( FEB 10 1915 
 
 THE JONES PHILIPPINE BILL 
 
 SPEECHES 
 
 OF 
 
 HON. MANUEL L. QUEZON 
 
 • RESIDENT COMMISSIONER FROM THE PHILIPPINES 
 IN THE 
 
 HOUSE OF REPHESENTATIVES 
 
 SEPTEMBER 2G-OCTOBER 14, 1914 
 
 G9348— 11206 
 
 WASHINGTON 
 
 1914 
 
r 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 Page. 
 
 1. The Philippine bill : A much-needed piece of legislation 5 
 
 2. A holy cause 8 
 
 3. The Philippine bill — 
 
 Significance of the bill (see also “A holy cause,” p. 8 ; 
 
 “The pledge of independence,” p. 87) 17 
 
 The Filipino people 18 
 
 Public school during the Spanish regime 18 
 
 literacy prior to American occupation 19 
 
 I’rivate schools, colleges, and universities under Spain 20 
 
 American public schools 21 
 
 Higher instruction of to-day 22 
 
 Present literacy estimated 23 
 
 Filipino appreciation of the benefits of the American 
 
 regime 23 
 
 The ephemeral Philippine Republic (see also “A word on 
 
 Gen. Aguinaldo,” p. 46) 23 
 
 Estimate of the Philippine Republic by an American 
 
 observer ; 29 
 
 Progressive tendencies of the Philippine Republic 29 
 
 American rule 30 
 
 Two prime features of the bill 31 
 
 Main changes in the present organic act 31 
 
 Necessity of increasing the powers of the Philippine 
 
 Goyernment 32 
 
 Evidences of Filipino capacity for self-government (see 
 also “ The successful administration of Gov. Harri- 
 son,” p. 71) : 32 
 
 Confirmation of appointments (see also “ Confirmation 
 
 of appointments,” p. 84) 39 
 
 New grant of franchise 40 
 
 Government of the non-Christian tribes (see also “ Gov- 
 ernment of the non-Christian tribes,” p. 05) 40 
 
 Practical test of Filipino capacity offered by the bill 41 
 
 The preamble 42 
 
 Shall government of the people, by the people, for the 
 
 people perish from the earth? 45 
 
 4. A word on Gen. Aguinaldo 46 
 
 5. Freedom of religion 4.8 
 
 0. The truth about “ slavery ” in the Philippine Islands 49-02 
 
 Mr. Worcester's book reviewed 00 
 
 7. Time limit to presidential veto on Philippine legislation 62 
 
 S. Woman suffrage 04 
 
 9. Government of the non-Christian tribes 05 
 
 10. The successful administration of Gov. Gen. Harrison 71 
 
 11. Confirmation of appointments 84 
 
 12. Salary of the Governor General 80 
 
 13. The pledge of independence 87 
 
 09348—14290 3 
 
Digitized by the Internet Archive 
 in 2016 
 
 https://archive.org/details/jonesphilippinebOOquez 
 
THE JONES PHILIPPINE BILL. 
 
 In the House of Representatives, 
 SEPTEMBER 26, 1914. 
 
 The Philippine Bill a Much-Needed Piece of Legislation. 
 
 Mr. Gaerett of Tennessee. Mr. Speaker, I call up House resolution 
 GOC, a privileged resolution from the Committee on Rules. 
 
 The Speaker. The Clerk will report the resolution. 
 
 The Clerk read as follows : 
 
 “ House resolution GOG. 
 
 “Resolved, That immediately upon the adoption of this resolution the 
 House shall resolve itself into the Committee of the Whole House on 
 the state of the Union for the consideration of H. R. 18459, “A hill 
 to declare the purpose of the, people of the United States as to the 
 future political status of the people of the Philippine Islands, and to 
 provide a more autonomous government for those islands.” There shall 
 he not exceeding eight hours of general debate, one-half to be controlled 
 by the gentleman from Virginia [Mr. .Tones] and one-half by the gen- 
 tleman from Iowa [Mr. Townee]. At the conclusion of the general 
 debate the bill shall be read for amendment under the flve-minute rule, 
 and after being perfected the same shall be reported to the House with 
 such recommendation as the committee may make ; whereupon the pre- 
 vious question shall be considered as ordered upon the bill and all 
 amendments thereto to final passage without intervening motion except 
 one motion to recommit. All members speaking upon the bill or amend- 
 ments offered thereto shall have the privilege of extending their remarks 
 in the Record, and all members shall have the right to print remarks 
 for not exceeding five legislative days : Provided, That all debate shall 
 be confined to the subject matter of the bill.” 
 
 Mr. QUEZON. Mr. Speaker, if, before listening to the re- 
 marks offered here tliis morning, I had not already lieen certain 
 that the passage of the Philippine bill is a matter of paramount 
 importance to the Filipino people, I should now, after hearing 
 those remarks, be convinced that it is so. This bill, aside from 
 its aspect as an expression of a definite policy looking toward 
 Philippine independence, contains provisions whereby the 
 Philippine Government will be enabled hereafter to take care of 
 itself and of the interests of the Filipino people without the 
 necessity of constantly appealing to Congress whenever impor- 
 tant legislation for the islands is needed. My experience in 
 Congress during four years of continuous service in this body 
 has made me feel that the greatest handicap to the proper 
 advancement of the welfare of the people of the Philippines is 
 the lack of active interest on the part of this body in matters 
 pertaining to them. That I was right in this view has been 
 fully demonstrated by the very arguments adduced against the 
 immediate consideration of this bill. I make this point, Mr. 
 Speaker, not in any spirit of criticism, but as a mere statement 
 of fact. I fully realize how the Members of the Congress might 
 feel that questions affecting directly the American people are 
 of more importance and demand more immediate attention 
 C0348— 14208 6 
 
6 
 
 than (hose directly affecting the people of the Philippines. 
 But while due allowance should be made for tliis point of view, 
 such difficulty in securing prompt consideration of our needs 
 by the Congress is, nevertheless, injurious to the interests of 
 the Philippine Islands, and it shows how seriously ample legis- 
 lative powers are needed by the Philippine Government that it 
 may not be dei)eudeut upon a body that is primarily coneernetl 
 with other interests. 
 
 Mr. Speaker, we are told by those who are opposing this rule 
 that the Philippine bill should not have the right of way over 
 the other bills on the calendar, because the former is of less 
 importance to the American people than the latter. The radium 
 bill has been particularly cited as of more immediate concern 
 to the United States. Such assertions have been made in the 
 face and in spite of the statement of the chairman of the Com- 
 mittee on Insular Affairs [Mr. Jones] that the Philippine bill is 
 a measure necessitated by the fact that the Philippine Gov- 
 ernment finds itself facing a very serious crisis because of the 
 European war, without having means to meet that crisis. The 
 gentleman from Virginia [Mr. .Tones] has, in effect, stated that 
 you would either have to present the Philippine Government with 
 the money it needs for its own maintenance or allow that Gov- 
 ment to raise the required money by granting it. as provided for 
 in this bili, the powers to that end, or eise see Uiat Government 
 go into the hands of a receiver. I can assure the committee that, 
 sad as it is, the a.ssertion of the gentleman fi'om Virginia states 
 but the bare facts. The gentleman from Iowa [Mr. Towner] 
 assures us that the Congress, without enacting this bill, might 
 pass for the Philippine Government such independent measures 
 as will relieve it of its embarrassments. That may be true; 
 but would Congress take such a step if this rule should be 
 defeated? If we should fail to secure action on the Philippine 
 bill, which, because of the policy it establishes regarding the 
 future relations between the United States and the Phiiippiue 
 Isiands, direct^' affects the interests not only of the Filipino 
 l>eop!e but of the American people as well, though ])erhaps not 
 in so apparent a manner, how can anyone convince himself that 
 a bill of a purely local application affecting the Filipino people 
 exclusively would gain the attention of the Congress? I, for 
 one, do not believe it. 
 
 As for receiving a monetary present from the United States, 
 Mr. Speaker, such a gift is hardly to be expected. More, if 
 you were to ask me which I should prefer — the granting of 
 power to the Philippine Government which would help it to 
 help itself by levying upon the Filipino people additional taxes 
 with which to meet its financial obligations, or a monetary 
 i re.sent from the American people, I should unhesitiitingly 
 answer that I would prefer that power to the proposed present. 
 AVhy? Simply because people who want to be free ought to be 
 willing to assume ihe burden of self-government. [Applause.] 
 In no better way could the Filipino people show that they are 
 entitled to be free than by being willing to meet their own 
 troubles instead of accepting a charity. I can assure the House 
 that this dignified attitude is the one that my people desire to 
 take. [Applause.] • * * 
 
 60348—11206 
 
7 
 
 Mr. Speaker, there are, besides, other and perhaps even more 
 forceful reasons why this bill should now be considered. The 
 United States have been in control of the Philippine Islands 
 since 1898. In 1902 there was enactecl a law entitled “An act 
 temporarily to provide for the government of the Philippine 
 Islands.” The very title of this act is an announcement that no 
 definite policy regarding the Philippines was thereby deter- 
 mined, unless by implication drawn from some of the sections 
 contained in that act. Twelve years have now elapsed since the 
 passage of the measure. It is well-nigh time therefore that 
 some concrete and clear definition of your Philippine policy be 
 afforded. 
 
 Mr. Speaker, nothing imposes a greater handicap upon the 
 proper advancement of the Filipino people than this lack of 
 definite policy authoritatively stated — that is to say, by the Con- 
 gress. We do not now possess that peace of mind so essential 
 to our happiness ; the country suffers from a constant political 
 a.gitation that, if it does not paralyze, at least interferes with 
 the even course of our material and intellectual development. 
 And this intense agitation will never abate imtil we are assured, 
 as the Philippine bill does assure us, that we may look forward 
 to the day when independence shall be granted. Again, if I may 
 be permitted to make the suggestion, the Congress is bound to 
 settle this question not only as a matter of plain duty to the 
 Filipino people but because the American public should be 
 notified whether their representatives have chosen to follow the 
 imperialistic policies of the Old World or have decided to 
 stand by the time-honored American policy — that of equal rights 
 and equal opportunities between small and large countries. 
 This is a duty, Mr. Speaker, that every Member of this House, 
 regardless of his political affiliation, is bound to discharge. 
 As for the members of the majority, they are by virtue of their 
 platform, particularly bound to consider and to pass the Philip- 
 pine bill at once. 
 
 The Democratic Party has already enacted several measures 
 fulfilling certain of its preelection promises. Among these are 
 the tariff, the currency, the antitrust bills — all now on the 
 statute books. There remains unredeemed the platform pledge 
 that the Democratic Party “ favors an immediate declaration of 
 the Nation’s purpose to grant the Philippines their independence 
 as soon as a stable government shall have been established in 
 the islands.” The Democratic Party has been long enough in 
 power to forbid further postponement of that declaration. 
 From the standpoint of the Filipino people this congressional 
 declaration should have preceded all other legislation; but 
 seeing that the Democratic Party might believe that its prime 
 obligation was to enact laws affecting its domestic obligations, 
 we silently awaited our turn. Should this session end without 
 action in at least one House of the Congress regarding the 
 Philippine bill, or should this Congress go out of existence with- 
 out such a bill becoming law, the disappointment of the Filipino 
 people will know no limits. 
 
 Mr. Speaker, opponents of this rule say that this is not the 
 time to consider the Philipi)ine bill because of the European 
 W’ar. Were this bill to grant Philippine independence, .such an 
 C9348— 1420G 
 
8 
 
 argument might have great weight, since troublesome days — 
 days when the passions of men seem to have run beyond con- 
 trol — are not the opportune time for the launching of a feeble 
 nation upon its earliest career. But the Philippine bill simply 
 establishes a more autonomous government for the islands 
 and informs the whole world that the Filipino people are 
 not to be forever under the control of the United States. 
 I say, Air. Speaker, that precisely because the bill does this 
 it should now be pas.sed. The present, owing to the war, 
 is the psychological time to enact .such a measure. I have 
 already stated why the Philippine Government must have at 
 this juncture a nearer approach to autonomy than ever before. 
 It needs iwwers to save itself from a threatening disaster. And 
 for a declaration to the world regarding the future severance 
 of the political relationship between the United States and the 
 Islands, what better time than this, when other nations, though 
 at war, are making similar declarations? [Applause.] 
 
 MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 28, 1914. 
 
 A Holy Cause. 
 
 Mr. Miller satd : The gentleman from Virginia [Mr. Jon'es]. in a 
 most remarkable statement last Saturday and somewhat further to-day. 
 claims that this bill is desired by the Klipino people ; that they want 
 this bill. • • * 
 
 I want to introduce the membership of the House to some of the 
 yearnings on the part of the Filipino people for this bill. I am going to 
 read to you an account of some meetings called in the Philippine Islands 
 the minute they heard about this bill and what it provided. • * • 
 
 There were many of these meetings where there were thousands and 
 thousands present, protesting in the strongest language against the 
 Jones bill. • • • 
 
 That was a meeting called by the friends of Senor Quezon and Seiior 
 E.\rxshaw that Senor Earnsuaw might have himself a favorable oppor- 
 tunity for presenting the terms of this bill and, if possible, to get the 
 Filipino people to like it. • * • 
 
 Air. QUEZON. Air. Chairman, I shall not now discuss the 
 merits of the pending bill except perhaps incidentally, and only 
 as such discussion may be required for the proper understanding 
 of what I intend to say. I wish to address myself to some of 
 the remarks just made by the gentleman from Alinnesota [Air. 
 AIilleb] iu his elaborate and eloquent speech, which I could not 
 fail to admire, however much I might disagree with him. 
 
 The gentleman from AIinne.sota [Air. AIilleb] said that the 
 Filipino people are against this bill, so much so that at a great 
 meeting held in Alanila at the instance of friends of my col- 
 league [Air. E.arnsii.aw ] , and myself, for the purpose of giving 
 Air. Eaetn'siiaw a favorable opportunity to present this bill and, 
 if possible, to get the Filipino people to approve it, there was 
 almost a riot bcause the immense majority of the people gath- 
 ered at that meeting insisted that iu the resolution or vote of 
 confidence in ftivor of the Resident Commissioners which was at 
 the time presented there a provision be included instructing 
 the Resident Commissioners to urge the Congress to set a fixed 
 date at which independence should be granted. To an accom- 
 paniment of cheers, says the gentleman from Alinnesota, this 
 last provision was attached to and became a part of the resolu- 
 tion as finally adopted by the meeting. Aly friend from Alinne- 
 sota rend to us some newspaper accounts of that meeting, as 
 C9348— 1429G 
 
9 
 
 well as some comments referring to this bill as affecting or 
 surely to affect the future of the political party to which I am 
 proud to belong. Among these comments I particularly noticed 
 the prediction that the absence from the bill of a fixed date for 
 the granting of independence will bring about the death sen- 
 tence of the Nationalist Party — my party. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, I thank my friend from Minnesota [Mr. 
 Miller] for the courteous expression of his hope that that 
 prediction might not prove true. I want to tell the gentleman, 
 however — and this comes from the very bottom of mj^ heart — 
 that if the enactment of this bill, meaning as it will the 
 authoritative recognition of the inherent right of the Filipino 
 people to be independent and the solemn declaration that 
 they shall be granted that independence; that thereafter the 
 Filipino people shall have the power, as it is their right, to say 
 what must and what must not be done in their country ; that the 
 happy end of a foreign oligarchical government in the Philip- 
 pines shall arrive; that the Filipinos shall no longer be consid- 
 ered the least and the last factor in the counsels of the govern- 
 ment of the Philippine Islands, nor ignored by those who are 
 but their guests ; if, I say, the enactment of this bill and it.s 
 conversion into law, with all and more than all this wealth of 
 significance, shall prove to be the death sentence of the Nation- 
 alist Party — much as I love my party, to which I have belonged 
 ever since it was founded; much as I care for the political 
 fortune of my comrades, many of whom are the dearest friends 
 I have; much as I value my own interests, which would go 
 down into oblivion together with both my party and my com- 
 rades — I emphatically say, let that death come when it will. 
 I welcome it. For, over and above my party, over and above 
 my comrades, over and above myself, I love my people, their 
 welfare and their rights. [Applause on the Democratic side.] 
 
 Ah, Mr. Chairman, I have already staked too much in this 
 noble task to which I have consecrated my life to permit myself 
 to hesitate as to my course, now that the goal is within sight, 
 whether for partisan or for other selfish considerations. I 
 took the field when little more than a mere boy, suffering 
 hunger, fatigue, and every kind of privation, and exposing mj’- 
 self in man.v a battle; I have been for six mouths confined as 
 a prisoner of war ; I have been for a long time a sick man as a 
 result of the miserable life I led in the mountains during those 
 years that I was a soldier. Later I have carried on a campaign 
 in this country with tongue and jien. All this I have done that 
 I might see my native land made the arbiter of its own des- 
 tinies; and now, when the great onward step toward the realiza- 
 tion of my ambition is to be taken, should I be so cowardly, so 
 faint-hearted, so false to myself as to withdraw for party’s 
 sake? No, never ! 
 
 Mr. Chairman, the work wherein I am engaged, together 
 with the membership of my party, is not a political affair. To 
 the rank and file of my party, to its leaders — and in speaking 
 of these leaders I can not refrain from mentioning bj' name 
 the foremost of tliem all, the patriotic, the industrious, the 
 brilliant man to whom more than to anyone else the National- 
 ist Party owes its success. Speaker Osmena, of the assembly— 
 to them and to me this work is not a political enterprise, in the 
 common sense of that term. It is a patriotic undertaking, that 
 69348—14296 
 
10 
 
 affects our national honor, our national rights — indeed, our 
 very national life. It is the question of all questions. It is a 
 cause — a great, holy cause. [Applause.] 
 
 Mr. Chairman, must we go down to defeat? Must we go out 
 of office? If we must, so as to secure at this time more govern- 
 mental powers and more liberty for our people than they now 
 enjoy, then we shall willingly go down to defeat, we shall 
 gladly go out of office. Must the party which alone stood by 
 the people through thick and thin, in the hours of trial, of 
 tribulation, of danger, be rent asunder? If it must be, so that 
 we may obtain a solemn promise that the ideal for which that 
 party is fighting — the independence of the Philippines — shall be 
 realized, then let that party be destroyed. After all, when this 
 bill shall have been passed, the Filipino people can well afford 
 to dispense with the services of the Nationalist Party, because 
 while independence will not yet have been granted, its con- 
 summation will nevertheless have been assured. It would be 
 only a matter of time and dependent solely upon the Filipino 
 people themselves. After this bill shall have been passed, it 
 would be an easy, perhaps, a profitable, effort to bring about the 
 actual declaration of Philippine independence. Thereafter, men 
 of proven pati'iotism, who could be induced neither by fear nor 
 cupidity to beti'ay the legacy of our martyrs, will not be needed. 
 Others who in easy and comfortable times respond to the call 
 of their country may then serve the public need as well. 
 
 5Ir. Chairman, the allurements of public office are not so 
 strong as to be irresistible. Men can live without being listed 
 on a pay roll. In fact, it often happens that those who have 
 some capacity and some desire to work would be better off, both 
 economically and otherwise, if engaged in private pursuits. 
 
 The Nationalist Party does not care for power or for offices, 
 as is evidenced by the fact that many of its members would 
 not take, in the beginning of American occupation, positions 
 offered to them by the American Government. The Nation- 
 alist Party . has entered the political arena for a purpose 
 nobler and higher than that of gaining power and drawing 
 salaries for its members. It is in the political arena be- 
 cause at one time — in days that tried men's souls — there was 
 offered to the world the sad but not unprecedented spectacle of 
 a handful of Filipinos filling the Government positions in the 
 islands uho joined our adversaries in the claim that independ- 
 ence was neither wanted by the Filipino people nor should be 
 granted them, because they were incapable of governing them- 
 selves. Squarely and fearlessly to face this untrue and unjust 
 proposition, the Nationalist Party came into existence. It went 
 I)ofore the people with the cau.se of immediate independence as 
 its standard, so that the Filipino electorate might at the polls 
 choose whether the lives of those who died that their country 
 might live should have been wasted. It sought for its members 
 the elective ollices of the Philippine Government so that it 
 might show through them the capacity of the people for self- 
 government. Thus to secure these offices was for that party a 
 nece.ssary means to a noble end. The Filipino people in every 
 popular election spoke their mind aud (heir feeling. Theirs was 
 the ideal of the Nationalist Party. This question decided, the 
 party labored for the realization of that ideal. Its members 
 when in office gave eloquent testimony of the capacity of the 
 G0348— 11200 
 
11 
 
 Filipino people. In the municipal and provincial governments 
 they proved to be equal to their tasks. In the Philippine 
 Assembly first, and later in the Philippine Commission, they 
 demonstrated by their wisdom, by their devotion to duty, by 
 their unselfishness, that the Filipino people actually are ca- 
 pable of governing themselves ; and while this demonstration 
 was thus being made, the party, through its own memorials, 
 through assembly resolutions adopted by the votes of Nation- 
 alist members, and through the personal representations of the 
 Nationalist Resident Commissioner, urged the Congress of the 
 United States to grant the Philippine Islands immediate inde- 
 pendence. 
 
 The Nationalist Party has kept faith with the people; it has 
 done its duty and its best to promote their cause. And it is 
 now discharging that duty and doing its best to promote that 
 cause by indorsing this bill. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, I wish I could have been spared the neces- 
 sity of singling out any one political party in the Philippine 
 Islands upon the floor of this House. I am here, though a 
 Nationalist, as the representative of all the Filipino people. 
 It has been my honor to receive the unanimous vote of the mem- 
 bers of the Philippine Assembly regardless of their political 
 affiliations, and in return for that honor I have invariably 
 represented the interests of my people at large, and never, 
 since I have been Resident Commissioner, have I ever done or 
 said anything in this country for the advancement of the in- 
 terests of my party. The remarks of the gentleman from Min- 
 nesota [Mr. Mili.ek], however, have compelled me to defend my 
 comrades and associates, as it was my obvious duty to do so, 
 because they have been very loyal to their constituency. Sir, 
 without fear of successful contradiction, I say here that the 
 Nationalist Party in the Philippine Islands has been the faith- 
 ful guardian of the ideals of our people, and the loyal advocate 
 of their rights. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, it is true that the meeting alluded to by my 
 friend from Minnesota did take place in Manila, and that 
 thousands of people participated in that meeting. It is also true 
 that the sentiment of the majority in that meeting was very 
 strongly against this bill. I have given my word, and I am now 
 redeeming it, that I should inform the Congress as to their 
 attitude. But this is all I am ready to do in deference to them. 
 I shall not oppose this bill. I should have preferred the former 
 Jones bill, which contained a fixed date when independence was 
 to be granted, and the Filipino people would have preferred 
 that bill. In fact, I did everything in my power to have that 
 bill reintroduced and enacted. I did more than that — I submitted 
 to some of the powers that be the proposal that Speaker Osmeua, 
 in consultation with the leaders of our party, both in and out 
 the assembly, had in mind as the best measure for Philip- 
 pine independence. I could do no more. Is it desired that, 
 having failed in that effort, I should, rather than accept this 
 bill, suffer the old order of things to continue in the islands, 
 so that if another President of the United States should be 
 elected and should deem best to do so, he could reappoint a 
 majority of Americans to the Philippine Commission? Is it 
 desired that, rather than accept this bill, I should allow the 
 Philippine Commission to continue in existence, with the ex- 
 69348—14296 
 
12 
 
 elusive power of governing one portion of the archipelago and 
 with the right to dispose, of its own free will, of the funds 
 raised from the Filipino people for that portion of the country 
 under its exclusive jurisdiction? Is it desired that, unable to 
 get a promise of independence, with a fixed date, I should let 
 the Congress of the L’nited States stand absolutely noncom- 
 mittal on this most vital question affecting the future of my 
 people? No; I could not do that. I will not do that. I should 
 beti’uy the confidence of my constituency. I should fail in my 
 grave task. I should not discharge an imperative duty. More- 
 over, I should be a traitor were I to follow such a course; and 
 rather than do any of these things I should tear to pieces my 
 commision; I should resign and, with a conscience free of re- 
 morse, retire to my native village. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, I am under no obligations to do as I am bid 
 by the Manila meeting. That was not a national convention. 
 The iiarticijiants in that meeting were not elected by the people 
 of the archipelago to assemble for the purpose of approving or 
 disapproving this bill. The persons therein gathered repre- 
 sented but themselves and expressed but their own personal 
 opinion. AVe should be going far enough if we consider the 
 resolution adopted in that meeting as an expression of the opin- 
 ion of the people of the city of Manila, since there were only 
 between five and six thousand people, according to the news- 
 paper reports, while the population of Manila is about 250,000 
 inhabitants. But suppose the meeting did represent the opinion 
 of the people of Manila, is there anyone bold enough to assume 
 that Manila constitutes the Philippine Islands? It must be 
 borne in mind that Manila has only two representatives in the 
 national assembly. As the representative of the Filipino iieople 
 I do not consider it my duty to comply with instructions com- 
 ing from any particular province of the islands, but to represent 
 the opinion of the majority of the Filipino people. And this I 
 should do only as long as I could represent them consist- 
 ently with my own personal convictions. Whenever there 
 should be a clashr between my convictions and the instruc- 
 tions that I receive from the Filipino people I should deem 
 it my proper course in such a case neither to misrepresent 
 tho.se of whom I am but the representative nor to misrepresent 
 myself, and therefore I should resign my position rather 
 than either be untrue to my constituency or to myself. AVere 
 it a fact that the majority of the Filipino people were against 
 this bill, I, as their representative, could not, and I should 
 not, have advocated this bill. But I am so convinced that 
 its enactment into law is to the interests of my country that 
 sooner than obey a mandate of my constituency to oppose it, 
 when my firm conviction is contrary to their wishes, I should 
 have given them the opportunity of sending here another Com- 
 missioner. 
 
 The truth, however, is that the immense majority of the 
 Filipino people are for this bill. They have taken the sensi- 
 ble and patriotic view that, since the former .Tones bill could not 
 now be enacted, it would have been the height of folly, it would be 
 a useless, stupid kind of political suicide, to defeat this bill. So 
 they have instructed me to support it and to do all I can to have it 
 passed. Two hundred and forty-seven municipal councils, 
 four assemblies of municipal presidents, eight provincial boards, 
 seventy mass meetings, and the executive national committee 
 09^8—14:100 
 
13 
 
 of the Nationalist Party, which is the majority party in the 
 Philippines, have all indorsed this bill, while only the meeting 
 in Manila and two or three municipal councils are against it. 
 In compliance with these instmctions, therefore, quite as truly 
 as in accord with my own conviction, I am for this bill. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, the gentleman from Minnesota [Mr. Milleb] 
 said that he believes I have kept faith with my people, but 
 that he knows that the Democratic Party has not kept faith 
 with me. If I may say so myself, I will tell the gentleman that 
 I did keep faith with my people. Since I first tame to the 
 United States as a Resident Commissioner, with the mandate 
 that I work for the immediate independence of the Philippine 
 Islands, I have done everything in my power to discharge that 
 duty. With my hand upon my heart I feel that I can lift my 
 head and say I have done my best as God gave me the light to 
 see it [Applause on the Democratic side.] But while the gen- 
 tleman’s belief about me is true, I am not prepared to admit 
 that what he says he knows about the Democratic Party’s not 
 keeping faith with me is also true. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, I am neither a Democrat nor a Republican, nor 
 even a Progres.sive. The Filipinos take no sides in your partisan 
 differences. My words, therefore, on behalf of the Democratic 
 Party, which, I am sure, the party does not need, are not dic- 
 tated by a partisan motive. The Democratic Party, considering 
 all the circumstances, has kept faith, and is keeping faith, with 
 the Filipino people. Of course it is only just that I should say 
 that the Democratic Party in presenting this bill is doing 
 neither all that we hope and expect it to do by us nor as much 
 as we hoped and expected it would do at this juncture. But 
 when it is remembered that we are not Americans, nor a part 
 of the American electorate and how often preelection promises 
 are forgotten, both the administration at Washington and in 
 the islands, as well as the Congress, may properly claim for 
 what they have done and now propose to do the good will and 
 the gratitude of the Filipino people. 
 
 In so far as the administration is concerned, I can say this: 
 President Wilson has not been fully six months in the White 
 House when he appointed as Governor General for the Philip- 
 pine Islands a man so sympathetic with the ideals of my 
 people and so deeply interested in their advancement and 
 welfare that he is now idolized by them. President Wilson 
 had not been a full seven months in the White House when 
 he announced in an unmistakable way to the Filipino peo- 
 ple, in a message delivered to them by his appointee, the 
 new Governor General, his policy as regards the Philippines. 
 In that message the President made the promise that as 
 a first step toward the performance of his policy he would 
 place in the hands of Filipinos by the exercise of his executive 
 power of appointment the control of the upper house of the Phil- 
 ippine Legislature, thus giving the people of the islands all the 
 legislative iiower vested in their government. Hardly one month 
 had elapsed since that promise was made when President Wil- 
 son appointed a majority of Filipinos in the Philippine Com- 
 mission. If we bear in mind the very serious and delicate ques- 
 tions, both foi’eign and domestic, that the President had to meet 
 immediatelj' upon his assumption of office, we shall have to 
 admit that he has exceeded what reasonably could have been 
 expected from him under ordinary circumstances. 
 
 C0348— 14200 
 
14 
 
 And it is not the President alone who has thus acted toward 
 tlie Filipino people both justly and with so manifest a regard 
 for their interests. The men under him, through whom his 
 announced policy is being carried out, are acting toward the 
 Filipino i>eople as does the President. The Secretary of War, 
 Hon. Lindley M. Garrison, in everything he says and does 
 shows that to him the Philippine question is a moral, not a par- 
 tisan, question, and it is with the highest of motives that he 
 deals with every phase of that question that goes to him for 
 solution. 
 
 Gov. Gen. Harrison, the representative of this administra- 
 tion and of the American people as well in the Philippine 
 Islands, has already done too much to promote our ideals and 
 our welfare to need any comment. 
 
 As to the Congress, we have now here, pending before the 
 House and brought forward with a special rule, this bill — a bill 
 that the gentleman from Iowa [Mr. Tow:^er], the ranking mem- 
 ber of the minority in the Committee on Insular Affairs, de- 
 nounces as a partisan measure, because it has a preamble which 
 is a copy of the Philippine plank of the Democratic platform. 
 If we remember that this is onlj the first regular session of the 
 first Congress Democratic in both branches, and if we further 
 remember that there were many important measures that had 
 to be speedily passed, as demanded by the American people, and 
 others still pending that also require prompt attention, the 
 leaders of the Democratic Party in Congress may properly 
 say that they are promptly redeeming the preelection promises 
 of their party. This bill is, indeed, under the circumstances 
 a strenuous effort to comply in a timely way with the Philip- 
 pine plank of the Democratic platform. And while I am 
 speaking of the Congress, it is my pleasure and my duty to 
 give public testimony of the sincere affection and love that 
 every Filipino— man, woman, and child — has for the chair- 
 man of the Committee on Insular Affairs, the gentleman from 
 Virginia, Hon. William Atkinson Jones. Mr. Chairman, the 
 gentleman from I’irginia has served on the Committee on In- 
 sular Affairs continuously since that committee was organized, 
 and during all that time, first as the ranking minority member 
 of that committee and now as its chairman, he has unflinchingly 
 stood by the rights of the Filipino i>eople and defended their inter- 
 ests both in and out of season. Every municipality and Province 
 of the Philippines records in its archives a resolution of thanks, 
 of love, for Mr. Jones, and Mr. Jones deserves it. I have seen 
 him working hard on his former bill. I have seen him this very 
 year, when he knew that he could not secure the passage of 
 that bill, drafting the present bill, ill as he was, and doing 
 everything ho could to urge it to an early consideration. Mr. 
 Jones has indeed endangered his own health in his endeavor 
 to have his party redeem its pledges in the interest of the 
 Filipino people. And I should say, in passing, that the mere fact 
 that he has introduced this bill instead of his former bill, when 
 I know that he has not changed his opinion about the points at 
 issue, is a conclusive jiroof that this bill is the best measure we 
 can obtain at this time, that it has genuine intrinsic merit, and 
 that, therefore, we had better accept it. 
 
 Meedless it is to say that the majority members of the 
 Insular Committee, in particular the distinguished gentleman 
 C0348— 1429G 
 
15 
 
 from Tennessee [Mr. Gakeett], have all actively helped their 
 chairman. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, I am not singing the glories of this Democratic 
 administration and of this Democratic Congress for the bene- 
 fit of Democratic candidates. My words on this occasion will 
 not be printed in the Congeessional Record until perhaps a few 
 days prior to your elections. Indeed, I do not believe my words 
 could change, in any event, even a single vote. Neither have 
 I spoken for the pui*pose of gaining favor with the party in 
 power. I expect nothing, I want nothing for myself, from the 
 administration. I deem It my duty to make these statements 
 because it is to the interest of the Filipino people themselves as 
 much as to that of the Government of the United States that 
 the people of the islands shall not lose their faith in your admin- 
 inistration and in your Congress. Mr. Chairman, I know that it 
 is a part of the political game to claim for oneself all the credit 
 and to blame one’s opponents for all the evil in the world, and 
 it is but natural that in the midst of an electoral campaign the 
 speakers on each side of this House should throw stones at one 
 another on every occasion that may arise. But, if I may be 
 permitted to advance a suggestion, let me say, Mr. Chairman, 
 that the Philippine bill is not the proper opportunity for mak- 
 ing these campaign speeches. Every speaker should bear in 
 mind tliat there are two main parties to this question — the 
 American Government and people on the one hand, and the 
 Filipino people on the other. What you say about yourselves 
 will not be read in the Philippines by the light of political fire- 
 works. It will be taken seriously there; very seriously, in- 
 deed. 
 
 If yon should unguardedly say something about your 
 parties, your administration, and your Congress that would 
 create distrust, lack of confidence, on the part of the Filipino 
 people in your Government and your people, your already difficult 
 problem in the Philippines will be made insoluble. Mr. Chairman, 
 I am earnest in my desire that the membership of this House 
 should not treat the Philippine question as a partisan question, 
 because their words — though, of course, we who are familiar 
 with your politics all know that those words are not meant as 
 they sound — may have a very bad effect in the Philippines. 1 
 do not want my people to lose or to slacken their confidence in 
 the United States when there is no reason therefor. No 
 party in the United States has any base design to betray the 
 Filipino people ; no party would do it if it could. I have several 
 times crossed this country from one end to the other; I think 
 I have fairly succeeded in my efforts to learn the general senti- 
 ment of the American people regarding the Filipino people; I 
 have conversed with Americans occupying high places in public 
 life, both Republicans, Democrats, and Progressives, as well as 
 with i>ersons in private pursuits; I have addi'essed American 
 audiences, large and small, on the subject of the Philippines, 
 and my observation gives me the right to say that the feeling 
 of the American people in general toward the Filipinos is one 
 of friendship, of real interest for their aspirations and for their 
 welfare. There is no question in my mind that when Americans 
 say that tlie Uniteil States in dealing with the Filipinos is im- 
 bued solely with altruistic purposes or motives, their statements 
 truly describe the situation. Of course, this does not mean that 
 there may not be some Americans here and there who have self- 
 69348— 1429C 
 
16 
 
 ish interests and who are influenced by selfish purposes in con- 
 nection with the islands. I know some of them by sight and by 
 name; but these are few and the exception to the rule. I 
 have been serving in this House now for four consecutive 
 years, first under a Republican majority and now under Demo- 
 cratic control. I can say without hesitation that the mem- 
 bership of the Congress — Republicans, Democrats, and Progres- 
 sives alike — are as friendly, as generous, and as altruistic in 
 their feeling and ideas toward the Filipinos as are the Ameri- 
 can people at large. With me it has ^en a question of find- 
 ing out who among you are in the highest sense our friends, 
 not who are our enemies. I am fully convinced that such dif- 
 ferences of opinion as exist in Congress regarding the 
 kind of legislation to be passed for the Philippines are due 
 solely to your differences of opinion as to what is best for the 
 Filipinos themselves and not what may be to the interest of 
 Americans in the islands or of the United States. There is, 
 therefore, no cause for any recrimination, and you all know that 
 there is none. You are all our friends, and you are all trying 
 to do yonr best for us. 
 
 It would be a tragedy, and the main losers would be the 
 Filipinos themselves, should they have no faith in this great 
 Nation. Already, as I understand, the argument advanced in 
 favor of a fixed date for the granting of independence is that 
 without it the Filipino people can not rest assured that inde- 
 pendence shall be granted. 
 
 ]\Ir. Chairman, I want to say to those Filipinos who thus 
 think, and who because of these arguments are not disposed to 
 take this bili which contains no fixed date for independence, that 
 the redemption of the pledge to grant the Philippines in- 
 dependence does not depend on the detail whether there is or 
 there is not any fixed date therefor. The redemption of that 
 promise will depend purely and exclusively upon the good faith 
 of the American people. Should the American people be un- 
 willing to redeem a promise made to us, the fixing of a date 
 would help matters in no respect. Were the Filipino people 
 in position to demand by force the performance by the Ameri- 
 can people of their promises, I should say that a promise with 
 a fixed date for its completion would perhaps be better than 
 one without it, for we should then know when the day of reckon- 
 ing would begin. But as we are powerless to enforce the re- 
 demption of the promise in one case just as we are in the other, 
 the date of the fulfillment is, from this point of view, of no, 
 or of very little, consequence. We have learned through the 
 hardest of lessons that we can gain nothing by force from the 
 jieople of the United States, and it is well-nigh time that we 
 should know that nothing would more assuredly defeat our 
 hopes for the future than any attempt at the use of violence 
 to secure the recognition of our independence. We are abso- 
 lutely at the mercy of this powerful Nation, and we can 
 only appeal to the sentiments of justice and fair dealing of 
 the .Vmerican people if we are ever to reach the goal of our 
 ambition. Mr. Chairman, I wish to take advantage of this op- 
 portunity to give in all earnestness a word of advice to my own 
 countrymen. They should have faith in this country, and 
 should demonstrate it by their deeds as well as by their words. 
 The fixing of the date or the establishment of the conditions 
 G934S— 14200 
 
17 
 
 for tlie granting of independence is a proposal which I favored 
 in the former Jones bill. I should still favor it now were it 
 possible to embody it in this hill, but such a provision is de- 
 manded by considerations not connected in any way with the 
 possibility of bad faith on the part of the American people. 
 [A,pplause.] 
 
