r'mmr ^- ^/ .^' . ■'. *. '■ Vrt '^^ f PiVfVvT!- :Bs,in7 -r9 r, ■J /-- ^ HISTORY «7- OF THE HEBREW COMMONWEALTH. TRANSLATED FROM THE GERMAN OP 1 J H N J A H N, D. D. WITH AN APPENDIX, CONTAINISC THE CONTINUATION OF THE HISTORY OF THE JEWS TO THE REIGN OF ADRIAN. TRANSLATED FROM BASNAGE. ^T CALVIN E. STOWE, A. M., OF THE THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY, ANDOVER 1 LONDON: THOMAS WARD AND CO. PATERNOSTER ROW. PREFACE. Of all nations that have yet existed in our world the Jews are the most singular and interesting. History gives no knowledge of any people who have preserved a separate and distinct existence for so long a period, and at the same time main- tained, for substance, most of their religious rites and customs. Their present existence, as a sepa- rate and distinct nation in many respects, and yet scattered over the whole earth, may justly be considered as a kind of standing miracle in attestation of the facts concerning them which are recorded in their Sacred Books. What rea- son can be given, that all other nations, however peculiar in their religion and laws, have been swallowed up in the vortex of time, or have been so commingled with foreigners by conquest or emigration, that no traces of them as a living and distinct people are any more to be found, while i the Jews remain what they were three thousand years ago ? The history contained in the Old Testament, and this only, gives an adequate and satisfactory answer to this question. The Christian religion is built upon the Jewish. The Christian Scriptures are intimately connected with the Jewish Sacred Books, and they cannot be understood and explained, except by means of them. The words of the New Testament are Greek ; but its idioms, its costume, its manner of thought and reasoning, its allusions ; in short, the tout ensemble of it, is Jewish ; nor can these ever be duly understood by any person who is ignorant of the Jewish nation, its laws, customs, and history. The design of the principal part of the present volume is, to impart a succinct and critically arranged history of the Hebrews, from their first rise in Abraham, down to the destruction of Jerusalem, when their proper national existence may be said to have been suspended. We have no book, in our language, which does this in such a manner as to satisfy the wants of a cri- tical student at the present time. The works of Shuckford and Prideaux, which, in respect to learning, may be mentioned with approbation, particularly the latter, are so copious, and contain so much irrelevant, not to say uninteresting, matter, that the student goes through them with great toil, and with little fruit of his labour. Other books are of a popular form, and ill adapted to the wants of a critical inquirer. Jahn has bestowed great pains and labour on the following work. None of his numerous pub- lications give higher evidence of this than the present. The labour bestowed on harmonizing the various accounts of persons and occurrences contained in the Old Testament is in itself great and useful ; and that bestowed on the prophecies contained in the sacred volume, in order to exhi- bit the fulfilment of them, the student will find to be valuable. Besides a regular and continuous history of the Jews, Jahn has also given a succinct account of all the other nations connected with them ; so that the student may regard the present book as containing an epitome of the ancient history of Western Asia and of Eastern Europe. For example, — the history of the Assyrians, Egyp- tians, Canaanites, Babylonians, Medes, Persians, the Greeks in Europe and Asia, and of the Romans, besides many other short historical sketches, is here briefly presented to the reader, with all its substantial features. In addition to this, references are everywhere made to the sources from which the information is drawn ; so that the student has before him a kind of general directory for an extensive course of reading, in regard to all these topics. I know of no book in our language so well adapted as this volume to accompany the Ar- choiology of Jahn, which has already found so much approbation with our religious public. It bears manifest impressions of the same diligence, care, sound judgment, and unwearied effort. If all the conclusions in this work should not J PREFACE. hold the test of further critical investigation, it will not be strange ; for \phat history, so various and important as this, has been composed at any time, except under special Divine guidance, of which it could be said, that it contained no mis- takes ? If the -writer has committed mistakes, he has, at least, furnished his readers -with refer- ences to such sources as may enable them to make the requisite corrections. And this is all that -we can reasonably ask of any writer who has bestowed as much labour and time on a work -v<'hich he publishes as he could possibly bestow. I would urge it upon every theological student, in a particular manner, to make himself familiar with this work throughout. It is impossible that he should not reap the benefit of such an acquisition. In regard to the Appendix, it may he said that it fills up a chasm in the, history of the Jews which it is desirable to have supplied. Basnage is a discursive, loose writer, as to style ; but on the whole a sober-minded man, and by no means destitute of critical ability. One might well spare the putid fables and stories of Rabbins -which he has so copiously inserted; but they could not be separated from his work without more labour than it would cost to write a new history. The second destruction of the Jews under Adrian, about half a century after the first, was more dreadful than the first ; and it makes a crisis in their history, to which a stu- dent naturally wishes to come before he stops in his investigations. On this account the Ap- pendix is desirable. The account, also, of the subsequent dispersions of the Jews, which is superadded, will be found to be useful. In regard to the Translation. It was under- taken by Mr. Stowe, at my request ; and it is performed in a manner which entirely satisfies me, and which, I hope, will satisfy the public. I shall merely add the expression of my earnest hope and wish, that Mr. Stcwe may find his labours acceptable to the public ; and that this book, on which he has expended so much time and pains, may prove to he as useful and im- portant as those have deemed it who have been concerned with bringing it before the world in its present form. M. STUART. Andover, Theological SeminarTj Nov. 7, 1828. =n ADVERTISEMENT. It is the duty of a translator, to give a faithful representation of his author's meaning, without violating the purity of his own language. In executing the following work, I have uniformly endeavoured to make this principle my guide ; but I have found it more diiiicult to adhere to it, than I supposed it would be before I commenced the task. There is such a total diversity in the whole mode of constructing sentences, in the Ger- man and English languages, that it is no easy achievement for a translator to do justice to him- self, and at the same time, remain faithful to his original. I hope, however, I can venture to say, that I have not failed, in any important instance, to give a true expression of my author's meaning ; but I must leave the reader to judge how far I have succeeded in preserving the purity of the English language. In the course of the work, a few slight altera- tions were deemed expedient, which may be seen and appreciated by those who will take the trou- ble to compare the translation with the original. Most of the references to Scripture have been re-examined, and numerous errors in them cor- rected ; and the same has been done in regard to references to the classics, so far as I could have I access to the proper editions. In the original, I these references are all intermingled with the I text ; but in the translation, they have been re- ; moved to the end of each section,* in order to I prevent the interruption occasioned by the former • In this edition these references have been restored ■<) their former places. — Eng. Ed, method. To assist the reader in the invest'gation of the prophecies of the Old Testament, I have taken pains to prepare an Index of all those illustrated in this book. The translation of Jahn was nearly through the press, when Professor Stuart suggested the propriety of continuing the narrative down to the reign of Adrian. This seemed necessary to a complete view of the history of the Hebrews, as that was the time when their national exist- ence actually terminated. It was, therefore, my earnest wish to continue the history ; but my health being then so much reduced that I could not undertake the task myself, I requested a friend to furnish me with a translation of that part of Basnage's " Histoire des Juifs," which relates to this period. The result of his labours will be seen in the Appendix. I cannot conclude without expressing my obligations to Professor Stuart for the interest which he has taken in this work, and for the en- couragement which he has afforded me in the execution of it. I would also cheerfully acknowledge the as- sistance which I have received from Professor Glbbs of New Haven, whose judicious and well- timed criticisms enabled me to correct many errors and supply several deficiencies, in the first sheets of the translation, CALVIN E. STOWE, Andover Thrological Seminary Nov. 7, 1823. CONTENTS. , CHAPTER I. SDRVET OP BIBLICAL HISTORY TO THE DEPARTURE OP THE HEBREWS FROM EGyPT. Sect. Page. 1. Origin of Civil Society 9 2. Civil Society before the Flood 10 3. after the Flood 10 4. at the time of Abraliam 12 5. -Jacob 13 C. Moses 14 7. Departure of the Hebrews from Egjitt 15 CHAPTER II. CIVIL CONSTITUTION OP THE HEBREWS. 8. Form of Government before the Mosaic Law ... 16 9. Fundamental Law of the Mosaic Institutions ... 17 10. Relation of the Hebrews to other Nations 20 11. Hebrew Magistrates 23 12. The Learned Class 24 13. Relation of the Tribes to each other 26 14. Legislative Assemblies 27 15. Form of Government 28 16. The Chief Magistrate 29 17. March of the Hebrews from Horeb to Canaan ... 30 18. The last Acts of Moses 31 CHAPTER III. HISTORICAL SORVEY PROM THE DEATH OP MOSES TO THE INTRODUCTION OF MONARCHY. 19. Conquest of the Land of Canaan 20. Theocracy from Joshua to Samuel 21. Predominant States from Joshua to Samuel 22. Office of the Judges 23. Condition of the Hebrews in the times of the Judges CHAPTER IV. UISTORT SfROM THE INTRODUCTION OP MONARCHY TO THE REVOLT OP THE TEN TRIBES. 24. The Rulers request a King 25. The Institution of Monarchy 26. Limitations of the Royal Power 27. The Reign of Saul 28. Saul's Conduct towards David 29. Saul persecutes David 30. Death of Saul 31. The Reign of David 32. Character of David 33. The Reign of Solomon 32 H 33 34 35 51. 52. 36 53. 54. 55. 56. 57. 58. 59. 37 60. 37 61. 38 02. 39 63. 39 64. 40 65. 41 66. 42 67. 42 68. 43 69. CHAPTER V. HISTORY PROM THE REVOLT OF THE TEN TRIBES TO THE BABYLONIAN CAPTIVITY. Sect. Page. 34. Revolt of the Ten Tribes 45 35. General View of the two Kingdoms 46 36. Israel from 97j to 8S4 B. c 47 37. Judah from 975 to 884 B. c 49 38. Israel from 884 to 759 B.c 50 39. Judah from 884 to 759 B. c 51 40. Israel from 759 to 722 B. c 52 41. Judah from 759 to 699 B.c 53 42. 699 to 611 B.c _ 55 43. 611 to 508 B.c 56 CHAPTER VI. THE BABYLONIAN. CAPTIVITY. 44. Theocracy of the Hebrews during the Captivity . 58 45. Condition of the Hebrews during the Captivity . 59 46. Nabopolassar and Nebuchadnezzar 59 47. Evil-merodach — Nabonned 60 48. Survey of the History of Media f-l 49. Destruction of the Chaldee-Babylonian Empire . 62 50. Conquest of Babylon 63 CHAPTER Vn. HISTORY FROM THE RETURN OF THE HEBREWS TO THE TIME OP ALEXANDER. Release of the Hebrews 04 First Caravan of the Hebrews to Judea 65 Return of the ten Tribes 65 Building of the Temple 66 Historical Survey of the Persian Empire 66 Reigns of Cambyses and Smerdis 66 Reign of Darius Hystaspis 67 Reign of Xer.Kes 1 68 Second Caravan of the Hebrews to Judea 70 Artaxerxes Longimanus 71 Nehemiah Governor of Judea 72 Xerxes II. Sogdianus. Darius Nothus 73 Second Administration of Nehemiah 73 Samaritan Temple on Mount Gerizim 75 Artaxerxes Mnemon 75 The Hebrews under Artaxerxes Mnemon 76 Darius Ochus 77 The Hebrews under Ochus 78 Arses. Darius Codomanus 78 CONTENTS. CHAPTER VIII. HISTORY OF ALEXANDER AND HIS IMMEDIATE SUCCESSORS. Sect. Page. 70. First Victories of Alexander 79 71. Alexander at Jerusalem 80 72. Destruction of the Persian Empire 81 73. Alexander 327 to 323 b. c 82 74. Aridoeus and Alexander jEgus 83 75. Wars of the provincial Governors 83 7G. The Jews under Ptolemy 84 77. War hetweea Antigonus and Eumenes 85 78. Wars of Antigonus 85 79. Condifion of the Jews, 320 to311 B. c 86 SO. The Wars renewed, 311 to 305 B. c 87 81. Partition of the Empire, 305 to 301 B. c 88 CHAPTER IX. HISTORY FROM THE PARTITION OP THE EMPIRE TO THE TIME OF ANTIOCHUS EPIPHANES. 82. History of the four Kingdoms, 301 to 279 b. c. ... 90 83. The Jews, 311 to 279 B. c 91 84. Antiochus Soter, 279 to 260 b. c 92 85. Antiochus Theos, 260 to 245 B. c 93 86. Syria and Egypt, 245 to 221 B. c 94 87. The Jews, 279 to 221 B.c ' 95 88. Syria and Egypt, 221 to 204 B. c 96 89. Antiochus the Great, 204 to 187 B.c 98 90. The Jews, 221 to 187 B. c 101 91. Seleucus Philopator, 186 to 175 B. c 102 CHAPTER X. ANTIOCHUS EPIPHANES AND THE MACCABEES TO THE INDEPENDENCE OP THE JEWS. 92. Antiochus Epiphanes 103 93. Antiochus Epiphanes, 173 to 171 b. c 104 94. Campaigns of Antiochus Epiphanes in Egypt, 171 to 167 b. c 105 95. Revolt of the Jews, 167 to 166 b.c 107 96. War between the Jews and Syrians, 165 to 163 b. c. 109 97. Antiochus Eupator, 164 to 163 b.c HI 9S. Demetrius Soter, 162 to 154 b. c 112 99. Alexander Balas, 154 to 146 B. c 115 100. Demetrius Nieator, 146 to 144 B. c 117 101. Antiochus Theos II., 144 to 143 b. c 118 CHAPTER XI. HISTORY OF THE JEWS DURING TBEIH INDEPENDENCE, FROM 143 TO 63 B. C. 102. Independence of the Jews, 143 B. c 120 103. Simon, Princeof the Jews, 141 to 135 b.c .„ 120 104. John Hyrcanus, 135 to 106 B. c 123 105. Aristobulus I., King of the Jews, 105 b. c. ... 126 106. Alexander Janneus, 104 to 77 B. c 127 107. Alexandra, Queen of the Jews, 77 to 68 b. c. ... 131 108. Aristobulus II., King of the Jews, 69 to 63 b. c. 133 CHAPTER XII. HISTORY FROM THE CONauEST OP JERUSALEM BY POMPEY, TO THE REIGN OP HEHOD THE GREAT, 109. Conquest of Jerusalem, 63 B. c , 136 110. Hyrcanus II., Prince of the Jews, 63 to 55 b. c. 137 111. Aristocracy of the Jews, 54 to 47 b. c. ,„ ... 138 Sect. Page 112. Hyrcanus II., High Priest, 46 to 44 B. c 141 •J3. Prince of the Jews, 44 to 41 b. c. 143 "■*• 41to,'i7B.c. 114 115. Antigonus, King of the Jews, 37 to 34 b. c. ... 117 CHAPTER XIII. REIGN OP BEROD THE GREAT. 116. Herod, King of the Jews, 34 to 31 b c. 117. 118. 119. 120. 121. 122. 30 to 27 B. c. 26 to 22 B. c. 21 to 16 B. c. 16 to 10 B. c. 10 to 1 B.C. ... 141 ... 153 ... 156 ... 157 ... i.iy ... 160 ... 163 Birth of Christ and Death of Herod CHAPTER XIV. HISTORY FROM THE DEATH OP HEROD THE GREAT TO THE BEGINNING OF THE JEWISH WAR. 123. Archelaus, 2 to 11 a. c ic, 99 § Odyss. iv. 355, comp. xiv. 258, xvii. 427. the Joktanites emigrated Arabians, in distinction from the Cushites, whom alone they acknowledge as the original inhabitants of the country.* In the reign of Asa, the Cushite monarch Zerah invaded Judea with a numerous host, and at another time Sennacherib hastened home to Assyria on account of a false rumour that Tir- haka, king of Cush, was leading an army against him. (2 Chron. xiv. 9. 2 Kings xix. 9. Isa. xxxvii. 8, 9.) At an early period they crossed the straits of Babel-Mandel and founded the African Cush, anciently called ^Ethiopia and now Abyssinia, which was often united with the Arabian Cush, and governed by the same king.f Heeren has rendered it probable that the order of Egyptian priests, which included the roval family, was composed of Cushites who emigrated from Abyssinia and established governments in Egypt. If this were so, the Abyssinian Cushites must have penetrated to Egypt as early as the middle of the second century after the flood.J Thus anciently did the people of southern Asia establish political communities which they gradually perfected ; while the tribes who wan- dered to more distant regions, sank into a state of barbarism from which they rose by slow de- grees, and in which some remain at the present day. Note. — In the tables of Suessmilch,§ in which he computes the increase of population after the Creation and Deluge, it is supposed that there were upon the earth, at the middle of the second century after the Deluge, only about 131,072, or 262,144 persons; and at the end of this century not more than 1,048,576, or 2,097,152,— a num- ber scarcely adequate to the founding of so many and such remote states, allowing them to be of small extent. In the computation of Euler, quoted by Suessmilch (s. 295), the number is still less. This led Michaelis to suppose that the chronology deduced from Gen. xi. 10 — 25, is in- correct, and that in this genealogy some families are omitted. But he could adduce no example of such omission in those genealogical tables with which the chronology is interwoven.|| But the difiicnlty vanishes when we observe that the calculations of both Suessmilch and Euler pro- ceed on the supposition, that population then in- creased in general no faster than it does at the present day. WTien will men cease to measure the old world by the standard of the new, and to believe that every thing in ancient times must have been just as it is now ? Let any one exa- mine Suessmilch's periods of duplication, wliich in the first century are placed at 10, and in the se- cond at 15 years, and also Euler's mode of com- puting, and compare them with the condition of the ancient world, when life was long, deaths un- frequent, and nothing to prevent or hinder early marriages, and their incorrectness will be per- ceived at once. Who will believe that Adam, • Pocock, Srecimen, Hist. Arab. p. 39. Herbelot, Bibl. Orient, t. i. p. 215. t Michaelis, Spicil. Geogr. Hebr. ext. p. i. t>. m — jr,; t Heeren, Ideen ueber die Politik, den Verkeha und den Handel der Allen Welt. th. i. s. 230, 305—317, 344 ff comp. 41 Off. § Gottl. Ord. in den Verord. des Menschl. Geschl. th. i. viii s. 92. II Eichhorn's Report, th. xiii. s. 1 68— 177. 12 THE HEBREW COMMONWEALTH. during the first ten years of his life, had only two, or (according to Euler) during the first eighteen years, only six children ; so that at the close of the ten years there were only four, or of the eighteen years, only eight persons upon the earth ? Or that from the marriages of the three sons of Noah, there were but six children in ten years ? Gatterer instituted a new mode of computation,* according to which the rate of increase is much greater : but even he seems to make the period of duplication too long, and the number of children by one marriage too small, for such remote antiquity. I might here ii)tro- duce my own calculations, by which I have shown a nluch more rapid increase of population after the Flood ; but I will in this place merely suggest the inquiry, whether in the enumeration of the family of Noah, as well as of that of Ja- cob, (Gen. xlvi. 8—27,) the servants are not omitted? K they are, then there will not be the least difficulty remaining in regard to the rapid increase of population during this period. IV. Civil Society at the Time of Abraham. . In the tenth generation after Noah, while Abraham dwelt in Canaan (from 367 to 467 after the Flood), there were in that country se- veral small states and kingdoms, which had been founded by the descendants of Canaan, the son of Ham. These Canaanites frequently occur in the Arabian poets, historians, and scholiasts, un- 5 S ^, der the name of Amalekites ( ajdAC »J^l«>c) as a very ancient, numerous, and celebrated people who inhabited Arabia before the Jok- tanites ; and some of whom removed to Canaan, whence they were expelled by the Hebrews. Herodotus also says that the Phenicians (who are the same as the Canaanites) originally dwelt on the coasts of the Red Sea, whence they emigrated to the Mediterranean, and there engaged in navigation to distant countries.! When Abraham arrived in Canaan, it is ob- served in Genesis that " the Canaanite was then in the land;" a plain intimation that the Canaanites had emigi'ated thither not long be- fore. The enumeration of the Canaanites among the Amalekites who inhabited Arabia Petrea, but made distant excursions into other countries, is also an indication that Arabia was their ori- uinal residence.! Of these Canaanites there were three distinct classes. I. The Canaanites who remained in Arabia, and formed a numerous people, of whom in the seventh century there were distinguished fami- lii's still in existence. In the Bible these are called Amalekites. They were not descended from Amalek, the grandson of Esau •, for they • Einleit. in die Synchro. Universal. Hist. b. i. th. ii. s. lis. t llerodot. 1. i. comp. Justin. Trog. xviii. 3. Abulfede, Dfscrip. Syr. p. 5. X Gen. xi. 10—26. Pocock, Specimen, Hist. Arab. p. 39. Herbelot, Bibl. Orient, t i. p. 215. Reland. Palaest. )). 8!. Gen. xii.fi; xiii. 7 ; xxvi. 34; xxviii. 8. Numb. \\\\. 29. Ps;d. Ixxxiii. cunip. Deut. iii. Josh. xii. and , niDD, acknowledged a prince, M'il>J, as its ruler. This office was at first hereditary, and belonged to the oldest son of the founder of the tribe, but afterwards it probably became elective. The division of nations into tribes very generally prevailed in ancient times ; and the custom is still retained by the Beduin Arabs, and even by the Persians.* As the humbers of each tribe increased, the less powerful families united themselves with their stronger relatives, and acknowledged them as their superiors. Hence there arose a subdivi- sion of the tribes into collections of families. Such a collection was called n'i:i« D'a, nnema, fpa, a house of fathers, a clan, or a thousand ; not be- cause each of these subdivisions consisted of a thousand persons, for it is evident that the num- * Shaw's Travels, p. 216. Delia Valla, Reise, t. ii. s. FUNDAMENTAL LAW OF THE MOSAIC INSTITUTIONS. a ber varied. (Judges vi. 15. 1 Sam. x. 19 ; xxiiL 23. Num. xxvi. 5 — 50.) Before the departure from Egypt, the Hebrews were under the immediate government of the rulers of these clans, who were denominated d'd!:^, b«iu?' 'Db« 'ti'tsi, heads of houses of fathers, heads of thousands, &c., and were in rank subordinate to the princes, D'«'U,»J. These two classes of rulers were comprehended under the general names of aJ'pJ, a'aity 'il'«3, seniors, or heads of tribes. (Num. i. 16 ; x. 4.) They were fathers rather than magistrates, governing accor^Jing to the regulations esta- blished by custom, according to the principles of sound reason and natural justice. They provided for the general good of the whole community, while the concerns of each individual family still continued under the control of its own father. In general, those'cases only which con- cerned the fathers of families themselves came under the cognizance of the seniors. Such is the patriarchal form of government which the Nomades, particularly the Beduin Arabs, have in a great measure preserved to the present day. They call their princes, emirs, and their heads of clans, sheichs, elders ; under the last of which appellations the Hebrews included both these orders of rulers. The Arabian emirs have their secretaries, who appear to be officers similar to those denominated D'ltDlu? among the Hebrews. The Hebrew shoterim, (in the Eng- lish version translated officers,) Avhose peculiar business it was to register the genealogies, pos- sessed considerable authority, as will be seen in the sequel, and sustained an important part in the government.* With such a political organization, the He- brews in the land of Goshen continued for the most part the Nomadic life of their ancestors, for which the wilds of Egypt and the open plains of Arabia Petrea afforded them ample room. In early times they had driven their herds through Arabia to Canaan, and built cities in that country. Some penetrated into the land of the Moabites and subjected it to their power. (1 Chron. vii. 21, 24 ; iv. 22.) They were at length excluded from Canaan by the increasing population of the Canaanites ; though they possessed in that coun- try, (in addition to the right of pasturage they had acquired,) certain lands and cities, with many wells and cisterns, which they had inherited from their ancestors. When in Egypt some applied themselves to the arts, and they are men- tioned particularly as potters and manufacturers of fine cotton in the service of the crown. (1 Chron. iv. 21, 23.) In Arabia Petrea several distinguished themselves in the structure of the sacred Tabernacle, an evidence that the Hebrews had been much improved by the refinements of Egypt. The Egyptian sovereigns treated them as guests rather than subjects, until the entrance of that foreign dynasty of monarchs, who were ignorant of the services which one of their ancestors had rendered to the nation. But even these monarchs did not change the patriarchal form of their government. On the contrary, the Hebrew shoterim were employed, under the • Arvieux, Merkw. Nachrichten. Th. ii. s. 138. Th. iii. s. 128 ff. Exod. ui. 16; v. 10—21. direction of Egyptian overseers, to apportion and press forward the labours exacted from the people. (Exod. iii. 16; iv. 29; V. 10, 14, 21.) lint as the Hebrews after their deliverance from Egypt were to become a settled and agricultural nation, and were designed to subserve especial and hnportant purposes ; it was necessary that they should be provided with new political insti- tutions, suited to such a condition and destina- tion. For this purpose Moses led them to the foot of Mount Iloreb, where the people entered into a peculiar relation with God, upon which their whole civil constitution was unalterably grounded. IX. — Fundamental Law of the Mosaic Institutions. A correct knowledge of the Creator and Go- vernor of heaven and earth, and of the relation of man to his Almighty Judge, is certainly the principal, if not the sole ground of all morality and of all moral happiness among human beings, influenced as they are by the objects of sense. It constitutes, in fact, man's chief good. (John xvii. 3.) Now, even though we should allow that a superior mind at the present day, — furnished with all the learning of preceding ages, and sur- rounded by the light of revelation, after so many errors of the ancients have been detected, and so many warnings have been given to guard against false conclusions, — can derive this correct know- ledge from a view of the universe, or from con- templating the situation and wants of man ; yet it was certainly unattainable by those men of high antiquity, in the childhood of the world, whose minds were unaccustomed to intellectual effort, who inherited no learned labours from their ancestors, who were destitute of a thorough acquaintance with the works of nature, and were situated in the midst of exposures to error. This conclusion is confirmed by proof far superior to all speculation, by the history of all nations, even of those which were much more recent in their origin and more highly cultivated. We find, nevertheless, this correct knowledge of God among the pious patriarchs of the highest anti- quity ; and unless we will absurdly suppose that those simple and unlearned fathers were specula- tive philosophers and profound thinkers, we must acknowledge the truth of the declarations, that God from time to time revealed himself in a supernatural manner to the men of the old world, and that the knowledge thus communicated was afterwards transmitted from father to son. (Gen. i. 28—30; ii. 15 ff; iii. 14 ff; iv. 9 ; vi. 3, 12 ff; ix. 1 — IS; xii. 1 ff; xv. 1 ff; xviii. 17 ff, and many other places.) But it was difficult to preserve the knowledge of God among sensual men, even after it had been revealed. Before the flood profligacy and practical atheism prevailed, (Gen. iv. 16 ; vi. 2 ff,) and four centuries after, superstition and idolatry had crept in on all sides. Their influence was constantly extending, and at last became univer- sal ; and no people, who were left to themselves, ever regained a knowledge of the true God. That a knowledge of the Deity might not be removed entirely from the earth by the encroach- u THE HEBREW COMMONWEALTH. raents of idolatry God revealed himself to an illustrious Chaldean, and ajipointed him, with his descendants by Isaac and Jacob, to the im- portant trust of preserving this invaluable trea- sure in the world, and finally of imparting it to other nations. (Gen. xviii. 16 — 20, comp. Gen. xvii. 9 — 14; xii. 3; xxii. 18; xxviii. 14.) In time idolatry became so general through the earth, that it acquired the credit of a settled, undoubted truth, and the authority of a plain principle of common sense. Hence, even the descendants of Jacob, though they never entirely forgot the God who created heaven and earth, who caused the deluge, and gave their ancestors such magnificent promises respecting their de- scendants, became, for the most part, so infected with the idolatry of Egypt during their residence in that country, that all the miracles which they witnessed there, at the Red Sea, and Mount Horeb, were scarcely sufficient to cure them of their superstition, and bring them back to a constant worship of the true God. (Exod. xxxii. 