 iliould explain the Scripture in fuch a manner 
 as t6igivea terrible blow to the pope. 
 
 In accepting the charge of the collegiate Occupations 
 church of Zuric *, Zwinglius entered upon I'us, his 
 
 _ aftjiii/hing 
 
 a courle extremely glorious, but attended labours, his 
 
 zeal, and his 
 . r.' '- r.- ! ' , ' ■ . ' ' ' iirmnel'i. 
 
 and \fh Jerome des Faucom in his place. The cantons 
 feeing that'tliere was no hnpenf juftice from the court 
 of Rome, baniftied from " Swiii'crland all the covirtiers 
 "as wicked rogues and ignorant perfons, wlio had 
 "nothing of the fpirit of God," and refolved unani- 
 moufly to put all thofe who iliould in future carrj'^ ori 
 this facrilegious traffic into facks, and call them 
 into the liver. Hyi, of the Etjorm. of Siv'JJcriand by 
 Mr. Euchat. 
 
 * See upon this Hottinger, vol. vi. 63, et feq. No- 
 thing is more confpicuous in that account than the at-' 
 tention of the chapter to its own interefts. But it 
 therein appears that the people ftill communicated ia 
 boih kinds; for the procurator is direfled to give four 
 pitchers of white wine out of the cellar of tlie fo- 
 ciety to the priefi, for the purpofe of being admi- 
 nittered to the people upon certain feftivals. This 
 church had been founded by Charlemngne. It polTefT- 
 ed very great privileges} and was compofed of twenty- 
 four canons, the provoft of whom, at the time of 
 Zwinglius, was Felix Grey, a learned man for the age 
 he lived in. It was he who encouraged Zwinglius, who 
 thereupon wrote to Miconius in l.'>18, that he hoped 
 the belles lettres would make great progrefs under 
 fuch a patron. 
 
 U with 
 
2^0 
 
 An. I5I9- with much pain and trouble. He preached 
 regularly every Sunday, and gave leftures in 
 divinity every day, Fridays and fcftivals ex- 
 cepted; direfted the affairs of his church, was 
 always accefTible to ftrangers, and open to 
 the Iblicitations of his friends, or the occafions 
 of thofe who canne to him , he eflablifhed 
 and prefidcd over fchools, anfwered impor- 
 tant letters which were addrefled to him 
 from all parts, gave juil, prudent, and mo- 
 derate advice j and, in the midfl of fo many 
 toils, encountered, with writings worthy of 
 
 ^ immortality, the wars which the- Roman 
 
 Catholics, the Anabaptills, and (what is 
 more melancholy) thofe whom the love of 
 peace and the intereft of the gofpel induced 
 him to regard as brethren, waged againl^ 
 him without remorfe. 
 
 Dangers to He was placed in the midft of an ignorant, 
 
 wasexpofed. but vain, proud, and envious clergy, attach- 
 ed to their cuftoms and opinions lefs by per- 
 fuafion than intereft ; and in the midfl of a 
 nation free, haughty, and extremely irritable, 
 whom his adverfaries ftrenuoufly endeavour- 
 ed to turn againft him -, a nation prejudiced 
 from another quarter, and prepoflcfled in 
 favour of the eftabliflied opinions. It was 
 not, therefore, without imminent hazard of 
 
 his 
 '6 
 
2gi 
 
 his life, that he exercifed his miniftry at An. tsij. 
 Zuric. Attempts were made on him more 
 than once, but always without fuccefs, through 
 the vigilance of his friends, and the wife pre- 
 cautions of the magiftrates, who placed a 
 guard before his houfe during the night. He 
 had two kinds of perfons particularly to dread ; 
 a great number of the laity, becaufe he had 
 loudly condemned, as has been already ob- 
 ferved, the cuftom of felling their blood to 
 foreign princes *, who had their penfioners 
 in the flare, whom they fupplied with large 
 fums of money for thefe levies j and a great 
 number of ecclefiaftics, becaufe he had ad- 
 vifed the magiftrates to reduce the number 
 of thofe who were necejGTary for the fervice 
 of the churches, to let the monafteries drop 
 after the deceafe of thofe who inhabited 
 them, and to apply their revenues to inflitu- 
 tions ferviceable to the ftate : this was the 
 reafon that the monks were his moft inve- 
 
 • Before Zwinglius, the moft pious men had cen- 
 fured this cuftom. See what Hettinger relates, p. 4 18. 
 concerning the foiiloquies of Wimphlingius prnfeflbr 
 at Heidelberg, who introduces the monk Nic/iolas Sub- 
 fylvufius, addreffing the Swifs, and exI)orting them to 
 renounce the praAice of furniftiing foldiers to the dif- 
 ferent princes to fupport their ambition. This is what 
 Zwinglius obtained from thofe of Zuric. 
 
 U 2 terate 
 
An.i5J9. terate enemies. Hottinger gives from the 
 original * an anonymous letter, dated on the 
 firfl of May 15 19, by which he was ac- 
 quainted that a refolution had been taken to 
 poifon him. The perfon who gave him this 
 information wrote it in Greek, becaiife that 
 language was then little known. He en- 
 treated him not to make any inquiry from 
 v/hat quarter the inteUigence came, but he 
 afTured him that it was more rnfallible than 
 the oracle of Delphos. He was a prieft who 
 had dilcovered the matter by means of con- 
 
 fcffion. ' • ,- i; V. L.T:„t 
 
 Zvvingiius Zwin2;liu3 havinsj, in the *year- t'ciqc 
 
 procures ^ ^ J J y^ 
 
 from the communicated his lentiments to perfons of 
 
 magiftracy ■"■ 
 
 anor.ierfa- learning who were attached to the truth, ob- 
 
 vourable to ^ 
 
 therefor, taincd an order from the magillrates of 
 Zuric, dire(5ling their ecclefiaftics to preach 
 only the pure word of God f . " "We were 
 
 " quite 
 
 * Book vi. p. 236. 
 
 f 111 their apology to the confederated cantonsj of 
 aie2lft of March 1524. 
 
 It has been already remarked that Zwinglius had 
 thoughts of reforming the churcli before Luther. If 
 people will not place a reliance on his own teftimony, 
 they ought to believe Capito, Bollinger, and above 
 all, Pallavicini. BuIIinger, in his manufcri[)t hif- 
 tory of the reformation, fays, that Zwinglius preceded 
 Luther by a year and an half. It'appears by a letter 
 
 from 
 
 mntion. 
 
^9S 
 
 '^^' quite unacquainted with the do6lrine of An. 1519 
 " Luther," fay thefe nnagi(trates, '' when we 
 '^' iilued orders to all the reflors and other 
 '^ rainifters of our city and territory to. preach 
 *' only the gofpels and u\e. epillies of the 
 " apoflies, and to follow, in cheir explana- 
 " tions, die defigns of tlw Ijoly fpirit, and the 
 ** interpretations which the Script^are, itfelf 
 " fuppiied. The canon law is not..{r^ug- 
 *^jiant to this ordinance. We>,-alfQ^ enjoih 
 f". them to preach notli.ng which canpQL.,be 
 " fupported by Scripture, and to omit every 
 " thing that was fufpeited of innovatiOii.'^A It 
 was not pofTible to proceed to reformation by a 
 way m.ore direft, or more prudrnt. The»iioly 
 Scripture is taken.^ as a guide ; tiie meaning 
 
 from Capito to Bnllingpr in. 1536, that ZwlngluiiS 
 and himfclf had refolvfd to attack the tyranny of the 
 pope. " Nam antenoam Lutherusin lurtrn emerfrrat, 
 Zwinglius et ego inter nos communiravimus dc poni- 
 titice dejiciendo, etiam dum i]]e vitam d^geret iji 
 eremitorio ; nam utriqne, ex Erafmi confuetudine, ex 
 le^lione boxiorum autorum, qnalecumque jud\c1'\im 
 tuum lubolefcebat." Extrad from the original by Hot- 
 tinger, vol. vi. p 207- With relppft to Paliavicini, he 
 admits tiie fame thing in his hiftory of the council of 
 Trent, b. i. p. 19- ^"d adds, that Zwinglius did not 
 begin the reformation in con (eq nonce of the indul- 
 gences, but upon more important f^ronnds. and before 
 the arrival of Samfon. See Hotting, vol. vi. p. 20J. 
 
 U 3 i§ 
 
294 
 
 Aa. 1519. is fought in itfelf; all doftrines are excluded 
 which are not contained in it, and which, con- 
 fequently, are not neceflary to edification. 
 
 Remarkable h is an atrocious caluHinv which the monk 
 
 calumny of 
 
 Bzovius Bzovius * advances, when he fays that 
 
 agaiiill 
 
 Zwingiius. Zwinglius declaimed with fo much violence 
 againft the pope, only becaule he had been 
 driven out of Claris, and deprived of the an- 
 nual penfion he received from the pontiff. 
 This penfion was fome money which the 
 pope's legates, who were in Swifferland, had 
 furnifhed him with for the purchafe of books. 
 '* I (hall not deny," fays Zwinglius, " that I 
 " fprmerly received fome prefents from the 
 " pope ; but it is long fince I renounced 
 ** them. While I was perfuaded that it was 
 ** juft and pious to defend the tenets of the 
 " Roman church, I thought it very allowable 
 •* for me to receive fome gratuities from the 
 ** popes i and here may be feen the knavery 
 •' of the agents of Rome, who cenfure in my 
 ** condu6t what they formerly approved." 
 
 It was fo much the more allowable for 
 Zwingl us to receive gratuities from the 
 pope, as he was made attendant chapiain 
 
 ♦ Bzov. An. 1519. fe€t. 36. 
 
 {cbapelain- 
 
295 
 
 (cbapeiain^acolyie *) to Leo X. a year before An. 15:9. 
 he was called to Zuric, and while he was 
 yet at Glaris. The deed for this purpofc 
 is to be feen in Hottinger f -, and it is an 
 authentic teftirnonial of the Ihining reputa- 
 tion which Zwinglius had acquired by his 
 talents and his virtues. 
 
 Eckius continued indefatigable in defaming An. 1520. 
 Luther, who, unable to bear his malice and "^1?^ ''"P: 
 knavery any longer, broke entirely with him. ^^'^^\^'J , 
 On the other hand.Emfer ffave out everywhere ^^' ,^'^7*" 
 
 ' o ' cd the dpi. 
 
 that Luther was the admiration of the fchif- "'<'"/ o^-t^^^ 
 matics of Bohemia, and that this efteem was '"• 
 founded upon the conformity of their opinions. 
 The dodlors of LeipHck, in order to outdo 
 the former calumny, bethought thcmfelves 
 of inventing that he was born in Bohemia; 
 that he had been brought up at Prague, and 
 inftrufted from his infancy in the do6lrine of 
 Wickliffe. Thefe rumours, completely falfe 
 as they were, began to acquire probability 
 
 * Car. Du Frefne Dom. Du Cange, in gloflario. 
 Acolyi/ii fedis apoftollcae ofto ordinarii, qui cum Po- 
 tifex apud I'^tSlum paramenti, et fimiliter in ecclefia eft 
 celebraturus, et induitur facris vefiibus, circumftant 
 genuflexi, et ornamenta fubminiftrant diaconis, car- 
 dinalibus, Sec. 
 
 t Virtutibns clarus et meritis, ficut experientia et 
 
 famae laudabilis teftimonio See Hotting, vol. vi. 
 
 p. 275. 
 
 U 4 from 
 
2g6 
 
 Aa 15-0, irojn'^ fermon upon the Eucharift which 
 Ii,u£h<^ji prin.ted. In ths he only declared 
 jajis W(fh* tiiat the church, aflembled ia 
 council, would leftore the cup to the 
 people. Scarcely had this fermon of Lu- 
 ther's ' appeared, when all his enemies ex- 
 clai.ned, that no doubt could be longer enter- 
 tained ot his being of the number of thefchif- 
 matics. The bilhop of Mifnia cenfured this 
 produflion |j and forbade it in his diocefej 
 
 •* " Probnri fibi, aut defiderare, ut ecclefia per conci- 
 " liuii uiii^ trlum fiatneret, ut in facramentocoenaeutra- 
 *' que, qnam voc mt, fprcies populo non minus quam fa- 
 " t-erdotibiis tiaderf tur " In ihort, Luther, who believ- 
 ed the real prefence, was at that time of opinion that one 
 kind onl) was fufficient for the communion, and that the 
 church had tlic power to oblige the people to content 
 thtmfelvfs with it; that it was enough, in order to 
 preferye the facrament of the Eucharill, that the prieft 
 took the two kiiids in 1 heir prefence j that, after all» 
 it was not the ficiament that was abfolutely necelTary, 
 but f^iith; tliat it was, however, to be willu^d that a 
 council w^ould rtliore the cup to the people, to wiioin 
 it belonged by tH^ inttitution of Jcfus Clirift ; not that 
 it was reqnifite for a perff6l communion, but in order 
 fully to reprefent wliat the ficrament lignifi^ s. He 
 explained ' biinfelr more particularly the fo lowing 
 year,' and declared that he had never entertained rn 
 idea th t any bidiop would undertake, upon his autho- 
 rity, to adminilier to the people in both kindsT, unKMs 
 a general council ihould order it. 
 
 -f This biiliop was called John Schleinitz 3 and his 
 ordinance is dated the 2-lth of January 15.10, 
 
 - . : and 
 
^91 
 and George, duke of Saxony, made great An. 1520. 
 complaints of ic to the eledor. He ac- 
 quainted him in a letter * which he wrote 
 upon the fubjed, that fi ce the prindng of 
 that fermon, the feft of the Bohemians, who 
 received in both kinds, was augmented by- 
 more than fixteen t'loufand perfons j that 
 Luther maintained a fecret intercourfe with a 
 very heredcal pailor of Bohemia •, and that 
 he had private conferences with him at Wit- 
 temberg. There was great appearance of 
 credulity in that letter. The elector replied 
 with his ufudl prudence and moderation, de- 
 claring that he did not pretend to vindicate 
 any of Luther's writings ; that he had ex- 
 plained himfelf on this head to Cajetan and 
 the Nuncio Miltitz J but that, after all, he 
 could affure his coufin that there were per- 
 fons of acknowledged learning and piety who 
 did not find any thing cenlurable in Luther's 
 fermon. It v/as eafy, therefore, for him to 
 defend himfelf in tv.'o works, which he com- 
 pofed upon this occafion. 
 
 The firft was a fpecies of apology f, under Lut'-eris 
 
 . too much 
 
 the title of an expolition of his do6frine. In 'intatcd w 
 
 attend to 
 
 * The duke's letter is dated the 2;th of December "«^^^*^-^.-, 
 
 tions whica 
 J 5 19. circum- 
 
 f This apology was written and appeared in the be- '^^."'^^^ '■<^- 
 ginning of January 1520. 
 
 this 
 
298 
 
 ab. 1516, this he makes it evident that the * Bohemians 
 could not be heretics for communicating in 
 both kinds, fince they did not do it but with 
 the confent of the church ; and that as to 
 himfelf, he could not be one, for having 
 wilhed that a council would re-eftablifh the 
 ufe of the cup, unlefs they prefumed to tax 
 Pius II. with herefy, for having wiflied that 
 the priefls were permitted to marry. The 
 other v/as a refutation of the ordinance of 
 the biihop of Mifnia, in which, a^ter teRifying 
 refpeft for the bifhop and canons in gentrral, 
 he attacked two or three ecclefiaftics whom 
 he believed to be the authors of the cenfure. 
 The laft publication appeared rather late. 
 The eledtoral court oppofed the printing of 
 it, to avoid incenfmg the pope. Luther, 
 who could not put up with this reftraint, 
 complained of it to Spalatinus, and what he 
 
 * The Bohemians are dirtinguiflied into three clafT 
 «s : thofe who communicated in two kinds, and agreed 
 in other points with the Roman church; tiiol'r who 
 were cMed PicarJs, who denied the real prefence; and 
 a third order, whom Triihemius calls Fojfaru, in Ger- 
 man Grtibcnhchncr, bccaufe they were obliged to af- 
 femble in caverns to perform divine lervice; and it 
 was fuppofed that they committed various crime*. 
 There is, however, great reafon to believe that the 
 Picards and thcfe lalt were but one and the fame 
 focirty. 
 
 fays 
 
299 
 fays upon this occafion difcovers his charac- Aa. 15x0 
 teK *• You arc defirous,"/^jj he, •* that we 
 *' Ihould continue to inftrudt *. If that be 
 " the cafe, I do not comprehend what you 
 ** mean when you fay that it fliould be done 
 *' without offending the pope. The Scrip- 
 " ture condemns, above all, the abufe of lacrcd 
 " things; and the popes were never able to 
 ** endure that the abufes thereof, pra6tifed 
 " by themfelves, fhould meet condemna- 
 " tion. I have devoted myfcif as a facrifice 
 " in the name of the Lord; his will be done!** 
 And afterwards, *' let us comm.t this matter 
 " to God by a prayer full of faith, and lei us 
 *' remain tranquil. What can they do? 
 " Take away my life? I can lofe it only 
 " once. Diffame me as an heretic ? — But 
 " was not Jefus Chrift condemi;ed by the 
 " wicked ? — Every time I meditate upon the 
 " pafljon of the Lord, I feel a deep concern 
 " that the trial I endure fhould appear fo 
 " great to many people. For this arifes 
 *' only from our being ent.rely unaccuftomed 
 " to fuffer, t!iat is, to live as the difciples of 
 *^ Jefus Chrift. Let thein go on," continues 
 be, " the more efforts they m.ake to deftroy 
 
 * The letter is dated the lith of January. 
 
 " me. 
 
goo 
 
 An, 15:0. " me, the more I deride their vain might. I 
 "am determined to treat the whole with 
 " contempt; and if I were. not; .afraid' of in- 
 •'^ volving our prince in. my, ruin,' 1 wonld 
 *' write without referv.e what I-think, in order 
 " the more to irritate thefc furies, and mock 
 *' at the extravagant refentment.they conceive 
 " againfl: me." 
 
 The emperor was conftantly in Spain, 
 taken up with the' affairs of that kingdom. 
 He was expe6led in Germany as foon as they 
 were arranged, and he afforded hopes of liis 
 fpeedy arrival^.- . It was of confequencc that 
 he fhould be rightly informed of Luther's 
 cafe before his return ; and it was probable he 
 would be the more inclined to liften to him, 
 as this prince could not be ignorant that no 
 one oppofed his eledion more than the pope, 
 who appeared f to have omitted no means 
 for placing the imperial crown on tlie head of 
 Francis. 
 
 Luther Luther, therefore, undertook to write to 
 
 vvrites to II- 
 
 the emperor thc empcror J. The letter;is clcgant, hum- 
 
 and entreats 
 
 ticn^" "" * ^^^ writes to this piirpofc to Frederick by a letter 
 dated the 2-lth of December. J .1 ■" 
 
 t It is not without reafon this term, is eniploycd> 
 The pope in appearance had favoured Francis, but at 
 the bottom his wi flies were for another. 
 
 + The letter is dated the 15th of January. 
 
 ble. 
 
301 
 
 ble, and modcft, butrefolutej and although An. is^*. 
 he has ftrewed it with fome enconniums, yet 
 it is entirely remote from flattery. After 
 having apologized for the liberty taken by 
 one of his condition, he reprefents to the em- 
 peror that he had had the misfortune to draw 
 upon himfelf the hatred of the great, by a con- 
 dud: which feemed to merit their protection ; 
 that every one knew that if he had publifhed 
 fome writings, he had been forced to it by 
 thofe Vv^ho had dragged him, in fpite of him- 
 felf, from his obfcurity, and the occupations 
 of his monaftery, where he devoted himfdf 
 entirely to the duties of his calling ; that he 
 had, in truth, oppofed fome opinions, or 
 fome practices of the church, but that thefe 
 were opinions and praftices merely human, 
 which had their fource only in avai ice -, that, 
 in the mean time, he fuffered for three years 
 a violent perfecution for the gofpel, without 
 either fubmiiTions, or promifes of filence, or 
 engagements to renounce his errors, as foon 
 as he fhould be convinced of them, being 
 able to foftcn his enemies ; that he could no 
 longer doubt, after this, their refolution to 
 deftroy him, and, with hirn, to deftroy the 
 truth i that there remained no other refource 
 for him but the protefllon of his imperial 
 
 majefly; 
 
30Z 
 
 An. iszoi majefty ^ and that, after the example of St. 
 Athanafius, who had implored the juftice of 
 Conftantine, he had recourfe to that of 
 Charles, being perfuaded that God would be 
 pleafcd to make ufe of the power of that 
 prince for the defence of his caufe ; that he 
 therefore conjured the emperor not to refufe 
 his fupport to the truth which it was the wifh 
 of many to opprefs i that the only favour he 
 afked for himfclf was not to be condemned 
 unheard j and that nothing could tend more 
 to caufe his mem.ory and his reign to be 
 honoured in future ages, than not to fujffer 
 the wicked to trample upon and devour 
 the juft. 
 
 Wherpub- Ij^ order, however, to Ihew that he was 
 
 J.lhes a lo- ' ' 
 
 leir.n decia- ngifj^er fchlfmatic, nor difpofed to become 
 
 ration of ■' 
 
 hisinten. f^ Luthcr had taken care, before he ad- 
 
 tion to 1 ve ' ' 
 
 the ca'tVJiic ^^J^fi"^*^ ^^'""^ emperor, to make a public de- 
 ckurchi claration * that he would live and die in the 
 catholic church. He there declares that he 
 was ready to renounce all difputes in order 
 to occupy himfejf in more ufeful works; 
 and to appear before fuch judges, ecclefiafli- 
 cal or fecular, as Ihould be allotted him, pro- 
 
 * This inftrument is dated the ift of January, and 
 cntitkd, BoCioris Marii/ii Lutluri oblatio; Jive frO' 
 tejlatio. 
 
 vidcd 
 
SOS 
 
 vided he had a fafe-condud; and he intreats An. 1520, 
 the public to forgive his faults, fince he had 
 had no other views but the edification of the 
 church, and the manifeftation of the truth. 
 