 THURSDAY, OCTOBER 1, 1914. 
 
 The Philippine Bill. 
 
 The Speaker. Under the special rule the House automatically re- 
 solves itself into Committee of the Whole House on the state of the 
 Union for the further consideration of House bill 18459, with the gentle- 
 man from Virginia [Mr. Flood] in the chair. 
 
 Thereupon the House resolved itself into Committee of the Whole 
 House on the state of the Union for the further consideration of the 
 hill (11. R. 18450) to declare the purpose of the people of the United 
 States as to the future political status of the people of the Philippine 
 Islands, and to provide a more autonomous government for those 
 islands, with Mr. Flood of Virginia in the chair. 
 
 The CmviRMAX. The House is in Committee of the Whole House on 
 the state of the Union for the consideration of the hill II. 11. 18459, 
 the Philippine bill, of which the Clerk will report the title. 
 
 The Clerk read as follows ; 
 
 “A bill (II. I?. 18459) to declare the purpose of the people of the 
 United States as to the future political status of the people of the 
 Philippine Islands, and to provide a more autonomous government for 
 those islands.” 
 
 Mr. QUEZON. Mr. Chairman, the bill we are now discussing 
 is of momentous importance to 10,000.000 people on the other 
 side of the Pacific Ocean; it affects their life, their property, 
 their welfare, and, what is more vital than all else, their 
 liberty. The action of the Congress upon this bill will deter- 
 mine whether the long struggle for freedom, wherein those 
 people have been engaged with untold sacrifice in life and 
 wealth, will be crowned with success or doomed to dishearten- 
 ing failure 
 
 The bill is also important to 100,000,000 people on this side of 
 the Pacific: it puts to a test the foundations of their national 
 life and it affects their national duty as much as their national 
 honor. 
 
 SIGXIFICAXCB OF THE BILL. 
 
 Let no man upon this Coor have any doubts regarding the 
 nature of the question upon which he is to vote. In its last 
 analysis that question is simply this: Will you, as a Christian 
 and powerful Nation, do to another Christian but weak nation 
 what the Golden Rule commands you to do? Will j'ou, as the 
 offspring of those who pledged their lives, their property, and 
 their sacred honor to the enforcement of the principle that all 
 men are born free and are entitled to their freedom, and that 
 just governments derive their powers from the consent of the 
 governed, be true to the covenant of your fathers? Naj', the 
 question involves more than the observance or disregard of a 
 duty imposed by general or, as some may cynically say, out- 
 worn principles. The question is whether you are ready to 
 redeem or would prefer to repudiate concrete and recent prom- 
 ises, both expressed and implied, made in the name of your 
 faithful and honorable Nation to the people of the Pldlippine 
 Islands, that the dawn of a glorious day .shall come when full 
 justice will he done them and when every opportunity shall be 
 C9348— 14290 2 
 
18 
 
 given for self-development and progress under tlie auspices of 
 tlielr own free and independent flag. [Applause.] 
 
 THE rniLirnxE islands. 
 
 Jlr. Cliairinan, tbe Philippines are an archipelago lying be- 
 tween latitudes 21° and 40° north and between meridians 11G° 
 and 127° east longitude. On these islands nature has bestowed 
 with generous hand and in harmonious combination her riches 
 and her beauties. Millions of acres of agricultural laud capable 
 of growing all kinds of tropical products; forests with excellent 
 woods in large quantity and variety ; mines of gold and silver 
 and rich deposits of lead, iron, and petroleum ; glorious sunsets, 
 moonlight and stormy ui.ghts, cascades, lakes, valleys, rivers, 
 mountains, volcanoes, enchanting inland seas, and beautiful 
 panoramas make this land the “ Pearl of the Orient.” 
 
 This is the country which in the daj-break of a beautiful 
 May morning of 1898 witnessed the majestic entrance into 
 Manila Bay of a powerful fleet bearing the death sentence of 
 Spanish sovereignty in the Philippine Islands. 
 
 THE FILIPINO PEOPLE. 
 
 This country was then, as it is now, the dwelling, the home, 
 of a people homogeneous in race, one in religion — with the 
 exception of a proportionately small number of uncivilized non- 
 Christians — welded together into a common nationality and 
 united in a single overmastering ambition — to be free and 
 independent. 
 
 These people had then been, for three long centuries, subject 
 to the civilizing and ennobling influence of the doctrines of the 
 Saviour, which they had espoused and which taught them the 
 equality and the dignity of men. Science, arts, and letters 
 were then familiar subjects among the leaders of that people, 
 as public instruction was already within reach of the masses, a 
 large percentage of whom had become literate. Social life 
 among the wealthy and highly educated class was similar to 
 that of the corresponding class in western Europe, except that 
 there were never aristocratic tendencies among the wealthy and 
 educated Filipinos. An ideal home with mutual devotion be- 
 tween husband and wife and between parents and children 
 constituted the solid foundation of this growing community. 
 The hospitality and sobriety of these i>eople were then, as they 
 are now, among their most conspicuous characteristics, just as 
 their thirst for education and love for freedom were and are 
 their greatest national ^-irtues. 
 
 Such were the iieople who a decade and a half ago fell under 
 the sovereignly of the United States. 
 
 PUBLIC SCHOOLS DUEING THE SPANISH k£GIME. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, tbe foregoing general but true description of 
 the Filipino people would naturally give the committee an idea 
 as to their education iirevious to American occupation different 
 from and opixisite to the impression that the remarks of the 
 gentleman from Minnesota [Mr. Miller] made the other day 
 would convey. The gentleman from Minnesota in the course of 
 his speech said : 
 
 When the American flag was first unfurled in that part of the globe 
 there was no adequate system of public instruction. There was a 
 “ paper system ” promulgated by the Spanish Government, which was 
 never put into effect. 
 
 603-lS— 1429G 
 
19 
 
 Then lie proceeded: 
 
 If you could rend the Licautifu! reports which the Governor General 
 sent back to the Cortes of Spain, you would find many slowins accounts 
 of the schools and the teachers and the pupils, but the teachers and 
 the schools and the juipils had little physical existence outside of the 
 imagination of the man who penned the lines. There were some- 
 schools back a little earlier than ISOS. They were church schools; 
 there were no public schools, however, under the supervision of the 
 Government excepting a limited few, 
 
 Mr. Cbairmaii, at the time these remarks were made by the 
 gentleman from Minnesota he was kind enough to allow me to 
 make the statement that there were public schools in the Philip- 
 pines long before American occupation, and that, in fact. I was 
 myself educated in one of those schools, although my native 
 town is a very small village isolated in the mountains of the 
 northeastern part of the island of Luzon. What I then said 
 I now reiterate. 
 
 That the system of public instruction established by the 
 Spanish Government was far less efficient than the system 
 established by the United States is, of course, unqualitiedly 
 true; but that such a system was to be found only on “paper,” 
 and that the teachers and the schools and the pupils had little 
 actual existence outside of the “ imagination ” of the man who 
 wrote that paper is very "ude of the mark. 
 
 Why, Mr. Chairman, as early as the year 1S6G, when the total 
 population of the Philippine Islands was only 4.411,201, and 
 when the total number of municipalities in the archipelago was 
 900, the number of public schools was S41 for boys and S33 for 
 girls, and the number of boys attending these schools was 
 135,098 and of girls 95,200 ; and these schools were real build- 
 ings, and the pupils alert, intelligent, living human beings. In 
 1892 the number of schools had increased to 2,137, of which 
 1,087 wore for boys and 1,050 for girls. I have seen with my 
 own eyes man.y of these schools and thousands of these pupils. 
 They were not “ chui’ch schools,” but schools created, sup- 
 ported, and maintained by the Government. 
 
 How real these schools were can be gathered from the para- 
 graph that I shall directly read from the Philippine census — an 
 American-made document. It should be noted that to a certain 
 extent the census shares the pessimistic views of the gentleman 
 from Minnesota regarding said schools, yet it admits that the 
 schools were something more substantial than the creatures of a 
 prolific imagination. After giving the number of schools and 
 pupils as I stated them and depicting the deficiencies of that 
 sj'stem of education, the census makes this remarkable ad- 
 mission : 
 
 Popular instruction attained a more than average advance, evidently 
 due to the naturai taient, the virtue of the race, and its precocity and 
 wiliin.gness to he educated, all of which were characteristic and com- 
 mon qualities of young Filipinos. 
 
 How could any advance in popular instruction have been pos- 
 sible at all if there were no schools and no teachers and no 
 pupils? 
 
 LITERACT rniOR TO AMERICAN OCCCPATION. 
 
 There is still another evidence of the existence of old schools 
 and of the pupils I have described. According to this same cen- 
 sus, those who could neither read nor write when you arrived 
 at Manila were only 55.5 per cent of the population 10 years of 
 0034S— 1420G 
 
20 
 
 age ami over. IIow did the remaining 44.5 become literate? 
 By intuition perhap.s? [Laughter.] 
 
 I am inclined to believe, Mr. Chairman, that the utterances 
 of the gentleman from Minnesota [Mr. Miller] upon which I 
 have connnented were more or less rhetorical figures of s[)eech. 
 The gentleman's gift as a born orator does not seem to permit 
 him to adhere merely to bare, cold facts. He doubtless meant only 
 to convey to the committee a graphic idea of the unsatisfactory 
 system of education and of the poor quality of the schools 
 under Spain as compared with the system and the sc-hools we 
 now have. If so, the gentleman from Minnesota has more than 
 a mere excuse for his statement; he has a justification in fact. 
 [Laughter and applause.] 
 
 But while I could thus explain the seeming inaccuracy of the 
 gentleman from Minnesota, I am at a loss to understand, Mr. 
 Chairman, how it was possible for the gentleman from Ohio 
 [Mr. Fess], a distinguished and learned professor, as I am in- 
 formed he is, to make upon this floor the amazing remark that 
 to-day 85 per cent of the population of the Philippines can 
 neither read nor write! 
 
 It will be noticed that the figures of the census I have already 
 cited regarding persons who could neither read nor write were 
 55.5 per cent, or 30 per cent lower than the figures given by the 
 gentleman from Ohio; and, further, that those figures of the 
 census represented the degree of literacy prior to 1903, while 
 the figures of the gentleman from Ohio refer to the supposed 
 illiteracy in this year of grace 1914. Is it possible that illiteracy 
 in the Philippines was lower before American schools were estab- 
 lished there? Have we, then, retrograded? Can these American 
 schools have served to render the Filipino people more illiterate 
 than before? What a humiliating tale would that be for the 
 American government in the islands, whose beneficial and ui> 
 lifting influence has been so enthusiastically described by the 
 gentleman from Ohio himself. Fortunately for you and for 
 us, Mr. Chairman, and for the common glory of both your 
 teachers and our youth, such is not the case, for instead of going 
 backward we have, as everybody knows, gone onward by leaps 
 and bounds. [Applause on the Democratic side.] 
 
 rniVATE SCHOOLS, COLLEGES, AND CNIVERSITT UNDER SPAIN. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, returning to the condition of education during 
 Si>anish regime. I have shown convincingly to the most skep- 
 tical, I think, that there were public schools in the Philippines, 
 though not half as good or as numerous as the schools of 
 to-day, half a century before American occupation, and that 
 those schools were not private or church schools, as the gentle- 
 man from 5Iimiesota would have us believe. It is absolutely 
 true, however, that besides these public schools there were also 
 church and other jirivate schools, as there were colleges and 
 one univer.sity where professional training was given. Some 
 of these institutions preceded for many hundred years the 
 estaldishment of Government schools. Founded and supported 
 by private funds, these institutions were to be found not only 
 in JIanila but in I he Provinces as well. The more impor- 
 tant of tlie colleges were Santo Tonu'i.s, San .Juan de Letn'in, 
 Ateneo ^lunicipal, Escuela Normal, .San Jose, Escuela NYiutica 
 Xationa!, Escuela de Coiitaduria. Academia de I’intura y 
 Dibujo, and the seminaries in Manila, Nuevo Segovia, Cebu, 
 Ct)34S— 1429G 
 
21 
 
 Jaro, and Xneva Caceres. The college of Santo Tomas, founded 
 in l.jlO, was converted into the university of the same name 
 in 16-15, since which date this institution of learning has 
 given to the scientific world distinguished men in almost every 
 branch of science. Bishops, members of the Spanish Parliament, 
 high officers in the Spanish Army, priests, judges, doctors in phi- 
 losophy, in medicine, and in laws are to be found in the long list 
 of distinguished pupils of this ancient alma mater of the Fili- 
 pino youth. Living witnesses to-day of the efficiency of these 
 colleges, seminaries, and this university are the speaker of the 
 Philippine Assembly, the three Filipino members of the insular 
 supreme court, among them the chief justice, who was honored 
 hj' the University of Yale with the degree of doctor of laws, the 
 Filipino members of the Philippine Commission, the two Filipino 
 bishops of the Eoman Catholic Church, the members of the 
 Assemblj', the attorney general, the Filipino judges of the courts 
 of flrst instance, the provincial fiscals (prosecuting attorneys), 
 the provincial governors, some of the Filipino treasurers, and 
 some of the professors in the government university. In a word, 
 almost every one of the Filipino officials occupying responsible 
 and important positions now were all educated at those centers, 
 since the youth educated in American schools have not as j’et 
 attained the maturity to occupy such positions. 
 
 AIIEEIC.VN PUBLIC SCHOOLS. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, enough of this past history. Let me nov.' come 
 dov,-n to the education of the day. I need not, I am sure, long de- 
 tain the committee on this subject, for there are few things 
 among those accomplished in the Philippines during your time that 
 have been so widely published as the work done in education. 
 It may not he amiss, however, to indicate that the average en- 
 rollment for the last 10 years of our public .schools has been 
 half a million, and that the number of public schools, according 
 to the latest report of the director of education, is 4,304. Plow 
 much these schools have accomplished can be gathered from the 
 following statement of the Chief of the Bureau of Insular 
 Affairs in his report to the Secretary of War of March, 1013: 
 “At least 3.000.000 children have been instructed in English,” 
 said Gen. ilclntyre. 
 
 There is a further evidence of the achievement of these 
 schools. M'hen they were first established in the islands, in 
 view of the fact that all the instruction had to be given in En.g- 
 lish, and that there were scarcely any Filipinos who knew this 
 language, few, if any, Filipinos were appointed teachers. To- 
 day, of the total of 9,483 teachers teaching English 8,825 are 
 Fiiipinos. I shall pause here, l.Ir. Chairman, long enough to 
 compare the statement made by the .gentleman from Minnesota 
 as to the capacity of the Filipino teacher to take charge of a 
 school independent of any American supervision with that re- 
 cently made liy the director of education. 
 
 Let me read what the gentleman from Minnesota said in his 
 speech : 
 
 I also wanted to see what was the result to the school of removln,g 
 American supervision. So 1 traveled and I saw. I found that wher- 
 ever American supervision was immediate, was direct, was there on 
 the ground, the work of the teacher and the children and the school 
 was etScient. It was what you might call satisfactory. The spirit 
 was good. The morale was good. Thin.gs were shipshape. The atmos- 
 phere was such as you would like to see in a school. But, without a 
 single exception, when you removed that immediate supervision and 
 C934S— 1I29C 
 
22 
 
 allowed :i seliool in cliarso of a Filipino teacher to be removed and 
 separated and to exist bj’ itself the decline was immediate and most 
 disheartening. 
 
 Oh, I visited so many of the schools that if they had not been named 
 “ schools ” I would never have known that they were schools, because 
 the supervision was not there, eloquently testifying to the capacity of 
 the Filipino teachers to respond to the ideas that they see and to the 
 utmost importance of the supervision and direction on the part of the 
 American supervising force. Tliis does not mean the Filipino teacher 
 never can bo self-reliant ; it simply means that, while advancing, he has 
 not yet reached it. 
 
 Contrast with this the words of the director of education in 
 his special report of January 23, 1914 : 
 
 It has been the policy of the bureau of education to lay an increasing 
 amount of responsibility upon the Filipino teacher. As a result, where 
 live years ago' there were 70 Filipino and 390 American supervising 
 teachers, there are to-day 124 icilipiuo supervising teachers and 185 
 American Moreover, there are a number of Filipinos assigned to 
 work which is at least equal in importance and responsibility to that 
 of the supervising teachers. There are now 29 Filipino provincial in- 
 dustrial supervisbr.s, and this number will be constantly increased. 
 There are at present 120 intermediate schools with Filipino principals. 
 Five years ago there were 208 Filipino and 366 American teachers en- 
 gaged in intermediate instruction. At the present time there are 430 
 Filipinos and 148 Americans. Primary instruction, except in a very 
 few classes where special work is being carried on, is entirely in the 
 hands of Filipinos. 
 
 It would not be far from the truth to state that the school system 
 as it existed seven years ago, wilh the exception of certain administra- 
 tive ofiicers, has been almost completely I'ilipinized. 
 
 ]‘]videutly the director of education would uot have increased 
 ami would not coiiteuiiiiate a further increase in the number of 
 Filipino supervisors if such a policy resulted in defective sei’v- 
 ice. And it is also eviilent that the opinion of the director of 
 education is more authoritative in this case than that of the 
 gentleinau from iliuuesota, for the director of education has 
 had more time and opportunity to Know the facts, while it 
 has been his daily Inisiness to acquaint himself with the work 
 of the Filipino teachers. 
 
 iiiGurn ixsTRUCriox op to-day. 
 
 Keepin.g pace with the marvelous progress in the number and 
 quality of our public schools since American occupation, private 
 schools and collofics have also increased numerically, so that 
 to-day not only the old private schools and the institutions of 
 hi.gher instruction are in existence in the Philippine Islands, but 
 thousands upon thousands of new private .schools and .scores of 
 colleges for .girls and boys and one more university sustained h.y 
 the government, every one filled almost to its full capacity with 
 students, are to-day being carried on. 
 
 Ilefore passing lo another sub.ject it is interesting to notice 
 that the most striking feature of Filipino life to-day is the 
 ardent desire for education. I .shall quote, because it expresses 
 thj consensus of opinion on the sub,ject in the most concrete and 
 beautiful way, a few paragraphs of a speech made by Col. Ilar- 
 bord Iiefore the I.ake Mohonk conference in 1909. Col. Ilarbord, 
 who has been for over 10 years a colonel of constabulary sta- 
 tioned in tho Ph.ili[)i)ino.s, said: 
 
 No sojourner in the Philippines can fail to notice the intense desire 
 of all classes of the people for education. It is the wish of which he 
 will be most constantly reminded. Servants, coachmen, laborers, hun- 
 dreds of them, carry little phrase books of short-language methods 
 and are eaincstly striving to learn Knglish. * « * Public money 
 
 tor education is one appropriation never criticized by the vernacular 
 press of Manila. Night and day schools are well attended, and in some 
 of the former local olficials, overcoming their fear of ridicule and swal- 
 lowing their pride, have sat beside their own children as pupils Icarn- 
 693 18— 14296 
 
23 
 
 ins Enslis’i. * • » Certainly the desire for education is one of the 
 
 raovins motives of Filipino life to-day. Parents make the most complete 
 sacrifices to send their children to school, and the pupils themselves 
 endure hunger and privation to secure learning. 
 
 rUESEXT LITEIl.VCr ESTIMATED. 
 
 In view of wliat lias been said, Mr. Cbairman, I think I can 
 safelj' predict, without lieing overojitiiuistic, that if a new cen.sns 
 were to be taken to-day among the Christian po;inlation tlia 
 degree of illiteracy will be found to have fallen to 15 or 20 per 
 cent ; or, in other words, the S5 per cent mentioned by the gen- 
 tleman from Ohio will not represent those who can neither read 
 nor write, but those who can both read and write. 
 
 FIMPIXO APrilECIATIOX OF THE BENEFITS OP THE AMERICAN RfiGIME. 
 
 Jlr. Chairman, I shall not take up more time of the committee 
 in discussing the merits of the school system established in the 
 islands by the United States. The rapidity with which the Eng- 
 lish language has spread throughout -the archipelago and the 
 readiness with which Filipinos have become both able to use 
 that language and able also to teach it stand as an eloquent tes- 
 timonial not only to the intellectual capacity of the Filipino 
 people but also to the efficiency of that system, as well as to the 
 ability and devotion to duty of American teachers, both men and 
 women, who have done so much and so v,-ell by the Filipino 
 youth. God bless them. We shall never be able to repay their 
 labors. An elaborate discussion of that .system has been offered 
 by the gentleman from Minnesota [Mr. Miller], and, with the 
 exception of the statement regarding the Filipino supervising 
 te.achers to which I have already referred, I can substantially 
 indorse what he said. 
 
 :S * * * 
 
 THE EPHEMERAL PHILIPPINE P.EPCELIC. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, I shall now turn to another topic. In view 
 of the fact that there has been constant — I had almost said in- 
 tentional — uiisrepre.sentation of the ephemeral Philippine Itepub- 
 lic. its objects, and its achievements since the day when its 
 uphoiilers and framers were scattered by the American forces, 
 I feel it incumbent upon me on this occasion, when a new era 
 in the life of my country is dawning, to refer, however briefly, 
 to that great and immortal event in the history of the Philip- 
 pine Islands. 
 
 Prof. Jorge Bocobo, of the Philippine University, in his re- 
 cent historical monograph on the life of Felipe G. Calderon, 
 affords the following accurate and able revieiv of the facts 
 regarding the first Republic of the Eastern Hemisphere: 
 
 On September 15, 1893, the Philippine Congress met at Barasoain, 
 Province of Bulacan, composed of the best men that the island of 
 Luzon could give. .There were over 90 members, of whom about 40 
 were lawyers, 1G physleian.s, 5 pharmacists, 2 engineers, and 1 priest. 
 The rest were merchants and farmers. Jlany of the representatives 
 were graduates of European universities. I’edro A. Paterno, a lawyer, 
 educated in Spain, and a distinguished publicist, was the president of 
 the assembly. On Septcnihor 17, I’aterno delivered a tlirilling speech 
 in the name of human liberty. Among other things he said: 
 
 “ Filipinos, to-day begins a new era ; we are beholding the political 
 resurrection of our people. Amidst the glooms of yesterday, amidst 
 the graves of our heroes and martyrs, amidst the ruins of the past, 
 there arises and stands the refulgent genius of liberty, embracing all 
 the islands and uniting the Filipinos with bonds of holy brotherhood. 
 
 “ Liberty is the ideal purpose of our existence on earth, the founda- 
 tion of life and progress. 
 
 “Our past, the era cf cruelty, of deceit, of slavery, has ended. We 
 shall renew the history of the I’hilippines. » * ♦ 
 
 60348— 1429G 
 
24 
 
 “ Filipinos, proceed ! Let our steps be unflinching and ever forward ; 
 lot tliem be steps of justice, of love, of harmony, and of charity; let 
 us win the sympathy of the whole world with generous and humani- 
 tarian deeds; and let us write in the presence of the Lord, of the 
 Supreme Being, the oath of our independence.” 
 
 The rules of the Spanish Cougress were temporarily adopted. Com- 
 mittees were immediately created, one of which was composed of l.S 
 members, most of whom were able lawyers. Calderon likewise formed 
 a part of the committee ; he was requested to draft the constitution. 
 The committee reported the proposed constitution, through Calderon, 
 on October 8, 1898. The discussion of its articles in the congress 
 began on October t’G and ended November 29. when it was approved 
 and immediately trans.mitted to Aguinaldo for promulgation, which, 
 however, was not done until December 29 on account of certain amend- 
 ments recommended by the executive. The constitution was discussed 
 article by article in 17 meetings, Calderon strongly defending his work 
 from the attacks made. Among those who were prominent in the de- 
 bates were Tomas (J. del Uosario, Arcadio del Rosario, Joaquin Gon- 
 sialcs, Ignacio I'illamor, Ambrosio Rianzares Bautista, Alberta Bar- 
 retto, Aguedo Velarde, and I’ablo Tecson Roque. 
 
 The committee reported : 
 
 The work which the committee has the honor to submit to the 
 consideration of the congress is one of real selection, for the execution, 
 of which this committee has borne in mind not only the Freneh con- 
 stitution, which has been made the basis, but also those of Belgium, 
 Mexico, Brazil, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, and Guatemala, because these 
 nations are believed to be the ones most similar to our people.” 
 
 The first representative to take the floor was Arcadio del Rosario, 
 who contended that the work of the committee should have been 
 molded by the Constitution of the American Nation, which. “ being 
 the champion of liberty, is the most democratic nation, and with which 
 the Filipino people are united by strong ties of friendship and sym- 
 pathy.” Calderon rpplied that the gratitude which the Filipino people 
 owed the American Nation did not oblige them to adopt the institu- 
 tions of the latter, taking into consideration the differences in their 
 history, usages, and customs, and that the country was most akin, 
 politically, to the South American Republics and other I.atin nations. 
 The latter opinion prevailed in the convention, which fact does not 
 surprise those who know the forces that lie at the bottom of Filipino 
 institutions, and upon which those who would require as a condition 
 l)iecedent to I’liilippine independence a form of government patterned 
 after the .\merican Republic should seriously reflect. 
 
 The constitution established a democratic republic, which was par- 
 liamentary or responsible, unitary, and unicameral. The principle of 
 separation of powers was recognized, although the legislative branch 
 was supreme. 
 
 The preamble was formulated in the following terms : 
 
 ” We, the representatives of the Filipino people, legally assembled 
 to establish justice, provide for the common defense, promote the gen- 
 eral welfare and seeure the blessings of liberty, imploring the aid of 
 the Supreme Legislator of the Universe in order to attain these ends, 
 have voted upon, decreed, and sanctioned the following political con- 
 stitution.” 
 
 This constitution was of a temporary nature, as the people had not 
 yet elected delegates to a constitutional convention. 
 
 rOLlTIC.U, STATUS. 
 
 Title 1, headed ‘‘ Of the Republic,” contained the following declara- 
 tions : * 
 
 •• The political association of all Filipinos constitutes a nation, whose 
 State shall be known as I’bilippine Republic. 
 
 •• The riiilippine Uepublie is free and independent. 
 
 ” Sovereignts' resides exclusively in the people.” 
 
 These fundamental statements defining the status of the Republic 
 were expedient and timely, for the reason that the Malolos govern- 
 ment was just coming into light. However, during the debate the 
 objection was made that the second declaration was premature. An- 
 other point raised was that the proposed constitution did not determine 
 the territorial limits of the Republic. 
 
 FOEM OF GOVEEXMEXT. 
 
 Title 2, headed “ Of the government ” had but one article, as follows : 
 
 ” The government of the Itopublic is popular, representative, alter- 
 native, and responsible, and is exercised by three distinct powers, which 
 are denominated legislative, executive, and judicial. 
 
 “ Two ar more of these powers shall never be united In one person 
 or corporation, nor shall the legislative power be vested in one in- 
 dividual.” 
 
 G9318— 11290 
 
25 
 
 The committee, referring to this important declaration, reported : 
 
 “ The committee needs hut a little effort to demonstrate the need 
 of faithfully carrying out the doctrine of Montesquieu. » * # Hence 
 
 the establishment, absolutely independent from the executive and judi- 
 cial powers, of the national assembly, synthesis of popular sovereignty 
 and genuine representative of the highest prerogative of the people, 
 whieh is to make laws.” . 
 
 The fore.going must he read in connection with what Calderon said 
 several years afterwards, that “ the Congress of the Republic was the 
 supreme power in the whole nation.” It is' clear, therefore — and a 
 reading of the constitution will show it — that the English and French 
 idea of making the legislature sovereign took hold of the I’hilippinc 
 convention. What causes led to the adoption of such principle? The 
 revolution against Spain created a class of leaders who, on account of 
 the troublous times, assumed ample powers. This was to a certain 
 extent necessary for the time being, but the representatives saw the 
 extreme peril involved hv such state of affairs if continued indefiniteiy, 
 so they curtailed the power of the executive. It must not be under- 
 
 was the adviser of Aguinaldo, ever desired to make the latter a dictator. 
 
 Neither the article under consideration nor any other provision stated 
 whether the government was federal or unitary. But a simple glance 
 at the constitution reveals the fact that the latter system was sanc- 
 tioned. This feature of the constitution did not excite much contro- 
 versy, as the centuries of Spanish centralization had ingrained in the 
 habits of the people the practices of a unitary government. 
 
 EELIGIOX, 
 
 Title 3 deals with religion. Calderon proposed to follow the examples 
 of Spain, Argentina, Bolivia, Peru, Coiomhia, Paraguay, Uruguay, Costa 
 Eica, and Santo Domingo by the establishment of a State reiigion, the 
 Roman Catholic. However, he was in favor of allowing the private 
 exercise of any other religion, provided it was not contrary to morals 
 and good customs and did not subvert the security of the nation. His 
 idea was strongly opposed in the house, and this produced the most 
 learned and eloquent debate during the life of that body. The oppo- 
 sition was led by Thomas G. del Rosario. The debate lasted four days, 
 the speakers, especially Calderon and del Rosario, exhp.usting the argu- 
 ments on both sides and showing such profound knowledge of history 
 and the science of government that any legislature in the world would 
 be proud to have on its record a similar discussion. The first vote was 
 a tie — 25 to 25 — which indicates the irresistible logic of both sides. 
 The president declined to cast his deciding vote, so another one was 
 taken. At the second voting Representative Pablo Tecson Roque, who 
 did not vote at the first one, voted in favor of the opposition. Title 
 3, therefore, read thus ; 
 
 ” The State recognizes the liberty and equality of all religious wor- 
 ships, as well as the separation of t.he church and state.” 
 
 CIVIL AND POLITICAL EIGHTS. 
 
 Title 4 was headed thus : “ Of Filipinos and their national and in- 
 dividual rights.” This paragraph had 27 articles, in which the 
 privileges and immunities of freemen were clearly and emphatically 
 formulated. Aliens were likewise protected, as the new government 
 was intended to win the support of the enlightened opinion of the 
 world. The said rights were freedom from false and arbitrary im- 
 prisonment ; writ of habeas corpus, security of private property ; the 
 prohibition of criminal convictions unless by a competent court and ac- 
 cording to the laiv in force at the time of the commission of the crime ; 
 inviolability of private dwelling ; liberty to choose one’s residence and 
 exemption of Filipinos from deportation ; secrecy of correspondence ; 
 freedom of the press, right of petition, and to form associations not 
 contrary to public morals ; freedom of instruction, primary education 
 being compulsory ; right of aliens to engage in their profession or 
 industrial pursuit ; prohibition of special courts, except military and 
 naval courts having jurisdiction over crimes against discipline ; illegal- 
 ity of Institutions permanently entailing property and prohibition of 
 titles of nobility ; and invalidity of taxes not imposed by the assembly 
 or other competent authority and in accordance with the form pre- 
 scribed by law. There were three articles of general character : 
 
 “ No Filipino who may be in the full enjoyment of his civil and 
 political rights shall be hindered in the free exercise thereof. 
 
 “ Crimes committed on the occasion of the exercise of the rights stated 
 In this title shall be punished by the courts according to the law of the 
 land. 
 
 G0348— 14290 
 
2G 
 
 “ Tlie onumerntion of the rights stated in this title docs not imply the 
 prohibition ot otiiers not especialiy consecrated.” 
 
 Some of those articics iiad for their source the Spanisli constitution 
 of June 30. 1870. A few were taken from the Helttian constitution of 
 February 30, 1831. such as article 20. which ordered that no previous 
 authorization was necessary to lii-osecute public oflicials. The enumera- 
 tion, however, was broader and more cITcctive than that of tlie consti- 
 tutions of Spain and r>eigium. It compared favorably with the declara- 
 tion of rialits contained in the constitution of any country. This was 
 because the representatives of the Filipino people cherished the idea 
 of constructing a government founded upon the imperishable truths 
 secured l)y tlie human race from kingcraft and upon tlio.se indestructible 
 principles which cDnstitutc the mainstay of modern civilization. 
 
 However, it is doubted by many whether the Philippine Itepublic could 
 have protected these constitutional Iliiertics. It must be admitted, 
 however, that the Filipino people, in consecrating these salutary princi- 
 ples at the first opportunity they had, without even waiting for the 
 result of the diplomatic negotiations at I’aris. and at the very time 
 wlien militarism was at the height of its iufiuepce in the I’lii'lippine 
 Itepublic, have shown that there is in the woof and warp of their social 
 fabric a strong, firm attachment to liberty and law. a force which, had 
 the Itepublic been recognized, would iiave summoned the energies ot 
 the nation in the upbuilding of a stable and progressive state. No one 
 denies the possibilit3' of disorder in a country with a newly organized 
 government. Imt the question as to whether .social convulsions are apt 
 to become chronic depends largely, if not exclusively, upon the temper 
 and habits of the people. Now. the Fiiipino iieoiile are peaceful and 
 slow to condemn the enormity of abuses. They do not have the irapet- 
 uousness of character and the revolutionary spirit of Spaniards r.nd 
 Spanish-.Vmericans. Tl.eir re.=pect for iiie constituted authorities has 
 been observed liy .American oflicials and demonstrated by the undeniable 
 fact that the Sivanisli Government, in .spite of its intolerable oppression, 
 easily maintained order for centuries with a small number of soldiers. 
 If w'e take into account this trait of the Filipinos, it is reasonable to 
 presume that the constitutional safeguards declared in the Malolos doc- 
 ument would have been supported and upheld by a strong and steady 
 government. Hut it is often said that the "politicians” would have 
 produced anarchy and chaos and that such constitutional guaranties 
 would have been a contemplihle mockery. The experience of the 8pan- 
 ish-Ainerican Kepubiics is pointed out to strengthen the contention. 
 But a mere presidential election can plunge most of the countries south 
 of the United States into a civil war and tlius force a suspension of 
 individual rights, because the leaders take advantage of tiio indomitable 
 nature and warlike tendencies of the pecple. In the I’liilippines only a 
 question of life and death to the country could produce a serious com- 
 motion. because the Filipinos arc law-abiding and self-restraint is a 
 dominant feature of their national char.acter. 
 
 The remaining titles, except the last two, treated of the structure ot 
 the I’hilippine republic. Titles 5 and 0 dealt with the legislative 
 power : titles 7 to 9, with the executive department : title 10. with the 
 .iudieiary ; and title 11. with provincial and municipal governments. 
 Title 12 was about finance, title 13 provided for tlie amendment of 
 the constitution, and title 14 referred to constitutional oath and other 
 matters. There were also some temporary provisions. 
 
 TUB LEGISL.VTIKE. 
 
 Tlie legislature was unicameral, the examples of Greece. Costa Itica, 
 Nicaragua, Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, and Santo Domingo having 
 hcon followed. This system has liecn so generally rejected that an ex- 
 planation of the reasons for its adoption in the islands would seem not 
 to ho out of place. There were three grounds upon which Calderon 
 based his proposal : (1) That in the Philippines there were no con- 
 flicting interests, as in Europe and the L’uitcd States; (2) that the 
 country was in a formative period, and the existence of two cliamhcrs 
 was liable to clog and embarrass the affairs of the state: and (3) that 
 there might not Iiave been enough men for both cliamhcrs. The 
 Malolos congress did not devote much attention to this important 
 question. It was simply taken for granted tliat there was no need 
 of an upper house, which, it was feared, might have become the bul- 
 wark of special privileges. This action of the assembly demonstrated 
 its overruling spirit, which was to banish from these shores all in- 
 stitutions which had a proneness to crush democratic polity. The 
 writer is not unmindful of the fact that in most cases tlie purpose ot 
 au upper chamber is merely to secure calm and wise legislation, and 
 that such body dees not necessarily undermine popiiiar government, hut 
 he is merely stating the primal thought of the Filipino representatives. 
 
 C9348— 14290 
 
27 
 
 Another phase of the legislature which is strange to Americans but 
 not to Europeans was its supremacy over the other powers. In the 
 first place the parliamentary or responsible system, as opposed to the 
 presidential or nonresponsihle type, was preferred. Then a permanent 
 committee of the legislature was created. 
 
 PAELIAMENTABY SYSTEM. 
 
 The Malolos constitution worked out the European system, as fol- 
 lows : The legislature elected the president of the republic. The latter, 
 as well as the representatives, initiated legislative measures. He could 
 dissolve the legislature, with the consent, however, of the assembly 
 or of the permanent committee, in pursuance of articles 30 and 70. The 
 latter article was taken from article 5 of the French law of February 
 25, 1S75, with this difference, that in France the Senate gives the 
 necessary consent to the dissolution of the National Assembly. .Tust 
 how the Malolos assembly could have been dissolved in case of its 
 refusal to adjourn did not appear in the constitution. Mabini pro- 
 posed to eliminate said consent, hut the assembly rejected his idea. 
 The secretaries of the government were ‘‘ collectively responsible to 
 the assembly for the general policy of the government and individually 
 for their own personal acts,” which provision was a literal copy of 
 article G of the French law of February 25, 1875 ; they could speak 
 in congress. The house could pass a vote of censure, and every member 
 thereof had a right to address an interpellation to the government. 
 
 Let us sec whether the cabinet or parliamentary system was better 
 for the Filipinos than the presidential system. This is an intricate 
 problem, but two statements may be ventured: (1) That the parlia- 
 mentary system was more expedient, because it was the one known to 
 the Filipinos: and (2) that a nourcsponsible government, the capital 
 drawback of which is, according to Mr. Bryce, its “ want of unity,” 
 would not have responded to the stern exigencies of the period. The 
 first Philippine Commission criticized the system adopted by the Fili- 
 pinos. saying : 
 
 "They (the Filipinos) had never dreamed of the simple American 
 plan of giving the chief executive large powers and of holding him 
 strictly accountable for the use made of them, his cabinet being merely 
 an advisory body, and they had not risen to the great and fruitful con- 
 ception of the complete separation and mutual independence of the 
 executive, judicial, and legislative departments of government. It will 
 take time and require visible demoustration of the American method 
 of a strong executive who Shall be completely independent of the 
 legislature.” . 
 
 The above opinion is, of course, based upon the assumption that the 
 American arrangement is better than the European plan. This question 
 is one of the most delicate problems of modern political science, and 
 the commis.s ion's view, therefore, merely states one side of fno con- 
 troversy. Had the I’hilippine congress given Aguinaldo a strong hand, 
 the advocates of the theory of our supposed incapacity would now un- 
 doubtedly make a weighty argument of this fact to show that the 
 republic was a sham and that political absolutism was the all-absorbing 
 principle. 
 