1—35. Amos V. 26.) That the Hebrews might answer their high destination, and preserve the knowledge of God through succeeding ages, civil institutions were necessary, by which the knowledge and worship of the true God should be connected with the political structure of this nation so intimatelj', that they must be imperishable so long as the nation remained a nation ; and could be annihilated only by the annihilation of the political existence of the people. Such institutions were provided by a civil constitution, which was closely inter- woven and inseparably connected with the wor- ship of the true God. Such a constitution could be established with- out difficulty, as it was exactly suited to the condition of the world at that time, when the civil regulations of all people were identified with their religion. Though the independent patriarchs, nomadic as well as agricultural, were forced by circumstances to enter into societies, they were never very willing to receive the new constitutions and new laws which were prescribed to them by others. For this reason the ancient legislators, that they might secure the reception and authority of the new order of society intro- duced by them, always pretended that they had been authorised to impose laws by some divinity. Thus Menes in Egypt gave out that he had received his instructions from IMercury ; Cadmus at Thebes, from an oracle ; Minos in Crete, from Jupiter; Lycurgus at Sparta, from Apollo; Za- thraustes among the Arimaspi, from their national god ; Zamolxis, from the tutelar goddess of his nation ; and Nunia at Rome, from the nymph Egeria.* These lawgivers, however, did not invent the religious systems of their people, as some have erroneously supposed, but they im- proved the false religions already in existence, and artfully employed them as the means of esta- blishing and perpetuating their civil institutions. But Moses did not, as Strabo and Diodorus Sieu- lus assert,f proceed in the same manner. He did not deceitfully pretend that he received liis • Diodor. Sic. i. 94. Strabo, p. 162. Plutarch. Lycurg. V. xxix. and Numa, iv. — xvii. + iJiodor. Sic. i. 94. Strabo, p. 762. laws from the God Jao, (nirr) but he proved his mission to be really divine by such super- natural works and wisdom as no other lawgiver could ever lay claim to. The whole nation heard God himself speak from Sinai. Neither did Moses employ religion to support his political institutions, but he reversed the usual order, and introduced a civil constitution which was designed as a means, and as the event has proved, was in reality a means, of establishing pure religion per- manently upon the earth, and of preserving the knowledge and worship of the true God to the latest generations. He accordingly made the worship of the one only true God the fundamental law of his insti- tutions, which was to remain for ever unalter- able, through all the changes which might occur in the lapse of time. The God who created hea- ven and earth ; who caused the deluge ; who revealed himself to the ancestors of the Hebrews as the Most High, and gave them promises re- specting their far distant descendants ; who was acknowledged by Abraham as the Judge of all the earth ; and who now revealed himself as Jehovah, that is, as the immutably faithful per- former of his promises : in short, he who alone is God, whose are the heavens and the earth, and all that they contain ; the God over all, Avho can neither be seen, nor represented by any image ; who loves, feeds, and clothes all men ; — this only true God was set forth by Moses, the Mediator between God and the Hebrews, as their national and tutelar deity. This was done in accordance with the prevalent notions of those ages, that every nation must have its tutelar di- vinity. Jehovah had acquired a peculiar right over the Hebrews, by the miraculous deliver- ance which he had afforded them from Egyptian bondage ; and to him were they all under the most sacred obligations, both on account of that deliverance, and because he is the only true God. (Gen. i. 1 ff. Exod. xx. 8 — 12. Gen. vi. 7, 8 ; xiv. 18—20; xvii. 1 ; xviii. 16—33. Exod. vi. 3. Gen. xii. 1—3 ; xv. 13—21 ; xviii. 17 ff; xxii. 17 ff; xxvi. 1 — 4; xxviii. 12 — 16 ; xli.x. 1 — 27. Exod. xxiv. 8 — 12; xxxiii. 18 — 23. Deut. iv. 12, 1.5, 32—39 ; vi. 4—6 ; x. 12—20. Gen. xviii. 25. Exod. vi. 3; XX. 1—11. Deut. v. 5—15.) The condescending manner in which Jehovah really represented himself to the Hebrews, was yet insufficient to perpetuate the knowledge and worship of the true God among them. He,"there- fore, through the intervention ol Moses, suffered himself to be elected their king by a voluntary choice. (Exod. xix. 4 — 8. comp. Judg. viii. 23. 1 Sam. viii. 7; x. 18; xii. 1. 1 Chron. xxix. 23.) The land of Canaan was considered as the royal possession, of which the Plebrews were to "be the hereditary occupants, and from which they were to render to Jehovah a double tithe, as the Egyptians did to their king. (1 Chron. xxix. 15. Lev. xxvii. 20 — 38. Num. xviii. 21, 22. Deut. xii. 17 — 19 ; xiv. 22, 29 ; xxvi. 12—15.) The invisible king then published from the summit of Mount Sinai, with circumstances of awful grandeur, a brief summary of moral and religious duties, among which the worship of the only true God, and a total prohibition of the use of images, held the most conspicuous place. FUNDAMENTAL LAW OF THE MOSAIC INSTITUTIONS. 19 This was designed for the unalterable fundamen- tal law of the commouwealth. — These first prin- ciples were to be further developed by Moses, and applied to particular cases according to cir- cumstances. (Exod. XX. 1 — 21, &c.) God finally promised his subjects such a government, and such a peculiar direction of their affairs and des- tinies, that blessing and national prosperity should follow the observance of the law as its reward, but cursing and national calamity, the transgression of the law as its punishment, till they should again return to their duty. (Deut. xxvii. — XXX.) This fundamental law exhibited the maxims according to which the king was to rule ; and these the people accepted and promised to ob- serve. The Hebrews bound themselves to the observance of this great compact by a solemn oath, and their king Jehovah then delivered to them the summary of his law, written upon two tables of stone, which were to be presers'ed as a perpetual memorial of their obligations, and as the Magna Charta of the state. * That the Hebrews might have their peculiar relation to God kept constantly before their eyes, there was indeed no image allowed, which would have been pregnant with mischief among a peo- ple so much inclined to idolatry ; but God, as their king, caused a royal tent to be erected in the centre of the encampment (where the pavil- ions of all kings and chiefs were usually erected), and to be fitted up vrith all the splendour of roy- alty, as a moveable palace. It was divided into three apartments, in the innermost of which was the royal throne, supported by golden cherubs ; and the footstool of the throne, a gilded ark con- taining the tables of the law, the Magna Charta of church and state. In the ante-room a gilded table was spread with bread and wine, as the royal table, and precious incense was burned. The exterior room, or court, might be considered the royal culinary apartment, and there music was performed, like the music at the festive tables of Eastern monarchs. (Lev. xxi. 6, 8, 17. Num. xxviii. 2. Deut. xxiii. 4. Ezek. xliv. 7.) God made choice of the Levites for his courtiers, state officers, and palace guards ; and Aaron for the chief officer of the court and first minister of state. For the maintenance of these officers, he assigned one of the tithes which the Hebrews were to pay as rent for the use of the land. He finally required all the Hebrew males, of a suit- able age, to repair to his palace every year, on the three great annual festivals, with presents, to ren- der homage to their king ; and as these days of renewing their homage were to be celebrated with festivity and joy, the second tithe was ex- pended in providing the entertainments necessary for those occasions. In short, every religious duty was made a matter of political obligation ; and all the civil regulations, even the most mi- nute, were so founded upon the relation of the people to God, and so interwoven with their re- ligious duties, that the Hebrew could not sepa- rate his God and his king, and in every law was reminded equally of both. Consequently the • Exod. xxiv. Deut. xxvii. Hess, Geschichte Mosis, buch iii. kap. 4, and Reich Gottes, Abschnitt vi. s. 181 —214. nation, so long as it had a national existence, could not entirely lose the knowledge, or dis- continue the worship of the true God. As God was the king of the Hebrews, a de- fection from God, was a defection from their rightful sovereign. Whoever in the Hebrew na- tion, over which Jehovah was king, worshipped another God, or practised any superstitions, by this very act renounced his allegiance to his king, and deserted to another. He committed high treason, and was properly considered a public criminal. Whoever incited others to idol- atry, incited them to rebellion, and was a mover of sedition. Therefore death was justly awarded as the punishment of idolatry, and its kindred arts, magic, necromancy, and soothsaying ; and also of inciting to idolatry. The punishment of an idolatrous city was the irrevocable ban, D"in, fiUowed by complete destruction. (Lev. xix. 31 ; XX. 6. Deut. xvii. 2 — 6.) So strict was the law upon this subject, that the inciter to idolatry was never to be pardoned, even though he should claim the character of a prophet, and utter pre- dictions which should be exactly fulfilled. (Deut. xiii. 2 — 12.) The Hebrews were required to de- liver up to just punishment their nearest rela- tives and dearest friends, if they enticed to idol- atry ; and the accuser, as the first witness, was required to cast the first stone at the convicted traitor. Even a foreigner who dwelt among the Hebrews, could not be exempted from capital punishment, if he practised idolatry himself", or tempted others to practise it ; for by so doing he became a mutineer, and excited the people to re- bellion by disseminating discontent against the king, and against the whole civil government. Though coercion, for the purpose of preserv- ing the worship of the true God, was in this manner sanctioned by the Mosaic law, it was in that age no restraint upon the liberty of con- science. According to the universal opinion of the pagans, every people, and every country, must have its own deities, and pagan religions obligated no man to worship this or that particu- lar deity, much less all deities without excep- tion. Each individual was left at liberty to choose what gods he would worship, and what neglect. Consequently, a superstitious Hebrev/^, or a foreign idolater, could not complain of vio- lence done to his conscience, if he were required, while in Palestine, to discontinue the worship of idols, and, when he engaged in the public ser- vices of religion, to worship Jehovah only, the divine king of the country. Moreover, as the pagans did not, in their reli- gious worship, supplicate the gods to strengthen their virtue, and confer upon them true moral happiness, but to grant them blessings merely temporal, such as abundant harvests, rich booty from their enemies, victories, freedom from sick- ness, and the like ; if they, while among the Hebrews, were directed to seek those things from no deity but the God of the nation, it im- posed no restraint upon their feelings, but was in perfect accordance with the opinion univer- sally adopted, that in every land, the god of that land ought to be worshipped in preference to all others. The law which required capital punish- ment for idolatry as treason, was not applied to THE HEBREW COMMONWEALTH. the inward faith, -nliich manifested itself by no external acts, and consequently could not be known or proved by a human tribunal ; but solely to the public worship of otlier gods by adoration, prostration, kissing, altars, sacrifices, statues, groves. Sec, and to the enticing of others to idolatry. He who believed in the ex- istence of many gods, and secretly put his trust in idols, was indeed guilty of impiety ; but as his transgression was unknown, how could it be pu- nished with death? This distinction, which arises from the very nature of the case, is every where implied by Moses. When he awards ca- pital piyiishment to the crime of idolatry, he always speaks of the external worship of false gods, and of enticing others to idolatry. (Lev. xix. 31 ; XX. 6. Deut. xiii. 2—19 ; xvii. 2—5 ) On the contrary, when he speaks in the charac- ter of a religious teacher, he requires an internal faith in the one true God, and inculcates in the most decided manner, supreme love, perfect con- fidence, and constant obedience to God and his laws. (Deut. vi. 4 — 9 ; xvi. 9 — 22, and other places.) They, therefore, who so boldly assert that Moses taught the Hebrews to believe in the existence of a God merely national and tutelar, and prescribed to them nothing more than an ex- ternal worship of this God, cannot be supposed to have read liis writings with very close attention.- X. Relation of the Hebrews to other Nations. The civil polity of the Hebrews was thus alto- gether peculiar, and the fundamental principles of it appeared absurd to ail other nations of that age. Even Cicero condemns it as a foreign su- perstition, imsuited to the dignity of the Roman people. * The Hebrews were to govern them- selves by this constitution in the midst of nations who looked upon idolatry as the only rational religion ; who regarded their greatness, power, and prosperity, as the gifts of their gods, the magical effects of their worship. Pagan super- stition was made attractive and alluring to the senses, not merely by religious pomp and cere- mony, but by indecent imagery and lascivious songs, by indulgence in fornication and unnatu- ral lust, as a part of the worship of their gods. That the Hebrews might live uncontaminated among people so grossly superstitious, and yet highly celebrated for their wisdom, it was neces- sary that they should avoid all intimate friend- ships, and as much as possible all intercourse with pagans. Formal prohibitions of such in- tercourse would be scarcely sufficient, and it could be most effectually prevented by the intro- duction of peculiar customs, which, though in themselves decorous and useful, were diverse from the manners of other nations. Such cus- toms once established become a second nature ; and as they must be relinquished by those who wish to associate with people by whom they are despised, they would remain a durable barrier against union with the heathen. The Hebrews had already witnessed a similar state of things among the Egyptians ; and they had previously adopted several peculiar rites, particularly that • Cicero pro Flacco, 28. of circumcision. These peculiarities formed the foundation upon which was built the great par- tition wall between them and other nations. Their ancient usages were more accurately de- fined by the Mosaic law, and new rites were added. Every thing was placed in strong con- trast with the customs of pagans, or was de- signed to remind the Hebrews of their relation to Jehovah, their king. All the details of the law, which, considered without reference to cir- cumstances, might appear arbitrary or trivial, tended to separate the people from the heathen, and to guard them against idolatry ; and in this view they were of essential importance to the general purpose of preserving a knowledge of the true God. This separation from pagans was indispensa- ble to the accomplishment of the purpose which the Hebrews were destined to answer. But they were not to be the enemies of all foreigners, and to indulge national animosity and hatred to all nations. Individuals were forbidden to form in- timate friendships with the heathen ; but when- ever they had any necessary transactions with them, they were required to treat them affection- ately as neighbours, i?"i, and to fulfil in respect to them all the common duties of philanthropy. Precepts to this effect are of frequent occurrence in the Mosaic law. (Exod. xxii. 20 ; xxiii. 9. Lev. xix. 34. Deut. x. 18, 19 ; xxiv. 17 ; xxvii. 19, comp. Jer. xxii. 3. Zech. vii. 10.) The He- brew government could also enter into alliances with other states, when the public good required it. Moses indeed makes an exception in regard to a few nations ; but the very exception is a tacit permission to form connexions with others, when necessary. The exceptions were — L All the Canaanitish nations, who had be- come very numerous in Palestine after the time of Jacob, had taken possession of the whole coun- try destined for the Hebrews, and had established at least thirty-one small kingdoms, besides de- mocracies and aristocracies. (Josh. ix. 3 — 1 1 •, xii. 8 — 24.) The Phenicians on the northern coasts, whose metropolis was Zidon, did not come under this exception ; for, although Canaanites, they had settled in that country long before Abraham, and they had in their possession none of the pasture grounds of the ancestors of the Hebrew nation. But the Philistines who came from Caphtor (Cyprus) not long before the arrival of the He- brews, and had expelled the Avira from the low country in the southern part of Palestine, and there founded five governments Q>J1D, were among the excepted nations ; for although not Canaanites, but originally Egyptians from the Pelusian branch of the Nile, they had taken possession of land which belonged to the He- brews. (Deut. ii. 23, comp. Exod. xiii. 17 ; xv. 14. Jer. xlvii. 4 Amos ix. 7. Josh. xiii. 1 — 3. Judg. i. 18; iii. 3.) The Canaanites had appropriated to their own use the pastures occupied by Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, and expelled from their possessions those Hebrews who had occasionally visited Palestine during their residence in Egypt. (1 Chron. vii. 20 — 29.) The Hebrews were now about to re- demand their property, sword in hand. These usurpers of the Hebrew lands, wells, and cisterns. RELATION OF THE HEBREWS TO OTHER NATIONS. 21 •were a perfidious race wlio paid little regard to treaties. Even in much later times, the fides Piinica, (that is, Phoenicia, Canaanitica,) cf Africa was infamous among the Romans, themselves no very conscientious observers of treaties.* The Tyriaus delivered up their Hebrew allies to the Edomitcs, in violation of all the laws of hospi- tality ; and in times of peace, sold them as slaves to the Greeks: while the Hebrews religiously ob- served their treaty with the Gibeonites, though it had been obtained by fraud. (Amos i. 9. Joel iii. 5, (').) The morals of the Canaanites were corrupt in the extreme.' Incest was common ; they prac- tised fornication, and indulged unnatural lust in honour of their gods, and offered human victims upon their altars. This shocking idolatry, which was high treason in the land of Jehovah, the King of the Hebrews, had taken such deep root that it could not be eradicated. Consequently, these nations could not be tolerated as allies or neighbours, nor even as subjects or slaves, by the Hebrews, who were the sole depositaries of the knowledge of the true God. They might under- mine the foundation of the government, frustrate the design, and destroy the prosperity of the Hebrews, if permitted to live among them ; or at least might expose them to great injuries, as is abundantly proved by the subsequent history in the Book of Judges. It was therefore made an inviolable law to the Hebrews, to form no allian- ces with those people, not to make them tribu- tary, nor even to receive them as subjects or slaves, but to cut off unsparingly all who fell into their hands, and in this manner to warn the others to flee from the land where Jehovah was king. (Exod. xxiii. 32— 34 ;xxxiv. 12—16. Deut.vii. 1 — 1 1 ; XX. IG — 1 8.) The decree of extermination must be understood as implying, that the Canaan- ites might leave the country in peace, if they chose. Many betook themselves to flight, and embarking on board of Phenician vessels, sailed to Africa and there planted colonies. This not only appears probable from the well-known fact that the Phenicians transported many colonies to Africa, but it receives historical confirmation from the pagan Procopius, who relates that the Phenicians (Canaanites) who were " expelled by Joshua, dispersed themselves over all Africa, and built a castle in a city of Numidia, which is now called Tigisis. There are still standing in that place two pillars of white marble, on which is engraved a Phenician inscription of the following import: n'jixtic t(Tf.dv oi (pvyovTtQ dird TrporjooTrov 'I);(roii rov Xyarov inov Nan/} : We are they who fled from the face of Joshua, the robber, the son of Naue."f All, or at least the greater part, might have adopted this course to save their lives and treasures ; hut they seem to have preferred to try the event of a war with the Hebrews. No city except Gibeon sought peace, and they were all subdued by arms. (Josh. xi. 19.) If any of these nationshadremained in the country, well disposed towards the Hebrews, and willing to renounce idolatry, they might undoubtedly have been spared, according to a proper construction of the • Diodor. Sic. xxvi. 27. + Procopius de Vand. lib. ii. compare Bochart, Canaan, lib. i. cap. 24, p. 520. law. David not only permitted the remains of the Canaanites to live, but he promoted them to high stations in his army. (2 Sam. xxiii. 39.) Some suppose that the Hebrews were no longer obli- gated to expel the Canaanites, because, not having at first fulfilled the conditions on their part, but having made some tributary and formed alliances with others, the Divine promise respecting their expulsion had been recalled. (Judg. ii. 1 — 3, 20 — 23.) II. Hereditary enmity, unceasing war, and total extermination, were destined also for the Amalekites, or Canaanites of Arabia. They had too clearly manifested their hostility to the He- brews, by an unprovoked attack upon the sick and fatigued in the rear of their march through Ara- bia Petrea. (Exod. xvii. 8 — 14. Deut. xxv. 17.) They probably had a secret understanding with the Egyptian tyrants, if the Hyksos were Amal- ekites, as they probably were. They were, be- sides, a plundering race of Nomades, hovering about the southern borders of Palestine ; and the Hebrews could never be secure from their preda- tory excursions, unless they exterminated them. (Judg. iii. 12, 13 ; vi. 3—5. 1 Sam. xiv. 28 ; xv. 1 ff. ; xxvii. 8, 9 ; xxx. 1 ff. 1 Chron. v. 42, 43. 2 Sam. viii. 12.) If a regular government were to be established at Algiers, it would probably he found necessary to adopt similar measures in respect to the pillaging hordes who infest that country.* III. Against the Moabites and Ammonites, who were descendants of Lot, and consequently relatives of the Hebrews, there was no decree of exterminating war, but all political connexion with them was prohibited. The Hebrews were never to promote the interests of these people, nor to admit them to the privileges of citizenship, even in the tenth generation. The reason of this was, that they, notwithstanding the free passage through their territories which they had granted to the Hebrews, had refused to supply them with provisions ; in conjunction with the Midianites, they had called the prophet Balaam to curse them, which, in consequence of the then prevailing opinion respecting the efficacy of a curse, must have depressed their courage and rendered them an easy prey to their enemies ; and finally, when Balaam instead of a curse repeatedly pronounced a blessing upon them, they enticed them to idol- atry and fornication, that is, to high treason and rebellion against their King. (Deut. ii. 9 — 19 ; xxiii. 7 ; ii. 29 ; xxiii. 4 ; xxii. 2 ; xxv. 15 ; xxiii. 3—8 ; comp. ii. 9—19,37.) The Hebrews were expressly forbidden to wage war against the Ammonites and Moabites, (Deut. ii. 9 — 19 -,) not because these nations were too powerful for them, for though the Moabites had formerly expelled the Emims, and the Ammon- ites, the Zamzummims, the gigantic heroes of the old world, from the region between the rivers Jordan, Arnon, and Jabbok ; they were after- wards themselves driven back over the Arnon by the Amorites, and their power was much broken. They therefore entered into an alliance with some Midianitish tribes ; but notwithstanding this ac- cession to their strength, they still stood in awe • Poiret, Travels in Barbary, vol. i. p. 68. THE HEBREW COMMONWEALTH. of the Hebrews, and did not venture to attack them. (Numb. xxi. 26—30 ; xxii. 4 ff. Deut. ii. 19 — 21, comp. Judg. xi. 16; xiii. 25.) Though the Hebrews, in compliance with the injunction of Moses, had never made war upon these hostile nations, they were not appeased by this clemency. In later times they commenced hostilities them- selves against the Hebrews, and sometimes dis- tressed them ; but at length they were completely subdued by David. (Judg. iii. 12 — 30. 1 Sam. xiv. 47. 2 Sam. viii. 2 fi'. ; x. 1 ft'. ; xii. 26 ff.) The Midianites, allies of the Moabites and Am- monites, were descendants of the fourth son of Abraham^ and Keturah. In Scripture they are often interchanged with the Ishmaelites. (Gen. XXV. 2 — t ; xxxvi. 35. xxxvii. 28. 1 Chron. i. 33. Gen. xxxvii. 25—28. Judg. viii. 24. Isa. Ix. 6, 7.) Their residence was the country about the Elanitic Gulf, south of the Moabites and east of the Edomites. They were Nomades, raanfac- turers and merchants, and had amassed great wealth. Thev possessed many cities and forti- fied places. (Numb. xxxi. 9, 10, 32—36. Isa. Ix. 6. Hab. iii. 7. Judg. viii. 24—26.) They did not all make common cause ■v^*ith the Moabites against the Hebrews. Jethro, the father-in-law of Moses, who was a prince of the Midianites, always remained with his subjects a friend to the Hebrews. There were only a few tribes who connected themselves with the Moabites, and these were exterminated by war, upon the same principle that foreigners who excite people to re- bellion are, in modern times, condemned to capi- tal punishment by the government against which the offence is committed. (Numb. xxv. 16, 17; xxxi. 1 — 24.) With the nation at large there was no hereditary enmity ; and those tribes which had not participated in the hostilities against the Hebrews, were included among the people with whom alliances were permitted. But in later times they acted in so hostile a manner, that with them no permanent peace could be preserved. (Judg. vi. — viii.) The Edomites, descendants of Esau, had ex- pelled the Horites (dwellers in caves) from mount Seir, and had there established a powerful empire. (Deut. ii. 12—22.) At the time of Moses, their eighth king was on the throne. Eleven princes were subordinate to him, so that the king was no more than the chief of twelve princes ; a relic of the patriarchal form of government to which the Edomites, in common with all ancient nations, were originally subject. (Gen. xvii. 20 ; xxxvi. 31 — 43.) This empire at the time of Moses was in very prosperous circumstances. Mention is made incidentally of eight considerable cities, also of fields, vineyards, and highways in this country as well as in the land of the Moabites. (Gen. xxxvi. 31-39. Numb. xx. 17, 21, 22.) Though they refused to listen to the repeated re- quest of the Hebrews for a peaceable passage through the heart of their country, that they might enter Palestine on the south, and even in- tercepted their way by a numerous army, yet they allowed them to march undisturbed along their frontiers, on the Elanitic Gulf, and supplied them with provisions for money. (Numb. xx. 14 — 21. Deut. ii. 4, 22, 29.) War against the Edom- ites was therefore prohibited, and it was expressly enacted that in the third generation they, as well as the Egyj tians, might be admitted to citizen- i ship. These people also on their part conducted i Ihemselves peaceably towards the Hebrews till 1 the time of David, when they gave occasion to | a war, in which they were overcome. (2 Sam. viii. 13,14, comp. Gen. xxvii. 