LIBRA^RY OF THE ~ Theological Seminary, PRINCETON, N. J. ■ Case,__ ...*TT''^S-rr.^ii>rr....Di.v.isiri:, Shelf, v'lI u .-.-....-. Book,,. THE ^O'R I Xi I NT ' s O F LAWS, ARTS, and SCIENCES, A N D T H E I R PROGRESS AMONG" Thk most ancient NATIONS* . ; v^o L u M E ^ in. From the Eftablifhment of Monarchy among the Israelites, to their Return t-iom the Babylonish Captivity. EDINBURGH: PrintfH for George Robinson, Paternofter-row^. and Alexander Donaldson, St. Paul's Church-yard, London. M. D C C. L XXV. Digitized by tine Internet Archive in 2011 witii funding from Princeton Tiieological Seminary Library Iittp://www.archive.org/details/originoflawsar03gogu TABLE O F T H E Books, Chapters, Article !5, and Paragraphs. PART. IIL From the Eftablifliment of Monarchy a- mongfl: the Israelites, to their Return from the Babylonish Captivity. INTRODUCTION. i BOOK I. Of Governniem, 3 Chap. I. Of the AJfyrians, 5 Chap. II. Of the Babylonians y ' 6 Chap. III. Of the Medes, 8 Chap. IV. Of the Egyptians^ 12 Chap. V. Of Greece, 28 a 2 Art iv TABLE of the Books, d^r. Art. I. Athens, 29 Art. II. Lacedamon, 39 Art. 111. Of the Creek Colonies, 46 BOOK 11. Of Arts and ManufaBures. Chap. I. Of the AJyrians and Babylonians^ 53 Chap. II. Of the Egyptians, 63 Chap. 111. Of the Greeks, 83 BOOK III. Of Sciences » po Chpa. I. Of Medicine, 91 Chap. II. Of Aflronomy, 94 Art. I. Of tke Babylonians, 95 Art. II. Of the Egyptians, 100 Art. Ill Of the Greeks, 112 Art. IV. Refledions on the Agronomy of the Baby- lonians, Egyptians, and Grecians, 119 Chap III. Geometry and Mechanics, \i6 Art. 1. Of the Babylonians, 127 Art. II. Of the Egyptians, 13© Art III. Of the Greeks, 134 Chap. IY. Geography. 135 BOOK T A B L E of the Books, &c. v BOOK IV. Of Commerce and Navigation, 1 44 Chap. I Of the Egyptians, ib. Chap II. Of the PhcEnicians^ 148 Chap. 111. Of the Creeks. 154 BOOK V. Of the Art-Military. 162 Chap I Of the Affyrians^ Bahylojiians, Medes, Sy- rians, Egyptians, &c. ib. Ch/p 11 Of the Geeks, 167 Art. I Of the Military Prafiices, common to all the People of Greece, 168 Art. II. Of the Military Difcipline of the Lacedamo- nians, ly^ Art. 111. Of the Military Lifcipline of the Athenians. 178 BOOK VI. Of Manners a^d Ciifioms, 182 Chap. I. Of the Afatics, 183 Art. I. Of the AJfyrians, 184 Art. II. Of the Babylonians, 186 Art. III. Of the Medes, 199* Chap. II . Of the E^ptians, 205 ClIAl?. VI TABLE of the Books, is'c Chap. III. Of the Grecians^ 208 Art. I. Of the Lacedemonians y 209 Art. II. Of the Athenians, 2,23 Art. III. Of the Flays or Games of the Greeks, 234 Recapitulation* 14.6 DISSEP^TATIONS. I. On the Valuation of the Greek Money and Meafures, 1^0 Chap. I. Of the Grecian M^ney, ib. Chap. II. Of the Grecian Meafures, .^ 255 II. On the Aflronomical Periods of the Chaldeans, 259 III. On the Antiquities of the Babylonians, Egyptians, and Chinefe, 268 IV. Upon a Paffage of Herodotus, 288 Extrads from the Cbinefe Hijiorians. 300 '^ '^ V^J^Nr "^ '■^r' '1^ "iy -rr '>(>!' ^ THE ORIGIN O F LAWS, ARTS, AND SCIENCES, AND THEIR. PROGRESS A M O N G The most ANCIENT NATIONS. INTRODUCTION. THE more we advance towards the times which come near to the birth of Jefus Chrift, the more does ancient hillory unfold itfeh and be- come clear. Alia, in the ^ges on which we are going to enter, prefents us with the moll ftriking fpeclacles. In them \ve fee the fall of the four powerful empires, of the Affyrians, Babylonians, Medes, and Lydians. Egypt, that monarchy fo ancient and fo celebrated, begins to (loop to its decline. We (liall not here, how- ever, fee the ruin of it completed. The point ot time in v^hich Egypt, expofed to the ravages of Cambyfes the fon of Cyrus, beheld the fubverfion of its throne. Vol. IlL A and % INTRODUCTION. and became a province of the Perfian empire, belongs to ages which are not the fubjeft of my inquires. Of this time therefore I am not to fpeak. I only thought proper to announce it. Upon the ruins of all thefe different kingdoms arofe the Perfian monarchy, a nation of which, till this time, there is no notice taken in antiquity. The rife of this new empire, more extended and more formidable than any of which we have had occafion to fpeak, is the term to which we fliall limit our difquifitions. During thefe ages, there is lefs of grandeur in the images which Europe prefents us. But the abolition of monarchical government in many of the Grecian cities, then formed into republics, Lycurgus and Solon giving laws, one at Lacedsemon, and the other at Athens, are objects by fo much the more interefting, as this epocha is that of the greatnefs and renown which the Greeks acquired in ancient hiftory. In the number of famous events belonging to the ages we are going to run over, we ought alfo to reckon the foundation of Rome, a city which fcems to have been deftined to fwallow up and abforb all the king- doms of the univerfe. Her feeble beginnings prefaged no fuch degree of power as (lie afterwards attained. It was by fleady policy and unfliaken courage that Rome triumphed over all the obflacles tliat appeared to cppofe her enlargement. This alfo is an objev:! apart, and which we only indicate. The Romans enter not int« the plan which we have laid down. PART C H which R O N O L comprehends from the A L TABLE for the T H I R Part, O G I C Eflablifhment of Royalty among the I s r a f. l i t e s to their Return from Captivity. M of the I bcfort worU I J. C. 2990 3029. 304C). 3=49 3"J+' 3246 3262. SACRED HISTORY. KINGS of JUDAH. KINGS of ISRAEL ZiM . 7 days . 1 2 ytars part of the people fol ,,K,i 0«.. reign alone only four years. Ahab, . • 22 years 16 years 58 ye; EGYPTIANS. Kings 7 months. 10 years. In the ninth year of hi reign, Salmanasser ting ot Anyi'ia lakes Samariah, and arrics HosiUAandthe ribcs into captivity. Thus ndcd the kingdom of Ifrad 154. years after its eftablifh H I s H A c plunders the temple of Jeruf^ilem under Kings uncertain. Kings uncertain. i 762. BOCCHORIS ASYCHU. Sabacos, Sethon- Kings Ajiarchy, XII. Kings during Pasametic lone during . 726. BABYLONIANS. The Babylonians (hake ofiF the yoke of the AiTy- rians, and from thcnci brm a particular monar- hy. Thcfiraofthelincw avereigns was a princ< named Naonasear. Ht mounted the throne ir 747 before J. C. anc reigned . . 14 years Juc s- ■eign togethe :igns Taking of Jcrulalem byi Icrufalem, and of almoft all ■].iaah, are carried capti beyond the Euphrates. Thus iided the kingdom of Ju- dah. Cyrus delivers the \ Ifrom captivity. They return Judca onder the condufl of Zkrobabel. and form, with the permiflion, and un- |dcr the proteflion of the king of Pcrfia, a kind of republi of which the high-pricll «■ the head, and chief govc . 6 ye ■chy, which ASSYRIANS. before J.C. s united under the Affyria: Kings Kings uncertain. Under this prince the AfTyrian empire was dif- embered by the revolt of the Babylonians and Medes. Hui., or NiNus the younger, . . 12 years. iGLATH-PlLEStR, Or TiLCEM, . 29 years. ON king of Affjria take*: advantage of this rchy to fcize the throne of Babylo of Allyria. , and reunites it to that 20 years. Undei >AN, otherwife called SARtc, his prince, Nineveh, the capital of the AlTyri.mer p'lrc, is tak^;u by Cyaxarus king ot" Media, and by Nab fOLASSAR. falrap of Babylon. This event put a final end the Aifyrian monarchy. The provinces which compofed lit were divided between the Babylonians and Medes. 626. Nabopolassar, 20 years, 606. INabocolassar, ..... 43. 1 This is NiBOCHADNzzzAR the Great. 569. Ama 538. The Medes withdra from their fubjedion to the AITyiians. They r lin for fonie time in tc ot Autominy; that fay, without any for of government ; at !afl they chufc a king, named Dejoces. Se: b. i. c. 3 KINGS OF LACED^MON. befort J-C. . 60 year; 762. POLYDORU?:, . . YCRATES I. . Tyre befieged and deftcoyed by this prince. tviLMERODAC, 2 ycaTS. LABoaoaoRCOD, ..... 6. TaU?t^ of Babylon hjCs J 60. Under this pr Scythians make i tion into Afia, Charilaus, Lycurgu about the ye; H E R A C L I D ^. j.c' . . 64 years, gives his laws ■ 870. 778 75«. 754' 744 734- 7H- 714. 704. REPUBLIC OF ATHENS. Pcrfrtual ARC HON S. f^""" 'o years, icASTUS, . • . . 36. Dccinnial ARCHONS. 694. Cya , II. This ihcDAR 59 yea s the Medc of D< YRUS fuccceds i. pnnce ; he was already king of Perfia, having in- 'ted this crown by the h of his father. PERSIAN EMPIRE. CvRtJS mailer of i great part of Afia. ' cfth Olym- Before J. C. Olympiad 776 years. VIL . X. . XIII. XV. . XVI. XVII. 76S. 764. 760. XXI. . I XXIII. . XXIV. . XXV. . XX^'I. . XXVII. XXVIU. fufficientto mention the nam of fuch as make a Bgure hiftory. ytfSiX)^isH?sW»iod. !. z. p. 137-; JlllMr.. 1. I. C-. 3. t' ilcloltC. L J. II. 101. $ Of Government. Book. I. that cnterprife v/ith the greatefl part of his troops ^. The fame author, fpeaking of Sennacherib, whom he in- titles King of the Arabians and AlTyrians, fays, that he marched to attack Egypt at the head of a formidable army*". It appears even that Affaradon, the fon and fucceffor of Sennacherib, took the advantage of an interregnum of eight years which happened at Babylon, to reunite that kingdom to the throne of A{fyria>. This new empire fubfifted thus during 54 years. It funk at lafl never more to arife. Cyaxares, king of the Medes, having drawn into his party Nabopolaifar, governor of Babylon, laid fiege to Nineveh, took and entirely demoliflied if^. The de-- deftruftion of Nineveh put an end to the kingdom of Aifyria. It was for ever deftroyed. Even the name of it was lofl. From this moment, hiftory makes no more mention of the Aflyrians. Their monarchy was divi- ded between the Babylonians and the Medes. This e- vent happened in the year 626 before the Chriftian sera'. CHAP. II. Of the Babylonians. THE liiftory of the fovereigns of Babylon is not much better known to us than that of the mo- narchs of AlTyria. The example of the Medes, who E Herod. 1. i. 9?. '' I-. 1. n. 141. i Here is the proof. ' It is ceitaiii, from fcri])tuie, that Efarhaddon fuccceded iJtnnacherib hii f:ither, King of Afiyiia. i Kin^s, c. 19. v. 37. Again, we find Affaradin in the canon of Bahylon, compofed by Ptolotny. We fee moreover, tliat the rei^n of this Ali.iradin had been pioredcd by an an.irchy of ei;i'it yeais; from whirh I am led to fufpcct that the Alliradin of Ptolomy is the Ei'arliaddon of the fcripturc, and tliat it was by right of conquell that he cioifntcd the throne of Babylon, having without doubt taken advantage of the troubles which an intcncgnutn of eiqlu years had occarioncd in that empire. k Tohtt, c. 14. V. 14. edit, cf the I.XX. ; Nahiim, c. i. v. 8, lo, i 3. c. j. v. y. ; Sophcn. c. i. v. 15, 15. ; Fzekicl, c. 51. v. 3. and following; Herod. 1. 1. a. 106. i^trabo, 1. 16. p. 1071. ; Alc;5, Poly. hill, apud Synccl. p. sic. 1 ^ee the uiitory of Jnditli, by F. Mon'.r.iiicoo, p. i.ij. fliook Book I. Of GovernmenU ^j^ lliook off the yoke of the Affyrians, was followed by many other people dependent upon that crown ■". The Babylonians were not the laft to take advantage of the ihock which the revolt of the Medes had given to the power of the Affyrians. We fee that foon after the time in which we conjedure that revolution to have happened, the Babylonians formed a feparate monarchy from that of the Affyrians. The founder of this new race of fovereigns was a prince named Nabonaffar". He it is who occafioned that famous epocha, known ia antiquity by the name of the asra of Nabonaffar. It anfwers to the year 747 before Jefus Chrift . From this time Babylon had always its particular kings, independent on thofe of Affyrla. The diftindion of the two monarchies is exprefsly marked in the facred records. We find a Berodach-Baladan, whom the fcrip- ture intitles King of Babylon, fending ambafladors to Hezekiah, in the time of Sennacherib King of Affyria°. We have already related how Efarhaddon fovereign of Nineveh, availed himfelf of an anarchy of eight years into which Babylon had fallen, to repolTefs himfelf of the ancient domain of the monarchs of Affyria p, and how fome time after, Nabopolaffar, fatrapa, or viceroy of Babylon, being in league with the King of the Medes, deftroyed Nineveh, and overturned the Affyrian em- pire 1. After that event, the Babylonians exalted them- felves to the hi'gheil degree of power. Yet their glory was but tranfitory. After 88 years of fplendor, this empire was deftroyed by Cyrus. Babylon was then, confounded in the vaft Periian monarchy to which Cy- ru^ gave birth. I have faid, and I repeat it, the hlftory of Alfyria and of Babylon is known to us fcarce at all. Originally diftinft, afterwards united, then alternatively feparate and reunited, thefe two empires proceed upon the fame line. The fame events, the fame obfcurity, almoii: every 1^ Herod. 1. I. n. pj. n Canon. Piolam. anron. o X Kings c. 20. V. \x.\ z Chron. .c li, v, 31. P Supra, p. 6. •? Supra, ibid. thins: 8 Of Governfnent. Book I, thing Is common to both people. We are ignorant of the greateft part oi their laws and of tiieir cufl:oms^ We want thofe fafts, tliofe details, which alone canfervc to characterize a people, and make known their politics, th.e genius and principles of their government. We mult content ourielves therefore with a vague knowledge, too ■uncertain indeed to gratify our curiolity fully, but which is n.everthelefs fufncient to give us a very great idea of the empires of AHyria and Babylon. In effeft it is certain, that the Aflyrlans and the Ba- bylopians founded in Afia two the moll extcnfive mo- narchies of antiquity. 1 he holy fcripture and profane hiftory always fpeak of them as of two formidable powers. Befides, what we read of the grandeur and opulence of Nineveh and Babylon, is a very folemn evidence of that degree of glory and exaltation to which thefe two empires had attained Finally, we fee, that a^ mongfl both thefe people, the arts were flourilhing, and the fciences greatly cultivated. Ail this is enough to g,fliir,e us, that the Babylonians and Affyrians had made a great progrefs in politics, and in the art of government. C H A P. III. Of the MfJcs. \T7E have a pretty juft knowledge of the manner in ^ ^ which political government was eltabliHied among the Medes. Thefe people, after their revolt from the kings of AfTyria, did not imniediatelyform a monarchical body. They remained fomc years in a (late of autono- my, as Herodotus calls it*" Karralfed all this time with diflenfions and domeflic mifcries, they were foon obliged to call a general council to deliberate on the means of reducing their Hate to order, and introducing civil government. They could think ol no better way ^ Sec part X. b, i. c. i. art. 3. 1" L. i. n. pC. than Ifeo'ok L Of Government. 9 than elefting a king. The choice fell upon Dcjoccs, a perfon greatly diftinguiflied by his prudence, his equity, and the integrity of his manners '. This new fovereign conduced himfelf To as to juftify the choice of the Medes. Kis iirft care was to annex to the dignity of king whatever external marks might heighten the lullre of it, and to fecure his perfon from in- fult and from outrage. He began by commanding that they fliould build him a houfe worthy of a fovereign. He himfelf laid out the ground, and caufed it to be li- ned with good fortifications. He then demanded guards for the fafety of )iis perfon. The Medes obeyed, the palace v.'as raifed upon the fpot, and in the manner that Dejoces had ordered, and his guards were chofen by himfelf ". After having taken all proper meafures for the fafety of his perfon, and the maintenance of his dignity, De- joces next applied himfelf to the provifion of civil poli- cv. Till his acceffion to the crown, the Medes had lived difperfed in fmall towns and villages, remote and fepa- rate from each other ^. Dejoces commanded them to build a city which fl^.ould be large enough to contain a confiderable number of families. In order to engage them to this, he made them fenfible of the advantage of dwelling in a place fortified and fecured from the infults of an enemy. They chofe a fituation in which art had only to affill nature. The city was foon built. It is that which was known among the ancients by the name of Ecbatana. It was encompalTed with feven walls. The innermoft inclofed the palace of the king, and there his treafures were depofited ''. As foon as the city was fit to receive inhabitants, De- joces obliged a part of the Medes to fettle in it. He then gave all his attention to draw up laws and to main- tain order and civil policy throughout his dominions. As he had to deal with a ferocious people, from whom t Ibid, and following. " Herod. I. i, n. 98. « Ibid. n. 96. y Ibid. n. 58, Vol. UI. B he 10 Of Gonismment. Book I. he had every thing to fear, he thought no precaution too much to inl'pire them with fear and the reverence due to the throne. Perfuaded that the more fubjedsarekeptat adillancejthemorerefpecl theywill pay their fovereigns^, he raifed, fo to fpeak, a wall of feparation between him and his people. He ordered, that none fhould prefent themfclves before the king, without being introduced by officers appointed for that purpofe, and no perfon was allowed to look him in the face. Thofe even who had the privilege of approaching him, were not to laugh or to fpit in his prefence*. All affairs were managed by the interpofition of third perfons. It was from the centre of his palace that Dejoces faw all that palTcd in his dominions, l.aw-fuits were dlfcuifed before him by writings only; and when he had given judgment, it was alfo in that manner that he notified it to the parties. Above all, he applied himfelf fteadily to the ftrift ad- miniftration of juftice. He aflerted the authority of the laws by the mofl fevere and mod rigorous punilhments, judging nothing more eifential to the lupport of an in- fant Hate. As foon as he was informed of any injury done, he caufed the aggreffor to be brought before him, and impofed a penalty proportioned to his fault. For this purpofe, he had perfons of confidence appointed in all his provinces, who had their eyes upon the great, and made their reports to him when the weaker fort were opprefled ^. It appears by what we have faid, tliat the government of the Medes was purely monarchical. The conduct of Dejoces gives us the idea of a great politician. I do not know, however, that every part of it deferves approba- tion. We cannot but commend the mcafures he had taken to give to royalty an exterior appearance capable of flriking the imagination, and proper to infpire his new fubjefts with an idea, that their fovereign was a z Mnjore /on^ixiod. ibid. p. 90. V Diod. 1. I. p. 9:-.; Pint, in Sc:lo.n. p. Sfi. D, they 14 Of Covcrnment. Book L they yet permitted him to feize the man himfelf for payment of his debt^. Bocchoris had fo much excelled in that part of go- vernment which regards the adminiflration of juflice, that many of his ordinances and decifions fubhfted and were flill obferved even \\ hen the Romans were mafters of Egypt ^. Next to Bocchoris I fliall place Afychis, of whom Herodotus gives us a law refpecling loans which is lin- gular enough. We have i'poke elfewhere of the care which the Egyptians took to embalm their dead, and of their general cuflom of preferving them in apartments deftinedto that ufe ^. To favcar commerce by facili- tating credit, Afychis made a law which permitted them to give the bodies of .their fathers in pledge for money borrowed *. But by the fame law it was provided, that tlie debtor fliould be deprived of the honours of fcpul- ture, if he happened to die without having taken up this precious pledge ''. We fliall be fenfible of the ef- ficacy of this punifliment, if we call to mind what has been laid elfewhere of the light in which the funeral rights were confidered by the Egyptians '^. Soon after the time of thefe monarchs, Egypt expe- rienced one of thofe cataif rophes to which all itates are expofed. It was invaded by Sabacos, King of Ethiopia, who poflciTed himfelf of the kingdom, and reigned fifty years'^. This revolution was only tranlltory. That ^ Diod. p. 90. y Dind. p. ic6. z Diod. 1. I. p. lox Lucian. dc ludlu, n. ar. t. i. Jojn. Damafcen. oral. i. p. 9 5i. dc imag. p. 714. =• Herod. 