 He wrote on the fame principle a little riewite. 
 
 on the fan;! 
 
 time after to the archbilhop of Mentz, and I'^bjeft to 
 
 his • cclc- 
 
 the biftiop of Mer/burg*. The archbifhop's fiafticai 
 
 fuperiors. 
 
 reply was the moft mild and courteous pof- 
 fible; and this moderation f joined to the or- 
 dinance which he had lately publilhed againft 
 the mendicant monks, afforded Luther juft 
 hopes of meeting with equity and proteftion 
 from that prelate. But the letter which 
 Erafmus had written to the fame archbilhop in 
 the preceding year, of which a copy was fent at 
 this time to Luther J, produced in him a joy 
 beyond conception. It was, in fa6l, a jufti- 
 fication of his conducft, and a condemnation 
 of his enemies. We cannot avoid giving the 
 fubftance of it, becaufe it evinces the neceffity 
 of the reformation. 
 
 * The letters are of the 4th of February. 
 
 f In the anfwer of the archbifliop, Luther is ftyled 
 honorahilis ct religiojusf rater. In that of tlie bifliop, 
 venerahUls f rater. The archbifliop's anfwer is dated 
 the 24th of February. 
 
 % This appears by a letter from Luther toSpalatinus. 
 See epift. 145 and 148. 
 
 Eralinus, 
 
304 
 An. T5:o. Erafmus, who well knew this necefTity, 
 hLT\'nk- would have been overjoyed at contributing 
 then" "to if; but he adopted for the purpofe 
 meafures conformable to his charafter, 
 which was rnildnefs and a fear of cxpof- 
 ing himfelf He wrote, therefore, a letter 
 to Albert*, which he wilhed to be kept 
 fecret; but Ulric of Hutteii, who was at the 
 court of Menrz, made it public, and Erafmus 
 felt all the chagrin upon the occafionl, that 
 a prudent man like him is capable of feeling. 
 In this letter he deplores, in veiy beautiful 
 terms, the infelicity of the church, bending* 
 under the yoke of human laws and opinions, 
 and yet more under the tyranny of mendicant 
 monks/ whofe power was rifen to fuch a 
 height that they were formidable to kings, 
 and to the pope himfelf. The latter, when 
 favourable to them, they exalted above God; 
 but they trampled on his authority the mo- 
 ment it oppofed them. He gives a fine de- 
 fcription of the fnares which thefe men lay for 
 
 * The letter is from Louvain, dated the firft of No- 
 vember 1519. 
 
 "t This appears from the letter which he wrote to the 
 archbi(l)op of Mentz in the month of Odobcr 1520. 
 This letter will be found in the Remarks *, together 
 with that from Luther to Erafmus. They may afford 
 pleafure to readers who do not underftand Latin. 
 
 * See Note, p. 98. 
 
 the 
 
3^5 
 
 the coniciences of others in order to keep An. i; 
 them under, and to gratify their own ava- 
 rice *. He takes notice of the audacity with 
 which they every day invented nev/ tenets, 
 and of their effrontery in fubftituting fables ' 
 in the room of chriflian dodrine. He al- 
 lows that the progrefs of fuperftition was at 
 fuch a point, that, if a remedy were not ap- 
 plied, it would entirely extinguilh chriitian 
 piety, a fpark of which would be no longer 
 vifible in the church-, that all good perfons 
 lamented it, but tliat they did not dare to do 
 it unlefs in fecret, fo formidable was the 
 power of the monks. " Thefe,'* faid he, 
 " are the motives which have induced Lu- 
 " ther to oppofe the infupportable impu- 
 *' dence of fome of them : for what other 
 " opinion can one entertain of a man who 
 " does not feek for honours, and who is not 
 " delirous of riches." . He next juftifies Lu- 
 ther's vehemence by the excefs of fuper- 
 ftition, as well as of the avarice, ambition, 
 and impoftures of the monies ; and in order 
 to give a clear idea what they are capable 
 of, he reminds the archbifliop of the hiftory 
 
 * Perfrifla fronte jam coeperunt, miffo Chrifto nihil 
 praedicare, nifi fua nova, et fubincle impudentiora dog- 
 mata. De indulgentiisloquebantur, ut ne idiotae ferre 
 poffint. 
 
 X of 
 
So6 
 An. 1520. of Jerome Savonarola *, and of the impofture 
 of Berne. Erafmus had written to the 
 elector of Saxony f nearly in the fame 
 terms, adding, '* fuch is the artifice of the 
 '* monks, that as they fee all the learned 
 *^ againft them, they endeavour to perfuadc 
 " the people that the languages, eloquence, 
 *' and literature are the fources of Luther's 
 '' herefy, and the props which fupport it." 
 
 Thefe two letters contributed greatly to 
 the ^rredit of Luther. Erafmus had not 
 taken any fide : he was cfteemed by all the 
 learned, and paffed with reafon for a very 
 
 * We fliall fpeak, in the fequcl of Jerome Savona- 
 rola. The impofture of Berne is, that the dominicans 
 got a fimple man whom they made believe^ and fay 
 that he had vifions, in which, the Holy Virgin in- 
 formed him, that the opinion of her immaculate con- 
 ception was a falfe opinion. The caufe of the im- 
 pofture was the hatred which the dominicans enter- 
 tained againft the cordeliers who maintained the im- 
 maculate conception. Four dominicans, who were 
 convided of this impofture and of other crimes, before 
 judges appointed by the pope, ^t'ere burnt. 1 his took 
 place before the reformation in 150g. See Hotting. 
 Hift. Seculi xvi. part. v. 
 
 f Erafmus's letter to the cledtor is from xAiutwerp, 
 dated the 14th of April 15 19. It is not among the 
 letters of Erafmus, but has been inlerted in the tirft 
 volume of Luther's works. It ferves as a deJicatioa 
 to a little book upon the emperors, which Erafmus had 
 addreU'ed to this prince. 
 
 judicious 
 
o^7 
 
 judicious and enlightened man, by whicii An. 1520. 
 means the cenfures of the univerfities did lels 
 injury to Luther than the approbation of 
 Erafmus did him fcrvice. And when James 
 Hoeftraten, who had great power in the Uni- 
 verfity of Louvain, had procured a ccnfureto 
 be paffed * on the works of Luther, after the 
 example of that of Cologne, which, prefTed 
 by the legate, had been the firft to fet it 
 forward i when, I fay, thefe cenfures appear- 
 ed, they made little imprelTion ; and on the 
 contrary, the replies of Luther were every 
 where received with the greateft applaufe. 
 
 It is well known what thefe condemnations Luther co- 
 
 . . vers with 
 
 from univerfities are, where party and num- confufion 
 
 the twa 
 
 bers decide. Thefe places were, at that pe- univerfities 
 
 of Cologne 
 
 riod, almofi entirely filled by monks who and Lou- 
 vain, which 
 
 were the adverfaries of Luther; andj although had con- 
 demned 
 
 they had been otherwife, who is there that him. 
 
 can pofllbly be ignorant how much the cler- 
 gy are the flaves of the pope and his bene- 
 fices. Luther anfwered the cenfure from Lou- 
 vain by an invincible argument j namely, 
 that it had condemned propofitions ground- 
 ed upon Scripture, without replying to any 
 
 * The cenfure from Cologne is dated the 30th of 
 Auguft 15 ig, and that from Louvain the 7th of No- 
 vember of the fame year. 
 
 X 1 one 
 
3o8 
 
 An. 152c. one of thefe paflages; lb that ia order to 
 fubmit to fuch a cenfure, it would be ne- 
 cefTary to abandon the Scripture, and to en- 
 tertain more deference for thofc divines than 
 for the word of God. But he did not (lop 
 there : he reproached them with having ren- 
 dered themfelvcs the fport and fcorn of the 
 world by their iinjuft. and rafh condemna- 
 tions i that their hatred to, and violent attacks 
 upon the greatefi: men, were well known 
 every where ; that they prefumed to traduce 
 Occam, Picus of Mirandola, Valla, Veflelus 
 of Groningcn, Faber of Eilaples, Erafmus 
 and Capnion : but that all thefe learned 
 men had loil nothing of their reputation, for 
 having been defamed by perfons whofe pride 
 and refentment were equalled by their ig- 
 norance; that if they had obtained any ad- 
 vantage over any of them, it was not by the 
 force of their reafons, but by their intrigues 
 and the authority of individuals. "It is well 
 '^ known," continues he, " by what means 
 *' they triumphed over John Hus and Jerom.e 
 "of Prague, in the council of Conftance; 
 "■ for, not to fpeak of the letter which Pog- 
 " gius Florentinus has written on the fubje^l, 
 " and of what coiimion report has invariably 
 *' given out concerning it, the divines them- 
 
 " felves 
 
309 
 
 *' felves are of one opinion upon the matter Aa.iy.o. 
 " in their private converfations." Luther 
 was defirous of noticing the artifices made 
 life of to deftroy thefe two great men, and of 
 the calumnies which were circulated againil 
 them, for the purpofe of perfuading the peo- 
 pie of thejuilice of their punifliment. Car- 
 dinal Adrian, who was th-.n in Spain, had 
 approved the cenfure paiTed by Lou vain. 
 Luther had feen his letter ; but he had the 
 prudence to fay nothing againft him, whether 
 he believed the prelate not to be the author 
 of it, or refpecled the reputation he had ac- 
 quiied by his great probity, and the credit 
 which he poffeffed with the emperor. The 
 letter from Poggius Florentinus * is a com- 
 pofition of too great importance not to be in- 
 ferted here, although it is to be found in other 
 places, and efpecially in the elegant hillory 
 by my illuftrious friend and colleague f . 
 
 " A few days after my return to Conftance, Letter from 
 
 , ... - - Poggius to 
 
 " they began to examine into the cale or Je- Leonard 
 
 , ,. , _ Aretin, 
 
 " rome, vAio was publicly reprefented as an upon the 
 
 punifhmtnt 
 
 *^ heretic. Iwidi to give you a recital of this of Jerome of 
 
 Prague. 
 
 *' matter, as much on account of its impor- 
 
 * The letter is dated from Conftance the 30th of 
 May 1416. 
 
 f See rHiftoire dn Concile de Conftance par M. 
 Lenfmt. vol. i. p, 50"/, et feq. 
 
 X 3 "tance, 
 
310 
 
 An. 1520. <' tance, as of the doftrine and eloquence of 
 *' the man. I confefs I have never heard 
 ** any one, who, in defence of a criniinal 
 " caiife, approached nearer to that eloquence 
 " of the ancients which we conftantly admire. 
 " Nothing could be more furprifing than the 
 *' beauty of his difcourfe, the force of his 
 " reafoning, the greatnefs of his courage, 
 *' the boldncfs and intrepidity of his look and 
 " appearance in his reply to his adverfaries. 
 ^"' It is to be regretted that fo great a genius 
 ^' fhould have feceded from the faith, if, 
 *' after all, what is faid of him be true : 
 " for it does not belong to me to judge of an 
 *' affair of fuch high confequence, and I leave 
 " it to thofe who are thought to be pofleflcd 
 " of greater knowledge of it than 1 am." 
 
 *' Do not, however, exped that after the 
 " manner of orators, I am about to give you 
 " a detailed account of all that took place 
 " upon this occafion. It would be much too 
 ^' tedious. I fhall confine myfelf to the 
 " mod memorable tranfaftions, folely to give 
 " you an idea of the doftrine of this per- 
 *' fonage. When fundry articles had been 
 " exhibited againft him, by which it was 
 " propofed to convicl him of herefy, and 
 ^' upon which, in iad:, fuch decifion was 
 " made, it was refolved to fummon him 
 
 " in 
 
3^1 
 
 *^ in order to hear his anfwers*. Having An. 1520. 
 
 " made his appearance, he was defired 
 
 " to reply to the articles exhibited againft 
 
 " him. For a long time he refufed, 
 
 *' faying, that he defired to plead his caufe, 
 
 " before he replied to the calumnies of his 
 
 " enemies. But as this was not permitted, 
 
 " he delivered himfelf, in the midft of the 
 
 " affembly j-, in the following words : 
 
 " What injuftice is this ! For three hun- 
 " dred and forty days have you detained me 
 " in irons, in different prifons, in filth, in 
 *' ftench, and in want of every thing. Du- 
 " ring that time you have continually liftened 
 ^' to my enemies, and you will not give ear 
 *' to me for a fingle hour. I am by no 
 *' means furprifed that after having afforded 
 " them fo long and fo favourable an au- 
 " dience, they have had time to perfuade 
 " you that I am an heretic, an enemy to 
 " the faith, a perfecutor of ecclefjaftic&> 
 " and a wicked wretch. It is under this pre- 
 " judice that you have condemned me with- 
 '' out a hearing, and that you refufe to liflen 
 " to me; neverthelefs you are men, and not 
 *'■ gods. As mortals you are liable to err, 
 
 * The 23d of May 14 16. 
 
 t The council of Conftance. Vide Lenfant, ibid. 
 
 X 4 "to 
 
313 
 An. 1520. " to deceive yourfelves, and to let yourfelves 
 '* be feduced by others. It is faid that all 
 " knowledge, and all wifdom, is concentred 
 " in this council. You ought then to take 
 *' great care not to do any thing haftily, in 
 *' order to avoid committing any injuftice. 
 ** I well know my death is defired ; but, 
 " after all, I am a man of very fmall im- 
 " portance, and death muft come fooner or 
 " later.. What I am faying on this occafion 
 *' is not fo much upon my own account, as 
 " upon yours. It would be extremely un- 
 '^ worthy of fo many great men to determine 
 " any thing unjuft againfl me, and thereby 
 " to fet an example of miuch more dangerous 
 " confequence than death itfelf. 
 
 *' While he was thus fpeaking with much 
 " grace and force, fo violent a tumult arofe 
 " among the people that he could not be 
 *' any longer heard. It was refolved, there- 
 " fore, that he fhould reply to the articles 
 " exhibited againfl him, and that afterwards 
 *' he fhould have free leave to fpeak. The 
 " articles were read to him one after the 
 *' other, and v/hen he was interrogated upon 
 " each, it is not to be believed with v/hat 
 " dexterity and addrefs he replied, and how 
 *' many reafons he alleged in fupport of his 
 ^' opinions. Never did he advance the lead 
 
 " thin^ 
 
 o 
 
3^3 
 
 *^ thing unworthy of a good man ; info- An. is^o. 
 
 *' much, that if his opinions upon matters 
 
 *' of faith had been orthodox, there was 
 
 " not the lead ground to accufe him, far 
 
 *' lefs to put him to death. He firmly de- 
 
 *' clared that every thing advanced againfl 
 
 " him was falfe, and invented by his enemies. 
 
 " When the charge v/as read, th^il be vilified 
 
 " the apojiolicalfee by his /landers, that he had 
 
 " attacked the pope himjelfy that he was the 
 
 " enemy of the cardinals, a perjecutor of the 
 
 ^^ prelates, and a foe to all the chrifiian clergy^ 
 
 "he raifed himfelf up, and in a plaintive 
 
 *' voice exclaimed, ftretching out his hands : 
 
 " To what quarter, fathers, jkall I turn tnei 
 
 " Of whom fhall I implore fiiccour? Upon whom 
 
 *' fhall 1 call to bear witnefs to r.iy innocence ? 
 
 ** Shall it beyou ? But, alas ! my ferfecutors have 
 
 " alienated your minds from me, by faying, that I 
 
 '^ myfefam theperfecutor of my judges. They 
 
 '■^ have ?ighily imagined that if their other accu- 
 
 ^^ fations were infuff.cient to procure my condem- 
 
 •' nation, they poffeffed an infallible method of op- 
 
 " preffing'rne, and of ex afp crating you againfl me, 
 
 " i'y f^'lj^b vcp'''(fs'>^ii^Z ^'^'^ ^'^ ^^^ enemy of you 
 *' all. If, therefore, you are refolved to believe 
 " them, 1 have nothing to hope. 
 
 '- Ke frequently irritated them with rail- 
 " leries, or even fometimes forced them to 
 
 « fmile 
 
An. 1 - 20. 
 
 " fmile upon fo melancholy a fubje6b, by 
 " giving a ridiculous turn to their obje6lions. 
 " When he was allied what his opinion was 
 " upon the eucharift : Naturally^ replied he, 
 " it is bread; during^ and after conjecration^ 
 " it is the true body of Chrifl. He replied, in 
 " the lame catholic manner, upon the other 
 *' articles. Some perfons having reproached 
 ** him with having laid, that after confecration 
 " the bread remained bread : Tes, faid he, that 
 *' which remains at the baker s. He faid to a 
 " dominican who was violent againft him, 
 *' hold thy tongue^ hypocrite; and to another 
 " who affirmed with an oath what he had ad- 
 ** vanced againft him : 'J hat indeed^ faid he, is 
 " the befl mode of deceiving. One of his prin- 
 " cipal antagonifts was prefent, whom he in- 
 *' variably treated with the higheft contempt. 
 " But as the matter could not be terminated 
 " that day, on account of the great number of 
 *' charges, and their importance, it was ad- 
 *' journed to another day. Upon that day, 
 *^ the other articles having been read and 
 *^ confirmed by witneftes, Jerome entreated 
 *' the affembly to give him audience. Hav- 
 *' ing obtained it, though not without op- 
 *' pofition, he began by praying to God for 
 *' grace fo well to regulate his mind and his 
 ^f exprclTicns as not to advance any thing 
 
 " that 
 
3^3 
 
 *'' that did not tend to the falvation of his An. isa 
 
 " foul ; he then proceeded as follows : I am 
 
 *' not ignorant^ O learned ajfemhhy that there 
 
 " have been many excellent men^ zvho^ cpfreffed 
 
 " hf^l/^ 'witnejfes, have been treated in a man- 
 
 " ner unworthy of their virtues^ and condemned 
 
 " byjentences extremely unjujl. This he firft 
 
 " inflanced in Socrates, who, being unjuftly 
 
 *^' condemned by his fellow-citizens, preferred 
 
 '^ death to a recantation contrary tp his own 
 
 " convidion, although he had completely the 
 
 " power of efcaping capital piinilliment by 
 
 ** that means. He next adduced the captivity 
 
 '' of Plato *, the injuries which Anaxagoras f 
 
 " and Zeno J fuffered j the banilliment of 
 
 ^^ Rutiliuslj, of Boetius§, and fome others. 
 
 * This philofopher was fold by order of D'wnyfius- 
 the tyrant, Diog. La'crt. 1. iii. § ig. 
 
 -f Some fay he was banillied : others that he was 
 put to death under pretext of impiety. Diog. Lairt. 
 1. ii. § 12. 
 
 \ Plutarch relates that Zeno plucked out his tongue 
 3nd fpit it in the face of a tyrant who wilhed to ex» 
 tort a fecret from him. Plut, Moral, p. 505. 
 
 (I This was the uncle of Cicero j he was baniftied^ 
 from Romein the time of Sylla, who afterwards recalled 
 him, but he would not return. Cic^r. de N(4. Deor. 
 1. iii. c. ■',2. 
 
 § A Roman conful in the fixth century. Theodo- 
 riclc had him beheaded upon fome fufpicions j:. 
 
 X For thefe five notes fee M. Lenfant's Hiftory of the Council of 
 Conftance, p. 570 and 571. I have introduoed them here, in the 
 hope chat they might be acceptable. M, 
 
 " Faffing 
 
An. 1520. ti Palling then to inftances among the Me- 
 " brews, he reprefented that Mofes had often 
 " been afperfed by the people, as if he had 
 "been an iinpoftor; thatjofcph h.ad been 
 *' fold through the jealoufy of his brethren, 
 " and afterwards thrown into prifon on falfe 
 '' fuggeftions ; that EJaiaSy Daniel, and al- 
 *' moft all the prophets had been unjuftly 
 " perfccuted. He did not forget die hiftory 
 " of Sufanna. After thefe examples drawn 
 " from the Old Teftament, he paffed to thofe 
 " of the New. He reprefented to them the 
 "■ unjuft ^umihrn^ntoi John Bap tijt, oijejus 
 " Chrijiy and of the greater part of the apof- 
 " ties, who were put to death as impious and 
 *' feditious perfons. // I'j, faid he, an un- 
 ** worthy thing that a priejl JJjould be unjiijlly 
 " ccndemned by a •prieji \ but it is the height of 
 *' iniquity that he Jloould be Jo by a council and 
 " and college of priejis. 
 
 " As the whole matter refted upon wit- 
 " nefTes, he maintained that no credit ought 
 " to be given to their depofition, becaufe 
 " they had advanced nothing but what was 
 *' falfe, and had fo done only through hatred 
 *' and envy. He laid open the caufcs of this 
 " hatred with fo much appearance of truth, 
 -' that he was very near bringing the aflembly 
 
 *' over 
 
f over to his fide ; and if it had not been an An. 1510, 
 ^ affair of religion, he would certainly have 
 
 * been acquitted, fo much compafiion did he 
 ' excite in the afiembly. In order to move 
 ' them the more, he added, that he had come 
 '■ of his own free will to the council for the 
 ^ purpofe of juftifying himfelf j that this was 
 ' not the condu(5l of a man who thought 
 ' himfelf culpable : befides, it fufficiently 
 
 * appeared by the account which he render- 
 ' ed of his life and of his ftudies, that he had 
 ' employed his time in the exercife of vir- 
 ' tue, and in ufeful and pious works. With 
 ' refpecc to his opinions he made it appear, 
 
 * that at all times the moft learned men had 
 ' entertained different fentiments upon re- 
 ' ligion ; that they had difputed thereon, 
 ' not to oppofe the truth, but to elucidate 
 ' it; that St. Auguftine and St. Jerome 
 
 * had not always coincided in opinion, 
 ^ without being for that reafon accufed of 
 
 * herefy. 
 