29, 40.) From that time they cherished a secret hatred against the Hebrew nation. No war was enjoined against the Amorites on the east of Jordan, for the progenitors of the Hebrews had possessed no pasture grounds in that region. These Amorites had driven back the Moabites and Ammonites over the river Arnon, founded two considerable kingdoms, and built several fortified cities. But when Sihon, king of the peninsula between the Jordan, Arnon, and Jahbok, of which Heshbon was the capital, not only refused the Hebrews a quiet passage through his dominions, which was all they requested, but marched out with his army as far as Jahaz and offered them battle ; they attacked and defeated him, and took possession of his territories by right of conquest. (Numb. xxi. 21 — 31. Deut. ii. 24 — 37.) Og, the king of Bashan, whose domin- ions were still farther distant from the direct route of the Hebrews, behaved with a rashness even less excusable. He led his army against them to Edrei, and met with the same fate as Sihon. (Numb. xxi. 33—35. Deut. i. 4. iii. 1—12.) All the Amorites were cut off or dispersed, and the Hebrews settled in their country. (Numb. xxxii. Deut. iii. 12—18. Judg. xi. 13—23.) With the Edomites, -Egyptians, Phenicians, or Zidonians, and all other people, alliances were permitted, provided they were such as would tend to the public welfare. Thus David was suffered without reproof to become the ally of the kings of Geshur, Hamath, and Tyre ; So- lomon, of the kings of Tyre and Egypt, and of the Queen of Sheba. Even the Maccabees, those zealots for the law, did not hesitate to enter into a compact with the Romans. When the prophets speak against confederacies with the Assyrians, Babylonians, and Egyptians, they do not condemn them as direct violations of the law, but as impo- litic and ruinous measures, which betrayed a want of confidence in their king, Jehovah. The event always showed, in the most striking manner, the propriety of their rebukes. The league which Ahaz entered into with Tiglathpileser, king of Assyria, contrary to the admonitions of Isaiah, made him the vassal of a haughty monarch, who, without affording him the least assistance, so distressed him, that all the treasures of the temple and palace were scarcely suificient to deliver him from this troublesome ally. The wounds which this treaty inflicted on the kingdom of Judah were for a long time unhealed. The devastation of the country, and the tottering state of the nation in the time of Hezekiah, were consequences of that ill-judged confederacy. The treaties which the kingdom of Israel purchased at an enormous expense of the Egyptians, in order to obtain chariots and cav- alry, were never of any real advantage. They I only fostered vain hopes, and led the kings to measures which occasioned the destruction of the kingdom. Even the league which Hezekiah HEBREW MAGISTRATES. 23 made with Egj'pt, proved altogether useless, and but for the iuterpositiou of Providenee, his power would have beou annihilated. The allianee of Josiah with the Babylonians gave occasion to tliat unfortunate conflict in the plain of Jezreel, the consequences of which brought Judah first under the Egyptian, and afterwards under the Chaldean yoke. Finally, Zedekiah, the last king of Judah, and Hosea, the last king of Israel, rely- ing on their confederacy with Egypt, rebelled against their conquerors ; and then Egypt gave up Hosea to the power of Assyria, and Zedekiaa to the power of Chaldea, as Jeremiah had con- stantly predicted, notwithstanding the threats and bitter persecutions which he suffered from the men in power. (Isa. vii. 2 Chron. xxviii. 20, 21. Isa. xxxvi. — xxxviii. 2 Kings, xviii — xx. IIos. vii. 11 ; xii. 1 S. Isa. xxx. 2 — 12 ; xxxi. 1 —3. 2 Kings xvii. 4 ff.; xviii. 20,21 ; xxiii. 29 flF. Jer. xxxvii. 5 — 10.) XI, Hebrew Magistrates. Having thus exhibited the foreign relations of the Hebrews, Avhich were regulated by the fun- damental law of the state, we shall now turn our attention to their domestic polity. This remained much as it had been under the patriarchal go- vernment, but reorganized in such a manner, that the people in every civil institution might recognise the sovereignty of Jehovah their king. The Hebrews were still divided into twelve tribes as before. The tribe of Levi was separated from the rest, and devoted to the service of the court and state ; but the tribe of Joseph, whose two sons, Ephraim and Manasseh, were adopted by Jacob, (Gen. xlviii. 5,) was subdivided into two, and received two portions in the allotment of the promised land ; so that the number of twelve tribes continued the same. The ancient sub- divisions of the several tribes into collections of families, remained unchanged. The princes of tribes and heads of families, as chiefs of these divisions, were the natural representatives of the people, and the magistrates in the realm of Jeho- vah. At the time of Moses the larger collections of families were fifty-nine in number, (Numb. xxvi. 5 — .50,) the heads of which, together with the twelve princes of the tribes, composed a council of seventy-one members. But it is evi- dent that the number of subordinate divisions of the tribes, and consequently the number of heads of families, was much greater than this ; for there were no less than two hundred and fifty chiefs of this rank who attached themselves to Korah, Dathan and Abiram, in the disturbance which they raised. (Numb. iv. 16.) It is not certain whether the office of these magistrates was here- ditary or elective. It is probable that the heads of families were chosen by the fathers of in- dividual families, and the princes of tribes, by the heads of families. At least this must have been the case, whenever one of these chiefs died without sons, or with such only as were under age. The shoterim, (genealogists, officers,) are also mentioned in connexion with the elders, D^pt, i. e. the princes of tribes and heads of families. (Numb. xi. 16. Deut. xvi. 18 ; xx. .5 — 9 ; xxix. 10 ; xxxi. 28. Josh. viii. 33.) They therefore must have been elevated to the dignity of repre- sentatives and magistrates of the peojjle. The peculiar nature of their office may he understood from the employments in wliich they were en- gaged. In Egypt, during the oppressions of Pharaoh, it was their business to see that every Hebrew delivered the requisite number of bricks ; they afterwards gave their discharge to those soldiers who were legally exempt from military duty ; under Joshua, they conmiunicated the orders of the general to the soldiery ; and in the time of the kings, the chief shoter, "HDlirn, had a certain superintendence over the whole army, although he was not a military commander. (Exod. v.; 10 ff. Deut. xx. 5—9. Josh. i. 10. 2 Chron. xxvi. 11.) They must therefore have possessed an accurate catalogue of the Hebrews, with an account of the age, ability, and domestic circumstances of each individual ; and it has been remarked already that they kept the gene- alogical tables. This business at first might have belonged to the princes of tribes, and in time, to the heads of families, who afterwards committed it to their private secretaries ; and they, having gradually acquired more and more importance by the possession of an office esteemed so honourable among the Hebrews, were at last able to raise themselves to the dignity of magis- trates and representatives of the people. They were chosen from the most respectable citizens, who were well acquainted with the art of writing, and who had the reputation of being men of 'strict integrity. In Palestine they were distri- buted into every city, and performed the duties of their office for the city and its surrounding district. They were under the general super- intendence of a chief genealogist, or lawn. The chief genealogist or shoter must be distinguished from the officer denominated IQIDii, who was the military officer that kept the muster rolls. But as the etymology of both these names indi- cates a writer, they are sometimes interchanged. (Deut. xvi. 18; xxxi. 28. 2 Sam. viii. 16; xx. 25. 2 Chron. xxvi. 11. 2 Kings xxv. 19. Isa. xxxiii. 18. Jer. lii. 25. 1 Chron. xxiv. 6.) To these magistrates Moses added a new class, for the administration of justice ; and that this institution, useful as it was, might be distinguished from those which were given by Divine command, he candidly acknowledges that he was indebted for it to the advice of his father-in-law, Jethro. When the people brought all their controversies before Moses, a whole day was scarcely sufficient to give them a hearing. Accordingly Moses, to facilitate the administration of justice, by the advice of Jethro divided the people into tens, fifties, hundreds, and thousands ; and over each of these divisions he placed judges who were recommended to him by the choice of the people, as wise, prudent, honest, and pious men. They were selected for the most part from the heads of families, genealogists, or other people of rank. (Exod. xviii. 13—26. Deut. i. 12—15. com p. Exod. xviii. 21, 24.) There were about sixty thousand judges of tens, twelve thousand judges of fifties, six thousand judges of hundreds, and six hundred judges of thousands. This institution was willingly received by the He- brews, for they had witnessed the regular admin- 24 THE HEBREW COMMONWEALTH. istration of justice in Egypt, and had learned the advantages of it. There was undoubtedly such a subordination among these judges, that the cases which the judges of tens found too difficult to decide, they referred to the judges of fifties ; and in like manner the judges of fifties, to the judges of hundreds, and these last, to the judges of thousands. Very intricate controversies, which the judges of thousands did not feel themselves competent to decide, they brought before Moses himself. (Exod. xviii. 22. Deut. i. 17.) After his death, the most important and difficult con- troversies were brought before the chief magi- strate of the nation ; or if there was no such magistrate the high priest, who was the prime minister of the invisible King, decided causes of this kind, after consultation with the wisest and most learned of the priests. (Deut. xix. 17 ; ii. 5.) As this institution was designed to be per- petual, when judges died or went out of office, tlieir places were supplied by new elections. After the people were settled in Palestine, as they could not dwell together in companies of ten, fifty, one hundred, and one thousand, judges, as well as genealogists, for each city and its sur- rounding district, were stationed in the several cities. Both oflices were very frequently, if not generally held by the same person. This is evident from the manner in which they are con- nected with each other in the Bible ; and some- times indeed the D'USW, as chiefs of tens, fifties, hundreds, and thousands, are expressly denomi- nated anaw genealogists. (Deut. xvi. 18 ; xxxi. 28. 1 Chron. xxiii. 4 ; xxvi. 20. Deut. i. 15, 16.) These judges Moses included amrt 'jpj, the elders of the assembly, or senators. (Exod. xix. 7 ; xxiv. 3 — 8 ; xxxiv. 31,32; XXXV. 1—4. Lev. iv. 13; viii. 3—5. Numb. xi. 25, 30; xvi. 2.) It was to these assemblies that Moses imme- diately addressed himself, and to them he deli- vered the precepts which he received from Jeho- vah. He could not have held direct communi- cation with the whole body of the people, unless his voice had been strong enough to be heard by a multitude of more than six hundred thousand men, exclusive of women, children, and aged persons. (Exod. xix. 7 ; xxiv. 3—8 ; xxxiv. 31, 32 ; XXXV. 1, 4. Numb. xi. 25, 31.) Tlie magi- strates, particularly the genealogists, then com- municated to the people the precepts and orders of Moses, each one informing those families which were under his immediate direction. In like manner the commands of the general and the resolves of the assemblies, were made known 28 THE HEBREW COMMONWEALTH. to the people, wlio were sometimes already as- sembled, -waiting to receive these communica- tions ; or if not, they were called together by the proper officers. The legislative assemblies exercised all the rights of sovereignty. They declared war, made peace, formed alliances, chose generals, chief judges, or regents, and kings. They prescribed to the rulers whom they elected, the principles by which they were to govern : they tendered to them the oath of office, and rendered them ho- mage. (Exod. xix. 7 ; xxiv. 3—8. Josh, ix 15 — 21. Judg. XX. 1, 11—14, 18, 28; xxi. 13 ff. 1 Sam. x. 24 ; xi. 14. 2 Sam. iii. 17—19 ; v. 1—3. 1 Kings>xii.) There is no evidence that the magistrates re- ceived any instructions from the people, respect- ing the measures to be adopted in the legislative assemblies. Such a proceeding would have been contrary to the spirit of the patriarchal govern- ment, winch was to a considerable extent pre- served in the Mosaic institutions. The assem- blies acted independently. On very important occasions however, of great public interest, they sometimes submitted their resolves to the people for their approbation ; as was the case when Saul was raised to the throne. Moses permitted the people to elect their own judges ; and it ap- pears that Jehovah was made King of the He-. brews, by the voluntary choice of the whole nation. At least, all swore fealty to him, with- out the exception of even the women and chil- dren. (1 Sam. xi. 14, 15, comp. Josh, xxiii. 2 ff ; xxiv. 1 ff. Exod. xix. 7, 8 ; xxiv. 3 — 8, comp. Deut. xxix. 9—14.) The people were attached to their magistrates, and generally accepted what they proposed, and rejected what they disapproved. Hence the re- volt of the two hundred and fifty rulers, who were leagued with Korah, Dathan, and Abiram, and who must have had numerous adherents among the people, was sufficiently dangerous to require a supernatural punishment. There were times, however, when the people raised their voices so loudly against the measures adopted by the magistrates, that they were compelled to abandon them. Even in the times of monarchy, the people refused the honours of a regal burial to those kings who had incurred their displea- sure, and elevated to the throne the prince with whom they were most pleased, without regard to the order of succession. (Numb. xvi. Josh. ix. 18, 19. 2 Chron. xxvi. 1, 2. 1 Kings xxi. 24; xxiii. 30, comp. 2 Chron. xxiii. 25 ; xxxvi. 1.) XV. Form of Government. God condescended to be elected King of the Hebrews, to give them a code of civil laws ; to de- cide their more important litigations ; and to solve inquiries which they proposed. The obstinate and disobedient Hebrews he punished as rebel- lious subjects of his government. (Numb. xvii. I —11 ; xxvii. 1 — 11 ; xxxvi. 1—10; xv. 32—41. Josh. vii. 16—22. Judg. i. 1, 2 ; xx. 18, 27, 28. 1 Sam. xiv. 37 ; xxiii. 9—12 ; xxx. 8. 2 Sam. ii. 1. Numb. xi. 33—35 ; xii. 1 — 15 ; xvi. I — 50. Deut, xviii. 18.) According to his promise, he sent them prophets, by whom he made known the measures which the civil rulers were to adopt ; and he led the nation on to the accom- plisliment of their great design (the preservation of the true religion), by a particular providence, such as no other people had ever been the sub- jects of. God thus reigning as King of the He- brews, their form of government was in fact a theocracy. This species of government was altogether suited to the character and necessities of those remote ages, when the political consti- tutions of all nations were so connected with the tutelar gods of those nations and with the na- tional systems of religion, as to be, at least in appearance, theocratical. But the theocracies of the pagans can bear no comparison with the theocracy of the Hebrews. Those were impos- tures ; this was a reality. In pagan theocracies, religion was employed merely as a means of strengthening and perpetuating the civil consti- tution ; in the Hebrew theocracy, on the con- trary, the preservation of religion was the end, the civil constitution, the means of attaining it. But though the constitution of the Hebrews was in reality theocratical, yet it was neither expedient nor proper that their political affairs should all be directed by the immediate interpo- sition of God ; and it was necessary that their polity should partake more or less of the usual forms of human governments. In the East, at the present day, all governments are despotic or patriarchal. This is so universally true, that the orientalists, as all travellers testify, can scarcely form an idea of a different form of government. The same appears to have been the case in the time of the Maccabees. (1 Mace. viii. 14 — 16.) In the most remote 'antiquity, however, aristo- cracies and democracies were well known. The inhabitants of Gibeon, Chephirah, Beeroth, and Kirjath-jearim, had neither king nor prince. The national council and the people commis- sioned ambassadors and concluded alliances. The Philistines were governed by five princes. The Phenicians were not at ail times under regal government, and, when monarchy existed, the power of the king was very much limited. The Carthaginians, who emigrated from Phe- nieia, and probably formed their government on the model of that of the mother country, from the first introduced an aristocracy, in many re- spects similar to the old Venetian oligarchy.* If the story of Herodotus (iii. 80, 81,) be true, the great Persian monarchy, after the death of the impostor Smerdis, came very near being trans- formed to a democracy. It is still true, however, that monarchy in ancient times was the most usual form of govern- ment among the orientals. There were many subordinate and dependent kings. That the sovereignty of Jehovah over the Hebrews might be the more visible, he employed no viceroy, but he had a minister of state, so to speak, in the person of the high priest. The Hebrew magi- strates, who were very jealous of their preroga- tives, managed the political concerns of the nation, and their powers were so extensive that Josephus chooses to denominate the government an aristocracy. Moses laid all the precepts and * Josh. ix. 11; xiii. 3. Judg. iii. 3. 1 Sam. vi. 4. Heeren, Ideen uber die Politik, den Verkebr, und den Handel u. s. w. th. i. s. 194. THE CHIEF MAGISTRATE. 29 orders wliich be received from Jehovah before the magistrates, acknowledged their authority in the strongest terms, and submitted their demands to the decision of Jehovah. (Numb. xvi. ; xiv. 5 ; xvi. 4 ff. ; xxvii. .5 ; xxxvi. 5, 6.) But the magistrates could neither enact laws on their own authority, nor levy taxes. The people possessed so much influence that it was necessary in all important cases to have their approbation, and when they were not consulted they often remonstrated so loudly as to force the magistrates to listen to them. They also some- times proposed laws to be adopted by their legis- latures ; and they had power sufiieient to rescue Jonathan, when his life was endangered in conse- quence of the hasty vow of their first monarch. It is evident, therefore, that the aristocracy was greatly modified and limited by the intermingling of democracy. On this account Lowman and Michaelis are inclined to denominate the Mosaic constitution a democracy.* XVI. The Chief Magistrate. The invisible king Jehovah was in reality the only chief magistrate of the Hebrew state. The sacred tabernacle was his palace, and by it the people were made sensible of his presence. It is true that Moses was magistrate for the whole nation, but he held his office merely as an inter- nuncio between God and the Hebrews, for the purpose of delivering them from the power of Egypt, of giving to them the law, and of leading them through the wilderness to the promised land. God gave him a special commission for the transaction of tliis business, and as soon as the commission was executed the office expired. Accordingly, there was no successor appointed ; for Moses had, during his life, accomplished all the purposes for which his office was instituted. At first, Moses ruled the whole state with the assistance of the ordinary magistrates only. But as the people, and even the magistrates them- selves, were very jealous and suspicious, unman- ageable and stubborn, and constantly inclined to rebellion, it was very difficult, and almost impos- [ sible, for this messenger of God to perform all the duties of his office without more efficacious aid. While encamped in the Arabian desert, a general discontent, which threatened a dangerous revolt, broke out among the people on account of the want of flesh. On this occasion, Moses, at the command of God, instituted a council of state consisting of seventy-two Hebrews, distinguished for wisdom, and possessing the confidence of the people, who were to assist him in bearing the burdens of the government, and in directing the affairs of the nation. They were selected from among the princes, the heads of associated fami- lies, and the genealogists. To prevent all jealousy between the tribes six were chosen from each. (Num. xi.) This council, having been appointed for the express purpose of aiding Moses in the discharge • Exod. xix. vii. 8 ; xxiv. 3 — 8, comp. Deut. xxix. 9 — 14. Josh. ix. 18, 19 ; xxiii. 1 ff ; xxiv. 2 ff. 1 Sam. x. 24 ; xi. 14, 15. Numb, xxvii. 1—8: xxxvi. 1 — 9. 1 Sam. xiv. 24. Lowman, Civil Government of the Israelites, p. 238 — 273. Michaelis, Mos. Recht. th. i. s. 258. of the arduous duties of his peculiar oflSce, no longer had an existence after his death. In the history of the succeeding periods there is not the slightest mention of such a council, not even in those times when it must have acted a most im- portant part had it been in existence. When there was no chief magistrate the whole business of the governm.ent would properly belong to the council of state. But we find no traces of such a council in the history of those times. When Saul became king; when, after his death, the tribe of Judah withdrew from his house, and placed David on the throne ; when the other eleven tribes attached themselves to David ; when, after the death of Solomon, ten tribes revolted from the house of David, and elected Jeroboam king : when the usurping queen Atha- liah was hurled from the throne, and Joash placed upon it ; to say nothing of the numerous revolutions in the kingdom of Israel ; there is not the least mention made of a council of state. But in transactions of such deep interest to the Hebrew state, such a council, if it had existed, must have been actively engaged, and the histo- rians would not have passed over its acts with such profound silence. The Rabbins, therefore, are not to be credited when they assert that the council instituted by Moses continued uninter- ruptedly to the latest times after the captivitv, and that the same institution was perpetuated in the sanhedrim which existed after the time of the Maccabees. Though the Mosaic state was so organized that there could be regularly no chief magistrate except the invisible king Jehovah, and no minis- ter of state except the high priest ; yet it is plain from Deut. xvii. 9, that when the necessities of the nation required it, a supreme ruler of the whole community might be legally chosen. This seems to have been implied in the nature, or inferred from the customs, of constitutions of that kind. Such a ruler was denominated iDQliy, judge, or rather governor ; for the root asu? has a very extensive meaning, and, among other thing, signifies to set in order, to govern. Ac- cordingly Artemidorus remarks, Kpivtiv to dp-^int Wtyov o'l TcaXaioi, to judge, signified to govern, among the ancients.* These magistrates were indeed supreme judges by virtue of their office ; but this was not their only, nor even their most important duty. Such magistrates were known among the Tyrians, for Josephus relates from their own annals, that, after the conquest of Tyre by Nebuchadnezzar, Baal the king reigned nineteen years ; and then Judges were introduced, whose names, with the time of their administration, he accurately sets down according to the order of succession.f The Carthaginian suffetes were similar to the D'aQliy of the Hebrews and Tyrians only in name ; for the latter were independent rulers, while the former were no more than members of the supreme executive council or senate. This is clearly intimated in several places by Livy. For example : " Suffetes, qui summus Poenis magistratus, cum quoestore elicuit, laceratosque * Artem. il. 14. Josh. xvi. 31. 1 Sam. viii. 20. Isa. xi. 4. 1 Kings iii. 9. t Against Apion, i. 21. 30 THE HEBREW COMMONWEALTH. verberibus eruci adfigi jiissit. Senatum itaque sujf'ctes (quod velut consulare apud eos imperium) vocarunt. Judicum orilv ea tenipestate doniina- batur. Qui unum ejus ordinis ct omncs inl'estos habebat. Cum .siijlf'ctes ad jus discendum conse- disscnt."* Bochart has quoted African Inscrip- tions which contain the names of individual suffetes of several cities of the Phenician colonies in Africa. But these, so far as can be ascer- tained, were always delegated from the council of judges or suffetes, for the purpose of transact- ing some special business.f XVII. March of the Hebrews from HoREB TO Canaan. The Hebrews remained at the foot of mount Horeb eleven months and nineteen days. During this time the necessary laws were given ; the tabernacle was set up for the palace of their king, Jehovah ; the regular service of his court was established ; the sanctions of the law were solemnly repeated; the people were numbered and mustered for the approaching war ; the order of encamping, breaking up, and marching, was accurately settled ; and the whole constitution of the state was completed. On the twentieth day of the second month of the second year after their departure from Egypt they broke up from Horeb, and proceeded by short marches through the mountains, into the great sand desert of Zin, as far as to Kadesh. (Lev. xxvi. 3 — 46. Numb. i. ; x. 5 — 30. Deut. i. 1.) Moses says, with the utmost frankness, that he took with him as a guide his brother-in-law Hobab, who was well acquainted with the situation of the fountains, wells, and pastures of that region. The descendants of Hobab from that time always remained among the Hebrews. They sometimes occur under the denomination of Keuites, and a race of them, who were descended from Hemath, were called Rechabites. There was another tribe of Kenites much more ancient than they, from which they are to be distinguished. (Numb. X. 29—32. Judg. i. 16 ; iv. 11. 1 Chron. ii. 55. 2 Kings X. 15, 23. Jer. xxv. 2, comp. Gen. xv. 19. Numb. xxiv. 21, 22. 1 Sam. xv. 6.) It is worthy of remark, that the cloud which hung over the sacred tabernacle, and by its rising and settling determined the marches of the Israelites, did not supersede the necessity of another guide who could conduct them to the secret fountains, the concealed wells, and the distant pastures of the desert. From the wilderness of Zin, the Hebrews came to the southern borders of Canaan, with the in- tention of entering and subduing the country. But it soon appeared that this generation, whose spirit had been broken down by long slavery in Egypt, was entirely unfit for war. Twelve spies, selected from the most noble of the Hebrews in each tribe, were sent to explore the country. After an absence of forty days they returned ; and with the exception of Caleb and Joshua, they gave so fearful an account of the great stature, strength, and courage of the inhabitants, of the • I.ivy, xxviii. 37; xxx. 7; xxxlii. 46; xxxiv. 61. t Bocliart, lib. i. cap. xxiv. p. 517. lofty position and strong fortifications of their cities, that the whole nation was struck with panic. A most dangerous insurrection broke out, and Moses and Aaron were in imminent danger of being st(jncd by the populace. Notwithstand- ing all that Caleb and Joshua could say, the people gave up the design of conquering Canaan, in despair, and made preparation for returning to Egypt. (Numb, xiii.) Then followed the sentence of God, that all the Hebrews who were over twenty years old at the time of the departure from Egypt, should die in Arabia Petrea, and that Canaan should be con- quered by the next generation. The people now became sensible of their folly, took courage, and made an unsuccessful attempt to penetrate into the country. But this season of courage, even if they had had better success, would have been of but short duration, and it was productive of no benefit. By their repulse they were taught that they were not adequate to the conquest of the country, and accordingly they acquiesced in a measure with which they would never have been satisfied, had it not been for this experience of their own weakness. They turned back from the borders of the promised land, to wander thirty eight years longer in the Arabian deserts, until that whole generation should become ex- tinct. (Numb. xiv. 1 — 45. Deut. i. 22— 46.) This long period was spent in wandering about mount Seir. Besides the promulgation of a few additional laws, the most remarkable event that occurred was the rebellion of Korah, Dathan, and Abiram. The history of this period is briefly related, and at the close of the narration, all the places of encampment are enumerated. (Deut. i. 45 ; ii. 1, 2. Numb. xv. 1—41 ; xix. 1—22 ; xvi. 1 — 32 ; XV. — xix. ; xxxiii.) In the fortieth year, the new generation re- turned to Kadesh, in the desert of Zin. Though more courageous, they were scarcely less turbu- lent and rebellious than their fathers. When water failed them, their recollections of Egypt revived, and they repeated the old reproaches against Moses, because he had not sufi'ered them to remain in that fruitful country. At the com- mand of God, Moses smote a rock with his staff, and water flowed in abundance. But as Moses and Aaron, on this occasion, manifested some im- patience, and a distrust of Jehovah, they were both forbidden to enter the promised land. (Numb. XX. 1—14. Deut. i. 29—46.) The Edomites, though frequently requested by Moses, steadily refused to grant the Hebrews a free passage through their country into the south part of Palestine. They were therefore compelled to take a more circuitous route. This was a new occasion of dejection and discontent, and the murmurings and complaints of the people rose so high, that an extraordinary chastisement was necessary to reduce them to obedience. They turned back from the desert of Zin to the Elanitic gulf, whence they were permitted to pass along the frontiers of the Edomites. They crossed the river Zared, and proceeded northerly through the territory of the Moabites, to the river Arnon. Then Sihon, king of the Amorites, not only re- fused to permit them to pass peaceably through his country, as they had requested, but led out THE LAST ACTS OF MOSES. ■?1 his army to attack them ; as did also Og, king of Bashan, soon after. These two kings were de- feated in quick succession, and their whole coun- try, from the river Arnon to mount Hermon, fell into the power of the Hebrews. (Numb. xxi. 4 — 9 ; xxi. — xxvii. ; xxxii. — xxxv.) The Moabites and Ammonites saw with plea- sure the defeat of their old enemies, the Amorites, but they regarded with suspicious dread their new and more powerful neighbours, the Hebrews. They in reality had nothing to fear, for the He- brew law prohibited all hostilities against them. They, however,* united with some Midianitish tribes, who were at that time pasturing their herds in the country of the Amorites ; though with this accession to their strength they ventur- ed on no open acts of hostility. After the fail- ure of the repeated attempts to curse the He- brews by means of Balaam, the allied nations at length succeeded in seducing them to idolatry. As this was in fact instigating the people to re- bellion against their rightful Sovereign, the Moabites and Amorites might justly have been punished by the war which was prosecuted against Midian. But they were spared, because they were related to the Hebrews, and on condition that they would remain quiet for the future. (Numb. xxii. 1 — 25 ; xvii. ; xxxi. 1 — 54.) The Hebrews were now separated from Canaan by nothing but the river Jordan. The conquest of the country was next to be undertaken. For this purpose the new generation of soldiers was reviewed and numbered, and the number of men capable of bearing arms was found to be nearly the same as at the former enrolment. The tribes of Reuben and Gad, and half the tribe of Man- asseh, received for their possession the conquered country east of Jordan ; but they were required to assist the other tribes in the conquest of Ca- naan, before they settled on their own lands. Finally, the bounds of the country to be subdued were accurately defined ; the order for the expul- sion of the inhabitants was repeated and enforced, and the regulations respecting the cities of refuge were established. With this, the business was completed with which Moses had been intrusted, as the internuncio between God and the He- brews. (Numb, xxxiii. 