 THE PEHMAXEXT COMMITTEE. 
 
 The permanent committee of the legislature was an institution 
 adopted frem Mexico, Chile, Par.aguay, Uruguay, Haiti. Guatemala, and 
 Costa Rica, especially from the last two countries. It was to perform 
 its duties during the recess of congress. Its powers were to decide 
 whether impeachment proceedings could be instituted ; to call a special 
 session of the assembly, with the concurrence of the president ; to dis- 
 patch pending business, so that the same could be discussed by con- 
 gress : to call a special session of the legislature ; and to take the 
 place of the assembly in ail its powers, except the making of lav/s. 
 
 XATUIiE OP A REPGESEXT.VTIVE’S DUTY. 
 
 Another matter which deserves special attention in connection with 
 the legislature is the duty of each member, as defined iu the following 
 provision : 
 
 •• The members of the assembly shall represent the whole nation and 
 not merely the electors choosing them. No representative shall receive 
 any binding instruction from the electors.” 
 
 This principle is seldom enunciated in constitutions. Yet it be- 
 speaks the admirable foresight and broad statesmanship of the authors 
 of the Philippine constitution. Universal experience vouches for the 
 soundness of such doctrine. As President tVilson said : 
 
 “ If the representative bo a mere delegate, local interests must 
 clash and contend in legislation to tho destruction of all unity and 
 consistency iu policy ; if however, the representative he not a mere 
 69348—14206 
 
28 
 
 delegate, but a fully empowered member of the central government, 
 coherence, consistency, and power may be given to all national move- 
 ments of self-direction.” 
 
 OTHER POWERS OP THE ASSEMBLY. 
 
 Little remains to be said regarding the legislative department. The 
 constitution did not enumerate the general powers of the congress, as 
 written constitutions generally do. The usual parliamentary privileges 
 were guaranteed. The assembly determined the rules of its proceedings, 
 judged the elections and qualifications of its members and approved 
 their resignations, and elected its officers. It tried all impeachments. 
 No representative could accept any pension, employment, or commission 
 with emolument, except the secretaryships of the executive department 
 or other offices enumerated by special laws. The representatives held 
 office for four years. 
 
 THE EXECUTIVE DEP.tRTMEXT. 
 
 Titles 7 to 9. as above stated, treated of the executive department. 
 The executive power was vested in a president of the republic, who 
 exercised such power through his secretaries. In addition to what has 
 already been said in connection with the cabinet government, the fol- 
 lowing provisions may bo noticed : The president appointed to all civil 
 and military positions, designated the secretaries, conducted diplo- 
 matic and commercial relations with other powers, looked after the 
 prompt and full administration of justice, granted pardons, presided 
 over state functions, and received envoys and ambassadors of foreign 
 powers accredited to him. lie needed the authority of a special law 
 to alienate, cede, or exchange any part of Philippine territory ; to in- 
 corporate any other territory with that of the I'hilippine Islands ; to 
 admit foreign troops into said territory ; to ratify treaties of ofTensivo 
 and defensive alliance, special treaties of commerce, those stipulating 
 the payment of subsidies to any foreign power, and all treaties which 
 might have been bindin.g upon Filipinos individually, provided that in 
 no case could secret articles of a treaty annul public ones ; to grant 
 general amnesties and pardons and to coin money, lie commanded the 
 army and the navy, declared war and made and ratified peace, with the 
 previous consent of the assembl.v. lie promulgated the laws within 20 
 days ; laws could be passed over his veto by a two-thirds vote. Ilis 
 election was for four years, and he could bo reelected. He was re- 
 sponsible only in case of high treason. He had seven secretaries — 
 for foreign affairs, of interior, finance, war and navy, public instruc- 
 tion, communications and public works, and agriculture, industry, and 
 commerce. Ali his orders were to be signed by the proper secretary, 
 without which requisite such orders were not to be obeyed. 
 
 . THE JUDICI.VL DEPARTMENT. 
 
 The judiciary was regulated by title 10. The chief justice and the 
 attorney general were appointed by the nationai assembly in concur- 
 rence with the president and his secretaries. Every citizen had a ri.ght 
 to institute criminal action against all members of the judiciary for 
 crimes committed in the disch.irge of their duties. Although the con- 
 stitution was silent on the subject, .vet it is safe to jiresume that the 
 courts did not have power to decide the constitutionality of laws, 
 because the legislature was supreme, as already pointed out. 
 
 LOCAL GOVERNMENT. 
 
 Title 11 declared the principles upon which provincial and municipal 
 governments were based. I.ocal autonomy was protected as long as 
 the I’rovinces and municipalities did not override the limits of their 
 powers. 
 
 FINANCE. 
 
 The budget and taxation were dealt with in title 3 2. The executive 
 department was to prepare the budget every year. No payment could 
 be made but in accordance with an appropriation or other special law 
 in the form and under the responsibility determined by law, which pro- 
 vision appears to be better and more explicit and efficacious than Ar- 
 ticie 1. section !), paragraph 7, United States Constitution, and sec- 
 tion 5 of the Philippine bill ; it is because Calderon was an economist, 
 and ho saw the importance of fixing the responsibility before iaw and 
 public opinion for reckless management of the people's money. A 
 special law was necessary for the disposal of property of the state and 
 for the borrowing of money on the credit of the nation. The public 
 debt was under the special protection of the nation. No debt was to 
 bo contracted unless the means with which to pay the same were 
 approved at the same lime, which shows that the men who organized 
 the Philippine republic wanted to avoid the dangers to which some 
 South .\nierican Itepublics are exposed when they fail to pay their 
 debts to European nations. 
 
 C9348— 1429C 
 
29 
 
 AMENDMEXT OP THE CONSTITDTION. 
 
 Title 13 related to the amendment of the constitution by a con- 
 stitutional convention : amendments were to he proposed by the assem- 
 hly or the president. Lastly, there were some temporary provisions. 
 
 ESTI.M.VTE OF THE PIIILIPPIXE HEPUBLIC BY AMEIilCAN OBSEKVERS. 
 
 IMr. ('liainiian, it is true that the government provided for by 
 this consiituliou liardly came into existence; but that was due 
 to the ag.gression of a strong foreign foe. Indeed, almost upon 
 the very inauguration of the Philippine Republic the hostilities 
 between the American and Filipino forces were begun, and 
 therefore martial law was unavoidably proclaimed. 
 
 Short as was the life of this government, however, and 
 struggling, as it had to, for its very existence, first with Spain 
 and later with the United States, it lived long enough to show 
 that if it had been permitted to gi'ow and maintain its place 
 among the independent nations of the world it would have con- 
 tributed its due share to the advancement of mankind. It is 
 worth while to recall once more what two officials of the United 
 States Navy reported to Admii-al Dewey with regard to that 
 government. I therefore quote a part of that report : 
 
 It has been my privilege to have been intimately associated with the 
 Filipino people for a short time at a most interesting period of their his- 
 tory. With the permission of Admiral Dewey I spent the greater part of 
 the months of October and November of 1898, in company with Pay- 
 master W. B. Wilcox. United States Navy, in tlie interior of the northern 
 part of the island of Luzon. It will be remembered that at that date 
 the United States had not yet announced its policy in regard to the Phil- 
 ippines. The terms of the treaty with Spain were Iteing negotiated by 
 our commissioners at Paris, and the fate of the islands hung in the 
 balance. In the meantime, the native population, taking matters into 
 their own hands, had declared their independence from all foreign juris- 
 diction and had set up a provisional government, with Aguinaldo at its 
 head. • * * Although this government has never been recognized 
 
 and in all probability will go out of existence without recognition, yet 
 it can not bo denied that, in a region occupied by many millions of in- 
 habitants. for nearly six months it stood alone between anarchy and 
 order. The military forces of the United States held control only in 
 Manila, with its environs, and in Cavite, and had no authority to pro- 
 ceed further, while in the vast remaining districts the representatives of 
 the only other recognized power on the field were prisoners in the hands 
 of their despised subjects. It was the opinion at Manila during this 
 anomalous period in our Philippine relations, and possibly in the United 
 States as well, that the state of affairs must breed something akin to 
 anarchy. » » * j can state unreservedly, however, that Mr. Wilcox 
 
 and I found the existing conditions to be much at variance with this 
 opinion. During our absence from Manila we traveled more than GOO 
 miles in a very comprehensive circuit through the northern part of the 
 island of Luzon, traversing a characteristic and important district. In 
 this way we visited seven Provinces, of which some were under immedi- 
 ate control of the central government at Malolos, while others were 
 remotely situated, separated from each other and from tlie seat of gov- 
 ernment by' natural divisions of land, and accessible only by lengthy and 
 arduous travel. As a tribute to the efficiency of Aguiualdo’s government 
 and to the law-abiding character of his subjects, I offer the fact that 
 Mr. Wilcox and I pursued our journey throughout in perfect security 
 and returned to Manila with only the most pleasing recollections of the 
 (juiet and orderly life which we found the natives to be leading under 
 the nev/ rdgime. 
 
 PROGRESSIVE TEXDEXCIES OP THE PHILIPPINE REPUBLIC. 
 
 • Mr. Cliairniau, among the things done by this ephemeral gov- 
 ernment, most significant for the future becausa they clearly 
 indicate the tendencies of the governmental forces at yvork and 
 what they would have done for the Filipino people had they 
 endured, are the establishment of free and compulsory public 
 education and provision for the creation of a government uni- 
 versity. Does history record another instance of a newborn 
 government which, during the few months of its existence and 
 6934S— 1429G 
 
30 
 
 while it was still carrying on war, proceeded to take steps for the 
 spread and promotion of public instruction among the masses? 
 
 Mr. Chairman, the world will yet acknowledge, when the pas- 
 sions of contemporary men have cooled off, that our short-lived 
 Kepnhlic was, as the late Senator Hoar said, a testimonial to 
 Filipino intelligence, justice, and patriotism. 
 
 ******* 
 AMERICAN RULE. 
 
 Let me now say a word about the achievements of the Ameri- 
 can Government in the Philippine Islands. While it is a fact 
 that your work in the Philiiipines has not been as free from 
 errors as the former oflicials of the Philippine Government in 
 their self-laudation would have us believe, no just man on that 
 account would underrate the value of j'our work as a whole, and, 
 considering all the circumstances, it must be admitted that you 
 have done marvels. 
 
 In 15 years of American occupation we have been given, 
 though, of course, at our own cost, more and better schools, more 
 solidly built roads, more sanitary and more beautiful cities, 
 more railroads, and, in a word, we have in every way made 
 very marked progress. The Filipino people, who are grateful 
 and appreciative, gladly recognize this and give you therefor 
 due credit. 
 
 FREEDOM VERSES WEALTH AND EDECATION. 
 
 But at the same time, with every deference and respect, they 
 want me to say to j'ou that all the schools in the world, combined 
 with the most comfortable railroads, the most e.vcellent sanita- 
 tion, the most artistic buildings, and everything else that makes 
 for enlightenment and comfort are no compensation for the loss 
 of freedom. “ Y.'hat shall it profit a man if he gain the whole 
 world and lose his own soul?” [Applause.] 
 
 Mr. Chairman, I hope I may he permitted to be frank without 
 being offensive. The American people have been too long be- 
 guiled by siieeches telling of the wonderful material and edu- 
 cational progress that has been made under your guidance 
 in the islands. Such assurances have been put fonvard within 
 years past, not for the purpose of pa 3 ’ing the American Govern- 
 ment a just tribute, an object with which I am in accord, but with 
 the ])ernicious and concealed interest to becloud the real issue 
 involved in the Philippine problem and to leave the public mind 
 at ease as to its moral aspect — the question of right and wrong — 
 that is at stake. I repeat, and I mean every word, that intellec- 
 tual advancement, public improvements, and material prosperity 
 alone will not make the Filipinos happy and contented under 
 your rule nor induce them to concede the necessity of that 
 rule. If anj’ man thinks that he can purchase the Filipino 
 people with material prosperitj’ and intellectual advancement, 
 and so make them forget their rights as men and as a nation, 
 he is utterly mistaken. All these beneficent things to meet our 
 wishes must be accompanied by a definite promise that we. 
 maj' look forward to a future time when an absolutelj' independ- 
 ent government will be granted us, and must in the meantime 
 be coupleil with the immediate establishment of a government 
 which shall afford us power to determine how the present de- 
 A'elopment of the country shall he carried on. Ah, Mr. Chair- 
 man, if to our misfortune we must be forever destined to be 
 ruled by a foreign power, better would it be to leave us in misery 
 C934S— 1429C 
 
31 
 
 and in ignorance! The demands of starving stomachs may 
 prevent our souls from realizing the ignominy of slavery, while 
 our ignorance would prevent us from knowing what freedom 
 means, and, therefore, from desiring to attain it. Can not you, 
 Mr. Chairman, sympathize with us? Ask the bird if it prefei's a 
 golden cage to the air and the sunshine; or ask Patrick Henry 
 to explain his choice between liberty and life. [Applause.] 
 
 Mr. Chairman, it should be easy for you to luidei’Stand how 
 wo feel. Forget for a moment that you are a citizen of the 
 greatest and most powerful Commonwealth upon the face of this 
 earth. Close your eyes to the present and, heeding the testi- 
 mony of the past, go back to those days, fortunately for you 
 long" since gone, when instead of possessing a country extending 
 from the Dominion of Canada to the Rio Grande and from the 
 Atlantic to the Pacific you were confined to the re.nion east of 
 the Mississippi River’, and when, instead of 100,000,000, you wore 
 but 3,000,000 souls. Remember how .voiir forefathers felt when 
 they were as we are now struggling for freedom. And, finally, 
 bear in mind that the love for liberty in human hearts has not 
 decreased, hut, on the contrarj’, has grown as human civiliza- 
 tion has advanced. Sir, you who at one time were under foreign 
 rule and who were to be kept in that condition of subjection on 
 the ground that you could do nothing for yourselves, that you 
 were too ignorant to establish any suitable government, or too 
 unpatriotic to be permitted to take care of your own counti’y, 
 j’ou can sympathize with us. You can not blame us if our hearts 
 bleed when we are told that the TJnited States Government must 
 forever remain in the Philippines because wo are so incapable 
 or so unpatriotic as not to be intrusted with our own affairs. 
 So long as these words sound in Filipino ears we should not be 
 men were we complaisantly and calmly to assent to permanent 
 American control in the Philippines. [Applause.] 
 
 Jlr. Chairman, I have been wandering long enough from the 
 immediate issue, and I shall now discuss the most salient fea- 
 tures of the bill. 
 
 TWO PRIME FEATURES OF THE BILL. 
 
 This bill -is composed of a preamble and of legislative provi- 
 sions. The preamble states the object of the bill, which is to 
 give the people of the Philippine Islands ample opportunity to 
 demonstrate to the world their capacity for self-goveimment, so 
 that, after such a demonstration shall have been made, they 
 may be granted absolute and complete independence. The pre- 
 amble recites that it was never the purpose of the American 
 people to make the War with Spain an occasion for territorial 
 aggrandizement or commercial expansion, and that it has 
 always been the intent of the American people to recognize the 
 independence of the Philippines as soon as a stable government 
 shall have been established therein. The legislative provisions 
 of the bill offer the Filipino people, as the iireamble indicates, 
 every opportunity to demonstrate their capacity for self-govern- 
 ment by placing in their hands general legislative pow’ers. with 
 only such limitations as will enable the Government of the 
 United States to prevent any possible misuse of those powers. 
 
 MAI.V CHANGES IN THE PRESENT ORGANIC ACT. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, the substantial changes which the legislative 
 provisions of this bill propose to make in the organic law of the 
 Philippine Islands now in force are two in number, as follows : 
 First, the increase of the powers now vested in the Philippine 
 09348 — 1420C 
 
32 
 
 Government; and, second, the substitution for the present sys- 
 tem of government, mainly responsible to the President of the 
 Pnited States, of a government which shall be responsible to the 
 Filipino people. The first change is brought about by conferring 
 upon the Philippine Government general legislative powers and 
 by specifically authorizing it to enact land, timber, mining, coin- 
 age, and tariff laws with the approval of the President of the 
 TTiited States. The second change is secured by providing that 
 both branches of the legislature shall be elected by the Filipino 
 l>eople and that the appointment of Government olficers shall be 
 subject to confirmation by the Senate. 
 
 NECESSITY OF IXCItEASIXG TIIE FOWEKS OF THE PniLIPPINE COVERXMEXT. 
 
 That the powers of the Philippine Government should be 
 enlarged, as proposed in this bill, should be a foregone con- 
 clusion to every student of political science. It should be done 
 as a matter of principle, because, if the Philippines are not to 
 become an integral part of the American Nation, like the States 
 of the Union, but, on the contrary, they are to be kept a distinct 
 and separate nation, as they really are, their government should 
 have now, even before it is declared an independent common- 
 wealth, all the legislative powers that it needs to promote the 
 growth of the country upon its own national lines. 
 
 From the standpoint of expediency the necessity of vesting the 
 Philippine Government with these powers becomes acute. Indeed 
 the whole experience of the world shows that legislative powers 
 vested in a body thousands of miles away from the people and 
 not re.sponsible to them do more harm than good. This is 
 because under these conditions such powers are seldom exer- 
 cised, and when they are they are usually employed in the 
 wrong way. The utter impos.sibility of arousing interest on the 
 part of the legislature in the affairs of a people so far removed 
 and the difliculties which prohibit such a legislature from sup- 
 plying itself with the information to legislate wisely inevitably 
 lead to this result. 
 
 But it is not enough, Mr. Chairman, that governmental powers 
 be vested in some body that is on the ground; they must be 
 granted to the Filipino people themselve.s, first, because self- 
 government is the birthright of every people regardless how that 
 right is exercised; and, second, because the Filipino people, as 
 far as they have had the opportunity, have shown that they 
 possess the capacity to govern themselves. 
 
 EVIDENCES or FILlnXO CAPACITY FOR SELF-GOVERNMENT. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, the Filipino people have sufliciently demon- 
 strated that they can safely be intrusted with the powers 
 granted in this bill. I should be losing precious time were I to 
 tell the committee that since the early days of the American 
 regime both the municipalities and the Provinces have been 
 successfully governed by Filipinos elected by the people. This 
 is a fact admitted even by those most opiwsed to Filipino self- 
 government. It is akso unnecessary for me to say that the 
 Filipinos ocenpying appointive positions in the insular govern- 
 ment are fully justifying themselves, as is demonstrated by the 
 fact that not oulj- are they kept in office but that their number 
 has been continuou.sly increasing. Had these appointments been 
 failures they would have been recalled and no further appoint- 
 ments of a like kind would have been made. Filipinos so ap- 
 poinhxl hold places on the supreme bench and in the courts of 
 C034S— 14200 
 
33 
 
 record. Every justice of tlie peace, the secretary of finance and 
 justice, five members of the Philippine Commission, the attorney 
 general, the solicitor general, the provincial fi.scals (prosecuting 
 attorneys), some chiefs and assistant chiefs of bureaus, and the 
 majority of the civil-service employees are Filipinos. 
 
 As to the legislative capacity of the Filipinos, the work of the 
 Philippine Assembl 3 " since 1907 and the achievements of the 
 Philii)pine Legislature when, through the appointment of a ma- 
 jority of Filipinos on the commission, it had become practically 
 a Filipino bodj', furnish conclusive testimony to the intelligence, 
 culture, and devotion to duty of our Filipino legislators. It will 
 not be amiss. Mr. Chairman, to cite to the committee the testi- 
 mony of Americans prominent in the councils of each of the 
 three political parties in the United States on this subject. 
 
 Ex-President Taft, who is considered by many as one of the 
 Americans best informed on things Philippine, said in his special 
 report on the Philippines as Secretary of War ; 
 
 The riiilippine Assembly has shown a most earnest desire, and its 
 loaders have expressed with the utmost emphasis their intention to iabor 
 for the material prosperity of the Philippines. * * * In other 
 
 words, thus far the assembly has not manifested in any way that oh- 
 struetive charaeter which those who have prophesied its faiiur'c expected 
 to see. 
 
 This testimony is supported by ex-Presideut Roosevelt, who 
 in a message to Congress used the following language : 
 
 THE PHILIPPINES. 
 
 Keal progress toward self-government is being made in the Phiiippine 
 I.slands. The gathering of a Philippine legislative body and Philippine 
 Assembly marks a process absolutely new in Asia, not only as regards 
 Asiatic colonies of European powers but as regards .-Vsiatic possessions of 
 other Asiatic powers : and. Indeed, always excepting the striking and 
 wonderful example afforded b 3 ' the great Empire of Japan, it opens an 
 entirely new departure when compared with anything which has hap- 
 pened among Asiatic powers which are their own masters. Hitherto 
 this Philippine Legislature has acted with moderation and self-restraint, 
 and has seemed in practical fashion to realize the eternal truth that 
 there must always be government, and that the only way in which auv 
 body of individuals can escape the necessity of being governed by out- 
 siders is to show that they are able to restrain themselves, to keep down 
 wrongdoing and disorder. The Filipino people, through their officials, 
 are therefore making real steps in the direction of self-government. 
 
 An American scholar resident in the Philippines, Dr. Rob- 
 ertson, who has been carefully studying the conduci of the 
 Philippine Assembly, wrote of this body as follows : 
 
 When one considers the lack of opportunity that the Filipinos have 
 had for representative government, this extraordinary session marks an 
 epoch in the history of the Philippine Islands. This remark is no idle 
 panegyric, but is based on actual contact and conversation with various 
 members of the assembly, as well as attendance at many of the open 
 meetings of the assembl.v. ^ » 
 
 The assembly just closed was remarkable in several respects : for the 
 discipline exercised by the speaker: for the great earnestness displaved 
 by the representatives in general ; for their dignity of bearing : and tor 
 their freedom from jingoism ; and. outwardly at least, from party pas- 
 sion — outwardly, I say, because considerable party passion and personal 
 feeling did at times creep into committee and secret meetings. In gen- 
 eral. it may be said that this assembly in its quietness and dignity of 
 action has established a precedent that can well be taken as a form’ for 
 future sessions. * * * 
 
 While it might be said that this special session was called upon to 
 consider but a limited range of subjects, and can not, therefore, be 
 taken as a typical session, where there is more at stake, yet an examina- 
 tion of the various bills introduced and discussed show's a considerable 
 range of interests, and those interests among the most vital in the 
 Philippines. That they were treated in so earnest and dignified a man- 
 ner must score a point in favor of the working of the assembly. On the 
 G934S— 14206 3 
 
34 
 
 whole, there was an absence of bombast and fireworks that was re- 
 freshin". • » » 
 
 Jlost of the delegates were esceedinj;ly in earnest and worked up to 
 the measure of their ahilit.v. » * i Conversations with various of 
 the dele.aates showed them to be, on the whole, men of relative superior 
 iniellisence, alert, and anxious for the best jrood of the Philippines, 
 This last is a ver.v siRnificant fact. The delegates, although elected to 
 represent a certain localit,v, are keenl.v alive to the fact that they rep- 
 resent all the I’hilippines and must obtain the best good for the whole 
 country, * * * If the leaders proceed with the wisdom that llizal 
 
 would have had, it is not too much to say that the Filipino Assembly 
 will have permanently an honored place among the deliberative assem- 
 blies of the world. 
 
 These observations as to the results attained by the establish- 
 ment of a popularly elected branch of our legislature are cor- 
 roborated by the opinion rendered by the present Governor Gen- 
 eral of the Philippines on the work of the Philippine Pe.gi-sla- 
 ture during a year where both of its branches, controlled by 
 Filipinos, assumed under most tryin.g circumstances the legisla- 
 tive powers of the Philippine Government. Mr. Harrison, in his 
 annual message to the Philippine Legislature, on February G, 
 1L114. said : 
 
 Gentlemen of the legislature, nearly four months ago I addressed 
 you for the first time. 1 came to you then with high expectations of 
 your legislative ability. Those expectations have now been justified. 
 During the regular session which has just elapsed your iabors for the 
 public welfare have been earnest, industrious, and efheient. Your course 
 has been one of progress and economy of the public moneys. Many 
 laws of great importance have been enacted. Among these is the gen- 
 eral appropriation act for tiie current expenditures of the Government, 
 the first to become law since litlO. This act effected many reforms in 
 the fabric of this government and has met wish widespread approval. 
 Peace and ijrosperity throughout the islands and tranquillity of the 
 public mind bear evidence of this approval. The I’residcnt of the 
 I’nited States has expressed his appreciation, and the Secretary of War 
 has sent the following message : 
 
 “ I congratulate you on the passage for the first time in three years 
 of a general appropriation bili, and on the fact that the bili was passed 
 unanimously by Iwth houses. I have no doubt but that there were, as 
 to a great many features, differences of opinion, lint it is a source of 
 satisfaction to the department that such differences were satisfactorily 
 adjusted. Please extend to both houses of the I’hilippine I.egislatur'e 
 my congratulations on this event, and express to them my hope that this 
 is but an indication of what may be expected in the future." 
 
 The general appropriation act, in man.y ways, increases the eD3- 
 eieney of the Government service, and will result in a saving of over 
 P2.U(i0,0o0 in our current expenses. We must now guard jeaiously the 
 economies already effected and proceed to consider further reforms and 
 retrenchment of unnecessary expenditures. l!y these methods we shall 
 entirely avert the deficit in the general unappropriated funds of the 
 treasury which faced us at the opening of tlie October session. And, 
 further, we may also enact now a law appropriating funds for the public 
 works and continue in every respect the previous admirable progress in 
 the construction of roads, bridges, and artesian wells. For the framing 
 of such an appropriation i)ili, as well as for a proper deliberation and 
 careful scrutiny of many other measures of public moment. I have called 
 this special session of the legislature to sit from to-day untli the 2Sth 
 of February. 1914. During the course of your proceedings I shall make 
 to you certain recommendations for your consideration. 
 
 The art of government is. in many respects, the highest of the 
 sciences. You have already demonstrated the ability of a legislature 
 composed almost entirely of Filipinos to enact difficult and progressive 
 legislation. In the days to come you will maintain the high standard 
 you have alread 3 ‘ raised. Many cj-es arc upon you ; many minds are 
 fixed upon your every act. The time is one of utmost importance to 
 the ultimate achievement of Filipino aspirations. The people of the 
 Fnited States are your friends. All of them, I am sure, wish earnestly 
 for a continuation of the successful outcome of your labors. 
 
 A more detailed account of the work of this “ Filipinized ” 
 legisliiture is given iu the following letter written by the Manila 
 G9348— 14290 
 
35 
 
 correspondent of one of the metropolitan newspapers of this 
 countrj’ : 
 
 Manila, July 25, 
 
 Nearly ]0 months have elapsed since October G, lOlG, when the new 
 Governor General of the Philippines. Francis Burton Harrison, of New 
 York, landed in Manila, and half an hour later delivered his now famous 
 “ Luneta address,” announcing the intention of President Wilson to 
 gii e the Filipinos a majority on the Philippine Commission. The an- 
 nouncement was hailed with joy by the Filipinos, by the majority of 
 Americans and foreigners in the islands with misgivings and forebod- 
 ings of political disaster. 
 
 As to the success of the experiment, opinions vary. In general, how- 
 evci’, it may be stated that adverse criticism of the “ Filipinized ” 
 legislature has largely subsided, if not entirely ceased. 
 
 How far has the faith of the present administration at Washington 
 in the abilit.v of the Filipinos to assume complete control of the legis- 
 lative branch of the government been justified? What effect upon 
 general sociological, political, and business conditions has the new order 
 of things produced? Would the United States be justified in extending 
 still further political autonomy to the Filipinos? This letter will be 
 confined to a recital of facts and figures bearing on the accomplish- 
 ments of the last session of the Philippine Legislature, the first in 
 which both branches were under Filipino control. 
 
 THE ‘‘ FILIPINIZED ” GOVERNMENT. 
 
 The assembly, or lower branch of the Philippine Legislature, has, 
 since its establishment in 1907, been composed exclusively of Filipinos 
 elected by popular vote. The Philippine Commission is appointed by 
 the I’resident of the L’nited States, with the consent of the Senate. 
 Formerly it was composed of five .\mcricans and four Filipinos, the 
 Governor General being president of the body. By the appointment of 
 four new Filipino commissioner.s and the reappointment of Commis- 
 .sioner Palma the Filipinos obtained last October a majority of one. 
 
 The three new .American commissioners, who, with the Governor 
 General, compose the racial minority, were also appointed in October, 
 but did not reach the islands until the regular session of the legislature 
 was practically over; so that whatever credit or discredit might attach 
 to the last session of the Philippine I.egislature must be placed on the 
 shoulders of the Filipino commissioners, the Philippine Assembly, and, 
 to a certain extent, upon those of the Governor General. 
 
 While it is true that the Governor General, because of the authority 
 of the Washington Government behind him, and because of the powers 
 and prerogatives vested in him by the organic act of 1903, can wield a 
 vast influence upon the shaping of legislation, particularly in the upper 
 house, yet. in fact, the chief executive did not avail himself of nearly 
 the full influence inherent in his position. 
 
 Mr. Harrison desired io test the actual capacity of his Filipino con- 
 fr&res ; therefore he effaced himself almost completely from the routine 
 work of legislation. Of the bills introduced, but a negligible percentage 
 were introduced by the Governor General, by far the major portion being 
 framed and presented b.v the Filipino commissioners, who had been 
 designated individual committees to deal with the various special phases 
 of the legislative business. 
 
 WORK OF THE FILIPINO COMMISSIONERS. 
 
 Commissioner IMapa, the only Filipino commissioner having depart- 
 mental supervision, or a portfolio, as they call it hero, handled all bills 
 pertaining to his own department, that of finance and justice ; Com- 
 missioner He Veyra prepared bills having to do with the department 
 of commerce and police ; Commissioner Singson took care of the depart- 
 ment of the interior legislation, with the exception of matters con- 
 cerning the Jloro Province, vv-hich were largely attended to b.v Com- 
 missioner 1 lustre, who is a native of that Province. Commissioner 
 I’alma was Intrusted with matters pertaining to the department of 
 public instruction, and presided in the absence of the Governor General. 
 
 ^ During practically the entire regular session the American commis- 
 sioners intrusted with the three last-named portfolios, wore absent, and 
 the Filipino commissioners, in addition to their legislative duties, took 
 care of the administrative work of these departments, which embrace in 
 their jurisdiction the entire executive branch of the government. 
 
 The Governor General took but small part in the detail work of legis- 
 lation in the commission. ,\s a matter of fact, ho absented himself time 
 and again from the sessions of that body. On not a single occasion did 
 he make use of his veto power to coerce or impede legislation. His 
 congressional experience served him in good stead in parliamentary 
 procedure, and he conducted the proceedings of the commission with 
 system and dispatch. 
 
 69348— 1420G 
 
3G 
 
 It should be reniembered, however, that in his “ Luncta speech ” and 
 in his first messase to the legislature he had previously outlined the 
 policies of the administration with respect to finances, the cixdl service, 
 ■■ big business," and the relations of the governing to the governed. lie 
 had laid down a sweeping economy program, calculated to correct the 
 alleged extravagances of the previous administration : he had declared 
 the administration’s intention more rapidly to substitute Filipinos for 
 Americans in the civii service; he had announced that “business is 
 intended to serve the government, not the government to serve busi- 
 ness ■’ ; and he had assured and convinced the members of the legis- 
 lature that the administration intended to give the Filininos a fair test 
 of their fitness for self-government. 
 
 The commission, as well as the assembly, adhered closelv to the lines 
 laid out for them in the Governor General's message. This was not 
 due. as might be inferred, to servile compliance on their part with the 
 will of the chief executive, but rather to their sympathy with the general 
 principles and policies enunciated by Mr. Harrison. The fact that the 
 Fiiipinos can not be led like sheep b.v the Governor General was evi- 
 denced in the discord and practical stoppage of constructive legislation 
 that prevailed during the previous regime dominated by Mr. Forbes. 
 
 During the session .iust past, for the first time in the history of 
 Phiiippine bicameral legislation under the American rCgime, there 
 existed perfect accord in aims and principles between tlie Governor 
 General and the two houses of the legislature. The two houses worked 
 in harmony, and in but one instance — concerning the passage of a 
 dental-practice regulation bill — did they fail to come to an agreement. 
 There had been more or less constant friction between the assembly 
 and the commission. The assembly always has stood for greater econ- 
 omy in governmental expenditures, more rapid “ Filipinization ” of the 
 civil service, and .greater consideration for the rights, aspirations, and 
 customs of the people. 
 
 The commission in the past seemed to take the attitude that the 
 Filipinos were unabie to assure safe and sane forms of conduct with 
 respect to nearly all matters arising for settlement by legislative action. 
 The labors of the assembly were depreciated and ridiculed by the mass 
 of Americans and foreigners over here, as well as by the local American 
 press. 
 
 In 1010 the two houses came to a deadlock over the general appro- 
 priation bill, the most important measure arising in the legislature, 
 and the Governor General was forced to resort to the expedient, pre- 
 scribed by law, of continuing the iast .iointly approved appropriation 
 bill for another year by executive order, although the measure was 
 considered by the lower house extravagant and unfair to the people. 
 
 INFLUENCE CF A NEW SPIGIT. 
 
 The “ new era ” heartened and quickened the legislative machinery. 
 More bills were passed than at any previous session. A much greater 
 percentage of bills ori.ginating and passing in the commission was 
 approved by the lower house than ever before, and a surprisingly large 
 number of excellent bills of prime importance to the islands and in 
 line with the best and most progressive modern thought were enacted 
 into law. An appropriation bill was passed which bids fair to turn 
 the threatened deficit in the insular treasury into a sizable surplus, 
 and an entirely new system of apportioning and appropriating Govern- 
 ment funds for the different bureaus was evolved and provided for. 
 
 The following comparative table will make clear the quantitative 
 results of the last session as compared with that of previous sessions : 
 
 
 
 Sessions. 
 
 
 • 
 
 1910-11 
 
 1911-12 
 
 1912-13 
 
 1913-14 
 
 Bills introduced in commission 
 
 C3 
 
 C9 
 
 71 
 
 103 
 
 Bills passed by commission 
 
 48 
 
 52 
 
 61 
 
 69 
 
 Commission bills enacted b v legislatme. . . 
 
 17 
 
 17 
 
 18 
 
 50 
 
 Bills introduced in assembly 
 
 484 
 
 518 
 
 421 
 
 398 
 
 Bills passed bv assembly 
 
 98 
 
 181 
 
 131 
 
 169 
 
 Assembly bills enacted bv legislature 
 
 Fercenlage of commission bills enacted 
 
 S3 
 
 69 
 
 51 
 
 51 
 
 by legislature 
 
 Percentage of assembly bills enacted by 
 
 35 
 
 , 25 
 
 10 
 
 72 
 
 legislature 
 
 Percentage of bills passed by either house 
 
 34 
 
 38 
 
 39 
 
 30 
 
 enacted by legislature 
 
 34 
 
 37 
 
 36 
 
 42 
 
 093-1 S—1120G 
 
37 
 
 It will be seen that whereas the pcrccniage of bills passed by the 
 assembly and enacted by the legislature fell from 39 last year to 30 for 
 this year's session, the percentage of commission bills passed by the 
 legislature rose from 30 to 72. 
 
 The decrease in the number of assembly bills enacted was largely due 
 to the fact that the e.xtraordinary labors involved in the framing in 
 the general appropriation bill resulted in the holding over of a great 
 many bills in the lower house without action. Moreover, due to the 
 renaissance of the national spirit, there was more activity in the lower 
 house in the matter of framing bills and more initiative in the pre- 
 sentation of measures. Then, the commission was very cautious in its 
 consideration of bills arising in the lower house, and brought its 
 superior wisdom and experience to bear on measures arising there. It 
 thus performed its intended function as a check upon the more youthful 
 and exuberant spirits of the assembly. 
 
 CONFIDENCE IN THE COMMISSION. 
 
 On the other hand, the unbounded confidence of the assembly in the 
 commission, a now condition in I’hilippine legislation, is demonstrated 
 b.v the fact that 72 per cent of bills passed in the upper hou.se were 
 approved by the lower chamber. Compare this figure with the 30, 
 20, and 35 of the three previous years. 
 
 During the last session 101 bills wore enacted into law. For the 
 three iirevious years the figures are 09. 80. and 50. 
 
 In the session of 1010-11, outside of a “ negotiable instruments ” act, 
 a bill for the reorganization of the .iustico of the peace courts, and a 
 bill granting a gas franchise for the city of Manila, no important meas- 
 ures were enacted. In the following session the most important laws 
 passed were an act permitting the utilization of the “ gold standard 
 and reserve” fund for public-works loans to Provinces and municipal- 
 ities : a warehouse-receipt act, governing the use of this class of busi- 
 ness documents : an automobile law, fixing speed limits, etc. ; and an 
 act providing for systematic government inspection of the municipal 
 police forces in the islands. This latter law was never enforced for 
 lack of appropriation. During the session of 1912-13 the only impor- 
 tant laws enacted v.'cre a bill providing for the registration of patents, 
 a law regulating the practice of veterinary medicine, and a bill appro- 
 priating funds for a portion of the cadastral survey of the islands. 
 
 QU.II.ITATIVE VIEW OF LAST SESSION. 
 
 The list of important bills for the 1913-14 session is as follows : 
 
 (1) General appropriation bill : This measure was the principal source 
 of the present administration's unpopularity among the Americans in 
 the islands. It did away with reimbursable appropriations. It reduced 
 all salaries above .$3,000 from 5 to 10 per cent. It provided for a 
 reduction of the American force in most bureaus and the placing of 
 Filipinos in more responsible positions. It did away with unnecessary 
 expenditures and gave the bureau chiefs less leeway in handling public 
 funds. It eliminated some positions entirely, and o\'en eliminated an 
 entire bureau, which had lieen a drag upon the Government's finances 
 in the previous administration. It consolidated other bureaus into more 
 iflicicnt and economi.'al organizations. It was a bill intended to accom- 
 plish the principal object of the government’s financial polic.v — economy. 
 The bill was framed by the assembly, amended, and redrafted by tlie 
 commission, and acepted by the assembly, after conference, with but 
 few changes. 
 