1. i n. \i6. b Herod, loco c.tnU. ^ Part i. b. i. o Ht-rod art. 4. p. 55. n. I 57. Diod. I. 1. p. 7J- If we may believe Julius Africanus, Sabacos fucceeded immediately to B)C- choris, whom iic tooii and caufcfl to be burnt alive. Afud Synccll. p. 74. Dio- donis places the reign of Sabacos a lon^ time after that of Bocchoris, I. I. p. 75. Herodotus, whofc lulfra;;e is of fo great weight in all that concerns Ecypc, makes no mention at rll of Bocchoris, and makes Sabacos reign immediately afttr Anyfis t!ie fucceflor of Afycliis, i. z. n. 137. Some modern chronoiogilh believe, that the Afychis of Herodotus and the Bocchoris of Diodorus arc one and the fame perfon under two dirlerent denominations. This is one of thole critica! qucHions which I fhall not iinc'i-rtakc to clear much lefs to decide. prince Book I. Of Government. i ^ prince giving up his conquefl: of his own accord, abdi- cated the throne, and returned into Ethiopia. Sabacos may with juftice be numbered among the legillators of Egypt. Naturally of a mild and humane charafter, he abolifhed capital punilhments, and ordajned that fuch criminals as were judged worthy of death, Ihould be employed in the public works. He thought that Egypt would draw more profit and advantage from this kind of punilhment, which being impofed for life appeared equally adapted to punifh crimes and to reprefs them ^. Some time after Sabacos, Pfammetichus mounted the throne. This prince made a confiderable change in the ancient maxims of the government. Till that time other nations Vv'ere barred accefs to Egypt f. At the city of Naucrates only they were •allowed to land and trades The Egyptians even, if we believe ancient writers, were accufl^omed to kill or make Haves of all the Gran- gers they caught upon other parts of their coafts'', Pfammetichus laid down very different maxims. He opened his ports to the commerce of all nations, fa- voured navigation in his feas, and granted all forts of privileges to all perfons who chofe to fettle in Egypt'. This prince was fond of the Greeks, and protected them in a particular manner. He owed his prefervation and re-eflablilhment to the lonians and the Carians''. Not content with recompenfmg them liberally, he determi- ned to fettle them in his dominions; and for their en- couragement, he diftributed among them confiderable heritages of land*. He even gave them young Egyptian children to be brought up under their tuition, v/ith or- ders to teach them the Grecian language ". Pfammeti- chus went flill farther; he would have the princes his children educated in the Grecian manner'', and eveii aUied himfelf by treaty with the Athenians and other (tates of Greece ^ ^ Herod. Diod. loc'ii c'llat. f Herod. 1. a. n. 154. Diod. I. i. p. 78. Strabo, 1. 17. p. ii^z. B Hrrod. I. 1. n. 179. h Died. p. 78. & 80. i Diod. ibid. fc Hcrod. 1. z. n. 151, ijj. Diod. 1. 1. p. 77. I Herod. 11. 153. Diod. p. 78. m Diod. ibid. " Diod. ibid. « Hcrod. !. z. n, 154. Diod. I, i, p. 78, Araafis, 1 6 Of Goveniftimi. Eodk. t. Atnafis, one of the fucccffors of Pfammetichus, con- duced himfelf upon the fame principles. He conferred many benefits upon the Greeks, and gave them an efta- blifhment in the citv of Naucrates. Such of them even as came to Egypt only to traffic, were in certain places allowed to ereci altars and temples p. By the wifdom of his government, Amafis merited a place in the number of the Egyptian legillators •*. He is faid to have made new regulations for the repartition of the provinces, and even to have given the finifliing flroke to the form of the governm^ent r Under his reign Egypt was perfectly happy, and was reckoned to contain twenty thoufand cities, all very populous f. To maintain order among fuch a prodigious nmnbcr of in- habitants, Amafis made a law of which we cannot too much admire the wifdom. This law obliged every in- dividual to make a declaration every year before the governor of the province, of his name, his profelTion, and the means of his fubfiilence. Whoever failed in the fatisfattion of this law, or made a falfe declaration, whoever could not make it appear that he fupported himfelf by honefl means, was puniflied with death '. Herodotus and Diodorus fay, that Solon borrowed this law from the Egyptians, and ellablillied it at Athens"; where, in the time of Herodotus, it Hill fubhfted in all its force. But other authors with more jullice, and on better grounds, attribute the eftabliihrnent of this law to Draco ^^ anterior to Solon by fome years. This law was alfo in ufe among fevcral other nations ^. Amafis ought to be conlidered as the lafl: fovereign of the ancient Egyptian monarchy. Nay, if we believe Xenophon, he was himfelf fubjeded by Cyrus ^. But it was not till the reign of Pfammenitus, his fon, that Cambyfcs overturned the throne of the king of Egypt, P Herod. !. i. n. 178. <» Diod. 1. I. p. I -.5. »■ Diod, il)id. f Herod. 1. 1. n. 177- This tj(fl ^ippearj to me much exaggerated. Sec the memoirs dc TrcYoUS, January i7;i, p. 3c. & 51. t Hcrortil:,ni can/as melius ; cee'lujue nrratus i>cfcrll-Ci:t rac'to, et fiir^enf.a fidcra diccr.f ■ T'l rcare impeno p'jpiths, Komrn.e, mewcnio, (Ha: ijbi cr-i^t ■ ' as 24 Q/" Cxovenwwnti Book t. as many temples or pagods as dicre are tribes ; no com- munication, no relation, all is fcparate and peculiar. Each pagod is ferved by the miniftcrs of its own tribe ^ Every trade is confined to its own cade, and can be cx- ercifed only by thofe whofc parents proiclTed it -. A man of an inferior caite, whatever merit he may have, can never rife to one fuperior ". The fcienccs are inaccef- fibleto every tribe but that of the Bramins and the Ra- jas ^. Two men of different cades may not eat toge- ther, approach each other, nor converfe familiarly y. They often come to blows on the fubjed of precedency ^. ^ One cannot conceive to vv'hat exceffes the human mind may be carried by fuch prejudices and fuch infatuation"'. There is fuch a caffe held lb low and contemptible, that thofe belonging to it dare not look a man in the face who is of a cafle fuperior. If they did take that liberty, he would have a right to kill them on the fpot^. I dare not aflirm, that the divilion of the people into different claffes, and the hereditary profelhons, produced as bad efied's in Fgypt ; but if the confcquence was the fame, as is very probable'^, what fhall we think of the wifdoni and forefight of their firfl legiilators? There was a fault flill more effential in the conffitu- tion of the Egyptian government. Marriages were permitted between brothers and fillers '^. That cuflom is entirely contrary to the rules and principles of good policy. It could be neceffary only when the earth was void of inhabitanis and needed peopling; but ought to have been abolifhed as foon as mankind began to mul- tiply, and political focicties to be formed. By the light of reafon alone, moll legiflators perceived the inconve- niencics which muft refult from marriages between brothers and fiders. They were fenhblc, that, without intermarriages, each family would form a feparatc and f Li B>'.il3ye, p. rjrj. ; Vop.ge dc PIrard, p. 177. t Lett, e.lif. t. 5. p. 18. " Lett. cdif. t. 14. p. a-14. ^ Ibid. r. iC. p. ill. ; Mcmoirc-' de Trev. Mars, 1701. p. 17. y Lett, cdif t. iz. p. Ci ; Voyage de Pirard, p. 175. See. ; Anc. relat. des In- dies et de la C'line, p. 113, 114. 2 Lett. edif. t. 11. p. 68. » Ibid. p. c)6, Of Government, Book I. experience, that a law may have been very good at one time, yet ceafe to be fo at another, and even become a grievance. It is equally true, that there are laws whofe bad tendencies time only can difcover. Circumftances change, and it then becomes neceffary to change the political fyllem alio, to abolifli the ancient laws, and to lubllitute new ones in their places. It is impoilible that the iirfl legiilator fliould have forefeen every thing. Why fhould we not avail ourfelves of ufelul difcoveries made in other climates? Is an inftitution of lefs value becaufe it is not our work? Or ought that motive to prevent our appropriating it, when the advantages which may refult from it are evident? In a word, a rigid at- tention to the obfervation of ancient laws, and vefpec}: for antique cufloms, ought never to extend fo far as to teftrain the efforts of genius and imagination. Time on- ly can give perfection to arts and fciences. New lights are acquired every day, and every day our views are reclined and extended. Experience lays open the er- rors and abfurdities of ancient praftices. It is then the part of good policy to reform tlie old and erroneous ufages, and to invent and eftablifl"! m.ore fuitable me- thods in their room. This neverthelefs is what could not be done in Egypt. Conflantly tied to the obfer- "vance of primitive cufloms, they v/ere not permitted to deviate from them on any occafion: the laws exprefsly forbade it ''. The efrecl of this pernicious manner of thinking has been fuch, that, generally fpeaking, the oriental nations have made no proficiency in any kind whatfoever. They have drawn no improvement or advantage from their frequent commerce with the Europeans, but always li- mited and bound to their ancient ufages, they are the fame juft nov/ that they were 3000 years ago. I tliink the realbn of this may be found in v/hat I have former- ly faid on the eflabliffiinent of hereditary profellions in families. If they had permitted the introduclion of new arts, they mull have created new tribes^ and fuffered the J> Plate, Diod. Porpbvr. ken J:ifra cit, depofiiaries Book I. Of Gonjern?7TenL 27 depofitaries of their ancient knowledge to periili with want. Not with ftandhig the defefts w^hich we have here ta* ken notice of in the Egyptian pohtics, we nmft, how- ever, do juilice to thefe people, and acknowledge that thefe imperfcclions are made amends for by many ex- cellent maxims, and admirable principles, fuch, in a word, as are fufficient to make us conceive a very ad^ vantageous idea of their legiilators. The Egyptians were certainly acquainted Vt^ith many of the trueit maxims of government. This grave and ferious nation eafily comprehended, that the truefl end of politics is to make the people happy, and that they can only be fo in proportion as they are infpired with fentiments of virtue and gratitude. With this view, the attention of the legiflature was turned to conciliate mutual refpecl among the citizens, and to imprefs them with a juft and ready knowledge of their relative duties* Hence thofe fevere laws againit murder, adultery, and rapes, and all thofe regulations invented and eftabliihed for; the fecurity of the citizens againll each other i. Hence that infinite refpecl they paid to old men. The youths were obliged to rife at their approach and yield them every where the firft place''. In line, the legilla* ture took care to carry the rules of civility to the great- efl extent '. Thefe were fo many civil and political ties invented to reflrain licentioufnefs, and maintain peace and good order among the citizens ; they were fo many expedients adapted to inculcate f\veetnefs of temper, and capable of preferving union, by baniihing all the vices which proceed from harlli and unpoliilied charaders. From the fame principle are derived the lavv's relating to the burial of the dead, the cullom of embalminfx and depofiting them in m.agnificent fepulchres, and that of regarding the dead body of a father as the furefl piedgq for the debt of his fon '^. All thefe inftitutions tended to nouriih filial love and veneration for parents. They i See pirt T. book i. art. a. k Hercd. 1. z. n. 80. 1 Ibid. e» Supra, p. 14. D 2 who 28 Of Government, Book I. who had fo great a refpeft for their fathers when dead, muft certainly have treated them with deference when alive. That glory which is allowed the Egyptians of being the molf grateful of all men ", demonllrates the juftnefs of the meafures which the legiflators had taken to ingrave that virtue in the liearts of their people. But there is one cuilom of the Egyptians which de- ferves all the praifes we can poffibly beftow ; it is that of bringing the memory of the dead into judgment, and making the lives of the deceafed pafs a rigorous exa- mination before the honours of fepulture were decreed them. The trial was held in public. It was the people who decided and pronounced fentence°; and certainly there could not on fuch occafions be a more competent judge. This was an excellent method for keeping the whole nation in their duty, the kings themfclves not being exempt from it. Hiftory prefents us with no cuitom more prudent or more politic, tending to infpire ' the citizens with the noblefl fentiments of honour and virtue. Maxims like this have always been the foun- dation of fuch empires as are known to have fubfifted the longeft time, and with the greatell glory. C H A P. V. Of Greece. I Hate already indicated in the preceding volume a part of the revolutions which Greece underwent in the beginning of the ages which are now under eonfi- deration. There we faw how the return of the Hera- clida; into Peloponnefus had produced an entire change in the different principalities of that part of Europe''. It muft be remembered alfo, that about the fame time Thebes and Athens, whofe government had hitherto been monarchical, changed it into the republican ". There were fcill other commotions in Greece. Some king- n Diod. t. I. p, loi. o Iblil. p. 84. 1.-5. P Stc part I, book i. c. 3. art. 6, *l Ibid, doms Book I. Of Government, 29 doms which had been formed originally came to an end, and fome new ones were raifed. Many cities, after the example of Thebes and Athens, erected themfclves alfo into republics ^ The hiftory of all thefe different ftates is not equally interefling. We may affirm, that the knowledge of that of Athens and of Lacedsemon only is of any importance. Thefe two cities, by means of the afcendant and fuperiority they acquired in Greece, directed the motions, and even modelled the genius of the whole nation. Athens and Lacedccmon were the leaders in all the principal events in v/hich the Greeks were concerned : infomucli that if we carefully ftudy the hillory of thefe two cities^ we fhall be perfedly well acquainted with the charafter, genius, and politics of the Greeks. I fhall therefore content myfelf with laying open the Athenian and Spar- tan principles of government, with examining the form of it, and pointing out the differences between the go- Ternhig maxims of thefe two republics. ARTICLE I. Athens. A Ltliongh the Athenians, like all the other ftates -* ^ of Greece, were originally governed by kings, ne- ver any people were more ftrongly inclined to democra- cy. The power of their kings, reftrained nearly to the mere command of the armies, was nothing in time of peace ^. Plutarch obferves, that in Homer's catalogue of the Grecian forces at the fiege of Troy, the poet di- (linguifhes the Athenians by the name People ^ Yet at that time they were governed by a king *. Homer, by this diftin^ion, undoubtedly intended to make known the bent of the Athenians towards democracy, and give us to underftand that the principal authority refided in «■ Paufan. 1. i. c. 45. p. loj. <" See part i. book i. art. 7. t Iliad. 1. i. v. 54- ; Pint- «» Thef. p. n. D. • Mncfthcus was then thdr king, who had taken the crown from Theleus. the 3© Of Government, Book I. the people. Upon the death of Codrus, a difference which arofe among his children, furnifhed the Atheni- ans, weary of monarchiaci government, with a pretext toabolifh it. Codrus, the prince who fo generoufly facrificed him- felf for his people, leit two children, Medon and Ni- leus ". Medon was the eldelt, and in that right ought to have fucceeded to the crown ; but Nileus oppofed it, under pretence that Medon being a cripple, fuch a de- formity degraded the majefty of the throne ". The A- thenians referred the decifion of this difference to the oracle of Delpbos. Ihe Pythian prieflefs pronounced in favour of Medon, and adjudged him the crown " This decifion, which confirmed the right of Medon, ought to have removed all obflacles ; but either the peo- ple had no regard for it, or, v.'hich is moll likely, the fenfe of the oracle had an ambiguity, vvhich the Athe- nians interpreted fo as to favour their inclination to a- bolifh monarchy ^. Be that as it will, they took occa- fion from thence to change the form of their govern- ment, and fupprefs the royal authority. Jupiter was de- clared fole monarch of Athens ^. For the government of the ftate they chofe magiftrates to whom they gave the name of Archontes. Medon had no advantage but that of being honoured with that dignity. The firlt A^rcliontes were perpetual. He who v.