 " As it was expefted he v/ould either juf- 
 ^ tify himfelf or retracl, he declared he 
 
 * would do neither the one nor the other j 
 ' not the former, becaufe he did not per- 
 ' ceive himfelf guilty of any error; not the 
 ' latter, becaufe it was not for hini to retracl 
 
 7 " the 
 
Si8 
 
 the falfe accufations of his enemies. He 
 even launched out in the praifes of John 
 Hus, who had already been burnt, calling 
 him a juft and holy man, undeferving of 
 fuch a death, and declared that he was 
 ready to fufFer every kind of punifliment i 
 that he chofe rather to yield to the violence 
 of his enemies, and to the audacity of his 
 accufers, than to depart from truth as they 
 did ; being, befides, well affured that they 
 would have to render an account of it one 
 day to Him who could not be deceived. 
 The whole afTembly were deeply afFe6led 
 witii grief. They ardently defired to hvt 
 fo excellent a man, if he had been willing 
 to ponder on the matter. But, firm in his 
 refolution he feemed to wifli only for 
 death. He again expatiated in praife of 
 John Hus, who, as he faid, had done no- 
 thing againft the church of God, by cen- 
 furing the abufes committed by the clergy, 
 and the pride, the oftentation, and the pomp 
 of the prelates, j^s the revenues of the church 
 are principally defigncd for the maintenance 
 of the pooryfor anions of hofpitality^for the 
 building and repair cf churches ; this pious 
 many faid he, could not endure that they 
 fhould be confumcd on debauches with zvcmeUy 
 
 "en 
 
3^9 
 
 on entertainments J on dogs ^ onhorfeSy on fur- An. 1520, 
 Jiiturcy on rich drejfes, and in other expenjes 
 unworthy of chrljlianity, 
 " He was poffeiTtd of fiich a prefcnce of 
 mindj and fuch a firmnefs, that although 
 he was interrupted by a thoufand clamours, 
 and was continually haraiTed, he was never 
 deficient in reply, and put thofe. who at- 
 tacked him either to filence, or to the 
 blufli. All were in admiration at his me- 
 mory which never failed him, although he 
 had been three hundred and forty days in a 
 dungeon, without being able to read, or 
 even to fee the light ; not to reckon the 
 inquietudes, the agitations of mind which 
 would have deprived any other perfon of 
 memory. Notwithftanding this, he quoted, 
 in fupport of his opinions, fuch numerous 
 authorities of docflors of the church, that 
 one could fcarcely conceive he could have 
 been able to collect them together in that 
 fpace of time, although he had even en- 
 joyed a perfeft tranquillity. He had a 
 ftrong voice, agreeable, diftindl, and fono- 
 rous : his aftion was entirely fuited to ex- 
 cite compaffion, although he did not wifli 
 for any. In a word, to fee his intrepidity 
 you would have taken him for another 
 
 '* Cato. 
 
320 
 
 Ad. is^o. " Cato, O man, truly worthy of Immortal 
 " fame ! If lie entertained opinions contrary 
 " to thofe of the church, I do not praife him 
 " in that particular ; but his prodigious 
 " learning and eloquence claim my admi- 
 *' ration. Nature, I fear, bellowed on him 
 " thefe gifts for his deflruclion. 
 
 " A fpace of two days having been allowed 
 " him to change his fenliments, many per- 
 " fons, and among others the cardinal of 
 "■ Florence, went to vifit him in order to try 
 " to reclaim him. But having perfevercd 
 " in his errors, he was condemned to the 
 " flames by the council. He walked to ex- 
 " ecution with a cheerflil countenance, and 
 ** with greater intrepidity^ than was ever 
 *' difplayed by any floic. When he arrived at 
 " the place of execution, he quitted his gar- 
 " ments of his own accord, and, throwing 
 *' himfelf on his knees, kified the ftake to 
 " which he was to be fattened. He was im- 
 ** mediately bound, chained and naked as he 
 " was, with wet cords. Large pieces of w^ood 
 " were piled round him, intermixed with firaw. 
 " The fire being kindled he began a hymn, 
 *' which he continued to fing notwithftanding 
 *< the flame and fmoke. As the execuiion- 
 " er was about to apply the fire to that part 
 
 " of 
 
321 
 
 " of the pile which was behind him, for fear An. i^iot 
 
 *' he fhould fee it ; Advance, faid he to him in 
 
 *' the moil refolute manner, and kindle the 
 
 ^'^ fire before me', iflhadfeareditlJJootildnot 
 
 " have come hither ^ as I could readily have 
 
 " avoided it. Thus died this man, whofe merit 
 
 " cannot be fufficiently admired. I was a 
 
 *' witnefs to this cataftrophe, and I have 
 
 " confidercd all the circumftances of it. 
 
 '* Whether there was knavery or obftinacy 
 
 " in the bufinefs, I cannot tell i but never 
 
 *^ was death more philofophic. 
 
 *' I have here given you a long narration. 
 " I thought I could not make a better ufe 
 " of my leifure than in relating a hiftory fo 
 '* fimilar to thofe of antiquity. Mutius 
 " Scavola did not behold his arm burning with 
 *' more fortitude than this man did his whole 
 *' body ; nor did Socrates take the poifon 
 " with more cheerfulnefs. But it is enough: 
 *' pardon my tediou/nefs. Such a fubjedl 
 " would require a ftill more ample nar- 
 " ration." 
 
 There fprung up at this period two new 
 adverfaries * to oppofe Luther, but fo con- 
 
 * Thefe two men were Paul Bachmami in Latin 
 Ammcola, abbot of the monaftery of Altencdle, and a 
 cordelier of the monaftery of Leiplick, who was called 
 ^ugjijiine Alfeldenfis. 
 
 Y temptible 
 
An. 152c. tcmptible that no mention would be made of 
 them, unlefs on account of a particular mat- 
 ter to be found in the anfvver which Luther 
 returned to one of them. This circumftance 
 is, that there were people ftill living who re- 
 membered to have fcen the pallium eight 
 times paid for by the archbilhop of Mentz. 
 Now, for each -pallium near thirty thoufand 
 crowns were paid, which made a very con- 
 fiderable fum at that time. Leaving to 
 themfelves thofe petty adverfaries, who bark- 
 ed in vain againft him, Luther conceived a 
 great projed: in his mind. When he had 
 difcovered that the pope's authority was not 
 of divine right, he drew from it a confe- 
 quence extremely natural; namely, that it 
 ought either to be abolifhed or moderated. 
 As to its abolition, he entertained, at that 
 time, no fentiment of the kind, cither be- 
 caufe of its antiquity, or becaufe it might 
 have its ufe in maintaining the unity of the 
 weftern church. He, therefore, thought 
 only of moderating that authority, becaufe 
 tyrannical and deftruftive to the people; 
 and becaufe the avarice and ambition of 
 the court of Rome, encouraged it to fup- 
 port abufes, which were the fource of its 
 riches. 
 
 In 
 
In order to accomplifli fo great a defign, An. 1520. 
 Luther compofed a work * in German which Luther 
 
 compofes a 
 
 he addrefled to the emperor and to the no- work in 
 
 ^ whicli he 
 
 bihty of the empire, in v/hich he faps the fap^ the 
 
 ' ^ ^ foundation 
 
 foundation of the papal dominion and op- o*" ^he papal 
 
 *• ^ ■*■ tyranny. 
 
 prefTjon. Thefe foundations, according to 
 him, were, firft, the -privileges which the 
 clergy aflume to themfelves over the laity ; 
 fecondly, the right of determining the fenfe 
 of the Scripture, of which the pope had pof- 
 fefTed himfelf, by which means no interpreta- 
 tion could be received which was not con- 
 formable to his interefts ; thirdly, the power 
 of affembling councils and of prefiding in 
 them. In this work he attempts to deftroy thefe 
 three foundations. On the firft he obferves, 
 that between the clergy and laity there was 
 not that diftinftion which the former arro- 
 gate to themfelves : and that Jefus Chrill 
 having confecrated all the faithful, and having 
 made fo many kings and priefts from among 
 them, it was lawful for every layman to exer- 
 cife the miniftry in cafe- of necefllty. We 
 fhall have an opportunity hereafter of ex- 
 plaining his fentiments on this head more 
 fully. Upon the fecond he proves, that the 
 
 • This work appeared in the month of July. 
 
 Y 1 pope 
 
324 
 An. 1520. pope being liable to err as other men, could 
 not determine with certainty, and by his own 
 authority, the fenfe of the Scriptures. He 
 made it evident upon the third, that to con • 
 voke councils is a right of princes, which the 
 popes have ufurped over them. He after- 
 wards defcends into the detail of the abufes 
 of the court of Rome, and propofes the means 
 of correfling them ; but he does all this with 
 an ability, furprifing in a man who had been 
 brought up remote from the affairs of the 
 world. 
 
 The part of this work moft delicate in the 
 handling is the celebrated queftion of the 
 pretenfions claimed by the popes over the 
 empire and the emipcrors. Luther had not 
 been able to obferve, without indignation, that 
 Prierias, treading in the footfteps of fo many 
 other flaves of the court of Rome, was chang- 
 ing the papacy into an univerfal monarchy, 
 by giving to the Roman pontiffs an abfolute 
 fovereignty over all ftates, in virtue of which 
 kings are but their vaffals, and enjoy their 
 crowns only through favour of the pope. He 
 knew befides, with what affedation the 
 bifhops of Rome boaft of having taken the 
 empire from the Greeks, and given it to the 
 Germans 3 and that under pretence of ho- 
 mage 
 
 / 
 
mage and acknowledgment, they thought An. ica©. 
 themfelves entitled to require eveiy thing 
 from the German nation. This was the ufual 
 language of the legates, when they made de- 
 mands on the part of the pope. Luther took 
 in hand, therefore, to examine that difficult 
 queftion, and expofed the vanity of the pre- 
 tenfions of the popes, their revolt againft the 
 emperors, above v/hom they exalted them- 
 felves, although they were their fubjeds ; and 
 the unjuft and artful mf^ans they made ufe of 
 to drain Germany. He admits, however, 
 that the pope has a fpiritual fuperiority over 
 the emperor (becaufe he preaches the word 
 of God and adminillers the facraments to 
 him), fuch as St. Ambrofe had poffeiTed 
 over Theodofius, and Samuel over Saul and 
 David ; but, exclaims he^ '* let the emperor 
 *' fhcvv that he is emperor, really fovereign ; ' 
 " that he v/ill not let himfelf be impofed on 
 *' by the delufions of Rome ; and that he will 
 " not fuffer the pope to poflefs himfelf of 
 " his authority, and to wrcft from him the 
 *' fword which God alone has placed in his. 
 " hands." 
 
 After all, there was nothing in what Lu- 
 ther advanced upon the fubjeft of the chime- 
 rical pretenfions of the popes, which was not 
 cxadlly true, and which had not even been 
 Y 3 proved 
 
3^6 
 
 An. 1520. proved by modern hiftorians extremely at- 
 tached to popery*. Befides, the emperors 
 were not ignorant of their rights, as Maximi- 
 lian clearly lliewed at the diet in 1 507. Mean- 
 while Luther's work made a terrible noife. The 
 partizans of the court of Rome were in an in- 
 cxpreffible rage at it. Luther's friends trem- 
 bled for his fafety, and clearly faw that, after 
 fuch an affront, the pope never would forgive 
 him. With refpe6l to fuccefs, it is very doubt- 
 ful whether this work did him more good or 
 harm. In fad it muft have been agreeable to 
 the nobility and fecular princes, to fee him 
 promulgate their rights, and avenge them of 
 the papal tyranny : but, on the other hand, he 
 rendered himfelf odious to all the clergy of 
 Germany, who were equally numerous and 
 powerful, by ftriking at their privileges, and 
 placing them on a level with the laity. Be 
 this as it may, as foon as it v/as known that 
 Luther had compofed a thundering work 
 againft the pope, he was entreated to fupprefs 
 iti but he replied that it was impofTible, four 
 thoufand copies having been fold fince the 
 17th of Auguf!;. To this he added f, " We 
 
 * See Maitnbourg in the fall of the empire ; in his 
 Treatife upoii the eflabl'ijliment and prerogatives of the 
 Homan church ; and in the Ife of Gregory the Great. 
 
 •f In his letter to Lang, vicar of the AugiUiin?, dated 
 the 17th of Augurt, 
 
 " arc 
 
** are perfuaded that the papacy is the feat of An. ij;©. 
 " antichrift, and that it is allowable for us to 
 " attempt every thing againft its impoftures, 
 " its fedu6tions, and its knavery." Mean- 
 while, although he exprelTes himfelf in this 
 manner, it appears by his anfwer to the cor- 
 delier Auguftine AlfeldenfiSy that his defign 
 was not to throw off the yoke of the Roman 
 church, as has been remarked, but to confine 
 its authority within juft bounds, by declaring 
 that its fuperiority over all the churches was 
 not of divine right, and that chriftian focieties 
 which did not acknowledge its authority, did 
 not therefore make lefs a part of the church 
 of Jefus Chrift, and ought not to be regarded 
 as heretics and fchifmatics. Such was his 
 declaration at that time, and in the work juft 
 mentioned. In fhort, Luther believed * that 
 the eleftoral court was not forry that he had 
 publifhed the work, and that it was even well 
 pleafed that the pope had received that mor- 
 tification. 
 
 It is not known what bufinefs the eleftor Letter from 
 of Saxony had at Rome \ but Valentine de to ihe pope, 
 Teutlebe, who was afterwards bifhop of Hil- tL poprto 
 
 , . , , tl* elefto:. 
 
 deflicnn, wrote to him that he ought not to 
 
 * This is what appeared by the letter to Lang above 
 mentioned. 
 
 Y 4 be 
 
328 
 An. 1520. be afLoniihed it fucceeded fo ill, as it was 
 publicly faid, that he proteded a man who 
 fpread abroad new doflrines to the injury of 
 the holy fee. At the fame time cardinal de 
 St. George (Riari) acquainted him that pre- 
 parations were making to excommunicate 
 Luther. Thefe letters were undoubtedly 
 written in concert with the pope, who wifhed 
 to compel the eledlor to declare himfelf in an 
 anfwer*. The prince replied to Teutlebe, 
 that he had never claimed the right to judge 
 of Luther*i doftrine, far lefs did he wifh to 
 defend it ; that, in fadb,' he had fuffered him 
 to go on upon the aflurances he gave to 
 maintain his dodlrine in every place where 
 called upon, as foon as he had obtained a fafe 
 conduct J and to retraft it from the time he 
 fhould be convinced of error ; that he had 
 fohcited him voluntarily to quit his domi- 
 nions, but that Miltitz had oppofed it, fear- 
 ing he would write elfewhere with more free- 
 dom. Frederick added a caution which was 
 fufficient to induce the court of Rome not to 
 precipitate the excommunication of Luther. 
 " Germany," he faid, " was full of perfons 
 " ficilled in all the fciences -, that the people 
 
 * The anfwer is dated Ihe firft of April. 
 
 •' teftified 
 
3^9 
 
 •*■ teftified an extreme defire to read the An. issa 
 " Scripture, and that if the court of Rome 
 " was abfolutely determined to rcjed the of- 
 " fers of Luther, and to treat his affair with 
 " haughtinefs, it ought to dread troubles 
 *' difficult to be appeafed, and revolutions 
 " which might be as fatal to the pope as to 
 " others." There is reafon to believe Lu- 
 ther was concerned in this anfwer, as the 
 letters of Teutlebe and cardinal Riari were 
 communicated to him. 
 
 Teudebe did not fail to communicate the 
 elector's anfwer to the pope; and as that 
 prince had protefted he fliould be ex- 
 tremely forry to afford any protedlion to er- 
 ror, Leo pretended to take that declaration 
 for a formal condemnation of Luther's doc- 
 trine. Upon this he wrote a letter * to Fre- 
 derick quite full of praifes, Vv^herein he made 
 a doubt which he ought mod to admire in 
 that prince, his prudence or his piety. Fie re- 
 turned him thanks for having afforded neither 
 aid nor protedion to Luther, whofe portrait 
 he drev/ in thefe terms : " He is the wicked- 
 " eft and moft deteftable of all the heretics, 
 " having no other miffion than that which 
 
 't> 
 
 * The pope's letter is dated the 8th of July, and 
 was carried by Ecklus. 
 
 "he 
 
3?>^ 
 An. 1520. " he has received from the devil." The 
 pope concluded with informing the elector, 
 that Luther's doflrine having been condemn- 
 ed in a congregation appointed to examine 
 it, he fent him the bull of condemnation, 
 and that in cafe Luther fhould not retraft 
 within the time prefcribed, he intreated him 
 to fecure the heretic. 
 i,udier finds While procccdings were carried on againfl: 
 proudors Luther at Rome, Providence raifed him up 
 i^n^ erma- pj-Qtedlors in Germany. SylvefterdeSchaum- 
 bourg, of an illuftrious houfe among the no- 
 bility of Franconia, and Francis de Secken- 
 gen, a gentleman who pofTelTed great intereft 
 in the empire, wrote to him to afTure him of 
 their fupport and friendfhip. Schaumbourg 
 wrote to him, that he had been informed by 
 perfons of worth and learning, that as long 
 as his do6lrine was founded only upon Scrip- 
 ture, and fubmitted to equitable and enlight- 
 ened judges, he would not fail to be per- 
 fecuted -, that he intreated him not to feek 
 an afylumi in Bohemia, becaufe the fmalleft 
 communication with the Bohemians would 
 render his caufe odious ; that he offered him 
 a retreat, together with the prote6lion of an 
 hundred gentlemen, with whom he might 
 await in fafety the decifion of his affair. 
 
 It 
 
thunders oi 
 Rome 
 
 33^ 
 
 ' It was extremely pleafing to Luther to An. 1520. 
 perceive that Providence raifcd him up J^f^^J""^'^ 
 friends fo much the more faithful, as he had fr-^'l'J,"' 
 
 ' delpue the 
 
 gained them only by the charms of truth, 
 and the juftice of his caufe. He was not 
 fatisfied with informing the eledlor of it, he 
 wifhed it to be known at Rome, and requeft- 
 ed Spalatinus to tell his mafter *, that it 
 would be well to mention it when he wrote 
 to cardinal de St. George. Luther's defign 
 was to put a ftop to the bull, which he knew 
 was preparing againft him. He fubjoined, 
 neverthelefs, " for myfelf, the lot is caft ; I 
 " equally defpife both the rcfentment and the 
 " favour of Rome. No longer do I wilh to 
 ** cultivate either peace or communion with 
 " herj let them condemn, let them burn my 
 " books, if they choofe it j I will condemn, 
 " I will burn in my turn the ordinances and 
 " conftitutions of the pontiffs, and I will for 
 " ever renounce the idea of fubmiiTions, I 
 " have made too many already, fince they have 
 " only ferved to inflame in proportion the 
 " bofoms of the enemies of the gofpel .... I 
 " have no doubt however, but that the Lord 
 *^ will complete his work, eitlier by me, or 
 
 • The letter from Luther to Spalatiaus is dated the 
 10th of July. 
 
 " by 
 
O O i> 
 
 An. 1520. " by Tome other perfon." He wrote, nevcr- 
 thelefs, a little time after to the cardinal de St. 
 Croix, in very different terms. His letter is 
 not to be found among his works, but the 
 fubftance of it is contained in another which 
 he wrote to Spalatinus on the 23d of Auguft. 
 '* He entreated that cardinal to become a 
 " mediator in his caiife. He was willing to 
 " yield in every thing except recantation, the 
 " iligma of herefy, and the freedom which 
 *' he referved to himfelf of teaching the word 
 " of God." Finally, he added, " that he 
 ** was in dread neither of ccnfure nor vio- 
 " lence -, that he had a fecure afylum in the 
 " hearts of the Germans j and that it would 
 " behove his enemies to take care, left in 
 " deftroying one adverfary, they might caufe 
 *' many others to fpring up." 
 
 It might feem aftonifhing that Luther 
 Ihould have written, almoft at the fame pe- 
 riod, things which appear fo oppofite. But 
 thefe variations mull be attributed to the 
 uncertainties and aginarions which the human 
 mind endures in difficult cafes. Struck, at 
 one time, with the tyranny of Rome, and the 
 abufes v/hich fhe had introduced, or autho- 
 rized, he was filled with indignation againil 
 her, and thought only of breaking with the 
 
 pope, 
 
Z2>S 
 
 pope, whom he regarded as antichrift ; at An. 1520* 
 another, either fear of danger, or the folici- 
 tations of friends, or the hope of a pra6tica- 
 ble reforniation, led him to adept fcntiments 
 of a more moderate kind. This, doubtlefs, 
 is one of the principal caufes of the frequent 
 inequalities which are to be found in the 
 condu6t and writings of Luther; and fo 
 much the rather as it was known to be a 
 vehemence of fpirit which hurried him 
 impetuoudy to extremes. 
 
 In the midft of thefe perplexities Luther Luther pub- 
 did not ceafe to write, and all his writings t /ok upon 
 tended to his objeft, which was, if not to an^dMnar^ 
 abolifh, at lead to moderate the authority of crameml' 
 the pontiff of Rome. He had perceived at 
 firft fight that this authority was fo flrongly 
 connefled with the reigning fuperftitions, 
 that they mutually fupported each other. 
 In fa61:, the authority of the pope upheld the 
 abufes ; it was that which confecrated them, 
 and, by the refpefl entertained for its de- 
 cifions, prevented even the examination of 
 them; but, on the, other hand, the abules 
 were, in return, the foundation of the pope's 
 authority ; for it was through the influence 
 of fuperftition that he was mafter of the con- 
 fciences and wealth of the people. Luther, . 
 
 therefore. 
 