 When it was made public a terrible howl wont up from the un- 
 fortunate Americans who were deprived of positions or suffered re- 
 duction in salary. Many resigned. The bill was derided and pointed 
 to as a horrible instance of the incapacity of the Filipinos for self- 
 government. As a matter of fact, it was a creditable piece of legisla- 
 tive work — one that few icgislatures in the world could have accom- 
 plished with equal thoroughness and dispatch. As a result of this bill 
 government expenditures for the first four moiiths of the present fiscal 
 year showed a saving of approximately $1,000,000 as compared with 
 last year, and no one has noticed any appreciable slackening up in the 
 functioning of the government machinery. Had this bill not been 
 passed salaries and bureau expenditures would have eaten up all the 
 government's revenues, not leaving a centavo for public works. 
 
 ANTISI.AVERY BILL I’ASSED. 
 
 (2) An antislavery bill, which Worcester claimed could not be passed 
 in the assembly. 
 
 (3) A judiciary bill, entirely reorganizing the higher judiciary system 
 in the islands. 
 
 (4) -*n internal-ravenue act, totally revising the old internal-revenue 
 act. Great opposition arose to this bill because it provided for a small 
 tax on the output of gold mines. This provision was finally eliminated, 
 but will be passed in the next session. 
 
 G9348— 1429G 
 
38 
 
 (5) A bill abolishin .5 the bureau of navigation ; This bureau operated 
 a fleet of vessels for whicli there was no real use except to serve as 
 junketing ships for the higher officials. It ran a marine repair shop 
 on an extravagant liasis and supported several superfluous and mostly 
 incompetent high-salaried officials. It was apportioned between the 
 bureau of customs and tlie bureau of public works. Much wailing arose 
 over the passage of tliis measure. 
 
 (C) A bill establishing a board of public utilities commissioners, pat- 
 terned after the New Jersey public utilities law. Indignation in railroad 
 and corporation circles. 
 
 (7) A bill limiting the sale of friar lands to individuals to 16 hectares 
 and the sjtle to corporations to 1,024 hectares. One hectare is about 
 2J acres. 
 
 (St A law standardizing the hemp product of the island: In the 
 past different concerns had different brands and different classifications 
 and marks. This resulted in much inconvenience and dissatisfaction to 
 the importers abroad. This bill was denounced by the hemp brokers 
 as unfair, but the manufacturers abroad approved it and welcomed it. 
 The dealers and growers will gi'eatly benefit by it as well. 
 
 (9) .4n antiopium bill, increasing the severity of sentences for the 
 use and importation of opium. 
 
 (10) A patent-niediciae bill providing for the labeling and adver- 
 tising of patent medicines and so-called therapeutic appliances, and pro- 
 viding adeqviate punishment for infractors. 
 
 (11) A wireless telegraph bill, grating a franchise to the Marconi 
 Wii-eless Co. for the establishment of a station. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, I feel that I have given the committee enough 
 evidence regarding the capacity of the Filipino people to legis- 
 late for themselves. I might well stop here, since no further 
 proof is needed. There is, however, one more witness whom I 
 can not omit, for I feel that as he is himself a great legislator 
 the committee should not be deprived of his views on this sub- 
 ject. 
 
 The gentleman from Minnesota [Mr. Miia-er] during his 
 rather hasty trip to the islands last year paid a visit to the 
 Philippine Assemblj'. The assembly received the gentleman 
 with all the honors becoming a Member of the Congress of the 
 United States. Speaker Osmeua greeted the distinguished vis- 
 itor with warm words of welcome and asked him to convey to 
 the Congress tlie respect and regard of the people of the Philip- 
 pine Islands. The gentleman from Minnesota, after graciously 
 returning the greetings of the speaker, said somelhing in praise 
 of the work done by the assembly. It had been mj- fortune and 
 honor to act as a translator for the gentleman on that occasion, 
 a didicult task, indeed, for his speech was, as usual, very elo- 
 quent. It was almost impossible for me to find the correspond- 
 ing words in Spanish, and I am not even sure that I quite un- 
 derstood what he said. If I did not, then I unintentionally and 
 regretfully misrepresented him to the assembly. The gentle- 
 man can tell me now whether I have or have not misrepresented 
 him. I sliall not undertake to repeat his own eloquent words, 
 but what in effect I understood him to say is that the assembly 
 had done well and had shown its capacity to legislate. 
 
 Mr. MILLEIl. Has the gentleman Cnished the quotation? 
 
 IMr. QUEZON. That is not all that the gentleman said, but 
 for mv puiTose that is all I care to cite now. 
 
 Mr.'MlELEIl. It was so long? 
 
 Mr. QUEZON. Yes. 
 
 Mr. ISIILEElt. I want to say that the gentleman's transla- 
 tion at the time was perfect, as I gathered from my knowledge 
 of the Spanish, and that his statement to-day is perfect, with 
 one slight exception. 
 
 Jlr. QUEZON. AVhat is that? 
 
 69348—14296 
 
39 
 
 Mr. MirXEE. The gentleiiiau said I told the Philippine 
 Assenibly it had done splendidly. I told them they had done 
 splendidly and they had done nobly 
 
 Mr. QUEZON. That is true. 
 
 Mr. MILLER. And that they had demonstrated their capacity 
 as legislators, and that I was in favor of permitting them to 
 elect a senate. So I indorse all that the gentleman said and 
 make it stronger. 
 
 Mr. QUEZON. I am glad to learn that I succeeded in under- 
 standing and translating the speech of my distinguished friend. 
 [Applause.] 
 
 Mr. Chairman, there is just one more thing I wish to say 
 regai'ding the assembly, in connection with a statement made 
 by the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Fess]. The gentleman sug- 
 gested that because out of the 5G members of the constitutional 
 convention held in 17S7, 29 were college bred, this fact indicated 
 conclusively the grade of literacy and political capacity in the 
 American colonies. 
 
 What would the gentleman from Ohio say, Mr. Chairman, if I 
 told him what is true, that the members of the Philippine 
 Assembly are 81, and that the proportion of college hred among 
 them is 100 per cent, for every one of them is college bred? 
 [Applause on the Democratic side.] 
 
 COXFIKMATION OF APrOIXTMEN’TS. 
 
 i\Ir. Chairman, I shall now take up the matter of the con- 
 firmation by the Senate of the Governor General’s appointments. 
 This is one of the most important features of the bill, and it 
 ought not to require much argument to convince the committee 
 of its wisdom. You have this provision in your Federal Con- 
 stitution, because your fathers knew the dangers of giving too 
 much power to the E.vecutive. If an elective President can not 
 be trusted with unlimited discretion in the appointment of the 
 administrative officials of the Government, how could anyone 
 believe that an appointive Governor General could be safely in- 
 trustetl with such a discretion? Were the Governor General 
 of the Philippines to make his appointments without being sub- 
 ject to confirmation by another branch of the government, he 
 could easily equal the Czar of Russia iu .so far as absolute power 
 is concerned, for it must be remembered that the veto power 
 vested by this bill in the Governor General is, to all practical 
 intents, unlimited. The Governor General of the Philippines 
 will, under the terms of this bill, appoint the members of his 
 (,'abinet or the heads of the executive departments ; he would 
 further appoint all those officials now appointed by him, or, in 
 other words, every judge of the courts of first instance, every 
 justice of the peace, every provincial fiscal (prosecuting attor- 
 nej’), every chief and assistant chief of bureau, every provincial 
 treasurer; in fine, every officer of the judiciary, excepting the 
 members of the supreme court, and the most important positions 
 of the executive branch of the Philippine Government. Can any- 
 one fail to see what a tremendous power this lodges in the 
 hands of a single man? flow dangerous a weapon for an 
 unscrupulous or incompetent Governor General! It might be 
 harmless, nay, beneficial, in the ca.se of a patriotic Governor 
 General like Francis Burton Harrison, but there are not many 
 of Mr. Harrison’s type, even iu the United States, and it is 
 enough that there be a possibility of an unworthy Governor 
 General to justify the adoption of legislative measures that will 
 C9348— 1-1296 
 
40 
 
 prevent him from doing his worst. Restrictive laws are written 
 for the wicked, and they are essential to the protection of 
 society as long as humanity has the weakness of the fle.sh. 
 
 NEW CHANT OF FHANCHISE. 
 
 Jilr. Chairman, I have touched upon the most important 
 changes in our present organic law as contemplated in the bill. 
 There are only two more innovations which deserve comment at 
 this time. 
 
 The qualifications of voters now required by law in the Phil- 
 ippines are as follows : 
 
 Sec. 13. Qualifications of voters : Every male person 23 years of age 
 or over who has had a legal residence for a period of six months imme- 
 diately preceding the election in the municipality in which he exercises 
 the suffrage, and who is not a citizen or subject of any foreign power, 
 and who is comprised within one of the following three classes : 
 
 (a) Those who, prior to the 13th of August, 1898, held the office of 
 municipal captain, gobernadorcillo, alcalde, lieutenant, cabeza de baran- 
 gay, or member of any ayuntamlento. 
 
 \b) Those who own real property to the value of P500, or who annu- 
 ally pay 1*30 or more of the established taxes. 
 
 (c) Those who speak, read, and write English or Spanish shall be 
 entitled to vote at all elections : Proviilcd. That officers, soldiers, sailors, 
 or marines of th« Army or Na%T of the fnited .States shall not be con- 
 sidered as having acquired legal residence within the meaning of this 
 section by reason of their having been stationed in the municipalities 
 for the required six months. 
 
 The bill reenacts these provisions, but it adds that those who 
 can read and write in any language may also vote. Such an 
 innovation is wise and right. There are many literate Filipinos 
 educated in the use of their own language who, because they 
 could neither write Spanish or English, are disqualified to 
 vote under the present law. It is unjustifiable to deprive of 
 the franchi.se those Filipinos who can inform themselves of the 
 rights and duties of citizenship through native literature. The 
 proposed innovation would at once increase the number of the 
 I’hilippine electorate and would put a stop to the assertions 
 of the past few years that the paucity of electors in the islands 
 in proportion to the rest of the population furnishes evidence of 
 the incapacity of Filipinos for self-government. 
 
 GOVERNMENT OF THE NONCIIRISTIAN “ TRIBES." 
 
 Mr. Chairman, there is one provision in the bill which I must 
 admit I swallowed only after much effort and which I have 
 not fully as yet digested. I refer to the proposed plan for gov- 
 erning the non-Christian native inhabitants of the Philippines. 
 There are about 000,000 of these non-Christians in the total 
 8,000,000 population of the islands. About one-half of them are 
 pagans and the other half Mohammedans. The immense ma- 
 jority, while uncivilized in the sense that they have not ac- 
 cepted occidental civilization, are not, however, savages. They 
 live in villages and towns; they have their own homes and 
 farms; and they follow regular pursuits of life. They live 
 under well-organized municipal and provincial governments, and 
 they pay their local taxes. A few of the pagans are nomads, 
 and a few others up to a few years ago were head hunters. 
 
 We have all heard the ridiculous assertions that there is a 
 lack of sympathy between the Christian and the non-Christian 
 Filipinos, and that the former can not be trusted to govern 
 the latter. As for placing the IMohammedans, or so-called 
 Moros, under the control of a Filipino government, we are 
 warned of the horrors that would follow such attempt. Of 
 C9348— 14296 
 
41 
 
 course there Is no more ground for such statements than there 
 is for the charges regarding the incapacity of the Christian 
 Filipinos to govern themselves. Both aspersions are due to the 
 same cause — the determination of certain persciis to keep in 
 their own hands the tempting job of ruling both non-Christian 
 and Christian Filipinos. 
 
 The majority members of the insular committee had, as I 
 understand it, to face the fact that so much has been said about 
 this supposed antagonism between the Christians and the non- 
 Christians that they had to make some concession to those who 
 in good faith fear that too radical a change in the present gov- 
 ernment of these non-Christians might result in disaster. With 
 a rather conservative step it was hoped to silence in part the 
 pessimistic prophets. As regards the increase of the powers of 
 the Christian Filipinos to govern themselves, while opposition 
 was to be expected, the old battle cry of Filipino incapacity 
 could be answered effectively with the mere recitation of pruofs 
 to the contrary already afforded by the Filipinos. But such 
 an answer could not be made were it proposed to turn the non- 
 Christians completely over to their Christian brothers, because 
 the Christian Filipinos have had no opportunity thus far to 
 govern those wards of the Nation. For this reason some sort 
 of compromise measure was adopted. 
 
 According to the organic law, the government of the non- 
 Christians is exclusively vested in the appointive Philipi)ine 
 Commission, thus allowing the Filipino people no participation 
 whatever in the process of government. The commission could 
 appropriate from funds in the treasury raised by taxing the 
 Christian Filipinos any sum it chose to spend for the benefit of 
 the non-Christians without consulting the assembly, and even 
 in the face of its protests. This power has been abused in the 
 past. The bill proposes that the government of these non- 
 Christians shall be vested in the Philippine Legislature pro- 
 vided for in the act, but that they shall be represented in the 
 legislature by 2 senators and 10 representatives appointed by 
 the Governor General. 
 
 It is evident that this new proposal is better and less un- 
 democratic than the present system, and I therefore accept it 
 as a lesser and only a temporary evil — temporary because the 
 bill provides that when the newly created legislature shall have 
 couveued it may revise this undemocratic arrangement. 
 
 PnACTICAL TEST OP FIUPIXO CAPACITV OFFERED BY TUB BILL. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, there is one point that the promoters of the 
 bill can make, after alt is said on both sides of the question, 
 that mu.st effectively destroy all argument against the granting 
 of these new powers to the Filipino people. That point is this: 
 The great merit of the bill, that which constitutes its most 
 apparent justilication, is that it offers the only practical means 
 whereby the capacity of the Filipino people for self-government 
 can be tested. If the Filipinos justify themselves, as I know 
 they will, then this issue is ended; if they fail, as I know they 
 will not, then the Congress may return to the present systeiii 
 of ab.solute American control. The bill is framed with so much 
 regard for the interests of the United States, as well as for 
 that of the Filipinos themselves, that while it permits the Philii)- 
 pine Legislature to initiate and pass all sorts of legislation, it 
 resen-es to the Governor General a qualified and to the President 
 69348 — 14296 
 
42 
 
 an absolute veto power, besides tbe constitutional right of Con- 
 gress to annul any of sucb laws after tbej* have been enacted. 
 In this way tbe Filipino people can do notbing that will jeopard- 
 ize tbe interests of the American people or seriously affect their 
 own should the experiment result in a failure. 
 
 THE rnEAMBLE. 
 
 INlr. Chairman, we have been told, both by the ranking member 
 of the minority on the Committee on Insular Affairs, the gen- 
 tleman from Iowa [Mr. Towner], and his colleague on the com- 
 mittee [Mr. Miller], that were it not for this preamble, which, 
 the 5 ' say, makes the bill a partisan measure, there would have 
 been some possible agreement, at least between the minority 
 and the majority members of the Committee on Insular Affairs, 
 as to most of the legislative provisions of the bill. 
 
 IMr. Chairman, the spokesmen for the minority members of the 
 Insular Committee ba^e complained of the attitude taken by 
 the majoritj’ members of that committee in framing the bill. 
 I submit in all earnestness, IMr. Chairman, that whatever may 
 have been the attitude taken by the Democrats in dealing with 
 the Republicans in the committee room, that should not affect 
 the opinion of the Republicans as to the intrinsic merits of the 
 measure. It may be true that the gentleman from Virginia 
 [Mr. Jones] and the other majority members on the committee 
 have shown a partisan spirit in the discussion of the bill in the 
 committee; I do not know. It may be true — and, indeed, there 
 can be no dispute about it — that this is a Democratic measure 
 in the sense that it was introduced by a Democratic Member, 
 reported favorably by a Democratic committee of the House, 
 and indorsed by a Democratic administration. It may be true, 
 as I can see it clearly, that the preamble is practically a copy 
 of the Philippine plank of the Democratic platform, and that, 
 therefore, the bill is a redemption of a Democratic campaign 
 pledge. But tins does not make it a partisan or a political 
 measure, as the gentleman from Iowa [^Ir. Towner] put it, nor 
 should it, for that matter, be opposed by any Republican Mem- 
 ber of this House. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, this preamble is not a partisan declaration ; 
 it is not an expression of a partisan policy. It is the con- 
 gre.ssional confirmation of all the declarations made by the 
 Chief Executives of the Government of the United States to the 
 world and to the Filipino people from the beginning of the 
 Spanish-American War up to this day regarding tbe national 
 policy of the American people toward the inhabitants of the 
 islands. 
 
 Has anyone forgotten those memorable words of the late 
 President McKinley, that — 
 
 Forcible .annexation, according to the American code of morals, is 
 criminal aggression. 
 
 More recent and more to the point are the declarations made 
 by ex-President Roosevelt and ex-President Taft. 
 
 Jlr. Taft, in his special report as Secretary of War to the 
 President of the United States in 1907, said : 
 
 There arc in Ihe I’hilippines many who wish that the Government 
 shall declare a definite policv in respect to the islands so that they 
 may know what that policy is. I do not see how any more definite 
 policy can be declared than' was declared by President McKinley in his 
 instructions to tiecretary Uoot for ihe guidance of the Philippine Com- 
 G93-1S— 1429G' 
 
43 
 
 mission, wliich was incorpm-atccl into l.aw by the org.anic net of tlio 
 Philippine Government, adopter! July 1, 1902. That policy is declared 
 to be the extension of selr-frovernment to the I’hilippino Islands by 
 gradual steps from time to time as the' people of tbe islands shall show 
 themselves fit to receive the additional responsibility. * * * It 
 
 necessarily involves in its ultimate conclusion as the steps toward self- 
 government become greater and greater the ultimate independence of the 
 islands. 
 
 Ex-President Roosevelt, in bis annual message to tbe Congress 
 in 190S, declared : 
 
 I hope and believe that these steps mark the beginning of a course 
 which will continue til! the Filipinos become fit to decide for them- 
 selves whether they desire to be an independent nation. 
 
 »»»*»** 
 
 1 trust that within a generation the time will arrive when the 
 Philippines can decide for themselves whether it is well for them to 
 become independent, or to continue under the protection of a strong 
 and disinterested power, able to guarantee to the islands order at home 
 and protection from foreign invasion. 
 
 After sucb autboritative statements from men wbo are tbe 
 accredited siiokesmen of your respective parties aud at that 
 time were leaders of tbe Nation as well, can you now. gentlemen 
 of tbe Republican aud Progressive side of tlie House, turn around 
 and repudiate those declarations by voting against tbis pre- 
 amble simply because its language, though sub.stantially the 
 same as your own spokesmen’s declarations, is literally copied 
 from tbe Baltimore platform? 
 
 To tbe Democratic side of the House I have but very little 
 to say in connection with tbe preamble. You know that tbe pre- 
 amble is practically a recital of what has been tbe Philippine 
 plank of your platform ever since tbe Philippines came under tbe 
 Government of tbe United States, and without frank and open 
 disregard of that pledge you can not vote against that preamble. 
 Moreover, the titular leader of your party has already informed 
 the Filipino people, not only on behalf of bis Democratic ad- 
 ministration but in the name of the American Nation, that the 
 policy of this Government toward tbe islands is what this pre- 
 amble states it to be. And this message of President Wilson has 
 been delivered to the Filipinos by Gov. Gen. Harrison, the pres- 
 ent representative of the United States, on tbe solemn occasion 
 of bis arrival in tbe Philippines, in tbe following address ; 
 
 Citizens of the Philippine Islands, the President of the United States 
 has charged me to deliver to you the following message on hehalf of the 
 Government of our country ; 
 
 “ We regard ourselves as trustees acting not for the advantage of the 
 United States, hut for the benefit of the people of the Philippine Islands. 
 
 “ Every step we take will be taken with a view to the ultimate inde- 
 pendence of the islands and as a preparation for that independence. 
 And we hope to move toward that end as rapidly as the safety and the 
 permanent interests of the islands will permit. After each step taken 
 experience will guide us to the next. 
 
 The administration will take one step at once and will give to the 
 native citizens of the islands a majority in the appointive commission, 
 and thus in the upper as well as in the lower house of the legislature a 
 majority representation will be secured to them. 
 
 “ We do this in the confident hope and expectation that immediate 
 proof will be given in the action of the commission under the new ar- 
 rangement of the political capacity of those native citizens who have 
 already come forward to represent and to lead their people in affairs.” 
 
 This is the message I bear to you from the President of the United 
 States. With his sentiments and with his policy I am in complete 
 accord. Within the scope of my office as Governor General I shall do 
 my utmost to aid in the fulfillment of our promises, confident that we 
 shall thereby hasten the coming of the day of your independence. For 
 my own part I should not have accepted the responsibility of this great 
 69348—14206 
 
u 
 
 office merely for the honor and the power which it confers. My only 
 motive in coming to you is to serve as well as in me lies the people of 
 the Philippine Islands. It is my greatest hope that I may become an 
 instrument in the further spread of democratic government. 
 
 To every Democrat fjovemment rests only upon the consent of the gov- 
 erned. And we do not maintain that self-government is the peculiar 
 property of oiu’ nation or that democratic institutions are the exclusive 
 privileges of our race. On the other hand, we do not believe that we 
 can endow you with the capacity for self-government. That you must 
 have acquired for yourselves. The opportunity of demonstrating it lies 
 before you now in an ever-widenln.g field. 
 
 As for ourselves, we confidently expect of you that dignity of bearing 
 and that self-restraint wh’ch are the outward evidences of daily in- 
 creasing national consciousness. In promising you on behalf of the 
 administration immediate control of both branches of your legislature, I 
 remind you. however, that for the present we are responsible to the 
 world for your welfare and .vour progress. Until your independence is 
 complete we shall demand of you unremitting recognition of our sov- 
 erei.gnty. 
 
 You are now on trial before an international tribunal that is as wide 
 as the world. We who appear before this august court in the light of 
 your advocates are proud of the privilege that has fallen to us, and we 
 do not shun the responsibilities of our role, which is without a parallel 
 in history. We shall eagerly await convincin.g proof that you are 
 capable of establishing a stable government of your own. Such a gov- 
 ernment may not necessarily denote an entire reproduction of our own 
 institutions.' but one which guarantees to its citizens complete security 
 of life, of liberty, and of property. We now invite you to share with us 
 responsibility for such a goveniment here. Every Filipino may best 
 serve his countr.v who serves us in this endeavor, and to that end* I call 
 upon every good citizen of these islands, and all who dwell therein, 
 whether of native or foreign birth, for assistance and support. 
 
 People of the Philippine Islands, a new era is dawning. We place 
 within your reach the instruments of your redemption. The door of 
 opportunity stands open and under Divine Providence the event is in 
 your own hands. 
 
 [Applause on the Democratic side.l 
 
 Mr. Chairman, that message of I’re.sident Wilson and the 
 words of Gov. Harrison, with which he delivered to us that 
 message, as well as every prior similar declaration made by 
 former Presidents and Governors General have been received 
 by the Filipino people as the solemn promise of the American 
 people to grant independence to the Philiitpiue.s. To us there 
 are no Democratic Presidents or Democratic Governors Gen- 
 eral, no Republican Presidents or Republican Governors Gen- 
 eral. There are to us hut American -Presidents and American 
 Governors General, and what the.v say and do we receive as 
 words and actions of their Nation itself. What a terrible dlsjip- 
 pointment it would he to the Filipino people if the Congress 
 were now to repudiate those declarations by the defeat of the 
 preamble I -^nd how such a repudiation would shake the faith 
 of the Filipino people in this Nation I 
 
 Mr. Chairman, some say that this preamble is worthless 
 because it is not actuall.v a part of the bill, and is therefore 
 without force. If so, then there should not be much opposition 
 to it, for if left in the hill it can do no harm. As for myself I 
 value this ]neamble for its full worth. It is the one feature of 
 the bill that will permit the Filipino peoiile, even while you 
 still retain your sovereignty over the i.slands, to feel that they 
 can lift their heads so long bowed in hoiieless sub.)oction. It is 
 the one feature of the l)ill thai will permit the Filipino jieople to 
 look to the days of the morrow with joyous hearts, full of hope 
 and e.Kpectation. It is the one feature of the liill that will per- 
 mit the Filipino people to look at your llag, even while it floats 
 
 0<Jo48— i-i:iOO 
 
45 
 
 over our public buildings and edifices, as the ensign not of 
 physical force exercised for the permanent domination of a weak 
 people, but as the symbol of the generous purpose of a great 
 country to help a smaller nation that strives to be free to at- 
 tain its goal, to stand some day soon upon its own feet and 
 move forward thereafter unaided and uncontrolled. [Applause 
 on the Democratic side.] 
 
 Mr. Chairman, the eyes of the Filipino people are now upon 
 the Congress, and at this particular time upon this House. 
 They live breathless with the horrible suspense caused by the 
 doubt as to what you will do with this bill. On this occa- 
 sion, momentous as it is to the destinies of that people, they 
 apijeal to j’ou not as Democrats, Republicans, or Progressives, 
 but as Americans representing the people that of their own 
 accord have proclaimed themselves as the champions of human 
 freedom. Would you fail them, you who have sacrificed so 
 much in life and in treasure on the altar of this sacred cause? 
 Would you fail them, you whose example, whose influence, 
 whose sympathy have in the past inspired other subject na- 
 tions and have helped them to attain their freedom? Would you 
 fail them, you who have gone to war in order to liberate Cuba? 
 Would you fail them, you who have encouraged them to oA'er- 
 throw the sovereignty of Spain and accepted their assistance in 
 the Spanish-American War? Would you fail them, after so 
 many of your implied as well as expressed promises of rapid ex- 
 tension to them of self-government and ultimate independence? 
 
 Mr. Chairman, the Filipino people have resorted to every 
 means to secure their freedom, and what they have done shows 
 that they deserve to be free. They have shown to the world 
 that they are a people conscious of and longing to secure their 
 national rights. Scores of thousands of their sons have laid 
 down their lives and millions upon millions of their wealth have 
 been destroyed for the sake of that one most precious boon 
 granted to humanity by God Almighty. Failing in this struggle 
 because of their lack of suflicient physical strength, they have 
 tilled the soil, they have searched the mysteries of science, they 
 have learned to appreciate the beauties of art, they have famil- 
 iarized themselves and complied with their duties as citizens, 
 hoping against hope that what they could not win in battle they 
 might gain through their industry, their culture, and their en- 
 lightened and patriotic citizenship. 
 
 The Filipino people, Mr. Chairman, beg you to pass this bill. 
 Indeed, they contend that they have given enough proofs of their 
 capacity for self-government to warrant a complete delivery to 
 them of unrestricted powers of government. But since it is said 
 that this bill is all you are now disposed to consider and in view 
 of the fact that they have absolute confidence in the ximerican 
 people, they are willing to accept this bill as the first serious 
 and earnest step toward their political emancipation. 
 
 SIIALL GOA’ERXMENT OF TUB PEOPLE, BY THE PEOPLE, FOB THE PEOPLE 
 PERISH FROM THE EARTH? 
 
 Mr. Chairman, sixscore and eighteen years ago your fore- 
 fathers “brought forth on this continent a new nation, con- 
 ceived in liberty and dedicated to the proposition that all men 
 are created equal.” 
 
 It was once questioned whether this proposition was applicable 
 to all men residing within the confines of that Nation, regardless 
 69348—14290 
 
4G 
 
 of tlieir color or their race. The world, which has doubted 
 “ whether that Nation, or any Nation so conceived and so dedi- 
 cated,” could “ long endure,” watched with eager eyes the out- 
 come of this issue. Your fathers “ gave their lives that that 
 Nation might live.” “From these honored dead” the survivors 
 took “ increased devotion to that course for which ” their noble 
 comrades “ gave the last full measure of devotion.” They highly 
 resolved “ that these dead shall not have died in vain; that that 
 Nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom ; and 
 that government of the iieople, by the people, for the people 
 shall not perish from the earth.” 
 
 Mr. Chairman, twoscore and eleven years have gone by since 
 this sacred resolve was sworn to. To-day the doctrine of the 
 government of the people, by the people, for the people is chal- 
 lenged. Shall you renew that resolve, or shall you demonstrate 
 ttiat those dead have died in vain? [Loud applause.] 
 
 FRIDAY, OCTOBER 2, 1914. 
 
 A Word on General Aguinaldo. 
 
 Mr. Kaux. The gentleman from Missouri [Mr. DickixsoxI stated in 
 effect that at the time the Americans went into the Philippine Islands 
 the natives had about accomplished their independence; that thereupon 
 we came in and took possession of the islands. Jly friend from Mis- 
 souri is not familiar with I’hilippine history. Nearly six months before 
 our entrance upon the scene the leaders of the revolution against Spain 
 had sold out their people. They agreed to accept P800.000, and in con- 
 sideration thereof some of their loaders, including Aguinaldo, promised 
 to lay down their arms and to quit the islands forever. • » * 
 
 Ml'. QUEZON. Jlr. Chairman, I wish to say a few words in 
 behalf of Geu. Aguinaldo. I was at one time an officer in the 
 riiilippine army, having left colle.ge in resiiouse to the call of 
 my country to ti.ght under her Hag. For several months I was 
 on the staff of Gen. Aguinaldo, then President of the I'hilippine 
 Republic and commanding general of its army. I had occasion, 
 therefore, to know Gen. Aguinaldo well :md intimately, and from 
 personal oliservation I can assert without fear of successful con- 
 tradiction that he is a man of high character and jiatriotism. 
 
 The revolution against .Spain was the outcome of a long peace- 
 ful campaign carried on, at first not precisely for independence, 
 but to secure from the Spanish Crown a more liberal government 
 in the Philippine Islands. The revolution started in 1800, and in 
 1807 the Spanish governor general at Manila sought to secure 
 peace by reaching an understanding with the Filii)ino leaders of 
 the rebellion. It was agreed between tlie governor general and 
 these leaders that the reliels should lay down their arms on the 
 following terms: That the liberal reforms demanded by the 
 Filipinos be inslituted in the government of the Pliilipinnes; 
 that the leaders of the rebellion he not interfered with and 
 leave the country unmolested; and that PSuo.OOO in Mexi- 
 can money — then the currency of the l’hilipi>ine Islands — 
 be given to these leaders by the Spanish Government as 
 indemnity for the damages they had suffered on account of 
 the revolution, as payment for the guns iliat they surren- 
 dereil, and as a means of providing for their sui)port and main- 
 tenance abroad. In view of the fact that the Spanish Goveru- 
 C034S— 1429G 
 
47 
 
 ment bad agreed to grant the liberal reforms earlier asked for by 
 the Filipino people before the revolution started no one can ques- 
 tion the right, nay, the duty, of the Filipino revolutionists to end 
 a contest which was causing so much loss of life and property 
 to our country, and which evidently, at that time, could not 
 accomplish more than what Spain had promised to concede. 
 Aguiualdo, therefore, and his followers left the land that they 
 had hoped to live and die in not to return again. But they were 
 willing to make this sacrifice and to go far from their beloved 
 ones, so that their people might receive and enjoy in peace the 
 liberal reforms that were promised them. Had these Filipino 
 exiles, who had volunteered to sacrifice themselves for their 
 country, used the money paid them by the Spanish Government 
 for their comfortable living abroad, could they not have found 
 justification of their conduct? 
 
 I have no doubt that if the Filipino people had been asked at 
 the time to say whether or not their mi.sery-stricken com- 
 patriots should appropriate the money they had received, the 
 ' answer would have been in the atfirmatlve. Yet Aguinaldo and 
 his companions deposited that money — which never reached the 
 total sum promised — in the banks and used ouly the interest 
 thereof for their bare existence. They lived in Hongkong in 
 almost complete poverty. They considered the money as a 
 trust fund and kept it intact for patriotic purposes. They 
 decided that if Spain, after they had left the Philippines, should 
 fail to grant to the people of the Philippine Islands the liberal 
 reforms that were premised, they would, as it was thpir right, 
 use that sum to purchase arms with which they would compel 
 the Spanish Government to comply with the agreement. 
 
 When Spain failed to comply with her part of the bargain, 
 when she refu.sed to introduce in the Philippines those reforms 
 that were asked, Aguinaldo did use that money to buy guns, and 
 with those guns he helped the United States wage her war with 
 Spain. Our aim in helping the United States is well known, and 
 I shall not discuss it now. But I want to say that before Ameri- 
 can soldiers were landed in any part of the archipelago we had 
 taken every town garrisoned by the Spanish army, with the 
 exception of Manila, which was under siege, so that the United 
 Statesjiad to send only a few thousand men to compel the sur- 
 render of the garrison of Manila. 
 
 I want to say another word about Gen. Aguinaldo. As I said 
 before, I know him personally. I had served under him. As 
 gentlemen are aware, Aguinaldo at one time wielded great power 
 in the Philippines. During the revolution he was the supreme 
 militaiw chief, with the powers of a dictator, just as the Presi- 
 dent of the United States would be here in case of war. He had 
 the physical power to do with the treasure of the then inde- 
 pendent Philippine Government what he chose. When he was 
 captured by Gen. Fuuston, after having exercised this undis- 
 puted authority for more than two years, Aguinaldo was as poor 
 as he was when the war sLarted. [Applause on the Democratic 
 side.] 
 
 Mr. Chairman, I do not wish to make invidious comparisons, 
 but I want to ask you how many revolutionar.y chiefs in other 
 parts of the world who have been in the position of Gen. Agui- 
 naldo have done what Aguiualdo did? How mau 5 ' have been 
 C9348— 1420G 
 
48 
 
 willing to go back to tbeir homes as poor as ever after having 
 had in their possession so much money that they could have 
 appropriated without (luestion? Agninaldo is not a rich man 
 to-day. He is a modest farmer. He has not accepted any posi- 
 tion from the American (iovernment, although it is authorita- 
 tively stated that he was offered a good one. He is not even in 
 politics now. 
 
 Why? He wanted to show the world that he fought for his 
 counuy, not because of any desire for personal profit or power, 
 but out of patriotism, and that when he could not fi.ght any 
 longer he could go to his home and lead a peaceful and modest 
 life, the life of a good citizen, working upon his farm, as he is 
 doing now. 'I'lius Agninaldo has demonstratetl that the Filipinos 
 who had known how to fight know likewise how to work in time 
 of peace. I need say no more. [Applause on the Democratic 
 side.] 
 
 TUESDAY, OCTOBEE, 6, 1914. 
 
 Freedom of Religion. 
 
 Mr. Mrnu.w offered the following amendment : 
 
 “ That II. It. lS4.1!t be amended as follows ; 
 
 '• ‘ On page 5. line 9. strike out the period, insert a semicolon, and add 
 the following : " and no religious test shall be required for the exercise 
 of civil or political rights. No public money or property shall ever he 
 appropriated, applied, donated, or used, directly or indirectly, for the 
 u.se, benefit, or support of any sect, church, denomination, or system of 
 religion, of for the i:se, benefit, or support of any priest, preacher, min- 
 ister, or other religious teacher or dignitary or sectarian institution as 
 such. Polygamous or plural marriages are forever prohibited.” ’ ” 
 
 Mr. QUEZON. IMr. Chairman, I wish to say, in connec- 
 tion with the amendment offered by the gentleman from 
 Oklahoma [Mr. !MurkayJ, that the Filipino people believe 
 itlisolutely and heartily in religions freedom. Immediately 
 after our successful revolution against Spain the Filipino people 
 liroceetled at once to frame a constitution for the Itepublic of 
 the I’ilippine.s. In spite of the fact that the islands during the 
 .■{(JO years of Spanish domination had had only one church — the 
 Homan Catholic — which was also the State church of Spain, and 
 notwithstanding that the framers of the constitution of the 
 Philippine Itepublic were all Catholics, one of the provisions 
 of tliat constitution guaranteed freedom of worship, freedom 
 of religion. May I call the attention of the House to this 
 remarkable event which indicates that the Filipinos are, as it 
 were, b.v temperament, a liberty-loving people? The history of 
 tile world shows that no country which has been for centuries 
 under the influence of a single church, and which church was an 
 integral part of its political institutions, has succeeded in estab- 
 lishing religious freeilom without bloodshed. Page after page 
 of huinan history tell of the martyrs of religious intolerance. 
 This country of yours was founded by those who would sooner 
 give up their homes than permit the State to dictate whom they 
 shall worship. Cromwell thought himself the instrument of 
 I’rovidence to destroy the church of those who, like him, claimed 
 that Christ was their Savior. 
 
 Every country of Europe, many of Latin America and of Asia, 
 are guilty of the crime of religious persecution, but we have seen 
 G934S— 14”06 
 
49 
 
 nothing of the kind in the Philippine Islands. As I said before, 
 during the short life of the Philippine Republic we established 
 reli.gious freetloui ; and when the United States superseded our 
 government she brought with her one of the most precious 
 rights of American citizenshiii — the liberty of the individual to 
 worship God in his own way. And all this was done not only 
 without opposition but with the hearty consent of the whole 
 Filipino people. 
 
 To-day the majority of the Filipinos are still Roman Cath- 
 olics. Few belong to the Aglipayan or native church; few 
 others have become Protestants. But they all live side by side 
 in perfect harmony ; they work hand in hand, and they vote 
 according to their political ideas, without regard to their 
 religious convictions. Freedom of religion has been established 
 in the Philippine Islands once and for good. ’ We realize that 
 such freedom is to the interest of the Catholics as much as of 
 Protestants. 
 
 I do not therefore object to that part of the amendment of the 
 gentleman from Oklahoma [Mr. Murray] which insures the 
 separation between the church and the state. But I deemed it 
 necessary to state that the Philippine Legi.slature hardly needs 
 this constitutional inhibition. The I’rotestant Church can rest 
 assured that the people of the Philippines, Catholic though the 
 majority of them be, will receive as fair a treatment from the 
 Philippine Government as the Catholic Church or any other. 
 
 As to pol.vgamj-, this has not existed among the Christian 
 P'ilipiuos within the last 300 years. [Applause.] 
 
 TUESDAY, OCTOBEK 6, 1914. 
 
 The Truth About “ Slavery ” in the Philippine Islands. 
 
 Mr. Fess. of Ohio, introduced the following amendment ; 
 
 Page 4. at the end of line 3. strike out the period and insert a eomma, 
 and add the following: “ Or held in satisfaction of the same in Involun- 
 tary servitude by his creditor.” 
 
 Mr. QUEZON. Mr. Cl’airman. whether the gentleman from 
 Tennessee [Mr. Garrett] is or is not right in his contention, 
 that the object of the amendment introduced by the gentleman 
 from Ohio [Mr. Fess] is accomplished by the provision of the 
 last paragraph on page 4, I am prepared to say that I should 
 not, so far as the object aimed at is concerned, have the slight- 
 est objection to having the amendment of the gentleman from 
 Ohio put into the bill. 
 