-as invefted with that office, held it for life t-. This new form of government fubfifted 331 years. But the Athenian people, who were fond to excefs of liberty without bounds, looked upon the perpetual ar- chontate as too lively an image of royalty, llcfolved to abolifli even the ihadov/ of it, they reduced the exercife of the archontate to ten years '^. This reduction, however, did not produce tranquilli- ty. Jealoufy and the natural inquietude ot the Atheni- ans reprefentcd that fpace of ten years as too long and u Paufan. 1. 7. c. a. hiil. ^ Ibid. V Il^d. « Sec Marflum p. 34. « V^kL b IbiJ. c Ihi.?. Book L Of Government, " 31 dangerous. With a view of oftener refumlnor the au- thority v/hich they reludantly intruiled to their ma-^ giftrates, this diftruftful people thought fit to abridge the time of their fundions, and at laft they reduced the term of the archontate to one year only''. Thefe revokitions expofed Athens to the greateft ca- lamities. A power fo limited as that of the archontes was infufficientto redrain reitlefs fpirits, become jealous to excefs of liberty and independence. Fafticns and broils arofe every day, and all concord was at an end ^. It would be difficult to determine exactly what was the form of government at Athens till the time of Solon. Ancient authors have not explained themfelves precife- ly on this fubject. VvTe find nothing in their writings which can give us a clear idea of it. It is very probable, that, for the internal government and prefervation of the ftate, they obferved moft of the laws by which Athens was governed in the time of their kings *". Athens was in fuch a fituation as muft have drawn on its total ruin. Misfortunes inftruct. The Athenians perceived that the ftate could not fubfift amJdft the troubles and dilTenfions which diftracled it. They then confidered hov/ to check that fpirit of independence which poilbfled the citizens. For this important work they cad their eyes on Draco, an illuftrious perfonage, of known wifdom and probity, and well verfed in divine and human lav\'s ^. They intruded him with authority neceifary to reform the ftate, and to publilh fuch laws as might remedy grievances which it was high time to put an end to. As the name of Draco is found in the lift ot the archontes, we may believe, that it was du- ring his magiftracy that he undertook to reform the re- public. We do not find that before Draco the Athenians had any body of laws reduced into writing ^. They might d Ibifl. e pi„t, in Solcn, p. 8^, 85. f See Pjn<:in. 1. 4. c. t.fulfin. 8 A. GeiliuSj !. 1, c. i3. (^ joi'eph. cuvtrf. Appion. 1. z, c. 6. indeed 32 Of Government. Book I. indeed have had written laws s but they had not com* piled them, nor formed a code of them. The admini- Itration of the laws was fo uncertain, that almoft all the judgments were arbitrary. They had not even fpecified ■what actions were criminal, and what punifhment fliould be inflided on thofe who committed them '^. Draco maybe regarded as the firfl legiilator of Athens •. He was of a hard and auflere charafter. His feverity was extreme, and making no diftinclion between offences, he punilhed with death the flighted fault, equally with the mod enormous crime "'. Draco renewed alio the law which ordered profccutions againft things in- animate, when they had occafioned the death cf any one ", Being afl^ed why he decreed capital punifliment for all forts of faults; becaufe, anfwered he, the fmal- left appears to me worthy of death, and I have been able to find no other punifliment tor the greatefl: °. Herodi- cus faid of the laws of Draco, that they feemed lefs the work of a man than of a dragon, alluding to the name of the legiflator ^'. Demades, a famous orator characleri- fed them very well, when he faid they were not written with ink, but with blood ''. Ariftotle docs not appear to have made a great account of them, fmce he fays that they v/ere remarkable for nothing but their cruel- ty *".. 'i'here remains nothing of the laws of Draco, ex- cept fome fcattercd fragments in difi'erent authors •". Wc do not find that this legiilator changed any thing in the form of government ^ He only conftituted a new court called tfie Ephetcs ■*. This tribunal compofed of filty-one judge?;, cholen amcngft thofe of the grcateft diflincliou, m the datej bccanxe the chief tribunal of Athens. They j Deir.oftlifnrs fprrlu of l law of Tlicfeu; '.xrote upon a pillar of flone. In Nfxriw, p. C'l^. c,\ J£ Stt p.at a. book i. nrf. 8. ' A. Gell. 1. t. c. i8, JH Pirn. ;,T Sol. p. S7. E. n Ibid. " IbiJ. r Arill. rhct. 1. a, c, 13. p. 579. IJ. ^! Plut. hcofupra cU, I J'olit. J. i. c. li. p. 357- C. f Thyiu's has made- u volktlion r f thrm, apiid CIronov. tlicf. Gr, antJq. t. 5, « Arift. icco cit. «> raJlu;., I. 8. c. to. U^ni, 114, u.^, ' appealed Book I. Of Goverwnent. 3j appealed to them from the decifions of all the other jurifdiftions, as the fole judges in the lall refort. This great luftre of the Ephetes was not of long duration. The Areopagus humbled by Draco, refumed its ancient fplendor under Solon. The laws of Draco were too violent to fubfdl long, if they had been ftrlftly executed ; the law would liave deftroyed niore citizens than the fcourges of heaven, or the fword of the enemy. They were obliged therefore to foften the rigour of them; and the extrem.e feverity of thefe lavv^s led into the oj)pofite excefs, licentioufnefs and impunity. Fa6lions and dlvlfions were renewed with greater force than ever. They rclapfed into their firfl troubles. The republic fplit into as many parties as there were different forts of inhabitants in Attica ^, They were ready to come to the worll extremities. In tliis danger they had recourfe to Solon, v/ho, by his rare qualities, and particularly by his great moderation, had acquired the affection and veneration of the whole city '^. They preffed him to labour the cell'ation of difcord, by taking upon himfelf the management of public affairs. Solon hefitated long before h'C would charge himfelf with a comm/iffion of fo much difficulty ^ ; at length he was elected Archon, without the form of drawiiig lots as in other elections ^, and with unanimous confeiiL they named him fovcreign arbiter and legiflator of Atliens ^. Solon, inveftcd with ablolute authority, and malter of the hearts of his fellow-citizens, applied himfelf itre- nuoudy to reform the government oi Athens. He con- ducted himfelf with all the hrmnefs and prudenjce rcqui- fite in a ilatefman. Although he knew" perfectly the whole extent of the evil, yet he did not think it expe- dient to corredt certain abufes which appeared too ftrong to be remedied. He undertook no changes, but fuch as he hoped to make the Athenians relifh by means of reafon', or force them to accept by the weight of aur ^ Pint, in Sol. p. 8y. V Pint. ibid. z Plut. ihid. s >Elian. V41. hi;!. 1. 8. c, 10. b Hcrrod. I. i. n, 29. ; Piu:. p. 87. E. Vol. Ill, E thoritv? ^4 Of Government, Book \, thority, wifely tempering, as he faid himfelf, force with lenity. Thus being aiked, whether the laws which he had given the Athenians were the bed which could have been prefcribed them? yes, fays he, thfe bell that they were capable of receiving =. Solon began with repealing all the laws of Draco, ex- cept thofe which regarded murderers'*. He then pro- ceeded to the police of the (late, that is to fay, to the diftribution of offices, dignities, and magillracies. He left them all in the hands of the rich, whom he diflri- buted into three different claffes relative to their differ- ent abilities. Thofe whofe revenue amounted annual- ly to five hundred mealures, as well of grain as of dried fruits and drinks, compofed the firft clais. In the fe- cond were ranked fuch citizens as had three hundred, and could maintain a horfc in time of war. In the third were placed thofe who had two hundred ^. The fourth and laft clafs comprehended all hirelings, and fuch as lived by their labour f The citizens of this clafs v/ere never admitted into offices. Solon gave them only the right of voting in the public affemblies. This privilege, which at the be- ginning appeared of httle confequence, became in the end very confiderable, and rendered the people abfolute mailers of affairs, feeing the greater part of the law-fuits and differences were brought back to the people by right of appeal from all the fentences of the magistrates. Bcfides, as the laws of Solon had the ^tiit^ of beiny: written with much obfcurity, they perpetually wanted explanations, and the public affemblies had the fole right of determining what fenfe ought to be given them 8. It was alfo in thefe affemblies, that the great- eff affairs of the ftate were decided, fuch as peace and war, treaties, the regulation of the finances, Ziz. Thus the conilitution of the government of Athens was purely democratical ; that is, all the authority was in the hands of the people ''. It appears, that Solon was c Pluf. in Sol. p. 8<5. C. d ^.lian. var. hift. 1. 8. c. lo. ; Plut. p. 8?. E. Alii', polit. 1 X c. iz. f riiit p. 87. E. S Arid. Plut Iqc'h c:t. 1" riato in Mcnex. p. 519.; Dcmofth. in N-it-'iin, p. 875. C. ftnfiblc Book I. Of GovernnienU ^^ fcnfible of the inconveniencics of the excefTive power which he had trufted to the multitude. He confidered how to give it a check; and, in this view, he chofe out of every tribe a hundred perfons of merit, of whom he compofed a new council called the fenate. As in the time of this Icgiflator there were only four tribes, the number of the lenators was 400 The people could on- ly make decrees on what had been debated and propo- fed in the fenate '. Before the fenate could alTemble, the fubjeO: on which they were to deliberate was to be pu- blicly notified ''. After the affair had been examined, they read to the people what had been concluded in the fenate. Thofe who had a mind to fpeak, then mount- ed the tribunal of harangues. When afterwards they came to vote, the public crier began with calling with a loud voice the citizens who had palled the age of fifty years ', and proceeded to thofe of thirty ; for that age muft have been attained before any one could have right of fuffrage in the public affemblies. In the firfl: place, they decided whether the affair fnould be put un- der deliberation. In effeft, the people had the power either purely and fimply to reje6l the decree of the fe- nate, or to order the execution of it after examination "». It is on this fubjeft, that Anacharfis faid one day to Solon: " I wonder, that, among you, fages fhould only '' have the right of deliberating, while that of deciding *' is referved for fools"." To re-eflablifh the authority of the Areopagus de- prciTed by Draco, had been one of the firfl cares of So- lon. To this augufl court he committed the general in- fpedlion over the whole ftate, and the care of feeing the laws obferved, of which he made them the guardians °- It is unneccffary to enter into any detail of the civil re- gulations of this legiflator, they are fufficiently known. We know the homage paid by the Romans to the laws of Solon, fome of which fubfill to this day, feeing they "were the foundation of the Roman law adopted by al- i Plut. p. 88. D. k Potterie archeol. 1. i c. i5. p. ill. ' Phu. t. I. p. 784. C. ci See Sigon de rep. Athen. i. *. c. 34- » Flut in Sol. p. 81. B. " Plut. p. 88. F. ; Athe.n. 1. 4. c. ij*. p. i(S8. E 2 moll 3.6 Of Government, Book L moft all Europe. It appears, that Solon had borrowed many of them from the Egyptians p. They engraved them upon rolls of wood fet into frames, in fuch a man- ner as to be cafily turned round \ Thefe monuments were firfl depofited in the citadel, and afterwards in the Prytaucum, to the end that all the world might have accefs to confult them''. Some of thefe frames and rolls fubfifted ftill in the time of Plutarch^. To explain the conilitution of the government of A- thens, is to make known its defedls. Every {late where the people judges and decides, is elfentially vitions. How in effcdi is it poffible to debate affairs in affemblies fo numerous? How is it poilible even to be heard? We may judge of the multitude of auditors compofmg the alfemblics at Athens, by the number of fuffrages which the law exaded when a citizen was to be baniflied by the oflracihn, or a (trangcr to be adopted. In either cafe, fix thoufand votes at leaft were neceflary '. What troubles moreover muff not have been occafioned by party-divifions, and the diverfity of opinions, interefts> and private views? Solon, to make ufe of an expreffion of Plutarch, had believed that the government of Athens, fixed and fecu- red by the Areopagus and the fenate of four hundred, as by two firm and immoveable anchors, would ceafe to be agitated and tormented ". The fuccel's however did not anfwcr his expectation. Never ftate was more agi- P SlIoii fcrlcntils adjutui u'Eyipti fdcsrdclum, lath juf.o Kcderamliie legllui llc- mauo qiioqacjiin maximum addui.l firiiminentum. Amm. Marvel. 1. za. e. iC. p. 34<5. . It is true, that, according to Heroflotiis, !. i. n. ij. and Pint. p. 5i. Solon was n t in F.cypc till after he hnd publiHicil his laws; hut this lejjiiLtor ciihtr undcrltood tic laws of Egyjjt before lis voyage, or clic l;c addej to thofc laws, and corredc'l them hy the knoviledv;C he liud acquired in Egypt; for it is certain, even hy the teltimony of Herodotus, Diodorus, and Aminianus Maicellinus» that Solon lii.d bmo(lli. in N'exram. p. 'i-'j. E. ; Pollux, I. 8. c. j. fegm. 20.; Plat, in Ariftidc, p. 321. F. " hi Sc!. p. £8, E. tated. Book I. Of Government, 37 tated, or torn by more cruel diflenfions. The caufe can only be attributed to the too great authority pofleffed by the people. " The raflmefs and licentioufnefs of the '' popular aflemblies have ruined the republics of " Greece," fays Cicero ''. I add, and particularly that of Athens. Solon had indeed forefeen the abufe which the peo- ple would make of the power which he had intruded to them, and had therefore devifedacheck to reftrainthem; but this check was not fufficient. The Areopagus had no part in the government ; and the fenate depending itfelf upon the people, could not repair a conftitution of ftate elfentially bad and defective. There was even a radical vice in the conftitution of this fenate defigned for a reftraint upon the people. It was too numerous. Compofed in its original of 400 perfons, it afterwards confifted of 600. Experience has always manifefted, that the talents of the greateft mxn are cramped when they are aifembled; and that where there is the greateft; number of fages, there is alfo the leaft wiidom ^ We commonly view the Athenians on their favoura- ble and advantageous fide. We are ftruck with the fhining images ot the hiftory of Athens, and impofed upon by Its luftre. We are dazzled by the battles of Marathon and Salamis, by the pomp of the fpefta- cles, by the tafte and magnificence of the public monu- ments, by that crowd of great men excellent in every way, which will render the name of Athens for ever precious and memorable. Neverthelefs, if we would examine the interior ftate of this republic, very different fcenes would prefent themfelves ^. We Ihould fee a ftate in incelfant combuftion, alfemblles always tumul- tuous, a people perpetually agitated by brigues and fadions, and abandoned to the impetuofity of the vileft haranguer; the moft illuftrious citizens perfecuted, ba- nifhed, and continually expoled to violence and in- juftice ^. Virtue was profcribed at Athens, and fervices X Pro Flacco, n. 7. t. j. p. 144. V Perfian Setters, let. lifi. 2' Sec Plato in Alcib. 10, p. 448. B. = Id, Ju x, p. 454, 4Sii- done 3? Of Go'verhmcnh Book L done their country forgot, nay often punlfhed by the oftracifm. What a government was that M'here the fight of fuch citizens as had bed ferved the ftate was o- d^ous and infupportable ! Valerius Maximus had reafon to exclaim, " Happy Athens, after fuch unjuft treat- " ment, ftill to have found citizens who loved their *' country ''." The hiftory of all the other people of Greece cannotfurnifh nearfo many examples of injuftice and ingratitude towards the benefactors of the (late, as does the fmgle city of Athens. It cannot, however, be denied, that good-nature, ge- nerofity, and even greatncfs of foul, formed the gene- ral and predominant charafter of the Athenians. We might cite a thoufand examples. I (hall relate no other than the law which ordained the conducting into the right road whofoever had happened to lofe it*". But the populace will always be populace; every where fickle, capricious, unjuil, cruel, and hurried away by the firfl: impreifions. Every individual Athenian was naturally good-natured, afiable, obliging; but in the public afiembiies it was no longer the fame man ^. A- riftophanes reprelents the people of Athens under the emblem of an old man, very fcnfible at home, but who falls into dotage in the public aifemblies^. The une- qual conduft of the Athenians difgulled their allies, and at length entirely alienated them. It was (till more in- fupportable to tiie cities of their dependence. They treated them with the utmoll rigour f • Thofe cities were forced to endure the caprice of a people flattered and perpetually fcduced by their orators; that is to fay, ac- cording to Plato, fomething m.orc dangerous and more terrible than the caprices ot a prince {"polled by the flat- tery and homage of a few inconfiderable courtiers. b L. s. c. 3. "^ Cicero r^eoffic. 1. 3. n. 13. <* dec Plato de leg. I. 3.; Xeaophrtn m rtp. Athcn. j Polyb. 1. (J. c. 8. ; /Lliii). var. hift. 1. x. c. 19. 1. 3, c. j8. I. 5. c. 13. c In E. polit. 1. 4. c. 9. 2 See ThucyJ. I. i. n. 79, 85, 87.; Aiift. polit. 1, 3. c. 14. 3 See Herodot. I. 6. n. 56. b Herod. 1. 6. n. 8a, 85. j Thucyd. 1. 5. n, <5o. 63.; Diod. 1. ii. p. rss.J Pint. t. I. p. 8o(5. F. c Herod. 1. 6. n. s5. ; Pint. t. i. p. 804. d Plut. t. i. p 41. E. ^ Herod. 1. 