50 — 56 ; xxxiv., xxxv.) Note. — The increase of the Hebrews during four hundred and thirty years, from 70 persons to 603,550 males over twenty years of age, besides 22,000 males of a month old and upwards among the Levites, (Exod. xii. 37. Numb. i. 45, 46; iii. 39,) has appeared to many incredible. The cum- ber of 600,000 men capable of bearing arms, necessarily makes the whole number of people amount to 2,400,000, or about two and a half millions.* An anonymous writer in the Litcrar- ischen Anzeiger, 1796, Oct. 4, s. 311, has demon- strated that the Hebrews, in four hundred and thirty years, might have increased from 70 per- sons to 977,280 males over twenty years old. He supposes that of those seventy persons who went to Egypt, only forty remained alive after a space of twenty years, each one of whom had two sons. In like manner, at the close of every succeeding period of twenty years, he supposes one-fourth • Compare Suessmilch, Gottl. Ordnung in Verand. des mensclilichen Geschlechts, th. ii. s. 387, ff. part of those who were alive at the commence- ment of the period, to liave died. Hence arises the following geometrical progression : After 20 years, of the 70 there are 40 living, each having 2 sons. Consequently = 80 SO f =120 120 f =180 180 f =270 and so on. Thus the first term of the progression is 80= =a The denominator -5-= =i The number of terms -^^^ = =n Therefore the expression for the whole sum will be, b- 80 X- :— -80 80x6109—80 1 3_i I XVni. The Last Acts of Moses. 977,280 Moses, having directed the Hebrews thus far during his life, wished to do all in his power to- wards preserving the knowledge and worship of Jehovah among them after his death. The people, and even the magistrates, during the forty years of his administration, were far from being tho- roughly imbued with the spirit of the theocracy which he had established. They had so often rebelled and offered sacrifice to idols, that it be- came necessary to have all animals slain at the altar, and imder the inspection of the priests. In their journey ings through the wilderness, they carried with them portable tabernacles of Saturn ; and it was but a short time since they had been guilty of the grossest idolatrj-. (Amos v. 26. Acts vii. 43. Numb. xxv. 1 — 9.) It was evidently necessaiy that religion should be made to them as much as possible an object of sense ; that it should be so closely interwoven with the civil constitution, that it could be neither forgotten nor perverted ; and it was particularly desirable that the new generation should be made to per- ceive the nature of their polity, and the relation in which they stood to the true God. Moses accordingly wrote for the people an ear- nest exhortation to obedience, in which he allud- ed to the instances of the kindness, severity, and providence of God, which the Hebrews had al- ready experienced ; he exhibited in a strong light the sanctions of the law ; he repeated the most important statutes ; and as circumstances had changed in many respects, he made alterations in some of the laws, and added a few new ones to the code. These exhortations, which compose his fifth Book, or Deuteronomy, he delivered to the magistrates as his farewell address, at a time when their minds were well prepared to receive wholesome instruction, by the accomplishment of the divine promises which had already com- menced. The genealogists, each in his own circle, communicated all to the common people, including the women and children. (Deut xxix. 10.) That the latest generations might have a visible and permanent memorial of their duty, he di- rected that after they had taken possession of Canaan, the law, or at least its fundamental THE HEBREW COMMONWEALTH. principles, and the first development of its sanc- tions, as exhibited Exod. xx. — xxiv., should be engraved on pillars of stone, plastered with lime, and that these pillars should be erected with appropriate solemnities at Shechem, on mount Ebel, or rather, perhaps, mount Gerizim. On this occasion the priests were to utter particular im- precations against all the secret transgressors of the law, to which the people were to assent by responding " Amen" at the close of each impre- cation. (Deut, xxvii. 2 — 26.) Moses then developed a second time, and still more minutely than before, the conditions accord- ing to which Jehovah, their God and king, would govern them. He cast a prophetic glance into the most 'distant futurity, while he declared the different destinies that awaited them to the latest generations, according to their conduct in regard to the law. In full view of these conditions, and in order to impress them the more deeply on their minds, he caused the whole people, even the women and children, again to take a solemn oath of obedience, and that not only for them- selves, but also for their posterity. (Deut. xxviii. 1 — 68 ; xxix. — xxx.) The official duties of Moses were now closed. He commissioned Joshua, not as his successor, but as a military leader, divinely appointed, to be the conqueror and apportioner of the land of Canaan. He delivered to the priests the whole book of the law, that they might deposit it in the sanctuary with the ark of the covenant. He also committed to them a song, in which he had re- presented in a most vivid manner the perverse- ness of the nation, their future disobedience and punishment, repentance and pardon. This song the Hebrews were to commit to memory, that they might be aware of the consequences of diso- bedience ; and that, when the threatenings were fulfilled, they might think of the law and return to their duty. Finally, he viewed the land of Canaan from Nebo, the summit of mount Pisgah ; and then this great man and distinguished servant of God was gathered to his fathers. (Deut.xxxi. — xxxiv.) By the institutions which he introduced for the preservation of the knowledge of God, he conferred an invaluable favour not only on the Hebrews, but on the whole human race ; a favour for which no wise and good man can withhold from him his gratitude, whatever objections he may imagine to exist against some of his laws. CHAPTER HI. HISTORICAL SURVEY FROM THE DEATH OF MOSES TO THE INTRODUCTION OF MONARCHY. XIX. Conquest of tue Land of Canaan. After the death of Moses, the Hebrews, under the command of Joshua, prepared themselves for the invasion of Canaan. The inhabitants of this country still retained a fearful remembrance of the miracles in Egypt, and the passage through the Red Sea ; and the recent victories over the Amorite kings, Sihon and Og, had greatly in- creased their apprehensions. (Josh. ii. 9 — 11; ix. 9, 10.) The Jordan, which was now the only barrier that sejiarated the Hebrews from the Canaanites, was at that season (April) very much swollen, and its deep and broad channel was com- pletely filled. Its breadth was then nearly two hundred fathoms, and its greatest depth about fourteen feet. The Canaanites therefore, thinking it impossible for so numerous a people to cross the river at that time, with their women and children, took no measures to prevent or obstruct the execution of such a design. But to this gene- ration there was granted as miraculous a passage across the Jordan, as had been opened for their fathers through the Red Sea ; and ere the Canaan- ites were aware, the Hebrews had encamped on this side of the river, not far from Jericho. (Josh, iii., iv.) By this miracle the idolatrous nations were not only struck with terror, but the greatness and power of Jehovah were shown in the clearest light, both to the chosen people and to their ene- mies. But however miraculous the passage over Jordan really was, the history is so far from betraying an undue love for the marvellous, that it relates with great minuteness the exploring of Jericho, and all the other human means employed in this expedition. The Hebrews, however, did not take advantage of the panic of the Canaanites, but gave them time to recover themselves and prepare for war. Instead of laying immediate siege to Jericho, they first circumcised all the males, who had remained uncircumcised during the last forty years, on ac- count of the hardships of their journey. Then Jericho was taken, and in a manner which tended to depress still more the drooping courage of the Canaanites. After the conquest of Ai, which soon followed, the Hebrews advanced without op- position to Shechem ; a city that Jacob gave to his son Joseph, and which, for aught that appears, had always remained in the possession of his de- scendants. Here were the mountains Gerizim and Ebal, where, in compliance with the injunc- tion of Moses, the law was engraved on stone, and the covenant with the king, Jehovah, so- lemnly renewed in the promised land. (Josh. v. 1 ff. ; vi. ; viii. 1—29, 30—35.) The victorious arms of the Hebrews, and the confederacy which the inhabitants of Gibeon, Chephirah, Beeroth, and Kirjath-jearim, had so artfully obtained, multiplied the embarrassments of the Canaanites who dwelt in the south of Palestine. Adouizedek, king of Jerusalem, with four auxiliary or vassal kings, immediately made an attack on Gibeon. The Hebrews hastened to the assistance of their new allies, overthrew their enemies with great slaughter, and by this im- portant victory subjugated almost all southern Palestine, (Josh, ix., x.) By this time the northern kings, whose chief resided at Hazor, had collected at the Sea of Merom an army provided with cavalry and cha- riots. Joshua fell upon them unexpectedly, and gained a victory so decisive, that it in eflect brought the northern parts of Palestine under his dominion. (Josh, xi., xiii.) There still remained, however, not only scattered cities, but large tracts of country, in possession of the Canaanites, with whom a desultory war was continued for some time. But after the land had been divided by lot among the several tribes, it was left to each THEOCRACY FROM JOSHUA TO SAMUEL. 33 I tribe to expel its own enemies. (Josh. xiii. 13. Judg. i., iii.) Of the forty-eight cities which fell to the Levites, six were assigned for cities of re- fuge, as Moses had prescribed. (Josh, xx., xvi. ; Numb. XXXV. 9 — 35.) The forty thousand men of the tribes beyond the Jordan then returned to their country, and on the banks of the Jordan erected a monument, as a memorial of their con- nexion with the tribes on this side of the river. From a misunderstanding of their design, this came near giving occasion to a civil war. (Josh, xxii.) While Joshua lived, the people were obedient and prosperous. Though idolatry was secretly practised here and there by individuals, it did not break out openly, and the nation remained faithful to Jehovah their king. To prevent fu- ture degeneracy, Joshua in the latter part of his life convened two general assemblies, and ear- nestly inculcated on the rulers fidelity to Jeho- vah, and a conscientious observance of his law. At the last assembly he caused a new election to be made of Jehovah for their king, and to be solemnly acknowledged by all the people. He erected a permanent monument of this renewal of their homage, and recorded the whole transaction in the book of the law. Soon after, seventeen years from the entrance into Canaan, and 1546 before Christ, this hero died ; a man who had devoted his whole life to the settlement of the theocratic policy, and consequently to the pre- servation of the true religion ; services which ought to endear his memory to all succeeding ages. (Josh, xxiv.) XX. Theocracy from Joshua to Samuel. From Joshua to Samuel, (a period of about 450 years,) the fortunes of the Hebrew nation va- ried, according as the fundamental law of the state was observed or transgressed ; exactly as Moses had predicted, and the sanctions of the law had determined. The last admonitions of Joshua, and the re- newal of homage to Jehovah, failed to produce all the effect intended. That generation indeed never suffered idolatry to become predominant, but still they were very negligent in regard to the expulsion of the Canaanites. Only a few tribes made war on their hereditary foes, and even they were soon weary of the contest. They spared their dangerous and corrupting neigh- bours, and, contrary to an express statute, were satisfied with making them tributary. They even became connected with them by unlawful marriages ; and then it was no longer easy for them to exterminate or banish the near relatives of their own families. Thus the Hebrews ren- dered the execution of so severe a law in a man- ner impossible, and spread for themselves the net in which they Avere afterwards entangled. (Judg. i. — vi.) Their Canaanitish relatives in- vited them to their festivals, where not only lascivious songs were sung in honour of the gods, but fornication and unnatural lust were indulged in, as a part of the divine service. These debaucheries, consecrated by the religious customs of all nations, were gratifying to the sensual appetites ; and the subject of Jehovah readily submitted himself to such deities, which were so highly honoured by his relatives, and worshipped by all the surrounding people. At first, probably, a representation of Jehovah was set up, but this was soon transformed to an idol, or was invoked as an idol by others, of which there is a remarkable example in the times soon after ! Joshua. (Judg. xvii., xviii.) Afterwards idol- ] atrous images were erected with the image of Jehovah, and the Hebrews imagined that they should be the more prosperous, if they rendered religious homage to the ancient gods of the land. ■ The propensity to idolatry, which was predomi- nant in all the rest of the world, thus spread itself like a plague. From time to time idolatry was publicly professed, and this national treach- ery to the king, Jehovah, always brought with it national misfortunes. That madness of debauchery which was exhi- bited in the city of Gibeah, and the protection which the tribe of Benjamin afforded the crimi- nals in opposition to all the other tribes. (Judg. xix. — xxxiii.) displays the true source of so ob- stinate an attachment to an idolatry that conse- crated such vices, and which must have had many adherents among the Benjamites at the time of Phineas, soon after the death of Joshua. The other tribes, however, were as yet more piously disposed, and idolatry was not openly tolerated, till that generation was extinct which, under Joshua, had sworn anew to the covenant with Jehovah. After that, the rulers were un- able or unwilling any longer to prevent the pub- lic worship of pagan deities. But the Hebrews, rendered effeminate by this voluptuous religion, and forsaken by their king Jehovah, were no longer able to contend with their foes, and were forced to bow their necks under a foreig-n yoke. In this humiliating and painful subjection to a conquering people, they called to mind their deliverance from Egypt, the ancient kindnesses of Jehovah, the promises and threatenings of the law ; they forsook their idob, who could afford them no assistance, returned to the sacred tabernacle, and then found a deliverer who freed them from the yoke of servitude. The reforma- tion generally was of no longer duration than the life of the deliverer. As soon as that generation was extinct, idolatry again crept in by the same way, and soon became predominant. Then fol- lowed subjection and oppression under the yoke of a neighbouring people, till a second reforma- tion prepared them for a new deliverance. Be- tween these extremes of prosperity and adversity, as the consequences of their fidelity or treachery to the king Jehovah, the Hebrew nation was continually fluctuating till the time of Samuel. Such were the arrangements of Providence, that as soon as idolatry gained the ascendency, some one of the neighbouring people grew_ powerful, acquired the preponderance, and subjected the Hebrews. Jehovah always permitted their op- pressions to become sufficiently severe to arouse them from their slumbers, to remind them of the sanctions of the law, and to turn them again to their Cod and King. Then a hero arose, who inspired the people with courage, defeated their foes, abolished idolatry, and re-established in their hearts the authority of Jehovah. (Judg. ii. — vi.) As the Hebrews in the course of time 34 THE HEBREW COMMONWEALTH. became continually more obstinate in their idol- atry, so eacb subsequent oppression of the nation was always greater and more severe than the preceding. So difficult was it, as mankind were then situated, to preserve on earth a knowledge of the true God, though so repeatedly and so expressly revealed, and in so high a degree made evident to the senses. XXI. Predominant St.vtes from Joshua TO Sajidel. The people, who acquired power during this period, and were employed to punish the idol- atrous and rebellious Hebrews, were the fol- lowing< 1. The Mesopotamians, under king Chushan- rishathaim. This monarchy must have subdued several of the surrounding nations within thirty or forty years after the death of Joshua ; for at this time its conquests extended west as far as to Canaan, and here, by victory or by menaces, the Hebrews were made tributary. They were held in severe bondage for eight years. Their deliverer was the hero Othniel or Othoniel, a relative of the celebrated Caleb. He overcame the ^Mesopotamians, and was then acknowledged regent or judge. During the forty years of his administration the people remained faithful to their God and king, and consequently they were. in prosperous circumstances. (Josh. xv. 17. Judg. iii. 7 — 11.) This concludes a period of about eighty years, from the death of Joshua to the year 14G6 b. c. 2. The Moabites, by a long peace, had reco- vered from the defeats which they suffered from the Amorites before the time of ^Moses : and per- ceiving that the Hebrews were not invincible, their king Eglon united himself with the Am- monites and Amalekites, and made an attack upon them, probably under the same pretences which are mentioned on another occasion. (Judg. xi. 13 — 15.) He defeated the idolatrous He- brews in battle, subdued the tribes beyond the Jordan, and the southern tribes on this side of the river, and established himself in Jericho. The conquered tribes were obliged to bring him presents, that is, to pay tribute. This subjection to a king who resided among them, was still more oppressive than the preceding, and it lasted eighteen years, or to the 98th year after the death of Joshua. The deliverer was Ehud, of the tribe of Benjamin, who was immediately received as regent. The people remained independent eighty years. The Philistines then made their first at- tempt to bring the southern tribes under their yoke ; but unable to accomplish their design, they were repulsed with the loss of six hundred men by Shamgar and other husbandmen, who fought with ox-goads, being then employed in the cultivation of their fields. (Judg. iii. 12 — - 31.) This period extended from the year 98 to 178 after Joshua, 1368 b. c. 3. The northern Canaanites, who suffered a total overthrow under Joshua, had gradually re- gained their power during the interval of one hundred and seventy-eight years. Jabin, their king, dwelt at Hazor, on lake Merom, as in the time of Joshua, and his power was now much greater than before. His general, Sisera, was an able warrior, and he retained in his service a numerous army with nine hundred chariots of war, which were always viewed with terror by the Hebrews. With such a force he greatly op- pressed the northern tribes, and this servitude was undoubtedly far more severe than any which they had previously experienced. From such a multitude of licentious soldiers they were com- pelled to suffer every species of extortion, in ad- dition to the royal tribute. These oppressions continued for twenty years, or to the 198tli year after Joshua. Their deliverance was at length effected by a woman of the tribe of Ephraim, the prophetess Deborah. She aroused the courage of Barak, of the tribe of Naphtali, and in her capacity of regent or judge, appointed him com- mander of the Israelitish forces. With ten thou- sand men he routed the nuraerous army of the Canaanites so entirely, that they never recovered from the blow. (Judg. iv. 5.) There was then a peace of forty years, that is, to the 238th year after Joshua, 1308 b. c. 4. The Midianites, united with the Amalekites and other Nomadic Arabians, during seven years poured into Palestine in great numbers, and with their numerous herds trampled down all the fields, gardens, and vineyards without distinction, seized the cattle, plundered men and houses, and rioted in the country as the Beduin Arabs are accustomed to do at the present day when not restrained by force. This chastisement, the duration of which is not mentioned, was evidently far more distressing than any thing which had occurred before. The emigration of Elimelech, the father-in-law of- Ruth, probably took place at this time. (Ruth i. 1, 2.) The great deli- verer from this oppression was Gideon, of the tribe of Manasseh. The stratagem by which he obtained a decisive victory is well known. Two Midianite chiefs, Oreb and Zeeb, were taken prisoners and put to death. Two kings, Zebah and Zalmunna, fled ; but they were pursued, overtaken, and likewise suffered death. Of the numerous army of the Midianites one hundred and twentj- thousand were left dead on the field of battle, and only fifteen thousand saved them- selves by flight. Gideon magnanimously rejected the proffer of hereditary royalty which the rulers, in the warmth of their gratitude, had made him. " Not I," re- plied he, in the true spirit of the theocracy, " not I, nor my son, but Jehovah shall reign over you." The Shechemites, indeed, after his death, elevated one of his sons to the throne, and be, too, the most abandoned wretch of the whole family. They also built an idolatrous temple, but they suffered merited punishment from their own king, and their temple was destroyed by fire. (Judg. vi. — ix.) The Hebrews now re- mained unmolested by foreign enemies forty- three years, excluding the period of the Midian- itish oppression, to the 281st year after Joshua, 12G8 B.C. 5. The foes from whom Tola, of the tribe of Issachar, defended the Hebrews are not named ; and of Jair, the Gileadite, it is merely mentioned that he judged or governed Israel. The adminis- tration of Tola continued twenty-three, and that of Jair, twenty-two years. (Judg. x. 1 — 5.) OFFICE OF THE JUDGES. 35 This includes in all forty-five years, and brings the history down to the 326th year after Joshua, 1223 B. c. But it is most probable that these two regents -vvere, a part of the time at least, contemporary ; and perhaps Tola governed only the northern tribes on this side of the Jordan, and Jair those beyond the river. 6. The Ammonites laid claim to a part of the land beyond the Jordan -nhich had been wrested from them by the Amorites before the time of Moses. For eighteen years they distressed the two tribes and a half which were located there. They also made incursions upon Benjamin, Ju- dah, and Ephraim, who were at the same time obliged to defend themselves against the Philis- tines, whose power had become so considerable at this time as to make them formidable enemies. In these severe troubles the Hebrews addressed themselves to their God, and the tribes beyond the Jordan, choosing Jephthah for their leader, became victorious over their enemies. But the Ephrainiites, envying the success of their brethren and the booty they had acquired, stirred up a civil war, which terminated very disastrously to themselves, for they were defeated with the loss of forty-two thousand men. Jephthah died six years after. (Judg. x. 6 ; xi. ; xii. 7.) This period includes twenty-four years, and extends to the 350th year after Joshua, 1199 b. c. The regents, Ibzan, of Bethlehem, who go- verned seven j-ears ; Elon, of Zebulon, ten years ; and Abdon, of Ephraim, eight years ; appear to have overawed their enemies by a judicious administration. During their times no war is mentioned. (Judg. xii. 8 — 15.) The whole period of their government comprehends twenty- five years, and brings down the history to the 375th year after Joshua, 1174 b. c. But pro- bably they were a part of this time contem- porary, each exercising authority over a few of the tribes. 7. The Philistines held the Hebrews in sub- jection forty years. (Judg. xiii. 1.) Perhaps the first part of this period ought to be included in the above-mentioned twenty-five years ; for it is said, (Judg, x. 7, 8,) that in the time of Jeph- thah God had sold the Israelites into the hand of the Philistines and Ammonites, and it is certain that the Philistines then oppressed them in the most cruel manner. These forty j'ears seem also to comprehend not only the twenty years of Sam- son, but also part of the twenty years of Eli, who held the united oflBees of high priest and regent. According to this, the whole time from the death of Jephthah to the death of Eli, includes but little more than forty years. But following our mode of computation this period terminates in the 415th year after Joshua, 1 134 b. c. Samson was divinely appointed as a deliverer from the Philistines, but the nation had become so degi'aded and cowardly that they were not athamed to surrender their protector into the hapds of their enemies. As the Hebrews refused to second his efforts, he was able only to molest the Philistines by transient and desultory assaults. (Judg. xiii. — xvi.) In tl.e last year of the priesthood and regency of ];';i, the Hebrews carried into the field of battle the ark of the covenant : but they were defeated, and this most precious treasure of the nation became the booty of the Philistines. (1 Sam. iv. 1 — 18.) Twenty years after this battle, a general assembly was held, in which idolatry ■was renounced, and Sa'.nuel elected regent. Soon after, the Hebrews defeated the Philistines, and handled them so roughly, that they dared not attempt another invasion of their territory. (1 Sara, vii.) The Philistines, however, not only remained their determined foes, but the Ammon- ites always continued formidable enemies to the Hebrews, as the sequel wull show. Samuel go- verned the nation forty years. Supposing Eli's death to occur in the 425th year after Joshua, and adding to these the sixty years between Eli and the close of Samuel's administration, and the sum is four hundred and eighty-five. Allow- ing thirty-five years for the time during which Tola and Jair, and afterwards Ibzan, Elon, and Abdon, were contemporary, and we obtain the four hundred and fifty years which Paul assigns (Acts xiii. 20) to the space between Joshua and Saul. This brings the commencement of Saul's reign to the year 1096 b. c. But an accurate and certain clironology of these times cannot be given.