 I regret, however, that the gentleman thought it necessary 
 in the di.scussion of his ameudment to revive the question of 
 the supposed slavery and peonage in the Philippines. 
 
 I am particularly regretful that the gentleman from Ohio 
 should have renewed the discussion of this subject, because the 
 matter he refers to has been thoroughly investigated by the 
 most unimpeachable authdt’ities and has been fully disposed of. 
 This discussion is, therefore, out of date, and certainly throws 
 no light upon this bill. 
 
 So far as I know; this issue was raised for the first time in 
 the United States early in 1913, when a resolution of inquiry 
 regarding the question of slavery was introduced in the Senate. 
 This resolution grew out of an article in the National Humane 
 Review, largely made up of a letter written by the then secre- 
 C9348— 1420G 4 
 
50 
 
 tnry of the interior of the Thilippiue Gnverninent, Mr. Dean H. 
 M’orce.ster, in whicli ^Tr. Worcester iinnle the chnrfie in question. 
 In due time this rosoliuion was answered by the Secretary of 
 War in a letter reuling in part as follows: 
 
 War Departmen’t, 
 
 ^Yalshin(Jtcn, May 6, 1913. 
 
 The Tresidext or the Sex.^te. 
 
 f>iu: I 1)pg leave to acknowledge the receipt of the following reso- 
 lution of llie Senate : 
 
 “Resolved. That the Secretary of War be. and he is hereby, directed 
 to send to the Senate any and all facts bearing directly or Indirectly 
 upon the truth of the charge publicly made that human slavery exists 
 at this time in the Philippine Islands and that human beings are bought 
 and sold in sucli islands as chattels.” 
 
 In response thereto I beg leave to state as follows: 
 
 There is cot in this department, to the knov.-ledge of the Secretary 
 thereof or of the head of the bureau having charge of insular atfaiis, 
 a record of any facts bearing directly or indirectly upon the truth of 
 the charge, publicly made, that human slavery exists at this time in tlie 
 Philippine Islands and that human beings are bought and sold in 
 such islands as chattels. 
 
 The only information concerning this matter of which there is any 
 record in this department or the branch of it having to do with insular 
 affairs is the following: 
 
 In a hearing before the Committee on Insular .\ffairs of the House 
 of llepresentativcs, on Wednesday, I'ebruary 10, 1904, Mr. Taft, then 
 Secretary of War. said : 
 
 “ I have no doubt that slavery continues in part of the Moro 
 Province, and that there is some slavery in some of the Christian 
 I'ilipino Provinces tliat lie near to the mountain tribes. This latter 
 we are trying hard to eliminate. 1 l)ad a report from a constabulary 
 officer from the Province of Isabela, saying that it was not the gener.a'l 
 custom, hut that it was not- uncommon for hill-tribe narents to bring 
 their children into a Filipino viliagc and to sell a child to a wealthy 
 man in the village who would ii.-;c him as a servant. That is contrary 
 to law. and we have directed prosecution in every case brought to our 
 attention.” 
 
 The foregoing is taken from the printed report of the hearings before 
 the Ilouse Committee on Insular Affairs. 
 
 It would seem from such investigation as time has permitted to be 
 made of the law existing in the Philippine Islands, that there are pro- 
 visions in the criminal code, both with respect to that part of said 
 islands inhal)ited by Moros or other non-Christian tribes and fully 
 organized Christian Provinces, covering unlawful detention, whether 
 called slavery or not, as a result of which a person unlawfully detaining 
 another or coercing him to work against his will may be imprisoned 
 and fined. 
 
 Very respectfully, Lixdlet M. Garrisox. 
 
 Hecrelary of ll'ar. 
 
 One would think, Mr. Clmirnian. that this should have been ti 
 sufficient reply to the injurious suggestion originating with the 
 former secretary of the interior of the Philippines, but, as it 
 hapiieued, further conclusive evidence on the subject was also 
 furni.shed to the American public in a statement issued by 
 former Justice James F. Tracey, of the insular supreme court. 
 Justice Tracey said, in a letter published in the New York 
 Times : 
 
 The April numl)cr of the National Humane Review, the organ of the 
 American Humane Association, published an article headed " Human 
 Slavery Still Exists Under the United States Flag,” made up chiefly 
 of a letter fi-om Hon. Dean C. Worcester, secretary of the Interior of the 
 Philippine Islands, to Dr. William O. Stillman, president of the Humane 
 Association. To this article currency is given by the publication of a 
 summar.v of it in your issue of this morning in a dispatch from Wash 
 ington printed under the caption " Slaves Even in Manila.” The deduc- 
 tion drawn from the supposed condition of slaver.v in the islands is that 
 the Philippine Assembly l>.v refusing to pass a bill punishing slavery 
 throughout the islands as a crime has demonstrated its incapacity as a 
 legislature to deal with this modern humane problem. 
 
 G934S— 14290 
 
51 
 
 Mr. Worcester’s charge is largely based on (ho decision of the Supreme 
 Court of the I’hilippine Islands, the syllabus of which is quoted by him 
 at length, as follows ; 
 
 “ There is at present no law punishing slave holding as a crime. 
 
 “ The constitutional provision of the I’hilippine bill ‘ that neither 
 slavery nor involuntary servitude shall exist in these islands.’ while 
 cijerating to nullify any agreement in contravention of it. requires sup- 
 pletory legislation to give it effect criminally. 
 
 “ We are dealing not with a civil remedy but with a criminal charge 
 in relation to which the Bill of Rights defines no crime and provides 
 no punishment. Its effects can not be carried into the realm of 
 criminal law without an act of the legislature.” 
 
 It happens that to me, as one of the justices of the Supreme Court 
 of the riiilippine Islands at the time, was assigned the writing of the 
 opinion of the court in the case, which is reported at page 04 of the 
 eighth volume of the rhilippine Reports, now before me. Without desir- 
 ing a controversy with Mr. Woreester or Gen. McIntyre, also mentioned 
 in .vour Washington dispatch. I feel it incumbent on me to promptly 
 call attention to the substance of this decision. 'The record before the 
 court shows not that slavery existed in any form throughout the 
 I'hilipiiine Islands, but only a custom of child servitude or apprentice- 
 ship in certain mountain regions. The opinion says : 
 
 "It is proved in the case that it is an Igorot custom to dispose of 
 children to pay the debts of their fathers, the transaction in the native 
 language being termed a sale, and the defendant appears to have en- 
 gaged in the business of buying in Nueva Vizcaya children to sell in 
 the lowlands of Isabela. * * * 
 
 •• 'The name applied to It by the custom of the Igorots is not enough 
 to establish that in truth and in effect it was a sale or anything more 
 than a contract for services. * » * 
 
 ■■ The employment or custody of a minor with the consent or suffer- 
 ance of the parents or guardian, although against the child’s own will, 
 can not bo considered involuntary servitude.” 
 
 It is iikened to an jndcnluring of children, in accordance with custom, 
 unprotected by statutory safeguards. After calling attention both to 
 the American constitutional declarations against servitude and the 
 humane provisions of the Spanish codes prohibiting the abuse of minors, 
 ns well as the declaration of the Spanish law of the thirteenth cen- 
 tury that “ slavery is a thing that ail men naturally abhor,” the court 
 su.ggests that any remedy is for tlie consideration of the legislature 
 rather than action by the criminal courts. 
 
 The further inference is to be drawn from Mr. Worcester’s letter 
 that antislavcry laws were thereafter passed applicable to the moun- 
 tain I’rovinces and the Moro I’roviuce, and the offense which he finds 
 is that the legislature refuses to apply a similar law to the civilized 
 parts of the Islands. The reason for the refusal Is plain. The assembly 
 does not consider that slavery exists in the civilized parts of the 
 islands. It is stated in the letter that “ there arc Negrito slaves held 
 to-day in the city of JIanila.” If this is so, their liberation can be 
 enforced any day through a writ of habeas corpus. I am too well aware 
 of Mr. Worcester's skill as a seasoned controversialist to believe 
 that he has ventured upon a specific assertion without holding some 
 proof of it in reserve. I can only say that having been some .years a 
 resident of JIanila in ofllcial position, such a condition of things is 
 unknown to me, as it was unknown to my colleagues, some of whom 
 have resided in the Philippine Islands all their lives. The condition 
 must be exceptional and abnormal, as it is illegal, existing in the 
 islands, as phrased by Gen. Jlcintyre, “ Just as crime exists every- 
 where.” 
 
 It may also.be observed that for years before the organization of the 
 Philippine Assembly the legislation of the I'hiiippine Isiands was in the 
 hands of a commission dominated by Americans, having in its power 
 the passage of an antislavery law on any day at any hour. The re- 
 proach, if it be genuine, lies with far greater force against the Ameri- 
 can commission than the Philippine Assembly, in view of the existence 
 of this species of servitude in the mountain I’rovinces, which were im- 
 mediately under the jurisdiction of the secretary of the interior. 
 
 It has passed into an adage that “ you can not indict a whole people.” 
 All history proves that by innuendo you may calumniate a whole 
 people. I may ho permitted to say that while not one of those who think 
 I’hilippine independence a timely or tenable thing to-day, I deplore 
 the creation of a public opinion in this country based on misconception 
 of a subject that truly needs all the light that can be shed on it by 
 men holding ofiicial places. 
 
 James F. Teacet. 
 
 Albaxy, May 3 , 1913 . 
 
 C0348— 1429C 
 
52 
 
 Mr. Chairman, the foregoing testimony of the Secretary of 
 War anti of an ex-member of the Philippine Supreme Court 
 ought to have been satisfactory and final in closing this unfortu- 
 nate controvers 3 ’. But Mr. Worcester would not stop at that 
 point, and, at a great expense to tlie Filipino people, he had 
 printed a voluminous report entitled “ Slavery and Peonage in 
 th3 Philippine Islands.” Though this was supposed to be for 
 the Governor General of the Philippine Islands, extra copies 
 were made and sent broadcast throughout the United States. 
 Later he included much of this document in his book entitkd 
 “ The Philippines, Past and Present.” 
 
 Mr. Worcester, in a vain effort to justify his eai’ly declara- 
 tions that slavery exists in the Philippines, used all the agen- 
 cies of the Philippine Government to find out individual in- 
 stances of deprivation of personal liberty that had taken place 
 in any part of the islands, the Moro Province included, and cited 
 them in the publications I have referred to before as technical 
 cases of slaver.v. Anj- sensible person who will attenti\ely and 
 without prejudice read both the report and the book of Mr. 
 Worcester will at once be convinced that the efforts of the ex- 
 secretary of the intei'ior have failed, because if they show any- 
 tliing whatever, it is that there is no such thing as slavery in 
 that part of the Philii)pines inhabited b.v Christian Filipinos — 
 certainly not in the sense that it existed in the United States 
 prior to the Civil War. The so-called ” typical cases of slavery” 
 cited by Mr. Worcester are in fact, in some instances, criminal 
 actions, for which verj’ heavj- i)unishments are provided in 
 the penal code, and which are given in that code such names as 
 “ illegal detention,” “ kidnaping.” and the like. Indeed, many of 
 these so-called typical cases have been actually tried in the 
 courts of the Philippine Islands and the defendants therein have 
 been convicted and imprisoned. In other instances these “ typi- 
 cal slaverj- cases,” like all those that Mr. Worcester alarm- 
 ingly styles ” purchase and sale of human l)eings,” are either 
 ordinarj' contracts for personal services, wherein the cmploj'er 
 advances the wages of the emplojee, who is a minor, to the em- 
 ployee's parents or tutors, or they are cases of adoption, wherein 
 the adoptive parents make a present to the destitute mother of 
 the adopted child. When Gov. Gen. Harrison visited last j'ear 
 the town of Bacolor, one of the young men who delivered an ad- 
 dress of welcome to the govenior in correct English was the 
 “ victim ” in one of Mr. Worcester's slavery cases. He was 
 “ purchased ” when still a bal)e. and his " purchaser," who was a 
 wealthy Filipino of the town of Bacolor, educated him, and 
 upon her dejith made him her heir. There is, therefore, no rea- 
 son for the outcries of ilr. Worc-ester, and much less for the 
 expenditure of the money of tlie Filipino i^cople in printing and 
 distributing his reiuirt broadcast excei>t .Mr. M'orcester's desire 
 unjustl.v to depict the Filii)ino people — for whom he has always 
 entertained an ill-concealed, strong dislike, if not contempt or 
 hatred — as a people devoid of all humanitarian sentiment and 
 moral sense and badly in need of an iron hand to keep them in 
 good liehavior. 
 
 The following paragraph, which ajipears on page 82 of Mr. Wor- 
 cester's si)ecial n'port, and is repeated in more or less the same 
 words on i>age 72!», volume 2, of his book, gives a fair idea of 
 09348— 1420G 
 
53 
 
 the impression that the ex-secretary of the interior for the 
 Philippine Islands meant to create in the United States with his 
 “ slavery slogan.” 
 
 Without hesitation I assert that the existence of slavery and pconase 
 in the I’hilippines is the greatest singie problem which there confronts 
 tiie Gov'ernment of the United States in its effort to buiid up a respect- 
 abie and responsible electorate and to establish representative govern- 
 ment. 
 
 Shall human flesh be openly bought and sold under the American flag? 
 
 If this pathetic and shocking statement presented any sem- 
 blance of actual conditions in the islands, what a serious charge 
 would the American Government have to answer before the 
 inexorable bar of history ! How would the United States sat- 
 isfy the enlightened opinion and humanitarian sentiment of 
 the world horrified by the discovery tliat after 15 years of con- 
 tinuous and supreme American control of the archipelago “ hu- 
 man flesh is still openly bought and sold ” and that this “ great- 
 est single problem” of the islands is still unsolved? And what 
 an indictment — if the above-quoted statement of Mr. Worcester 
 was true — what an indictment such a statement would be 
 against every Governor General of the Philippines, beginning 
 with Mr. Taft and coming down to Gov. Forbes, as well as 
 against every member of the Philippine Commission who sat 
 in that body up to the year 1913, more particularly against Mr. 
 Worcester himself, the only commissioner who has held a com- 
 missionership continuously from the inauguration of that body 
 until September, 1913. 
 
 Fortunately for the United States and for Mr. Worcester 
 himself, they need not suffer the condemnation of mankind on 
 this score, because there never existed in the islands any such 
 problem as alleged. To be sure, in the Moro Province — a ter- 
 ritory which has always been under the exclusive control of 
 American officials — slavery was at one time a common practice, 
 and upon the arrival of the first American ti’oops a treaty rati- 
 fied by the Sultan of Jolo and the American commanding officer 
 pi'ovided that this institution should uot be interfered with by 
 the American Government. But this shameful treaty w'as at 
 once repudiated by the Washington authorities, so that even in 
 the Moro Province within a few years following American occu- 
 pation no “ human flesh ” was any longer “ bought and sold 
 under the American flag.” 
 
 But whatever the merits of Mr. Worcester’s admonition at the 
 time it was uttered, this “ greatest single problem ” confronting 
 the United States in the Philippines at the end of 15 years of 
 supreme American rule was promptly and early met by the 
 Philippine Legislature after the Filipinos came into control of 
 both of its branches. On November 28, 1913, an antislavery act 
 was adopted. This originated with the Philippine Assembly, 
 and it passed both houses at a time when Filii^iuos alone, and 
 without any American member excepting the Governor General, 
 sat in the legislature. 
 
 Mr. JIILLER. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield? 
 
 The CHAIRMAN. Does the gentleman from the Philippine 
 Islands yield to the gentleman from Minnesota? 
 
 3Ir. QUEZON. Yes; with pleasure. 
 
 Mr. jMILLER. On the occasion of the visit I made to the 
 legislature, which the gentleman so very well described the 
 C9348— 14200 
 
54 
 
 other day, the assembly passed the act prohihitiiiG: slavery, and 
 the seiitleman’s statement is correct. Is it not also true that 
 prior thereto the American commission had on three separate 
 and distinct occasions passed such an act prohibiting slavery, 
 and that each of those acts was killed by the assembly? 
 
 ilr. (il’EZON. Mr. Chainiian, I am very sorry that my dis- 
 tinguished friend has asked me that question, because he com- 
 pels me to go further than I intended to into this subject, thus 
 forcing me to mention facts that may not he pleasant. The 
 que.stion of the gentleman reopens the whole controversy about 
 slavery, now happily closed. 
 
 It would seem to he suggested by his leading question that 
 the Philippine Commission had done everything in its power to 
 enact an .-intislavery measure and that it was the assembly’s 
 fault that such a measure failed to become law. Indeed, l\Ir. 
 Worcester has openly made this charge against the Philippine 
 Assembly. 
 
 A little of the history of the Philippine Government since 
 American occupation would at once reveal where the fault lay, 
 were it true that slavery exists in the Philippine Islands in so 
 general and an alarming a form — as the ahove-q\ioted statement 
 of Mr. AVorcester would indicate — that it required the imme- 
 diate adoption of measures for its eradication, which had been 
 until lately neglected. 
 
 Fpon the assumption of sovereignty by the United States 
 over the Philippine Islands all the powers of government were 
 vested, up to October, 1907, first, in the military commander of 
 the army of occupation, and, subsequently, in an American 
 Governor General and in a Philippine Commission, presided 
 over by that governor and compo.sed chiefly of Americans, ap- 
 pointed by the President of the United States. This Philippine 
 Commission, from 1900 up to October, 1907, was exclusively 
 vested with the power to legislate for the Philippines, and it 
 could have passed during that time any act that it chose 
 regardless of the attitude and desire of the Filipino people. 
 
 Had the I’hilippine Commission intended to pass such an act 
 as was suggested by the gentleman from Minnesota, it could 
 easily have done so prior to the establishment of the Philippine 
 Assembly — an event which did not occur until October, 1907. 
 Why this negligence? Doth in the report and book of Mr. 
 Worcester he says that shortly after the establishment of the 
 American commission as the legislative authority for the Philip- 
 pine Islands, the members of the commission, Mr. M'oi’cester 
 him.self not excepted, heard of cases of the type that Mr. 
 Worcester calls slavery. AVhy did the commission do nothing to 
 prevent or punish such crimes during all the seven years of its 
 unrestricted and supreme exclusive legislative control? The 
 answer to this question given by Mr. AVorcester is one of the 
 most remark.'ihle mental acrobatic efforts I have ever seen. 
 
 In the first place, Mr. AA'orcester tells us that an attempt to 
 draft an antislavery act took place in October, 1903, and the 
 sugge.stion that the act be drafted and submitte<l to the com- 
 mission for action was made by Air. Taft, then president of the 
 Philippine Commission. But the act never saw the light at 
 the time. AA'hy? This is the answer given by Air. AA’orcestcr 
 on page 22 of his reiwrt and on page 092, A’olumo II, of his 
 01 ) 348—11290 
 
book: “Why such an act was not draftotl and passed. I do not 
 know.” This answer shows the seriousness of the evil that was 
 meant to be stamped out and the earnestne.ss of those who are 
 said to be anxious to eradicate it, since Mr. Worcester seems 
 to feel alisolutely relieved by saying, “ I do not know.” Indeed, 
 he could have very well added, but he left it to the imagination 
 of the public. “ and I don't care.” 
 
 So, this first attempt at antislavery legislation took place in 
 1903. “ My personal attention,” Mr. Worcester proceeds, “ was 
 forcibly drawn to the existence of slavery outside of the Moro 
 territory when I first inspected Xueva Vizcaya in 1905.” But Mr. 
 Worcester did not then induce the commission to enact immedi- 
 ate antislavery legislation, because, as he explains it, he “ then 
 entertained the belief, still held by some Americans, that both 
 slavery and the sale and purchase of human beings could be 
 adequately punished under certain provisions of the Spanish 
 penal code, which were then and still are in effect.” 
 
 Note, Mr. Chairman, that we are told, on the one hand, that 
 in 1903 Mr. Taft had already recommendetl that an antislavery 
 act be framed ; and on the other, that in 1905, after the personal 
 attention of Mr. Worcester “ was forcibly drawn to the existence 
 of slavery outside of the Moro territory,” he — Mr. Worcester — 
 did not immediately renew the effort initiated by Mr. Taft to 
 enact such antislavery legislation because the opinion was still 
 held by himself that the Spanish penal code offered adequate 
 punishment for would-be or actual slaveholders. 
 
 But let me continue. In order to have an authoritative opin- 
 ion, Mr. Worcester says that the attorney general was asked 
 to render his opinion on the subject. This was done, and in ac- 
 cord therewith a test case was brought before the courts, the 
 final decision rendered thereon by the highest tribunal of the 
 Philippine Islands having been an acquittal of the defendant. 
 Mr. Worcester construed this decision as meaning that the 
 supreme court had decided that the Spanish penal code did not 
 punish slaver.v. Many a lawyer in the Philippines, and all the 
 members of the Philippine Assembly, did not agree with the 
 construction placetl by Mr. Worcester upon that court’s decision. 
 I myself believe that the ground whereon the court dismissed 
 the case was that there was no evidence presented in support 
 of the complaint. But this is immaterial to the point that I 
 am now trying to make. The material fact is that Mr. Wor- 
 cester himself in his report and book says that in view of this 
 decision, “ the necessity of legislation seemed obvious.” 
 
 How did Mr. Worcester conduct himself in the performance 
 of his plain duty after his “ personal attention was forcibly 
 drawu to the existence of slavery,” and after he felt that “ the 
 necessity of legislation seemed obvious”? At that time the 
 commission was still the sole legislative authority of the Philip- 
 pine Islands and Mr. Worcester was a very infiueutial — indeed, 
 the ranking — member of that commi.ssion. Did Mr. Worcester 
 then frame and introduce the legislation regarding which he 
 .says he did not know why it was not enacted in 1003? Did he 
 frame and introduce the legislation which after the test case 
 was disposed of he says was, in his opinion, an obvious neces- 
 sity? 
 
 09348—14200 
 
He did not. What is his reason now? Let him speak for him- 
 self. lie says; 
 
 The Philippine Assembly was about to meet for the first time. The 
 work of draftinj; a proper bill was duly provided for, and I am sure 
 that no member of the commission for a moment entertained the belief 
 that there would be any difficulty in securin.!; the concurrence of the 
 assembly in the passage of a reasonable act prohibiting and penalizing 
 slavery, involuntary servitude, peonage, and the sale and purchase of 
 human beings. 
 
 When it is remembered that from October 1 to October 12, 
 1907, four days immediately preceding the inauguration of the 
 Philippine Assembly, the commission, in its desire to cover all 
 subjects of legislation before there was a popular house to 
 reckon with, enacted 70 laws, one ma.v reasonably question 
 the value of Mr. Worcester's e-vplauation. But I shall take it 
 at face value. Let us now see whether, after the inauguration 
 of the assembly, Mr. Worcester tried to secure the enactment 
 of the badly needed legislation. He himself says that not until 
 1909 did he draft the desired bill. Why this delay? Why, on 
 such an important measure as this — the measure that was to 
 give the final blow to “ the greatest single problem confronting 
 the United States in the Philippine Islands ” — why, I repeat, 
 on such important legislation as this should two years have 
 been allowed to pass without any action on the part of the 
 commission? 
 
 Mr. Worcester again gives us his reason, but he is no more 
 fortunate or convincing this time than in his earlier reasonings. 
 He says : 
 
 The gentleman charged with drafting the bill encountered difficulty In 
 so framing it that it would accomplish the desired end without unduly 
 interfering with the rights of parents to dispose of their children. Long 
 delay occurred. 
 
 Jlr. Chairman, on the strength of this statement, if I did not 
 know Mr. Worcester's ability “ as a seasoned controversial- 
 ist ” — in the words of Justice Tracey — I should think him lacking 
 in common sense; but being familiar with his controversial 
 ability I must believe that he takes for granted that, out- 
 side of himself, there is no man in this world who can see 
 a joke. He must have been in an extremely good humor — an 
 unusual thing for him — when he wrote that paragraph. How 
 can any man say, and keep from laughing at himself or at 
 his readers, that to frame a single act to punish slavery, invol- 
 untary servitude and iieonage, with many similar measures in 
 other parts of the world to copy from or to follow as “ prece- 
 dent,” is so difficult a task that long delay is inevitable? And 
 this delay lasted two years ! If it be true that the Philippine 
 Commission could not frame so simple and plain a law in less 
 than two years, with the office of the Attorney General and 
 other law offices at their command, then that commission stands 
 convicted of utter incompetency. Yet the Filipino people were 
 for many years under the exclusive legislative authority of such 
 a commission ! Of course, the commission was able to frame this 
 bill had it desired to do so. Mr. Worcester himself is a well- 
 informed man. He could have written such a bill in a day ; at 
 any rate, in much less time than he employed in writing his 
 report. Is it not sad to .see tliat i\Ir. Worcester thus let slip his 
 opportunity to become the Lincoln of the Philippines! 
 
 C934S— 14290 
 
01 
 
 Mr. CT.INE. Mr. Chairman, will the sentlcnian yield? 
 
 Tlie CilAlItMAX. Does the ;;entlemau from the Philippines 
 yield to the gentleman from Indiana? 
 
 Mr. CLIXE. The gentleman says that during the la.st session 
 of the Philippine Legislature they passed a law puuishiiig slav- 
 ery and peonage? 
 
 Mr. QL'EZOX. Yes. sir; this law originated with the Philip- 
 pine Assembly and was passed also by the commission when 
 only one American member was in the islands. 
 
 Mr. CLIXE. It is charged, though, by the gentleman from 
 Minnesota [Mr. Miller] that on three different occasions the 
 Filipinos had an opportunity to concur with the commission in 
 those acts. 
 
 Mr. QUEZOX. Yes. 
 
 3Ir. CLIXE. How do you explain their failure to do it? 
 
 Mr. QFEZOX. I am coming to that now, but I thought I 
 should first inform the committee as to the whole process that 
 this antislavery legislation went through, according to Mr. 
 Worcester's own account, so that gentlemen may form a proper 
 conception of the true import of the so-called slavery question 
 in the Philippine Islands and the reasons that the assembly 
 had for not concurring with the commi3.sion in the passage of 
 the antislavery legislation, as suggested by the question of the 
 gentleman from ^Minnesota [Mr. Miller]. 
 
 From what I said, Mr. Chairman, or. rather, from what Mr. 
 Worcester him.self says, which I quoted, the salient, clearly 
 established fact is that from the creation of the Philippine 
 Commission down to 1!X)7, when the commission was the sole 
 legislative body of the Philippine Islands, no antislaveiy legisla- 
 tion was enacted, and that not until 190D such a bill was passed 
 by that body. X’ow, this being the case — and there is not the 
 slightest dispute about it — we are face to face with this dilemma : 
 That either there was no slavery in the Philippines so real or so 
 general as to demand immediate attention and to require special 
 legislation on the part of the Philippine Commission, or if there 
 was slavery, so openly and extensively practiceil as to constitute 
 “ the greatest single problem confronting the Fnited States in the 
 Philippines,” there never was a body of more incompetent or 
 more criniinallj' negligent officials than the members of the Phil- 
 ippine Commission, who, down to 1909, failed utterly and in dis- 
 I'egard of their most imperative duty to enact the necessary 
 legislation. Since this last theorj- would seriously indict sev- 
 eral men of recognized capacity and devotion to duty, such as 
 ex-President Taft, ex-Secretary of War Wright, ex-Gov. Gen. 
 Smith. ex-Gov. Gen. Forbes, and every ex-member of the Philip- 
 pine Commission, the only plausible theory is that Mr. Worces- 
 ter's agitation about slavery in the Philippines is a tempest in a 
 teapot. And there is really the truth and the whole truth in a 
 nutshell. That is why the a.ssembly refused to concur with the 
 Philippine Commission in pas.sing the antislavery legislation, 
 which unexpectedly became at the eleventh hour the mania of 
 the ex-secretai-y of the interior. 
 
 .The members of the Philippine Assembly did not believe then 
 that in the territory inhabited by their respective constituencies 
 slavery in its legitimate meaning existed. 
 
 C9348— 1429G 
 
58 
 
 ^Ir. Chairman. I can anticipate the further question that the 
 gentleman from Indiana [Mr. ClineI is formulating in his own 
 mind. He wishes to know if the members of the assembly who 
 voterl for the antislavery legislation enacted at the last session 
 of the l*hilii)pine Legislature came at last to the conclusion 
 that .slavery was practiced among their constituents and that the 
 renal Code did not contain provisions punishing that crime. 
 Well, nothing of the sort had happened. I, for one, can give 
 a very good reason why in 1913 an antislavery act was needed, 
 regardless of whether there then was slavery or not in the 
 islands, and of whether the Penal Code impo.sed heavy penalties 
 for all kinds of violations of personal liberty. On .January 2S, 
 1912, a law was enacted legalizing compulsory service and pro- 
 viding severe penalties for employees who should leave the 
 service of their employers before they had paid their debts. 
 That law was introduced in the Philipi)ine Commission on No- 
 vember 11, 1911, pas.sed that body on Noveir.ber 14, 1911, and 
 became a law on January 20, 1912. as I stated. This law being 
 of later date than the Penal Code, it obviously annulled the 
 provisions of that code which were in conllict therewith ; and 
 while, because of the unconstitutionality of that law, the provi- 
 sions of the Penal Code were not really annulled, it was better, 
 in order to avoid legal controversies, that a new act be passed 
 “ confirming existing legislation prohibiting slavery. Involuntary 
 servitude, and peonage,” just as the Philippine Legislature did. 
 No better proof could be given of the lack of sincerity of 
 Mr. Worcester in his alleged effort to eradicate the supposed 
 slavery and fieonage in the Philippine Islands than the passage 
 by the commission of that peonage bill — a bill giving legal force 
 to the retention of one man by another for the purpose of com- 
 pelling the former to render a service to the latter — at a time 
 when Mr. tVorcester was the ranking member of that body and 
 was insisting uiion having the Philippine Assembly concur with 
 the I’hilippine Commission in passing antislavery and antipeon- 
 age legislation. What a shameful farce! And this was being 
 done while Mr. Worcester was appealing to humane organizations 
 of this country with his alarming denunciations about slavery 
 and peona.ge in the Philippine Islands. The fact that the com- 
 mission did pass such a bill indicates, at least, that if slavery 
 and peonage had been common ])ractlces in the Philippine 
 Islands, the lime had arrived when the working class knew that 
 its members had the right to work for whomsoever they chose 
 and to leave the service of their emi)loyers at will, and were 
 beginning to make use of that right. And in order to keep these 
 unfortunate creatures down, in order to deprive them of that in- 
 violable right, an act which Mr. Worcester himself took part 
 in passing was enacted. 
 
 To the everlasting benefit and glory of the Filijiino people, 
 to the confusion and shame of those who accuse them of 
 tolerating, if not heartily supporting, the use of their fellow 
 men as animals, the present I’hilippine I.egislature, by enact- 
 ing last year its antislavery act, blotted out forever the only 
 ])a.ge on our statute books which bore upon it a barbarous, in- 
 human, criminal measure. [Applause. J 
 C934S— 14290 
 
59 
 
 I sliall print this law in the Record, and side by side with it I 
 shall print the antislavery legislation enacted by the present 
 riiilippino Legislature: 
 
 AXTISLAVERY LAW PASSED RY THE 
 FIHPi:>IZED LEGISLATURE XO- 
 VEMI'.ER 28, 1913. 
 
 An act confirming existing legisla- 
 tion prohibiting slavery, involun- 
 tary servitude, and peonage in 
 the Philippine Islands, subject to 
 modifications as provided in sec- 
 tions 1108, 209, 270, and 271 of 
 the act of the Congress of the 
 United States approved March 4, 
 1909, entitled "An act to codify, 
 revise, and amend the penal laws 
 of the United States," and adopt- 
 ing measures for preventing vio- 
 lations of said laws. 
 
 By authority of the United 
 States, be it enacted by the Philip- 
 pine Legislature, that — 
 
 Sectiox 1. Nothing provided in 
 the existing legislation shall be un- 
 derstood or construed as directly 
 or indirectly permitting slavery, in- 
 voluntary servitude, and peonage 
 in the Philitjpine Islands. Subject 
 to the modifications provided in 
 the next following section, the pro- 
 visions of law prohibiting and pun- 
 ishing slavery, involuntary servi- 
 tude, and peonage contained in any 
 laws, orders, ordinances, decrees, 
 instructions, or regulations promul- 
 gated during Spanish government 
 and applicable to the Philippine 
 Islands are hereby confirmed and 
 ratified. 
 
 Sec. 2. The provisions of sec- 
 tions 2G8, 2G9, 270, and 271 of the 
 act of the Congress of the United 
 States approved on March 4, 1909, 
 entitled "An act to codify, revise, 
 and amend the penal laws of the 
 United States,” are hereb.v adopted, 
 with the necessary modifications, 
 as if they had been enacted by the 
 Philippine Legislature, to be in 
 force within the territory subject 
 to the jurisdiction of said legisla- 
 ture, so that said sections, as modi- 
 fied, shall read as follows ; 
 
 (a) Whoever kidnap', or carries 
 away any other person, with the 
 intent that such other person be 
 sold into involuntary servitude or 
 held as a slave ; or who entices, 
 persuades, or induces any other 
 person to go on board any vessel 
 or to any otter place with the in- 
 tent that he may be made or held 
 as a slave, or sent out of the coun- 
 try to be so made or held ; or who 
 in any way knowingly aids in caus- 
 ing any other person to be held, 
 sold, or carried away to be held or 
 sold as a slave, shall be fined not 
 more than P10,000 or Imprisoned 
 not more than five years, or both. 
 
 (b) Whoever bolds, arrests, re- 
 turns, or causes to be held, ar- 
 rested, or returned, or in any man- 
 
 G9348— 1429G 
 
 PEON'AGE LAW PAS.SED BY COMMIS- 
 SION XOVE.MBEIl 14, 1911. 
 
 An act relating to contracts of por- 
 sonai service and advances there- 
 under, and providing punishment 
 for certain offenses connected 
 therewith. 
 
 By authority of the United 
 States, be it enacted by the Philip- 
 pine Legislature, that — 
 
 Section 1. Any person who, with 
 intent to injure or defraud his em- 
 ployer. enters into a contract for 
 the performance of any act or per- 
 sonal service, and thereby obtains 
 money or other personal property 
 from such employer as a gratuity 
 or advance on wages to be earned 
 under such contract of employment, 
 and without just cause, and with- 
 out refunding such money or pay- 
 ing for such property, refuses or 
 fails to perform such act of serv'- 
 ice, shall on conviction thereof be 
 punished by a fine of not more than 
 P200 or imprisonment for not more 
 than six months, or with both pen- 
 alties. 
 
 Sec. 2. Any person who, with 
 Intent to Injure or defraud his 
 landlord, enters into a contract in 
 writing for the rent of land under 
 an agreement to cultivate such 
 land, thereby obtains money or 
 other personal property from such 
 landlord, and without just cause, 
 and without refunding such money 
 or paying for such personal prop- 
 erty, refuses or fails to cultivate 
 such land or to comply with his 
 contract relative thereto, shall on 
 conviction bo punished by a fine of 
 not more than 1*200 or imprison- 
 ment for not more than six months, 
 or with both penalties. 
 
 Sec. 3. Any person who, with in- 
 tent to injure or defraud, shall con- 
 tract with another to receive from 
 him personal service of any kind 
 and to compensate him therefor, 
 and thereafter with like intent re- 
 ceive the benefit of such service in 
 whole or in part and fails or re- 
 fuses to pay the compensation 
 agreed upon shall upon conviction 
 thereof be punished by a fine of 
 not more than P200 or imprison- 
 ment for not more than six months, 
 or with both penalties. 
 
 Enacted, January 20, 1912. 
 
GO 
 
 ner aids in the arrest or return of 
 any person to a condition of peon- 
 age shall be fined not more than 
 !*10,000 or imprisoned not more 
 than live years, or both. 
 
 (c) Whoever obstructs, or at- 
 tempts to obstruct, or in any way 
 interferes with or prevents the en- 
 forcement of the section last pre- 
 ceding shall be liable to the penal- 
 ties therein prescribed. 
 
 (d) Whoever shall knowingly 
 and willfully bring into the I’hilip- 
 pinc Islands or any place subject 
 to the juri.sdiction thereof any per- 
 son inveigled or forcibly kidnaped 
 in any other country, with intent 
 to hold such person so inveigled or 
 kidnaped in confinement or to any 
 involuntary servitude ; or whoever 
 shall knowingly and willfully sell, 
 or cause to be sold, into any con- 
 dition of involuntary servitude, any 
 other person for any term what- 
 ever ; or whoever shall knowingly 
 and willfully hold to involuntary 
 servitude any- person so brought or 
 sold, shall be fined not more than 
 PIO.OOO and imprisoned not more 
 than five years. 
 
 Sec. 3. It shall be the duty of 
 the provincial governor of every 
 province organized under act No. 
 
 S3 of the Philippine Commission to 
 obtain information and take all 
 measures that in his judgment may 
 be proper to forestall and there- 
 after to prevent any violations of 
 tills act. and in case such viola- 
 tions have been committed, to or- 
 der immediate prosecution. It shall 
 also be the duty of the provincial 
 governor to order, where necessary, 
 the institution of habeas corpus 
 proceedings, and he may apply to 
 the provincial fiscal, and in his 
 default to the proper court, for 
 the designation of a lawyer to pro- 
 tect the rights of the person or per- 
 sons for whose benefit the habeas 
 corpus proceedings shall have been 
 brought, and no fees shall be 
 charged for such services, and the 
 costs shall in every case be de 
 oUcio. 
 
 Sec. 4. The courts of first in- 
 stance shall have original juris- 
 diction over all cases for violations 
 of this act. 
 
 Enacted, November 28, 1013. 
 
 MR. WORCESTER'S BOOK REVIEWED. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, I shall insert in the Record in connection with 
 my remarks a review of Mr. Worcester's book, entitled “ The 
 Philippines — Past and Present,” printed in the Wisconsin State 
 Journal, Jlay 30, 1914. 
 