6. n. 57. Thucydides pretends that each king had but one vote, 1. I. n. io. i Plut in Lyciirg. p. /jj, B. F 2 was 44 Of Government, Book L was by vote and in their affembly, that the people pro- ceeded to that important choice ^. The power of the fenate appeared very foon too ftrong and abfolute. It was refolved to give it a check, by oppofmg to it the power of the Ephori. This efta- Blifliment took place about 130 years after Lycurgus *» The Ephori were five in number J^, and remained only a year in oiEce 1. They were chofen by the people, and often taken from amor.gft thofe of the iowefl condition''. Eftabliihed to defend the rights of the nation againft the enterprifes of the kings and of the fenate, they had a good deal of refemblance with the tribunes of Rome. Although their magiflracy was limited to a year, they became fo powevlul, that, in the end, the whole autho- rity refled in their hands. The Ephori had a power to expel the fenators, to put them in prilbn, and even to punifh them with death K The kings w^ere obliged to obey them at the third fummons ^. They had a right to fine them, and put them under arrcfl ». When the kings entered the fenate, the Ephori were difpenfed Avith rifmg at their approach"; but the kings were obliged to pay them that mark of refpeft p. Every month they renewed the oath of fidelity to the flate, the Ephori in tb;s name of the republic, and the kings in their own name. The kings obliged themfelves by oath, and promifed to govern according to the laws and cuf- toms. The oath that the Ephori took in the name of the republic, was, that they would maintain the perfons and authority of the kings as long as they ihould exacll}' obferve their promifes ''. Eor a further check upon the kings, thefe magiflrates had contrived a very fingular expedient founded on the ignorance and fuperftition of the people. B Arift. pollt. 1. 1. c. 9. p. ^50, 371.; Jndin. I. j. c. j. * Tlie ancients are ni't a. reed upon the tiit'c of the inititmion of tTie Ephori. The greatfft number, however, refer their ori<;lnal to Thc.pompus, who reigned i?o years afrcr Lycur^jus. ^ Faiif. 1. ?. c. 1 1. i Cragi.is apiiJ Gronov. thef. Gr. antiq. t. 5. p. 1J70. •j Arili.polit. !. I.e. 9-. p. 330. A. ' Xcnophon de rep. Lac. "» Plut. in Agid. &. CIcom. p. 800. E. ; Corn. N?po<. in Agcfjl. n. 4. " Corn. Ncpos in Pauf. n. ;, t: j. ^ Xerrph. dc rep. Liccd. Aib. fm, P i'liit. t. a. p. Si 7. A. ^ .\cnuph. loco ci;. Every Book I. Of Government, 45. Every nine years the Ephori chofe a night Vv'ith a very dear and ferene Iky. They fat down in the open fields, keeping a profound filcnce, and their eyes fixed upon the heavens. If they few a ftar fall, that is to fay, if they perceived one of thofe luminous exhalations which we often fee (lioot along the fky, they immediately ac- cufed the kings of having incurred the anger of the gods. They fufpended them from their fundlions till they Ihould receive from the oracle an order for their re-eftablilhment ^ The Ephori had alfo the charge of watching the con- dud of the queens ^ Ladly, they had the keeping of the public treafure % and the general infpetlion over all the (late ". Ariftotle juftly blames the ertablifhment of thefe magiftrates "". They caufed the fame diforders at Sparta, as the tribunes of the people at Rome. The people alfo had great authority at Sparta, and a confiderable (liare in the government y. The public affemblies folely decided the affairs of the flate *. It was alfo in thefe alTemblies that the eleclion of the magi- ftrates was made ^. The government of Lacedaemon, where the authority was divided by five different bodies, two kings, a fe- nate, five Ephori, and the affembly of the people, is a kind of political paradox. The oppofition of ail thefe differ"fent powers which reciprocally thwarted each other, fhould in all appearance have been a perpetual fource of intefiine troubles and diffenfions. Neverthelefs we meet in hiftory with no fiate which has been lefs a- gitated tlian that of Sparta; and Polybius fays, that of all the people known in hiflory, none had fo long pre- ferved their liberty ^. This certainly was not the effect of a government io dcfeftive in its conftitution as was that of Lacedaemon. We can therefore afcribe the caufe only to the laws of Lycurgus. So long as they «■ P!ut. in Ag'id. & Cleom. p. 800. B, f Piato in Alcibiad. 1°. p. 44.1. A. t Xenoph. Je rep. Lared. fab tin, I' .^lian. vir. hift. I. a. c. 5. x p,>iit. i. 2. c. 5. p. 330, y rljto de leg. I. 4. p. 819. "D. z Thiicyd. I. i. n. 79, 85, 87. a Piut. ia Lycurg. p. 4j. B. b L. 6. c. 6. p. 491. were 46 Of GovcrnmehU Peak h were exa6lly obferved, the intcrefl of the (late prevailed over all private confiderations, and Sparta was the ter- ror of her neighbours. Her ruin tollowed as foon as Ihe loft light of them. In effect, we cannot but allow that there was a great fund of wifdom and prudence in the hiws of Lycurgus. They have been the admiration of the moll iamous po- liticians of antiquity, and juilly too, even though ihey were to be judged by the event. But let us take it a- iong with us, that thefe regulations could only be pro- per for a ftate of fmall extent, and were really praclica- blc only amongli: a people who were not numerous, fuch as thofe of which Greece was compofed. In the time of Lycurgus, they reckoned in Sparta only nine thoufand inhabitants =, and thirty thoufand in the coun- try d. In fo fmall a ftate a people may be educated and governed like a (ingle family. From this principle, I ihaii fay with Polybius, that tlie form of the government of Sparta was well enough adapted to it, as long as the Lacedaemonians aimed not at extending the bounds of their dominions. But this fame government became imperfedt and defedlive from the moment that Sparta fuiTered hcrfelf to be hurried away by views of ambi- tion, and conceived projeds ot advancement ^ ARTICLE III. Of the Greek Cohniesi '"I^HE attention which I have given to the hiftory of * Athens and of Lacedsemon, has occafioned the omilTion of an event which ought not however to be forgot. I mean the number of Grecian colonies, which, about the beginning of the ages we are going through, quitted their n\other-country, and went to form eftabli (fo- ments in many parts of Afia and Europe. In the pre- ceding volume I have indicated the caufe of thofe cmi- <^ HeroJot. 1. 7. n. 1^4. rt Plutarch, in Lycurg. p. 44. B. * Poly'u. 1. i. 6> i. p, 4yi. See alfo I'Llj. rit Uc$ loi;;, 1. 4. c. 7. grations. Book I. Of Government. 47 E^rations. There we faw what had been the effect and confequences of the revolution which Greece under- went when the Kerachdac came and wreited the fccptrc from the defcendents of Pelops, about So years after the taking of Troy. The moft renowned and celebrated of thefe colonies, were thofe which were formed in Afia by the loniaiis, the jiEolians, and the Dorians. The Trojan war had given the Greeks an opportuni- ty of acquiring a pretty exadl knowledge oi the LclTer Afia. The lonians anciently eflabiifhed in Attica, but afterwards fettled in Peloponnefus, had remained there in tranquillity tiH fuch time as the Heraclidae came to retake poffeilion of it. The Achzeans, at that time dri- ven from Laconia, fell upon the lonians and conilrained them to quit Peloponnefus. The lonians took refuge in Attica f; but having multiphed to fuch a degree that the country could no longer maintain fo great a num- ber of inhabitants, Nileus, that fon of Codrus whom the Atlienians had rejected^, placed himfelf at their head, and conducted them into Afia. They took pofieilion of a country which was then bounded by Caria and by Lydia. It is that which from them was aftervv'ards cal- led Icnia. There they built twelve cities, Ephefus, Co- lophon, Glazomena, Szc.^ This colony had been preceded by another emigra- tion, which is not lefs famous in hiflory. Thofe of thfe Achaeans who defcended from iEolus, having been driven from Laconia by the Dorians, who returned in- to Peloponnefus with the Heraclidse, found themfelves obliged to feek for new lands ». They put themfelves under the conduft of Penthileus, that fon of Oreftes who had been dethroned by the Heraclidse. After fome rambling they fixed themfelves in the LeiTer Afia, be- tween Ionia and JVlyfia, and gave that country the name of A:Glia. Smyrna and many other cities owe their foundation to that colony K f See part i. I. i. c. 3. art. 6. 8 Supra, p. lo, 5c »?, h M,rm. Ariind. ep. z6; P^xiCA. 7. C. 1, init ; ..^lia 1. var. bift. L 8, c. ; i Stf put i. 1. I. c. 5. art. <5. H Str^bo, i. 13. p. 37; ; Yell. Patsrc. 1. x. n. a, 4. The 4^1 Of Go-vernnient. Book I. The third colony, which pafled about the fame time from Greece into Afia, was compofcd of Dorians. They had accompanied the Herachda; in their expedition a- gainli the Athenians in the reign of Codrus. The He- rachdas were beaten ; but their defeat did not prevent their feizing the country of Megara, and giving it to the Dorians. A part of this people remained in that country; fome of them palled into Crete; but the far greateft number eftabliflied themfelves in that part of ' the LeiTer Afia which from them was called Doria. There they built Halicarnalfus, Cnidos, and other cities. They alfo fpread themfelves into the illands of Rhqdes, Cos, &c.' I fliall fay nothing of feverai other colonies which went from Greece about the fame time, and fhall pafs over in filence thofe confiderable fettlemcnts which wc know were made by the Greeks in Italy "', in Sicily ", on the borders of the Pontus Kuxinus °, and as liir as the coafls of Africa p. This detail would lead us too far. The colonies of the Lefler Afia are without con- tradldion the moll famous of all thofe whicl/Vere ever formed by the Greeks. They prove fufficiently to what a height this part of Europe was formerly peopled. We areailonifhed, that fo inconfiderablc a nation as the Greeks, fhut up in the compafs of a country not equal to a fourth part of France, Ihould have been in a con- dition to fend out almoit at the fame time fo great a Slumber of colonies. This perhaps would be the proper place to propofc fome reflections on the facility and inclination which the ancients had to form and fend fo many colonies into countries often remote. One might dwell upon that ufage which fmgularlycharaclerizcs the ages of which I am now fpeaking. One might alio conclude with much probability, that families multiplied much more at that time than they appear to do now. lliere might he room for forming many reafonings on the caufe ot tint • Strabo, 1. 14. p. 9(^5. ^ Maiiham, p. 510. n ij. p. ^63. « III. p. 51$. p Id. n,;,i rcfllefg Bock L Of Government. 4^ reftlefs humour which rendered the ancients fo fubj>.;ft to migrations, and which led them to change their a- bode with a facihty that always aftonifiies us at prefent. In eli'eft, many ages pailcd before the greateft part af the ancient nations were well eftabliflied or fixed for a continuance in the fame diflrift. All thefe ditlerent objects which I have here indicated, would undoubtedly deferve to be examined with great attention; but this difculfion would divert us too much from the principal objecl which ought to employ us in the prefcnt article. I return therefore to the Grecian colonics. I fee nothing particular to fay on the form of govern- m-ent followed by tlie diftcrcnt colonics ot which I have been fpeaking. As moft of thcie tranfmigrations were made only about the tiuie that the republican fpirit be- gan to be predominaiit in Greece, the colonies which went from it coniorm-ed themiclves to thofe ideas, and adopted, in confequence, the republican government. As to the laws civil and politi-cal, that they eftablilhed originally, it is to be preliimed, that, in their begin- nings, they differed little from tliofe of uhich I had oc- cafion to give an account in the fecond part of thjs work, in explaining the ancient government of Greece''. In procefs of time only it became ncceifary to malie , fuch alterations as were fuitable to the particular pofi- t'lon of each colony. I fliall carry no further my refearches into the Gre- cian hiftory. ]\Iy intention is not to deliver all that may be found worth notice in a nation fo worthy of our lUidy and of our attention. I fliall only fay a word on the revolution which v/as wrought in the government, manners, and genius of the different flatcs of Greece, during the ages here under confideratlon. Greece in one fenfc comprehended but one and the fame people, and, till about the middle of the ages we are now going through, a pretty clofc uniformity of manners prevailed. But, from that cpocha, there is to < See book i.e. 3. art. 8. Vol. IIL G be 5Q Of Government. Book I. be obferved a great variety and difagreement in the manners and condud. of the different ftates which com- pofed the Greek nation. It is ealy to penetrate the caufd, if wc- r'.flect but a httle on the events of which this part of Europe was the theatre. Government and manners had been originally the fame or nearly alike in the dilferent ftates of Greece, although founded by various colonies. Let us run through the firft ages of the hiflory of Athens, of Ar- gos, of Sicyon, Thebes, Sparta, Corinth, Mycenae, we ihall obferve no difference in the adminillration of thefe different flat s. We fee the fame uniformity fubfiftfor many ages, and till after the rvturn of the HeraclidaLi into Peloponnefus. As yet the Greeks were very ig- norant in arts and fciences, in commerce, navigation, the art military, and politics. This I have proved fuf- liciently in the fecond part of this work, where 1 en- deavoured to make known the ftate of the Greeks in relation to all thefe difierent objects. That nation was then unenliglitened and very poor, quiet of confequence, and v.'ithout ambition. Some ages after the return of the Heraclidaf, the appearance of thin.gs was changed. The Gr. TvS began to acquire knowledge; immediately a general revolution in genius was etfeded, a univerfal impulfc was felt. Here begins the epocha of that va- riety, and of that oppofition which ever after reigned iu the manners of the different people comprehended un- der the name of Greeks : oppofition s which however did not become very perceptible till fome time after Ly- curgus and Solon. Then all the different republics of Greece completed their form of government and con- flitutions, and, by a necelfary confequence of events of this kind, their primitive turn of thinking changed alfo. Each ilate opened its eyes on its own intcrells, and formed lav»/s and maxims relative to its pofition and particular views. A general attention was roufed to the objeds of politics, arts, and counn':rce. Factions arofe along with amV/ition and luxuiv. Even the riches pf genius, with which the nation was fo abimdantlv provided. Book I. Of Goveqiment. 5 1 provided, were made the beft of. Orators as well as pbilnfophers acquired from this moment a degree of efteem, credit, and authority, beyond the example of any other country. This change was not advantageous to Greece. The opulence of Ibme of the republics infpired them with thoughts of ambition and rivality. Infenfibly a fpirit of encroachment and domineering fizcd the difi'ercnt ftates of that part of Europe. Each of them ailed d fuperiority, and afpired to the direction of the whole nation. The general intereft difappearcd, and was fa- crificed to particular views. Greece then was torn with faftions and intelline divifions. In vain did the patriots attempt to raife th. ir voice, and reprf fent the fatal confequences of th..fe quarrels; th-y were not li- ftened to. Tht^ republics, fcduced and led by fiery ora- tors, tore each other to pieces, and engaged continually in the mod bloody and obltinate wars. The iffue was mod fatal to the nation. The advantages which the Greeks alternately gained over each other, began by mutually weakening them, and ended by fowing in all hearts, fuch feeds of hatred and animofny, as rendered for ever irreconcileable all the different people compre- hended under the name of Greeks. It is thus that they paved themfelves the way to ruin by reciprocal lofTes, and by a condu<5l which put them out of condi- tion of uniting to defend the common liberty, lliis mifunderilanding joined to the weaknefs occafioned by a train of continual wars, at length ruined Greece, and forced her to fubmit for ever to a foreign yoke. G 2 BOOK n 7^ 1 BOOK II. Of Arts and Manufadures,. THE objecls which we are about to examine irt this third part of our work, are of a kind fome- thing different from thofe which employed us in the preceding volume. There we examined the origin and progrefs of the arts among the moft ancient peo- ple. To fulfil this defign,- we were obliged to enter in- to many details which would now be fupertiuous. The ages which we are now furveying, offer us nothing new of this kind. With the exception of the Greeks, the other nations of whom I have had occafion to fpeak, added nothing to the difcoveries they had been long in poffeffion of. 1 fliall therefore attend only to fuch flrokes as are capable of characlerifmgthe genius and tafle which reigned in the enterprifes, and in the monuments of the Affyrians, Babylonians, and Egyptians. Indeed the epocha which at prtfrnt engages our attention, is that of the glory and fplendor of thefe people. After the conquells of Cyrus, fucceffively fubjeclcd to the Per- fians, Greeks, and llonians, thc-y fell into abfolute de- cay, and their genius feemed to be extinguifhcd with their liberty. I'he hiflory of the arts among the Greeks in the fpace of time comprehended in this third part, does not prefent us with objtfts worthy of much attention. Tlic progrefs of thefe people was, in every kind, much llower than thofe of tlie Egyptians and Afiatic nations. The ages we are now going through are not yet thofe which have imniortalized Greece. Eut about loo years after this epocha, the Greeks took the Uiofl: fubiime flights. They then enriched the arts with all that ima- gination and tafte could furnifh. They caught the real beauties whieh neither the Egyptians nor the Afia- tirs Book II. Of Arts and ManufaSlures. 