334 
 
 An. rs;c. thcreforc, equally adopted the two folio -.ving 
 meafures, namely, fometimes that of oppoimg 
 the pope's authority in order to deftroy the fu- 
 perflitions, fometimes that of deftroying the 
 fuperftitions in order to pull down the au- 
 thority of the pope. It was the latter of 
 thefe modes which he purfued in a book 
 which created at firft fome furprife by tlie 
 novelty of its title * and fubjed:. He there 
 treats of the facraments j and as nothing had 
 more contributed to raife and fupport the 
 authority of the pope and the clergy than 
 the number and efficacy of the facraments, 
 as well as the exclufive power of adminifter- 
 ing them, I fliall particularize the principal 
 points explained, which are as follow. 
 
 He examines, in the firft place, the num- 
 ber of the facraments. The fchool-divines 
 had made feven of them -, to Luther it ap- 
 peared that, at the moft, there were only 
 three : baptifm, the eucharift, and penance. 
 He remarked, however, at the conclufion of 
 the work, that penance was not properly a 
 facramenr, becaufe it poffelTed no vifible 
 fign, and that, confequently, the definition of 
 
 * De capth'itate Bahylonica Tro'ludhan DoS. Martini 
 Lutheri. This book appeared about the month of Au- 
 
 jruft in thi^ year. 
 
 the 
 
335 
 the fchoolmen did not agree with it. He An. 1520. 
 attaches, in a word, Httle weight to this con- 
 troverly ; and all he attempts to prove is, 
 that the number of {even facraments is not 
 founded in Scripture *. 
 
 He next enters into the examination of 
 each particular facrament, and handles the 
 fubjedt of communion in both, kinds with 
 more nicety than had hitherto been done. 
 He does not, in order to eflablilh his proof, 
 introduce the pafTages ufually quoted from 
 the fixth of Saint John, but {hews clearly 
 that it is not the Eucharill which is fpoken 
 of in that chapter, the fame not being at that 
 time inftituted, and that the only thing there 
 treated on is a fpiritual and vivifying eating 
 which is peculiar to believers, and perform- 
 ed by faith ; which he confirms by thefe 
 words : " the words which I Ipeak to you 
 " are fpirit and lifej" and by thofe of St. 
 Auguftine, " Why do ye make ready the 
 " ftomach and teeth ? Beheve, and ye have 
 " eaten." He infifts therefore folely upon 
 Jefus Chrift's own inflitution, who has ap- 
 pointed the two kinds, as parts equally eiren- 
 
 * N'on hcec dico, fays he, upon confirmation, quoJ 
 damnem facramenta fepiem, fed quod c Scripfurh ca prO' 
 lari negcm. 
 
 tial 
 
33^ 
 
 An. 1520. tial to the facrament, and has given to one 
 the title of his body, and to the other that of 
 liis blood, in order thereby to reprefent his 
 paffion and death. He infifts further upon 
 the communion among the difciples, who 
 received the two figns i upon the command- 
 ment of Jefus Chrift, '^ drink ye all of it;'* 
 and upon the account given by St. Matthew, 
 who adds: " and they all drank of it. " Upon 
 this occafion he remarks what a matter of 
 triumph it would have been for thofe who 
 refufe to give the cup to the people, if Jefus 
 Chrift had faid, " eat ye all of it," and had 
 faid nothing fimilar on giving the cup; and 
 as it was pretended in the fchools, that the 
 difciples had partaken of the two figns be- 
 caufe they were priefts, he replies, that by 
 following that principle, it muft be concluded 
 from it, that Jefus Chrift had inftituted the fup- 
 per for priefts only ; but he adds, that the Lord, 
 by commanding his difciples to drink of the 
 cup which he prcfented to them, had fupported 
 his command with a general reafon, which 
 applies to all believers. " Drink ye all of 
 " it," fays he, " becaufe this is my blood, 
 " the blood of the new covenant *, which is 
 
 * Parce que ccci cji mon fang, h fang dc la Ti02iz<dle 
 alliance, are the words in which this paffage is given 
 by M. dcBeauIobre. 
 
 , " fhed 
 3 
 
^?>7 
 ** fhed for many in remiffion of fins." For An 1520. 
 fince Jefus Chrift direfts his difciples to drink 
 of the cup, becaufe it is his blood, a blood 
 upon which the new covenant is founded, a 
 blood which has expiated the fins of ail thofe 
 who fhall believe on him, it is evident that 
 this command is not addreffed to priefts only. 
 With refpect to the authority attributed to 
 the church, of being empowered to cut off 
 the laity from a part of the fupper, he con- 
 fiders this authority as unjuft and tyrannical, 
 and fhews that no mortal man has power to 
 deprive a believer of what Jefus Chrift hath 
 given him, or to change his inftitution. 
 
 He next proceeds to tranfubftantiation, and 
 relates that at the time he was ftudying 
 fchool- divinity, the difputations of the car- 
 dinal of Cambray, upon the fourth book of 
 the fentences of Lombard *, had occafioned 
 him to doubt the truth of this article. From 
 that time it appeared to him more agreeable 
 to reafon to preferve the fubftance offigns 
 than to annihilate them, fince it thereby be- 
 came no longer neceflary to fuppofe a num- 
 ber of fuperfluous miracles. Meantime the 
 
 * Peter Lombard, archbifliop of Paris in the t\vclfth 
 century, well known by the title of the Mafter of ths 
 Sentences, a work in four volumes. Blogra^h. Bin. 
 
 Z decifion 
 
338 
 
 An. 1520. decifion of the church arrefted his doubts, 
 but reflefting afterwards that this decifion 
 was novel, that the very word tranfubftantia- 
 tion was unknown before the three laft cen- 
 turies, a circumftance which made it evident 
 that the opinion was not of ancient date, and 
 that with refped to the do6lrine, it was with- 
 out foundation in Scripture, he refolved to 
 beheve that the bread and wine continued 
 in their natural ftate * after confecration. He 
 refted upon the language of Scripture which, 
 after the ad of conllcration, terms the fpecies 
 (les e/peces) *' bread and wine;" and upon 
 this argument, that there is not lefs danger 
 of idolatry in prefcrving the accidents than 
 in preferving the fubfiance, fince the ac- 
 cidents only are vifible. As he was an able 
 fchool divine, he unravels with great addrefs 
 the intricacies of the fchools upon this 
 fubjed. 
 Luther cm- Lutlicr embraced the dodrine of confub- 
 joftr-meof ftantiation, becaufe he found it lefs fubjed to 
 
 confubHan- . . 1 r 1 n. • • 1 
 
 tiation. inconvcniences than tranlubltantiation; and 
 if he did not believe, with the Abbe Rupert, 
 that the bread was united to the perfon of 
 Jeius Chrift j he availed himfelf, neverthelefs, 
 
 **■ D<m€uroicTit reclkvicnt . 
 
 of 
 
d>?>9 
 
 of the incarnation to explain his doftrine. An. 152?. 
 He faid, that as the divine nature had been 
 " made flelli," without either flefli or human 
 nature having been tranfubfcantiated into the 
 divinity, the two natures remaining entire, in 
 like manner was the bread made the body of 
 Jefus Chrift, without being changed into the 
 fubftance of that body. In order to be under- 
 ftood, he made ufe of the comparifon of red- 
 hot iron, in which the two fubftances of the 
 iron and the fire are fo intermixed, that where- 
 ^ver the iron is, there alfo is the fire. He 
 repeated the fame thing afterwards in 1522, 
 in his book againft the king of England. He 
 did not gain many profciytes to this opinion. 
 If it had not the abfurdides of the former, 
 namely, that the accidents fubfifl: without a 
 fubjeft, it was yet encumbered with one of 
 not lefs magnitude, that is to fay, the pene- 
 tration of bodies, inafmuch as it reduced the 
 body of Jefus Chrift to the nature of fubtil 
 bodies, fuch as fire which occupies all the 
 pores of grofler bodies, and which feparates 
 their parts. But befides, as it is not laid of 
 red-hot iron, this iron is fire, nor this fire is 
 iron, no more can it be faid, this bread is the 
 body of Jefus Chrift. By thefe means does 
 Z 2 Luther 
 
340 
 
 An. 1520. Luther freely allow all the world * the li- 
 berty of believing in tranfubftantiation. He 
 thought otherwife on that fubjeft the follow- 
 ing year, and treated tranfubftantiation as an 
 innpious and blafphemous opinion f. He ex- 
 preffed himfelf in this manner on account of 
 the tyranny of the Roman church J, which is 
 defirous of impofing on theconfciences of men 
 the neceffity of believing what the Scripture 
 has never determined j it being in other re- 
 fpefts II, as he afterwards declared, a matter of 
 fmall importance which of the two were be- 
 lieved, whether the fubftance of the bread 
 was annihilated, or whether it remained. 
 
 * Permiffo tamen aliis opinioneni alteram fequi, 
 quia in decretal! firmiter flatuitur, modo no urgeant 
 fuas opiniones pro articuHs fidei acceptari, De Captiv, 
 Bahyl. 
 
 ■\ Nunc autem vifis argumentis et rationibus afTer- 
 tionis facramentorum, deccrno impiam clle et blafphe- 
 j-nam, fi quis dicatpanem tranfubftantiari. InLib. coritra 
 Tieg.Angl. An. 1523. 
 
 + Quia Papiftas tantopere hunc errorem urgeant ex 
 propria audacia, ideo fe tantum in ipforum invidiam 
 vellc fentire, verum paneni et vinum in Euchariltia ma- 
 nere una cum corpora et fanguine Chrifli. In Lib. ad 
 eund.An. 1522. 
 
 II An. 1528 in Confeff, Major, 
 
 Finally, 
 
541 
 
 Finally, Luther is greatly accufed of having A"- *s"' 
 varied upon the fubjed of the eucharift. I t.^edTn rel 
 ihall hereafter make mention of the varia- SriatTonr 
 tions with which he is reproached ; but I am upon'the" 
 far from laying it to his charge as a crime, the Lord's 
 that he did not adhere fteadily to Opinions, ''^^"* 
 where, in fpite of his beft endeavours, he 
 could not find a folid bottom to build on. 
 He laid his foundation, he raifed his little 
 edifice ; but no fooner had he carried it to 
 fome height, than he perceived the founda- 
 tion to be good for nothing : all was to be 
 done over again. Thefe changes, it mufl be 
 allowed, fuppofing them real, certainly in- 
 fer an incorreftnefs in judgment, and that 
 truth has not yet been attained ; but they in- 
 dicate at the fame time, a man who fearches 
 for it, who thinks he has found it, who is 
 miftaken, and who is not afliamed to ac- 
 knowledge his error. I doubt whether there 
 be a fingle divine among thofe who think 
 and examine, who docs not often vary in the 
 courfe of his life and ftudies. Does any per- 
 fon at the age of fixty entertain exadtly the 
 fame opinions which he had at thirty ? This 
 would be the mark of a little mind. Truth 
 lies fo deep, and in fearching for it fo many 
 things are found which bear a refcmbJance to 
 Z 3 it. 
 
343 
 
 An. 1520. it, that it is eafy to be miftaken, and to cry, 
 I have it! when one has only feized its fha- 
 dow. We are all of us, more or lefs, too 
 hafty in our opinions. There is fomething 
 flattering in the difcovery of new truths-, 
 they arc to the learned, what vidlories and 
 conquefts are to kings. Thus, although 
 Luther, by difcovering the falfity of received 
 opinions, may have deceived himfelf, and 
 fubftituted in their room opinions which arc 
 fcarcely more valuable ; yet, if in procefs of 
 time he changed his fentiments, as foon 
 as he perceived his error, far from being' 
 cenfured as culpable, his fincerity merits 
 praife : thofe only who are infalhble have a 
 right to reproach him. 
 
 But to come to the point: Luther is cen- 
 fured for having been too changeable on the 
 fubje6t of the eucharift. At firit he lays down 
 tranfubftantiation as the catholics do. He 
 afterwards denies it, and admits confubflantia- 
 tion. He feeks for the ground of his opinion 
 in the words of the eucharift; he fearches for 
 it in the entire prefence of the human nature 
 of Jefus Chrift ; he quits, he refumes the fame 
 fentiment. The only fiiult I find on the oc- 
 cafion, and which people may, if they pleafe, 
 attribute to my prejudices, but which, for my 
 
 own 
 
343 
 
 own part, I attribute to his, is that of being but An- 1523. 
 too firm, and not of having totally abandoned 
 an opinion which he did not know how 
 to fupport. After all, nothing can be more 
 excufable than his changes. For if it be 
 fuppofed that the corporeal prefence be real, 
 Lucher has only varied in the manner of ex- 
 plaining or defending it : in the opinion itfelf 
 he remains the fame. He believed, or wifh- 
 ed to believe, that the Scripture eftablifhed 
 this prefence y but not explaining himfelf 
 upon the mode, he has purfued the fubje6ts 
 as others have done, and, in like manner, has 
 been miftaken. He could not do otherwife ; 
 and although he had even been a hundred 
 times more ingenious and acute than he was, 
 he mud have been deceived. He a6led like 
 thofe philofophers who endeavour to give 
 an account of a phenomenon, known to them 
 only through the medium of falfe reprefen- 
 tation. 
 
 From this fubjeft Luther proceeds to the Luther re- 
 
 futes the 
 
 facrifice of the mafs. It is the bafis of the opinion of 
 
 the facrilicc 
 
 greateft fuperftitions, and, as it were, the 9t" the mafs. 
 chief idol of popery. Although he has but 
 nightly touched on this matter, yet he has 
 undoubtedly eftablifhed juft and fure prin- 
 Z 4 ciplcs. 
 
344 
 An. 1520. ciples, and drawn from them an argument 
 fufficiently ftrong againfl this pretended fa- 
 crifice. He remarks, therefore, at firft, that 
 there is an effential difference between the 
 nature of a facrament, and that of a facrifice ; 
 becaufe in every facrament it is God that 
 gives to man ; whereas in every facrifice, it 
 is man that offers to God, and it is God that 
 receives what is prefented to him by man. 
 This is founded on the very nature of things, 
 and proved by the fingle confideration of all 
 facraments, and of all facrifices. He next ob- 
 ferves, that the inflitution of the fupper con- 
 tains nothing which affords the leaft idea of a 
 facrifice; that Jefus Chrift undoubtedly of- 
 fered prayers and thankfgivings to God when 
 he took in his hands the facred fymbols, 
 but that he did not prefent them to God as a 
 VJ<^im ; on the contrary, he gave them to his 
 difciples, who received them. With refped: 
 to the title of facrifice which the ancients 
 have given to the eucharift, that they have fo 
 done only becaufe they took into view either 
 the prayers which accompany the celebration 
 of the eucharift, or the ufage of the primi- 
 tive church, which celebrated the Lord's 
 fupper with a part of the bread and wine 
 
 which 
 
345 
 which were offered by believers, or finally, An. isao. 
 becaufe the fupper is the commemoration of 
 the facrifice of Jefus Chrift. 
 
 From this principle, that the mafs is not a Confequen- 
 
 _ . _ ces of this 
 
 jacrifice, he draws two confcquences. The refutatiop, 
 firft, that mals cannot be celebrated for any but 
 thofe who communicate ; becaufe the eucha- 
 rift being only the fign and feal of the pro- 
 mifes of God, no one can receive that fign 
 and feal for another; and that it is not lefs 
 abfurd for a prieft to communicate for the 
 people, than it would be for a prieft to be 
 baptized for the people. The fecond, that 
 yearly obits, maffes for the dead and for the 
 living who are abfent, and of courfe the foun- 
 dations for them, ought to be abolifhed : this 
 Was, in fadl, utterly to deftroy that infinite 
 multitude of priefts and monks who were of 
 no other ufe than to repeat maffes. 
 
 What he advanced in the article of bap- His opinion 
 tifm, upon the efficacy of the facraments, is tim. ^^' 
 worthy of remark. The fchoolmen had 
 imagined that there exifted in the facraments 
 a virtue which juftifies, that is to fay, which 
 actually fanflifies all thofe who receive them, 
 provided there be no real and prefent ob- 
 ftacle. Luther aflerts on this head, that it is 
 pot properly the facrament which juftifies 
 
 thofe 
 
34^ 
 
 An. 1520. thofe who receive it, but the faith which they 
 
 have in the promifes of God; that circum- 
 
 cifion did not juftify Abraham, becaufc he 
 
 was already juftified by the faith he had before 
 
 circumcifion ; that in like manner St. Paul 
 
 calls that circumcifion " the feal of the righ- 
 
 " teoufnefs," or of the juftification which 
 
 Abraham had already obtained by faith. " It 
 
 " is thus," proceeds Luther, *" that baptifm 
 
 " neither juftifies, nor is of value to any 
 
 '* one ; the whole efficacy proceeds from the 
 
 " faith a perfon has in the promifes of God, 
 
 ** to which baptifm is added, becaufe it is 
 
 " this faith which verifies and accomplifhes 
 
 ** that which is reprefented by baptifm. It 
 
 " is faith which plunges the old man into the 
 
 " water, and caufes the new man to rife out 
 
 ** of it." And in the fequel : " It cannot 
 
 *^ therefore be true that there is in the facra- 
 
 *' ments an efficacious virtue which juftifies, 
 
 *' or that they are the effi^ftual figns of grace. 
 
 *' It may neverthelefs be flill faid that the 
 
 " facraments are of efficacy, becaufe, if faith 
 
 " accompany the ufe of them, they confer 
 
 *' grace in the mod effi.<5lual and moft cer- 
 
 " tain manner." Thefe latter expreffions 
 
 reftify whatever may have been too ftrong 
 
 in the former, " baptifm is of no value to 
 
 6 " any 
 
347 
 
 f<^ any one," and make it evident that Luther's An. 15*0. 
 ppinion is reducible to this, that there is no 
 phyfical or natural virtue in the facraments, 
 which produces the grace of charity or right- 
 eoufnefs in the heart, and that all their effi- 
 cacy proceeds from the faith which ought to 
 accompany the ufe of them. 
 
 Luther proceeds yet to other points, which 
 were Hill better examined in the fequel. We 
 fliall only add, that judging at that time, from 
 the principal objedt of baptifm, as being lefs 
 a fymbol of the remifTion of fins, than of the 
 death and fpiritual refurredlion of a believer, 
 he could have wilhed that the ancient cere- 
 mony of immerfion had been re-eftablifhed. 
 Not, however, that he thought it abfolutely 
 neceffary; but becaufe, according to his 
 judgment, it would have been well to pre- 
 ferve the entire and perfeft fign of our new 
 birth, and to conform in every particular to 
 the inftitution of Jefus Chrift. He added at 
 the conclufion of his treatife thefe lines which 
 appear to be addrelTed to the pope : 
 
 Hojiis * Her odes itnpie, 
 Chrijlum venire^ quid times ? 
 
 NoH 
 
 * This is the beginning of an hymn written by 
 ^edulius, which is fung in the Roman church at the 
 
 epiphany. 
 
348 
 
 ^*' '52C. J^ofi arript mortalia 
 
 ^i regna dat ccelefiia. 
 
 Finally, there is in that book, upon the ar- 
 ticle of the facrament of orders, this opinion, 
 that every chriftian, in right of his baptifm, 
 has the power of confecrating the eucharift, 
 although he ought not to ufe it unlefs in 
 cafes of neceflity. He afTerts the fame in 
 another place *. 
 Mikitzre- While Luther was publilhing, in fuc- 
 
 newshis 
 
 attempts to cefTion, tlitfe different works, Miltitz con- 
 
 effedl a re- 
 
 conciijation tinued his beft efforts to accompliih the ob- 
 
 between 
 
 Luther and je6l of his miflion J and as he had his intereft 
 
 the pope. 
 
 to confult on all fides, he would have been 
 extremely well plcafed to fatisfy the pope, on 
 
 epiphany. And in order to give in French the fenfe 
 of thefe lines, they might be thus tranflated : 
 
 Herode impie et fangninaire, 
 Pourquoi crains-tu le Chrift qui veut naitre en ccs 
 
 lieux ? 
 Celui qui donne a tous le royaume des cieux, 
 
 N envahit point ceux de la terre. 
 
 Say impious Herod, fanguinary King ! 
 
 Wh) (hakes thy guilty Ibul with coward fear? 
 "What the' the Chrilt, whom ancient prophets fing, 
 
 Wiihin thefe realms in mortal guife appear j 
 Yet learn, the hands that heavenly crowns beftow. 
 
 Stoop not to feize the drofs of tliofc below. 
 
 • See Ho^. WJl. Sacrum, p. 20. col. i. 
 
 whom 
 
349 
 ■whom his fortune depended, without dif- An, 15.20,, 
 obliging the eleflor of Saxony, from whom 
 he received a penfion at Rome. Influenced^ 
 by thefe fentiments, he fought every pofTible 
 expedient to reconcile Luther with the pope. 
 The archbifhop of Treves was a prince in 
 the good graces of all parties. The pope 
 was by no means difpleafed that he ihouid 
 determine on Luther's cafe, nor Luther that 
 he fhould be his judge. For thefe reafons 
 Miltitz unceafingly folicited the archbifhop 
 to fend for Luther to Coblentz, becaufe as he 
 continued to preacli and to write, the evil 
 became every day more difficult to cure, and 
 the pope more incenfed *. But the arch- 
 bifhop, fearing to commit himfelf with the 
 court of Rome, which had not fent him any 
 inftruflions ; or with the powers who in- 
 terefted themlelves in the reputation and 
 fafety of Luther j wilhed to refer the exami- 
 nation of this difpute to the next diet which 
 Charles the Fifth was to alTemble at his re- 
 turn from Spain, promifing moreover, that, 
 in cafe the emperor did not arrive fpeedily, 
 other methods fhould be devifed to remedy 
 
 * There are two manufcript letters on this fubjeft, 
 from the archbifhop to Miltitz, one dated the 5th of 
 February, and the other the 4th of March. 
 
 the 
 
35^ 
 
 An. 1520. the evil. Miitltz, therefore, not being abk 
 to obtain any thing from the archbiihop, ap- 
 ^Ued hinnfelf to the eledor of Saxony and to 
 Luther. He intreated the eledor * to pre- 
 vent the publication of a book which Luther 
 was then preparing, and which, according to 
 what was faid of it, Vv'OLild lower the court of 
 Rome fo much than ihe could never recover 
 it. This book was the woik addreffed to the 
 emperor and the nobility of the empire, of 
 which mention has been already made. But 
 the eleftor informed him that the book was 
 already publifhed j and that not having 
 known of the printing of it, he had been 
 unable to prevent it : whereupon Miltitz, 
 who was then at Halle in .axony, proceeded 
 to Ifleben, where the chapter-general of the 
 Auguftins was to afTemble on the 29th of 
 Auguft, being the feaft of St. Auguftine. 
 