 The review referred to is as follows: 
 
 No more important work regarding the riiilippinos has yet been 
 printed in English. No more interesting work regarding them is likely 
 to be written. To properly review it, either for content or argument, 
 would demand much more space than is at our disposition. The title of 
 the work is misleading. It might better bear one somewhat like this: 
 The achievements of Dean C. Worcester, as judged by himself, with 
 00348—14200 
 
61 
 
 slaps at Judge Blount.” Tlie Good Book tells us that when the Maker 
 of all had finished Ills six days’ toil. lie inspected it and declared it 
 good. There have been many human imitators of this divine example ; 
 rarely have we known one so satisfied as I’rof. Worcester. He declares 
 his Philippine achievement to he very good. The hook is one of the 
 ‘‘ before taking ” and “ after taking ” advertisement .sort. It shows us 
 the I'hilippines before they had Worcester and after they had him ; one 
 must be blind not to see the improvement. Mr. Worcester’s fundamental 
 proposition is that the Philippines are only possible with us in char.ge. 
 We have built a splendid structure there, and if we leave it it will crum- 
 ble. The Filipinos are not fit for independence and will not be for a 
 long time. So we must stay, even if we wished to leave. The earlier 
 chapters of the book are historical, after a fashion. They are intended 
 to relieve conscience. They discuss whether independence was promised 
 and whether we destroyed a republic. It is claimed that we did neither. 
 Insurgent rule is shown to have been a failure, shockingly brutal and 
 cruel, supported by ” murder as a governmental agency.” The insurrec- 
 tion is said ta have been premeditated and the war is stated to have 
 been conducted treacherously. This is a faint picture of the conditions 
 as Worcester depicts them. If one takes his statement just as it 
 stands, it is alarmingly conclusive. Having proved all these things to 
 his own satisfaction. Mr. Worcester proceeds to show what benefits we 
 have conferred and details them one by one. It makes interesting read- 
 ing, and taken at face value causes one a glow of satisfaction. One 
 may, however, read between the lines. And one sometimes doubts 
 whether Mr. Worcester really takes himself seriously. Almost every 
 topic he takes up raises questions. For example, take health service. 
 We fuiiy appreciate the good done, but there are some curious things 
 in it. We have been too short a time in the islands to knov/ much of 
 cholera and its course there. There was a dreadful outbreak of the dis- 
 ease in 1902-1904. I quote two paragraphs relative to it : In 1902, 
 
 “ before it was finally checked in Manila, there were 5, .581 cases, with 
 4,330 deaths ; while in the ITovinces, in many of wdiich it necessarily 
 long ran its course practically unhindered, there were 100.071 cases, 
 with 105,07.5 deaths.” In 1904 “ the conditions for combating cholera 
 were now more favorable than in 1902,’’ and we have the following re- 
 sults : In Manila " a total of 283 cases and 243 deaths.” 
 
 “ In the Provinces the results of the campaign against cholera were 
 far less satisfactory than in Manila, as was to be anticipated, owing to 
 the lack of adequate personnel, but the cases, which numbered 34,238, 
 and deaths, which numbered 22.938, were far fewer than during the 
 previous epidemic.” Examine these satisfactory results a little. In 
 1902 in Manila 70.7 per cent of the cases died under care; in the 
 ITovinces 00.2 per cent of the cases died with inadequate care. In 
 1904 in Manila 8.5.8 per cent of the cases died under care, with im- 
 proved and more favorable conditions ; in the Provinces 00.9 per cent of 
 the cases died under inadequate care. Will the death rate in the Philip- 
 pines, apparently pretty stead.v at 60 per cent in neglect and bad condi- 
 tions, finally rise in Manila to 100 per cent when the medical treat- 
 ment is perfected along modern lines? Mr. Worcester aims, however, 
 to .give the impression that danger from cholera is past; that the dis- 
 ease has been stamped out. Thus he states that deaths from cholera 
 have diminished. “ In 1908 they numbered 18,811 : in 1909, 7.300 ; in * 
 1910, 0.940 : in 1911, 203 : in 1912 there were none, and thus far in 
 1913 there have been none.” Curious contrariety of things! In a foot- 
 note we read : “ Just before I left Manila, in October, 1913, cholera 
 reappeared there.” 
 
 WOIiCESTER’S BE.rSONIXG. 
 
 There is no question that Mr. Worcester has been doing his duty all 
 those years in the Philippines with Spartan inflexibility and firmness. 
 He long ago recognized that no thanks were to be expected from the 
 Filipinos. His ” wild people ” are responsive, but the Filipinos are un- 
 grateful. Mr, Worcester's best friends will hardly claim that he is a 
 man of tact. In his effort to prove the Filipino Assembly incapable of 
 good legislation, Mr. Worcester quotes Speaker Osmeiia as follows : 
 
 “ The bill itself was sent to the assembly for action ; but on account of 
 the unfriendliness of the members for the secretary of the interior and 
 the lack of sympathy between the assembly and him, it was not given 
 the consideration that it would have received if Mr. Worcester had at 
 the same time sent us the facts w^hich he has sent on to the United 
 States.” To Mr. Worcester this remark of Senor Osmeua merely em- 
 phasizes the incompetence of the Filipino politician. He excuses his 
 not supporting his bill by the sending of facts by the plea that they all 
 knew the facts. The truly interesting point, however, here is that Mr. 
 AYorcester hun.g onto his job. even when he was so much hated per- 
 sonally that legislation was adversely affected. ’This was true for years. 
 His usefulness in the commission ended when he was completely dis- 
 G9348— 1429G 
 
G2 
 
 liked by that body, which officially represents seven-eighths of the Phil- 
 ippine population. The tenacity with which he clung to his office after 
 his usefulness was gone became a joke. If it were not so pathetic it 
 would be very, very funny. 
 
 On the first occasion when I saw Prof. Worcester he was talking in 
 dcfen.se of the Benguet road ; he is still defending it ; he wili have to 
 defend it to his dying day : and after he is gone apolo.gies will still he 
 in order. There are some things, however, into which he does not go. 
 Thus he makes hut two incidental references to his libel suit against 
 El Renacimiento. It was the best newspaper in the Philippines. It 
 was ably edited. Mr. Worcester's suit against it was a famous incident, 
 which should not have been neglected in this hook. Your reviewer felt 
 at the time that the I'nited States Government would have done wisely 
 to buy off Mr. Worcester at any price. To have paid him $50,000 or 
 $100,000 or $200,000 damages to compensate him for his injured feel- 
 ings would have been good policy and real economy. There had been 
 things before that irritated the Filipinos, hut with the closin.g up of 
 El Renacimiento Mr. Worcester's usefulness in the islands came com- 
 pletely to an end. 
 
 A WASHING or DIRTV LINEN. 
 
 But the hook is full of Interesting matter. Some of it is commend- 
 able, some is open to criticism ; there is much fact, much fancy ; there 
 is much unassailable statement of fact, much casuistry. On the whole 
 it is an apology, a party document, a washing of dirty linen. Whom 
 he loves, he adulates ; whom he hates, he lashes. Many excellent men 
 who have done great work in the I’hilippines he ignores. Toward the 
 end of his hook he lays an excellent basis for exploitation ; he appeals 
 to our cupidity ; he shows the wealth and strategic importance of the 
 I’hilippines Having demenstrated to his own satisfaction that they can 
 not and will not develop and utilize, we must. It is a simple and easy 
 argument. We must use the Filipino to develop the I’hilippines for us. 
 He will work under direction, not alone. “ We soon discovered that by 
 picking fairly strong men and feeding them plenty of meat we could 
 make them able and willing to do it " — i. e.. work. Keep at it .' There 
 are millions there for us, :f only we can make them do the heavy work. 
 Worcester's hook will make a capita! promoter's handbook for an ex- 
 ploitation company. 
 
 Of course, we can never fit the Filipino for independence and self- 
 government He must fit himself. We shall never make him into a 
 white man like ourselves — not in a thousand years. Why should wo try 
 to do so? He is best to he what nature made him capable of hecomin.g. 
 When we withdraw — hut. alas, wo are unlikely to withdraw — he will 
 not maintain what we hate developed. He ought not to do so; he 
 should not trj. Our .model government there is a misfit. Filipinos can 
 develop a fitter one. .TudgeJ by our standards, it will no doubt be in- 
 ferior. But they ought to have a chance, and very soon. Many com- 
 petent judges believe they are less fit for self-government to-day than 
 when we took them over. Some believe that every year wc stay they 
 become loss fit. We should leave — the sooner the better. 
 
 FRIDAY, OCTOBER 9, 1914. 
 
 Time Limit to Presidential Yeto on Philippine Legislation. 
 
 Mr. Mii.lei: offered the following amendment: 
 
 -After the word " States." in line 22, page 8, strike out the period 
 and insert a colon, together with the following; "Provided further. 
 That the President shall approve or disapprove any act mentioned in the 
 foregoing proviso within SU) davs from and after its enaetment and sub- 
 mission for his approval, and if not approved within such time it shall 
 become a law, the same as if it had been specifically approved." 
 
 **«:*»*<= 
 
 Mr. QT’EZOX. Mr. Clmirmaii, it is with a great deal of diili- 
 douce that I decide to jilace iii.vself in opposition to the chair- 
 man of the Insular Coniinittee. for whom 1 feel not only res))ect 
 hut love. IVliether it is necessary or not to iiut a time limit 
 to the President's approval on legislation affect in.g our cur- 
 rency or coinage laws, there is a very good reason why this 
 limit should he required in the case of our tariff acts. The 
 G'J$4S— 1420G 
 
G3 
 
 sentleniiiii from Iowa [Mr. Towner] well said, when he dis- 
 cussed his amendment to this section, that tariff hills are essen- 
 tially partisan issues in the United States. While the argu- 
 ments of the gentleman from Iowa strongly appealed to me 
 as justifying the elimination of the whole proviso, I did not 
 feel at liberty to support his contention, hecau.se I see the force 
 of the proposition that tariff acts necessarily affect foreign rela- 
 tions, and as long as the Philii)pines arc under the sovereignty 
 of the United States we can not quite expect from you the 
 granting of such powers as may, even with the remotest possi- 
 bility, cause you anuo.vance in your international relations. 
 But surely the amendment of the gentleman from Minnesota 
 [Mr. Miller] does not involve this danger. Our tariff bills can 
 not become laws, under the terms of the amendment, unless 
 approved by the President of the United States, except that he 
 must act within three months or else the proposed measure shall 
 become law in any event There is no one, I am sure, who would 
 care to contend that if our tariff law contained any item that 
 might jeopardize the interests of the American peopie or provoke 
 anj’ conflict with a foreign power the President should not at 
 once disapprove it ; so that on this score the adoption of the 
 amendment will do no harm. On the other hand, there is the 
 distinct advantage, if this amendment is adopted, that when the 
 act is not particularly objectionable, but it is not the pleasure 
 or the convenience of the I’resident to approve it, he may let the 
 bill become a law without signing it., 
 
 I can conceive a case in which a President of the United States 
 may prefer not to approve a tariff bill enacted by the Philippine 
 Legislature and yet let it become a law. A Republican President, 
 for instance, in all likelihood would not want to approve a free- 
 trade tariff bill in the Philippine Island and a Democratic 
 Pi-esident would prefer not to approve a protective tariff bill. 
 
 , Let me explain to the committee what I mean. I take it that 
 file President of the United States would wish to allow the 
 Philippine Legislature to enact such tariff laws for the Philip- 
 pines as will best promote the interests of the islands. Suppose 
 that conditions there demanded a protective tariff and the legis- 
 lature enacted that kind of a tariff' ; let us suppose also that 
 there were at the time in the 'White House a Democratic Presi- 
 dent. He does not believe in protection, his party does not be- 
 lieve in it, and if he is a consistent man and he is requii’ed to 
 approve the bill affirmatively, the reasonable assumption is that 
 he never would approve it. If, on the other hand, he could allow 
 the bill to become law without his approval and he were satisfied 
 that there would be no harm to the United States from the 
 operations of the bill, he might decide to leave the responsibility 
 of adopting a protective policy to the legislature, without by his 
 signature approving of that policy. The same thing may be 
 said if the islands should need a low tariff or free trade and the 
 President were a Republican. Mr. Chairman, I deem it ver.v 
 important that this bill should give the I’resident of the United 
 States an opportunity to let the Filiiiinos enact such laws as 
 they consider best, but which the President, because of his polit- 
 ical principles, ma,v not approve of. I hope, therefore, that the 
 committee will adopt the amendment. 
 
 C9348— 1 i29G 
 
C4 
 
 SATURDAY, OCTOBER 10, 1914. 
 
 AVoman Suffrage. 
 
 * * * * * * 
 
 Mr. Maxn offered the following amendment : 
 
 Amend, on page 11, line l.">, before the word “ citizen,” strike out the 
 word " male,'' and in line 21, after the word “ he,” insert the words 
 ” or she.” 
 
 Air. QUEZON. Air. Chairman, it is evident from the state- 
 ments made by the gentleman from Illinois [Air. AI.vnn] that 
 the main purpose of his amendment is to test the sentiment and 
 conviction of this House on the issue of woman suffrage. I 
 submit. Air. Chairman, that the Philippine bill does not offer 
 the proper opportunity for such a test. 
 
 Air. AIANX. Will tlie gentleman yield? 
 
 Air. QUEZON. AA’ith pleasure. 
 
 Air. AIANN. It is the only opportunity. 
 
 Air. Ql'EZON. I beg to disagree with the gentleman; and if 
 he will allow me to continue, 1 think I shall be able to prove 
 that I am right. . 
 
 Statesmen have the right to advocate such doctrines as they 
 believe should be embodied in law to further the public good. 
 But I deny that, under free institutions, legislative bodies have 
 a right to enact such laws when the people whom they repre- 
 sent are not favorable to them. iVise legislation is not the ex- 
 pression of mere theories. It is the adaptation of those theories 
 to the circumstances and conditions of a country, and among 
 free people, it should also be in accord with and not against the 
 opinions of the people themselves. These propositions. Air. 
 Chairman, are nowadays recognized as self-evident truths. If 
 you apply them to the amendment now before the committee, 
 you will conclude that ,vou shouhl vote down the amendment 
 even if you were in favor of woman suffrage for the United 
 States. 
 
 Air. Chairman, let me say right here that I believe in the 
 political equalit.v of men and women. I would not subscribe 
 to the theory that the right to vote belongs exclusively to 
 man because of his sex ; therefore I would uot withhold the 
 franchise from women if they wanted to exercise it ; but neither 
 would I impose this duty upon them against their will. I 
 say “ duty.” because, in my opinion, while the ballot is a right, 
 once the right has been granted it thereby becomes one of the 
 most important duties of citizenship. I am therefore oppo.sed to 
 the amendment introduced by the gentleman from Illinois, l>e- 
 cause the women of my country — practically all of them, so far 
 as I know their will — do not want to vote. 
 
 A few years ago a woman-suffrage movement was undertaken 
 in Alanila that ended in complete failure. A few meetings were 
 held, but it has not been possible to create any interest in 
 tins movement either on the part of the men or on the part of 
 the women, still less to find any number of advocates for it. 
 In tlie I'rovinces nobody ever attempted to di.scuss the question, 
 and our women there would be decidedly against it. I hope, 
 therefore. Air. Chairman, tliat the committee, in its wisdom, will 
 not care to impose uiion our women the duty of voting. 
 
 Air. Chairman, while I am opposed to the amendment of the 
 gentleman from Illinois. I welcome the opp.ortunity he has thus 
 offered me to say a word or two about Filipino women. An 
 G9:i48— 1420G 
 
C5 
 
 important subject, which has not been considered to the extent 
 that it deserves in the discussion of Philippine matters, is the 
 condition and qualification of our womanhood and the part it 
 plays in our life. The Filipino woman occupies a position en- 
 joyed by no other oriental woman. She is what women are in 
 the most enlightened countries in the woidd. In the home the 
 wife is the inspiration of her husband ; the mother, the molder 
 of the character of her sous; the daughter, the hope, the con- 
 solation, the comfort of her parents. Indeed, even in business 
 women are consulted by men. Long before American occupa- 
 tion there were already in the islands public schools and many 
 colleges for women, so that even at that time education was not 
 an exclusive privilege of men. Since the establishment of pub- 
 lic schools during the American regime the benefit of free edu- 
 cation has been equally enjoyed by our girls and our boys. 
 Instances are not rare when in the classes th.e intellectual .star 
 shines from among the girls. In the University of the Philip- 
 pines some of the graduating classes have been headed by girls. 
 I venture to saj', therefore, Mr. Chairman, that the character 
 and intelligence of our women alone would justify our optimism 
 as to the wonderful iwssibilities of our country. Now, let me 
 give the committee a piece of information taken from volume 2, 
 page 117, of the Philippine Census which is very interesting. 
 It is as follows : 
 
 The number of women who reported themselves as prostitutes was 
 470. nearly all of whom were in Manila. Of these. 75 were white, nearly 
 all the countries of Europe being represented, besides the United States. 
 Two hundred and sixty, or more than half, were yellow, practically all 
 of whom were .Japanese, and only 141, or 1 in 25,000 of the female 
 population of the islands, were Filipinos. It is rather extraordinary 
 that in this Malay Archipelago seven-tenths of all the prostitutes were 
 from foreign lands, a fact which speaks volumes for the chastity of the 
 Filipinos. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, one word more and I .shall finish. It is un- 
 necessary to impose upon our women the burden of going to the 
 polls because they are already interested in public questions. 
 Their wholesome influence, exercised at home, tells on the public 
 mind. 
 
 Therefore, Mr. Chairman, I am sincerely in hope that the 
 amendment wili be voted upon, not from the standpoint of the 
 people of the United States, but in conformity with the prefer- 
 ence of the Filipino women. [Applause.] 
 
 MONDAY, OCTOBER 12, 1914. 
 
 Government of the Non-Christian Tribes. 
 
 Mr. Towner, of Iowa, introduced the following amendment : 
 
 “ Sec. 16a. That the provisions of this bill shall not be applied to the 
 territory occupied by nor to the peoi)le known as the Moros or other 
 non-Christain tribes. That such peoples and non-Christian tribes shall 
 be allowed to maintain their tribal organization and government sub- 
 ject to the provisions of this section. That the government of the 
 territory now occupied by the said Moros and other non-Christian 
 tribes and of said peoples is hereby committed to a commission to be 
 known as the Philippine Commission, to consist of three persons to be 
 appointed by the President, by and with the approval of the Senate of 
 the United States and the Governor General or Acting Governor Gen- 
 eral of the Philippines. That said three members so appointed shall 
 receive a salary of $5,000 each, and shall hold their otficos for four 
 years and until their successors are appointed .and qualified. That said 
 commission shall have such powers in general, except as modified by 
 C9348— 14296 5 
 
G6 
 
 cxiatins conditiona, as wero j^rnntpd to tlie commission appointed by 
 the President of the Fnitod States by the order of April 7, IPOO. That 
 said commission shall have power to ti’ansfer from time to time such 
 territory and peoples to the Kovemment and jurisdiction of Uie Philip- 
 pine (iovernment. as provided for in tlie preceding sections of this act, 
 by and with tlie consent of the I’hiiippine Legislature. That any tribe 
 or people of such Moros or other non-Christian tribes, sufficient in num- 
 ber and of suth contiguous residence as to constitute an entity capable 
 of municipal organization which shall desire to be admitted to the 
 jurisdiction of the Philippine Government established in preceding 
 sections of this act and who shall present a petition, signed by a ma- 
 jority of the males over 21 years of age of such tribe or entity, to that 
 effect to the Philippine Legislature, may be admitted upon the accept- 
 ance of the transfer or jurisdiction by the Philippine Legislature and 
 the approval of the President of the United States. The right to 
 amend, modify, or repeal this section is hereby reserved to Congress 
 without in any way affecting the other provisions of this act.” 
 
 ilr. QUEZON. Mt. Cliairman, I cau not permit to pass un- 
 cliallenged tlie statement just made on this floor by tlie gentle- 
 man from Iowa [Jlr. TowrtEE] that there is hatred between the 
 non-Christian Filipinos on the one hand and their Christian 
 brethren on the othei'. The statement is not original. It has 
 several times heretofore been circnhited by well-known persons 
 from one end of thi.s country to the other, anti has been ac- 
 cepted by many people in the very best of faith. Among these 
 innocent victims of such falsehooils is doubtless the gentleman 
 from Iowa. Such a statement .should not be allowed to go 
 further without the most energetic protest on the part of those 
 who know' the true state of affairs in their own country. 
 
 The Moros in times gone by have sometimes invaded certain 
 of the small villages inhabited by Christian Filipinos. It is 
 also true that until a few' years ago there were a handful of 
 savages hi the Philippines, knowui as head-huntei’s, w’ho occa- 
 sionally decapitated some Chri.stian Filipinos. P>nt it is not true, 
 indeed it is very wide of the mark, to say that such happenings 
 as these prove that there is any particular hatred or antagonism 
 between the Christian and non-Christian inhabitants of tlie 
 Philippines. 
 
 The lack of discrimination in forming opinions on Philippine 
 issues shown by persons who habitually act otherwise on mat- 
 ters of personal moment to them is most astonishiug. Tliej' 
 seem to take at face value whatever they hear or read regard- 
 less of its soundness and without analyzing the motives that 
 iniglit have prompted erroneous statements. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, the gentleman from. Iowa is a very able law- 
 yer, and if he would only apply to such information as he 
 got regarding the supposed hatred between Christian and non- 
 Christian Filipinos some of the common and rudimentary prin- 
 ciples of evidence he would at once discover that such informa- 
 tion is by no means plausible — indeed, is absolutely unreliable. 
 
 We are told, Mr. Chairman, tliat the Jloros hate the Christian 
 Filipinos; that they have emphaticallj' reiterated that they 
 would forcibly resist any attempt at a government of their 
 territory by the latter; that they love the .Americans, are happy 
 under American rule, and are begging to bo permitted to con- 
 tinue to live under that rule; What are the facts? The fixet 
 is that while it Ls true that the Moros have attacked and killed 
 some Filipinos, it Vas long ago (hat they did so. while up to 
 two years ago they had been in the habit of attacking and 
 killing American soldiers. Why, Mr. Chairman, the number of 
 00348—14200 
 
67 
 
 file American troops killed by the Moros in tbeir resistance to 
 American control exceetled by far the number of Filipinos that 
 they even attempted to kill in past years, not to say of those 
 they actually succeeded in killing. That Filipino heads have 
 become a part of the trophies of the head-hunters in times gone 
 by is undoubtedly a fact; but, unfortunately, Spanish and Amer- 
 ican heads have also been taken to make up these trophies. 
 What is the conclusion — the only logical conclusion — to be de- 
 rived from these premises? That the Christian Filipinos were 
 never singled out as the most desired victims of warlike iMoros 
 and head-hunting pagans; that the Moro aversion to the Chris- 
 tian is a matter of religious fanaticism. It made no difference 
 to these Mohammedans whether their victim was an American, 
 a Spaniard, or a Filipino so long as he bore the mark of the 
 cross. With the savages their head-hunting occupation was a 
 part of their superstition, and the color of the head mattered 
 not. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, the problem of governing the Moros and other 
 non-Christian inhabitants of the Philippines is by no means as 
 serious a matter as the question of governing the Indians which 
 Americans had to face in the early days of this Republic, 
 and if the Christian Filipinos were given an opportunity to take 
 care of their backward brothers they would demonstrate that 
 the task did not even deserve to be termed a problem. In my 
 opinion there is less ground for the suggestion that the non- 
 Christian Filipinos be placed outside the control of the Philip- 
 pine Legislature than there would be for the suggestion that the 
 Indians of this country should be beyond the control of Con- 
 gress, since there is more community of interest and race between 
 the Christian and non-Christian Filipinos on the one hand than 
 between the American Indians and the white Americans on the 
 other. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, I am decidedly opposed to the amendment 
 offered by the gentleman from Iowa, and I should be against 
 the passage of this bill if that amendment were to be adopted. 
 For one thing, that amendment would retard the settlement of 
 the so-called problem of the non-Christians. 
 
 ' I have already stated in my main speech on this bill that the 
 plan of representation given to the inhabitants of the non- 
 Christian tribes does not appeal to me; but that I have sub- 
 mitted to that proiX)sal, because, after all, the number of the 
 appointed members who are to represent the non-Christians is 
 so small in comparison with the rest of the legislature that in 
 practice the result will be that the whole of the Philippines will 
 be under the control of the elected representatives of the Fili- 
 pino people. 
 
 In support of the theory that thei’e is a very deep an- 
 tagonism between the Christian and the non-Christian inhab- 
 itants of the Philippines there have been printed, Mr.. Chair- 
 man, not only in newspa])ers and magazines, but also in Govern- 
 ment publications, alleged speeches made by Moro chiefs on dif- 
 ferent occasions. I have also read — it was not my good for- 
 tune to be present at the time — the speech of the gentleman 
 from Minnesota [Mr. JIili.es], delivered three months ago, in- 
 forming this House of similar addresses presented to him during 
 his recent visit in the islands by some important heads of 
 pagan tribes and by prominent dattos among the Moros. It has 
 C93I8— 14206 
 
68 
 
 always been a puzzle to me to find all these speeches and ad- 
 dresses as good pieces of literature as the best of our orators 
 upon the floor of this House could present. It was indeed too 
 difficult for an ordinary intellect like mine to explain how un- 
 educated people, some of them, in fact, thoroughly uncivilized, 
 could match their oratorical qualities with highly educated men 
 who made it their business to study and practice eloquence. 
 
 I have often wondered whether the hand that penned these 
 speeches was, in every case, a gloved hand, and whether the 
 translator — for they were translated into English in order that 
 they might be understood by the addressee — was really making 
 a siieech of his own. Be that as it may. we have on our side 
 reason and eloquent facts that tell the situation more convmc- 
 inglv than anv words, certainly than all these speeches and 
 addresses. To the.se facts I wish to call the attention of the 
 committee, so that it may learn something besides the old 
 theorv regarding Bhilippine affairs. 
 
 The Moro Province is to-day governed by a civil governor. 
 No longer is the Moro constantly watched by a man with a gun. 
 
 A new law has been enacted since Gov. Harrison became Gov- 
 ernor General of the Philippines for the administration of the 
 ‘ affairs in the territory mainly inhabited bj' the Mohammedans. 
 This change has taken place with the approval of the \\ ar De- 
 partment, and the result demonstrates that the Moro lives peace- 
 fully under civil authorities and that the Moros can get along 
 together with Christian Filipinos and can work hand in hand 
 with them for their common welfare. The governor of the aioro 
 Province, it must be said, is one of the ablest and most indus- 
 trious American officials who ever landed on Philippine soil. If 
 at all possible to govern the Moros through civil agencies, the 
 man who has the qualifications to show its lu'acticability is the 
 man chosen by Gov. Gem Harrison Frank \\. Caipentei. 
 
 Gov Carpenter has been in full charge of the Department of 
 Mindanao— that is the name given now to the old Moro Prov- 
 ince. and it includes the territory iii the island of 3Iindanao 
 inhabited bv pagans— for fully 10 months, and during that time 
 there has been no disoiMer nor have the Moros ever risen m 
 arms against their government. Gov. Carpenter was 
 uite instructions by the Governor General as to the policies he 
 should pursue in governing the Jiloro country. 
 make that country as much a real part of the 1 hilippme 
 Islands as anv other Province of the archipelago, ihat meant 
 Hat good and friendly relations between the Mohammedan. and 
 Christian Filipinos should be fostered and that the Moros 
 should be as early as possible given the same opportunities foi 
 education, sanitation, and material development as the inhab- 
 itants of other Provinces of the archipelago. . , . 
 
 Gov. Carpenter, with that quickness of mind tliat is his 
 peculiar gift, grasped at once the task he was called upon to 
 discharge, and, with the energy and determination with which 
 he always enters on his undertakings, he saiv to it that the i- 
 structioiis of Gov. Harrison were at once put into effect. And 
 so we now have in the Moro Province more schools, more roads, 
 beHeVrniSioii, and more cultivated land than there ever was 
 
 ^*^\’^nectacle doubtless astonishing to men who believe as does 
 the g^leiiian from Iowa IMr. Towner] is likewi.se being 
 G9348— 1420G 
 
G9 
 
 offered since tbe reorganization of the Moro Province. The 
 provincial boards have been created in charge of the sub- 
 Provinces, and they are composed of a Filipino as gov- 
 ernor, a Mohammedan as third member, and an American as 
 treasurer. How nearly true it is that the Moro hates to have 
 anything to do with the Filipino, and how much he dislikes 
 any other government but a strong, purely American-controlled 
 government, we can judge from the address which the Moslem 
 third member of the sub-Proviuce of Zamboanga delivered on 
 the inauguration of the provincial government, of which lie is a 
 member by appointment of Mr. Carpenter. I shall call the at- 
 tention of the committee to this paragraph of that speech : 
 
 lie who thinks that it is impossible for the Moslem and the Filipino 
 to live together in peace and participate together in the government is 
 foolish and lacks wisdom. 
 
 Can there be a more emphatic denial of the alleged hatred 
 between Moros and Christian Filipinos than the foregoing state- 
 ment? Mr. Chairman, a Christian Filipino and a Mohammedan 
 are now working together in the government of their common 
 Province, and this fact alone gives us the best evidence that the 
 Moro and the Filipino not only can live together peacefully but 
 can also cooperate in the interest of the public good. 
 
 With regard to the other non-Christian inhabitants of 
 the archipelago I shall have very little to say. Even those who 
 are most pessimistic as to the possibility of placing this people 
 under the Philippine Government admit that in this case the 
 difficulties are less than in the case of the Moros. I say with- 
 out hesitation that there is no difficulty whatever in having 
 these people governed by Christian Filipinos. Had a different 
 policy been pursued by the former secretary of the interior in 
 the management of the affairs of these people, thes' would have 
 advanced more than they have thus far, and there would have 
 been to-day a fully established intercommunication between 
 them and the Christian Filipinos. The new secretary of the in- 
 terior is, thank God, wise enough to .see that the old policy was 
 wrong and injurious, and his new policy is to promote the inter- 
 mingling (ff these pagans with the Christian Filipinos. He has 
 appointed a delegate whose paramount duty is to bring about 
 this result. Less appropriation for so-called scientific researches 
 and more for the education, sanitation, and means of communi- 
 cation of this people is the watchword of Secretary Winfred T. 
 Denison. In connection with this remark I wish to insert in 
 the Record a quotation from an address delivered by Secretary 
 Denison before the Manila City Club, as follows : , 
 
 To be concrete : Within the last few days the question has come to 
 me whether I would authorize the expenditure of PoOO, more or less, 
 for the photographing of mollusks. 
 
 Now, it happens that I have Just returned from the Mountain 
 Province, where I found a deep necessity and a great demand for school- 
 teachers and no money to provide them. I had this choice ; Should I 
 spend P500 for photographing these mollusks, or should I spend it for 
 a school-teacher? I could pay the whole share of the Insular Govern- 
 ment in another teacher for the cost of these photographs. I am not 
 unaware that the world outside of the Philippines may possibly prefer 
 the photographs of the mollusks to teachers in the Mountain I’rovince, 
 but can there be any doubt in the mind of anyone that my duty is to 
 spend that money for the interest of the Philippines, rather than to 
 further what may be considered the interest of the scientific world at 
 large? 
 
 This is a type of the questions which are constantly arising. It is an 
 extreme one, and one that is unusually ridiculous, but nevertheless it 
 serves to make the point. 
 
 C934S— 1429G 
 
70 
 
 Every requisition for expenditure involves a choice of the purpose 
 proposed as against all other possible purposes, and it behooves an 
 alien administrator to have a care lest he gives the hobbies of his own 
 nation priority over the interest of the people whose money ho is 
 spending. 
 
 A similar thing happened in the first month I was here. I had been 
 to Palawan, and had found there 40,000 people without a doctor. This 
 gave me a shock which 1 shall never forget, and which has not been 
 minimized by my having subsequently found the same thing on a still 
 larger scale in the Mountain Province. I had visited the Moros in 
 the southern end of Palawan, and had found them eager for a school- 
 teacher — even grown men petitioning for leave themselves to go to 
 school. I had been to the Culion leper colony, and had received the 
 petitions of those 6 sisters of St. Paul de Chatres who were doing all 
 the nursing for 250 hospital patients and caring for the whole out- 
 patient and dispensary service besides ; and they had asked for 2 more 
 nurses and P50 a month for extra delicacies for the more desperate 
 among their cases. 
 
 With these things in my mind I returned to Manila ; and there the 
 very first thing that came to me was an application for leave to spend 
 P14.000 for printing the results of ethnological research into the 
 habits of the Rukidnons and other non-Christian tribes, and I said to 
 myself : Is it for the interest of the Filipino people that these manu- 
 scripts should be printed at such a cost, rather than that school- 
 teachers and doctors should be sent to Palawan and more help to those 
 weary sisters of St. Paul de Chatres and the lepers in their care? 
 
 Is it for the interest of the Filipino people to make such researches 
 and to print their results in order to inform the -imerican people and 
 the outside scientific world about the ways and habits of the Bukid- 
 nons, rather than to send school-teachers to teach the Bukidnons the 
 ways of the outside world? 
 
 It was urged that these expenses for printing were a mere bagatelle 
 compared with the cost of collecting the information, and that it was 
 a pity to lose the I’esults of these researches for a sum so small when 
 compared with the vast total of co.st already incurred in collecting the 
 information. 
 
 Itut for P14,000 I could either cover the Mountain Province with 
 school-teachers or cover Palawan with doctors or fill Culion with 
 nurses, while the outside world, if it finds itself in peremptory need of 
 this knowledge, may possibly ho able to find the money somewhere 
 except in the pockets of the Filipino people. 
 
 Then it was urged that the administrative officers of the Mountain 
 Province, the governor, the lieutenant governors, and all the Americans 
 who have to deal with those people up there, needed these researches 
 to guide them in their work. That might possibly, to my mind, be a 
 justification for the expense, so I set that question aside until I could 
 visit the Province, and then I asked everyone of these officers the 
 question, and I found that not one of them had ever made any practical 
 use of any of hese things. “ Interesting,” they said. “ from the point 
 of view of the advancement of the science of the world, but of no actual 
 practical use to the Mountain Province.” 
 
 The foregoing statement is very interesting, since it shows — 
 at least by iuiplication — what had been done before Secretary 
 Denison's time, and was then heralded as the greatest thing a 
 certain iiersou ever did in his life 1 
 
 Jlr. Chairman, I sincerely hoiie that the gentleman from Iowa 
 will not press his amendment. The gentleman knows that the 
 Philippine Commission under the present organic act has abso- 
 lute control over the Moro and other non-Christian Provinces, 
 and that since the appointment by the President of a majority of 
 Filipinos on the commission those Provinces have been in effect 
 governed by Christian Filiiiinos. AVere it true that there was a 
 dislike on the part of these Christian Filipinos for the Moros, it 
 would have been plainly shown in the conduct of the present 
 Philippine Commission; yet the fact is tlnit although the reve- 
 nues of the Philipiiine Islands have fallen off. and in spite of the 
 absolute necessity for retrenchment, this Filipinized commission 
 has api)ropriateJ. more money than ever for the pagans, and has 
 C9348— 14296 
 
71 
 
 given for the department of Mindanao and Sulu P225,000; for 
 Agnsan, P17,000 ; and for public works of general character to 
 be oarrieti out in these countries, P27.225. With these concrete 
 facts I believe tlie gentleman must be convinced of the lack of 
 foundation for what he heard or read about antagonism between 
 the Christians and non-Christians. [Applause.] 
 
 MONDAY, OCTOBER 12, 1914. 
 
 The Successful Administration of Gov. Gen. Harrison. 
 
 Mr. QUEZON. Mr. Chairman, I have just this moment re- 
 ceived two cablegrams from the Philippines, the contents of 
 which ought to fill every patriotic American with joy and 
 pride. One year ago this mouth a new Governor General for 
 the Philippine Islands arrived in Manila, and was there met 
 with a very warm and enthusiastic reception bj' thousands upon 
 thousands of Filipinos, many of whom came fi’om the farthest 
 corners of the archii)elago. This Governor General was the 
 Plon. Francis Burton Harrison, of New York, formerly a dis- 
 tinguished Member of this House and now the chief executive of 
 the Philippine Islands. [Applause.] Arches, bands of music, 
 waving flags, and fragrant flowers spoke of the good will and 
 the high expectations of the people of the I’hilippines regarding 
 their new Governor General. What was the meaning of this 
 magnificent and unprecedented reception given to a foreign 
 governor? Was it, perchance, that at last, the Filipino people 
 had forsaken their desii'e to be the masters of their own 
 destinies and were actually glad to receive a foreign ruler? 
 No; the Filipino people were then aS much as they had ever 
 been — indeed, as much as they are to-day — united in their 
 aspiration to have as their chief executive a man of their 
 own kind and of their own free selection. But they had heard 
 of Gov. Gen. Harrison before ; they had read some of the remarks 
 made by him upon this floor, when he was still a Member of tliis 
 House, touching upon tlie Philippines, and they therefore be- 
 lieved that Gov. Harrison had accepted the governorship of 
 the islands for no purpose other than that of helping the Fili- 
 pino people to harvest the precious fruit of their patriotic en- 
 deavors as well as to do his own part in bringing about the 
 early redemption of the pledge of his country to give the islands 
 a free and independent government. So the Filipino people 
 looked upon the incoming Governor General from the very 
 moment they learned of his ai)pointmeut not as their new ruler, 
 but rather as their adviser, friend, and advocate. And so they 
 received him with open arms and loving hearts. 
 
 The Filipino people have not been disappointed in Gov. Gen. 
 Harrison. He has almost surpassed our expectations. During the 
 year which has just elapsed since the day he landed on Philip- 
 pine shores he has given us ample evidence that he is an able, 
 efficient, sympathetic, and just executive and administrator; a 
 sincere friend of ours, earnestly striving to promote our wel- 
 fare and liberty. For this reason, upon the annivei’sary of the 
 goveimor's arrival at Manila, there was a great public demon- 
 stration, equal to if not surpassing in its display of affectionate 
 feeling the one given him upon his arrival. 
 