53 tics were ever acquainted with. We fliall not however enjoy this magnificent fpedlacle ; it would be necefl'ary for that purpofe to defcend to the time of Pericles, or even of Alexander. The bounds I have prefcribed my- felf will not permit it. Let us content ourfelves with contemplating the dav/n which uiliered in fo fine a day. C H A P. I. Of the AJJyrians and Babylonians . TT7E have feen in the firft part of this work, that Ni- ' ' neveh owed its foundation to Affur, and Baby- lon to Nimrod^. I faid there at the fame time, that the opinion of thofe among the writers of antiquity who attributed to the ancient Ninus and Semiramis the fu- perb works which have rendered thefe two cities fo fa- mous, was not to be depended upon ''. In elfeiEl it ap- pears to me improbable, that in the earlieft times they fhould have executed fuch equally immenfe and magni- ficent ftruftures as are fpoke of by thofe authors. I judge them to belong only to the ages which employ us at prefent. This opinion moreover is ftrcngthencd by the fufFrage of a number of hiftorians, who in all refpefts deferve infinitely more credit than Ctefias co- pied by Diodorus and by other writers modern enough*^. Caftor, whofe chronology appears to have been great- ly efteemed by Eufebius and many other writers of merit, reckoned two kings of AlTyria of the name of Ninus; one who founded Nineveh, and another v/lio mounted the throne in the latter times of that empire''. Every thing leads me to believe that we ought to refer to the fecond Ninus the enlargement and magnificence of Nineveh, improperly attributed by Ctefias and his co- piers to the firil Ninus, the founder of the AHyrian em- pire. a Book I. c. r. art. j. b Jh'ii. b. a. c. 3. <^ See MarHiam, p. 477' a Jpitd S-jnctW, p. ac;, loC. A, As ^4 Gf ■^'"^•i" ^^^'►^ Manufa^Iwes* Book it. ' As to Babylon 5 it is beyond a doubt that we ought to place the conitruciion of all the works which have immortalized that capital, under the reign of its laft fo- verelgns. Berofiis ^, Megalthenes % Herodotus ?, and Abydenus '', afcribe the honour of all the embelliiliments of Babylon to Nebuchadnezzar, and to Nitocris his fpoufe. Their teflimony is conformable to that of the holy fcripture i. I believe myfelf therefore fufficicntly authorifed to refer to the ages treated of in this third part, all that the ancients have delivered to us upon the grandeur and magnificence of Nineveh and Babylon. Here no doubt is the place to make a particular de- fcription of thefe two cities. But, in the firlt place, we have left us but very imperfeft notions of Nineveh. Of all the writers of antiquity who have reached down to us, not one had feen tliat capital. It had been deftroy- ed, and that a long time, when Herodotus the moil ancient of thofe authors \vrote. As to Babylon, the fubjecl has been treated fo often and in fo many works which are in the hands of all the world, that I deem it fuperfluous to enlarge upon it. I fiiall therefore con- tent myfelf with propofmg fome general rclied:ions up- on thefe two cities. The circumference of Nineveh and of Babylon, If we take it upon the common opinion, was of a prodigious and incredible extent. The firll of thefe two cities formed, according to the ancients, an oblong fc]uare, the two greater fides of which were each of 150 ftadia, and the tvvo lefTer of 90. Its total circuit was confe- quently 480 ftadia ^. We commonly eflimate thefe 480 fladia at 25, or even 30 of our common French leagues. But according to the opinion of IMonfieur dc L'llle, founded upon good authorities, the ftadia of re- mote antiquity fliould be eftimated much lower'. Ac- cording then to the redudion which I propofe, the * yipvt} Tof. adverf. Appion. 1. r. c. 5. f Apu:! Eufeb. praip. evang. 1. 9. c. 4i.p. 4J7. B. (? L. i. n. i8j. h Apud Eiirel). loco c'.Ial. p. 456. i Daniel, c. 4. V. Z7- ^ Diod. 1, *. p. 1 1 J. ' Acid, des fcien-.ts, am. rrir. M. p. 60, 6t. ground- Book IT. Of Arts and Uamifaclurcs. 55 c:round-plan of Nineveh could occupy only about fix fquare leagues ™. That city muft have l?tcn confe- quently ibmcthing more than feven times greater than Paris *. We read, it is true, in the prophet Jonah, that Nine- veh was a great city of three days journey". The grcateft part of commentators have concluded from thence, that Nineveh could not be furrounded in lefs than three days. That exprellion appears to me rather to iignify that three days at leafl were necefiarv to tra- vel into every part of it. The explication that 1 pro- pofe, appears to me exaclly conformable to the miliion of the prophet, lie had in eileel been fent to Nineveh to preach repentence, and it was only by going through the interior parts of the city, that he could declare to its inhabitants the menaces of the Almighty> So the facred text fays, that Jonah entered the city a day's journey, and cried". Nineveh moreover was not peopled in proportion to the extent of its walls, We read in the fame prophet I have juft now quoted, that there were then in that city fix fcore thoufand peribns that could not difcern. betv/een their right hand and their left i' ; an expreilion which is undcrftood, and rightly too, to mean children of the loweif age. t is to be prefumed from this paf- fage, that there could not be in Nineveh more than fe- ven hundred thoufand fouls or thereabouts, the children commonly making but the fifth part of the inhabitants of a city. Nineveh then contained not many more people than Paris, although its compafs was infinitely greater. Undoubtedly that city inclofed many very Ipacious gardens; a cuilom eftablilhed from the earliefl times, and v/hich ftill continues in the eaftern cities 'i. I lliall fay the fame thing of Babylon, and on a much m I'liJ. anil. 171;, p. 54. To fpeaH more exaaiy ^ ^^_\irl%'- fquare kagues. ^ -nie fmface of Paris is li.|^-5S.2|. ^,^^^5 ^f ^ ,q^^,; 1^,^^^^^.^ ^,^^^, ^^^ Airface of Nir.eveh was more than Itven times 7 -\. greater than that of Paris. " C. ?. V. ;, " C. V V. 4. Sec Father Har.lonin ,7^ Plin. 1. 6. Tea. i(J. not. (i?.) P C. 4. y. II. ^l-AcHvi. des fciences, aun, 171J-, M. jj. 5 ;, 5;. bett(^r $6 Of Arts and Mamifacfures, Book II. better foundation; for the ancients fpeak in reality of gardens, and even of arable lands being inclofed within its walls ^ But otherwife they are by no means agreed upon the extent of that city. I thought the preference due to the meafures of Herodotus, whofe teltimony is much faperior to that of all the other writers. He had been at Babylon at a time when that city was not en- tirely fallen from its ancient fplendor; an advantage which Clitarchus, Diodorus, Strabo, and the reft could not have had. According then to Herodotus, the com- pafs of Babylon was equal to that of Nineveh, that is to lay, 480 ftadia'". But Babylon was a perfect fquare, and confequently greater tlian Nineveh *. According to the proportion that 1 have already indicated, we ought to elHmate the ground-plan of Babylon at more than fix fquare leagues of furiace |. That city was therefore near eight times as big as Paris |. We can" fay nothing of the number of the inhabitants it con- tained; only I prefume, that Babylon might be peopled in the fame proportion as Nineveh. Authors have greatly extolled the public works and edifices which once rendered Babylon one of the wonders of the world. We may reduce all thefe ob- jeds to five principal heads : i . the height of its walls, 1. the temple of Belus, 3. the hanging gardeiis, 4 the bridge built ovtr the river Euphrates, and the quavs which lined that river, 5. the lake and canals dug by the hand of man to diilribute the waters of the F.u- ph rates. All thefc works fo marvellous in the judgment of an- tiquity, appear to me to have been extremely exagge- rated by the authors who have fpoke of them. How can wc conceive in eff'eft, that the walls of Babylon ' Diod. I. a. p. Tn; Q^Ciirt. 1. j. c. i, f L. i.n. 179. • N'otwitliftanding \vli;it Strabo fiys, 1. 16. p. 1071. C. t In flrianefs o'xIy-^f-XT fquare leagues. About 7 *• If w; were to judge of tlic preatnefs and extent of lhl)y Ion Tiom •^ faft related by Ariftotle, what an idea (houid we form of it ? lie fays, tb.«t when the city was taken, there was one quarter in it, where the news had rot j-et arrived three days after. De rep. 1. 3. c. 5. t. 1. p. 540, 541. I do nut (•9nc(;ive how an auther like Ariftotle could ferioufij relate fuch an alfiirJity. could Book li. Of Arts and Manufaclures. 57 tould have been 318 feet high, and 8 1 In thlcknefs, in a compafs of near ten leagues ^ I fhall fay the fame of that fquare building, known under the name of tJje temple of Bdus. It was compofed of eight towers placed one above another, diminilhing always as they went up. Herodotus does not tell us \vhat was the height of this monument". Diodorus fays that it furpaffed all belief ^. Strabo fixes it to one fladium ^ ^ a meafure which anfwers nearly to fix hun* dred of our feet *. For in the time of this geographer, the fladia were much more confiderable than in the firft: ages -j-. The entire mafs of this building ought to have been anfwerable to its exceflive height; and this is alfo the idea that the ancients defigned to give us of it. We may judge by the following fa6l. Xerxes had entirely demoiiflied this temple. Alexander undertook to rebuild it. He defigned to begin by clearing the place, and removing the ruins. Ten thoufand work- men who were employed two nionths in this workj were not, fay they, able to finifli it ^. The riches inclofed in the temple of Belus were pro- portioned to its immenfity. Without fpeaking of the tables and cenfers, the cups and other facred vafes, of iiialfy gold, there was a ftatue 40 feet high ; which a- lone weighed a thoufand Babylonilh talents. In Ihort,* according to the inventory that the ancients have given us of the riches contained in this temple, the total funi would amount to two hundred and twenty millions and ia, half of French livres. Exaggerations like thefe dc- flroy themfclves. As to the hanging gardens, according to all appear- ance they never exifled. The filence of Herodotas oh a work fo fmgular and fo remarkable, determines me t Herod. 1 i. n. 178. Herodotus on this occafion could only fpeak from thc- account of the inhabitants. When he was at Babyldti, the walls were more thau three fourths dellroyed, as he tells us himfclf, 1. 3. n. 159. " He only iays that it was four ftadla in compafs, 1. i. n. iSi. " L. X. p. 113. y L. Id. p 1071. * The towers of the church of Notre Dame arc only 104 feet in height, •f- We cannot reckon them lefs than 95 fathom a feet it inches. " Strabo, 1. i(S. p. 1071.; Ariau. de cxpcd. Alex. !. 7. p. ^ijo. Vol. III. II to 58 Of Arts and Manufuclurcs, Book II, to place in the rank of fables all that the other writers have delivered upon this pretended wonder. Herodo- tus had carefully vifited Babylon. He enters into fuch details as prove that he has omitted none of the rari- ties of that city. Can we prefume that he would have paifed over in filence fuch a work as the hanging gar- dens? All the authors who have fpoke of it are of much later date than this great hiftorian. None of them except Berofus * fpeaks on his own teftimony. It is ahvays on the report of others. Diodorus had ex- tracted from Ctefias what he fays of thefe famous gar- dens. There is-alfo great appearance, that Strabo had drawn from the fame fource. In a word, the manner in which Quintus Curtius expreifes himfelf, fufficiently fhews how much the exilte'nce of thefe gardens appear- ed to him fufpicious. He judged they owed the grcateil part of it to the imagination of the Greeks *. Let us now fpeak of the bridge of Babylon, which the ancients have placed in the number of the mod marvellous works of the eaft. It was near one hundred fathoms in length, and almoft four in breadth »>. We cannot deny but that a great deal of art and labour was necelfary to lay the foundations, which it could not be eafy to fettle in the bed of an extremely deep and ra- pid river, which alfo rolls along a prodigious quantity of mud, and whofe bottom is entirely fandy They had therefore taken many precautions to fecure the piers of * We know that Berofus never (iuck at exaggerating when he had a mind to exalt t)ie wiinckrs of his country. ^ Super are I'lili^atum Grxarinn fuhii!U nira Died. 1. I. p. II!. AccordiiiET to th.it author, the bridge of Babylon was 5 ftadia in length and 30 feet in bieadth. Reducing thclc dimcufions to our mcatures, this bii^lpe may have been 477 fathom 1 feet 7 inches long. This It.iigtl->, as wc At. i- in no fort of proportion to the breadth. Billde.s, Diudorus i'.iys, that the hi idg: was built in the nii rowed plp.ce of the I'l'pbratcs. Wc learn from Strjito, 1. 16. p. 1073. .A. tiiat at Babylon this river was only i^nc ftidium in lirea.lth. 1 hl^■c th.>nj:ht fit in conrcqiKnce to abandon tJie text of Diodorus, and fi.x the kngih of the bri.ige at one liadium. the Book II. Of Arts and Manufactures. 59 the bridge of Babylon. They were built of lioncs joined and faftened together with cramps of iron, and their joints filled with melted lead ^ The front of the piers, turned towards the current of the Euphrates, was de- fended by buttrelles extremely advanced, which dimi- nilhed the weight and force of the water, by cutting it at a great dillance ^. Such was the bridge of Babylon. While we do juftice to the fkill of the Babylonians, in conducting thefe works, we cannot help remarking the bad tafte, which, at all times, reigned in the works of the eailern nations. The bridge of Babylon furnilhes a flriking inflance of it. This edifice was abfolutely without grace, or any air of Majefty. The breadth of it was in no fort of proportion to its length *. The dillance between the piers was alfo very ill contrived. They were diflant from each other only eleven feet and a half^. Finally, this bridge was not arched f. We may judge of its efTecl on ihe view. The Babylonians, however, were not the only peo- ple who were ignorant of the art of turning an aixh. This fccret, as far as I can find, was unknown to all the people of remote antiquity, who, generally fpcaking, do not appear to have been very fKilful in ftone-cutting. As for the quays which lined the Euphrates, we mav believe that they v/ere grand and magnificent ; but f fliall not eahly believe that they furpaii'ed thofe which we have daily under our eyes, in this relpecl, I believe, Paris may difpute it for magnificence, and for the ex- tent of the work with ail the cities of the univerfe. I fliall fpeak more particularly in the following book of the canals, and of the lake, for the difcharge and c Herod. 1 i. n. iSfJ. d Diod. ibid. * Following the fume rediKflion that we have propofed, this hriJ<.re was py fathoms 1 feet ii inches in lenj.tl), and 4 f<:th<-nis % feet 7 inches in breath. The length of the Pont Royal is only 71 fathoms; yet its hreauth is 8 fathonis 4 feet f. « Diod. 1. I. p. lit. f ITciod. I. I. n. iSiJ. ; Diod. hco citato. t The exlint 'if Vi'efimhijler hthl-re :s 1123 feet fron 'j:hr.)f /; v.-l:.irf, i;,:d in hreadth -unihin the ha'.Har.erJ.i 44 fc-::. II 2 'r„ pauag c 6o Of Arts and Maniifaciures, Book 11, paflfage of the waters of the Euphrates. We fliall fee there whether there is not a good deal of abatement to be made in the account of the ancients, when they make the circumference of the lake of Babylon amount to 1200 fquare ftadia^; that is to fay, to more than fifty leagues *, and the depth of it to about 120 feet''; ad- ding, that this lake was lined with flones throughout ^ 1 do not, however, pretend by thefe reflexions to ex- tenuate altogether the grandeur and magnificence of Nineveh and of Babylon. I only think wc ihould make a confiderable allowance for exaggeration, in what the ancients have delivered to us concerning them. I think, moreover, that the Affyrians and Babylonians had no idea of what we call the orders of architeclure. i judge fo from "the little talte which the Afiatics in all ap-cs dif- covered in their buildings |. I believe then that the monuments which formerly rendered Nineveh and Ba- bylon fo famous, were more remarkable for their fin- gularity, and for the profufion of ornament, than by the fymmetry and grace of their conftruftion. Tliat elegance, and thofe beautiful proportions which charm and allure us in the Grecian architecture, were, and ftill are, unknown in the Indies, in China, in Perfia, and, generally fpeaking, in all the calf. We can fpeak but very imperfectly of the tafle of the Affyrians and Babylonians in fculpture ; only we fee that this art muft have been very much practifed among thefe people. The fcripture fpeaks of a golden (latue fixty cubits in height, and fix in breadth, fet up by the orders of Nebuchadnezzar'^, without reckoning many other reprefentations of divinities and princes which fil- K Mega^then. apud. Eufeb. prarp. evang. 1. y. c. 41. p. ^57. C- ; Diod, 1. i. p. Hi. fi Alcgafthen. 1 (Ull a threat dc.ll. i Herod. ). i. n. t°S- Di'^d. l.i. p. 121 fay, that it was lined with a wall pf bricks cemented with bitumen. f From tliis propofition wc niuCl except the Creeks of Afi.i Minor. '^ D;;:i.'-. -■ V. f. ¥i j jBook II, Of Arts ajid Manufactures. 6i led the temples and palaces of Babylon ^ Itis certain then, that the Babylonians worked much in fculpture; but is it certain alio, that tafte and correftnels diftinguiflied the works of their arthls? This may very reafonably be doubted. In effeft, we do not fee that the Afiatics ever knew how to defign with tafte and precifion. I judge fo, not only by the modern productions of thefc nations, but even by fuch of their monuments as have cfcaped the injuries of time. The figures which we fee on all that remains of the bas reliefs of the ancient orientals, are clumfy and incorrect, without attitude, grace, or variety of expreflion. We fhall conceive ftill a worfe opinion of the artiils of Babylon, if we admit that the ruins, now known under the name of the ru'ms of PerfepoUsj are the remains of a palace built by the firft Sovereigns of Perfia. The llatues and bas reliefs which are yet to be feen there, are alTuredly of the worft tafte and the meaneft execution <" ; yet it appears that thefe works, as indifferent as they are, would have been a- bove the hands of the ancient fculptors of Babylon. I fay it on the authority of Diodorus, who tells us, that the palaces of Perfepolis and Sufa were built by artiils whom Cambyfes traniported out of Egypt into Perfia, after he had fubjefted that empire ". Neverthelefs, when Cambyfes made himfelf mafter of Egypt, he was 3,lready fo of Babylon, and confequently had it eafily in his pov/er to have taken thence whatever workmen he fliould have beheved capable of executing the magnificent works he had refolded to ered. If this prince then thought it neceffary to tranfport Egyptian artifts into Perfia, I think we may fairly conclude that he efteemed thofe of Babylon incapable of fulfilling the grand and inagnificent projects he had conceived. For what other motive could have engaged him to fuch a flep? With equal talents their being at liand fliould have determin- ed Cambyfes to prefer the Babylonian Vvorkmen. In the following article, I fliali again have occafion to return 1 Dan. c. i. V. 4. ; DioJ. 1. 