 He per- It was hcrc that the nuncio reprcfented to 
 
 fuades the _ ^ 
 
 chapter of thcfc monks, how much it was the intereft of 
 
 the order of 
 
 the Auguf- their order to reconcile Luther with the 
 
 tins to join 
 
 with him in pope J the fliamc that would refuk on the 
 
 prevailing t i 
 
 on Luther whole body of the Auguftins if one of their 
 
 tofatisly 
 
 the pope, members were difgraced by the crime of hc- 
 
 * The letter from Miltitz to the eleftor is dated the 
 19th of Auguft. 
 
 refy. 
 
55^ 
 
 refy, and excommunicated by the pope; the a^, 1520. 
 glory which would, on the contrary, be 
 gained by the afiembly, if it were able to 
 triumph over the obftinacy of Luther, and 
 to bring back to his holineis a revoked 
 fubjett, whom no one had been able to re- 
 duce to obedience ; the gratitude which the 
 holy fee would feel on the occafion; and 
 the fervice,, in fhort, which they would ren- 
 der to the church, menaced by a fchifm 
 which could not prove fatal to the papacy 
 without being fo to all the monks, whofe 
 privileges had no other fupport than the au- 
 thority and protedion of the fovereign 
 pontiffs. 
 
 The fathers refolved to fend a deputation Thechaoter 
 to Luther confifting of John de Staupitz, putationt* 
 who had refigned the vicariliip, and Vencef- 
 laus Linccius, who was invefted with it, both 
 able men, poflefled of authority in the order, 
 and in habits of friendfhip with Luther. 
 Miltitz charged them with a vei-y courteous 
 letter, in which he conjured Luther to yield 
 to the perfuafions of his brethren, and allured 
 him that he would have been happy to ac- 
 company them, if he had not been afraid of 
 expofing himfelf in a place where a pope's 
 
 nuncio 
 
555 
 Ad, 1529. nuncio would be looked on with an evil 
 
 eye. 
 He promir- Staupitz and Linccius arrived at Wittem- 
 
 es to write a 
 
 fubmiflive berg, attended by fome other monks. They 
 
 letter to the 
 
 pope. agreed that Luther was in the right, and con- 
 
 demned with him the fuperftitions of the 
 age. But, after all, faid they, obedience muft 
 be yielded to the pope, to prevent bringing 
 upon yourfelf the vengeance of fo formida- 
 ble a power. The perfuafions of thele per- 
 fons had formerly had much influence on Lu- 
 ther's mind, at the time he appeared before 
 Cajetan: they had fcarcely lefs nowj and he 
 Was at laft prevailed upon to agree to write a 
 fubmiflive letter to the pope, in which he 
 would promife him a filial obedience. Mil- 
 titz was overjoyed at the fuccefs of this ne- 
 gotiation ; but Eckius having in the mean- 
 while arrived from Rome, and having 
 brought with liim the bull of which we fliall 
 fpeak hereafter, Luther altered his fenti- 
 ments and acquainted Spalatinus*, that 
 not having yet written the letter promifed 
 by him, he had now entirely refolved againft 
 writing it. 
 
 • The letter from Luther to Spalatinus is dated the 
 3d of Oi'^ober, 
 
 Miltitz, 
 
353 
 
 Mikitz, who Was then at Leipfick, hearing An. 1520 
 that Eckius had arrived in the capacity ^f^^^^^^l 
 of Nuncio, and that he was charged with 5^^)'^^;^^ 
 the bull againft Luther, was extremely ^^f/j; ff" 
 chagrined at feeing his fchemes difconcerted, j^JteJ /^^ 
 and at being fupplanted by Eckitis, who, no 
 doubt, had done him diifervice at Rome. He 
 immediately fought an interview with Lu- 
 ther * ; and promifed the court of Saxony, 
 that, in cafe the latter would adhere to the 
 plan agreed upon with the Auguftins, he 
 would procure the bull to be either recalled 
 or moderated, before the term of one hundred 
 and eight days, allowed by it to Luther, had 
 expired. Luther confented to the inter- 
 view, which took place at Lichtenberg on 
 the fourteenth of 06bober f ; and Mikitz, 
 who expeded to fee him extremely enraged, 
 was fo furprifed at finding him eafy and 
 cheerful, that he ftated to the elector that it 
 
 * He wrotfe for that purpofe to thecounfellor of the 
 eledor, Fabian de Feilitfch, on the 2d of October. 
 
 f The MSS. accounts, by Miltttz and Wolfgang 
 Reiflenburg, fpecify the eleventh ; but there is a letter 
 ffom Luther to Spalatinus of the thirteenth, which 
 mentions that he is juft upon fetiing out tn meetMil- 
 titz at Lichtenberg. The account given by Miltitz is 
 dated the l-ith, and addrefl'ed to the eleftor, 
 
 A 2 could 
 
354 
 
 An, 1520. could only be through an injpiration of the 
 Holy Spirit, which was willing at length to 
 favour the reconciliation. They came to an 
 agreenaent that Luther fhould write to the 
 pope, in twelve days, a humble and fubmif- 
 five letter, under pretence of fending him a 
 book he was employed upon, and that this 
 letter Ihould be dated the 6th of September, 
 in order that it might not appear to be written 
 fince the arrival of the bull, or extorted 
 through fear of excommunication. Miltitz 
 added in his account of this conference that 
 he fhould completely prevent the matter 
 ' from going according to the will of Eckius 
 and thofe of his faction, and that they fhould 
 have the mortification of feeing the revoca- 
 tion of the bull, which they prided them- 
 felves on having obtained. It was his in- 
 tention at that time to go himfelf to Rome, 
 in order to get there before the expiration of 
 the hundred and eight days, and to negotiate 
 with the pope upon the fpot. No one will 
 be difpleafed to find that he applied to the 
 elector for money to procure patrons at 
 Rome J for forty or fifty florins for Pucci, 
 cardinal of Santiquatro ; and likewife for 
 fome medals for the young cardinals. 
 
 Luther 
 
33S 
 Luther wrote to the pope according to An, i^zo, 
 his promife. His letter is too flattering to "X'pope 
 Leo, but fo difgraceful to the court of Ronne, p"nies ST" 
 as to make it feenn aftonifhing that Miltitz tfeadfe'^ 
 would venture to take upon himfelf the t£n"iberty' 
 office of fending it to the pope. This letter 
 was accompanied by a trcatifc upoti chrijiian 
 liberty y which turned entirely upon the clear- 
 ing up of thefe two propofitions, contradic- 
 tory in appearance to each other : " Th6 
 " chriftian is mafter of all things, and is fub- 
 " je6t to no one : the chriftian is the flave of 
 " all things, and fubjedl to every one." They 
 are comprifed in fome degree in thefe words 
 of St. Paul * : " Although I am free, I make 
 " myfelf the flave of all." The defign of 
 this work is not fo much to oppofe the ec- 
 clefiaftical laws and external ceremonies, as 
 the opinion of righteoufnefs and merit at- 
 tached to them. And as it appeared to Lu- 
 ther, that by eftabliftiing juftification by faith 
 only, the merit of works would be com- 
 pletely deftroyed, he fet out with that doc- 
 trine. The fubftance of this work will be* 
 feen in the Remarks f . 
 
 * 1 Cor. ix. J 9". + Vide page 93. 
 
 A a 2 As 
 
35^ 
 
 An. i5;c. As tyrants cannot endure that any one 
 of Luc'he"'! ^^"^"^ i^^l^^ of liberty, and confider as rebeU 
 ^on 'c"i3 ^^^^ ^^^" ^he very fighs that are breathed for 
 ""''■ it, this book of Luther's excited great mur- 
 murs among his adverfaries. They exclaimed 
 every where that he was a feditious perfon, 
 who endeavoured to raife commotions among 
 the people, who wiflied to overturn all the laws, 
 to deflroy the ecclcfiaftical difciplinc and mi- 
 niftry, and to introduce confufion into church 
 and ftate ; that he was befides an open enemy 
 to good works, and aimed at forming a fe6t 
 of profane libertines. It will be feen, by the 
 extrad from his book *, Iiow far he was from 
 entertaining thefe fentiments. It muft, how- 
 ever, be allowed, that he was not fufficiently 
 circumfpe6t in his expreflions ; and that 
 inexcufable exaggerations fometimes efcaped 
 him, which gave a handle to his enemies. 
 He was a daring genius, that delighted in 
 paradox. But, with this exception, the li- 
 berty which he inculcates, is a liberty per- 
 feftly free from any thing vicious ; and 
 Rome would have been able to relilh his 
 dodriae, or at leaft to tolerate it, if fhe had 
 
 • Vide p. 98. 
 
 been 
 
ZS7 
 been capable ofthatfimple moderation which An. 1510. 
 her intereft required. 
 
 Miltitz received Luther's letter, together ''X^^"^^^ 
 with his book. This was the clofe of his J^f.^'^t"' 
 negotiation, from which he derived neither 
 profit nor honour. The court of Rome was 
 of opinion that he had degraded his rank by 
 the adoption of meafures approaching to 
 meannefs, and which infpired Luther with 
 courage. It is certain that he was hot 
 efteemed in Saxony ; but this was owing to 
 the irregularity of his manners, and not to 
 any defed of prudence in his negotiation. 
 Even Luther himfclf has borne this teftimony 
 in his favour, that if the archbilliop of 
 Mentz, and then the pope, had, like him, 
 cenfured Tetzel and the colieaors, the refor- 
 mation would have fallen to the ground of 
 its own accord. Luther ofi^ered to be filent, 
 and fubmitted himfelf to the pope ; it re- 
 mained only to accept his offers, to impofe 
 filence on both parties, and to let the affair 
 drop into oblivion. Miltitz retired, and;, 
 foon after died. There are accounts which 
 relate that he v/as drowned in paffing the 
 Rhine, after a debauch, and that five hundred 
 ducats were found on him. 
 
358 
 
 4". 1520- It ought not, in fine, to be forgotten that 
 the book of rates of the Roman chancery was 
 reprinted at this period. Dodor d'Efpence * 
 makes mention of it in his commentary upon 
 the epiftle to Titus, chap. i. " You will 
 *' there become acquainted with more crimes 
 *' than in all thc/ummaries of the cafuifts, in 
 *' which thefe doftors have taken the pains to 
 " collect them ; and you will fee, moreover, 
 " the liberty of committing thefe crimes of- 
 " fered to many, and abfolution to all who 
 " commit them, becaufe they purchafe thi^ 
 " abfolution and this liberty. I do not wifh 
 " to enumerate them : their very names 
 " make one trejTible." 
 
 F.ckiusgocs After the famous difputation of Leipfick, 
 
 to Rome, 
 
 a.nd obtains Eckius, who thought Only of reaping the 
 
 iiom the 
 
 pope a let- fruits of his imaginary victory, and of alluring 
 
 ter of ex- _ 
 
 comniuni- his tfiumph by the condemnation of Luther, 
 
 crtion 
 
 againii Lu- repaired to Rome under pretext of a caufe 
 which he had there, and which he carried by 
 favour, although, by his own confeffion f, the 
 
 * Do^lor Claude dEfpence was a diyine of eminence 
 in the ifith century, and compofed fevcral excellent 
 works. Wide Morcri, torn. iv. p. 213, M. 
 
 t Eckius confeffes this in a letter written by him 
 from Rome on the 30th of March J 520, which is to 
 be met with in the firft volume of Luther's works. 
 
 right 
 
359 
 
 right was not on his fide. Having boafted An, 1520, 
 of his zeal, and the advantage he had ob- 
 tained over Luther and Carloftadius in the 
 fame proportion as he exaggerated their he- 
 refies, and the neceflity for condemning Lu- 
 ther at leaft, the pope, importuned by the 
 monks, had the weaknefs to appoint a con- 
 gregation for that bufinefs. Prierias and 
 Eckius were fummoned, and in order that no 
 one of Luther's chief adverfaries fhould be 
 wanting, Cajetan had him.felf conveyed 
 thither, although extremely indifpofed. The 
 matter of condemnation was eafily agreed 
 upon ; it was only upon the manner that any 
 difference of opinion exifted. The divines 
 were defirous of proceeding dire6tly to ex- 
 communication, becaufe Luther's herelies 
 were notorious from his books. The ca- 
 nonifts, on the other hand, chofe to begin 
 by citing the offender j felf-defence being a 
 natural right, and inviolable upon the prin- 
 ' ciples of equity. They took, at length, a 
 middle road, which was to condemn Luther's 
 dodrine, it being well known, and to allow 
 him time to retrad. When it became neceffary 
 to draw up the bull, fharp contefts arofe 
 between the cardinal of Ancona, and the 
 A a 4 cardinal 
 
3^0 
 
 An. 1520. cardinal Datario *, They had each of them 
 prepared a rough draft ; and both the one and 
 the other was fo defirous of having his own 
 adopted, that the pope had much difficulty 
 to appeafe thenrij and to bring them to an 
 agreement. He preferred that prepared by 
 tl^ cardinal of Ancona, after making fcveral 
 alterations, and holding four confultations, in 
 the Ipace of ten days. The bull was dated 
 the i5th of June, in the eighth year of Leo's 
 pontificate. Luther fays, in his anfwer to 
 the divines of Louvain, that it was certain 
 the whole was tranfacSted with great confu- 
 fion, and in fpite of the ftrong oppofition of 
 the cardinal of St, Croix, and many others. 
 
 Abftraft of The pope begins his bull by addreffing 
 himfeif in very pathetic terms to Jefus 
 Chrifl, to St. Peter, to St. Paul, and in 
 fliort, to all the faints. He reprefents to 
 
 * 11 Daiaiio is a great officer in the court of liome, 
 who is the difpatcher, regilter, and dater of the pope's 
 briefs or bulls. Torr'iano. 
 
 All petitions for benefices not exceeding 2-1 ducats 
 revenue, pafs this officer without his fpeaking of them 
 to the pope ; but thofe for benefices of greater value, 
 and of dignit}', he takes to the pope for his fign.:iure, 
 and then adds the date in thefe terms : Uaium B.o)ii<£ 
 apud, and whpjice his title of D.uurio. See CcUicr ancl 
 Moreri. JNI. 
 
 them 
 
 the pope's 
 
361 
 
 them the miferies endured by the church, An. is^*- 
 and how much it concerned them to fuccour 
 it. He then coileais againfc Luther all the 
 mod odious terms that can be thought of, 
 even fo far as to call him anotiier Porphyry, 
 fince, as the former had prefumed to gainfay 
 the holy apoftles *, fo did this man dare to 
 oppofe the holy pontiffs of Rome; and that 
 defpairing of being able to defend his caufe 
 by reafon, he betakes himfelf, after the ciiftom 
 of heretics, to reproaches, the laft refort of 
 perfons of that defcription, according to the 
 remark of St. Jerome. The pope next 
 exaggerates the extreme grief under which he 
 labours, fo great indeed as fcarcely to leave 
 him the power of fpeech ; but which is yet 
 increafed, whether he confiders the nature of 
 the herefy, which is the fame as that of the 
 Greeks and Bohemians, that is to fay, which 
 wounds the univerfal and infallible authority 
 of the pontiff of Rome; or whether he adverts 
 to the German nation, afflifted by it : a na- 
 tion, continues he, always fo dear to his pre- 
 deceflbrs, that they had introduced it into the 
 bofom of their affedlion, had honoured it 
 
 "^ This is an anachronifm of more than two hundred 
 years, Porphyry having lived towards the clofe of the 
 tliird century. 
 
 with 
 
362 
 
 aq. j5;o. with empire taken from the Greeks j a na- 
 tion which, always inviolably attached to the 
 holy fee, has fignalized its zeal * for the de- 
 fence of the church and the catholic truth, 
 evidenced by proofs to be found both in the 
 ordinances of the emperors againft heretics, 
 whichhave been confirmed by the holy fee, 
 and in the punilhment of the perfidy of John 
 Hus and Jerome of Prague in the council 
 of Conflanccj and laflly, in the battles 
 wherein the Germans have fo freely Ihed their 
 blood againfl the heretics of Bohemia. 
 
 PafTing on to the doftrine of Luther, he 
 condemns forty-one of its articles, as full of 
 deadly poifon, and highly pernicious ; capa* 
 ble of feducing the pious, contrary to the 
 love and refped due to the holy Roman 
 church, the mother of all believers, the 
 miftrefs of faith i and contrary to that obe- 
 dience which is the fource and origin of all 
 the virtues, and without which every chriftian 
 is an open rebel. This laft argument is one 
 of the war horfes of the popes, who generally 
 make ufe of it under the name of St. Au- 
 guftine, (and, if I am not miftaken, of St. 
 
 * Quod quidem Germanos, catholicae veritati, vere 
 Germanos (advocates) conftat hereticorum accerrimos 
 fippugnatores feinper fuiire, 
 
 Gregory,) 
 
3^3 
 
 Gregory,) applying to the blind obedience An. 152*. 
 to the pontiffs of Rome, what thofe fathers 
 have faid concerning the fpirit of obedience 
 towards God ; in hke manner as they apply 
 to the fanne church all that the fcripture has 
 faid refpefting the church and the fociety of 
 true believers. 
 
 The pope, after having condemned Lu- 
 ther's doftrine, prohibits all kinds ofperfons, 
 of whatever rank they may be, whether civil 
 or ecclefiaftical, monaftic or fecular, from 
 liftening to, preaching, or favouring that doCr- 
 trine, under pain of excommunication, de- 
 gradation, and infamy, together with pri- 
 vation of their fiefs. He denounces the 
 fame penalties againft thofe who fhall pofTefs, 
 read, or retain the works of Luther, and who 
 ihall not commit them to the flames. 
 
 In the next place, the pope flates with how 
 much patience he had borne with Luther. 
 After fummoning him to Rome, he had 
 invited him with kindnefs, he had exhorted 
 him both by letters, and by his legates, to 
 become obedient j and he had offered him 
 money, and a fafe condufl for the fecurity 
 of his perfon. If he had come, continues 
 the pope, he would, no doubt, have acknow- 
 ledged his errors, and v/ould not have found 
 
 4 fo 
 
3^4 
 
 An. I5J0. fo many defefts in the court of Rome, againft 
 which he fp reads luch injurious reports : and 
 we fliouid have convinced him that our holy 
 predeceflbrs have never erred in their ordi- 
 nances ; becaufe, according to the prophets, 
 neither the balm nor the phyftcian are ever 
 wanting in Gilead. Jerem. viii. 22. But 
 inflead of obeying, he has perfevered, for 
 more than a year, in his Hate of obduracy, 
 notwithftanding the cenfures iffued againft 
 him J and to complete the mifchief, he has 
 dared to appeal to a council. 
 
 In the laft place, the pope, informed of 
 the (late of affairs in Germany, endeavours 
 to regain Luther by a very pathetic exhor- 
 tation, and by the hope of pardon, allowing 
 him and his adherents fixty days to be con- 
 verted, to retrad: their opinions, and to ex- 
 perience his clemency. But upon this term 
 being expired, in purfuance of the apoftle's 
 doftrine, which direds, that " an heretic be 
 " avoided," the pope orders all perfons, of 
 what rank foever, to apprehend Luther and 
 his adherents, and convey them to Rome, 
 promifing a recompenfe proportioned to fo 
 great a fervice ; lays every place under an 
 interdidl to which Luther fhall have retired 
 during his continuance therein, and for three 
 
 days 
 
3^5 
 
 days after his departure ; commands that all An. 15-0. 
 his books be burned, as well thofe already 
 written, as thofe which he Hiall hereafter 
 write J forbids any one to read, print, or 
 even to value or praife them j fubjefls to all 
 the penalties therein contained, whoever fhall 
 oppofe the publication or execution of his 
 bull, on which he beftows titles * favouring 
 more of bombaft, than of apoftolical fimpli- 
 eity and charity. 
 
 This bull did little honour to the pope. Cenfure 
 Its flyle was fuch as pervaded all the bulls of buii. 
 Leo, made up of periods fo long and fo in- 
 terrupted by parenthefes, as to render the 
 reading of it more tirefome and fatiguing 
 than can be exprefled. This was, however, 
 its lead fault; it was full of tragical excla- 
 mations, and puerile amplifications, which, 
 far from rendering it afFedting, only made it 
 contemptible. It could not be conceived how 
 a pope, plunged in luxury and dilTolutenefs, 
 could be afflidled with fuch violent grief as 
 he reprefented, fince he had never, even for 
 
 * Pagiuae noflrse damnationis, reprobationis, rejec- 
 tionis, decreti, declarationis, inhibitionis, voluntatis, 
 maridati, hortationis, obfecrationis, requifitionis, mo- 
 nitionis, aflignationis, confeflionis, fubjedionis, excom- 
 municationis; anathematizationis. 
 
 a moment. 
 