* Note. — According to the Parian Marbles, epoch 25, the destruction of Troy took place in the year 1209 e. c. ; consequently during the re- gency of Elon and Abdon, about one hundred and thirteen years before Saul. XXII. Office of the Judges. From what has already been said respecting the judges and their achievements, we can ascer- tain with a good degree of certainty the nature of their office. Most of them, indeed, had been at the head of armies, and delivered their country from foreign oppression ; but Eli and Samuel were not military men ; Deborah was judge be- fore she laid the plan of a war against Jabin ; and of Jair, Ibzan, Elon, and Abdon, it is at least uncertain whether they ever held any military command. Judges are mentioned in the Mosaic law in connexion with the high priest, as arbiters of civil controversies, without any allusion to war. (Deut. xvii. 9.) In like manner the judges who were appointed over Tyre after king Baal were certainly not military officers, for the city at that time was tributary to Babylon. The conduct of armies, therefore, can scarcely be con- sidered as the peculiar destination of these magi- strates. But as in ancient times the duties of a judge were reckoned among the first and most important duties of a ruler, so the Hebrew judges scera to have been appointed for the general administration of public affairs, and the command of armies fell to them as the supreme executive officers. In many cases, it is true, military achievements were the means by which men elevated themselves to the rank of judges ; but we do not here inquire hoiv the office w^as ob- tained, but for what purposes it was instituted. * Compare Michaelis, Schreiben an Urn. Schlotzer u. s. w. im Gottin. Wagazin d^r W'issenschaften und Litcra- tur, Jalirg. 1. Stuck, b. Die Zerstreut. klein. Schriftcii, I.ief. s. 1. ff". Jena, 1794. Jahn, Einleitiing in die gott- lichen Scliriften des Alton Bundes, § 153. s. 275 ff. 36 THE HEBREW COMMONWEALTH. It may be well to recollect, however, that Jeph- thah, Eli, and Samuel, and, for aught that appears, Jair, EloD, Ibzan, and Ahdon, were raised to this office by an unsolicited election. The office of these judges or regents was held during life, but it was not hereditary, neither could they appoint their successors. This ar- rangement was disadvantageous in one respect, as at the death of a judge the supreme executive authority ceased ; but it had this important ad- vantage, that no degenerate heir or successor could give to idolatry the support of his influ- ence. Their authority was limited by the law alone, and in doubtful cases they were directed to the sacred lot of Urim and Thummim. (Numb, xxvii. 21.) They were not obliged in common cases to ask advice of the ordiuary rulers ; it was sufficient if these did not remonstrate against the measures of the judge. In important emer- gencies, however, they convoked a general assembly of the rulers, over which they presided and exerted a great influence. They could issue orders, but had no power to enact laws ; they could neither levy taxes nor appoint officers, ex- cept, perhaps, in the army. Their authority extended only over those tri"bes by whom they had been elected or acknowledged, for, as we have before remarked, several of the judges pre- sided over separate tribes. Thefe was no salary attached to their office, and there was no income appropriated to them, unless it might be a larger share in the spoils, and those presents which were made them as testimonials of respect. (Judg. viii. 24.) They bore no external ensigns of their dignity, and maintained no retinue of courtiers, though some of them were veiy opu- lent. They were not only simple in their man- ners, moderate in their desires, and free from avarice and ambition, but they were noble and magnanimous men, who felt that whatever they did for their country was above all reward and could not be recompensed; who desired merely to be public benefactors, and chose rather to deserve well of their country than to be enriched by its wealth. This exalted patriotism, like every thing else pertaining to politics in the theocratical state of the Hebrews, partook of a religious character ; and these regents always conducted themselves as the officers of God ; in all their enterprises they re- lied upon God, and their only care was, that their countrymen should acknowledge the authority of Jehovah, their invisible King. (Judg. viii. 22 fi". comp. Heb. xi.) Still, they were not all faultless, neither do the historians represent them as such, but, on the contrary, with the utmost frankness they relate the great sins of which some of them were guilty. They were not mere deliverers of the state from a foreign yoke, but destroyers of idolatry, foes of pagan vices, promoters of the knowledge of God, of religion and of morality, restorers of theocracy in the minds of the He- brews, and powerful instruments of Divine Pro- vidence in the promotion of the great design of preserving the Hebrew constitution, and, by this means, of rescuing the true religion from destruc- tion. XXIII. Condition of the Hebrews in the TIMES OF THE JUDGES. From a comparison of the periods during which the Hebrews were oppressedby theirenemies, with those during which they were independent and governed by their own constitution, it is obvious that the nation generally in the times of the judges had much more of prosperity than of adversity. The dominion of the judges continued four hun- dred and fifty years, but the whole time of foreign oppresssion amounts only to one hundred and eleven years, which is scarcely a fourth part of this period. Even during these one hundred and eleven years, the whole nation was seldom under the yoke at the same time, but for the most part, separate tribes only were held in ser- vitude ; nor were their oppressions always very severe ; and all the calamities terminated in the advantage and glory of the people, so soon as they abolished idolatry and returned to their king, Jehovah. Neither was the nation in such a state of anarchy at this time, as has generally been supposed. There were regular judicial tri- bunals at which justice could be obtained ; and when there was no supreme regent, the public welfare was provided for by the ordinary rulers. (Ruth iv. 1—11. Judg. viii. 22 ; x. 17, 18 ; xi. 1 — 11. 1 Sam. iv. 1 ; vii. 1, 2.) These rulers, it is true, were jealous of each other, and their jealousies not unfrequently broke out in civil wars ; but the union of the state was never en- tirely destroyed. They were not always pro- vided with arms ; (Judg. v. 8. 1 Sam. xiii. 19 ;) but yet when united ^nder their king, Jehovah, they gained splendid victories. They were not sufficiently careful to suppress idolatry, but they never suffered it to become universally predomi- nant. The sacred tabernacle was never entirely deserted and shut up, nor was it ever polluted by the rites of heathen superstition. These times would certainly not be considered so turbulent and barbarous, much less would they be taken, contrary to the clearest evidence, and to the analogy of all history, for a heroic age, if they were viewed without the prejudices of a preconceived hypothesis. It must never be for- gotten, (what indeed no impartial inquirer can deny,) that the book of Judges is by no means a complete history. It is, so to speak, a mere register of diseases, from which no one can con- clude, that there were no healthy men, much less that there were no healthy seasons ; when the book itself, for the most part, mentions only a few tribes in which the epidemic prevailed, and notices long periods during which it had univer- sally ceased. Whatever may be the result of more accurate investigation, it remains undenia- ble that the condition of the Hebrews during this period perfectly corresponds, throughout, to the sanctions of the law, and they were always prosperous when they complied with the con- ditions on which prosperity was promised them ; it remains undeniable that the government of God was clearly manifested not only to the He- brews, but to their heathen neighbours, that the fulfilling of the promises and threatenings of the law were so many sensible proofs of the universal dominion of the divine King of the Hebrews, and THE RULERS REQUEST A KING. 37 consequently, that all the various fortunes of that nation were so many means of preserving the knowledge of God on the earth. The lie- brews had no sufficient reason to desire a change in their constitution, but they needed only to observe the conditions on which national pros- perity was promised them. The great causes of the frequent interruptions in the welfare of the Hebrew state were : 1. The effeminacy and cowardice of the people ; and 2. The disunion and jealousy of the tribes, who never assisted each other with the requisite zeal and alacrity. But ^s this effeminacy arose from the vices of idolatry, and their cowardice from a want of confidence in Jehovah ; so the disunion and jealousy of the tribes, thou:;h selfishness was the immediate cause, resulted from a disposition to neglect their divine King, and not to consider themselves as the united and only people of Je- hovah. This disposition, if not originated, was at least very much heightened by the multiplica- tion of deities. Thus both these causes of their misfortunes owed their origin to idolatry, that great source of all their calamities, so often men- tioned iu the sanctions of the l:iw. Thus the people, by increasing th#ir gods, enervated them- selves ; and prepared for themselves those suffer- ings and chastisements, by which they were again to be brought back to their king Jehovah.* CHAPTER IV. HISTORY FROM THE INTRODUCTION OF MONARCHY TO THE REVOLT OF THE TEN TRIBES. XXIV. The Rulers request a King. The above-mentioned causes of national mis- fortune were all in operation at the time of Sa- muel, and threatened to produce, after his death, calamities still more severe ; for the tribes be- yond the Jordan had formidable enemies in the Ammonites ; and the southern tribes, in the Phil- istines; while the northern tribes kept themselves aloof from the dangers of their more exposed countrymen. This was the principal reason why the rulers in general assembly requested a king. (1 Sam. xii. 12; viii. 4 — 21.) It app.'ars that the tribes in southern Palestine and beyond the Jordan were particularly earnest for this change in the constitution, because they feared that, after the death of Samuel, there would be no supreme magistrate, and thus, the nation being again disunited, they would be left to their fate. The degeneracy of Samuel's sons, who had been appointed subordinate judges or deputies, in- creased their apprehensions. They therefore strenuously insisted on their demand : " Nay, but we will have a king over us, that we also may be like all the nations." (1 Sara. viii. 19.) They had reason to hope that a king, who pos- sessed supreme authority, would unite the powers of the whole nation, and protect each tribe with the collected strength of all ; that under him the affairs of the government would be more promptly * Compare Hess, Reich Gottos. tli. i. ?. 2.51 ff. 2(19 ff and Geschichte Josua und der Hetrfuhrer, th. ii. ». 2S1 fl' administered, and necessary aid more readily afforded ; that if he were a man devoted to Jeho- vah, he could more effectually suppress or pre- vent idolatry, and thus place the welfare of the state on a more solid foundation. They imagined that they might be justified in this request, be- cause Moses himself takes it for granted that the nation would eventually have a king, and the same thing had been promised to their great progenitor Abraham. (Deut. xvii. 14 ff. ; xxviii. .36. Gen. xvii. 10.) It conduces not a little to the honour of the Hebrews, that they attempted this change in their constitution not by their own power, but in accordance with the principles of theocracy, they requested it of their king, Jeho- vah, by the intervention of a prophet, and they effected it without bloodshed ; a manifest proof that the time of the Judges was neither a bar- barous nor a heroic age. XXV. The Institution of Monarchy. But as the invisible king, Jehovah, would ne- cessarily be obscured by a subordinate, visible king, he, by means of Samuel, gave the rulers to understand his disapprobation of their request, and at the same time briefly represented to them the burdens they would have to bear under a king ; especially, how easily he might be induced to imi- tate the oriental monarchs, and disregard the law of Jehovah. (1 Sam. viii. 7 — 19,conip.xii. 15 — 25.) When they, notwithstanding this, persisted in their request, it was granted them, (1 Sam. viii. 20, 21 ;) probably because the desired change was sought for, in a lawful manner, of the invi- sible King himself, through the mediation of the prophet, and in the present disposition of the nation it could be brought about without blood- shed. If the remark of Polybius be universally correct, that " all aristocracies and democracies terminate at last in monarchy,"* the same change must have taken place at some future time, and perhaps it might have been the occasion of a civil war. By this alteration of the constitution, the theo- cracy was indeed thrown somewhat into the shade, since it could be no longer so clearly mani- fest that God was the king of the Hebrews. Still, however, as the principles of theocracy were interwoven with the fundamental and unchange- able law of the state, their influence did not entirely cease, but the elected king was to act as the viceroy and vassal of Jehovah. On this account Moses had already established the fol- lowing regulations. (Deut. xvii. 14 — 20.) 1. That the Hebrews, whenever they adopted the monarchical form of government, should raise those only to the throne who were desig- niited by Jehovah himself. As monarchs, called "king of kings," were accustomed to appoint sub-kings or viceroys in the several provinces of their dominions, so was the king of the Hebrews to be called to the throne by king Jehovah, to receive the kingdom from him, and in all respects to view himself as his representative, viceroy, and vassal. On this account the will of Jehovah was to be made known by a prophet, or by means of the sacred lot, Urim and Thummim : and the • Hist. lib. v. 6, 7. 38 THE HEBREW COMMONWEALTH. viceroy elect was to prove himself an instrument of God by protecting the commonwealth against its foes. The succession of the royal house de- pended on the appointment of God, and was indi- cated hy prophets. Saul, David, and Jeroboam, received the promise of the throne from prophets, and by them was announced the succession of the family of David, and of the different families in the kingdom of Israel. These divine inter- positions were well calculated to remind the kings of Him on whom they were dependent, and to whose choice they were indebted for the throne. Saul was designated by the sacred lot, and David was elected by the magistrates for the express reason that God had promised him the throne. Saul was not established in his kingdom and generally acknowledged till after he had delivered the inhabitants of Jabesh-gilead from the Ammonites ; and the rulers tendered the sceptre to David, because he, in the time of Saul, had defeated the enemies of Israel. 2. Moses had likewise ordained that the king should be a native Israelite ; thus foreigners were excluded from the throne, even though they should be proposed by.false prophets; for, being heathens, they might transgress the funda- mental law of the state by the introduction of idolatry; or, at least, it might be difficult for them to rule in all respects as the vassals of Je-- hovah. This regulation had reference merely to free elections, and was by no means to be understood as it was explained by Judas Galileus (Acts V. 37) and the Zealots, during the last war with the Romans, that the Hebrews were not to submit to those foreign powers under wLose dominion they were brought by an all-directing Providence. On the contrary, Moses himself had predicted such events, and Jeremiah and Ezekiel earnestly exhorted their countrymen to surrender themselves quietly to the Chaldeans. XXVI. LlJIITATIONS OF THE RoYAL PoWER. Upon such conditions the choice of a king was permitted according to the law, and ia the year 1096 B. c. the first election took place. The prophet Samuel privately announced to Saul his destination to the throne, and did homage to him as king. Though Saul belonged to a family of the tribe of Benjamin, which was celebrated for its valour, he was at that time far enough from aspiring to a crown and sceptre. Samuel after- wards convened a general assembly, at which it was resolved to designate the king by lot, (un- doubtedly the sacred lot, by which God was accustomed to make known his will,) and in this manner to submit the choice to God, as their supreme ruler. As Samuel had predicted, the lot fell to Saul. The terms of the government, esta- blished by Samuel with the consent of the rulers, were sworn to by Saul, and the record was depo- sited in the sacred tabernacle before the throne of the invisible King. (1 Sam. ix., x.) What powtrs these terms allowed the king, and what they withheld from him, is nowhere mentioned ; we know only that the regal authority was not absolute. The foundation for such restrictions on the power of the king had already been made by Moses : for, 1. By the fundamental law of the Hebrew Commonwealth the king was forbidden to intro- duce any new mode of religious worship ; neither could he, like the kings of other nations, perform the functions of a priest, unless he was of the tribe of Aaron, as was the case with the Asmo- nean princes. On the contrarj', he was required to reign as the representative and vassal of king- Jehovah, to promote the institutions of religion as a matter of obedience to Jehovah, to suppress idolatry as rebellion against Jehovah, to attend to the declarations of the prophets as the ambas- sadors of Jehovah, and to observe the law of Moses. (1 Sam. xv. 1 — 20.) On this account it was required that the king should take a tran- script of the law from the copy of the priests, and " read therein all the days of his life, that he might learn to fear Jehovah his God, to keep all the words of the law, that his heart might not be lifted up above his brethren ;" that is, he should be no arbitrary despot, whose only law is his own pleasure. (Deut. xvii. 14 — 20.) 2. Moses subjoins to this injunction, " that the kingdom may remain long to him and to his descendants ;" whence it appears that the sceptre was indeed hereditary, but yet it might be trans- ferred from one family to another by the appoint- ment of Jehovah and the wishes of the people. In this manner it afterwards actually passed from the house of Saul to that of David, and in the kingdom of Israel the transfers were very frequent. 3. The king was forbidden to imitate the per- nicious luxury of other oriental monarchs ; neither was he allowed to hoard up large trea- sures, lest the circulation of money should be obstructed, industry discouraged, and his subjects impoverished ; nor was he to keep a numerous harem, lest, not to mention other disadvantages, he should be alienated from God by his women, especially if they were foreigners. 4. As cavalry could be of little use in the mountainous regions of Palestine, and as the king of the Hebrews was never to become a con- queror of foreign lands, or a universal monarch, he was forbidden to maintain large bodies of cavalry, or to attempt the conquest of Egypt in order to obtain horses. It was not necessary, perhaps, to enter these restrictions among the conditions on which the king was to hold the sceptre ; but it was neces- sary that the tribute and the services to be ren- dered to the king should be defined. Of both these, indeed, mention is made. (1 Sam. viii. 10 — 18.) The tribute probably was not levied, since Saul, though king, returned to the plough among his father's family in Gibeah, and was presented with gifts by only a few, as tokens of their homage, while by others he was openly contemned. All innovations have their despisers, and it is not strange that this king of God's appointment should meet with them, although his house was illustrious, and his person com- manding. " And when he (Saul) stood among the people, he was higher than any of the people from his shoulders and upward." The oriental.s are accustomed to regard the stature and exterior of their kings as a matter of great importance.* * 1 Sam. X. 23. Paulsen, Regierung der Morgenlander, s, 17. Herodot, iii. 20; vii. 187. Aristot. Polit. iv. 4. Curtius, vi. 5. THE REIGN OF SAUL— SAUL'S CONDUCT TO DAVID. 39 All, however, obeyed tlie first and indeed very express command of Saul to march to the relief of Jabesh-gilead ; perhaps because the order -was issued with the sanction of Samuel's name. But after Jabesh-gilead was delivered, the Ammonites conquered, those ancient and powerful foes of the tribes beyond Jordan who had reduced the city to great extremities, and it was thus shown that Saul was indeed favoured by Jehovah as his representative, his authority rapidlj' increased throughout the nation. At Gilgal he was con- firmed in the throne by the whole army, and the transaction was sanctioned by sacrifices. (1 Sam. xi.) At this renewed election of the king the continuance of the theocracy was earnestly in- sisted on by Samuel, and he also declared that the Hebrews should be prospered if they and their king would worship Jehovah and obey his injunctions ; but if not, Jehovah would be an adversary to them and to their king. (1 Sam. xii.) XXVIL The Reign of Saul. Saul affected no great exterior splendour. He was a hero in the true sense of the word. By degrees he increased his army with able soldiers, provided them with arms, of which the Hebrews had been at some times destitute, carried on suc- cessful wars not only with the Ammonites and Philistines, (at that time his nearest and most powerful foes, and against the last of whom he was obHged to contend as long as he lived,) but with the Moabites, Amalekites, and the Nomadic tribes of the Arabian desert ; the Hagarites, Itu- reans, ( Jetur,) Nephishites, and Nodabeans, whose pasture grounds he overran as far as to the Euphrates ; and finally, with the king of Aram- zobah, or Nisibis, who was perhaps a successor of Chushan-rishathaim, the ancient oppressor of the Hebrews. (2 Sam. i. 17 — 27. 1 Sam. xiii. 19—21. 1 Chron. v. 18, 19. Judges iii. 8.) Probably the defeated Arabs applied to this king for aid, which he readily granted them, as he was not willing that the Hebrews, now grown so powerful, should obtain conquests in his imme- diate neighbourhood. But however distinguished Saul was as a war- rior he never neglected the intei'nal concerns of his kingdom. He tolerated no instance of rebel- lion against Jehovah, and was very severe in the punishment of idolatrous arts. (1 Sam. xxviii. 9.) Consequently, the Hebrew arms, according to tlie Divine promise, were everywhere successful. In all respects he seems to have transacted the business of his office properly ; for after his death no complaint was uttered against him, and eleven tribes remained faithfully attached to his son. It was Saui's great failing and the source of all his errors, that he did not adapt himself suffi- ciently to the theocratical nature of the Hebrew constitution, and thus rendered himself unfit to be the founder of a royal house, who was to be regarded as a pattern for the imitation of all his successors. He forgot that he was a vassal of king Jehovah, and did not always execute his orders, but made exceptions according to his own views. (1 Sam. xiii. 2 — 15; xv. 1 ; xvii. — xix.) When, on one occasion, a part of his soldiers deserted him, and the rest were trembling with fear, he ought to have entertained the theocratic sentiments of Gideon, and given to all his succes- sors a signal example of confidence in God. As he neglected to do this, and as he never conducted himself like a king altogether dependent on Jeho- vah, Samuel announced to him, in the name of God, the transfer of the sceptre to another family. When Saul after this neglected the Divine com- mand to inflict the predestined punishment on the Amalekites, (Ex. xvii. 14. Deut. xxv. 18,) those ancient, marauding, hereditary enemies of the Hebrews ; and, instead of utterly destroying them, retained the best of the cattle as booty, and brought back prisoner Agag their king, and thus conchided the war without annihilating the nation ; the Divine decree for the exclusion of his descendants from the throne was again and irrevocably pronounced by Samuel. (1 Sam. xv.) This was made known to Saul at a time when he was daily strengthening himself on the throne, and becoming more powerful and more cele- brated, and when Jonathan, his eldest son, was so much beloved by the whole people that cer- tainly no man could look on any one else as an heir to the crown. XXVIII. Saul's Conduct towards David. During this period, so prosperous for Saul, the invisible King directed the prophet Samuel to secure the throne privately, by a prophetic anointing, to David, the youngest son of Jesse, a citizen of Bethleliem. He was of a princely family in the tribe of Judah, a tribe which in ancient times had received great promises. (Gen. xlix. 8 — 10.) David, at that time a youth of eighteen or twenty years of ago, and deeply im- bued with the spirit of the religion and the theo- cracy of his nation, was shepherd of his father's flocks, a condition which, in the East, is by no means despised, but yet not so elevated that he, who had hitherto only governed his flocks, and in order to protect them had carried on no other wars than those against wild beasts, could be expecting a kingdom. The invisible Ruler of Israel so directed events that Saul himself con- tributed the most towards rendering this mag- nanimous young man an experienced and wortliy viceroy of Jehovah. For when he, continually brooding over that determination of God, so unwelcome to his feelings, at last fell into a deep melancholy, in order to divert his thoughts he took David into his court as a private musician ; and thus gave him the first opportunity to become acquainted with the court life and the business of government. The personal bravery of the young minstrel did not long remain unnoticed by the veteran hero, and he soon elevated him to the honourable station of royal armour-bearer. (1 Sam. xvi.) In an expedition against the Philistines, David, with feelings altogether theocratical, full of con- fidence in the God of the armies of Isrnel. en- gaged in single combat with a champion of huge stature and heavily armed, whom no one else dared to encounter. The splendid triumph which he obtained struck the Philistines v.ith 40 THE HEBREW COMMONWEALTH. panic and the Hebrews with admiration, acquired for him tlie friendship of Jonathan, the prince, and made him famous throughout the nation. This act of heroism opened to David a new career, and he soon distinguished himself as an able soldier, but it also prepared for him a series of persecutions and distresses, which, however, served to perfect and confirm his theocratic sen- timents. When Saul felt indignant that more merit should be ascribed in the triumphal songs to the vanquisher of Goliath than to the king himself, he began to suspect that David might be the very man to whom the sceptre was to be transferred. He was now determined to put this hated rival out of the way, but he still retained so mucli sense of honour that he was unwilling to be known as a murderer. In one of his fits of melancholy he twice, as if by accident, hurled a javelin at his minstrel, who both times adroitly avoided the blow. After this Saul became more calm, and would not appear as a murderer even to himself. He resolved on another method of destroying David. He gave him the command of a thousand men, and, by repeated promises of marriage with his eldest daughter, induced -him to undertake hazardous enterprises, in the hope that he might fall in some of his encounters with the Philistines. But by this means he only afforded him still greater opportunities to exercise himself in the art of war, and by his prudence and good conduct to render himself still more celebrated among all the Israelites. When Saul perceived that his hopes were frustrated Tie gave his daughter to another. Saul, however, did not entirely relin- quish his design. He caused a promise of the younger princess to be made to David, on condi- tion that he would undertake a new enterprise against the Philistines. When he came off vic- torious in this expedition also, Saul could not, consistently with his dignity, refuse to fulfil his promise, and he accordingly became the father- in-law of David. An alliance with the royal family made David yet more illustrious in the eyes of the people, and this again increased the jealousy of Saul. He was now determined to break over every obstacle and to destroy his son-in-law, cost what it would. He no longer made a secret of his intentions. He listened, however, to the repre- sentations of Jonathan, and desisted awhile from his purpose. But after David had gained a fresh victory over the Philistines, Saul resumed his resolution, and, in a fit of melancholy, hurled with all his strength a javelin at David, who, though intent ou his music, seasonably avoided the stroke. It was now high time for him to leave the court. His house was watched, but, favoured by the artifice of his wife, he made his escape, though with great difficulty. He went to Samuel, at Nob, and was pursued thither by messengers, who were sent repeatedly, and at last by Saul himself, but he was rescued by the manifest intervention of Providence ; but Saul persevered in his intention. Even Jonathan endeavoured in vain to resti'ain him from deeds of violence against an officer who had rendered such services to his king and country. For the security of his friend, Jonathan gave him secret notice of his father's feelings, and he effected his escape. (1 Sam. xvii. — xx.) XXIX. Saul persecutes David. The more Saul endeavoured to secure the crown to his posterity, and to remove David out of the way, the more lie, by his persecutions, directed the eyes of all the Israelites to that pious hero ; and by these very exertions endan- gered the succession of his own family. The massacre of eighty-five priests, and of the inha- bitants of Nob, who were the Gibeonite servants of the sacred tabernacle, which he, influenced by the calumny of Doeg, the Edomite, (Psalm lii.) caused soon after the flight of David, se- cured to David the sacred lot, with which Abia- thar fled to him to save his own life, and de- prived Saul of the affection of all the well-disposed Hebrews. After this, many influential men, even of the tribe of Benjamin, to which Saul himself belonged, joined the party of David. (1 Sam. xxi. 1—9 ; xxii. 6—23. 