1. p. 121, 115. m See Chardin, t i. p. 140, &c, ; Lc Bruyij, t. :. p. jB^. a i.. I. p. 5;, & 5«. to 62 Of Arts and Manufaclures. Book II. to tlie manner and characler of thefe people in works of tafte and genius Let us otherwife do juflice to the Babylonians on their proficiency in many branches of: the arts which they appear to have very well underitood. Jn the number of thefe 1 ihall place, for example, the foundery of me- tals. The great quantity of ftatues of gold, filver,' and bronze, which decorated the temples of Babylon °, prove it fufliciently. I might alfo enlarge upon the fkill of the Babylonians in the manufaclures of the loom, and particularly in works of embroidery; but I rcferve thefe details for the article in which I fliall treat of the man- ners and cufl:oms of thefe people. What I fliall there have occafion to lay ot their luxury and magnificence, will not permit us to doubt of that degree of perfection to which the Babylonians had carried a great part of the arts in the brilliant ages of tiielr monarchy. 1 Ihould have fpoken of the temple of Solomon, and of all the equally curious and magnificent works which we know to have been executed by the orders of this prince. But the hiflory and the monuments of the Jcwifh nation do not enter into tiie plan which I have propofed. I have never treated of them otherwife than incidentally, and when it was neceffary to have recourfe to them to clear up and afcertain the ffate of the arts in Afia and Egypt, in the ages which formed the object of the firft and fecond parts of this work. The epocha which wc are now going through, dlfpcnfes with our borrowing any thnig from the hiftory of the chofcn people. We fiiall find enough of rcfources in profane writers to eftabliih the lads of which I am to give an account in this third part. • Den. c s V. 4.; Ilerotl. 1, r. n. iSr. ; Diod. 1. i. p. iii, 113. C II A P. Book II. Of Arts and ManufaBures. 63 CHAP. II. Of the Egyptians. I Have faid, that, according to all appearances, we ought to abate a great deal of the idea which the an- cients have defigned to give us of the monuments con- ftrucled by the Affyrians and Babylonians. We have the better authority for this, as nothing remains at this time capable of juflifying the marvels that antiquity pub- liflied of Nineveh and Babylon. Thus we are not obliged to admit relations often repugnant to reafon. We ought not to pafs abfolutely the fame judment of the fa£ls which ancient authors have tranfmitted to us upon the monuments of the Egyptians. I fliall obferve at firfl fioht, that the writers of antiquity do not appear to have given into the fame exaggerations upon the Egyptian edifices as upon thofe of Afia. Befides, the obelifes and pyramids fubfift to this day, without fpeaking of an in- finity of other monuments, whofe ruins alone m.ay ena- ble us to judge of the grandeur and magnificence which reigned in the enterprifes of the Egvptians. What we have under our eyes, confirms almofl all that ancient authors have been able to fay upon this fubjed:. Thus we are able to determine what credit is clue to their teflimony, and to judge of the fa^ls they lay before us. I have fpoke, in the fecond part of this work, of the city of Thebes, of the obelifks, and of ail the other mo- num.ents whofe conlfruclion I thought belonged to the ages which then employed us. As for the pyramids, the writers of antiquity agree neither on the time nor the authors of thefe fingular works. They are com- monly placed in the number of the moft ancient m.onu- ments of Egypt. Neverthelefs, I believe this may be doubted. Homer, who makes frequent mention of Egypt, who relates many fmgularities of this country, who fpeaks of Thebes and of its hundred gates, fays nothiup; 64 Of Arts and Manufaclureu Book it. nothing of the pyramids. This filence leads me to be- lieve, that thefe extraordinary monuments did not exift, or at leaft were but juft finiilied in his time. I prefume, in confequence, that they could have been ereded only in the ages which employ us at prefent, perhaps half a century before or after Homer *. I think it unneceflary to dwell upon a long defcrip- tion of the pyramids. We know that the largeft of the three which are lome leagues diftant from Cairo, forms a fquare each fide of whofe bale is 660 feet. Its circumference of confequence is 2640 feet, it has near 500 feet of perpendicular height. Its fummit is ter- minated by a platform, each fide of which may be 16 or 17 feet. The folid contents of the pyramid is 313,590 cubic fathoms p. This amazing mafs is com- pofed of rtones of an extraordinary fize. There are many of them 30 feet long, by 4 in height, and 3 in breadth '^. Herodotus relates, that a hundred thoufarid work-" men were employed at the fame time in the conftruction of this pyramid ^ They were relieved by an equal number every three months. Ten whole years were employed in hewing and conveying the flonesf . Twenty • It appears pretty certain that this poet lived fbmething more than poo years before J. C. The date I adign the pyramids, agrees perfedly with that givca them by Diodorus. I. i. p. 71. P Reg. icient, acad. hift. anfore J, B. Diihamel, p. 418.; Sicard. mem. dcj jnitf. (lu Levant, t. 7. p. 170, 171. <1 Herod. \. i. n. 124.5 Pietro d'ella Valle, let. 11. t. i. p. 1x4, 2ij.; Maillef, defcript. de I'Egypte, p. ii4» ^BO, 131, 153. ^ L. I. n. 114. ; Died. 1. I. p. 73. and Plin. 1. 36. fe£l. 17. fay, three hundred and (ixty thoiiland. + Herod. 1. a. n. 124.; Diod. I. i. p. 71.; Plin. 1. \6. feft. 17, p. 738. fay, that the ftones employed in building tiie pyramid were hronght from .-Ethiopia, and from Arahia. This faft does not appear to me to he well elhbiifhed. In the firft place, it is not likely that the kings of Egypt, havinc excellent materials at hand, Ihould have unneceiTarily expended immcnle fiims to bring them from afar. Again, the flones of the pyramid have too near a refemblance to thofe which are found in the neighbourhood, for ns to imagine that they were not taken thence. 1 hevenot, t. 2. p. 484. and Vanflc-b. relat. d'Egopte, p. 13S. 1 Ihould only think that they may have brought the marble which covered th// rr/ //;C' //y^a^/i/J^ f/ C y^//// a a «' ^' / v/ / ^^ //'z ^ ^fr/yt r/,'j /V/, / ',v^. . -^j§ss,$^^^^>^'^k V, ir> /:, /' /; //- . ' .'/ / Book II. Of Arts a?id ManufaBures. 65 more were neceflary to fiiiifli this enormous edifice S which contained in its infide galleries, chambers, and a well. An infcription tells \is how much it had colt lor leeks, garlic, onions, and fuch like vegetables furnillied to the' workman. This fum, fay they, amounted to fixteen hundred talents of filvcr ", that is to fay, to near feven millions of French money. This objeft was cer- tainly the principal article of the expence. I do not think that thefurplus can have been confiderable, or I woidd rather fay that the food of the workmen was all the ex- pence of building the pyramids. In effe PTciod. I. I, n. us. * Hcroflotiis gives us alike to undcrdanj, that the fame macliinc ferved for the whole huiidiiiij, and th.'it the niaaagenKnt of it corfilltd in tr.mlpfjrtin^ that i-.iichipe iipoii all the courfes of the pyramid furceffively. Hut 1 have thoupht proper to prefer the opcr.itioii that 1 have indicated. It is both more natural and of quicker (lifjiatch. ^ Greaves, pyrutn. p. xo, 11.5 Thcvcnot, t. i. p. 411. ; P. Lucas, t. i. p. 4^. a ^ A/'. w.^y'/.M.//.(r,Y.: C .y»/fH,r^^,uf y//L-, /U(c:/f^}^'en^i^ti'y /^y c/i^o-e/otu^ I tW Aw #Ssii|igii:^i /c^',V,>y,, ''■!<:!''■' ;■ '■ ii i' ;' ;■ i'l' > i' i' '■ i'^^'i-vV' _f ^ r^ ¥ ,''*'',' '.'''■'/''.'''"^'i';'-'' '.'!■'''.' ■ -^t ^y/;rifii,/ ^^,',t/,;/ ^ ■ <■ yytut HI (It ft ■e/A^Uf/' i/it' ^ ^<'fr/f xa . ■^.'/'/,i„^ •/.. 7 \ Book II, Of Arts and ManufaSitires* 6y a kind of flair; but it is eafy to convince ourfelves, that this enormous mafs was originally overcafl with mar- ble, which has diliippeared through the injuries of time, or rather by the avidity of the Arabs d. Herodotus tells us then what good fenfe alone would have dictated; that is to fay, that they began the coating of the pyra- mids from the fummit ^ Under many of thefe edifices thry had contrived fub- terraneous palfages which it is now iinpolTibie to pene- trate. The ancients have left us no particular defcrip- tion of them. A well which Pliny mentions f, and which we (fill fee in our days s in the infide of the great pyramid, ferved probably for an entrance into thefe fubterraneous places Herodotus fays, that they had brought thithv-r the waters of the Nile by an aqueduct dug under the earth, and directed in fuch a manner, that the pyramid formed a fort of ifland ^. Pliny gives us to underftand the fame thing i. Thefe fubterraneous works, fuppofing there is no exaggeration in the rela- tion of the authors juft quoted, were at lead as confi- derable as the pyramids themfelves. We muff grant this, if we confider, that thefe edifices are near two leagues diftant from the Nile, and are built upon a hill above an hundred feet higher than the level of that ri- ver*^. We know, that all the pyramids, except the great one, are clofed and inacceffible. Common opinion will now have it, that it has been open only fince the conqueft of Egypt by the Mahometans. It is certain neverthelefs, that it was fo in the time of Strabo. What he fays of the infide of that building, and pf the tomb which is found there ', is abfolutely conformable to all the modern relations. Plutarch fpeaks alfo of the e- choes produced there by the voice ^ ; a circumftance d Maillet, defcript. de I'Ejjypte, p. 114, 117, »i8> US-? Sicard, mem. de» miiTionsdu Levant, t. i. p. i8i.; Mem. de Trev. Aout 1713, p. 4iiS' e I., i.n. 115. f L. 3*5. fed. 17. ^ Thevenot, p. 410, 411.; Maillet, p. 149. Greaves, pyram. p. i4t ; Van- . flub. p. 141. This well is only forty feet deep at the utmolh 1' L. I. n. 114. i L. 36. fed. 17. fc Greaves, pyram. p. 7; Maill. t. p. no. 1 L. 10. p. ri(Ji. » T. a. p. 903. A. I 1 related / 68- Of Arts and KamifaBurcs, Book II* related equally by our travellers °. It is pretty fingular, however, that all the other authors of antiquity ihould have been filent upon this article, and that, in general, they lliould have left us no minute defcription of the different conduits, the feveral galleries and the cham- bers which we meet with in the infide of the great py- ramid, no more than of the tomb placed in the higheft apartment. Scarce any of thofe who in our days have had occa- fion to fpeak of the pyramids, have failed to clofe the defcription with feme ilrokes of a trite and trivial mo- rality upon the motives and objcft of thofe fmgular monuments. I (hall not take up time with refuting thefe vain declamations, repeated from one to another, and didated by ignorance and want of judgment. A little more knowledge of the manner of thinking of the ancient Egyptians, with fome critical examination, would have fpared us all thefe fervile repetitions of our modern writers, confined almofl always in one and the fame circle of ideas. Let us endeavour to leave it, and explain the reafons which may have determined the fo- vereigns of Egypt to raife edifices fo fmgular as the py- ramids are in all rcfpefts. The Egyptians were perfuaded, that death did not feparatc the foul from the body, but that it remained attached to it as long as it could continue entire ". It is from this idea, that thefe people took fo many precau- ' tions to prcferve their carcafcs from corruption, and to fecure them from all accidents which might occafion their deflruclion. Hence the cares they gave them- felvcs and the expenccs they underwent to embalm the dead, and depofite them in plr.ces covered from all in- , fult. The principal attention of the Egyptians was turn- I ed to this objeft. Thus they regarded their palaces jj and hou-fcs as inns for but a tranfient abode, giving, b}*^ ; way of diftindion, the name of eternal habitations to \ the tombs p. n Greaves, pyram. p. ij.; P. Lucii, voyage du I.CT^nt, t. t. p. 4J. J ^ Scrv. ad. Pc.wA. 1. 3. v. 6t. P Diod. 1. 1. p. 60, tfi. 1 Wc read in Herodotus, that Camliyrrs Kiiif of Ptifia not having been aMf t>:? vent Iiis rage upon Amafis, the laft of the fovcreiwns of Kgypt, conimandeJ the dead body of this prince to be untomhed and, ai the hei^hi of lU treatment, he c^ufcd it to b; biinit. HcroJ. 1. \. n. iff. Tlic Book II. Of Arts and Manuf azures, 69* The fituatlon of Egypt, expofed every year to the inundations of the Nile, obliged the Egyptians to take all forts of precautions to prevent the quick deftruftion of their fcpulchres. It was for this reafon, that they placed them on rocky fituations fufficiently elevated to be fecure from the overflowings of the river. There they dug caverns in which the mummies were depo- fited. They afterwards employed all forts of means to keep the knowledge of them a fecret. The entrances of thefe tombs, made in the form of a fquare well, were fo artfully covered, that they cannot at this day be dif- covered without great fearch and much attention ''. Thefe fa6ls being eftabliflied, and they are very cer- tain, the conftruclion of the pyramids becomes very eafy and natural. The intention of the fovereigns who built them, was to employ all the means which human art could furnifh to fecure their dead bodies againft all events, and in fome fort to aflhre them of an eternal duration. In this view, they contrived to place them in edifices whofe folidity fliould be proof againft time and other injuries. The Egyptian archite<5ts chofe for that efted: the pyramidal form, better adapted by its ftru<£lure than any other, to brave the injuries of time. In confequence of the fame principles, the foundations of thefe edifices were laid on rocks ^ Yet not fatisfied with all thefe precautions, the kings of Egypt drained every fource of genius and induftry to hide and difguife the place where their dead bodies were depofited *. This projedt is abfolutely vifible in the conflruction of the infide of the great pyramid ^. Let us join to thefe motives, the maxims of a bar- barous and inhuman policy, which may alfo have con- tributed to the conflrudion of thefe prodigious edifices, fo common in ancient Egypt. We know what was formerly the fertility of that country, and the litdetime and care it Q Pictro della Valle, Ictt. ii. t. i. p. 13 1.; MaJliet, p. 176, iSz. »" Plin. I. 36. fe£t. i' De rep. 1. j. c. 11. t. z. p. 407. E. * L. 3^. fcft. i<5. Thefe are the terms in which he exprefTcs himfclf, fpeaking of the pyramiJs ; Se^um pfcrin'tte olioja iic Jliilta cjientalio, qwppc cum facUndi eas cauja a fkrifg'te iradattir, iic pecunicm fucccjjoribus, aut xmulis infidtant'tbiii pr.rberent. out ne p'.cbs cffit cllofa. Thclc fint words, ruium pecuntx ottojn ac ftulta ojletitnlic, have fcrvcd for a text to all our modern writers. Thi?; thoiigiit hns appeared to them fo fine and fq jtii>, th:it tlicy h:;ve emuloully commented and paraphrafed it. perpetually and ler vilely copying each ct'icr, as is tbcT c;:"on), in almoft all that concerns remote antiquity. bodies Book IT. Of Arts and Mannf azures. yx bodies in unknown and fecret places y. Jufl: piinira- ment of thefcj exorbitant taiks with which they had opprelTed their lubjeds, and of the unheard-of labours they had exacted. Their very name has perilhed The oblivion to which they were condemned^, is without doubt the caufe of our uncertainty at this day of the times and authors of thefe famous monuments. After the pyramids, we may place, upon the credit of ancient authors, the labyrinth of Egypt in the rank of the moft conliderable and Angular works which have ever been imagined There reigns a great diverfity of opinions among the ancients upon the time to which that fo boaifed edifice ought to be referred. I Ihall follow the opinion of Herodotus, who appears to me to deferve the preference, as well for his antiquity, as by the exaclnefs of his refearches during his abode in Egypt. He places the conffruftion of the labyrinth under the twelve kings who reigned at the fame time for fifteen years '. That event happened about 600 years before J C. Pomp. Mela differs alfo very little from the relation of Herodotus i'* It is then after thefe tv/o authors, that I am going to trace a fuccindt idea of the labyrinth of Egypt. This edifice, according to Herodotus, who had vifited it very exactly, furpafl'ed every thing that this great hiflorian could have conceived either of himfelf or from others. Under one and the fame circuit of walls they had inclofed 3000 halls, twelve of which wer« of a particular form and beauty'. All thefe apartments communicated with each other, but by fo many turns and windings, that without a good guide it was impof- fibie to avoid wandering ''. Thefe 300 halls or cham- y Diod 1. I. p. 7 3, 74. z Herod, I. z. n. liS. ^ L. i. n. J48. ,^ b L. I. c. 9. This author attributes the conftnidion of the labyrinth to Pfammetichus, the laft ot thefe twelve liings. The filencc of Homer on the iiibyrinth of Egypt fcrves further to confirm my opinion, and proves, that the conrtruiTtion of this nionumeiiC was poUerior to that great poet. <^ L. z. n. 148. P. Mc!a fa\s -welve palaces, a term which cxprefTes the greatnefs and magni- ficence of the twelve halls of Hrrodotus. Ibid, i Sec voyage into Egypt by Granger, p. ijo, 151, 1J3. k Sec part 1. book t. c. 5. art. 1. ' Voyage into J-'gypt by Grirger, p. 151, iJS-; l''"! Luc;s, third roy»gc, t. 3. p. i8// /t//if/i /.J i/tu^t'/i ! A,y//.wP,A;,/J.} .^ I. t yni m $ ' Hui -.yia c^ i^-^' ^ t^a», a« w<.m» • if^ mM Xn -JiB y h ma mh. ^■■a>:*i« w iwi \ v »-b- •- 7.7". in . .v^/ : Vy, .y^. mMs^&iiiifi^M . /.^.':„y:.' A/:iii.///.vT./. .7^ y// y/ ■ / c^/ Book II. Of Arts and ManufaBures. 75 halls ferved for beams, and compoied the roofs ''. But as in any confiderable reach thefe (tones might have given way, the Egyptians fupported them by columns. And this we fee was praclifed in all the grand edificeu defcribed by modern travellers ''. Often even a frnglc ftone formed the roof of a hall ^ As to the reft, wc are not to believe that the defireof rendering their edi- fices more durable and folid, was the only reafon Vvhich led the Egyptians to build them without wood. The nature of the climate they inhabited, undonbtedly con- tributed a great deal to it. Egypt produced no wood for building. Scarce do we find any for fewel ^ We Ihall not conceive a better idea of the progrefs of the Egytians in the arts of talle and elegance, if we caft our eyes upon what yet remains of their ancient fculp- tures. Their ftatues and engravings difplay neither ge- nius, nor talents, nor juftnefs. They are equally awk- ward and incorrect. The figures in general are poor and flat, all of a fize, without regard to perfpedive, leiTening, (lifF, without elegance or ingenuity, without ftudy in the choke of the fubjed, without action deli- cacy, or any fort of expreiiion. The Egyptians, in a word, knew neither how to defign fimple figures nor to group their compofitions. No meaning neither, nor variety in thofe hideous affemblages prefented in their engravings *. Let us remark alfo, that their figures are always drawn in profile, and never in full or a fourti; inclined. In eifeft, bodies feen under thefe afpefts re- quire too much addrefs, and fkilfulnefs efpecially, to have been fuccefsfully reprefented by the Eg^^prians* P See Greivcs, pyramirl. p. i5.; Thevenot, t. i. p. 419,; P. Lnca'^, tbii\l voyage, t. 3. p. 38, Z64, 4^5, 17 J. ; Voyage to the Levant, t. i. p. 45. *i P. Lucas, third voyage, t. 3. p. 38.; Sicard, mem des miiT. du Levant, t, 7. p. iCo. ; Granger, voyage into Egypt, p. 38, 47, 68, (Sp, 73. r Herod. I. 1. n. 155.; Diod. 1. i. p. 56.; Strabo, 1. 