3«e 
 
 An. 1520. a moment, fufpended the amufements of the 
 court. It was found that this bull juflified 
 what Luther had advanced refpefting the 
 tyranny of the popes, becaufe nothing could 
 be more tyrannical than to condemn princes 
 ccclefiaftical and fecuJar to lofe their wealth 
 and dignities, if they afforded the leaft pro- 
 teftion to Luther, although his doftrine had 
 not as yet been judicially condemned. To 
 this was added, that it was abfurd to give the 
 title of a learned refutation of the works of 
 Luther*, to the cenfures of Cologne and 
 Louvain, which were only fimplc extrafts 
 from his books, accomipanied by a condem- 
 nation deftitute of every kind of proof j that 
 it was an a6t of blind paffion to burn all the 
 books of a man, without any diftindtion, 
 even thofe which were purely works of de- 
 votions ; but that it was carrying violence to 
 the higheft pitch, to order at the fame time 
 all his future compofitions to be burned. 
 Finally, there was remarked in this bull a 
 vain and tirefome exaggeration of the papal 
 power, and a vague and undeterminate con- 
 demnation of Luther's propofitions, which 
 
 * Non minus dofta quam vera et fancta confutat'ia, 
 reprobatio & damnatie^, 
 
 were 
 
?fi1 
 
 were refpedively ftyled falfe, heretical, &c. Ar. isz« 
 without diftinguifhing which of thefe epithets 
 agreed to each of the prcpofitions ; and it 
 was afked on this head, whether the Holy 
 Spirit, fpeaking by the pope, had not been 
 able to make that diftin6lion, or whether it 
 had not chofen fo to do ? Either of thefe 
 was found equally unworthy of it. Ulric de 
 Hutten had this bull printed with notes full 
 of poignancy, wherein he difplays all its de- 
 fefts, and charges the pope and the court of 
 Rome with all the outrages committed upon 
 Luther. He clofes his remarks with thefe 
 words of the fecond Pfalm : " Let us 
 " break their bands afunder, and cafb 
 ** away their yoke from us." A modern 
 author * has imagined, but without foun- 
 dation, that it was Luther who had applied 
 thefe words to himfelf j and he thence takes 
 occafion to put into aftion all the talents he 
 pofleffed for declamation. 
 
 Ulric de Hutten fprung from an il- charaaer&f 
 
 Ulric de 
 
 luftrious houfe in Franconia, and was born Hutten. 
 in 1488 at Stockiberg in that province. 
 Joining the love of letters to the accom- 
 
 * The bifliop of Meaux. 
 
 plilhments 
 
3^8 
 
 An. 1520, piif]^ments of a Toldier and a courtier; art 
 eloquent orator, an ingenious poet, and 
 an excellent lawyer^ he had early con- 
 tracted a diflike to the bad tafte which 
 reigned in the fchools, to the ulelefs learning 
 then in vogue, to the rufticity, the haughty 
 and uncourteous manners, the pride, the 
 tyranny, and the ignorance of the divines and 
 monks, which he has painted in an ingenious 
 and lively manner *. He derides the ridiculous 
 vanity of his times in defpifing men of real 
 learning, becaufe they have not the title of 
 mafters or doctors* He was acquainted 
 with the errors which fcholaiiic divinity had 
 introduced into religion during the three laft 
 centuries ; and he obferved with reafon, that, 
 in departing from the ancient fyftem of divi- 
 nity, they had cxtinguifhed true religion ; 
 and banifhed the true worfhip of the divinity, 
 to fubftitute in its room fuperftitions the moft 
 fatal to the church and to fociety. Nothing 
 appeared more unaccountable to him, than 
 to fee perfons, who, quitting the doftrine of 
 the apoftles to follow that of Ariftotle, did 
 not the lefs readily apply to themfelves every 
 
 * Hutten ep, ad Crotum Reubeanuni. Apud Van dc 
 Hardt, Hirt. Lit. Reform, psrrs 1, 
 
 thing 
 
S^9 
 
 thing whfth Jefus Chrifl has faid in favour of An. i^ao. 
 
 his difciplcs, and boaft of being *' the light of 
 
 " the world and the fait of the earth." They 
 
 have even theprefumption to call themfclves 
 
 ** our mafters," fays he in a letter written in 
 
 1 5 1 8, " perhaps * becaufe they receive our 
 
 " confeflions, are acquainted with the coun^ 
 
 " fels of princes, and extract, with addrefs, 
 
 " from women the whole of their fecrets ; 
 
 " this is quite fufficient ground for them to 
 
 *' boaft of fuperior knowledge to us ; and 
 
 " they have good reafon for procuring to 
 
 ** themfclves the appellation of mailers from 
 
 " their difciples, and of fathers from their 
 
 " children." He relates, in the fame place, 
 
 the faying of Alexander VI. that he would 
 
 rather wage war with a powerful prince, than 
 
 with a monk of the order of mendicants; 
 
 and the complaint made by Pius II. that the 
 
 monks were the caufe of the fchifm in 
 
 Bohemia. 
 
 * Forte quia confeffiones audiunt, et concilia re- 
 gum et priiicipum cdifcunt, dcinde muliercularum 
 quoque fecreta nimis avide rimantur; ut fe idcirco 
 plus omnibus fapere credant, et non immerito ^ dil'ci- 
 pulis magiltri, a filiis patres (pruh dolo;-L) falutentur. 
 Ibid. 
 
 B' b Eckius, 
 
3/0 
 
 />!. 1526. Eckius, invefted v/ith the new dignity of 
 br'iigwhe "uncio, vvas Charged with the bull juft 
 com :'.,^n^' niencioned -, but he did not meet with the 
 Germany!' ^Pplaufe hc cxpeded in Germany. At firft 
 he boafled of having procured the condem- 
 nation of Luther; but perceiving that his 
 violence was difipproved by every equitable 
 monk, he fuddcnly changed his tone, and 
 endeavoured to have it thought that he had 
 been rather the apologift, than tlie accufer 
 of his adverfary. This laft meafure fuc- 
 ceeded worfe than the former; for he was con- 
 vifted by his letters of having been the moft 
 violent advocate for the bull i and as it was 
 at Leipfick that he entered into conteft, and 
 hoped to receive the crown of vidlory, fo it 
 was there he was treated with the utmoft dif- 
 refpeft. The duke George forbade the fe- 
 nate to allow the publication of the bull, 
 without the exprefs order of the bifhop of 
 Mcrfburg; and when it made its appear- 
 ance, the people and the ftudents tore it to 
 pieces, and call it into the dirt. As for 
 Eckius, he had the mortification of feeinii 
 libels pofted up in the moft public places in 
 which hc v/as fbrangely depicted, and of 
 hearing fitiricai fongs fung about in ridicule 
 
 of 
 
37i 
 
 of his pride and improper conduft:. They An. 152c, 
 even threatened to treat him as a perfon who 
 had gone to fcek, at Rome, the brand which 
 was to fet fire to Germany. He was there- 
 fore under the neceffity of retiring into the 
 convent of the Dominicans, where he dared 
 not let himfelf be feen by any one ; fo much 
 had his boldncfs and refolution of mind for- 
 faken him. Thus was this man, who had 
 entered Leipfick in triumph, breathing, hke 
 another Saul, only menaces and deftruflion, 
 overwhelmed with contempt and fhame, and 
 loaded with public hatred, in the fame fpot 
 where he had boaiced of having obtained, the 
 year before, one of the. moft memorable vic- 
 tories of the fchooj. Having withdrawn 
 from Leipfick during the night, he took the 
 road to Friburg, paffed on to Erford, and 
 prefented the bull to the univerfity. But it 
 was rejecfted there, under pretence of fomc 
 defeft in point of form-, and he beheld it 
 torn to pieces and thrown into the water, the 
 ftudents having a6lually befet him in his 
 dwelling. The biHiop of Bamberg made 
 the fame obje6lions as the univerfity of Er- 
 ford. That of Eckftadt, to whofe chapter 
 Eckius belonged, was the firft who publifhed 
 it. 1 he univerfity of Merfburg waited until 
 B b 2 the 
 
Z72 
 An. r5ie. the month of April of the following year.; 
 and that of Mifnia, the moft violent of all 
 againft Luther, did not pubhfh it until the 
 7th of January. 1 wo manufcript letters 
 have been handed down to us * from a monk 
 of Venice, named Burchard, of the illuftrious 
 houfe of the Barons of Schenk in Thuringia. 
 In the firft, he writes, that the bull was not 
 publilhed at Venice until the feftival of 
 Eafter 1521, and that the fenate had caufed 
 almoft all the people to withdraw before it 
 was read. In the fecond, he obferves, that 
 Luther was greatly efteemed at Venice ; that 
 his books were fought after with great eager- 
 nefs \ and that his doctrine and his conduct 
 were highly praifcd. 
 The hij^iop It was the duty of the bifliop of Branden- 
 burg d'rt?' burg, in whofe diocefe Wittenberg was, to 
 
 not ptjbiifh t 11 • 1 • IT 
 
 the bull at publilh the bull in that city. He went 
 berg. thither with the eleflor of Brandenburg, and 
 
 Albert duke of Mecklenburg. He thought 
 that being accompanied by thefe two princes, 
 he might undertake it without rifk. But 
 having obferved the eftecm this city en- 
 tertained for Luther, and having heard the 
 
 • M. de Seckendorf gives an account of theie two 
 letters. 
 
 eledor 
 
373 
 ei€(flor and the duke his brother fpeaking of An. i<;zc 
 him in very high terms, he became of opi- 
 nion that he ought not to undertake fo 
 odious a bufinefs, and departed without doing 
 any thing. 
 
 Luther faw the bull, and held it in con- Luther '.% 
 
 not terrified 
 
 tempt. He loft nothing of his ufual cheer- atthis.hur- 
 
 derlKilr, and 
 
 fulnefs. Not to negledl, however, the pre- <i«fp'fc«j'' 
 cautions necelTary for his fafety, he was of 
 opinion that he ought to apply* to the elec- 
 tor who was then at Aix, where the emperor 
 was crowned in the month of Oftober, to 
 obtain of his imperial majefty a refcript 
 prohibiting any one from condemning him, 
 as he had not been convi6led of error by the 
 fcripture. He commilTioned Spalatinus to 
 make the propofal to the prince his mafter. 
 But when he had learned, by a letter from 
 iirafmus, that the emperor was befet by the 
 monks, and much prejudiced agalnft him, 
 he changed his fentiments, and reprefented 
 to Spalatinus f that the eletlor ought not to 
 be expofed to a refufal ; that it would be 
 better he (hould appear entirely unacquainted 
 
 * The letter which he wrote to Spalatinus on this 
 fubjetl is dated the 3d of 06tober. 
 
 t The letter is dated the 1 3th of Oaober. 
 
 B b 3 with 
 
374 
 
 Ar. 1510. with the bull, and fhould treat it with con^ 
 
 tempt. For his own part, he aflurcd him 
 
 he fl:ioi]ld efteem himlelf happy to liitFcr per- 
 
 fecution fo; the truth ; that the ill treatment 
 
 he received from Rome, far from terrifying 
 
 him, ferved only to rajfe his courage, and to 
 
 confirm him in the opinion that it was the 
 
 feat of antichrift. 
 
 Lather pub. After takinsr thefe fteps, Luther attacked 
 
 wherein he Eckius in 3. wofk Written in German, wherein 
 
 expoles rlie 
 
 hyp;.cnfy he expofed the vices and hypocrify of this 
 
 and vKes of -^ J i J 
 
 Eck'us, and man, cleared himfelf from the accufations 
 
 the tyrjnny 
 
 andinjuftice vvhich the formcr had fpread abroad ac:ainfl 
 him, took decidedly the part of John Hus, 
 whofe books he had read, and declared that 
 he repented having abandoned him in the 
 difputation at Leipfick, not being at that 
 time acquainted w.ch his fentiments. He 
 then renewed his appeal* to the council, 
 founded upon thefe new grievances, that the 
 pope had condemned him without a hearings 
 that he commanded him to renounce the 
 faith taught in fcripture, without proving 
 him wrong in his explanation of it 3 that he 
 decided on matters with which he was un- 
 acquainted i and that, laftly, he tyrannized 
 
 ♦ This new appeal is dated on the l/th of November. 
 
 over 
 
375 
 over the church, in condemning thofe who An. 152*. 
 appealed from his dccifions to a general 
 council. On thefe grounds he confiders the 
 pope as a tyrant, an apoftate, and as anti- 
 chriftj conjures the emperor and the ftates 
 of the empire to take his appeal into con- 
 fideration, and to fufpend the execudon of 
 the bull, until he Ihould have been heard and 
 convifted of error by fcripture. But he did 
 not flop there : he attacked the bull in 
 two thundering writings *. In the firft, he 
 pafies cenfure on it, and in the fecond he 
 defends the proportions which were con- 
 demned in it. 
 
 Of the firfl of thefe works, we fhall only Two new 
 
 writings of 
 
 mention the following particulars : — The Luther's, 
 
 more violent 
 
 pope alleged that he had fent him an offer than the 
 
 _ forra'!r. 
 
 of money for the purpofe of repairing to 
 Rome ; he replies that this was untrue, and 
 that Cajetan, who, as he pretended, had made 
 the offer, lived at Augfburg in fuch extreme 
 poverty that it was publicly faid, he ftarved 
 his domeflics with hunger : but this, perhaps, 
 was lefs through indigence than avarice. 
 
 * The firft of thefe works is entitled, Adverfm 
 execrabUemantichriJli hullaui ; the i'econd, AJfertia ojnnium 
 articulurum Martini Luthcri in bulla Leonis X. nov'iiJiint 
 damnatorum. 
 
 Bb 4 He 
 
An. trio, pje acijs, that if the court of Rome were fo 
 liberal, it had only to give him wherewithal 
 to raife twenty-five thoufand infantry and ^ye. 
 thoufand horle, with which lie. would djf- 
 penfe with the fafe-condui5l from tiiat court, 
 and would not fail to appear, and render to 
 his holinefs a good account of his faith. But 
 the pope kept his money for other purpofes; 
 for Luther aflerts that it was known to a cer- 
 tainty, that there was a fum lying ready in 
 the hands of bankers, to reward the firft vil- 
 lain who would undertake to aflafllnate him. 
 Luther, therefore, no longer obicrvcd any re- 
 ftraint, and addrefled the pope himfelf in 
 thefe thundering exprefilons : " If you do 
 *' not renounce your blalphemies and im- 
 '' pieties, know that not I only, but all thofe 
 " who ferve Jefus Ciirift, regard your fee as 
 *' the damnable feat of antichrift, to which 
 " we will neither pay obedience, nor be 
 " united. We deteft it as the mortal enemy 
 " of Jefus Chrift, being every one of us 
 "" ready to fuffer^ with joy, your unjuft ex- 
 '* communications: and tliat you may be 
 " enabled to fatiate your barbarous tyranny^ 
 " we devote ourfelves voluntarily to death. 
 •* If you will ftill perfevere in the madnefs 
 " with which you are poiTeiTed, we condemn 
 
2>11 
 " you, and deliver you over to Satan, together ^^ *5*0' 
 " with your bull and your decretals, to the 
 ** dejtru^ion of the flejhy ihat thefpirit ma^be 
 ''javed in the day cfjejus Chriji:' (i Cor. 
 V. 5.) 
 
 Luther's fecond work is much longer than 
 the firlt, it being his defign therein to defend 
 the propofitions which the court of Rome 
 had condemned. 
 
 It muft be candidly confelTed that many 
 of thefe propofitions were cenfurable, con- 
 fidered by tliemfelves, and independently of 
 Luther's explanations. He took a pieafure 
 in giving a paradoxical air, which created 
 furprife by novelty; bur, carried away by 
 the defire of oppofing received opinions, he 
 ran into vicious extremes, and, in his turn, 
 made ufe of expredlons not only unguarded, 
 but of dangerous confequence, from the im- 
 prcffions they muft neceflarily make upon 
 the mind of the readers. Thofe who are 
 defirous of convincing themfelves of this 
 from their own infpe6lion, may confult the 
 Remarks*, in which an extradl from this 
 work is to be found. 
 
 ♦ See page 93. 
 
 While 
 
378 
 
 At- 151a. While Lutlier was labouring in the de- 
 fence of his doftrine, the pope's bull having 
 'been circulated every where, the univerfities 
 of Cologne and Louvain were the firft to 
 fignahze their zeal, by burning his books. 
 
 Luthfr u Aleander, who was at Louvain, exhibited 
 
 JHtorrticd 
 
 tLathii this fpeftacle to the people on the day the 
 
 books arc * 
 
 burnt by the cmperor let out for Spain. An attempt was 
 
 popj's order; 
 
 he burns made to do the fame at Antwerp, but it 
 
 the bull, 
 
 the decree, could not bc accompHfhed. Thofe who 
 
 and the de- 
 
 crcuis. undertook it at Mentz, did not execute it 
 without danger j and if they efcaped the fury 
 of the people they endured their utmoft con- 
 tempt. In other places, the monks pur- 
 chafed this permifijon from the magiflrates, 
 who made them pay dear enough for it. 
 Luther having been informed of the burning 
 of his books, refolved to burn, in his turn, 
 the decree, the decretals, the Clementines, 
 the extravagantes, and the bull iffued by Leo. 
 The ceremony took place the loth of De- 
 cember. A pile was prepared in the mar- 
 ket place ; and Luther having repaired 
 thither, accompanied by all the docftors of 
 the univerfiny, followed by the people and 
 the whole of the fludents, had the pile 
 kindled by a mafter of arts, and caft the 
 
 books 
 
Z19 
 
 books Into it, pronouncing at the fame tinme An. 1520. 
 thefe words : " Becaufe thou haft troubled 
 ** the holy one of God, may eternal fire 
 " conlume thee *." 
 
 hn action fo bold required apology: Lu- Luther juf- 
 ther loon brought his forward. He ftated, aft by a 
 
 wcik in 
 
 that, being a dodtor of divinity, it was his whichhein- 
 
 trod uces a 
 
 duty to prevent impiety from increafing pan of the 
 
 impicuspo* 
 
 and acquiring; authority: that it was proper fuu.nsof 
 to let the pope and his agents, who had dared lais. 
 to burn books in which the gofpel was taught, 
 know what treatment thofe wridngs deferved, 
 upon which antichrift founded his tyranny; 
 that it was nece0ary to revive the courage 
 of the people, whom the violence done to 
 the doctrine of Jefus Chrift might terrify j 
 and to fhew, in fine, to all the world, that 
 he, Luther, convinced that the pope was 
 antichrift, had fhaken off his yoke, and was 
 refolved to facrifice every thing to the truth 
 of the doctrine he had taught. In this 
 apology he introduced thirty impious pro- 
 pofitions, taken from the decretals, of which 
 the following are a part ; " That the fuc- 
 
 • " Quia turbafti fandum Domini, aeterno ignc 
 " combureris," Ezekiel, chap, xxviii, 18. Jofhua, 
 
 chyp. vii, 25. 
 
 " celTors 
 
An. I5S0. €c ceffors of St. Peter are not fubject to the 
 
 " command which that apoftle gives to all 
 
 " believers, to obey the temporal powers j 
 
 *' that the pov/er of the emperor is as m.uch 
 
 *' below that of the pope, as the light of the 
 
 " moon is below that of the fun ; that the 
 
 " pope is fuperior to councils, and may 
 
 " abolifh their decrees ; that all authority 
 
 *'• refides in his perfon ; that when he fhaU 
 
 " pleafe to fend mimberlefs fouls to hell, no 
 
 ** one has a right to bring them out of it ; 
 
 " that no perfon is entitled to pafs judgment 
 
 " either on him or his decrees ; that God has 
 
 " given him fovereign power over all the 
 
 *' kingdoms of the earth, and over the 
 
 ** kingdom of heaven; that he is the heir 
 
 '* and mafter of the Romian empire; that he 
 
 " may depofe kings, and abfolve from all 
 
 ** oaths and ail vows ; that he does not de- 
 
 ** pend on fcripture, but that fcripture, on 
 
 ** the contrary, derives its authority, force, 
 
 " and dignity from him; that he alone has 
 
 *' the right of interpreting it, and that no 
 
 " one can attempt it, except by following 
 
 " the meaning which the pope affixes to the 
 
 " words of fcripture." Thefe impieties, 
 
 and others of a fimilar kind, which Luther 
 
 had collected together, were a fpecimen of 
 
 •the 
 
38i 
 
 she 'dodlrrine contained in the decretals, and An. 1520, 
 of the reafons afligned by Luther for his 
 condud ; but as he had alfo burned the de- 
 cretum of Gratian, and as he hinafeif ac- 
 knowledged there were fome good things in 
 that colledtion *, he cxcufes himfelf by faying, 
 that every thing therein was corrupted by the 
 bad ufe made of it, which was to fupport the 
 authority of antichrift. He concluded his 
 apology with thefe words of Samfon f " As 
 ** they did unto me, fo have I done unto 
 "them:" and thofe of the Apocalypfe:]: : 
 ^' Treat Babylon as fhe has treated you . 
 " and render unto her double what Ca^ has 
 ** done unto you jj." 
 
 The day after this execution, Luther, con- He delivers 
 tinuing his public ledlures upon the Pfalms, tohispu- 
 
 ... , J. , - pils upon 
 
 dehvered a diicourle upon " the necefiity of the obiiga. 
 
 . tion of re- 
 
 renouncing obedience to the pope," becaufe fufmg obe- 
 
 . . . . dienre to 
 
 he manifefted an invincible hardnefs of heart, the <eeof 
 
 Rome. 
 
 ♦ It was entitled, Decrctum, or Concordia difcordan" 
 Uum canonum, and publillied in 1151. Vide Collier, 
 uuder thehead Gra/i«n. M. 
 
 t Judges, chap. xv. 11. 
 
 X Apocalypfe, chap, xviii. 6, 
 
 \ " Traitcz Babylone comme eile vons a traite ; ren- 
 " dej-lui au doable ce quelle vous a iait." 
 