 693-1 S—1429C 
 
72 
 
 I shall read. Mr. Chairman, these cablesrrf.ms I hold in my 
 hand, for they Avill tell belter than I could myself of what took 
 place in Manila. One cablegi’am reads: 
 
 Over 5O.0CX1 Filipinos from every walk in life and irrespective of 
 political atBliations raarc'icd to-day to Malacanan? Palace to celebrate 
 the first aaniversary of the arrival of Gov. Harrison. A delesatiou 
 from the people presented the severnor with an album containing a 
 signed resolution, requesting President Wilson to keep Mr. Harrison as 
 Governor General until the Philippine policy of the President, as out- 
 lined in his message to tte Filipino people, delivered through Gov. Har- 
 rison last year, has been carried out. and conve.ving to Gov. Harrison 
 the confidence and faith of the Filipino people in their governor, as 
 well as commending his untiring and successfui efforts to carry out the 
 President’s policy. Gov. Harrison addressed the gathering briefiy, as 
 follows ; 
 
 •' Your presence in such great numbers does me honor far beyond my 
 deserts, but more important still you once more display the good will 
 aud confidence of the people of the Philippines toward the people of 
 the Fnited States. Our people are your friends, and they are prond of 
 your progress and your accomplishments. As the representative of the 
 United States, I desire most earnestly to merit your continued friend- 
 ship and cooperation. Both these you have already shown me in un- 
 measirred terms. 
 
 •• One year ago I delivered to yoi; a message from President Wilson. 
 He then 'authorized me to say, ’ Wo regard ourselves as trustees acting 
 not for the advantage of the United States tut for the benefit of the 
 Philippine Islands. Every step we take will he taken with a view to 
 the ultimate independenee of the islands aud as a preparation for that 
 independence.’ To both of these principles I now reaffirm my unyield- 
 ing aUcgiance. To both these principles I have adhered during this 
 past year with unfaltering determination. To both I shall continue 
 to adhere. And in this determination you have rendered me your as- 
 sistance in every way. With patience, with dignity, and with* wisdom 
 you have justified the words of Pi-esidcnt Wilson toward you. The year 
 'has been one in which Filipinos may well take pride — not only tbe'fcw 
 in office but the great mass of the people as well. In the future you 
 will tread with ever-increasing powers of self-government the same path 
 of moderation, of justice, and of progress. Let us continue to work to- 
 gether united aud in harmonj’." 
 
 Auotber says that a committee, composed of representative 
 Filipinos from every walk in life and of dele.gations from all the 
 most important social associations in the Philippines, adopted 
 the following re.solution : 
 
 Whereas the benefits of good laws and liberal constitution are only 
 shared by the people through the faithful execution of these laws 
 and the 'mandates of said constitution by executives jealous of the 
 strict compliance of their duties ; and 
 Whereas the Hon. Francis Burton Harrison. Governor General of the 
 I’hilippine Islands, ever since his assumption of office has faithfully 
 interpreted and executed not only the laws and the constitution of 
 the I’hilippine Islands hut also the policy of the I’residcnt of the 
 United Slates, as outlined in his message to the Filipino people and 
 conve.vcd to them by said Gov. Gen. Harrison, so much so that he 
 has brought to the public mind the conviction that there now exists 
 in these islands a government that protects life and liberty and pro- 
 motes prosperity alike to the natives and to the foreigners, the un- 
 dersigned representing the people of Manila and neighboring Prov- 
 inces — 
 
 llesolvcd, First, tliat a vi.sit be paid to said Governor General, the Hon. 
 Francis Burton Harrison, at Malacanang I’alace at 4 p. m. on the lltli 
 day of October, in order to give him a public and official testimony of 
 the great s: tisfaction that the people of the Philippine Islands feel for 
 his upright and wise administration. 
 
 Second. That copies of this resolution be sent to the Philippine Com- 
 mission and the I’hilippine Assembly. 
 
 Third. That copies of this resolution be sent to the Resident Com- 
 missioners in the United States, with the request that they communicate 
 the same to the Congress and to the President of the United States and 
 state at the same time tne ardent desire of the people of the I’hilippincs 
 that said Hon. Francis Burton Harrison remain as chief executive of 
 these islands. 
 
 00348—14206 
 
73 
 
 Fourth. That a copy of this resolution be presented to the Governor 
 General, Francis Iturton ITarrlson, written in an allnim and signed by 
 the executive committee and other representative persons who may wish 
 to do so. 
 
 Mr. Cliainnau, it is only natural that the Filipino people 
 should thus feel toward their present Governor General. They 
 owe it to him, since he has under the most difficult circum- 
 stances succeeded in giving them an efficient and very satisfac- 
 tory government. The first anniverstiry of Mr. Harrison’s ad- 
 ministration shows a reduction in the expenses of the Philippine 
 Government, as compared with the last six months of the pre- 
 ceding calendar year, of $2,000,000 per annum, out of a total 
 expenditure which had been in the past sli.ghtly less than 
 $15,000,000 per annum. Nearly one-half of this great saving 
 had been effected in the expenses of bureaus and offices, and 
 represented real economy in that it showed a reduction in the 
 “ overhead ” cdst of administering the affairs of the islands. 
 
 A portion of the governor’s first message to the Philippine 
 Legislature was devoted to a description of the financial difficul- 
 ties which the insular government was facing upon his arrival. 
 The saving effected, as I have already indicated, shows how 
 great an effort and how much courage and determination were 
 necessary to accomplish this great reduction in the expenses of 
 the government. I shall not detain the House by reading this 
 message, but the American people should be acquainted with it, 
 and therefore I shall Insert it in this part of my remarks. The 
 message referred to is as follows : 
 
 Annu.cl Message. 
 
 Gentlemen of the legislature, for the first time since the occupation 
 of the Philippine Isiands by the United States a Democratic administra- 
 tion assumed control of the United States Government upon the 4th of 
 last March. Ten days ago, as the representative of that administration, 
 I came to you as your chief executive bearing a message from Presi- 
 dent Woodrow Wiison. That message, indicating the poiicy of the 
 President in respect to these islands, I have already delivered to the 
 Philippine people in his name. 
 
 The President has promised that he will give immediately to the 
 people of the Philippines, as the first step toward carrying out his pol- 
 icy, a majority of the appointive commission. This legislature will, 
 therefore, for the first time have a majority of native citizens in both 
 branches. In consequence the eyes of the American people will be upon 
 this legislature with a confident expectation that it will furnish to the 
 world a proof that you are capable of self-government and that it will 
 measurably advance the day of independence. 
 
 You begin your labors at a time of profound peace throughout the 
 islands. It is our duty to conserve it. 
 
 GOVERNMENT AND BESINESS. 
 
 Every legitimate business enterprise should and will receive the pro- 
 tection of the Insular Government. But we must bear in mind that 
 business is intended to serve the Government, not the Government to 
 serve business. The duty of government is to see that every business 
 man receives an equal opportunity before the law, not that any busi- 
 ness man should enjoy a special privilege. 
 
 The best service that a government can properly render to commercial 
 enterprise is to restore confidence and to promote good feeling. If the 
 new administration here shall be the Instrument of bringing about a 
 better understanding between the different elements of the community, 
 it will be promoting the best interests of the business world. Good feel- 
 ing between all classes of residents in the islands is the best asset of a 
 business community. It should he our duty and it will be my constant 
 preoccupation to leave nothing untried to bring about this happy result. 
 
 Before proceeding to a discussion of any other matter, 1 submit for 
 your consideration a report recently made by the former secretary of 
 the interior of this Government upon the subject of slavery. 
 
 693-18—14290 
 
74 
 
 DEFICIT DEMANDS ECONOMY. 
 
 My term of service in this Government has been short. I am not at 
 this moment prepared to advise with you upon all subjects of public 
 interest. At a future day I shall ask your indulgence to send to you 
 other messages upon matters of public moment. For the present I 
 direct your attention to one special subject in my judgment of para- 
 mount importance. 
 
 The most pressing need of the hour is economy in the public expendi- 
 tures. This matter, in my opinion, is the most important question now 
 affecting the success and welfare of this Government. Uased upon the 
 estimates of probable receipts and expenditures for the current fiscal 
 year, as published by the auditor, it is probable that the Government, 
 without the adoption of a drastic program of economy is face to face 
 with a deficit of about four and a half million pesos. 
 
 From June 30. 1908, when the surplus in the insular treasury was 
 1*17.499,894.97, the surplus has fallen as of June 30, 1913, to i*14,230,- 
 220.23. Of this sum. however, about P5.000,000 is only nominally avail- 
 able, it being invested in supplies and having been carried to the surplus 
 account in 1911, thus leaving an actual cash surplus in hand at the 
 conclusion of the last fiscal year of only about P9,000,000. 
 
 This shrinkage in the available surplus of the Gov^rment has come 
 about notwitstanding the fact that during this period of four years the 
 sum of 1*0,000.000 has been obtained by the sale of an issue of public 
 works bonds, and expended out of the treasury, and notwithstaudin.g the 
 further fact that a little less than three and a half million pesos from 
 the gold-standard fund has during this period passed through the treas- 
 ury in the same way. 
 
 At the present rate the auditor on June 30, 1913, estimated that the 
 current expenditures of this Government would exceed the income by 
 about 1*2,000,000 in the course of the fiscal year. In this connection it 
 is fair to say that the insular collector of customs, in making his esti- 
 mate to the auditor, properly discounted the fact that owing ro the lim- 
 ited importation of rice the custom revenues would fall, and they 
 actually have fallen in the first two months about Pl.GOO.OOO. It is 
 also fair to state that the estimates made at the same time by the col- 
 lector of internal revenue were probably exaggerated when he predicted 
 an increase of about 1*1,000,000 in internal revenue: in any event it is 
 certain that this expected increase has not only failed to materialize 
 thus far, but that we are actually running behind the internal-revenue 
 receipts of the preceding fiscal year in a sum which for the first three 
 months has exceeded PIOO.OOO. This decrease may possibly be offset by 
 the collection of the new income fax. 
 
 While it ii possible that the income from customs may improve some- 
 what from the present date, approximately 1*3,000.000 may be figured 
 as the probable deficit based upon the ordinary income and expendi- 
 ture of the government for the present year. To this we must add the 
 sum of PI, 500,000 of which the treasury is to be deprived in the bal- 
 ance of the current year by the passage of the Underwood tariff bill, 
 which removes the tax upon exports. 
 
 COMMENDS UXDEnWOOD Blt.L. 
 
 Too much can not be said in commendation of the Underwood tariff 
 bill in its relation to the Philippine Islands. Not only does this act 
 remove the limitations imposed by the I’ayne law upon the amount of 
 sugar, tobacco, and rice which may be exported fi’ce to the United 
 States, but in removing the export tax upon such commodities as hemp, 
 copra, and sugar a heavy burden of taxation is lifted from the shoul- 
 ders of the farmers of the I’hiligpine Islands, aud an immediate in- 
 crease in their prosperity is confidently expected as a result of this 
 measure. 
 
 Our treasury is therefore obviously approaching a point where a 
 deficit of P4. 500.000 confronts us. IIow, then, shall we avoid this 
 deficit and restore the finances of our government to a normal and 
 self-supporting condition? In my judgment hut one course Is 
 open to us. I can not offer to you the possibility of an issue of 
 public bonds to recoup the treasury. However much justification 
 might be found in the eyes of some for a bond issue for some 
 work of great public importance, no argument can support, under 
 any system of government, a bond issue to meet current expenses. 
 Indeed, a bond i.ssue to recoup a falling treasury is tantamount to a 
 confession of bankruptcy. Even if we could hope to secure congres- 
 sional action upon an application for such an issue of bonds we would 
 be condemned in the eyes of otlfi'r nations for a failure to manage 
 our affairs here upon a sound and conservative basis. 
 
 I repeat, then, onl.v one course lies before us, and that is econom.v 
 of the most drastic kind. In considering the question of economy I 
 C934S— 14290 
 
75 
 
 urjre upon the members of the legislattire that they approach this sub- 
 ject in a spirit of cooperation and self-sacrifice. It may he that for the 
 time being partial cessation of some of the public works will be re- 
 quired, and this ma.v bring temporary disappointment to certain locali- 
 ties in the islands, but it is my earnest hope and intention that as soon 
 as the treasury can be restored to a sound basis, the public works 
 shall go forward uninterrupted and with renewed zeal. 
 
 A considerable burden is also laid upon the treasury by the large 
 proportion of American employees in this Goverament. While the 
 enunciated policy has been to reduce this number as rapidly as possible 
 consistent with the demands of fairness and efficiency, the last annual 
 report of the bureau of civil service shows that there were more 
 Americans haring a permanent status in the Philippine civil service in 
 1912 than in any previous year since 1905, .‘Vt the present time no 
 further civil-sciwice employees should be brought here from the United 
 States to fill purel.v clerical positions, nor in any event except where 
 special requirements may make such course necessary. 
 
 TOP-HEAVY P,ORE.lUCnACY. 
 
 These islands have need of a simple and scientific form of govern- 
 ment. Instead of that, we find a complicated and top-heavy system of 
 bureaucracy. Much can be done toward simplifying this bureau form 
 of government, and in this connection I invite your consideration to 
 the possibility of a reduction in the number of the bureaus by con- 
 solidation or 'otherwise It has also been suggested that some of the 
 salaries of the higher Government officials are disproportionate to the 
 size of the insular revenues. When you proceed to a discussion of this 
 question, I strongly recommend to you that no change be in any event 
 effected in the judicial salaries, nor in the salaries of employees who 
 are receiving t"5.000 or less. We find, moreover, that as an incident 
 to highly centralized bureaucratic goverament a number of offices have 
 been 'created and salaries have been raised without, what seems to 
 me to have been, due authority of law ; and as further inevitable result 
 of bureaucracy, hero as elsewhere, too many offices now exist. You 
 are invited to scrutinize the bureaus of this Government with an eye 
 to economy in that respect. 
 
 .V further and perhap.s considerable saving might be effected by a 
 change in our method of appropriations ; good usage elsewhere com- 
 mends to ns a s.vstem of direct treasury appropriations. 
 
 In this connection it is tny hope that previous differences of opinion 
 between the two houses may now be removed. This legislature, which 
 meets to-day, should proceed to its work with a determination that 
 the two houses will act in harmony, and that the necessary supply bills 
 of the Government may become law by the joint will of the legislature 
 instead of through the individual fiat of the executive. 
 
 ON TP.IAL. 
 
 The present financial condition of this treasury calls for action of 
 the highest order of self-denial and patriotism on the part of, this 
 legislature. The President has promised you a majority in the upper 
 house, so that you may have control of both branches of your legis- 
 lature. In doing thus he placed upon you the responsibility to show 
 to the whole world j'our capacity to legislate. Here at the outset a 
 severe trial is upon you. I call upon each member of this legislature 
 to do his share in the work which I have outlined. I do this assured 
 that in this first .and perhaps most severe test to which your honor- 
 able Iiody will be subjected yon will prove entirely worthy of the 
 confidence placed in you by the President of the United States. 
 
 Great and commendable as is tbe work done by Gov. Gen. 
 Harrison in the direction I have described, it is not all nor is 
 it tbe most important of bis achievements within this short 
 periotl of time. When he came to the islands the Filipino people 
 were beginning to doubt their in.sular administrators. Ever 
 since the beginning of the American administration, and in 
 accord with the celebrated instructions of President McKinley, 
 Governors General have been promising to place Filipinos in 
 the appointive positions of that government as soon and as fast 
 as they could show themselves capable of filling those positions. 
 Yet in his report for 1903 Gov. Gen. Forbes, speaking of the 
 bureau of civil service, said that the progress made in increas- 
 ing the proportion of Filipino employees was not satisfactory. 
 Gov. Gen. Harrison found that in 1912, as sho^ra in the report of 
 69348—14296 
 
7G 
 
 the bureau of civil service for that year, there were more Ameri- 
 cans having a iieriuaneut status iu the Philippine service than 
 in any previous year since 1905. Gov. Gen. Harrison came for- 
 ward with tlie fearless purpose of redeeming the pledges of his 
 predecessors as well as with that of carrying out the policies 
 of the President and making his own desires effective. He 
 therefore began to appoint Filipinos to responsible i>ositions, 
 and his early action on this score at once revived the declining 
 faith of the people of the Philippine Islands in the protesta- 
 tions of the previous Governors General. Both the policy of 
 economy and that of doing justice to the Filipino people pro- 
 voked a storm of criticism on the part of the necessary victims of 
 such a policy, and Gov. Gen. Harrison was accused of disorganiz- 
 ing the Philippine Goverament, of disregarding the civil-service 
 rules, and of using the methods of the ward politician. An 
 article purporting to be an interview with Gov. Gen. Harrison 
 saw the light in a Honolulu newspaper. This was quoted and re- 
 quoted and several times reprinted to show that Gov. Gen. Har- 
 rison was an ordinary politician, to be ranked with those who 
 believe in and practice the spoils systeni in its most extreme 
 form. One of the most notorious occasions on which use was 
 made of this supposed interview was the citation of it by ex- 
 Secretary Dean C. Worcester, formerly of the Philippine Gov- 
 ernment, in his book entitled “ The Philippines — Past and Pres- 
 ent,” published after the Philippine Islands I’.ad been relieved 
 of his authority. On page 377 of his book I quote the fol- 
 lowing : 
 
 While in Honolulu, en route to Jlanila, Mr. Harrison gave out an 
 interview, which I am credibly informed he has since confirmed in 
 substance. It contained the following statements : 
 
 “ For years I have been of the minority in Congress, and have seen 
 the Democrats kicked about, trampled upon, and otherwise manhandled 
 by Republicans, so that I must confess it now gives me a saturnine 
 pleasure to see the Democrats in a position to do the same thing to the 
 Republicans.” 
 
 His early official acts after arrival at Manila confirmed the belief 
 that this was indeed the spirit in which he was facing the great 
 responsibility which there confronted him. 
 
 It is beyond doubt or cavil that high ideals heretofore have prevailed 
 in the Philippine civil service. Are they now to be substituted by the 
 methods of the ward politician? 
 
 I do not know who was this “ credible ” informant of Mr. 
 Worcester. But ever since he began his attack upon Gov. Gen. 
 Harrison he has been disseminating so much of the same “ cred- 
 ible information,” which proved afterwards to be absolutely un- 
 reliable that it makes no difference who this particular informant 
 is. I received a cablegram some time ago from Gov. Gen Har- 
 rison iu answer to one of inquiry from me positively denying 
 that he had ever made such statements. I did not need to ask 
 him (and I hoiie the Governor knew that I did not cable him 
 for that purpose), in order to assure myself that he did not 
 grant such an interview. I have^the honor of knowing per- 
 sonally the motives that inspired Gov. Gen. Harrison in accept- 
 ing the Governor Generalship of the Philippine Islands. I saw 
 what he did following his as-sumption of office, and I was there- 
 fore fully aware that the alleged interview was a falsehood — 
 the mere invention of an unscrupulous reporter. But I sent 
 this cablegram to the Governor iu order to be able to say that 
 he positively and direotly repudiated the interview. 
 
 G934S— 1429G 
 
The truth is that the methods of Gov. Gen. Harrison in mat- 
 ters of appointment are absolutely free not only from any justi- 
 fied charfre but even from any appearance of justification that 
 he has employed the methods of — in the words of Mr, Worces- 
 ter — “ a ward politician.” Gov. Gen. Harrison has not given posi- 
 tions in the Philippine Government to personal friends. He 
 has not brought with him relatives to do business in the 
 islands or to engage in agriculture on lands rented or purchased 
 from the Philippine Government, and this dignified conduct of 
 the Governor is the more praiseworthy since he is the first 
 Governor General of the islands, who was previously a Member 
 of Congress, and had therefore many political friends, a circum- 
 stance which doubtless has on more than one occasion put to 
 a test his integrity of character and devotion to duty. [Ai> 
 plause on the Democratic side.] 
 
 The all-embracing activity of our Governor General made it 
 possible for him not only to reduce the expenses of the Philip- 
 pine Government, not only to relieve that government of un- 
 necessary officials, not only to give to the Filipinos such jiosts 
 as they should immediately have, but also to dispose of every 
 question that required immediate attention and to inaugurate a 
 successful system of government for the uoii-Christian tribes, 
 which lK>fore his attempt had been looked to as sure to pro- 
 duce dreadful eft'ec-ts. Gov. Gen. Harrison has pi’actically solved 
 the so-called Moro problem. The Filipinos professing the JIo- 
 hammedan religion and inhabiting the islands of Jolo and west- 
 ern and central parts of Mindanao have given continuous trouble 
 to the American Government. They were never actually under 
 the control of Spain, and it had been stated that said Filipinos 
 who are called Moros could be governed only by a strong military 
 force that must be composed primarily of Americans. There were 
 sug.gestions that, in the wordsof an old saying, somewhat adapted, 
 “ The only good Moro is the dead Moro.” At all events, it was 
 most emphatically asserted that they could not be governed by a 
 civil governor. In consultation with the tVar Department, Gov. 
 Gen. Harrison substituted a civil for the military .goveimment of 
 thoMoro Province before he was two months in Manila, and to-day 
 a new law has 'already been enacted that has reorgnized the gov- 
 ernment of that country, with the result that there is to-day com- 
 plete tranquillity and peace among these supposedly indomitable 
 peoi>le; with the further result that there are more schools and 
 better sanitation among them, and with the, crowning result 
 that twice as much land was under the plow on March 31, 1914, 
 as there was when Gov. Carpenter, of the Moro Province, was 
 inaugurated in November or December of last year. The other 
 non-Christian inhabitants of the Philippines have also been 
 properly dealt with. It was the old polic.y to isolate them from 
 the Christian Filipinos. There were indications that this was 
 done with no very sane purpose. At any rate, it was a most 
 unreasonable plan, sure to accomplish, whether so meant or not, 
 the development in tlie Philippines of a people within another 
 people, differing in ideas and customs with, if not antagonistic 
 to, the latter. It retarded the development of the former by 
 depriving them of intercommunication with their more advanced 
 and civilized brethren. Gov. Gen. Harri.son, in consultation and in 
 accord with the able and industrious secretary of the interior, 
 G9348— 1429G 
 
78 
 
 Hon. Winfred T. Denison, lias reversed that policy and lias inaug- 
 urated a new one, by which contact between the Christians and 
 non-Christians is brought about and a more intimate relation 
 is created, while more attention is given to their education and 
 to their health. The secretary of the interior, in his instructions 
 to his delegate for the government of the non-Christians, said : 
 
 You shall endeavor to make yourself in good truth the unifler, tear- 
 ing down as rapidly as possible the walls which have isolated the non- 
 Christians from the Christians. 
 
 Gov. Geii. Harrison has not only merited the love of the Fili- 
 pinos themselves, but the applause* of his superiors — the Secre- 
 tary of War and the President. Upon the passage of the first 
 appropriation bill enacted by the Philippine Legislature, in ac- 
 cord with the suggestion of the Governor General in his mes- 
 sage, to which I have before referred, the President sent him a 
 cablegram expressing his appreciation for his successful admin- 
 istration, and the Secretary of War sent him the following 
 message : 
 
 I congratulate you upon the passage for the first time in three years 
 of a general appropriation bill and on the fact that the bill was passed 
 unanimously by both houses. I t ave no doubt but that there were, as 
 to a groat many features, differences of opinion, but it is a source of 
 satisfaction to the department that such differences were satisfactorily 
 adjusted. I’lease extend to both houses of the I’hilippino Legislature 
 my congratulations on this event and express to them my hope that this 
 is but an indication of what may be expected in the future. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, I shall no longer detain the House with this 
 topic, though I am sure, from the close attention with which the 
 committee has heard me, that the iMembers are glad to hear of 
 the wonderful accomplishments of a dear friend and once their 
 colleague. I want to say only one other word, and I mean it for 
 every American interested in the Philippine Islands. The Fili- 
 pinos owe to Gov. Gen. Harrison a debt of gratitude that they 
 can never pay. He has served them as faithfullj' as the most in- 
 telligent and patriotic of their own people or of their own selec- 
 tion could have done. He has served them disinterestedly, de- 
 votedly, and untiringly. IMay God grant that he remain at the 
 head of our government, representing this great Nation there, 
 until tlie day shall have arrived when the Filipino people may 
 elect his successor. Put Gov. Gen. Harrison has not oidy served, 
 not even mainly served, the people of the Philippine Islands; he 
 has also served his own jieople, the people of the United States. 
 He lias served them both in a practical way and in furthering 
 their ideals of government. He has sorvetl them in a practical 
 way because the policies of Gov. Gen. Harrison, his gentleness 
 and justness in dealing with the Filipino people, have made the 
 Filipinos better friends of the Americans. To-day the American 
 employee, the American business man, is better liked and better 
 helped by the Filipinos. He has served them in furthering the 
 ideals of this Government, because, as the (iovernor (Jeneral 
 him.self stated it in his speech at the baiuiuet of welcome ten- 
 dered him the night of his arrival in IManila, he was rendering 
 the best service tliat he could render to his country by promoting 
 the success of the aspirations of the Filipino people. These are 
 his own words : 
 
 standing lierc nefore tbi.s flag, to which I, in common with you, owe 
 allegiance, and of which I am proud, I pledge to you that the best 
 service that I can render to my coiintry is to render service to the best 
 aspirations of the people of the Philippine Islands. 
 
 G0348— 1-129G 
 
79 
 
 5Ir. Chairman, I entertain the hope that the day wili some- 
 time arrive when the arrival of Gov. Gen. Harrison in the 
 rhilippines wili be celebrated as one of our national holidays. 
 [Applause. 1 
 
 In connection with my remarks, I wish to print the following 
 interview given by the Secretary of War, which was published 
 in the Christian Science Monitor, and also a short quotation 
 from a very responsible newspaiier in the United States, that 
 may give the keynote to the attacks made upon Gov. Gen. 
 Harrison : 
 
 Mr. Secretary, you were quoted the other day as saying that a good 
 many misstatements were being printed about the situation in the 
 Philippines, and that you would like the people to get information that 
 is accurate and truthfully reveals conditions. I would like very much 
 to have certain points cleared up. 
 
 Answer. I will be very pleased to give you any information you want 
 about the Philippines. 
 
 Question. Has the criticism of the Harrison administration been un- 
 usually severe? 
 
 Answer. If you will look back through your files and that of other 
 leading newspapers, 3’ou will find that it has not been, compared to the 
 criticism which has met every chan.ge of the past in the islands. Kverj' 
 change or step taken by the American Government has been met with 
 a great deal of criticism and much loose talk, and you will find that 
 most of such statements were untrue and much of the criticism and 
 condemnation without foundation in fact 
 
 Question. This is interesting, Mr. Secretary, in view of the impression 
 sought to be created that in the past all v,as fair sailing in the I’hilip- 
 pincs, and no breeze of adverse criticism had rippled the seas. May I 
 ask what were the sub.iects of adverse criticism? 
 
 Answer. You will recall the bitter criticisms of the conduct of our 
 Army in suppressing insurrection ; the criticism that civil government 
 was established too soon, while- the “iron hand was still necessary to 
 enduring peace ” : that the civil government was extravagant and incom- 
 petent : that it favored a policy of exploitation ruinous to the natives 
 and in the interest of a few Americans. These are but a few of the 
 subjects which one recalls without the need of investigation and with- 
 out looking up the records. 
 
 Question. I am told that the present criticisms are entitled to greater 
 weight because of the fact that in the past the criticisms liad their origin 
 in America, while the present criticisms are an echo of the American 
 press in the islands and are based on statements of persons fresh from 
 the islands. Is that so? 
 
 Answer. It is true that the American press criticisms are but echoes 
 of the American press in the islands and a repetirion of statements 
 made by those returning from the islands. It is not true that this was 
 otherwise in the past. 
 
 The attack on Mr. Taft following his formulation of the motto : “ The 
 Philippines for the Filipinos,” was moat bitter in the American press of 
 Manila. Mr. Taft was represented by that press to be the most unpopu- 
 lar .Vmerican in the islands. 
 
 His reply to this criticism in his speech before the Union Reading 
 College, Manila, P. I., on December 17, 1903, has given the record of 
 this feeling at that time a permanent place in the history of the govern- 
 ment of the islands. The speech would serve, with few changes, to 
 reply to present critics, including Mr. Taft, Mr. Worcester, and others. 
 The basis of present criticisms is identical and the source is the same. 
 
 Later, the criticisms of Gov. Forbes were quite as bitter in the Phil- 
 ippine-.\merican press as in the United States, the only difference be- 
 tween the cases of Gov. Forbes and Mr. Taft being that the press dif- 
 fered in the Forbes controversy, while it was unanimous in abusing Mr. 
 Taft. 
 
 Question. What do you think produces this spirit of attack, and 
 whj’ should this be so? 
 
 Answer. Well, for one reason, of course, any who have been dis- 
 placed always make a lot of noise and get their friends interested in 
 condemning these in authority. Furthermore, there is a unique situa- 
 tion out there in this : There are ,-Vmericans in business there, and when 
 changes are made in the heads of the Government they, of course, desire 
 to establish some form of intimate relations ; and very often when they 
 find that they are not being consulted either ns frequently or as inti- 
 mately as they tliink thej- should be, they retaliate bv unfounded con- 
 C934S— 14296 
 
80 
 
 demnation and general damning of the new officials. Or where, as on 
 one occasion in the past, there has been a feeling that the Governor 
 General was too friendly with one section of the American public, the 
 criticism was even greater. 
 
 Question. Has there been any unusual dismissals of American em- 
 ployees under the Harrison administration? 
 
 Answer. No : the number of dismissals has not been unusual. It has 
 increased slightly, due to necessary retrenchment. The number, how- 
 ever, is not one-half of what it was in years like 1903 and 1904, nor so 
 great as it was in 1905 and 190G, when there was an effort at retrench- 
 ment. 
 
 Question. What is there in the charge that the civil-service rules have 
 been disregarded? . How many Americans, all told, has Gov. Harrison 
 taken out to the Thilippines and put into positions there? 
 
 Answer. Not a single instance has been brought to my attention 
 where it was charged that Gov. Harrison had disregarded civil-servicc 
 rules. Fewer Americans have been taken to the islands during Gov. 
 Gen. Harrison's administration than during any similar period in 
 recent years. 
 
 Of Americans coming from the United States since his arrival he has 
 appointed the collector of customs, one member of the municipal board 
 of the citv of Manila, and one member of the public utilities commission. 
 
 Question. What arc the important positions to which the Governor 
 General might, if he so desired, appoint his American political friends? 
 
 Answer. First, the chiefs of bureaus of the Government, of which there 
 are about 22. Second, the judges of first instance in the islands, of 
 which there are 36. All of these judicial positions have been filled by 
 appointment since Gov. Harrison arrived in the islands. Third, mis- 
 cellaneous appointments, such as the members of the municipal board of 
 the city of Manila, governor of the department of Mindanao and Sulu, 
 and members of the public utilities commission. 
 
 Question. Now, Mr. Secretary, in how many of these has the Gov- 
 ernor actually appointed Americans brought by him from the United 
 StfltGS ^ 
 
 Answer. Of the heads of the bureaus of the Philippine Government 
 Gov llarrison .appointed one — the collector of customs — from the 
 United States — Dr. Herstein. Dr. Herstein had been an employee of 
 the United States civil service for some years. He was a tariff’ ex- 
 pert employed in the framing of the recent United States tariff. His 
 politics are not known to me. ... . 
 
 He appointed, as a member cf the municipal board of the city of 
 Manila, Dr. Fitzsimmons, who had served in the islands formerly. 
 
 He appointed, as a member of the public utilities commission, Stephen 
 Bonsai, a well-known American newspaper ahd literary man. 
 
 He reappointed every judge of first instance on the bench, and in 
 filling the remaining vacancies he selected two Americans, one of whom 
 had been long in the service of the islands and one who had been in 
 the islands only a short time in the civil service, but had previously been 
 in the civil service of the United States. _ . 
 
 Question. What basis is there for the statement that business is dis- 
 organized in the islands and that the economic conditions are upset? 
 
 Answer. About as much basis as there is for such a statement with 
 reference to the United States. It is perfectly well known to anyone 
 who is searching for the truth that there has been a world-wide business 
 depression, and that while in particular communities this depression 
 may have been enhanced or mitigated by local conditions, this has only- 
 been in the matter of degree. In the I’hilippines, due to the exclusively 
 agricultural basis of business, this depression has been least. Umpies- 
 tionably, some business men wished to know the course that this 
 administration purposed to pursue before they embarked in any exten- 
 sion of their business enterprises. But to suggest seriously that there 
 has been any panicky condition produced in the Philippines by anything 
 that this Government has done or left undone is simply to state that 
 which has not the basis of truth. 
 
 Oiiestion. But it has been said that there has been an immense 
 falling in the imports into the islands, showing a lack of confidence in 
 business conditions? .... i 
 
 \nswer That the imports into the Philippines are, when analyzed, 
 an indication of business conditions and confidence, or the lack thereot, 
 is to an extent true. . 
 
 However, one of the imports which varies most from year to year 
 is rice. The importation of rice in large quantities is an indication of 
 the failure of the local rice crop and. contrary to the general rule, its 
 importation in large quantities is an indication rather of local distress 
 than of a healthy condition. 
 
 G934S— 14-296 
 
81 
 
 The fiscal year 1912, I. e., the year ending June 30, 1912, was, meas- 
 ured by the total of imports, the most prosperous year up to that time 
 in the history of the Philippines. The total imports were $54.549,9,80. 
 But the dark spot was that of this total $10..519,949 was rice, the result 
 of an unusually disastrous failure of the Philippine rice crop. 
 
 In the fiscal year 191.3 tlie total imports showed an increase over 
 the preceding rear to $50,327,583, though the imports of rice were but 
 $7,940,857. 
 
 The reports of Philippine commerce have now been received to In- 
 clude the month of May. 1914. I give the following from the records 
 
 for purposes of comparison : 
 
 Total imports for 11 months ending May, 1912 $48,522,580 
 
 Total imports for 11- months ending May, 1913 51, 543, 134 
 
 Total for 11 months ending May, 1914 50,870,025 
 
 For the same periods, omitting rice : 
 
 1912 $39,731,895 
 
 1913 43, 825, .320 
 
 1914 48, 395, 180 
 
 Of the total during these three periods there were from the United 
 
 States : 
 
 1012 $18, 500, 805 
 
 1913 23,130,095 
 
 1914 25, 752, 233 
 
 In the face of this it is idle to talk of depression or lack of confi- 
 dence. 
 
 Question. As a matter of fact, has the administration taken any radi- 
 cal step of any kind in the I’hilippines ; and if so, what ; and what 
 effect do you think this has had? 
 
 Answer. As a matter of fact, the administration has not only taken 
 no radical step, but has not done anything except to in good faith pur- 
 sue the policy which has been announced to the Filipinos from the ver.v 
 beginning. All of the American Governors have promised them to put 
 them into govetnmental positions just as soon as they were capable of 
 performing the duties ; that is, to bring about the so-called Filipiniza- 
 tion of tlie service. You will find references and promises of this char- 
 acter in the reports and public utterances of every Governor General. 
 
 President 3'aft, when chairman of the I’hilippine Commission, and 
 afterwards when Civil ‘Governor, inaugurated this treatment of the 
 I’llipinos pursuant to specific instructions of President McKinley. In 
 doing this he met with just the same storm of abuse which is now re- 
 vived against Harrison. 1 have just recently seen a speech made by 
 him in which he alludes at great length to this matter in vindication 
 of his position, iteferring to the invitation to make the address, Mr. 
 Taft then said : 
 
 " The civil government was just then receiving even more criticism 
 than usual from the 3 ’oung lions of the Manila press.” 
 
 Later he says : 
 
 “ Some of our young lions of the local press have spoken of the ‘ child- 
 ish slogan : The Philippines for the Filipinos.’ It is unnecessary to 
 comment on the adjective used, but it is sufficient to say that, whether 
 childish or not, the principle makes up the web and the woof of the 
 policy of the United States with respect to those islands, as it has been 
 authoritatively declared by two Presidents of the United States — for 
 President Roosevelt has followed sedulously the policy of President 
 McKinley— and by the Interpretation of the supreme popular will, the 
 Congress of the United States.” 
 
 And a.gain : 
 
 “ There are many Americans in these islands, possibly a majority 
 
 and this includes all the American press — who are strori.gly opposed to 
 the doctrine of ‘ the Philippines for the Filipinos.’ They have no 
 patience with the policy of attraction, no patience with attempts to 
 conciliate the Filipino people, no patience with the introduction into 
 the government as rapidly as their fitness justifies of the prominent 
 Filipinos. They resent everything in the government that is not 
 American. They insist that there is a necessity for a firm govern- 
 ment here rather than a popular one, and that the welfare of Americans 
 and American trade should be regarded as paramount.” 
 
 And with reference to the then attitude of the American press and 
 merchants of the city of Manila, he said : 
 
 “ The attitude of the American press and of the American merchant 
 in his hostility to the Filipino, and in the consequent hostility to the 
 civil government, was led into the error at one time of emphasizing in 
 every possible way, by letters and representations of all sorts, that the 
 C934S— 14296 6 
 
82 
 
 condition of the country as to tranquillity was so bad that the whole 
 of the islands was still in a state of war. Kvery small ladrone fiRlit. 
 every discomfiture which the constabulary suffered, was exaggerated 
 and made the basis for inference that the conditions in the country 
 were retrograding rather than improving. Such incidents were seized 
 upon and made as much of as headlines and general statements could 
 make them.” 
 
 And with reference to its attitude toward the Filipino, he said : 
 
 “ When one's feelings of enmity are very much aroused it is difficult 
 to set the limit to the expression of them. So it is that we have the 
 young lions of the American press, of the three newspapers who are 
 supposed to speak the American public opinion in these islands, hold- 
 ing the Filipino up to contempt, exposing all his .supposed vices, and 
 giving him no credit whatever for any virtues, and it may be that 
 this represe'nts the feeling of the majority of the resident Americans 
 in Manila But can we not, in the. end, be just and give to the whole 
 Filipino people their due? Should we wish the Filipino people to judge 
 of Americans by the drunken, truculent American loafers ' who Infest 
 the small towns of these islands, living on the fruits of the labor of 
 Filipino women, and give us more trouble than any other element in the 
 islands? Should we wish the Filipino people to judge American stand- 
 ards of honesty by reading the humiliating list of .\mei-icuu official 
 and unofficial defaulters in these islands? I think, not.” 
 
 After reviewing the reiterated premises of the .American Government 
 in the islands and of the Presidents of the United St.at.es to lock solely 
 to the welfare of the Philippine Islands, Mr. Taft said again : 
 
 “Again, one of the conditions indispensable to progress is tran- 
 quillity. Without it capital, constitutionally timid, will not come. 
 Sow vrhat has produced the present tranquillity? I say without hesi- 
 tation that the chief element to-day is the confidence which the con- 
 servative people of the islands have in the promises of the United 
 States to make the welfare of the Filipinos its chief purpose in re- 
 maining here and to assist them sincerely in learning the secret of 
 self-government by gradually enlarging their political power.” 
 