17. p, ii6j. f Pietro della Valle, !ett. 1 1. p, ; 1 o, z 18. ; Gransjer, voyage into Eg-ypt, p. 13.; Paul Lucas, third voyage, t. 3. p. zii, 111. * See the figures engrived upon the obeliiks, and upon all the other monu.- ments trijy Egyptian. I Ipeaic not here of the has reliefs, for I h;.ve nev^r feen any of them, and I even doubt whether the Egyptians were es'cr flJlled in works of this kind. y6 Of Arts and Manufactures. Book II, And yet the heads, hands, and feet, for all the facility of executing them in profile, have, in the Egyptiai^ works, neither motion nor expreffion. We have already feen that it was the fame thing in the ornamental part of their architefture. It is ail heavily laboured, without tafte and without precifion. If the Greeks did learn from the Egyptians to handle the chifel, they found means to make a much better ufe of it. Their monuments are as valuable for their grace and variety, their fire, their fplrit, and the truth which animates them, as thofe of the Egyptians are difgufting by their deformity and heavinefs, their monotony and incorreclnefs. This contrail did not efcape the difcern- ment of the ancients, We fee that they made little ac- count of the fculpture of the Egyptians ^ I have already fpoken of the tafle this people had for coloilufes. We have feen, that, according to the rela- tion of modern travellers, many of them Hill fuBfifl: at this day in difierent places of Higher Egypt ", without xeckoning the fphinx which is found at a little diftance from the pyramids. Wc fee little at prefent except the head of this figure, the reft being buried in the fand. This head is 35 feet round, and 26 high. They reckon 15 feet from the car to the chin ^. It is eafy from thefe dimcnfions to judge of the whole bulk of this enor- mous ftatue. When I am upon this fubje^t, it may be ^xpeded I fhould fay fomething of the manner the Egyptians went about in making their coloilufes. A pafi'age of Diodorus lets us into it. This author fays, that the Egyptian fculptors were ac- t fitrabo, 1. 17. p. IIS9 ; Panf. I. 7. c. 3. »« See part i. book x. feet. i.e. 5. >; M:iillet, p 27,1.; Theven. t. z. p. 4x6. Pliny, 1. 36. fe£l. it. exaggerates ^rodigioufly tlic proportions of the fphinx in qiieftion : he fays, that if wc mca- liire the circumference of tlic head by the forehead, vie fh.'ll tind it lox feet in compafs, and 14^ in htieht. Paul Lucas gives the head of tlic fphinx 100 feet in compafs, and about 7.0 from the chiti to the top of the forehead. He thought without doubt tJiat he ought to copy Pliny. Voyage to tlie Levant, t. i. p 45. ^u(loine4 Book II. Of Aris and hlanufaciures. , yy cuftomed to work at a ftatue by feparate pieces. To execute this fort of works, they divided the human body into twenty-one parts and one quarter, refpedive- ly meafured and proportioned to each other. When they agreed upon the height of the figure they were a- bout to form, every workman performed in his own fliop the particular part he was charged with. Although all thefe different pieces had been feparately executed, yet they were put together and agreed with the utmoft exadnefs^. Such is the relation of Diodorus; it de- jiiands fome reiiections. This practice of the Egyptian fculptors, of working a ftatue by feparate pieces, is not likely to have been a general practice, though Diodorus mentions it as fuch. I am perfuaded, that ftatues of a natural fize were pro- bably of one piece, and done by the hand of a fmglc artift. It is not the fame with refpe£l to the coloffufes, which were ordinarily compofed of feveral blocks of marble, In this cafe the practice Diodorus fpeaks of muft have been very ferviceable, and much in ufe for the readinefs of the execution. Something like this I imagine to have been nearly the way they went about it. They began by making a model of plaiflcr, or clay, as is practifed at this day by our modern fculptors. They then cut this model into feveral pieces. Every workman took av/ay the part that was allotted him, and worked after that pattern. In this manner we conceive how many artifts might feparately execute one and the fame cololTus. I think I have fufficicntly proved in the preceding books, that painting was not known till the epocha which is treated of in this third part ^ , The invention of it ought to be referred to the ages we are now going through. Jt is not polfible to fix the date of it witii exacinefs ; only we fee that it mud have been held in honour, at or before the time of Candaules King of Lydia. Pliny fays in effect, that this prince, whofe reign falls about the year 720 before Jelus Chriif, bought at y Diotl. I. I. p. ii», 3 Sscpsrt x. 'oosk s. fcft^ i, c. j. ' its ^8 Of Arts and Mamifaclures, Book !!• its weight in gold a picture reprefenting a battle '. He- rodotus tells us alfo, that Amahs, who reigned in Egypt 570 years before the Ghriitian aera, had made a prefent of his portraiture to the inhabitants of Cyrene b. Paint- ing then was known in Egypt in the ages on which we are at prefent employed. I do not think thefe people fucceeded any better in this art than in fculpture. There is even no room to doubt it, conhdering the intimate conne(5lion there is between painting and fculpture. Neither is there mentioned in antiquity any Egyptian painter or fculptor famous for his works. One fmgle point in which the painters of that nation appear to have excelled, is a certain pre- paration they made ufe of for fixing colours upon mar- ble and other bodies fmooth and of clofe pores. They muft have employed a very ftrong and powerful corro- five, as appears by what our travellers tell us. They affure us, that in many edifices half in ruins there are itill paintings to be feen whofe glofs and colouring are fo lively, fo frefli, and fo bright, that it feems, fay the inhabitants of the country, as if the artift had not yet wafhed his hands after his work '^. But thefe fame tra- vellers generally agree, that all thefe paintings are flat, that is to fay, without any rife or oppofition of colours. Leaves of gold or filver, for example, mingled with co- lours red and blue. The refult is, that in all thefe com- pofitions the figures in general cut upon the ground, and fevered from it by fharp lines ; the tints jippeariug neither foftened nor fliaded oft. From all that has been faid we may conclude, that the Egyptians made no progrefs in the arts of tafteand elegance. For, as I have already premifed, the ages which clofe this third and lall: part of our work, ought to be regarded as the epocha which clofes alfo the an- cient hiftory of Egypt. From the deluge to the time of Cyrus is tlie fpace to which we ought to confine that national genius which has determined the characlcr of • L. 3J. feft. 34 p. Cpo. b I-. '.. n. i9x. * Relat. du Sayd apud Thcvcnot, t- a. part 5. p. 4. ; .Sicaid, mrm. dcs mifT. jii Levant, t. 2. p. acp, ill, iii.t. 7. p. 37,160, 165.; P. Lucas, voya. c »o thf LcTrtPt, t. J. p. jip, \c.C. ; Grander, p. 45, 47, & ;> the Book II. Of Arts and llannfaElures, 79 the Egyptians properly fo called. We have therefore exhaulted all the fafts and all the monuments which can be faid to belong really to this people, and are con- fequently enabled to pafs our judgment upon their tafte, and upon their manner of treating the arts. What I have faid of the Egyptians, regards equally the Affyrians and the Chaldeans. From the time of Cyrus they ceafed to be a diftinct nation, and becoming fucceihvely a prey to the Perfians, Greeks, and many other conquerors, they were infenfibly loft and con- founded with the viclors . The reflexions I am about to propofe belong then equally to the Affyrians, Baby- lonians, and Egyptians. We may fee under one and the fame point of view, the genius and charader of thefe different nations. Their hiftory begins and ends nearly at the fame time. Their glory and their knowledge were nearly equal, and the power and duration of their mo- narchy little different. The hiftory of the arts, prcfents us amongft thefe na- tions with a very fmgular contraft. We perceive in it very early difcoveries of considerable importance. Al- moft from the firft ages we fee them make a progrefs wliofe rapidity aftoni'hes and furprifes us. But thefe once pafled we can obferve no further advances. Things remain always in the fame ftate with thefe people. The Afiatics and Egyptians appear to have made no advan- tage of the duration of their empires, to acquire new lights, or to bring their firft difcoveries to perfection. Their faculties feem to have been bound up and limited to a certain number of ideas, and to a degree of know- ledge acquired in the earl left times, beyond which thcfc nations never afpired. Very different from the Euro- pean nations, whbm we fee inceffantly improving their knovv'ledge, and daily aiming at new inventioHS, the Egyptians and Afiatics remained almoft at the fame point from whence they fet out. How comes it that, thefe people did not continue to extend and perfect their dif- coveries ; and w4iy did they advance no further in the career of the arts, and even in that of the fciences? I think I have; found in their turn of mind, and in the principles 8o Of Ahs and Maniifailures. Book IL principles of their government, the obftacles which re- tarded their progrefs. In all times the Egyptians ^ and Afiatics were little communicative, treating foreign nations with fovereign contempt, and never deigning to maintain any com- merce or conn-eftion with any of them. They remain- ed always confined to their own country, and never travelled. One of the principles of their government was to admit no novelty, and fcrupulouily to follow what had been pradifed by their anceflors ^. Let us add to thefe maxims, which alone muft have brought an eter- nal obifacle to the advancement and perfection of hu- man attainments, the falfe policy which had rendered profeffions hereditary in the fame families f. We have ieen in the preceding book, what an injury fuch an in- ftitution muft have been to the arts, and even to the fciences ^. The clafs of artifuns was moreover the laft of all the claffes, and all who compofed it were held in fovereign contempt ^ ; a treatment they ftill meet with over all the eaft '. Thefe facts being admitted, we eafi- ly perceive, that there could reign no fpirit of emula- tion amongft the Affyrians, the Babylonians, or Egyp- tians; every fentiment of induftry and fame was nectf- farily ftiiied. We may even go fo far as to belive that the condition of working men was no better amongft thefe people, than it is at this prefent in the country of the Mogul, where they are made to work with w^hips, and by force of menaces and ill ufage *=. Let us not w'onder then .at the little progrefs of the Afiatics and Egyptians in the arts. Take away emulation, and that noble ambition which alone can elevate the foul and animate the genius, immediately all droops, and is con- fined to a narrow circle of endlefs mechanical repeti- tions. i See parf i. book 4. cfap i. and part s. boolf 4. chap. x. « Rfc PI !to dc leg. 1. X. p. 78.). f Set Diod. 1. z. p. 141. ft I'liprOy I. i.e. 4. p. ao. I Chap. 4. p. 10. and followint^. >> Herod. 1. I. n. j(J7.; Diod. L I. p. 8$, 83. i Hecfupr/i, book. x. c. i). p. 13, & 14. •i Voyage of Ltriiicr, t. 1. p. 304, 305. It is tiic fjmc tliinj in China. It Book iti Of Arts and Mdmif allures* € { It wis not thus with the Greeks. A fkilful painter, architect, or fculptor, enjoyed the highefl: confideration, dnd the moft flattering diflindions Pofterity cele- brated their names in teftivals. A city valued itfelf as much upon having produced a citizen famous for fome talent, as for having given birth to a politician, a phi- lofopher, or a general of the firfl: merit. It is to this manner of thinkmg and of acting that Greece owes the pre-eminence and fuperiority in many branches of the arts, which it will perhaps always enjoy: and to con- vince ourfelves of this, let us compare the produ6lions of the Afiatics and Egyptians with thofe of the Greeks. Afia and Egypt prefent us with edifices immenfe and prodigious indeed; but that is all their merit. To cha- tafterife them rightly, they are nothing but enormous ^iles, without (kill or ingenuity, the works of patience and of bad talle. In the monuments of Greece, on the contrary, all is Uvely and animated, elevating -the foul, and fpirited throughout. Grace, and fire, and genius, and the mod exquifite expreflion, are difplayed on all their parts. Let me be indulgf^d one reHedlion more on the mo- numents of ancient Egypt. Some are pleafed to extol them, and even to pronounce without hefitation, that there is nothing amongll us worthy to be compared to them: agreed, if heaps of ilones only are meant, enor* mous piles, without tafle and without genius, fuch as the pyramids, obelifks, and cololTufes, and in general all the pretended marvels of ancimt Egypt; I am ready to own, that, in this refpeft, France has nothing like them to otfer. But will any one compare thofe mif* (hapen monuments, whofe diitance is certainly their greateft merit, with that quantity and that variety of buildings of every kind which meet our eyes in every part of the kingdom? We are fo accuflomed to the daily fight of thefe mafterpieces of art, that we do not give that attention to them which is neceffary to make us feniible of their value. Yet if we would refleft up- on them, we fliould very foon judge what a fuperiority xve have over the Egyptians, and how greatly our mo- VoL. III. L numents, 32 Of Arts and Manufa^icre^. Book IL numents, taking them for all in all, have the advantage of thofe of thefe ancient nations *. I fpeak of the royal palaces, Verfailles, the Tuilleries, the Louvre, the Hotel des Invalides, Marly, the Obfervatory, &c. Let us add to thefe fome buildings in Paris, fuch as the bridges Pont Royal and Tournelle, and above all that afloniih- ing range of quays which lines the Seine on each fide. If we would eltiniate the time, the money and the la- bour expended on all thefe different works, equally im- menfe and magnificent, we fnall very foon be fenfible how greatly France excels all that I gypt ever produced. I might alio mention that allonifliing number of places fortified by M. de Vauban, the port of Dunkirk, that of Breft, Rochefort, Toulon, &c. I might alfo cite the canal of Languedoc |, and in general, the great roads of the kingdom : thefe works are greatly fuperior to all thofe of ancient Egypt. Infinitely more money has been expended, and much more genius was requifite, as well as more power, tafte, and time, to finifh Verfailles, \vith all its defeds, than to conltrud a pyramid, or hew out an obelilk. Let us remember, neverthelefs, that Verfailles, and all the works 1 have here enumerated, were executed in the reign of one monarch. * However extravagant and excedive were the prepo/Tenion and admiration of the Greeks tor Egypt, there are, notwithfbndiiig, writers among them who palled the fame judgment on the E^'yptian monuments compured to thofe of Greeie. Ste P;iuf. 1. 9. c. 35. p. 783.; the Emperor Julian on his (58th letter ;ipud Fabric. biblir>th. Gr. t. 7. p. 84.; Sirabo, 1. 17. p. iisp. f 'I'lie canal of Linguedoc, from its entrance in tl e port of Cettc toTouloufc, is more than 70 lc,:ij;ues in length, and 30 feet in breadth. They were often obliged to make angles, and wind it round the mountains, to prefcrve the level ; to fix it upon piles of boggy grounds, to fulfain it upon bridges or ftonc arches in the valleys, to hew down or lower certain m"untains, in fine, to pierce through others, and vault them to receive tijis canal. They dtig out above two millions of cubic fathoms of e;inh, and more than five thijufind of rock. One hundred and fourteen (l-.iices were contlrr.ftcd for barks to go up or down ; fixteen enor- mous dykes to repel the torrent; twenty four drains to let otT the waters of the canal when it is in danger of filling up u ith mud or fand. In this work arc reckoned upwards of forty tiioufand cii!>ic faihoms of mafon work; to which are to be ad(i Vitruv. 1. 4. c. I. • See the preface of Pcrrault upon the diflnbiition of tlir Tvc kincU of co'.umn? according to the mcthgd of the ancients, p. 24. and Joilowir^, and part j. c. j. We Book II. Of Arts and Manufa8ures, 87 We find that fculpture, and painting began alfo to difplay themfclves in Greece towards the end of the ages we are now going through. Some fculptors had already acquired a fliining reputation about the time of the 50th Olympiad, that is to fay, about the year 576 before J. C. Dipoenus and Scyllis became at that time extreme- ly celebrated for inventing the fculpture and poliftiing of marble ". They formed many pupils whofe works were greatly efteemed. Sculpture however did not attain that character of purity, elegance, and that degree of fublimity to which the Greeks carried it, till the time of Pericles, that is, more than 150 years after the artifts I have been fpeaking of. As to painting, it was (till longer of being brought to perfection. This art, the invention of which I jQiould rea- dily give to the Greeks, did not appear in all its luftre till under the reign of Alexander I am not at all furprifed at it. What time and iludy, what diligence and thought muft it not have cofl to bring painting to any kind of perfection ! And this art, as I think 1 have fliown, did not begin to exift till the time of Homer **. Accord- ingly, in the ages which employ us at prefent, the paint- ers were ftill very ignorant. We fee at once, that for a very long time they knew nothing of the art of min- gling of colours. The firfl pictures that appeared v/ere painted with only one fingle colour, which muft have been both very harfh and very dry, fmce it was nothing but a water-colour made of pieces of pottery ground and finely powdered p. This fort of painting maybe thought to have refembled that which is now known to us by the name of Brooch * (dimayeu). But there is no ap- pearance of it The Greeks were at that time too un- fkilful to have underftood that way of painting, which confifts in foftening the Ihades of one and the fame co- lour. Let us judge of their fkill by one fad which is n Plin. 1. 