1 Chron. xii. 1—22.) David, who Avas then in such danger, left untried no allowable means for his own deliverance ; but still he kept his mind steadily fixed on the protec- tion of Divine Providence. In difficult cases he always consulted the sacred oracle, and obeyed its responses. He could scarcely have escaped from the hands of Saul, if Providence had not exerted a special care over him. At Gath, whither he went at first from the high priest, he was pro- bably well received by king Achish ; at least Achish was afterwards very favourable to him. But the Philistine priuces excited his suspicions, and David, in order to escape their snares, was obliged to feign himself insane. After this, the cave of Adullam, in the tribe of Judah, concealed him for some time. But this must have even- tually become a prison, in which he might be easily confined, or subdued by famine ; for, be- sides his parents and relatives, who had now likewise become suspected by Saul, four hun- dred Hebrew malecontents with their families had joined themselves to him: he therefore con- ducted his parents and relatives to Moab, and commended them to the protection of the king ; but by the direction of th6 prophet Gad, he re- turned with his party to the tribe of Judah, and concealed himself in the forest of Hareth. His men had now increased to six hundred, and by him they were trained to be heroes. With them he rescued the frontier fortress of Keilah from a siege of the Philistines, but the citizens would have betrayed him for fear of Saul, had he not been warned of their treachery by the sacred lot. In the wilderness of Ziph, to which he tliei) withdrew, he received a very consolatory visit from his magnanimous friend Jonathan, who en- couraged him in the most affectionate manner to place his confidence in God. His residence in this solitary retreat was soon made known to Saul by the inhabitants of the desert, and he would unavoidably have fallen into the power of the king, had not Divine Providence so ordered it, that Saul, who was now separated from David by only a single mountain, was called back by the report of an incursion of the Philistines. (1 Sam. xxi. — xxiii.) DEATH OF SAUL. 41 Neither the lofty, rough, and rocky mountains of En-gedi, nor tlie remote frontier by the great sand desert of Arabia Petrea, were secure re- treats from the snares of Saul. David was be- trayed, and Saul scoured the mountains with three thousand men, and afterwards penetrated into the desert with the same number, in order to capture David. But in both enter- prises Saul fell into David's power. In the mountains Saul composed himself to sleep, alone, in the same cave where David and his company were concealed ; qnd in the desert, David stole by night unobserved into the camp, to the very place where Saul lay, while all his men were asleep. His companions interj)reted these events, as if God seemed to tell him, by aifording such opportunities, what he ought to do in order I to secure his own safety at once and for ever. But to the pious David, a divinely appointed king, though his enemy, was a sacred person. To lay violent hands on him, and to open a way to the throne by regicide, was a crime which he justly abhorred. For what God had promised him he would wait, till he who had promised should deliver it to him in the ordinary course of providence. From such conJjjfet it must be de- cided whether David was a r^engeful man, as some have asserted. The vindictive resolution against Nabal was a precipitate step, as David himself soon saw and candidly acknowledged, and he resolved to be more on his guard in fu- ture. Generally, all events, and particularly persecutions, were to David, as we have already- seen, lessons by which he was taught to be a good man and a wise ruler, and especially to place confidence in Jehovah, as many of the Psalms demonstrate.* This confidence in God, however, did not lessen his care for his own security. As he had been several times betrayed to Saul by the mem- bers of his own tribe, he retired with his jnen to Gath, and received from Achish, the king of the Philistines, as a present, the small town of Ziklag, which was situated not far from the brook Besor. Here he resided one year and four months, until the death of Saul. He engaged in excursions against the ancient predatory enemies of the Hebrews, the Amalekites, the Geshurites, and the Gezrites, who roved about in Arabia Petrea on the sea coast as far as Pelusium, and on the southern frontier of the tribe of Judah. Here he was secure from the attempts of Saul ; but in the last war of the Philistines against Saul, he was driven to the alternative of either taking the field with the Philistines against his brethren the Hebrews, or of appearing ungrateful to his be- nefactor Achish. But now the jealousy of the Philistine princes, which had formerly been so dangerous to him, helped him out of this diffi- culty, and he was dismissed from the expedition. On his return to Ziklag he found the city pil- laged and laid in ashes. He immediately com- menced a pursuit of the Amalekites, Geshurites, and Gezrites, (who had thus revenged themselves for his inroads on them,) overtook them, recap- tured all that they had taken, and gained besides * 1 Sam. xxiv. — xxvi. Hess, Geschichte Davids und Salomo's, Band i. b. i. kap. 2 — 1. David von Jos. Ludw. Ewald, Band i. 1795. Abschnitte, 2 — 5. so considerable a booty, that he was able to send presents to all the rulers of Judah who had fa- voured his cause. (1 Sam. xxvii. xxi.x. xxx.) XXX. Death of Sacl. In the war with the Philistines mentioned above, Saul became so disheartened, that he applied for help even to enchantresses, whom he had formerly, in obedience to the law, punished with death as rebels against Jehovah. The battle which was afterwards fought in the plain of Jezreel (Esdraelon) proved very disastrous, and Saul, that he might not fall into the hands of his enemies, slew himself in the year 1056 b. c, after a reign of forty years. His three eldest sons were left dead in the field. Abner, his general, drew off the remains of the army to the other side of the Jordan, and caused Ish-bosheth, the youngest son of Saul, to be proclaimed king at Mahanaim. The Philistines meanwhile spread themselves over the country, and took possession of many cities.* David caused to be executed as a regicide, the Amalekite who brought to him at Ziklag the royal insignia, and boasted that he had slain Saul with his own hand. He lamented the death of Saul and of his friend Jonathan, in a most aiFecting elegy, and even for Said he poured forth tears, which they only can impute to hypo- crisy, who are themselves incapable of such mag- nanimity, and are determined to forget that Da- vid, during the life of his persecutor, always respected him as a king appointed by God, and spared him when he had him completely in his power. He then, according to the decision of the sacred lot, went from Ziklag to Hebron, where the rulers of the tribe of Judah, with views altogether theocratical, awarded to him the scep- tre, as to one whom God had already designated as king. The other eleven tribes did homage to Ish-bosheth, the son of Saul. His commander- in-chief, Abner, came with an army to force the tribe of Judah to obedience, but after the first victory of Joab, the general of David, Abner never again took the field, and David was far from wishing to continue a civil war. Thus the war was suffered to die away in silence without i an express treaty. (2 Sam. ii. ; iii. 1.) j When, after two years, Ish-bosheth quarrelled with Abner, who had raised him to the throne, and who was still his sole support, the indignant general made arrangements for bringing the eleven tribes to submit to David ; but before the execution of his design, he was treacherously assassinated by Joab, and the union of the tribes was for a while retarded. Soon after, Ish-bosh- eth, while sleeping at mid-day, was murdered by Rechab and Baanah, two generals of his own tribe. The murderers expected to be rewarded by David ; but he condemned them to the death which they deserved, and took no advantage of their treachery to hasten the submission of the eleven tribes to his authority. Thus five years passed away ; so that David reigned seven years and six months over the tribe of Judah only. (2 Sam. iii. 6—39 ; iv.) ♦ 1 Sam xxviii. Acts xiii. 21. Josephus. Antiq. vi. xiv. 9. 1 Sam. xxxi. 1 Chron. x. 1 — 15. 2 Sam. ii. 8 — 11 42 THE HEBREW COMMONWEALTH. XXXI. The Reign of David. At last, in the eighth year of David's reign, 1048 B. c, the eleven tribes unitedly submitted to him. The rulers sent an embassy to him with the offer, that " he might become their ruler and general, because under Saul he had been the leader of the Israelites in war, and because Je- hovah had said of him, that he should govern the people of Israel." We see from this, that the Hebrews were always very careful to recog- nize their theocracy, for they would submit to David only as to a king appointed by Jehovah, and who had proved himself to be such during the reign of Saul. The rulers came with the whole army to Hebron : David obligated himself by an oath to observe the conditions on which he received the sceptre (which are now un- known) : homage was rendered to him, and the whole transaction was solemnized by a feast. (2 Sam. V. 1 Chron. xi. ; xii. 23 — 40.) The first act of David's reign, was to under- take the siege of Jebus or Jerusalem, whose cita- del, Zion, had till then remained in the hands of the Jebusites. The castle was taken ; and as the city, on the boundaries of Judah and Benja- min, was conveniently situated to be the metro- polis of the whole empire, David selected it for his residence, and built a palace on mount Zion, which on this account was called the city of Da- vid. It is supposed that David first gave to the city the name of Jerusalem, (the possession of peace,) but this is not certain. Soon after, he transferred the ark of the covenant, which was the throne of king Jehovah, from Kirjath-jearim to Jerusalem. Thus the capital of David became the capital of the invisible King, and was there- fore called the City of God, a name which it al- ways retained, because afterwards the temple, the palace of king Jehovah, was built on mount Moriah. (2 Sam. v. ; vi. 1 Chron. xi. 4 — 9 ; xv. 1—16, 43. 2 Sam. xxiv. 16—25. Psa. xlvi. 5 ; xlviii. 2. 1 Kings xi. 36.) David, by the de- claration of the prophet Nathan, was obliged to leave to his successor the charge of building a temple, as a palace for the throne of God ; but lie received the promise of a succession in his house, and of an eternal kingdom for his poste- rity. This promise David valued so highly, that he seems to have had some conception of its extensive import. All the succeeding kings, therefore, of the family of David were in effect chosen and appointed by Jehovah. (1 Sam. vii. 1 Chron. xvii. 1 Kings ii. 4 ; iii. 6. 1 Chron. xxviii. 4, comp. Ps. Ixxxix. 20 — 38 ; cxxxii. 2ff.) David brought the affairs of government into order, improved the military, and gave especial attention to the management of public worship, as the most efficacious means of promoting reli- gion and morality, and consequently obedience to the invisible, supreme Monarch. The solemn transfer of the ark of the covenant, at which al- most all the people were present, had made a deep impression on their minds, and had awak- ened them to a sincere adoration of Jehovah. These favourable dispositions David wished to uphold and strengthen by suitable regulations in the service of the priests and Levites, especially by the instructive and animating Psalms, which were composed partly by himself, and partly by other poets and prophets ; and they were sung not only by the Levites at all the sacrifices, ac- companied with instrumental music, but also by th'C people while on their way to Jerusalem to attend the feasts. By such instructive means, David, without using any coercive measures, brought the whole nation to forget their idols, and to worship Jehovah alone; and he made their religion honourable and acceptable even to foreigners. (2 Sam. xv. 19, 21.) The arms of the Hebrews were consequently victorious in every quarter. The Nomadic Arabs, the Amal- ekites, Edomites, Moabites, and even their more powerful enemies, the Philistines and Ammon- ites, were obliged to bow to their dominion. The Ammonites having formed an alliance with the kings of Maachah, Tob, and Nisibis, collected a large body of auxiliary troops, but they were defeated. Even Hadarezer, the haughty king of Nisibis, who was an ally of the Assyrians, and with his other allies brought a formidable army into the field, (Ps. Ixxxiii.) was so much hum- bled, that he was obliged to keep himself quiet on the eastern sjdfc of the Euphrates, and leave to the Hebrews tWTcingdom of Damascus as far as to Berytus. This was undoubtedly a most ■severe war, and cost much blood, but after many battles it terminated greatly to the advantage and glory of the Hebrews.* Thus were fulfilled those ancient prophecies, that the Hebrews should extend their borders to the Euphrates, subject the Edomites, conquer the Moabites and other eastern people, and become formidable to all their neighbours. (Gen. xv. 18; xxvii. 29, 40. Numb. xxiv. 7—9, 17— -20. 2 Sam. v. 17—25 ; viii. 1 — 14 ; x. 1 — 19.) This success of their arms confirmed the nation still more in their re- ligion, and inspired all the neighbouring people with reverence for the God of Israel. XXXII. Character of David. David, as a man, was in his sentiments and conduct a true Israelite; as a king, he was a faithful vassal of king Jehovah. The Psalms, in which he pours forth his whole heart, exhibit a sincere and zealous worshipper of the true God, who places his religion, not in offerings, prayers, hymns, and other external acts of devotion, but in obedience to the divine precepts, in which he seeks and finds all his happiness. God, and obedience to his will, is with David every where the first and predominant idea, which consoles him in his fliight from Saul and attends him to the throne. All deliverances from danger, and all victories, from that over Goliath, to that over the king of Nisibis, he expected from the aid of God, and attributed them to the assistance of the supreme Judge of men and nations. (Psal. xviii.) As he became a viceroy of Jehovah, he in all enterprises, viewed himself as one dependent on God and bound to execute the designs of his Lord and Sovereign. Therefore he scrupulously followed the decisions of the sacred lot and the * 2 Sara. X. l!i — 19. Ps. vi. viii. xxx. xxxvi. ; Ix. 4 — 8 ; Ixxxiii. 3 — 9; Ixxxix. 39 ff. Comp. Michaelis, Comment. Soc. Reg. Gott. obi. xiii. de Bello Nisibeno. Paulus, Me- morabilien, ih. iv. s. 105 — 120. REIGN OF SOLOMON. 43 propliets ; he 'supported the authority of the priests and Levites, (though he was so far from being governed by tlieni, that he, on the contrary, prescribed to them laws and institutions ;) he dedicated to tlie sanctuary the spoil, for -which he was indebted to the providence of Jehovah, that at some future period a palace might be erected more suitable to the majesty of Cod; he loved his subjects, caused justice to be done them, called them his brethren, and thought himself not degraded by mingling with them in the pub- lic worship, likci any other of the subjects of Jehovah. The Hebrews therefore, during the reign of David, clearly recognised the theocrati- cal natureof their constitution. (2 Sam. xvi. 18; xix. 20 ; XX. 19. 1 Chron. xxviii. 2.) The imprecations and curses in the Psalms of David are to be judged of according to the knowledge and the situation of the ancient world. They refer either to inimical nations, or to in- dividual oppressors of the people, and so are nothing more than prayers for victory and de- liverance ; or they refer to the personal enemies of David, and thus are indications of what trans- gressors are to expect from a just God, and con- sequently, admonitions to the readers or singers not to suffer themselves to be borne av.'ay by a torrent of ini(iuity and vice. Poets express every thing strongly, and under their pen, advice and admonition become a blessing or a curse. Such strong expressions, therefore, are so many proofs of a zealous love for virtue and an irre- concilable hatred to vice. With a view to warn and deter from vice, the Hebrews, according to the law of Moses, were accustomed solemnly to pronounce curses on the secret transgressors of the law, (Deut. xxvii.,) and considered in this light, who can justly find fault with tiie practice ? Yea, even God himself, in this theocracy, laid curses, that is threatenings of temporal punish- ment, on transgressors. After all, these curses in the Psalms of David may be in part ascribed to the translators ; and the original text, properly understood, may contain merely threatenings of what would take place a-s the punishment of crime. If David was in reality so vindictive as his curses seem to intimate, why did he not make Saul, his greatest enemy, feel the weight of his vengeance, when he had him in his power 1 Hov/, in such a situation, could a revengeful man re- strain himself.' The adultery with Bathsheba, and the mur- derous transaction with Uriah, are shocking crimes which David himself is so far from excus- ing, that he confesses and laments them in all their horror. But how earnest was his repent- ance, and with what submission to the will of God did he bear those calamities which were sent on him for his punishment, and which, as they were caused by his own children, must have been so much the more distressing to his tender paternal feelings ! (2 Sam. xi. Psal. li. 2 Sam. xii. 1 — 23 ; xiii. 1 — 20 ; xv. — xviii.) Do we not here again see the soul entirely and steadily de- voted to God ? The numbering of the whole people in order, as it would seem, to push con- quests into foreign countries, and the above men- tioned transaction with Bathsheba, are the only two instances in which David seems to have for- gotten himself and his God. He was indeed no ideal model of human perfection ; he was not without tlio blemishes incident to human nature. But on the whole, he M'as an example worthy of the imitation of his successors, and according as they appear on comparison with him, the sacred writers form their estimate of their characters.* Note. — The narrative of the three years' famine, and of the delivering up of seven descend- ants of Saul to the Gibeonites, is wanting in Chronicles, and occurs only 2 Sam. xxi. 1 — 14. It is here plainly in a different style from the adjoining text, and seems to be from another hand. It is found, however, in all the manuscripts and in all the ancient transiations, and the famine seems to be alluded to Psal. Ixv. 5, 10, 13 ; Ixxxv. 13. The obscurities of this narrative probably may never be entirely cleared up. One thing how- ever is certain ; these seven descendants of Saul, who were partly the children of a concubine, and partly of a daughter of Saul, were not pretenders to the crown ; and David cannot be suspected of having embraced such an opportunity to put them out of the way. Neither is it to be sup- posed that David delivered up the innocent to death, contrary to the law. (Deut. xxiv. l(j.) They were therefore delivered up to the avengers of blood and punished with death, not on account of the crimes of Saul, but for the murders which they themselves, with the conniv- ance of Saul, had committed on the Gibeonites, and for which they had hitherto remained un- punished. They themselves constituted the bloody house, which was generally notorious as such. Saul is mentioned with them, merely because he took under his protection the murderers, who were so nearly related to him, and delivered them from the hands of the avengers of blood. Com- pare David von Ewald, b. ii. Abschnitt 11. s. 172 ff. XXXIII. Reign of Solomon. In the year 1015 b. c. David, about six mouths before his death, surrendered the government to his son Solomon, after a reign of forty years and a half. Solomon was at that time about eighteen years old, and consequently he was neither the firstborn, nor the eldest prince ; but he was ap- pointed to the throne by the direction of Jehovah. (1 Chron. xxviii. 6. 1 Kings i. 32—3.5.) Adoni- jah, the oldest prince, made an attempt to seize the sceptre ; but his design was seasonably frustrated, and Solomon confirmed himself in the government during the life of his father. The last charges which the dying monarch gave to his successor, are mentioned in the Scriptures as commendable ; and let men judge of them as they please, they are neither revengeful nor unjust, but strictly conformable to the Divine precepts. According to the law, criminals were to be punished for the purpose of deterring others from the commission of similar crimes ; and it was with this view merely that David gave those directions, the execution of which he left entirely to the discre- tion of his successor.! * Hess, Gcscliiclite Davids und Salomo's. Niemever, Charakteristik der Sibel, th. iv. s. 128—410. David von Ewald, Band ii. 1796. s. 6C ff. 308 ff. + 1 Kings i. 5 — 48 ; ii. 1 — 9. David von Ewald, ii. s. 227. 44 THE HEBREW COMMONWEAI>TH. The kingdom under David had been very much extended and brought under good regula- tions. The arms of the Hebrews were feared by all the neighbouring people, and consequently the reign of Solomon was peaceable. Now the predominant tribe of Judah lay as a lion, and as a lioness, which no nation ventured to rouse up. j (Gen. xlix. 9. Numb, xxiii. 24 ; xxiv. 9.) The Hebrews were the ruling people, and their em- pire, the principal monarchy in Western Asia. From the Mediterranean Sea and the Phenicians to the Euphrates, from the river of Egypt and the Elanitic gulf to Berytus, Hamath and Thap- sacus, and towards the east to the Hagarenes on the Persian gulf; all were subject to the sway of Solomon. The Canaanites indeed had been neither annihilated nor expelled, but they were obedient and quiet subjects. Their whole num- ber might amount to between 400,000 and 500,000 ; since 153,000 were able to render soccage to the king. The warlike and civilized Philistines, the Edomites, Moabites and Ammonites, the Nomadic Arabians of the desert, and the Syrians of Da- mascus were all tributary to him. Peace gave to all his subjects prosperity, tUe trade which he introduced brought wealth into the country, and promoted the arts and sciences ; which found an active protector in the king, who was himself one of the most distinguished of the learned men. The building of the temple, and of several palaces, introduced foreign artists by whom the Hebrews were instructed. Many foreigners and even sovereign princes, were attracted to Jerusalem in order to see and converse with the prosperous royal sage. (1 Kings v. 9—14; x. 1—13.) The regular progress of all business, and arrangements for security from foreign and domestic enemies, the army, the cavalry, the armouries, the chariots, the palaces, the royal household, the good order in the administration of the affairs of the empire, and in the service of the court, excited as much admiration, as the wisdom and learning of the viceroy of Jehovah. So much had been effected by the single influence of David, because he scrupulously conformed himself to the theocracy of the Hebrew state. But in the midst of all this splendour, Solomon fell short of the virtues of his father. At first indeed, while the example of David and the instructions of his preceptor Nathan, were yet fresh in his mind, he showed himself as faithful to the theocracy as his father, and wished for nothing more than wisdom and understanding, that he might govern his subjects well. The severity with which he treated Joab and Adoni- jah, is not to be blamed ; for they were seditious men who would otherwise have instigated a civil war. Also the removal of the high priest Abia- thar, by which a prophecy was fulfilled, (1 Sam. ii. 30, 31 ; iii. 13,) was not a violation of the law, for the law did not determine by what power the high priest should be appointed. While there was no statute on the subject, it was a matter of policy that the nomination of so important and influential an officer should be retained in the crown. The people willingly offered their ser- vices for the building of the temple, and did not esteem it a burden. The administration of jus- tice was also faithfully attended to. Notwithstanding all this, Solomon, after the example of other oriental monarchs, governed in rather an arbitrary manner. His numerous harem, which consisted of one thousand females, was an express violation of the law of Moses. (1 Kings xi. 3.) The introduction of a body of cavalry, which amounted to twelve thousand men, might perhaps be excusable in an empire so ex- tensive ; and in this view it may be considered as not counteracting the law of Moses, which forbids the multiplication of horses. But the increase of the imposts to defray the expenses of the royal household, which in the east are always great, and in Solomon's court were extravagant, were burdens such as had been predicted ; ( 1 Sam. viii. 9 — 18. 1 Kings xii. 1 — 4 ;) and which the Hebrews after the death of Solomon wished to have diminished. Even the decision respecting the two prostitutes, which called forth so many eulogies on the king's knowledge of mankind, betrays a leaning towards that arbitrary exercise of the royal power, which is so common among the eastern despots. Solomon, as he grew older, continually receded farther from the law of Moses, which every king of the Hebrews was bound to obey. That he as well as David should tolerate idolatry in the fareign countries they had con- quered, was not a violation of the law, which was enjoined on the Hebrews only ; but that he should allow the idolatry of his wives in his own dominions and even in his capital ; that he should build temples to the gods, if he did not himself ofl:er them sacrifices ; this was a breach of the fundamental law of the Hebrew state ; it was a seducing' of the Hebrews to idola- try ; it was encouraging them to rebel against Jehovah their king. (1 Kings xi. 4 — 8.) On this account the prosperity of Solomon was inter- rupted by disquiets in Idumea and Syria, and it was foretold to him that only one tribe, (Judah and Benjamin, mentioned as one because the capital Jerusalem was situated on the borders of each,) should remain to his heirs. The dominion over the other ten tribes was promised to Jero- boam by Ahijah the prophet. Solomon died in the year 975 b. c. ; and notwithstanding his glory was but little lamented.* Note. — 1. The chronology from the departure out of Egypt to the death of Solomon, stands thus : years. Moses ruled 40 Joshua 1 7 From Joshua to Saul 450 years. 40 40^ 40 Saul ruled David Solomon Thus the whole period from the departure out of Egypt to the death of Solomon includes 627^ years. The building of the temple was commenced in the fourth year of Solomon's reign, therefore subtracting 36 years there remain 59 H from the departure out of Egypt to the commencement of the temple. But in 1 Kings vi. 1, this period is mentioned as only 410 years. That some error must in very ancient times have crept into the copy here, appears evident from the following considerations : • 1 Kings ix. Comp. Hess, Geschichte Davids und Salomo's, th. ii. s. 231 ff. REVOLT OF THE TEN TRIBES. 43 (1.) JosephiTs (Antiq. viii. 3. 1.) reads in this place 592; and he also (Jewish War, iv. 9. 