 And then : 
 
 “ How long is it thought we could avail ourselves of this popular 
 support if we repudiated our national promises and adopted the poiicy 
 of repulsion and repression, dignified under the name ‘ the policy of a 
 firm hand,’ and if we said to the people, ‘ You are not to be trusted : 
 the offices must all go to Americans : you are an inferior race and are 
 sufficiently rewarded by having a superior race to come here and run 
 your government for you?’” 
 
 And, finally, with reference to the policy of the American Govern- 
 ment. he said ; 
 
 “ What do the young lions of the American press in Manila, what 
 do the merchants of Manila who take the position I have attempted to 
 explain and describe, expect to do? Do they expect to change the 
 policy of the Government? Certainly not, as long as the Government 
 of the United States is alive to the honor of preserving sacred its 
 promises to a whole people. From where do they expect the political 
 support that can be effective to carry out the policy which their atti- 
 tude Indicates? The policy of the present civil government in placing 
 as its first aim the promotion of the welfare and the prosperity of the 
 Filipino people and the gi'adual extension to them of self-government is 
 the identical policy of the Republican Party as shown in its platform 
 of 1900.” 
 
 Question. To what do you attribute this apparent purpose of mis- 
 leading the .Vmerican public about the real situation ? 
 
 Answer. Very largely to those who were fearful of some radical 
 actiou on the part of the administration, which they thought would be 
 disastrous to their own interests and to those who, not swayed by self- 
 interest, feared that such action would be detrimental to the best in- 
 terests of the i.slands and this country. That is to say, the fear that, 
 without sufficient investigation and without careful consideration, this 
 administration would cut all bonds between this country and the Philip- 
 pine Islands and leave them to start as a national entity without any 
 further guidance and control. If they bad taken counsel of facts and 
 not of their fears, they would not have started upon any suc'u campaign. 
 I do not think I am mistaken in believing that those who were the 
 leaders in this clamor against Gov. Harrison would now. in view of 
 all the facts, gladly destroy the record which they have made for them- 
 selves. Unfortuna'tely many who have accepted thc.se statements a.s 
 facts have not the stime means of ascertaining the truth, and now 
 accept as facts what these leaders proclaimed from their fears and 
 now have not the courage to deny. 
 
 69348—14290 
 
83 
 
 Question. Mr. Secretar.v. what has been the policy of this adminis- 
 tration toward the I'hilippines? 
 
 Answer. I’resident Wilson plainly marked out our attitude toward 
 the rhilippines upon two occasions ; First, when he authorized Gov. 
 llarrison in his inau,?ural address to make the following statement : 
 
 •• We regard ourselves as trustees, acting not for the advantage of 
 the United States, hut for the benefit of the people of the I’hilippine 
 Islands. Every step wo take will bo taken with a view to the ultimate 
 indepeiidence of the islands and as a preparation for their inde- 
 pendence : and we hope to move toward that end as rapidly as the 
 safety and the permanent interests of the islands will permit. After 
 each step taken experience will guide us to the next. The administra- 
 tion will take one step at once. It will give to the native citizens of 
 the islands a majority in the appointive commission, and thus in the 
 upper as well as in the lower house of the legislature. It will do this 
 in the confident hope and expectation that immediate proof will thereby 
 be given in the action of the commission under the new arrangemenlT 
 of the political capacity of those native citizens who have already come 
 forward to represent and lead their people in affairs.” 
 
 Second, in his negt annual message to Congress, in which he said as 
 follows : 
 
 '• No doubt we shall successfully enough bind Porto Rico and the 
 Hawaiian Islands to ourselves by ties of justice and interest and affec- 
 tion, but the performance of our duty toward the Philippines is a more 
 difficult and debatable matter. We can satisfy the obligations of gen- 
 erous justice toward the people of Porto Rico by giving them the ample 
 and familiar rights and privileges accorded our own citizens in our 
 own Territories and our obligations toward the people of Hawaii by 
 perfecting the provisions for self-government already granted them, 
 but in the Philippines we must go further. We must hold steadily in 
 view their ultimate independence, and we must move toward the time 
 of that iudepcndeuce as steadily as the way can be cleared and the 
 foundations thoughtfully and permanently laid. 
 
 •‘Acting under the authority conferred upon the President by Con- 
 gress, I have already accorded the people of the islands a majority in 
 both houses of their le.gislative body by appointing five instead of four 
 native citizens to the membership of the commission. I believe that in 
 this way we shall make proof of their capacity in counsel and their 
 sense of responsibility in the exercise of political power, and that the 
 success of this step will bo sure to clear our view for the steps which 
 arc to follow. Step by step we should extend and perfect the system 
 of self-government in the islands, making test of them and modifying 
 them ns experience discloses their successes and their failures ; that we 
 should more and more put under the control of the native citizens of 
 the archipelago the essential instruments of their life, their local in- 
 strumentalities of government, their schools, all the common interests 
 of their communities, and so by counsel and experience set up a gov- 
 ernment which all the world v.'ill see to be suitable to a people whoso 
 affairs are under their own control. At last, I hope and believe, we 
 arc beginning to gain the confidence of the Filipino peoples. By their 
 counsel and experience, rather than by our own, we shall learn how 
 best to serve them and how soon it will bo possible and wise to with- 
 draw our supervision. Let us once find the path and set out with firm 
 and competent tread upon it, and wo shall not wander from it or 
 linger upon it.” 
 
 Since it is the conceded fact that from the very beginning the Ameri- 
 can people, speaking through their representatives, have always dis- 
 claimed any intention to incorporate the Philippines as part of the 
 American body politic, and since it has always been treated as only a 
 question of time when they should have some form of national au- 
 tonomy, the real matter to be considered by statesmen and by citizens 
 who wish to do what is right is how to proceed in the matter so as to 
 reach' a just conclusion. This administration has proceeded along the 
 line of experience, which, as the old adage tells us, is the best school ; 
 
 I think I would say practically the only useful school. The experiment 
 which we made initially, as outlined in the quoted declaration of the 
 President, has not only not proven unwise, but has proven very wise. 
 
 The next step to bo taken, as provided in the pending Jones bill, is 
 to give them further autonomous power ; that is, to give them more 
 participation in managing their own affairs, with, however, such reser- 
 vations of guidance and control to the Federal Government as to enable 
 it to see that no harm comes. 
 
 Question. What, in your judgment, will likely be the effect of this 
 measure, if enacted into law, upon the Filipinos? 
 
 .Vnswer. I can not see how it can be other than very favorable. 
 The Filipinos who have sufficient knowledge and ability to deal with 
 G9348— 14296 
 
84 
 
 the subject realize that until they demonstrate their ability to operate 
 successfully a government in all of its manifold and complexlng aspects 
 it would be unthinkable that the United States would be justified in 
 withdrawing from its position of trusteeship. The only way in which 
 they can demonstrate their capacity is after trial. Any body of citi- 
 zenship which has not been accustomed to exercising governmental func- 
 tions must become accustomed thereto before it can successful! v do so. 
 It is known historically that the Philippine people for centuries have 
 not been governing themselves. It is not to be wondered at that they 
 can not immediately evoke the public opinion which is necessary to ail 
 successful self-governments. The coherent and cohesive aggregation of 
 public opinion is the result of training ; and those who have the best 
 interests of the Filipinos at heart, both natives and those of our coun- 
 try, realize that they must be given the opportunity to cultivate and 
 cause to grow up the necessary patriotic cooperation before they can 
 have a successful self-controlled government. What we have in' view 
 *is to make the conditions favorable for the growth of that sort of patri- 
 otic cooperation, the linking together of these nationals, with a view 
 of eventually finding in that country such a condition as makes likely 
 the success of self-government. 
 
 We have done that which we think was wise and conservative and 
 thoughtful to take the next step in lajung the groundwork for this 
 hoped-for eventful condition. 
 
 [From the St. Louis Mirror, Dec. 12, 1013.] 
 
 Gov. Gen. Harrison is evidently trying to find out things from Fili- 
 pinos, not from bureaucrats who have been living on the people. This 
 is in line with the polic.v of giving Filipinos a majority in the impor- 
 tant offices. The job holders don't like it. They can't bear to see the 
 Governor General mixing up with the natives, who may tell him things 
 about the secret government by concessionaires. Mr. Harrison has au 
 idea, evidently, that government of the Philippines must be for the 
 Filipinos and not exclusively for Yankee job holders and promoters. 
 How extraordinary ! No wonder Mr. Harrison has the disloyalty of 
 the old-timers — better say “ the old gang.” They don't like this demon- 
 stration of the meaning of the New Freedom, which is also the old 
 freedom. 
 
 TUESDAY, OCTOBER 13, 1914. 
 
 Confiriuation of Appointments. 
 
 Mr. TowNEn, of Iowa, Introduced the following amendment : 
 
 "Amend, page 17. lines 23 and 21. by striking out the words ‘by and 
 with the consent of the Philippine Senate.’ ” 
 
 Mr. QUEZON. Mr. Chairman, I am earnestly opposed to the 
 amendment ofifered hy the gentleman from Iowa [Mr. Towner], 
 In my general discussion of the pending bill I have already 
 touched uiK)u the que.stion he raises, so that I need now merely 
 call the attention of the committee to two new points. 
 
 It seems to me, first of all, that the amendment of the gentle- 
 man from Iowa is not in accord with the theory ui'.on which 
 this bill is framed. The bill is supposedly enacted for the pur- 
 pose of giving the people of the Philippine Islands a sufficient 
 opportunity to demonsti'ate their ciipacity for self-government 
 to such an e.xtent as is possible witliout placing the intenia- 
 tional relations of the United States in jeopardy. Much as the 
 two sides of this House disagree with regard to Philippine in- 
 dependence. there has been little difference as to the desira- 
 bility of offering the Filipino iieople such opportunity, in 
 .so far as 1 have been able to perceive from the remarks 
 that have been made during the debate. Such being the 
 case, the amendment of the gentleman from Iowa ought to 
 be voted down, because it is subversive of the very purpose of 
 the bill. By granting the people of the Philippines legislative 
 G9.34S— 1429G 
 
85 
 
 powers alone you fail to give them all the opportunities whereby 
 their political capacity might be tested. To legislate is doubt- 
 less an important, perhaps the most important, function of a 
 government, but the administration of law is also an essential 
 part of the governmental process. Unless the Filipino people 
 be permitted to show what they can do in the administration 
 of their laws, such evidence as they may furnish through their 
 legislative acts regarding their capacity for self-government 
 will be challenged as insuflicient. By requiring that the ap- 
 pointments of the Governor General be confirmed by the senate 
 you give the Filipino people an opiwrtunity to show their judg- 
 ment regarding the proper administration of their laws. 
 
 It would be an inconsistent position to give the Filipino 
 ])eople the power to legislate for themselves, thereby assuming 
 that they will legislate for their own interests and in that of 
 their government, and on the other hand deny them the right 
 to confirm executive appointments on the assumption, as 
 seems to be suggested by the gentleman from Iowa, that they 
 will use that power for selfish or partisan puiqwses rather 
 than with a view to the exigencies of the public service. If 
 elected senators can not be trusted with the power of confirm- 
 ing appointments made by the Governor General — if they be 
 expected to use that power unpatriotically— an elected Filipino 
 legislature should not be established at all. Legislative powers 
 are greater, more embracing, than the iwwer to confirm ap- 
 pointments, and the injury to the community in case of abuse 
 of legislative power is by far greater than the evils arising 
 from an unwise exercise of the power of confirming appoint- 
 ments. If the Philippine Senate be not permitted to say who 
 may not occupy the j)ositions created by the Philippine Legis- 
 lature, the latter body should have neither the power to create 
 these positions nor to abolish them. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, the worst feature of the amendment proposed 
 by the gentleman from Iowa is that it will assuredly prevent the 
 harmonious operation of the government which you are plan- 
 ning to establish in the Philippine Islands. The Filipinos do 
 not differ from other people. They are of the same flesh and 
 bone and spirit, and they will act exactly as other people would 
 act under the same circumstances, and for the same reasons. 
 The history of the world teaches us that whenever governmental 
 powers are not voluntarily granted to a people, and whenever 
 such power can be obtained through some indirect means the 
 people will not fail to use such mean.s. If you deny the Filipino 
 people the power to say lawfully who may not hold office under 
 the Philippine Government, if they can find some way under this 
 act wherebj' they will be able to make their voice effective on 
 that score, they will do so. They may seek to do either of these 
 two things: They maj' try either to exercise some personal in- 
 fluence with the Governor General to secure the appointment of 
 those officials whom they desire, or if the Governor General 
 I'efuse to accede to their wish, they may antagonize and obstruct 
 his administration, and openly defy him by abolishing such 
 positions as are occupied by officials objectionable to them. 
 Thus you would create at once a cause of trouble between the 
 Governor General and the legislature. I do not care to deny 
 that Filipino senators might at times refuse to confirm an 
 C9348— 14296 
 
86 
 
 appointment. Sucli a thing has happened in this country. The 
 result there, however, would ordinarily be just what it has been 
 here — -the senate would confirm the appointments of the Glover- 
 uor General as a matter of course, and the readiness of the sen- 
 ate to confirm these appointments would depend, as it does here, 
 upon the wisdom of the appointments. [Applause.] 
 
 WEDNESDAY, OCTOBSK 14, 1914. 
 
 Salary of the Governor General. 
 
 Mr. Miller offered the following amendment : 
 
 “ Strike out the figures ‘ $18,000,’ in line 20, page 24, and after the 
 word ‘ General ’ insert the following : ‘ Not less than $18,000, the 
 amount to be fixed by the Philippine legislature.’ ” 
 
 Mr. QUEZON. Mr. Chairman, both the gentleman from Vir- 
 ginia [Mr. Jones] and the gentleman from Minnesota [Mr. 
 Millek] have said so much as to what they believed to be the 
 position of the Filipino people and of myself with reference to 
 the salary of the Governor General that I think it^is time for me 
 to saj- something myself on the subject. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, I do think that the salary of the Governor 
 General of the Philippine Islands should be higher than it is 
 now, and even higher than it was before that salary was re- 
 duced by the legislature. VvTien the President of the United States 
 was about to appoint the Governor General of the Philippine 
 Islands I found that his concern was to find a man who was 
 not only qualified, but also had enough private means to defray 
 the expenses of his position, because the I'resideut was in- 
 formed that the salary of the Governor General was such 
 as to prevent the appointment of any but a rich man. I 
 felt that wo should pay the Governor General a salary high 
 enough to permit the President to make his choice from 
 the best men to be found for the appointment regardless of 
 whether they be rich or poor. Thank God, the President 
 was able to find a man who, besides possessing wealth, had 
 ability, character, and real desire to serve the Filipinos. Other- 
 wise I do not know what would have hapi>ened to us. We 
 were more than fortunate when the President found Francis 
 Burton Harrison, a man who had ability, character, and pa- 
 triotism. [Applause.] 
 
 Of course I spoke of my experience to the speaker of the 
 assembly, and he agreed with me that the Governor General 
 should be given a higher salary. Apart from this consideration, 
 however, it is a fact known to those who are familiar with the 
 social obligations incumbent upon the Governor General that it 
 is very expensive to fulfill the social requirements of that 
 jiosition. But let not the idea enter your minds that we 
 favor such a salary for the Governor General because of 
 our extravagant tendencies. l\Ir. Chairman, I wish to in- 
 form the committee — and this information is pi’ecisely per- 
 tinent to the question asked by the gentleman from Missouri 
 [IMr. BoKLAND]-^tliat the people of the Philippine Islands have 
 expressed through the a.ssembly their disapproval of some of 
 the very high salaries paid to many of the officials of the 
 Philijipine Government. I refer particularly to the secretaries 
 of departments, who, as commissioners and secretaries, receive 
 C9348— 1120G 
 
87 
 
 a total of .^in.oOO annually. The assembly has on several oc- 
 casions during the past administrations tried in vain to reduce 
 the .salaries of these officials. 
 
 Mr. BOItLAXD. Did I undei'Stand the gentleman to say 
 that that was too high? 
 
 Mr. (iFEZOX. Ye.s, sir; entirely too high. 
 
 Mr. ROKL.\XD. I agree with the gentleman. 
 
 Mr. QUEZON. M'e think that it is absolutely indefensible for 
 the members of the cabinet of the Governor General to be 
 paid $15,000 when the members of the Cabinet of the President 
 of the I'nited States only receive $12,000 a year. 
 
 ^Ir. Chairman, I wish to reiterate what I said yesterday 
 about Gov. Gen. Harrison’s attitude regarding the question of 
 his salary. The legislature would not reduce it when it I'educed. 
 the salary of every other officer of the Philippine Government, 
 but the Governor General himself thought that it should be 
 done, since other salaries were reduced, and only in deference 
 to his personal appeal was the reduction made. 
 
 Mr. O’hairman, 1 .shall be frank enough to say that while I 
 believe the salary of the Governor General is not at all sufficient 
 unless he is given a certain amount as allowance for entertain- 
 ment, I am not at all sure but that the salaries of the members 
 of the Supreme Court of the Philippine Islands as provided for 
 in this bill could be somewhat reduced. But I shall not ask 
 that this be done. I wish only to make the point that there is 
 no due proportion between the salary of the Governor General 
 on the one hand and the members of his cabinet and the jus- 
 tices of the supreme court on the other. 
 
 «**«**« 
 
 WEDNESDAY. OCTOBEH, 14, 1914. 
 
 Tlie Pledge of Independence. 
 
 Mr. .JONES. Now. Mr. Chairman, the next thing is to return 
 to the preamble, as I understand the ruling of the Chair. 
 
 The CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will read the preamble. 
 
 The Clerk read as follows ; 
 
 Where.is it was never the intention of the people of the United States 
 In the incipiency of the War with Spain to make it a war of conquest 
 or for territorial aggrandizement ; and 
 
 Whereas it is, as it has always been, the purpose of the people of the 
 United States to withdraw their sovereignty over the Philippine Islands 
 and to recognize their independence as soon as a stable government can 
 be established therein ; and 
 
 Whereas for the speedy accomplishment of such purpose it is desir- 
 able to place in the hands of the people of the Philippines as large a 
 control of their domestic affairs as can be given them without, in the 
 meantime, impairing the exercise of the rights of sovereignty by the 
 people of the United States, in order that, by the use and exercise of 
 popular franchise and governmental powers, they may be the better pre- 
 pared to fully assume the responsibilities and enjoy all the privileges of 
 complete Independence. 
 
 Mr. QUEZON. Mr. Chairman, it would be foolish, were it 
 not so pathetic, to saj', as does the gentleman from Washington 
 [Mr. Humphrey], who preceded me on the floor, that the Fili- 
 pino people do not want independence to-day and that they 
 would not even desire it in the future when they really become 
 capable of self-government. That, however, is not a new state- 
 ment. It has been heard before now in every country and it 
 G9348— 14206 
 
88 
 
 has been availed of by every tyrant. No ruler can ever be 
 made by any evidence to believe that his subjects want to be 
 free from his yoke. The speech of the gentleman from Wash- 
 ington has been delivered before in more or less the same 
 words in the House of Commons in England at the time when 
 his ancestors were struggling to be independent from the yoke 
 of the British lawmakers. It was then asserted that the Ameri- 
 can colonies did not want indei^endence ; that they were merely 
 led, as the Filipino people are now said to be, astray by unscrupu- 
 lous, selfish politicians, who were wont to exploit and enslave 
 their own people. Why, Mr. Chairman, how any man can say 
 that the Filipino people, having defied, because they wanted to 
 be independent, the greatest and most powerful Bepublic upon 
 this earth, knowing when they did so that they would unavoid- 
 ably be crushed in that unequal struggle, do not now want to be 
 free is beyond my comprehension. Is the committee unaware that 
 thousands upon thousands of men drawn from all walks of life died 
 in that destructive war while their wives, daughters, mothers, and 
 sisters were urging the survivors to take the place of the fallen, 
 until the whole nation came very near being annihilated? Does 
 the gentleman from Washington believe that that war was a joke, 
 and that we went into it as a matter of amusement? How can he 
 say that Filipinos' will not want independence when they are 
 capable of self-government? What an amazing theory! Yet it 
 seems to be believed in and proclaimed by many statesmen as 
 almost self-evidently true. If people do not want independence 
 when they become capable of self-government, it must follow that 
 no indeiJendent nation is c'apable of self-government. Indeed. I 
 am almost inclined to accept that idea, and so to agree with the 
 view of the gentleman from Washington, when I see some of 
 the most enlightened nations engaged in war, each killing the 
 citizens of the other by scores of thousands, and each destroy- 
 ing wealth belonging to the others, thereby inflicting upon 
 humankind more injury during a few months of their gigantic 
 struggle than all the harm and destruction that the so-called 
 incapable countries, with their petty revolutions, could cause 
 in a century. But, Mr. Chairman, I shall not detain the com- 
 mittee in the closing hour of fhi.s debate by entering upon dis- 
 cussions of this sort. The arguments which proceed from such 
 premises as those I have cited are outworn, obsolete, and com- 
 pletely out of date. Every boy in school knows how to answer 
 them. I shall, in discussing the preamble of this bill, address 
 myself exclusively to the vieiAs expressed by the distinguishcHl 
 leader of the minority, the gentleman from Illinois [Mr. Maxn], 
 Mr. Chairman, the gentleman from Illinois takes the position 
 that the preamble of this bill should be voted down, and that 
 the Jegi.slative provisions of this bill should be amended so as 
 to give the people of the I’hilippine Islands a government still 
 more autonomous than is provided for in the bill. The gentle- 
 man's opposition to the preamble is placed squarely on the 
 ground that the United States should forever retain the Philip- 
 pine Islands, because such retention will provide this country 
 with an important resource in a supposedly forthcoming strug- 
 gle — commercial and perhaps military and naval — between the 
 East and the West, while such retention would ahso prove 
 beneficial to the Filipino people themselves. The gentleman is 
 6934, S— 14296 
 
89 
 
 f 
 
 conviuced that with the granting of such an autonomous gor- 
 ernment .as he suggests the Filipino people will grow more 
 friendly to the Fnited States and will be content to reinaip 
 under American control. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, opposition to the preamble based upon the con- 
 siderations stated by the gentleman from Illinois is worthy of 
 serious attention and deserves to be met on its own ground. Let 
 me say, before I reply to the gentleman from Illinois, that I 
 have been particularly pleased with his remarks. His views 
 and mine are, of course, widelj' and completely apart ; but I 
 give him credit, and I feel under obligation to him for not fol- 
 lowing the old line of insincere argumentation that has hereto- 
 fore caused such shame and anger in the minds of the Filipino 
 people, and that starts with the assumption that we are wholly 
 incapable of governing ourselves or that we are an unpatriotic 
 people, whose favored classes are eagerly watching for and tak- 
 ing advantage of evei’y opportunity to abuse, mistreat, and ex- 
 ploit our fellow citizens, so that we must be ruled by more intel- 
 ligent and more public-spirited foreigners. I am grateful to the 
 gentleman from Illinois for his candor and openness, and I am 
 sure my people join me in the sentiment. I kuow that his re- 
 marks will uot be indoi'sed by a single Filipino; but, on the 
 other hand, they will certainly not l>e resented by my country- 
 men. It was a businesslike presentation, composed of great 
 thoughts elegantly clothed with apt expressions — this si>eeeh of 
 the gentleman from Illinois. Yet I fear that the basic premise 
 of his iwsition is false, and that therefore the whole stnicture of 
 his Philippine policy must fail to endure the test of time and of 
 past experience. 
 
 I have noticed. Mr. Chairman, that, comprehensive as the 
 speech of the gentleman from Illinois was, he failed to discuss — 
 indeed, he apparently never gave a thought to — the one question 
 which must be answered before his views can be accepted by 
 analytical minds. That question is this : What would the Uniterl 
 States do should the Filipino people, after they have been 
 granted autonomy — complete domestic autonomy, if you please— 
 still demand independence? Would the United States still 
 insist, in such a case, upon keeping the islands, against the will 
 of their inhabitants, under the sovereignty of this Nation? 
 Would the United States, if necessary, resort to force to comi>el 
 the Filipino people, under those circum.stances, to continue sub- 
 ject to the American flag? AVould the retention of the Philip- 
 pines under such circumstances be an aid to the United States 
 in such a forthcoming struggle as is predicted by the gentleman? 
 The gentleman from Illinois did uot deem it necessary to ask 
 himself this question, because he took it for granted, as he 
 stated it on this floor, that after you have given the I'teople of 
 the Philippine Islands complete autonomy, larger and greater 
 autonomy than this bill confers, as he would gladly have you 
 do, the Filipino people would Ijecome your good friends and 
 would therefore no longer desire independence. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, I do uot doubt, in fact I am sure, that the 
 Filipino peoiile will become your friends, your very good friends, 
 after this bill is enacted. They would, however, be still more 
 friendly to you if a measure providing for more autonomy, such 
 as the .gentleman from Illinois has suggested, .should be passed. 
 
 C9348— 1420G 
 
90 
 
 But I fear that the gentleman from Illinois is mistaken when he 
 thinks that the Filipino people after the enactment of such a bill 
 would prefer to remain forever a self-governing colony of this 
 country. The gentleman seems to forget that the enjoyment of 
 liberty makes people crave for more liberty still, aud that the 
 progress of nations toward freedom when once the first step has 
 been taken does not cease until complete sovereigutj- has been 
 attained. I do not pretend to be a prophet or even a statesman, 
 aud I shall not ask that my prediction — which after all is but a 
 prediction that, like others, may prove to be mistaken — I shall 
 not ask that my prediction, be given more weight than the pre- 
 diction to the contrary which has been offered by the gentleman 
 from Illinois. Of one thing, however, I am sure, as sure as I am 
 that I am alive and standing upon this floor now. That is, that 
 if the Filipino people should ever surrender their ardent desire 
 to be free from the United States, it would not be after the 
 enactment of the bill that the gentleman from Illinois proposes 
 and the defeat of the preamble of this bill as he suggests. IMr. 
 Chairman, the gentleman from Illinois makes the realization of 
 his hope aii impossibility when he asks that the preamble of this 
 bill be voted down — that preamble which confirms through a 
 congressional declaration the promises heretofore made by the 
 Executives of this Nation and by other representative American 
 statesmen. If you defeat this preamble, in spite of the existence 
 of such an autonomous government as you may confer upon the 
 Filipino people, you will not make them your friends. If you 
 defeat this preamble you will thereby at ouce lose the confidence 
 of the people of the Philippines, and perhaps even their respect. 
 Friendship and respect can exist among nations as among men 
 only when the conduct of those who have euter(Hl into relations 
 with one another is free from all suggestion of bad faith. The 
 breaking of a promi.se, the disregard of past pledges, is a sure 
 cause of distrust and of disrespect. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, again aud again the people of the Philippine 
 Islands since the first American commander landed at the city 
 of JIauila have been told by the representatives of this Govern- 
 ment in those islands that the United States was in the Philip- 
 pines for the sole purpose of helping the Filipinos to establish 
 the foundations of their independent national life. Those 
 promises have been reiterated by the Chief Executives of this 
 Nation in their messages both to the Filipino people and to the 
 American Congress. Mr. Taft, Mr. Boosevelt, aud Mr. AYilson 
 iu oQicial documents that are recorded in the archives of this 
 Government have each and all made such declarations. The 
 Filipino people have taken the words of those officials at face 
 value, regarding them as the words of the American people 
 themselves, whom the Presidents I have enumeratetl represented 
 when they made these declarations. To-day the American Con- 
 gress is asked not to ratify but to repudiate those words aud 
 those declarations. And on what ground? On the ground that 
 you need the aid of the Philippines that you may emerge vic- 
 torious from a supposedly forthcoming conflict — commercial or 
 armed — for the control of the Pacific. What effect, Mr. Chair- 
 man, would the action of this Congress exert upon the Filipinos 
 should the advice of the gentleman from Illinois bo beeded? 
 The Filipino people would at ouce take the defeat of the pre- 
 C0348— 1-129G 
 
91 
 
 amble of tlie bill as a convincing proof that this Nation would 
 repndiate the promises it early made whenever it might be to 
 her interest to do so. After such a repudiation had occurred, 
 how could any man ever expect the Filipino people again to 
 have confidence in the American Nation? What would be the 
 advantage to be gained by the enactment of a law establishing 
 an autonomous government in the Philippine Islands if the 
 Filipino people could not feel secure in the free and everlasting 
 enjoyment of that autonomy, or if they must forever fear that, 
 inasmuch as you repudiated your promise of independence made 
 when you did not think the Philippines a commercial or strate- 
 gic asset but changed your opinion on this subject when condi- 
 tions made it convenient, you might in like manner establish 
 another kind of government whenever you thought it best for 
 your purposes to do so? Ah, Mr. Chairman, without confidence, 
 without faith, always fearful of what might happen in the 
 future, how could ans'one expect the Filipino peoi)le to be con- 
 tented and so ask it to remain under the American fiag? 
 
 There is another consideration so obvious that I note with 
 surprise that so learned a student of human nature as is the 
 gentleman from Illinois could have forgotten or overlooked it. 
 Does the gentleman foi’get that the one fact whose invariable 
 truth has been repeatedly demonstrated since God created the 
 first man is that human kind always prefers forbidden fruit? 
 So long as you tell the people of the Philippines that they can 
 never be independent, so long will you be adding fuel to their 
 already burning desire to be independent. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, perhaps the gentleman fi'om Illinois, with his 
 farsightedness, with his statesmanship, with his ability to look 
 clearly into the dim and cloudy days of the far-distant future — 
 qualities that fortune has not given me — is right in his exipecta- 
 tions and his hope that the day will some time come when 
 the Filipino people, after having been granted control of their 
 domestic affairs and after having thus lived for so many years 
 under the American flag — that would then mean to them the 
 sovereignty of a strong and friendly nation, not the despotic 
 rule of a tyrant master — may prefer to be permanently a self- 
 governing colony of this empire rather than a free and inde- 
 pendent republic borne bj' this mother of republics. But should 
 that ever happen, it would be only after the preamble of this 
 bill had received congressional approbation; only after the Fili- 
 pino people had been told by the American people through its 
 constitutional representative — the Congress — that they may if 
 they so desire be some day an independent and sovereign nation. 
 Then, and only then, the Filipino people, reassured as to j'our 
 good faith, convinced that whatever you may pledge yoiu'self 
 to do is assured of fulfillment when once the pledge is given, no 
 matter whether your selfish interests do or do not dictate other- 
 wise — then, and only then, may the Filipino people of their 
 own free will and spontaneous volition decide that they prefer 
 to maintain a permanent political relationship with the United 
 States. And then, and only then, can that relationship be bene- 
 ficial to both peoples, a real protection to the Philippines and a 
 source of strength to the United States. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, the gentleman from Illinois [Mr. Mann] cited 
 the present relations between Canada and Great Britain as an 
 69348— 1429C 
 
92 
 
 illustration of what would surely come to pass were the Philip- 
 pines to be granted full autonomy in the administration of their 
 domestic affairs and were this preamble to be defeated. He 
 called the attention of the committee to the spectacle offered by 
 that self-governing colony in hastening to the aid of her mother 
 country in the great war now raging in Europe. 
 
 In the first place, I can tell the gentleman that it is too pre- 
 mature to assert now that the political ties between Canada and 
 Great Britain will never he severed. Who is wise enough to 
 predict that when Canada shall have increased suinciently in 
 population and wealth she will still prefer to he a colony rather 
 than a sovereign nation? But whatever may be the permanence 
 or the character of the relations between England and Canada, 
 they would ofl'er no evidence as to what will be the course of 
 future relations between the United States and the Philippines. 
 Two very essential circumstances in the relationship between 
 England and Canada are absent in the case of the United States 
 and the Philippines. In the former case there exists a com- 
 munity of race and of origin. Second, and perhaps more im- 
 portant still, England has never felt called upon to violate the 
 pledge of her Government or any of her premiers in order to 
 proceed with her colonial policy toward Canada. No promise 
 of independence was ever made to the Canadian people, and 
 therefore the element of international distrust has never dis- 
 turbed the mind of the Canadian people. The present connec- 
 tion of Canada with England has been the natural outgrowth 
 of a political tie whose severance never was thought of or an- 
 nounced. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, that is all I intend to say in connection with 
 the speech of the gentleman from Illinois. I believe I have 
 demonstrated for his benefit and for that of those who think 
 with him that the only way to accomplish their purpose, if it 
 could ever be accomplished, is by voting for this preamble and 
 trusting to the future the development and determination of 
 the final relationship between the United States and the Philip- 
 pines. The retention of this preamble does not necessarily 
 mean that you must grant the Philippines their independence, 
 since, without being faithless, you could still retain your sov- 
 ereignty over the islands should the Filipino people themselve.s, 
 by common understanding with you, so desire, as the gentle- 
 man from Illinois thinks they might some day do. To those 
 who assert that they do not want to retain the Philippines for- 
 ever under the sovereignty of the United States, but that they 
 would not vote for this preamble now because they do not 
 believe that the day has yet arrived when independence should 
 be grantee!, I say, if they are sincere in their protestations, 
 they should vote for this preamble, because its language does 
 not grant independence now, but simply states what they them- 
 selves admit to be their desire and their purpose. To those 
 who believe in immediate independence I say that they should 
 vote for this preamble because, while it does not gi-ant imme- 
 diate independence to the islands, it nevertheless does promise 
 independence, and it is a long and decisive step toward actual 
 indcixjndence. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, I shall now pass to another topic. Within 
 a moment the committee will vote upon the bill, and I wish 
 C9348— 1420G 
 
93 
 
 to say fi word of sincere and deep-felt appreciation of the 
 manner in which the membership of the committee on both 
 sides of the House have acted in the consideration of this 
 measure. I am personally obliged to them all for the unfailing 
 courtesj' and kindly consideration with which they have lis- 
 tened to my words and have received my suggestions. My 
 people' are likewise indebted to you, Mr. Chairman and gen- 
 tlemen of the committee. They owe you a debt of gratitude 
 that will last during all the years to come as long as the 
 Filipino people live, because, no matter what they do and how 
 hard they try, they will never be able to discharge that im- 
 mense obligation. For, after all is said, we are only an episode 
 to you ; you have lived and develope<l into what you are — a 
 rich, enlightened, powerful commonwealth — without us; nay, 
 without even knowing of u.s. Those ties that cause and explain 
 the existence of sympathetic interest between peoples of dif- 
 ferent nationalities do not bind you to us — the ties of race, 
 of common origin, of kinship. Whatever may be said as to 
 whether we need you or not — whether we need you always or 
 temporarily — there can be no question that you will be and 
 continue to be what you are, occupying either with or without 
 us the same leading place among the powers of the woidd you 
 now do and doubtless advancing faster without us. The 
 salaries that a handful of American employees draw from the 
 Philippine Government are of no concern to jmu as a Nation. 
 What part you may now or in the future take in the develop- 
 ment of our trade you may as well, enjoy without resjmnsi- 
 bility for us. And yet, I have had one more occasion to see 
 during the debate of this bill the true regard that you feel for 
 the Filipino people. Yes, Mr. Chairman ; I have had confirma- 
 tion during the consideration of this bill for what I said at the 
 opening of the debate. Referring to the remark of the gentle- 
 -man from Minnesota [Mr. Miller] that the Democratic Party 
 had not kept faith with me, I said that not only had the Demo- 
 cratic Party kept faith with me, but that all parties — yes, every 
 party in the T’nited States — seem to be trying to do what they 
 can for the Filipino people. 
 
 ^Ir. Chairman, the plane on which the members of the Re- 
 publican side of this House have pitched their opposition to 
 this bill has been a high one. Save some rather*unedifying 
 political maneuvers of a kind that seems to be unavoidable in 
 every legislative body, and save certain unpleasant allusions 
 to a past happily ended or that never existed except in the 
 imagination of a few people, the whole trend of the debate, 
 the remarks that have been made on both sides, the feeling 
 among the Members which I have closely watched, all went to 
 show conclusively that those who are for the bill and those 
 who are against the bill have alike been prompted by the 
 honest belief, by the upright motive, that ’their attitude wms 
 demanded by the best interests of the Filipino people them- 
 selves. 
 
 I wish, therefore, Mr. Chairman, to offer the most cordial 
 thanks not only to those who have the credit for bringing for- 
 ward this bill, but also to those who opposed it on so noble a 
 ground. I wish to thank Democrats, Republicans, and Progres- 
 sives alike. I wish to express to the American people my strong 
 69348— 1429G 
 
94 
 
 gratification that through the consideration of this measure, 
 important as it is for the welfare of my people and so decisive 
 for their future, tlie good will of this Nation toward us has been 
 once more manifested through all its representatives, irre- 
 spective of party politics. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, when I return home it will be my pleasure, as 
 well as my duty, to tell my people that yon are really our best 
 friends — every one of you. There is only one difference, so far 
 as I have been able to see, between the Democratic Party and the 
 Ilepublican Party — I say nothing of the Progressive Party, 
 because it has not in its own capacity as a political body had 
 opportunity to deal with us — and that difi'erence is this, that 
 the Democratic Party in trying to do by us what it thinks is the 
 best is more precisely in accord with our wishes, while the 
 Republican Party, in trying to do by us what it thinks is best, 
 is disregarding our wishes. Since, in my opinion, every nation, 
 like every individual, knows better than its neighbors what 
 is best for it, it would seem that the Democratic Party is in 
 ail probability the one that will do precisely what is best for us. 
 
 The Republican Party was in power during the first 14 years 
 following American occupation of the Philippines. During that 
 time Republican Congresses were able to enact, without being 
 obstructed by the then existing minority, legislation that accom- 
 plished some good things for ns. The organic act which gave 
 us the assembly, and the tariff measures which increased the 
 opportunities of our farmers and our merchants, are the two 
 most important elements, in this legislation. It is proper, Mr. 
 Chairman, th.at the minority should now cooperate with the 
 majority. I hope, therefore, Mr. Chairman, that the minority 
 will find it convenient and wise, although withdrawing their 
 approval if they so prefer, to let this measure pass unhindered, 
 and also allow it speedily to become a law. And should it 
 become a law we shall write with the fervor of gratitude in the 
 annals of our country a glorious page bearing the names of the 
 Members of the Sixty-third Congress. [Applause.] 
 
 693i8— 14290 
 
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