 J, .; " There 
 
An. 1S20. '< There is no middle path," faid he among 
 other things to his pupils, " for thofe who 
 *' afpire to the facred miniftry ; sbey mujl 
 ** either expofe their lives by re/ijting the domi- 
 *' niott of error j or renounce eternal life by not 
 " oppcfwg it. For my own part, I had rather 
 *' run all the dangers of the prefent times, 
 ** than load my confcience with the account 
 ** which I fliould have to render to God of a 
 '* criminal filence. On which account I this 
 " day protelt that I hold proftituted Babylon 
 '* in abhorrence. This is what 1 am refolvcd 
 ** to declare to my brethren as long as God 
 '* fhall preferve my life." Tliis difcourfe, 
 with the adlion that preceded it, was, as it 
 were, the folemn acft of feparation between 
 Luther and the church of Rome ; a refolution 
 which he was induced to take, as he himfelf 
 faid, only by the unconquerable hardnefs of 
 heart of the pope and his adherents; de- 
 clarng, at the fame time, that he was always 
 ready to reunite himfelf to the church of 
 Rome, provided that church would confent 
 to a reformation. 
 
 While thefe things were going on at Wit- 
 tenberg, the pope ufed his efforts to gain the 
 eledlor of Saxony, who was gone to meet 
 the emperor. There were in the fuite of 
 
 the 
 
 ft nJs two 
 r.uiicios to 
 th;- empe- 
 ror. 
 
the latter two nuncios, whom Leo had fent An. 1520. 
 to wait on him as Ibon as he arrived in the 
 Lovv Countries; one to congratulate him 
 upon his acceflion to the imperial dignity, the 
 other to communicate with him on the fubje6b 
 of Luther, The firft was Marinus Caraccioli, 
 of a confiderable houfe in the kingdom of 
 Naples; the other, Jerome Aleander, of 
 jewilh extradlion, native of a fmali city of 
 Trevifan, called La Motte, a learned, able, 
 ambitious man. He had been fecretary to 
 the famous Csefar Borgia, nephew of Alexan- 
 der VI. and was afterwards promoted to the 
 dignity of archbifhop ofBrindifi, with which 
 he was .invefted when the pope fent him into 
 Germany. What Luther has faid of him in 
 the introdu(5lion to the Ads of the Univerfity 
 of Louvain, is fo much the more remarkable, 
 as cardinal Pallavicini, who wifhed to defend 
 his reputadon, has not thought proper to 
 reply to it. " He was born a jew : it is 
 «* not known Whether he was baptifed ; but 
 " it is well known that he is not of the kct 
 " of the pharifees, for he lives in a manner 
 ^* which (hews but too clearly that he does 
 '^ not believe in the refurreclion of the 
 " dead." Aleander, in fafl, paifed for a 
 
 Crue 
 
An. 1510. true epicurean, fo much were his manners 
 corrupted *. This was the perfon to whom 
 the affair of Luther was committed. 
 The two Frederick was at Cologn ; he had followed 
 
 wait on the the emperor thither, and taken up his re- 
 peaing fidence with the Francifcans, where he had 
 
 Lutiisr. ■* 
 
 been hearing mafs, when Caraccioli came to 
 pay his rcipefts to him, and prefented him 
 with a brief on the part of the pope. The 
 bifhops of Trent and Triefte, and fome coun- 
 feliors, accompanied the prince. The nun- 
 cio fet out with extolling his merit, and thar 
 of his anceflors ; he enlarged upon the efteem 
 and afFeflion the pope entertained for him, 
 and did not fail to remind Frederick, that if 
 he had the honour of eleding the emperors, 
 
 * The following are fome particulars, tiiken from 
 the reply of Erafmus to Albert, count of Carpi, in 
 1529. Aleander, whom Erafmus defignates b^ 
 A;v;X3p-aroi^&5if, declared openly " Nihil egenmus nifi 
 " prius extinAo Erafmo." And afterwards : " Non 
 " parum oflFecit ejus (papae) opinioni CirAoaarof ;^5y 
 " ille, tarn infolenter fe gerens, dodis et magnis etiam 
 *' minitans, et omnia fuis fumis implens } dixit apud 
 " me : pontifcx romanus tot duces, tot comites fa;pe 
 " dejecit; facile disjiciet tres pedicalos grammaticos. 
 " Idem aliis dixit : poiitifex poteftdicere Ca^faii Caro- 
 " lo: tu ts Cardo. Hujus collega (Caracciolub) dixit 
 " apud me : bene invenitmus ilium duccm Frideri- 
 " cum, idque prorfus eo \ ultu, quo folcnt tetrici litera- 
 ■" lores puciis miiari virgas." 
 
 1 he 
 
385 
 
 he was indebted for it to the holy fee, which An. 1520, 
 had given the ennpire to the Germans, and 
 conftituted or confirmed the ele^lors. As 
 Caraccioli was proceeding in his harangue, 
 Aleander came in unexpectedly. All their 
 measures, however, had been preconcerted, 
 and as soon as the latter appeared, the former 
 withdrew, faying to Frederick, that it was 
 incumbent on him to leave to his colleague 
 an affair with which he was fpecially charged* 
 Aleander prefented the ele6lor with a fecond 
 brief from the pope, took up the difcourfe of 
 Caraccioli, and repeated nearly all he had 
 faid J then proceeding to fpeak of Luther, he 
 enlarged upon the magnitude of his herefy, 
 the danger into which it was leading the 
 chriftian repubhc, and the prefling necefllty 
 of a prompt and effeftual remedy. To re- 
 monftrances he added menaces ; and by ob- 
 ferving that the Greeks had loft the empire 
 for having been wanting in fidelity to the holy 
 fee, he gave the elector to underftand, that 
 Leo X. who was mafter of that empire, had 
 it in his power to take it from the German na- 
 tion, to whom his predeceiTors had transferred 
 it, for the purpofe of conferring it upon a 
 people attached to the fee of Rome, tjis 
 difcourfe was rather tedious, and he con- 
 C c eluded 
 
386 
 
 An. is:c. cluded It by thefe two requlfitions : the one 
 that Frederick Hiould caule all Luther's books 
 to be burned in his dominions ; the other that 
 he fliould caule Luther himlelf to be commit- 
 ted to the flames, in order, by that facrince, to 
 appeafe the court of Rome ; or that, at leaft, 
 he Ihould keep him in clofe confinement, 
 in cafe that he did not choofe to fend him 
 to Rome in chains; whicli, however, would 
 be more agreeable to the pope, and more 
 iuitable to an obedient prince. 
 The elector The elccElor liftcned to the whole of this 
 choofe lo difcourfe with a grave and ferious air, and 
 told the nuncio he would confider of it. A 
 few days afterwards '*y he replied through 
 his counfellors, who fignificd on his part to 
 the nuncio, in prefence of the bifliop of 
 Trent, *' that the two princes, the eledlor and 
 " the duke his brother, had always entertained 
 *' a high veneration for the holy fee ; that 
 " they had nothing to do with Luther's con- 
 ** cerns, and were refolvcd not to interfere 
 *' in them ; that Frederick, neverthelefs, had 
 " omitted nothing that could fatisfy tlie pope; 
 " that he had fent Luther to Augfburg, and 
 *' lliould have compelled him to leave hh 
 
 * This was tlie on 4th of Xovember. 
 
 *' dominions. 
 
 anfwer tl,c 
 
 nuncio 
 
 hioileil". 
 
387 
 
 " dominions, if Mildtz had not oppofed it, An. is^ 
 " by faying, that it was to be feared he would 
 *' fpeak elfewhere with greater freedom than 
 " he then did j that Luther would afterwards 
 ** have -appeared before the archbifhop of 
 " Treves, if a fafe-condu6b could have been 
 *' granted him ; that as to other matters, fuch 
 " different fentiments were entertained con- 
 ** cerning his books, that it would, in his 
 " opinion, be precipitate to have them 
 " burned, befoi-e they were Vv^ell examined; 
 " that he intreated the nuncios to fufpend 
 " the execution of this meafure, and to 
 " obtain from thepope that the declfion of 
 " Luther's caufe fhould be committed to 
 " German prelates of acknowledged inte- 
 " grity and abilities ; that if this mode were 
 " adopted, as he wifhed it might be, and if 
 *' Luther were convidled of error by the 
 " fcripture, he fhould not fail of doing, for 
 " the honour of the holy fee, and the defence 
 *' of religion, every thing his holinefs could 
 " require from an obedient and faithful fon." 
 This prince made complaints, at the fime 
 time, to the nuncios againfl Eckius, inafmuch 
 as in his country, and without his permiffion, 
 he had had the audacity to include in the 
 C c 2 papers 
 
388 
 
 ju. 1520. papers he had polled up, upon the publica- 
 tion of the bull, persons not fpecialiy named 
 in it*. 
 
 The nun- The nuHcios, after haviHg deliberated on 
 
 cios ililla- 
 
 tisfied are thls anlwcr, infilled upon the pope's demands. 
 
 dtffirous of 
 
 forcing the Thcv aflerted that the commilTion of the 
 
 eledor to 
 
 give up Lu- archbifhop of Treves had expired; that the 
 
 tlier into the 
 
 hindr,ofthe pope had taken the affair entirely into his 
 
 pope. 
 
 own hands ; and that no moreright exifted to 
 require him to aflign the determination of 
 this matter to any other, than to propofe to 
 the eleftor that the king of France fhould 
 take cognizance of an affair relative to one 
 of his fubjefls. But the counfellors of Fre- 
 derick perfiftfng in their mailer's reply, the 
 nuncios declared that they would proceed to 
 burn Luther's books f. It appeared, however, 
 by a letter from the elector to the emperor, 
 of the 20th of December, that the nuncios 
 had promifed him to fufpend the execution 
 of this a6l, and that prince complained of 
 their having broken their word with him. 
 
 * Thefe perfons were Doltfch de Veltkirche pro- 
 feflbr of divinity, and canon of Wittenberg} Carlo- 
 ftadiua, Egranus, Bernard Adclmansfeldt, canon of 
 A.ngfbnrg; I'ilibald Pirkeimer, and Lazarus Sprcngler 
 of Nuremberg. 
 
 f 'i'his is the account given in the hiflor)' of the 
 lianfadtion, in the feccnd volume of his worki. 
 
 7 Bvt 
 
3^9 
 
 But the promire made by the nuncios was An. i£zo, 
 doubtlefs pollerior to what took place at the 
 conference juft related. However it might be, 
 Aleander feeing clearly that he fliould not be 
 able to get Luther out of the eleftor's hands, 
 and that it was no lefs impofllble to per- 
 fuade him to put him to death, was defirous 
 of repairing the odious and rafli (lep he had 
 taken, and of preferving the honour of the 
 pope. He therefore declared to the coun- 
 fellors of the ele6lor that his holinefs had no 
 defign againft the life of Luther, and would be 
 extremely forry to imbrue his hands in his 
 blood, 
 
 Erafmus was then at Cologn. He. was interview 
 
 r 1 • between the 
 
 efteemed ihe molt learned man of his age eieftor and 
 
 ,. ,. . T Erafmus, 
 
 in polite literature and in divinity. He had 
 written to the elector, and this prince, who 
 wifhed for advice and inftrudion in an affair 
 fo delicate and fo obfcure in his eyes, 
 thought it incumbent on him to confult a 
 man who was uninterefled in the difpute, 
 and whofe learning and prudence v»'ere 
 efteemed by all the world. He fent for him, 
 the day after his reply to the nuncios» and 
 Spaiatinus v/as the only perfon prefent at 
 their interview, t'rederick was defirous that 
 prafmus ihould converfe with him in Dutch, 
 C c 3 buj; 
 
390 
 An. 1520. but he chofe rather to exprefs himfclf in La- 
 tin, which the prince underllood ; but the 
 latter not being in the habit of fpeaking that 
 language, Spalatinus was his inr-rpreter. 
 After fonne civilities, he faid to Lrafnnus, 
 " I have the higheft antipathy to herefy, and 
 " I would rather that the earth Ihould fwallow 
 *' me alive, than that I fliould fupport and 
 " favour it. But if Luther teach the truth, 
 *' I never will fufFer him to be cruihed, let the 
 " danger of defending him be ever fo great to 
 " me and mine. I ccnfefs that the points at 
 " iffue are above my flsill, and I do not pre- 
 '■' tend to judge, of myfelf, whether Luther 
 " be in the right or not : I willi to be in- 
 *' formed, and to confult the learned. I 
 " have brought you here to know your opi- 
 *'' nion, and [ entreat you to give it me with 
 *' finccrity." 
 
 Erafmus appeared furprifcd at this dif- 
 courfe ; and whether it was that he was con- 
 fidering of his anfwer, or was afraid to ex- 
 plain himfelf, he remained for fome time in 
 filence. But the eledlor regarding him 
 fteadily, and with that grave and folemn air 
 which appeared upon his countenance when- 
 ever he w^as engaged in any affair of impor- 
 tance, Erafmus at laft broke filence. " Lu- 
 
 *' ther," 
 
39^ 
 
 *' ther," faid he, " has committed two ca- An. 1520, 
 " pital offences. He has ftruck at the crown 
 " of the pope, and the belly of the monks." 
 The prince could not refrain from laughing, 
 and never forgot this reply. Erafniiis con- 
 tinuing his difcourfe, admitted that Luther 
 was juftified in attacking the abufes intro- 
 duced into the church ; that it was neceffary 
 they fhould be corredled ; that the founda- 
 tion of his do(5lrine was true, but that he 
 could have wifhed for greater moderation. 
 
 Spalatinus attended Erafmus to the houfc Opinion of 
 
 r.rdlmus re- 
 ef the provoft of the chapter *. As foon as fpeaineLu- 
 
 ther, which 
 
 they had arrived there, Erafmus took a does great 
 
 honour to 
 
 chair, and immediately wrote in fhort and the latu-r. 
 diftinft fentences j- his opinion concerning 
 Luther. This writing he put into the hands 
 of Spalatinus to convey to his mafter: and as it 
 contained the opinion which, not only Eraf- 
 mus, but the moft worthy part of mankind, 
 entertained at that time of Luther, it will not 
 be improper to give the fubftance of it. He ^ 
 
 obferved, then, " that the violence of Luther's 
 *'' enemies proceeded from two principles, firft, 
 
 * This provofl was Henry count Nucnaire. 
 
 f Thefe are to be found among Luther" s works in 
 1520, under the title of Axlomata Era/mi Roierodami. 
 
 C c 4 "an 
 
53)3 
 An. 1510. " an averfion to polite literature, %vhich was;' 
 " beginning to extricate mankind from ig-. 
 " norance, and of courfe from the yoke of 
 *' the monks j and fecondly, the defire of 
 " fupporting tyranny at ail events i that they 
 " condufled this bufmefs in a manner fuita- 
 " ble to fuch bad principles, fupporting their 
 " caufe only by clamour, by intrigues and 
 " confpiracles, by inveterate hatred, and by 
 ^' poifonous writings ; that whoever inter- 
 *' fered became fufpefted ; that men of the 
 *' greateft worth, and the moil: converfant in 
 *' fcripture, were not offended at what Lu- 
 " ther had written ; that it was well known 
 *' there were perfons who abufed the eafinefs 
 *^ of the pope, and that therefore it was the 
 " part of prudence not to precipitate any 
 ** thing in an affair of fuch high importance, 
 ** and which would undoubtedly be produc- 
 *' tive of confequences much greater thaa 
 " were imagined; that the cruelty of the 
 *' bull had difgufted the worthiefl part of the 
 " community, who eftecmed it unworthy of 
 " the charity and mildnefs of a vicar of Jefus 
 *' Chrift ; that two univerfities only had, as 
 " yet, condemned Luther ; that they had 
 V done fo without convidling him of error, and 
 ^' even without being themfelves agreed upon 
 
 '' the 
 
m 
 
 «^the points condemned} that the eonditions An. 1520, 
 " which Luther offered were equitable, feeing 
 " he was wilhng to fupport his doctrine in a 
 " pubhc difputation, and to fubmit it to the 
 " examination of enlightened and upright 
 "judges; that his adverfaries advanced po- 
 *' fitions which ftruck all pious perfons with 
 ^^ horror j that, being void of ambition, Lutlier 
 *' ought to be fuppofed to be aftuated by greater 
 *' zeal than his adverfaries, who were vifibly 
 " labouring for their private interefl ; that the 
 " pope ought to have the glory of Jefus 
 " Chrift, and the falvation of fouls, more at 
 " heart than his own glory and advantage ; 
 *' that although it fhould have been necefTary 
 " to come to the extremities to which they 
 " had proceeded, it was evident the fame 
 *' had been adopted with too much precipi- 
 " tation and out of feafon ; that the ftate of 
 " affairs in the empire and the interefl of the 
 *' emperor required that the beginning of his 
 " reign fhould not be ilaincd with barbrous 
 " executions, which would be a bad omen 
 '^^ of that which was to follow i that the pope 
 *' himfelf was interefled in accommodating 
 *^ this affair by the mediation of wife, pru- 
 ** dent, and judicious perfons, and that this was 
 *^ the beft m.eans of fupporting his dignity ; 
 
 " that 
 
394 
 
 An. 1520. « that Luther's adverfaries 'wrote th\nn.h 
 " which even thofe divines, who were the 
 " mofl oppofite to him in opinion, difap- 
 " proved; that, in fine, the world fighed for 
 "• evangelical do6trine, and that it would be 
 ^*^ extremely dangerous to oppofe the general 
 " wifh in an odious and violent manner." 
 
 The opi- In this ftatement we find difplayed the true 
 
 nion of 
 
 Erafmus is caufes of the proe;refs of the reformation : a 
 
 printed ^ ^ 
 
 without his great knowled<^e of the bufmefs refpedin^i 
 
 knowledge, "^ r ^. 
 
 Luther; and a prudence keen, penetrating, and 
 almofl prophetical, joined with the greatefl 
 candour. Erafmus might readily have faid all 
 the above to the eleftor in the private conver- 
 fation he held wiih him ; but for a man re- 
 folved to remain neuter, it was hazarding too 
 • much to commit fuch opinions to writing. 
 From the moment therefore that Spalatinus 
 left him to take the writing to his mafter, he 
 trembled at the danger into which he had 
 brought himfelf, and wrote to him at the 
 inflant to conjure him to return to him, as 
 he was undone if Aleander fhould fee it. 
 His manufcript was returned, but a copy was 
 firft taken of it; and, what was more dif- 
 trefllng, this copy was printed at Leipfick, 
 with an accout of the interview he had had 
 with the eleftor. Both Luther and Spalatinus 
 
 protefted 
 
395 
 
 protefted that they had nothing to do with «'^o- ^s^o- 
 this publication. It is not known who caiifed 
 it to be done; and it remained doubtful 
 vvhetiier it proceeded fronn a v/ifh to 
 ferve Lnthcr, or to embroil him with Eraf- 
 mus, who was extremely irritated at the 
 treachery iifed to him, and the danger to 
 which he was expofed by the publication of 
 his fecret fendments. However it might 
 be, this fbep gave great chagrin to both par- 
 ties. Eraimus did not admit all which it 
 was pretended he had written and faid ; but 
 Aleander entertained no doubt of it ; and 
 although he had been one of his friends, and 
 was even under obligations to him, he did 
 every thing in his power afterwards to ruin 
 him, after having in vain endeavoured to en- 
 gage him to'^write againft Luther by the 
 promife of a billiopric. 
 
 It is even faid, that one day being much Erarmuswiii 
 
 rr 1 T~ r t ^ i not write 
 
 preiled, Erafmus replied, tnat the under- againftLu- 
 
 11- 11 ther; and 
 
 taking was beyond his powers^ and that he the larter is 
 
 - , ..... not to be fe- 
 
 found more true divinity in one page of duc.dby 
 Luther's writings, than in all the compendium 
 of St. Thomas. Attempts were alfo made 
 to gain Luther by great offers, but they were 
 reje6led in fuch a manner, as caufed Aleander 
 to let flip thefe expieflions : " He is a fero-t 
 
 *^ cious 
 
39^ 
 
 An. i5:c. " cious biutc whom nothing can foftcn, and 
 ** who regards riches and honours as naere 
 '' dirt i othcrwife the pope, long before this, 
 " would have loaded him with benefits." 
 
 Thceieftor The ele(5tor, confirmed by the opinion of 
 
 intreats the ^ 
 
 emperor to Erafmus in the efteem he had for Luther, 
 
 near Luther 
 
 before he loliclted thc cmDcror more than ever, to ffive 
 
 condemns *■ ' «_> 
 
 ^''"- him a hearing before he v/as condemned, and 
 
 intreated William, duke of Crouy, and the 
 count of Naffau, governor of Holland, to 
 fupport this requeft. Crouy was a man of 
 merit, who had brought up Charles the fifth 
 as an emperor ought to be. He entertained 
 equitable fentiments towards Luther, being 
 acquainted with a part of the abufes, and not 
 difapproving of the reformation. The count 
 of Naffau knew them ftill better j and it is 
 reported that fome priefts having applied to 
 him at the Hague, he addreffed them in thefe 
 words * : " Go and preach the gofpel in pu- 
 ** rity, as Luther preaches itj do not give 
 ** caufe of offence, and you will have no 
 " reafon to complain of any one." 
 •* The empc- Charlcs was indebted to the elector, and 
 
 Tor d. fires . 
 
 the dcftor had ftill occafion for his fervices -, he efteemed 
 
 tobrinsLu- 
 tiier to the 
 
 diet ot * This is tal;en from a little book, which was priiifed 
 
 °'"^'' at that lime, and winch is to be met with in the library 
 at Lcipfick. 
 
 th$ 
 
the great virtues of this prince, whom the An. tn*. 
 whole empire refpeded j and when the nun- 
 cios folicited him, on the part of the pope, 
 to condemn and profcribe Luther, he had re- 
 plied of his own free will, " that he muft, 
 " in the very firft place, confult his father, the 
 " eledlor of Saxony, and that he would then 
 " give his anfwer to the pope." Influenced 
 by thefe fentiments, the emperor wrote to 
 Frederick, who had returned to his own ter- 
 ritories, that the nuncios were continually 
 foliciting to have Luther's books burned all 
 over Germany ; but recollecting that he had 
 promifed to the duke of Crouy and the count 
 of Naflau, not to take any decifive ftep 
 againft Luther before he had been heard, he 
 requefted the eleftor to bring him with him to 
 Worms, where he would give orders for his 
 fecurity ; and that, in the meanwhile, he 
 fhould take care to forbid Luther to write 
 againft the pope. This letter was accom- 
 panied by two others, one from the duke of 
 Crouy, the other from the count of Nafiau, 
 the contents of which were to the fame pur- 
 pofe. The diet ought regularly to have been 
 held at Nuremberg, according to the golden 
 bull, which direfts that the emperor fnould 
 affemble the firft diet he holds after his'ccio- 
 
 nation 
 
39^ 
 An. TfjG. nation in that city ; but it was removed to 
 
 Wornns on account of the plague then raging 
 
 at Nuremberg. 
 Thr elector Thc clcftor had too much prudence to 
 
 exciifi;shim- i i i i /- 
 
 feir from Undertake the charge of conduftino; Lutlier 
 LrL-r\o to Worms. It would have been to declare 
 nimlelr too openly his prote6lor. He wrote 
 therefore to Charles * " that he had never 
 " pretended either to defend the bocks or 
 *' the difcourfes of Luther, as he had frc- 
 " quently proteftedj that if he had intreated 
 *f his imperial majefly to fufpend the execu- 
 •' tion of the bull, it was to avoid precipita- 
 " tion in a delicate matter, in which religion 
 *' and the peace of the empire were con- 
 " cerned, and refpeding which people were 
 " not fufHciently informed ; that, moreover, 
 »* the perfon accufed offered to appear at any 
 " place to which he fhould be cited, pro- 
 " vided equitable judges were affigned him ; 
 " and that in the lafl place the nuncios them- 
 " felves had promifed him the means of an 
 " amicable fettlement." He added, " that he 
 " had learned with aftonifhment that Carac- 
 " cioli and Aleander, in violation of the 
 ^' promife they had given him, had done 
 
 * The eledtor's letter is from Alfted, and dated the 
 COth of December. 
 