7.) seems to compute in the same manner. See Michaelis, Alt. Or. Bibl. th. xii. s. 31, 32. (2.) Paul (Acts xiii. 20,) reckons the period of the judges at 450 j'ears, and without doubt his teacher Gamaliel allowed the same space of time. But so many years could not have been allowed if at that time the Palestine manuscripts had read in 1 Kings vi. 1, 480, and not 592. (3.) The reading 592, in 1 Kings vi. 1, is far- ther confirmed by the circumstance, that it is so reckoned by tfie Jews of China, who wandered thither through Chorasan and Samarcand, a. d. 73. Consequently, at the time of their emigration the passage must have read 592 and not 480. See Michaelis, Alt. Orient. Bibl. th. v. no. 71. s. 81 f and Schreiben an Hrn. Schlotzer die Zeit- rechnung von der Siindfluth bis auf Salomo betreifend in den Zerstreut. klein. Schriften, Lieferung, ii. s. 224—232. Note 2. — We find in these times no mention made of the Elamites and Babylonians. They took no part in the affairs of the western coun- tries. Assyria, together with the king of Nisi- bis, afforded only twenty thousand auxiliaries to the Ammonites, and therefore it could not have been a very great kingdom. The most powerful empire of those times was the Nisibene, and even this could not long withstand the He- brews. The Greeks, who place the great Assy- rian monarchy very high in antiquity, have not accurately distinguished between the different predominant oriental monarchies which succeeded each other. Even Xenophon in his Cyropa;dia always calls the Chaldee-Babylonian empire, the Assyrian, and the Chaldeans and Babylonians he calls Assyrians. Nor is this at all strange, for even in the Bible the two names are frequently interchanged. Note 3. — Hiram, king of Tyre, who sent timber and artificers to David and Solomon, and also Solomon, are mentioned by Menander. This authentic historian was a native of Ephesus. and he derived his history from the original sources in each of the nations respecting which he wrote. He celebrates Hiram, or as he calls him, Hiromos, as a lover of architecture and a hero ; and Solomon, as a sage. His words, as quoted by Josephus against Apion, i. IS, are remarkable. " Upon the death of Abibalus, his son Hirom took the kingdom ; he lived fifty-three years, and reigned thirty-four. He raised a bank on that called the ' bsoad place,' and dedicated that golden pillar which is in Jupiter's (Baal's) temple : he also went and cut down timber from the mountain called Libanus, and got timber of cedar for the roofs of the temples. He also pulled down the old temples and built new ones : be- sides this, he consecrated the temples of Hercules and Astarte. He first built Hercules' temple in the month Peritus, and that of Astarte, when he made his expedition against the Tityans who re- fused to pay tribute ; and when he had subdued them to himself he returned home. Under this king there was a younger son of Abdemon, who by his acuteness mastered the problems which Solomon king of Jerusalem had recommended to be solved." — ( Whistoii's Translation.) Although Menander here says nothing of the building of the temple at Jerusalem, it is easy to see how exactly every other circumstance cor- responds with the Biblical history. It also plainly appears, that it was then customary to erect magnificent temples. We may even conjecture, that Menander confounded the temple of Jeho- vah at Jerusalem, with the temple of Jupiter at Tyre. CHAPTER V. HISTORY FROM THE REVOLT OP THE TEN TRIBES TO THE BABYLONIAN CAPTIVITY. XXXIV. Revolt of the Tex Tribes. The events which took place after the death of Solomon, showed the effect of the arbitrary maxims of government that had prevailed at the court of this king during the last years of his reign. The rulers assembled at Shechem, tlie capital of the powerful tribe of Joseph, which had always been the jealous rival of Judah. They wished to enter into a new stipulation with Rehoboam, the heir to the throne, — a precau- tion that had been neglected at the accession of Solomon. They would submit to him only on condition that he would diminish the burdens which his father had laid upon them. Reho- boam required three days to deliberate on their proposal ; and when, after that time, instead of granting their request without hesitancy, as the older and more prudent counsellors urged him to do, he threatened them, according to the advice of his younger courtiers, with a still more intol- erable yoke, ten tribes renounced their allegiance to him, and elected Jeroboam, the son of Nebat, for their sovereign. He was of the tribe of Ephraim or Joseph, which had in ancient times received some obscure promises of a crown. (Gen. xlix. 20. Deut. xxxiii. 16.) During the reign of Solomon, Ahijah, the prophet, foretold that Jeroboam should reign over ten tribes. Je- roboam was soon after obliged to escape to Egypt, on account of his treasonable practices. (I Kings xii. 1—20. 2 Chron. x. 1—19. 1 Kings xi. 26—40.) Thus was the great and powerful empire of David and Solomon torn into two very unequal parts. Jeroboam possessed ten tribes, together with all the tributary nations as far as the Eu- phrates ; and this was now called the kingdom of Israel. Rehoboam retained only the tribes of Judah and Benjamin, which were viewed as one tribe, because the capital, Jerusalem, was situ- ated on the frontiers of both. Benjamin is comprehended in the name of Judah. (1 Kings xi. 36 ; xii. 20.) To this division also belonged Philistia and Edom ; but the whole of this territorj^ which was now called the kingdom of Judah, included scarcely a fourth part of the dominions of Solomon. Rehoboam was deter- mined to reduce the ten tribes to obedience, and for this purpose he collected an army ; but the prophet Shemaiah announced to him the com- mand of king Jehovah to relinquish the enter- 46 THE HEBREW COMMONWEALTH, prise. Rehoboam was still reasonable enough to see the propriety of this requisition. No de- finite treaty of peace, however, was concluded, and the frontiers of the two kingdoms always presented a hostile appearance. (1 Kings xii. 21 — 24. 1 Chron. xi. 1—4; xii. 15.) XXXV. General View of the two Kingdoms. In the preceding history we have seen that King Jehovah, from the time of Moses to the death of Solomon, always governed the Hebrews according to the promises and threatenings which he had pronounced to them from mount Horeb. If they deviated from the principle of worshipping Jeho- vah as the only true God, that is, if they re- volted from their lawful king, he brought them, by suitable chastisements, to reflect on their ob- ligations to return to Jehovah, and again to keep sacred the fundamental law of their church and state. The same course we shall find pursued in the government of the two kingdoms. If the kings of both kingdoms had viewed the last great event, the sundering of the empire, which was a consequence of the idolatrous and unlaw- ful principles of Solomon's court, as a warning, (for such it really was,) for them to uphold the authority of the fundamental law of the state, to govern their subjects according to the law, and to treat them as the subjects of Jehovah, then both kingdoms might have enjoyed unin- terrupted prosperity. Even Jeroboam, though he had no promise of an eternal kingdom, as David had, yet received the assurance, that if he would obey the law as David did, there should be a long succession in his family. ( 1 Kings xii. 21 — 24. 2 Chron. xi. 1—4; xii. 15. 1 Kings xi. 37, 38.) But as the kings of both kingdoms often disregarded the fundamental law of the commonwealth, by idolatry rebelled against their divine Sovereign, carried their disorders so far, and treated their subjects in such a manner, that they are very aptly described by Isaiah and Eze- kiel, (Isa. Ivi. 9 — 12. Ezek. xxxiv.) under the image of wicked shepherds ; there arose a suc- cession of prophets, who by impressive decla- rations and symbolic actions, reminded rulers and subjects of their duties to Jehovah, and threatened them with punishment ; and there followed, as in ancient times, calamity after calamity, in order to bring the nation to re- flection. In the kingdom of Israel, there was from the first the greatest disregard of the Divine laws, and it was consequently destroyed one hundred and thirty-four years earlier than the kingdom of Judah. Jeroboam trusted little to the divine promise made to him by the prophet, and feared that if the people went to Jerusalem to attend the feasts, they would return to their allegiance to the house of David. To prevent such a step, he set up two golden or gilded calves as images of Jehovah, an imitation of the Apis and Mnevis of the Egyptians, among whom he had long dwelt in exile. One of these was located at Bethel, not far from Shechem, for the southern tribes, and the other at Dan, for the tribes in the north. He built temples for these images, erected al- tars, appointed priests from all the tribes with- out distinction, and even performed the priestly functions himself. He appointed the festivals an entire month later than they had been formerly, and commanded that they should be celebrated before these images of Mnevis and Apis. The people took the images themselves for gods, and worshipped them as such. This kind of idolatry had formerly been very severely punished at mount Horeb. (1 Kings xii. 25 — 33. Exod. xxxii.) These arbitrary changes became now so interwoven with the constitution of the king- dom, that even the more pious successors of Je- roboam did not venture to abolish them, and re-establish the authority of the fundamental law of the commonwealth. These rebellious deviations from the law, which had been so impressively inculcated on the whole people at the first introduction of mon- archy, and afterwards on Jeroboam himself, (1 Sam. xi. 14 ; xii. 1 Kings xi. 38,) did not pre- vent Jehovah from governing the kingdom of Israel uniformly according to its sanctions. We shall see in the sequel how he exterminated, one after another, those royal families who not only retained the arbitrary institutions of Jeroboam, but tolerated and patronised idolatry with all its vices, and even introduced and protected it by their royal authority. Such an extermination of a reigning family he caused to be announced be- forehand by a prophet, and the successor ap- pointed. We shall see, that the higher their corruptions rose, so much the more decisive and striking were the declarations and signs which showed to all the Israelites, that the Lord of the universe was their Lord and King, and that all idols were as nothing when opposed to him. Even Naamau the Syrian acknowledged, and the Syrians generally experienced to their sor- row, that the God of the Hebrews was not a mere national God, but that his power extended over all nations. The history represents a con- test, (as Hess expresses it,) between Jehovah, who ought to be acknowledged as God, and the idolatrous Israelites ; and every thing is ordered to preserve the authority of Jehovah in their minds. At last, after all milder punishments proved fruitless, these rebellions were followed by the destruction of the kingdom and the capti- vity of the people, which had been predicted by Moses, and afterwards by Ahijah, Hosea, Amos, and other prophets. (Deut. xxviii. 36. 1 Kings xiv. 15. Hos. ix. Amos v.) We shall find Divine Providence likewise fa- vourable or adverse to the kingdom of Judah, according as the people obeyed or transgressed the law ; only here the royal family remained unchanged, in accordance with the promise given to David. We shall here meet indeed with many idolatrous and rebellious kings, but they are al- ways succeeded by those of better views, who put a stop to idolatry, re-established theocracy in the hearts of their subjects, and by the aid of prophets, priests, and Levites, and of the ser- vices of the temple, restored the knowledge and worship of God. Judah therefore, though much smaller than Israel, continued her national ex- istence one hundred and thirty-four years lon- ger ; but at last, as no durable reformation was ISRAEL FROM 975 TO 884 B. C. produced, she experienced the same fate as her sister kingdom, in fulfilment of the predictions of Moses and several other prophets. (Deut. xxviii. 36.) Therefore the following history of the two kingdoms should be A'iewed as a history of a real theocracy, and thus, as a continued execution of the determination of God, that the true religion should be preserved on the earth ; and in this view it certainly deserves our most attentive study. We shall divide it into five periods. The First period closes with the year 9 1 of the Revolt, 884 u. c, 'when both kingdoms lose their king on the same day. The Second period extends to the 216th year of the Revolt, 759 B. C, when Pekahiah, king of Israel, is murdered, and soon after Uzziah dies. The Third period extends to the destruction of the kingdom of Israel in the 253rd year of the Revolt, 722 B. c, and in the sixth year of Heze- kiah's reign. In the kingdom of Judah, this period extends to the death of Hezekiah, 276 of the Revolt, 699 b. c. The Fourth period extends from the death of Hezekiah to the death of Josiah, 364 of the Re- volt, 611 B.C. The Fifth period extends from the death of Josiah to the destruction of the kingdom of Ju- dah, 387 of the Revolt, 588 b. c. Table of the Kings of Israel and Judah. FIRST PERIOD. ISRAEL. Year of the Hevolt. B.C. Jeroboam 1 975 Rehoboam 1 975 Abijam 17 958 Asa 20 955 Jehoshaphat 61 914 Jehoram Ahaziah Athaliah Joash Amaziah Uzziah 84 891 91 884 Nadab Baasha Elah Omri Ahab Ahaziah Jehoram 22 954 24 952 45 930 46 929 57 918 78 897 79 896 SECOND PERIOD. 91 884 98 877 137 838 164 811 Jehu 91 884 Jehoahaz 119 856 Joash 135 840 Jeroboam II. 150 825 Intencqitum 191 784 Zachariah 202 773 Shallum 202 773 I\Ienahera 202 773 Pekahiah 214 761 THIRD PEUOD. Jotham Ahaz Hezekiah >«r 0/ Ih Ktvoll. 216 e B.C. 759 232 743 247 728 ISRAEL. Pekah 216 759 Interregnum 235 740 Hoshea 244 731 End of the king- dom 253 722 FOURTH PERIOD. Manasseh 276 699 Anion 331 644 Josiah 333 642 FIFTH PERIOD. Jehoahaz 364 611 Jehoiakim 364 611 Jehoiachin 375 600 Zedekiah 375 600 End of the king- dom 387 588 XXXVI. Israel from 975 to 884 B. C. Jeroboam reigned twenty-two years, or till 954 B. c. His palace was at Shechem, though he had a summer residence at Tirzah. ^The changes in the constitution, such as the removing of the festivals a month later, the setting up of the golden calves as images of Jehovah, the appoint- ment of priests from all tribes indiscriminately, ■which he had made in order to secure the throne to himself and to his posterity, brought upon him the judgments of Jehovah, and it was de- creed that his family should soon be exterminated and the sceptre transferred to another. Many citizens also, who were displeased with these in- novations on their fundamental laws, retired to the kingdom of Judah. The priests and Levites especially, all left Israel, and relinquished not only thei» tithes, which Jeroboam then perhaps gave to his new priests, but also their cities. From this sacrifice, certainly no inconsiderable one, which they made rather than violate the law, it is evident they were not easily seduced from the worship of the true God, and that they always contributed much to its preservation. They therefore could not have been so contemp- tible a class of men as many at the present day have represented them. (1 Kings xii. 25 ; xiv. 7—17. 2 Chron. xi. 13—17.) Nadab, the son of Jeroboam, succeeded to the throne, but in the second j^ear of his reign he was put to death, with all his father's house, by Baa- sha, as Ahijah had predicted. (1 Kings xv. 25 — 32; xiv. 7 — 10.) Baasha reigned twenty-four years. He fixed his residence at Tirzah. Be- cause he did not reform the abuses of Jeroboam, the prophet Jehu, the son of Hanani, declared to him the determination of God to exterminate his family. (1 Kings xv. 33, 34 ; xvi. 1—7.) Elah, his son, succeeded him in the 45th year of the Revolt, 930 b. c. ; but in the second j'ear of his reign he was murdered, with all his father's 48 THE HEBREW COMMONWEALTH. family, by Zimri, according to the prediction of Jehu. (1 Kings xvi. 8 — 14.) When the army, who were besieging Gibbe- thon on the frontiers of the Philistines, heard of Zimri's treachery, they elected Omri, their gene- ral, king, and marched to Tirzah, where Zimri had elevated himself to the throne. Zimri made no resistance, but fled to the harem, which he set on fire, and perished in the flames. In the meantime a part of the people had made Tibni king, and though this was the weaker party, it existed for a considerable time, and it was not till after Tibni's death that Omri's claims were generally acknowledged. Omri reigned twelve years./ He built Samaria, about thirty-two miles north of Jerusalem, and made it his capital, and there all the succeeding kings of Israel resided. (1 Kings xvi. 15—29.) Ahab, his son, the weakest of all the Israelitish monarchs, reigned twenty-one years, from the year 57 to 78 of the Revolt, and from 918 to 897 B. c. He was entirely under the influence of his idolatrous wife, Jezebel, a daughter of Eth- baal or Ithobalus, king of Tyre. Hitherto the golden calves had been the only objects of idol- atrous worship : but now Ahab and Jezebel united their authority to introduce the gods of other nations. The king built a temple at Sama- ria, erected an image, and consecrated a grove, to Baal, the god of the Zidonians. Jezebel main- tained a multitude of priests and prophets of Baal. Idolatry became the predominant reli- gion. Jehovah, and the golden calves as repre- sentations of him, were viewed with no more re- verence than Baal and his image. It appeared as if the knowledge of God was forever lost to the Israelites. But Elijah, the prophet, boldly resisted the regal authority, and retained many of his countrymen in the worship of the true God. The greater the power was which supported idolatry, so much the more striking were the prophecies and miracles which directed the atten- tion of the Israelites to Jehovah, and brought disgrace on the idols and their worshippers. At last the judgment of God on Ahab and his house was pronounced by Elijah, that during the reign of his son, his whole race should be exterminated. Ahab died of the wounds which he had received in a battle with the Syrians, according to the prediction of Micaiah, the son of Imlah. (1 Kings xvi. 29— xxii. 40.) Ahaziah was no better than his father Ahab. In the second year of his reign, he fell through the lattice of an upper apartment of his palace, and died soon after, as Elijah had foretold. (1 Kings xxii. 50 — 2 Kings i.) Jehoram, the second son of Ahab, reigned twelve years, from 79 to 91 of the Revolt, and from 896 to 884 b. c. By the prophecies and miracles of Elijah, he had been brought to acknowledge Jehovah as his God and Sovereign. He, however, suffered the golden calves to remain, made no attempt to abolish idolatry, and even left undisturbed the temple of Baal at Samaria, probably because he feared the power of his mother Jezebel, who patronised these abominations. He however took away the idol- atrous image of Baal which his father Ahab had made. Elisha, who, like Elijah, was a distin- guished instrument of Divine Providence for the preservation of the law, and consequently for the protection and prosperity of Israel, or, to use his own language, was " The chariot of Israel and the horsemen thereof," always found a ready audience with Jehoram, and gave him many good counsels, in consequence of which the Syrians, with whom Israel had been at war ever since the reign of Omri, suffered several considerable re- pulses, and were forced to acknowledge the power of Jehovah. Jehoram also gained an important victory over the Moabites, who had revolted under the reign of Ahab, and under Ahaziah had made themselves completely independent. But idolatry and rebellion against Jehovah still con- tinued. Even the seven years' famine, which forced many to emigrate, produced no reforma- tion. Finally, the kingdom was promised to Jehu, the commander-in-chief, by a young dis- ciple of Elisha; and he immediately executed the sentence pronounced against Ahab, and ex- tirpated his whole family, in obedience to the orders of king Jehovah. (2 Kings iii.— viii.) Note. — Ethbaal, king of Tyre, whose daugh- ter Jezebel was Ahab's queen, is mentioned by Menander under the name Ithobalus.* This ac- curate historian gives from the Tyrian annals a catalogue of the kings of Tyre that succeeded Hiram, who was contemporary with Solomon, in the following words : " After the death of Hirom, his son Balnazarus succeeded him in the throne, wlio lived forty- three years and reigned seven. Next to him his son Abdastartus, who lived twenty-nine years, reigned nine. He was murdered by the four sons of his nurse, the eldest of whom reigned twelve years. Then Astartus, the son of Deleastartus, who lived fifty-four years, reigned twelve. Next his brother Aserymus, who lived fifty-four years, reigned nine. He was slain by his brother Phe- letes who then ascended the throne. He lived fifty years and reigned eight months. Ithobalus, a priest of Astarte, put him to death and assumed the sceptre. He lived sixty-eight years and reigned thirty-two. His successor was his son Badezorus, who lived forty years and reigned six. His son and successor, Margenus, lived thirty- two years and reigned nine. Pygmalion suc- ceeded him, who lived fifty-six years and reigned forty-seven. In the seventh year of his reign, his sister, Dido, fled, and built Carthage in Libya." According to this, the time from the death of Hiram to the beginning of the reign of Ithobalus is about fifty years ; and from the death of Solo- mon to the beginning of Ahab's reign there are fifty-seven years. Hiram, who was already king in the time of David, and reigned only thirty-two years, must have died at least ten years before Solomon, and consequently, from the death of Hiram to Ahab, there are about sixty- seven years. If all these numbers are correct, Ahab must have married Jezebel after he became king. In these calculations, allowance should be made for the mistakes which transcribers are apt to make, in copying numerals. We here see the reason why Jezebel, the daughter of a priest of Astarte, was so zealous a promoter of idolatry ; and as twenty-one years after the death of Itho- * Josephus against Apion, i. 18. JUDAH FROM 975 TO 884 B. C. baliis, his granda'ughter Dido built Carthage, and founded that celebrated commonwealth, we may judge what sort of a spirit animated the females of this royal family. Hence it appears less won- derful, that Jezebel was able to exert such an influence over the kingdom and the king of Israel, anu that afterwards, her daughter Athuliah took possession of the throne of Judah. Finally, as the son of the king's nurse was able to place himself on the throne, this confirms the opinion which was advanced in the Archaeologie, th. i. b. ii. s. 285, that in, the East, nurses held a very important rank in the family. XXXVII. Judah from 975 to 884 B. C. Rehoboam reigned seventeen years, or to the year 958 b. c. The commencement of his reign was not reprehensible, but when he saw himself firmly seated on the throne, he permitted idolatry, which had already made great inroads during the last years of his father Solomon, to prevail with all its abominations. For his punishment. Divine Providence suffered Shishak, king of Egypt, to invade Judea with twelve thousand chariots, sixty thousand cavalry, and a great body of infantry. He took all the cities, and even Jeru- salem itself was obliged to surrender uncondition- ally to the conqueror, according to the determina- tion of Jehovah, which was made known by the prophet Shemaiah. Shishak contented himself with the riches of the temple and of the royal treasury, and returned to Egypt. Jeroboam, while in exile, had enjoyed the protection of tliis monarch, and it was he probably, who excited him to attack Judah. This kingdom was re- ceiving constant accessions of strength by emi- grations from Israel, and it was the policy of Jeroboam to weaken it, in order to secure him- self against the hostilities of Rehoboam. (1 Kings xiv. 21 — 31. 2 Ohron. xii.) Abijah or Abijam, the son of Rehoboam, reigned only three years, to the 20th year of the revolt, 955 b. c. With courage resulting from the principles of the theocracy, he ventured with four hundred thousand men to engage in battle with Jeroboam, whose army consisted of eight hundred thousand. He gained an important victory, and five hundred thousand of the Israel- itish army were left dead on the field. In num- bers so large, there may be some eiTor of the transcribers, but it is certain that after this defeat, the kingdom of Israel was very much weakened, while Judah made constant progress in power and importance. (1 Kings xv.l — 8. 2Chron. xiii.) We must here mention once for all, that we cannot an- swer for the correctness of the great numbers of men in the armies which are mentioned here, and in the sequel ; for transcribers were very liable to mistake in copying numerals. When there are no means of rectifying these numbers, we set them down as they occur in the books. Asa, the son of Abijam, reigned forty-one years, to 61 of the Revolt, 914 b.c. He ascended the throne two years before the death of Jero- boam, and, as he was then very young, the affairs of the kingdom were administered by his mother, an Israelite of the race of Absalom, but a verj' superstitious woman, who encouraged idolatry by all the means in her power. But as soon as the young king assumed the govenniient he rooted out this disorder from the whole country, and walked in the steps of David. He neglected no human means to put his kingdom in the best condition possible, for which purpose the peace he enjoyed during the first ten years of his reign afforded him time and opportunity. His people increased so much that he was able to bring into the field an army of five hundred and eighty thousand men. In the eleventh year of his reign, relying uf)on God, he attacked with this army and defeated the numerous host of Zerah, king of Cush, (undoubtedly both of the Arabian and Ethiopian Cush,) who had penetrated through Arabia Petrea into the vale of Zephathah, with a million of men and three hundred chariots. The prophet Azariah declared this splendid victory to be a consequence of the king's confidence in Jehovah, and exhorted him to perseverance ; upon which he abolished the remains of idolatry, and caused the whole people to renew their cove- nant with Jehovah. Notwithstanding this, after- wards, when king Baasha had taken from him the city of Ramah, and was fortifying it for a frontier barrier, he purchased the friendship of the king of Damascus with the wealth of the temple and of the royal treasury, and induced him to attack Israel. By this means he indeed regained Ramah, but his treasures were squan- dered. The prophet Hanani reproved him for his conduct, as it evinced a distrust of Jehovah, but the king imprisoned him for his fidelity. In the last years of his life he treated many others with great severity, to which probably the ill humour occasioned by the gout in his feet contributed not a little. (1 Kings xv. 9 — 24. 2 Chron. xiv. — xvi.) In the time of Asa, the celebrated poet Hesiod flourished among the Greeks, about the year 944 B. c, according to the Parian Marbles. Jehoshaphat, who ascended the throne in the fourth year of Ahab. king of Israel, and reigned twenty-five years, to the 84th of the Revolt, and 891 B.C., was still more faithful to Jehovah, his sovereign, than his fother Asa had been. He not only suppressed idolatry in the most careful manner, but he sent out priests and Levites into every town, to instruct the people. These teachers he raised to the rank of royal counsellors, in order to increase their authority. He travelled himself through the country to see whether his orders were executed. He improved the admi- nistration of justice by the establishment of a supreme tribunal, and brought his military aft'airs to a prosperous condition. The etfect of his judicious government was visible in the number of his people, who so increased that he was able to bring into the field a well disciplined and well furnished army of one million one hundred and sixty thousand men. Among these, however, are probably to be included the Edomites, the Philistines, and many Arabians, who acknow- ledged his authority. But, although thus power- ful, he was disposed to peace, and he was the author of the first treaty between Judah and Israel. He visited king Ahab at Samaria, and joined him in an expedition against the Syrians. This step was disapproved of by the prophet Jehu, the son of Hanani ; and, indeed, as the 5 > THE HEBREW COMMONWEALTH. enterprise proved unfortunate, Jehoshapliat sunk greatly in the estimation of the neighbouring people, on account of the concern he had in it. He had before been feared by all the surrounding nations, but now the Ammonites and Moabites pressed into Judea by the way of Edom. Though they were defeated by Jehoshapliat, in connexion with Jehoram, king of Israel, and the Edomites, yet the victory was altogether the work of Divine Providence, and an evident reward of Jehosha- phat's fidelity to Jehovah. His attempt to revive the navigation of the Red Sea was unsuccessful. He seems, however, never to have relinquished the enterprise, though he refused to enter into a commercial alliance with the king of Israel If he had never formed any connexion with the idolatrous house of Ahab, or, at least, if «he had not married Jehoram, his son and the heir of his crown, to Athaliah, the daughter of Ahab and Jezebel, much commotion and bloodshed would have been avoided in Judea. (1 Kings xxii. 1 — 50. 2 Chron. xvii. — xx.) During this reign Homer flourished among the Greeks. The Parian Marbles place him in the year 907 b. c. Jehoram was admitted to a participation in his father's throne, in the 84th year of the Revolt, 891 B.C., and he reigned eight years. The un- happy consequences of the union with Athaliah, the Israelitish princess, now began to be visible.' All the brothers of the king were murdered, undoubtedly through the influence of Athaliah ; and idolatry was introduced by royal authority. Upon this the Edomites revolted, and although they were once defeated by Jehoram, who still had his father's army under his command, they nevertheless made themselves independent, ac- cording to the prophecy of Isaac. (Gen. xxvii. 40.) The Philistines also rebelled, and the Arabians who bordered on the Cushites. They made an incursion into Judea, plundered the whole country, and even Jerusalem and the royal palace. They led away into slavery all the women of the king's harem, and all the royal princes, with the excep- tion of Jehoahaz, or, as he is also called, Aha- ziah. Even Libnah, the city of the priests, renounced allegiance to Jehoram, because he had forsaken Jehovah, the God of his fathers. He died a miserable death, and was denied the honours of a royal burial. (2 Kings viii. 16 — 24. 2 Chron. xxi.) His son Ahaziah, or Jehoahaz, succeeded him, and reigned only one year. He was no better than his father, and suflfered himself to be governed in every thing by the wicked counsels of his idolatrous mother, Athaliah. He joined Jehoram, king of Israel, in an expedition against Hazael, king of Danuiscus or Syria, for the con- quest of Ramoth-gilead ; and he afterwards visited king Jehoram while he lay wounded in his summer palace at Jezreel. Here Jehu slew both kings on the same day, in the year 91 of the Revolt, 884 B. c. (2 Kings viii. 25—29 ; ix. 27— .30. 2 Chron. xxii. 1—9.) During the eighty-five first years of this period the kingdom of Judah made rapid advances, but afterwards it continually degenerated, and finally lost all its power. Note. — Shishak, who invaded Judea during the reign of Rehoboani, according to Miirsham, Canon. Chron. xiv. p. 376, is Sesostris, the third king of the twelfth Diospolitic dynasty ; accord- ing to Silberschlag, Chronologic der Welt, s. 143, Sesenchosis, the first of the twenty -second Bu- bastic dynasty ; accoi'ding to Gatterer, Welt- geschichte im ganzen Umfang, s. 224, Susenes or Phuseues, the second of the twenty-first Tanitic dynasty ; according to Syncellus, Semendes, the first of the twenty-first Tanitic dynasty ; and, according to others, he is the Asyches of Herod- otus. (See the Table of the Egyptian dynasties at the end of the volume.) Such a controversy cannot be easily decided. See Perizonius, Origg. iEgypt.' cap. 13, p. 222, seq. From 1 Chron. xii. 3, we know only that Shishak had in his army Troglodytes, Lybians, and Ethiopians, and consequently, that his authority must have been very widely extended. XXXVIII. Israel from 884 to 759 B.C. Jehu, who had extirpated the family of Ahab, ascended the throne of Israel in the 91st year of the Revolt, SS4 b. c, and reigned twenty- eight years. He entirely abolished idolatry, condemned to death at a festival the idolatrous priests and prophets of Baal, as traitors to King Jehovah, and turned the temple of Baal into a draughthouso. He, however, suflfered the golden calves to remain. For his services he received a divine promise that his descendants should possess the throne for four generations. But the idolatry of Ahab and Jezebel was not annihilated by this coercive reformation. Many still prac- tised it, but it was no longer upheld by the regal authority. On account of this idolatry the whole territory east of the Jordan fell into the hands of the Syrians. (2 Kings x. 18 — 36.) Jehu's son, Jehoahaz, reigned seventeen years, to 135 of the Revolt, 840 b. c. He was pressed so closely by the Syrians that at last he was able to retain only one thousand men of infantry, fifty of cavalry, and ten chariots ; but, as he acknowledged the authority of Jehovah over Israel, he was finally released from these haughty foes, and obtained peace. Joash, his son, reigned seventeen years. As the idolatrous generation had now become extinct, he was able to hold the Syrians in check, and in the end to gain the preponderance over them. He conquered several cities, and the prophet Elisha, while on his death-bed, predicted that he should gain three victories. Jeroboam II., a son of Joash, reigned forty- one years, to 191 of the Revolt, 784 B.C. He was as much the enemy of idolatry as his father, and consequently, his arms were also victorious. He recovered from the Syrians all the conquests they had made during the reigns of Jehu and Jehoahaz, and restored to the empire its ancient boundaries, as Jonah, the son of Amittai, had predicted. (2 Kings xiii. xiv.) As soon as Israel was quiet from the Syrians it was disturbed by domestic broils, and liastened rapidly towards destruction. Upon the death of i Jeroboam II. (in the thirty-eighth year of Uzziah 1 or Azariah, king of Israel,) his son Zachariah I ascended the throne. For twelve years great I internal commotions prevailed. Kings were JUDAH FROM 884 TO 759 B.C. 51 i suddenly raised to the throne, and as suddenly removed, agreeably to the representation wliich Hosen, who prophesied at this time, gives of the state of the kingdom. This shows a gross de- generacy in respect to religion and morals, as appears also by the prophecy of Hosea. The people were dissatisfied with Zachariah, and he ■was murdered by Sliallum in the sixth month of his reign, 202 of the Revolt, 773 b. c. Thus the prediction was accomplished, that the family of Jehu should retain the throne only to the fourth generation. (2 Kings xv. 8 — 12.) The regicide Shallum placed himself on the throne, and, notwithstanding the civil disturb- ances of the kingdom, he collected force sufficient to conquer Thapsacus, (Tiphsah,) on which occasion he treated the inhabitants with great cruelty.* Soon after, he was slain by his general Menahera, having reigned only one month. Menahem retained the sceptre ten years, and died a natural death. His reign was very unfor- tunate. Pul, king of Assyria, (which empire now emerges from its obscurity, and in the course of forty or fifty years acquires universal domi- nion,) made war against him, perhaps on account of the conquest of Thapsacus by Shallum. Menahem could not resist this powerful con- queror. He purchased peace by one thousand talents, that is, three million shekels of silver, and became tributary to Assyria. As the king raised this sum by a tax of fifty shekels a head on his military men, it appears that his army amounted to sixty thousand strong, and that the whole system of government during the pre- ceding disquiets had become military. Pekahiah, the son of Menahem, succeeded him, but after a reign of two years he was mur- dered by Pekah, the commander of liis army, in the year of Uzziah's death, 216 of the Revolt, 759 B. c. (2 Kings xv. 17— 20.) During the first fifty years of this period, the kingdom of Israel sunk deeper and deeper in degeneracy and misery, in the next half century it regained its ancient power and greatness, but during the succeeding twenty-five years it again rapidly degenerated. Note.- — Benhadad, the king of Syria, who resided at Damascus, gave much trouble to Ahab, Ahaziah, and Jehoram, the kings of Israel. Hazael, one of his principal officers, suffocated him as he lay sick, by wetting and applying to his face the veil which is used to keep off the gnats during sleep. Hazael succeeded to the throne, and, during the reigns of Jehu and Jehoaz, took possession of all the Israelitish ter- ritory east of the Jordan. As late as the time when Jerusalem was destroyed by Titus, these two Syrian kings received divine honours from the inhabitants of Damascus, but were placed by them at a more remote period in antiquity. See Josephus. Antiquities, ix, 4, G. His words are : — " When Hazael was come to Benhadad he told him good uews concerning his distemper, but the next day he spread a wet cloth, in the nature of a net, over him, and strangled him and • 2 Kinfjs XV. 13—16. [The passage referred to attri- butes the coiKiuest of Tiphsah to iMeiiahem. But he miglit have takiHi the city while he commanded the array of Shallum. la.] took his dominion. He was an active man, and had the good-will of the Syrians and of tlie people of Damascus to a great degree, by ^^•hom both Benhadad himself, aud Hazael, who ruled after him, are honoured to this day as gods, by reason of their benefactions, aud their building them temples, by which they adorned the city of the Damascenes. They also every day do with great pouip pay their worship to these kings, and value themselves upon their aiuiciuity ; nor do they know that those kings are much later than they inuigine, and that they are not yet eleven hundred years old." (Wkiiitu?i's Translation.) XXXIX. JuDAH FROM 884 TO 759 B.C. As soon as Athaliah heard at Jerusalem, that her son, king Ahaziah, had been slain by Jehu, she took possession of the vacant throne, and murdered all the males of the royal family, with the exception of Joash, the youngest son of Ahaziah. He, being then an infant, was rescued by Jehosheba, a sister of Ahaziah, and he was privately brought up by a nurse in an apartment of the temple. The idolatrous Athaliah reigned more than six years, to the 98th of the Revolt, 877 B.C. During this year, by the management of the high priest Jehoiada, the young prince was publicly anointed king in the temple, under the protection of a strong escort of well-armed Levites. Athaliah at the same time suffered the punishment of death, which she had merited by her idolatry, treason, and violent usurpation. On this occasion the covenant with Jehovah was renewed, and the people bound themselves by an oath to observe it, — a precaution which had been rendered very necessary by the long continuance of an idolatrous government. (2 Kings xi. 2 Chron. xxii. 9—12; xxiii. 1—21.) Joash, or Jehoash, reigned forty years, to the 137th of the Revolt, 838 B.C. During the life of his guardian, the high priest Jehoiada, his government was entirely conformed to the prin- ciples of the theocracy. The idolatry introduced by Athaliah was abolished, and about the year 120 of the Revolt the temple was repaired, and the people voluntarily contributed to defray the necessary expenses. But after the death of Jehoiada it appeared that idolatry had taken deep root during the fourteen years of its predomi- nance under Jehoram, Ahaziah, and Athaliah. The rulers themselves came before the throne and re(iuested toleration for the worship of idols. Joash was weak enough to grant their request ; and when the prophet Zechariah predicted na- tional calamities on this account, the king was so ungrateful as to suffer him to be stoned in the court of the temple, though he was the son of his guardian Jehoiada, to whom he was indebted for his life, his education and his throne, and to whom the nation had awarded the honours of a royal burial. But this ingratitude and cruelty did not prevent the fulfilment of the prophecy. The king of Syria, who then possessed all Gilead, came to Jerusalem with a small body of troops, put to death the rulers who had demanded the toleration of idolatry, and returned, laden m ith spoil to Dauiascus. Joash, who had been wounded, was slain soon after by his own servants, and 52 THE HEBREW COMMONWEALTH. denied the honours of a royal burial. (2 Kings xii. 2 Chron. xxiv.) Amaziuh, his son, reigned twenty-nine years, to 1G4 of the Revolt, 811 b. c. Like his father, he begun well and then degenerated. In the condemnation of his father's murderers, he ob- served the law which forbids children to be in- volved in the punishment due to their parents. (Deut. xxiv. 16.) At the admonition of a pro- phet, he dismissed one hundred thousand men, whom he had hired from the kingdom of Israel, to assist him in carrying on a war against the Edoniites. He, however, gave them the one hun- dred talents of silver, which had been stipulated for theii' wages ; and he then gained a decisive victory over his enemies in the valley of Salt, as the prophet had foretold. But when he after- wards worshipped the gods which he had taken from the Edomites, and set them up at Jerusalem, and refused to listen to the warnings of a pro- phet, the success of his arms ceased. He engaged in a war with Jehoahaz, king of Israel, on account of the depredations committed by the mercenary Israelitish troops, who, enraged at their dismis- sion, had on their return murdered three thou- sand Jews and plundered in every place through which they passed. Amaziah was defeated and taken prisoner, at the battle of Beth-shemesh. Jehoahaz replaced the captive monarch on his throne ; but he plundered Jerusalem and the temple, demolished four hundred cubits of the city wall, and took hostages with him to Samaria. Amaziah was finally assassinated by conspirators at Lachish, whither he had lied for protection. (2 Kings xiv. 1 — 22. 2 Chron. xxv.) Uzziah, also called Azariah, was raised to the throne by the people, after the death of his father Amaziah. He was then sixteen years old, and he reigned fifty-two years, to the 216th of the Revolt, 759 B. c. He had an army of three hun- dred and seven 'thousand five hundred men, he built new fortifications and repaired the old, pro- vided them with suitable arms, and carried on wars successfully. He conquered Elath, Gath, Jabneh, and Ashdod ; he defeated the Arabs of Gur-baal, the Mehunims and the Ammonites. Though so much engaged in military operations, he found time to cultivate the arts of peace. He advanced the interests of agriculture, and made great improvements in the pasturage and breed of cattle. He was for the most part obedient to the law, though he did not demolish the unlawful altars, and on one occasion he attempted to usurp the privileges of the priesthood. For this act of impiety he was punished with leprosy, and for the rest of his life he dwelt in a separate house. Meanwhile the affairs of government were ad- ministered by his son Jotham. (2 Kings xv. 1 — 7. 2 Chron. xxvi.) The famous era of the Olympiads commenced in the thirty-fifth year of Uzziah, 199 of the Revolt, 776 B. c. XL. Israel from 759 to 722 B. C. Pekah, the murderer of Pekahiah, ascended the throne of Israel in the last year of LTzziah. j He formed an alliance with Rezin, king of Syria, j for the purpose of making war upon Judah, ex- I pelling the family of David, and placing on the throne a tributary king of another race. They probably engaged in this design in order to strengthen themselves against Assyria, who was becoming more and more formidable, and threat- ened to overpower all her neighbours. But when the allied sovereigns had gained a few advantages over Judah, Tiglath-pileser, king of Assyria, came and subdued Syria, Galilee, and all the territory east of the Jordan, in the year 235 of the Revolt, 740 b. c. He sent the principal inhabitants of Syria to the river Kir, (Cyrus,) which at the present day is called Knr by the Russians, and Kier by the Persians. It mingles its waters with the Aras or Araxes, and empties itself into the Caspian sea under the thirty-ninth degree of north latitude. A people of a foreign aspect, called Usbecks, dwell there at this time, who may be the descendants of these captives.* The principal inhabitants of Galilee were trans- ferred to Assyria, Peknh was put to death by Hosea. (2 Kings xv. 27—31 ; xvi. 1—10. Isa. vii.) Though the kingdom of Israel was now en- closed within such narrow boundaries, and sur- rounded on two sides by the powerful Assyrians, it did not remain quiet, but was continually exhausting its strength by intestine broils and conspiracies. For Pekah was murdered in the third or fourth year of Ahaz ; and Hoshea did not ascend the throne till the twelfth year of the same reign. Consequently this state of anarchy con- tinued for nine years, that is, from 235 to 244 of ihe Revolt, and from 740 to 731 b. c.f Hosea, or Hoshea, was a better ruler than most of his predecessors ; but his kingdom was too much weakened to withstand the Assyrian power. Therefore, when Shalmaneser invaded him he was obliged to become tributary. This was un- avoidable, but Hoshea very imprudently attempt- ed to shake off the yoke ; he formed an alliance with So, king of Egypt, and imprisoned the Assyrian officer who was appointed to collect the tribute. Upon this, Shalmaneser laid siege to Samaria, and after three years he gained posses- sion of the city and destroyed it. During all this time the king of Egypt made no attempt to come to the assistance of Israel, as Isaiah had declared from the first, and in language of strong reprehension against this alliance. (Isa. xxx. 1 — 7.) Shalmaneser carried the principal inha- bitants, soldiers, and armourers, to Halah, (Cha- lachene,) to the river Habor, (Chaboras, and in Ezekiel, Chebar,) and to Gozan, on the east side of the Tigris, and to the cities of the Medes. On tlie other hand, colonists were brought to Sama- ria from Babylon, Cuthah, Ava, Hamath, and Sepharvaim. It appears also that Esar-haddon afterwards sent other colonists into this country. (Ezra iv. 2, comp. 9, 10.) These people mingled with the Israelites who still dwelt in the land, and they were all comprehended under the general name of Samaritans, which was derived from the city Samaria. They were at first all idolaters, but as wild beasts increased in their depopulated territory, they began to be disturbed by lions, and tlus calamity they supposed to be sent on * Buschiiifrs Masrazin, th. x. s. 402. f The reading, 2 Kings xv. 30, "in the twentieth year of Jotham," is manifestly incorrect. Compare xv. 33. JUDAH FROM 759 TO 619 B. C. 53 them by the god of the country, as a punishment for their neglect of liis worship. Accordingly, an Israelitish priest was recalled from exile, in order to instruct these idolaters in the worship of Jehovah, as a national deity ; he settled at Bethel, where one of the golden calves had for- merly stood, and afterwards the Samaritans united the worship of Jehovah with the worship of their own gods. (2 Kings xvii.) KoTE 1. — So, the ally of lloshea, seems to be Sevechus, the second king of the twenty-fifth Ethiopic dynasty ; especially as the Hebrew con- sonants, «"ID, may be pronounced Seve, and thus the name bears a near resemblance to Sevechus. Some suppose So to be Sabacon, the first king of the Ethiopic dynasty ; but according to the ac- count of Herodotus, ii. 137 — 1-39, he was a hero to whom the description of So, in Isaiah xxx. 3 — 5, cannot well be applied. Others suppose him to be Anysis the Blind, who is said to have hid himself fifty years, during the Ethiopic dynasty, and then to have reasceuded the throne. Others again suppose him to be Sethos, the successor of Anysis. (See the table at the end of the vo- lume.) Note 2. — The ancient Assyrian empire should be carefully distinguished from the modern, with which the Hebrew history of these tinies is so intimately connected. The accounts of the an- cient empire are very scanty and vmcertain. Though it has been represented by the Greeks as very great and powerful, we have already remarked that this representation does not agree with oriental history. It ended with Sardana- palus, and was destroyed by Arbaces the Mede, j about the seventh year of Uzziah's reign, 171 of the Revolt, 804 b. c. After the death of Arbaces, there was an interregnum in Media of seventy- nine years, and during this period the Assyrians made themselves independent of the Medes. This we call the modern Assyrian empire, the sovereigns of which are exhibited in the follow- ing table : Year of the Years of Names. Rerull. BC. their Reiytt. Pul 201 774 21 Tiglath-pileser 222 753 19 Shalmaneser 241 734 14 Sennacherib 255 720 7 Esar-haddon 262 713 35 Sardochaeus 297 678 20 Chyniladan 317 658 22 Saracus 339 636 13 End 352 623 The golden age of this empire continued from Pul to Esar-haddon, when its boundaries extend- ed towards the west as far as to the Mediterranean Sea. Esar-hadilon brought the Babylonian em- pire under his dominion, though he still suffered it to be governed by princes or viceroys ; but his successor Sardochaeus united it with Assyria. The Sargon (Isaiah xx. 1) who conquered Ash- dod by his general Tartan, appears to be Esar- haddon, or rather perhaps Sennacherib, as he, according to Jerome,* had several names. • Comment, in Jes. xx. 1. XLI. Jddah from 759 to 699 B. C. On account of the leprosy of king Uzziah, Jothani began to reign during his father's life. After the death of I'zziali, the reign of Jotham continued sixteen years, to 232 of the Revolt, 743 B. c. He was obedient to the law ; he con- tinued the improvements of the kingdom begun by his father ; he built several fortresses, and made the Ammonites tributary. In the last year of his reign, the alliance between IVkah and Rezin, king of Syria, was formed, but the effects of it did not appear till after his death. (2 Kings XV. 32—38.) In the eleventh year of Jotham, 227 of the Revolt, 748 b. c, the city of Rome was founded, with the destinies of which the Hebrews were one day to be so intimately connected. Others place the founding of this city 750 or 752 B. c. In the year following, viz. the twelfth of Jotham, 228 of the Revolt, 747 b. c, commences the era of Nabonassar, in the canon of Ptolemy. Ahaz, the son and successor of Jotham, was the most coi-rupt monarch that had hitherto ap- peared in Judah. His reign continued sixteen years, till 247 of the Revolt, 728 b.c. He re- spected neither Jehovah, the law, nor the pro- phets ; he broke over all the restraints which the law imposed on the Hebrew kings, and regarded nothing but his own depraved inclinations. He introduced the religion of the Syrians into Jeru- salem, erected altars to the Syrian gods, altered the temple in many respects according to the Syrian model, and finally shut it up entirely. His cowar- dice was equal to his superstition. After he had sufiered a few repulses from Pekah and Rezin, his allied foes ; Mhen the Edouiiteshad revolted from him, and the Philistines were making incursions into his country ; notwithstanding a sure promise of divine deliverance, he called Pul, the king of Assyria, to his aid. To this monarch he bee. me tributary, on condition that he would force Syria and Israel to relinquish their design of destroy- ing Judah ; and thus he gave to Tiglath-pileser, the successor of Pul, an opportunity to conquer Syria, Galilee, and Gilead. But the Assyrian king afforded Ahaz no real assistance. On the contrary, he drove him to such difficulties, that the Jewish king could scarcely purchase a release from his troublesome protector by all the riches of the temple, of the nobility of his kingdom, and of the royal treasury. (2 Kings xvi. 2 Chron. xxviii.) Hezekiah succeeded, and reigned twenty-nine years, to the 276th of the Revolt, 699 b. c. He did not follow the bad example of his fother, but walked in the steps of his ancestor David. Im- mediately on his accession to the throne, he j opened the temple, restored the worship of i God, abolished idolatry, destroyed the brazen serpent of Moses, Avhich had become an object of idolatrous worship, overthrew the altars ille- gally erected to Jehovah, and caused the festivals to be regularly celebrated. To these feasts he invited the Hebrews who still remained in tlie kingdom of Israel, which had been conquered in tlie sixth year of his reign. Like David, he pro- vided for the instruction and moral improvement of his people, by the public singing of psalms in the temple, and by a new collection of the moral THE HEBREW COMMONWEALTH. maxims of Solomon ; he built new fortifications and magazines, and supplied Jerusalem more plentifully -with -nater by a new aqueduct ; he conquered the Philistines, wlio had penetrated into the southern parts of Judea during the reign of his father, and shook off the Assyrian yoke ■which Ahaz had voluntarily taken on himself. But in the fourteenth year of his reign, Senna- cherib came with a large army to reduce Judah to obedience, and to conquer Egypt. Hezeki:>h submitted to this potent conqueror, and paid the three hundred talents of silver and thirty talents of gold which were required. But after Senna- cherib iiad gained possession of Ashdod, the key to Egypt, he thought it would be unsafe, in his invasion of this country, to leave unsubdued in his rear the kingdom of Judah, which had already once thrown off his yoke; he therefore deter- mined to complete the subjugation of Judah in the first place, especially as he had seen its weak- ness, and supposed that the enterprise would be attended with but little difficulty ; he soon re- duced all the cities to his power, except Libnah and Lachish, to which he laid siege, and Jeru- salem, to which he gave a very haughty summons to surrender, by his general Rabshakeh. Though to all human appearance every thing was now lost, Hezekiah still relied on the promise of di- vine deliverance announced to him by Isaiah ; and this deliverance was soon accomplished, and in a manner that admirably corresponded to the implicit confidence of Hezekiah. A report was spread abroad that Tirhakah, (Taracos or Tear- con.) king of Gush,— (one of the greatest heroes of all antiquity, who ruled over, not only the Arabian, and African or Ethiopian Cush, but also over Egypt, and is said to have pushed his con- quests as far as the Pillars of Hercules,) — was on his march through Arabia to attack the Assyrian territories ; and soon after, one hundred and eighty-five thousand men of Sennacherib's army died in one night. Sennacherib now fled to Assyria, and was soon after assassinated by his own sons in the temple of Nisroch at Nineveh. (Prov. XXV. 1. 2 Kings xviii., xix. 2 Chron. xxix.— xxxii. Isaiah xxxvi., xxxvii.) By these disasters, Assyria seems to have lost much of her power, or at least to have dreaded hostilities from Tirhakah ; for Esar-haddon, the successor of Sennacherib, though he sent colonies to Samaria, made no attempts against Judah. Soon after, Hezekiah himself was attacked by the plague which had proved so fatal to Senna- cherib's army, and though it made its appearance externally, there was so little hope of his reco- very, that Isaiah earnestly requested him to make his will. But he afterwards received from the same prophet a divine promise of recovery, and of an addition of fifteen years to his life. For the confirmation of this promise the king re- quested a miracle, and accordingly the shadow of the style went back ten degrees on the dial. This prolonging of the king's life was so much the more important, as at that time there was no heir to the crown. (Psal. Ixxxviii., Ixxxix.) This event, which was recorded in the annals of the nation, and celebrated in the thanksgiving ode of Hezekiah, and the miraculous deliverance from Sennacherib, not only cured the Hebrews of the idolatry introduced by Ahaz, and retained them for some time in their fidelity to Jehovah, but it also excited the admiration of all the neighbour- ing people. Merodach-baladan, the son of Bala- dan, king of Babylon, sent an embassy to Heze- kiah to congratulate him on his recovery, and on his deliverance from Sennacherib, (to whom Babylon was not at that time tributary,) and to make inquiry respecting this miracle. (2 Chron. xxxii. 24 — 33. 2 Kings xx. 1 — 13. Isa. xxxviii. 1 — 22 ; xxxix. 1, 2.) On this occasion, Hezekiah received the melancholy prediction of the Babylo- nian captivity ; and that, too, at a time when Baby- lon was an inconsiderable kingdom, (262 of the Re- volt, 7 13 B. c.) which was soon after subjugated by Assyria, (295 of the Revolt,) and when the people who were completely to fulfil this prediction, were almost unknown. (2 Kings xx. 14 — 21. Isa. xxxix. 3 — 8, comp. xxiii. 13.) If one would interpret this prophecy of the imprisonment of Manasseh at Babylon, whither he was carried by the Assy- rians, he need only read the words of Isaiah to be convinced that the prediction refers to some far more important events, which were first brought about by the Chaldeans. (2 Chron. xxxiii. 11. Isa. xxxix. 6, 7.) Note 1. — The overthrow of Sennacherib, whose expedition was designed particularly against Egypt, is described by Herodotus, (ii. 141,) but evidently corrupted by the Egyptian priests, from whom Herodotus received the narration. His words are : " After this, a priest of Vulcan, by name Setho, ascended the throne ; he very imprudently treated the soldiers with great se- verity, as though he should never stand in need of their services ; he insulted them in many ways, and took from them the lands which had been granted to them by former kings, at the rate of twelve arurse (apovpng) to a man. (Compare Isa. xix. 1 — 4.) But afterwards when Sana- cliarib, king of the Arabs and Assyrians, was leading a great army against Egypt, the Egyp- tian soldiers refused to lend their aid against him. The priest was now in great perplexity, and going into the temple he complained to his idol with tears of the peril he was in : in the midst of his complaints he was overtaken by sleep, and there appeared to him in a vision the god standing by him and bidding him be of good courage, for no misfortune should befall him in encountering the Arabian army, for he himself would send him helpers. Confiding in this dream, he took such Egyptians as were willing to follow him. and en- camped at Pelusium,for through this place the in- vaders must necessarily make their attack. None of the soldiers followed him, but only the mer- chants, artificers, and populace. When they had arrived there, fieldmice in great numbers spread themselves about among their enemies, and gnaw- ed in pieces the quivers and bows, and thongs of the shields, so that on the following morning they were obliged to flee, destitute of arms, and many fell. And now there stands in the temple of Vulcan a stone statue of this king, having a mouse in his hand, and speaking by an inscription to the following effect : Let him who looks on me reverence the gods. 'Ec,- t/^t rig op'tojv, tii