 *' every 
 
399 
 •' every thing In their power to expedite the An. 1530. 
 " burning of Luther's books at Cologne and 
 " Mentz ; that they ought to have refrained 
 " from thefe violent meafures, at leaft incon- 
 ** fideration to him ; and fo much the more, 
 " as thy did not, he believed, a<5t in pur- 
 " fuance of the em.peror's orders ; and that 
 " fuch a procedure being calculated only to 
 ** drive Luther to extremities, he could not 
 " be anfwerable for his not attempting, in his 
 '• turn, fome aflion, that might render his 
 "journey to Worms both difficult anddan- 
 ** gerous." Frederick, with much addrefs, 
 infinuated to the emperor what had actually 
 taken place at Wittenberg ten days before, 
 when Luther had caufed both the ordinance 
 and decretals to be burned. He concluded 
 by entreating his miajefty '* to difpenfe with 
 " his bringing Luther to Worms, and not to 
 ** give credit to the falfe reports in circula- 
 '^ tion, that he meditated pernicious defigns 
 *' againft the chriftian religion." 
 
 Before any thing more could be done in Theeieaor 
 this affair, it was neceffary to know whether q«nry whe- 
 
 tliei' Luther 
 
 Luther had the courage to appear at W^orms, is willing ta 
 
 appeir be- 
 in cafe he was fummoned thither. Fre- fore the 
 
 emperor. 
 
 derick dire(5ted Spaiatinus to learn his inten- Luvher-s 
 
 answer. 
 
 I tions. 
 
400 
 
 ab; i5;o. tions *. He replied, " that he looked upon 
 ' the orders of his imperial majefty as a call 
 
 * from heaven, which he would never refifti 
 ' that if any attempt were made on his per- 
 
 * fon, he would recommend himfelf to God, 
 ' who had preferved the young Hebrews in 
 
 * the furnace ; that Jefus Chrift alone could 
 'judge what was mofl ferviceable to re- 
 
 * ligion and to the ftate, whether he Ihould 
 ' live to defend the truth, or whether he 
 
 * Ihould die in the confeflion of itj but 
 
 * that whatever it fhould pleafe Him to ap- 
 ' point, he was ready to obey Him j and 
 ' that he would never expofe the gofpel to 
 
 * the infults of the wicked by giving thern 
 ' occafion to fay, that he was afraid to avow 
 
 * the truth which he had taught, or to (hed 
 
 * his blood for its confirmation. I have but 
 
 * one thing," continues he, " to aflc of God, 
 ' namely, that he will not permit his im- 
 ' perial majefty to difhonour the outfet of 
 ' his reign by unjuft punifhments, and by 
 
 * the proteftion of impiety. I have repeat- 
 ' edly declared I would rather perifh by the 
 
 * hands of the agents of Rome, than thac 
 
 * Luther's letter is dated the 21ft cf December. 
 
 *' the 
 
401 
 
 •* the emperor fhould be involved in flich a An. i52», 
 
 " crime, or the evils which v/ill enfile from 
 
 " it. You are acquainted with the misfor- 
 
 " tunes that purfued the emperor Sigifmund 
 
 " after the death of John Hus. He faw all 
 
 *^ his fons perifh ; Ladiflas, the fon of his 
 
 " daughter, died foon after -, by which means 
 
 *' his whole family became ext!n<5l in the 
 
 '• courfe of one generation. His wife Barbfe 
 
 *' was the difgrace of queens. You are not 
 
 *^ ignorant of the other calamities which op- 
 
 " prefled him. If, however," added he, " it 
 
 " be the pleafure of God that I fhould be 
 
 " delivered up not only to pontiffs but 
 
 •' to nations, His will be done : fuch is my 
 
 " determination. You may expect every 
 
 '* thing of me except flight or recantation. 
 
 '* May God ftrengthen me in this refolution !'* 
 
 A reply fo heroic and fo chriftian rejoiced the 
 
 elefbor, and he even began to entertain 
 
 hopes. 
 
 The flates of the empire, in fad, feemed ah the 
 
 ■>' r r ^ r • »-r>t inembers of 
 
 dilpoled to the reformation. The emperor, the empire 
 young as he was, inclined to it, either induced reformation. 
 by the grandees who were about his perfon, 
 or ftruck with the tyranny of the court of 
 Rome, to which his anceftors had fo often 
 attempted to fet bounds.. This inclination 
 was even fo prevalent in the empire, that it 
 D d had 
 
40 2 
 
 An. i5ic. had extended to the ecclefiaflical princes. 
 The cardinal of Mentz, although tiiiiid and 
 voluptuous in the extreme, entertained the 
 llime fentiments. The archbifliop of Treves, 
 a man of underflanding and of great capacity 
 in affairs, was a wife and prudent prince j and 
 although attached to tlie pope, had prevented 
 the burning of Luther's books in his diocefe. 
 George duke of Saxony, whofe emulation of 
 the elc6tor his coufin approached to envy, 
 and inclined him perpetually to counteract 
 him J this very prince (who otherwife was 
 the irreconcileable enemy of Luther, lb far 
 as to retain in his pay, Emfer, the moll vio- 
 lent of all Luther's adverfarics, to write 
 againft him) v/as fo perfuaded of the ne- 
 ceflity of a reformation, that he introduced 
 a plan into the diet of Worms, which is 
 ftill in exiftence, and which contained twelve 
 articles. The fixth, which related to indul- 
 gences, was conceived. in thefe terms: — ''The 
 *^ monks extol them with the mod confum- 
 " mate effrontery ; their only end is to amafs 
 " moneys and for this purpofe the preacher 
 **^ preaches only impoflures and untruths, in- 
 " (lead of preaching the gofpel." The me- 
 moir concluded with thefe words : " The 
 *' great fource of the damnation of souls is 
 " the fcandal afforded by the clergy. For 
 7 ' " this 
 
403 
 '^ this reafon it is necefiary to labour for a An. 1520, 
 *■' genera] reformation ; and as this cannot 
 " be anywhere accomplifhed more advan- 
 *' tageoufly than in a general council, v^g all 
 *' require that it be immediately convoked." 
 
 It ought not to create furprife that the Luther's 
 
 ... friends en- 
 
 princes adopted thefedifpofitions. Almoft the tertainap- 
 
 prehenfionj 
 
 whole body of the learned, who made a part tor him in 
 of their councils, or of the fenate of the cities, <houid ap- 
 
 , . . . , . ^ pea'' before 
 
 agreed in opinion that Luther's books con- the empe- 
 ror. 
 tained excellent matter; that he was right in 
 
 attacking theabufes, and that advantage ought 
 to be taken of his fuggeftions. We fhall have 
 occafion afterwards to remark this difpofition in 
 the flates of the empire affembled at Worms*; 
 and there exifted befides liich an univerfal cu- 
 riofity to fee and hear a man who had made 
 fo much noife in the world, that as foon 
 as mention was made of fummoning Luther^ 
 the emperor perceived that it was the gene- 
 ral wifh. Meanwhile the friends of Luther, 
 •who had been defirous of it at firft, changed 
 that defire into apprehenfion upon finding 
 he had taken the refolution of going, and 
 
 * Luther wrote to Stanpitz, Ep. ccxi. lib. 1. " Spa- 
 " latinos fends me word that he finds at Wornns fnch 
 " inclination and zeal for the gofpel, that he hopes they 
 " will not condemn me without having given me a hear- 
 " ing, and even without having convinced me of error." 
 
 D d 2 Upon 
 
An. i^io. 
 
 404 
 
 upon contemplating more clofely ail the con- 
 fequences of the journey. The emperor was 
 befet by the nuncios and by the partifans of 
 the court of Pvonie ; he was young, and his 
 firmnefs could fcarcely be relied on. His 
 council was divided into two contending fac- 
 tions, for the principal place in his favour, 
 and in the adminiftration of affairs. The 
 Flemings were already in pofieffion of it. 
 Crouy, who had been his governor, was the 
 higheft in his confidence, and retained the firft 
 fituation. The Spanifli courtiers were fo 
 jealous of this, that not being able to difpoffefs 
 him, they poifoned, as is believed, both him 
 and the archbifliop of Toledo his nephew. 
 Thefe two parties never accorded ; it was 
 certain, therefore, that there would be one of 
 them to fight againft, and Luther had reafon 
 to fear that this might be the more powerful 
 of the two, as really happened. Charles, on 
 the other hand, who had juft carried the im- 
 perial dignity from Francis I. and who dread- 
 ed the refentment of his rival, w'ilhed to at- 
 tach the pope to his fide ; on which account 
 he was more or lefs favourable to the nun- 
 cios in proportion as their mafter entered 
 into his interefts, or withdrew himfelf from 
 them. For this reafon, thofe who had a true 
 aifcdion for Luther, dreaded to hazard his 
 
 perfon, 
 
405 
 pcrfon, upon the faith of a young prince, Aa. J520. 
 who was too much expofcd to the arti- 
 fices of the minillers of Rome, and to the 
 different movements of the two parties in his 
 council, to take a decided refolution, efpe- 
 cially at a conjuntfbure when his own interefts 
 might conftrain him to ad; contrary to his 
 inchnation. In fad', it was remarked, that 
 fince the death of Crouy, the emperor en- 
 tirely clianged his plan of condud, and that 
 the nuncios, who were favoured by the Spa- 
 niards, stood the highefl with him. Never- 
 thelefs, fince there was no other method of 
 Hopping the profcription againft Luther, and 
 as he himfelf was refolved upon appearing 
 at Worms, his friends faw clearly that all 
 rifks muft be run ; and that to providence 
 muft be committed an event, the confe- 
 quences of which were fo uncertain. 
 
 When the original of this work appeared at Ber-« 
 lin in the year 1/85, the firlt volume was printed fe- 
 parate from the reft, and tlie remainder promifed upon 
 the favourable reception of that volume *. In like 
 manner (liould the public receive with favour the pre- 
 fent tranflation, it will certainly afford a great induce- 
 ment to the tranflator to proceed with the remaining 
 
 ♦ §eetranflaUon of the preface to the Berlin edition. 
 
 D d 3 vol u tries. 
 
 > 
 
4o6 
 
 volumes. Tt may not, however, be improper here to 
 remark, that the original, when completely publiflied 
 at Berlin, extended to four volumes 3 and that the vo- 
 lume, now prefented in Englifh, includes a part of the 
 fecond volume of the original, it being int'^nded to 
 comprize the whole in three volumes. The hiliory, 
 therefore, is continued in the prefent volume, to the 
 clofe of the year 1520*. I may with fome confidence 
 hope, that this deviation will not be difapproved, when 
 it is underliood that the fame has been adopted in con- 
 fequence of the opinion of the Bifliojiof Oxford, whofe 
 kind attention to this work I have had more thaa 
 once occafion to mention. M. 
 
 * Thefirft vp'ume of the origiml ends in the above year, with 
 the words, II dit la mime chofc ailhiir: — " He a/Terts tlie fame ia 
 *< another place." See p. 348. lines 8 & 9. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 N° I. 
 
 C>«oGNOvr ex Uteris amicorum, te cardina- 
 lem efie creatum; congratulor et tibi, qui 
 pro tua virtLite digna confequutus es proemia, 
 et mihi, cujus amicus in ea dignitate conflitu- 
 tus es, in qua me meofq. necefTarios aliquan- 
 do juvare poteris. lUud mihi moleftumj 
 quod in ea tempora incidifti qu^fedem apof- 
 tolicam afflidlura videantur. Nam domino 
 meo Archiepifcopo frequentes adferuntur de 
 Romano Pontilice querelas, qui neque Con- 
 ftantienfis neque Bafilienfis decreta confilii 
 cuftodit, neque fe pasftionibus antecefforis llii 
 teneri arbitratur, nationemque noftram con- 
 temnere et prorfus exhaurire videtur. Con- 
 ftat enina eleftiones Pi-?jlatorum paffim rejici, 
 beneiP-cia dignitatefq. cujufvis quaiitatis> et 
 D d 4 cardinalibua 
 
4oS 
 
 cardinalibus et protonotariis rcfervaii. Et tu 
 quidem ad trcs provincias Teutonici nominis. 
 iub ea formula refervationem impetrafli, quas 
 haclenus infolita eft et inaudita. Expefta- 
 tivas gratias fine numero concedwntur : anna- 
 les, five medii fi-uftus, abfque ulla dilatione 
 temporis exiguntur; et plus etiam quam de- 
 betur extorqucri palam eft : ecclefiarum re- 
 gimina non magis merenti, fed plus offerenti 
 committuntur : ad contrahendas pecunias no- 
 yse indulgentiae^ indies conceduntur : deci- 
 inarum exaftiones inconfultis prslatis noftris 
 Turcorum caufa fieri jubentur: eaufae, quas 
 traclandaz terniinandasq. in partibus fuerunt, 
 ad apoftolicum tribunal indiftincle trahuntur; 
 excogitantur mille modi, quibus Romana 
 fedes aurum ex nobis, tanquam ex barbaris, 
 fubtili extrahat ingenio : ob quas res natio 
 noftra quondam inclyta, qusefua virtute fuoq. 
 fanguine Romanum Imperium coemit, fuitq. 
 mundi domina et regina, nunc ad inopiam 
 redada, ancilla et tributaria facia eft, et in 
 fqualore jacens, fuam fortunam, fuam pau- 
 periem multos jam annos mceret. Nunc 
 vero quafi ex fomno excitati optimates noftri, 
 quibus remediis huic calamitati obviam per- 
 gant, cogitare coeperunt, jugumq. prorfus ex- 
 cutere, et fe in priftinam vindicare libertatem 
 
 decrevcrunt. 
 
409 
 
 decreverunt. Erit haec non parva jaflura 
 Romans curiiE, fi, quod cogitant, Romani 
 principes efFecerint. Quantum itaqiie et tua 
 nova dignitate Iretor, tantum commoveor et 
 angor tuo tempore hoc parari. Sed Dei for- 
 tafie alia eft cogitatio, et illius profefto fen- 
 tentia obtinebit. Tu interim bonum habeto 
 animum, et quibus repagulis fluminis impe* 
 tus coerceri poffit, pro tua fapientia cogitato» 
 Yale optime. 
 JNIoguntiae, Prid. C^lend. Septerab, 1457. 
 
 I HAVE learned by letters ffom my friend^ 
 that you have been made a cardinal ; I con- 
 gratulate both you, who have received the 
 due reward of your virtue, and myfelf in 
 having a friend elevated to a dignity, in con« 
 fequence of which, benefits may hereafter 
 arife to me and my connexions. It afBifls 
 me, however, that this event has taken place 
 at a period when troubles feem to threaten 
 the apoftolical fee. For various are the 
 complaints which are brought to my Lord 
 the archbiftiop, of the Roman pontiff, who 
 pays no regard either to the decrees of the 
 council of Conftance or of Bafle, nor does 
 he think himfelf at all bound to the ob- 
 
 fervance 
 
4^0 
 fervance cf the engagements entered into by 
 his predecefTorj but feems to hold our na- 
 tion in contempt while he is exhaufting its 
 rcfources. 
 
 In proof of this it appears that die elec- 
 tions of prelates are every where rejefled : 
 that benefices and dignities, of whatever qua- 
 lity they may be, are referved for cardinals 
 and prothonotaries : and even you yourfelf 
 have obtained the refervation of three pro- 
 vinces of the Teutonic order, under that 
 prefcription, a thing hitherto not only 
 unufual, but unheard of. Grants in expec- 
 tancy are conceded without number : firft, or 
 medial fruits are required v/ithout any allow- 
 ance of time; and it is well known that even 
 more than of right can be claimed is for- 
 cibly taken. The diredion of churclles is 
 committed, not to thofe who are moft de- 
 ferving, but to thofe who bid the higheft for 
 them. New indulgences are daily granted 
 for the purpofe of amaffing money. Tithes, 
 without the knowledge of the prelates, are 
 direfted, under pretence of the Turks, to be 
 exafted. Caufes in due procefs for legal 
 determination are indifcriminately dragged 
 before the apoftolical tribunal : innumerable 
 
 iTieans, 
 
411 
 
 means are devifed by which the Roman fee 
 may with fubtile ingenuity extra<5t gold from 
 us, as from barbarians. By all thefe mea- 
 fures our country, once of high renown, that 
 by her valour and her blood efiablifncd the 
 Roman empire, and was the miflrefs and 
 queen of the world, is now reduced to po- 
 verty, is become a fervant and a tributary, 
 and mourns, through many a year, her former 
 greatnefs, her prefent humiliation. . 
 
 But the time is come when our grandees, 
 awakened as it were from fleep, have begun 
 to confult what remedies they may oppofe to 
 this evil, and have determined entirely to 
 {hake off the yoke, and to reinftate them- 
 felves in their former freedom. The lofs, in 
 truth, will not be fmall to the court of Rome, 
 if the Roman princes fliall be able to effedt 
 v/hat they have purpofed. In proportion, 
 therefore, as I rejoice at your new accef- 
 fion of dignity, fo am i grieved and con- 
 cerned that your days are threatened with 
 fuch commotions. But the defigns of the 
 Almighty are, perhaps, far different -, and 
 His defigns will affuredly be accompliflied. 
 Do you, in the meanwhile, be of good cou- 
 rage J and, as far as your forefight and pru- 
 dence will reach, confider by what mounds 
 
 and 
 
41^ 
 
 and barricadoes die force of the torrent may 
 be mod efFedtuaily flemmed. 1- arewell, my 
 excellent friend ! 
 
 Meutz, 31ft Auguft 1457' 
 
 N« II. 
 
 I do promife, vow, and fwear to obfervc 
 and fulfil all and every the premifes in and 
 by all matters and things, purely, fimply, and 
 with good faith, really and truly, and fubjedl 
 to the confequences of perjury and anathe- 
 ma, from which I will neither abfolve myfelf, 
 nor will I authorize any other perfon to ab- 
 folve me. So help me God, and thefe holy 
 gofpelsl 
 
 N° III. 
 
 The French word Martyr is thus defined 
 by Furetiere : 
 
 *' Celui qui fouffre des peines, des fuppli- 
 *^ ces, et memc la mort pour la defence d(? 
 " Jefus Chrift, et de fon eglife, pour tc- 
 " moignage de la verite de fon evangile." 
 
 He who fufFers pains, punifliments, and 
 even death in defence of Jefus Chrill, and of 
 his church, in tcflimony of the truth of his 
 gofpel. 
 
 5y 
 
4^3 
 
 By this it appears that perfons fuftering in 
 the caufe of chriftianity were denominated 
 martyrs before death ; and tliat their recom- 
 mendations were confidered as aUs of martyrs, 
 is evident from the account given of them by 
 Mr. de Beaufobre. 
 
 N°IV. 
 
 The expreflion in the original is, " lajuf- 
 " tice de mon Seigneur ct de mon Sauveur 
 *' &c.'* The French word jujlice^ in its 
 theological acception, is thus defined by Mr. 
 de Furetiere: 
 
 " Les theologiens diflinguent en Jefus 
 *' Chrift deux jufices : la jufice pa£ivey qui 
 " confifte dans les fouffrances qu'il a en- 
 ** durees pour nous, et (sLJufice a^live qui efl 
 *' Tobeifance qu'il a rendue a la loi morale, 
 '' pendant tout le tems de fa vie. II y a des 
 *« theologiens qui croyent que non feulement 
 " la jufiice pajfive de Jefus Chrift, mais en- 
 ** core fa jujlice a^ivc nous font impu- 
 " tecs." 
 
 D/^. Univerfeh 
 
 Theologians diftinguilh in Jefus Chrift two 
 kinds of righteoufnefs : firft-^ pcijftve righteouf- 
 
 tiffs, 
 
4H 
 nefs^ which confifts in tiie fufferings he has 
 endured for usj and, fecondly, his a5ltje 
 righteou/nefs, which is the obedience rendered 
 by him to the moral law, during the whole 
 courfe of his life. There are theologians who 
 believe ihat not only th^ pnffivey but alfo the 
 a^ive, righteoujnejs of Jefus Chrift is im- 
 puted to us. 
 
 END OF THE FIRST YOLUMI. 
 
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