35. fea. 4. The mod ancient infciiptions of Peloponncfus and Attica are engraved on marble ablbhitely rough and unpolifhed. o See part x. book z. fedt. i. c. j. art. j. P Plin. I. jy. feft 5. * The moiiochromaton of the ancients. See Pliny, book 35. led, 8. war- ^3 Of Arts and MannfaBurei. Book if. warranted by many very celebrated writers of antiquity. They tell us, that pidures were in the beginning fuch wretched imitations, that they were obliged to write under them the names of the objedts they were defigned to reprefent '^. It was only towards the time of Miltiades, that is, about 450 years before J. G. that the Greeks began to be able to catch a refemblance of the perfons they defigned to reprefent ' In fine, Pliny remarks, that before ApoUodorus, who lived in the 93d Olympiad, (410 years before J. C ), there was no pi6lure that could attract or retain the attention of the fpeftator f. We find moreover, that in the ages here in queflion, many workmen became famous in Greece by their fkill in working metals, and particularly iron^ To con- clude, if we were to go upon a longer examination, and make more circumftantial refearches, it were eafy to fhow, that the epocha which is the objedl of this third part of our work, is that to which we ought to refer the unfolding of all the fublime difcoveries with which the Greeks enriched the arts in after ages. But I leavd ^ Arift. topic. 1. 6. c, x. t. i. p. 143.; /Elian, var. hill. 1. 10. c. 10.; Plin. i. 35. fca. s. The pafliges of Ariftotle and of ^lian which I cite, are very clear and pre- cife. We cannot fay the fame uf that of Pliny. His phrafc is dultious, as is wfual with tlidt author, who affefts to Ihine. It has even been attempieJ-to give this pallage a fenfe totally contrary to that which I have imagined the true one. They will make Pliny fay, that the portrjits painted by the artifls of whom he ipcats were fo like, that to make known to poOerity the perfonages they reprc- fented, the)' wrote their names ut the !)ottom of thofe piflures, as we now do at the bottom of portraits on copperplates. But this explication does not appear to mc to hit the meanii.g of Pliny. It were e:ify to cite in my favour the futfrage of all the interpreters and commentators Of this ancient writer. They have all undcrilood the palFage in qiieftion in the fenfe I give it. However, without having recourfe to authorities which may often appear ilouhtfnl, I think, that up- on thisoccafion we oueht to interpret Pliwy by Arirtotle and by ,'l'li.in. Thi^ principle crt.iblilhcd, the pafHtge of that auth.T confirms the fadf which I have advanced upon the ignorance and anlkilfulncfs of the firU painitrs. I (hall agree 9t the fame time, th^ttlns cxjilication feems in fnmc lort to put Pliny in coiitra- 4ittion with liimfelf. But it may be anfwcred, lb;it this is not the only cx:imple which is to be found cf that in his wiitlngs. It is moreover the AtitCi of all nithnrs who have affe^cd to fpcak in fenttnces and enigm-ds. r l-lin. I. 3S. ka. 34. f Ibid. feft. 3<5. • ilcrod. 1. J. n, aj.j Puuf. 1. 3. c. li. p. i6s. 1. 10. c. \6. thcfe Bbbic li. Of Arts nnd MamifaBiivei. 89 thefe details, which, as they again and again prefent ob* jecls nearly alike, might in the end fatigue the reader. Let lis remark neverthelefs, that thefc fame people, whom We cannot too much applaud for their genius in architedure, in fculpture, and perhaps alio in painting, were very little Induftfious in procuring themfelves many convcniencies, which at this day it appears im- pollible to do without. For example, the clothing of the Greeks was always very defeftive. I have faid eife- Vv'here, that they were neither acquainted with the ufc of linen, nor Ihoes, nor (lockings, nor breeches Their coats had neither buttons nor button-holes. We ihali fee alfo that thefe fame people neither knew the life of flirrups to mount, nor of faddles to keep themfelves 011 horleback". I fhall obferve further, that in their houfes they wanted many of the niofl; ufeful ar.d agreeable in- ventions. They had neither glafs windows nor chim- neys. Thefe people were alfo ignorant of the art of lighting themfelves by the ufe of wax or tallow. I might, if it were neceflary, make a longer enumeration of arts unknown to the Greeks. I fliould theri fpeak of print- ing, of fire-arms, of the mariner's compafs, of chymical fluxes, of engravings in copper-plate, of mirrors, of te- lefcopes, of clock-work, ot wind and water mills, occ. \ inventions which thefe people never knew. But what I have juft faid is, I think, fufficient to prove how great, in many refpetls, was the imperfection and ignorance of the arts among the Greeks. " See \nfra book 5. cliap. 1. Vol. III. M BOOK C 90 1 BOOK III. Of Sciences* WE 3rc arrived at the ages which clofe and termi- nate our refcarches on the ftate of the fciences amongft the ancient nations. The epocha of Cyrus is, in effect, that of the fall of the empires of AiTyria, of Babylon, and even of the monarchy of tlie firft Egyptians. We can therefore judge of all the dif- coveries vi'hich we ought properly to attribute to the Affyrians, the Babylonians, and the Egyptians. Thofe made amongft thefe nations pofterior to the ages which clofe this third part of our work, can belong to them but imperfeci:l5^ It was no longer the fame Affyrians, the fame Babylonians, nor the fame Egyptians, whofe ftate we have hitherto confidered. Their empire was deftroyed, and their primitive genius changed by the mixture of other nations, to whom, after the time of Cyrus, thefe people continued always fubjeci. We Tnall not find it the fame with the Greeks as with the Afiatics and Egyptians in the ages we are at prefent employed upon On the contrary, we fliall but juft perceive the opening bud of all thofe inventions which nave fecured to that nation the diftinguiflied rank which they have and will for ever poffefs. The epocha we are now going through, ought, however, to be regarded as one of the moft confidcrable of the Grecian hiftory. It was tov/ards the end of the ages it takes in, that letter^ and philofophy began to take deep root in Greece, to flretch up with a rnpid growth, and very foon becoming fruitful, tliey produced thofe immortal fruits with which the univerfe entire has, and yet continues every day to enrich itfelf. CHAP, Book III. Of Sclencci. ^t CHAP. L Of Medidne. BY tlie confent of all antiquity, it is allowed that the hiftory of medicine remained involved in the dark clouds from the Trojan war to that of Pcloponnefus ». We cannot however, fuppofe that the jfludy of a fcience fo necefiary as that of medicine, {hould, during fo long an interval, have been abfolutely neglefted. The facred books atteft the contrary. Solomon mud have pofleffed a great part of the various knowledge which conftitutes the art of healing. The fcripture fays of this prince, that he had compofed treatifes upon all animals, birds, and fifties, and that he had wrote upon all plants, from the cedar of Lebanon to the hyffop b. Many other fads related in the facred books atteft equally the knowledge and the ufage of medicine in the ages we are at prefent employed upon. Wc fee, that there were in thefe times phyficians by profeflion among the Hebrews. Ala king of Judalia being attacked by the gout, is reproached for that " he " fought not to the Lord, but to phyficians <^.'' Heze- kiah, threatened with death from an abfcefs, is cured by the application of a cataplafm of figs ''. Joram king of Judah, wounded in a battle, retires to Jezreel to be healed*. We gather alfo from many expreflions of the prophets, that they then knew how to cure wounds, fradures, and bruifes, by means of certain medica- ments, fuch as rofin, balfam, oils, and the fat of ani- ^ Celfus, I. 1. in praefat. ; Plin. 1. ao- feft. i. p. 495. ; Ifidor. orig. J. 4. c. 3. l> I KinjTs c. 4. V. 33, With the other knowledge that Solomon attributes to himfclf in the book of Wifdom, he places the divcrfitics of plants and the virtues of roots, c. 7. V. lo. c I Kings c. 15, V. 13 ; * Chronic c. 16. v. ix. d a Kings c. ic. v. 7. ; Ilaiah c. 38. v. ir. ^- 3. Kin^s c. 8. V. ip. c. 9, v. 15. ^ 2 mals. 52 Of Sciences. Book Tl|, mals f. It even appears that pliyficians wci-e held ir^ great efteem amongfl the Afiatic nations. " Honour " a phyfician," fays the Ecclefiafticus, " for the ufc^ *? which you may have of him 2." As to the Greeks, although we are ignorant of the ftate and progrefs of medicine amongll thefe people from the Trojan war to that of Pcloponnefus, yet it is certain, that the Alclepiiides, that is to fay, the defcen- dents of j^^fculaptus, prcfcrved that Icience in their fa- mily without any interruption. They reckon three ce- lebrated fchools cllablifhed by them, one at Rhodes, another at Cos, and the lad at Cnidos. Herodotus, who was anterior to ?Iippocrates *, fpeaks alfo of many other very famous fchools of medicine. Let us add that of Italy, which owed its rife to Pythagoras, and whofe crcclion w^e cannot place later than the year ^k^o before The posms of Homer furnifh ftill plainer proofs of the Rate of Medicine, and of the progrefs it mud have made, at the time in which this great poet lived. We fmd in his writings abundance of anatomical details. Ilonier gives a nominal defcription of almoft all the parts of the human body, more than that, this poet mufl have had a great knowledge of their ftrufture and Hi-rort- T- C. , ,' ■ •* ^'"cc Le ClcrCj l.- t. uf inr.Lifinc, p-irf. i. 'jook x, c. 1, & a, who JBook in. Of Sciences. 93 ■who had anatomized anlmaiS [. Aridotle, whofo time was not till more than eighty years after Hlppccratcs, tells us, befides, that in his days the Greeks had riot yet dared to diflecl the human carcaic. When this; philofopher fpeaks of the internal parts of man, he fayr:, they are greatly unknown, that we have nothing ccrlaiu on their Itrudure and arrangemxent, and that we muih judge of them from the refemblance they Ihould have to the parts of other animals which may have fome conformity with each of them k. ^ow then is it poiiible, that, in tlie ages of Homer, anatomy Ihould have been carried to a fort of accuracy and exadnefs ? This objc6llon wliich at firil we might judge very ifrong, ccafes neverthelefs to appear fo, when wt reflect on the various means which men have always had to inftrucl: themfelves in the frame of the human body. I have explained thefe means in the firft part of this work \ We may alfo coiifult, on this fubjecl, what Daniel Le Clerc fays in his hlilory of medicine. There this learn- ed man makes us eafily conceive, how the ancient phy- licians may have acquired a knowledge of the internal parts of the human body, without having been, for all that, in the habitual pra(Stice of dliledlion ". I am, befides, apt to believe, that the people of Afia liad not the ianK^ fcruple as the Greeks about opening of human carcafes. Homer may therefore have drawn from them that anatomical fkill which he has difplayed in his works. For though we cannot precifely deter- mine the country of this prince of poets, it however ap- pears to me beyond a doubt, that he was born, and palTcd a great part of his hfe in Afia Minor. This is an opinion which I have already taken pains to eflablifli. I have cv.^n thought, that, of confequence, we ought to refer to thefe people, certain fciences too delicate and refxrjcd for Homer to have learned tiiciu in the bofoiu i Ch?!c;tl. in Tit. Plat. p. 5», k Kill, aniirvjl. 1. i. c. i<5. uiif. ' Book 3. c. r art. 1. 1^ Ililc. of nicJiciiu-, part i, book z. r. 74, & 7S- af 94 ^f Sciences. Book III, of Greece properly fo called. We ought not to give the honour of them to the inhabitants of that part of Europe. In the ages this poet appeared in, they were Hill very ignorant and unpolilhed. I think I have faid enough to fliew, that if we find a void in the hiftory of medicine, from Podalirius and Machaon, the fons of ^fculapius, till the time of Hip- pocrates, it is not becaufe the ftudy of that fcience was negleded in this interval. We ought to attribute the ignorance we are in ot ihz names and capacity of thofe who cultivated medicine at that time, only to the times in which they lived. The hiflory of thofe ages is moil confufed and dele6live. The phyficians are not the only people who have caufe to complain of it. We fliall have but too many occafions to be convinced of it with regard to many other objects. CHAP. LI. Of Ajlronomy, TH E hiftory of aftronomy, in the ages we are now going through, is not altogether fo barren as that of medicine. The writers of antiquity give us fome- whatmore affiftance in examining the (late of thatfcience. in thefe times amongfl the different nations of whom wc are to fpeak. The Babylonians, the Egyptians, and a- bove all the Greeks, enable us to preient the reader with fome curious and interefling details. Let us firfb examine the ftate of aftronomy amongfl each of thefe people in particular. We fhall proceed to oft'er fome general ideas refulting from th.e different facls we are about to relate. A 11 T I c L r Book Iir. Of Sciences. 9^ ARTICLE I. Of the Babylonians, A S It Is known how dark is the hlftory of the Ba- "^^"^ bylonlans and AlTyrians, we may be thought not very competent judges of the difcoveries and of the pro- grefs which thefe people had made in aftronomy. Ne- verthelefs it will appear, that by colleding and compa- ring the different tracls we find fcattered through the authors of antiquity, a pretty juft idea may be formed of the aflronomical learning ot the Babylonians. The Chaldean aftronomers had learned, that the fun and the planets had a motion proper to themfelves from wed to eafl, and that thefe revolutions were made with great inequalities of time, and with very different de- grees of velocity ". They taught, that the moon Is placed below all the flars, and below all the planets ; that as it is the leaft of all thofe which we perceive, it is alfo the neareft to the earth*'; that its revolution is performed in lefs time; not that it has a greater velocity than the other planets, but by reafon of the fmall extent of its orbit. They knew, moreover, that the moon has only a borrowed light, and that its eclipfes are caufed by its immerging into the Ihadow of the earth p. The Chaldeans reckon but 36 conftellations; 12 in the zodiac, and 24 without that circle. They diilin- guHhed thefe lad into northern and fouthern '^. They had divided each fign of the zodiac into 30 degrees, and each degree into 60 parts, or minutes ^ By this method the Chaldeans had found the mean motion of the moon. ■> Diod. !. 1. p. 144.; Simplic. in !. %. ; Arif. de ccelo, fol. 117. verfr,. o Diod. 1. I. p. 144. This palFage of Diodorus deferves attention. How came the Chaldeans to puefs that the moon is in reality the leaft of the planets ? This was probably on their part only mere conjeiftijre P Diod. 1. 1, p. 144, 145. 1 Diod. ibid. f Gemin. c. ij. p. (Si. ; .S. Empiric, ady, aflrolog. 1. ;. p. 339. They ^S of Sciences. Book hu They had thus attained to determine the periodical re- turn of that planet with a good deal of exactnefs *". The advantage uhich thcfe aflronoiners had, of lia- vin^'- very early invented the means of meafuring exadly tlie dift'erent parts of the day, ought to give us a pretty good idea of their aftronomical calculations. It is ge- nerally agreed, that they were the firfl who knew the life of fun-dials ^ Accordingly they palled for the firll who had undertaken to mealure the length of the fun's annual revolution ". Then- obfervations, in this refpeft, were not fruitlcfs. We fee, that, in the reign of Nabo- naiTar, the year aniongft thefc people confiited of 365 days. The ancients make this clear enough, by telling us, that the years, formerly called the yi\7rs of Nabo- ruiljhr, anfwered, month for month, and day for day, to the civil year of the Egyptians ^. If it were necellary, we might alledge the ufage of the Perfians in further conlirmation of this opinion. From the reign of Cyrus tliis nation had regulated their year to 365 days ^ ; and we know that Cyrus is the hril who fubjefted the empire of Babylon to the throne of Perfia. It is not fo eafy to determine at what time the Baby- lonians difcovered the neceffity of adding to their com- fnon year, the five hours and fome minutes by wliich the annual revolution of the fnn furpafi'es the length of ^yG^ days. It is certain, that this difcovery had not cfcaped the Chaldean altronomers. Strabo alRires us < Gcm'n. c. i>. p. 6:. We may douhr, however, whethir all this (kill was .very ancient among the Chnldcans. Set; Witdlcr, hift. allionom. c. 5. p. 35. ^ Ileii^cj. 1. 1. 11. 109. iJeroflotus docs not fix the c^ocha of this ilifcoverv. Wc oii^ht to JikIjjc, imwever, thjt it mufl have bctn very ancient. Wc find I'uii- 'Jia!b ii) life jX Jcriilaleni in tiie time of Ahaz, that :s to lay, five years before the «ia of Nabon^U.ir. 2 Kings c. 16. v. 11. 2 Chrori. c. 31. v. 31. It is very pioi)ai>]c, til 4 Ah.t/. hail tlic knowleJuc of that niaihcmat'cal inltrument from ilic- Bihyloni Ills. In cfild^l, wc learn from fcripturc, that this jirince was in great union with Tiglatii-Filefcr, king of AlTyria. x Kin^s c. iC. v. 8, &c. " Achill. Tat. ad. -Vnti pliarnom. c. 18. ^ Cenforin. de die nat. c. ii. See iu the following chapter otir remarks on X\\e civil year of the Egyptians. ."' Q^ Curt. 1. 3. c. 3. p. 154. ?5'-r ,-,!fo Dioi. J. j. p. i;o. «f Book Hi. Of Sciences. 97 of it in very preclfe terms '^ ; but he does not fix the cpocha of it. However, the manner in which he ex- prefles himfelf, gives us fufficiently to underftand that this knowledge was very anciently received in Chaldea. We have therefore good authority to believe, that, in the courfe of the ages now under confideration, the year of the Babylonians confifted of 365 days and fomc hours *. We may even believe, that, in this refpecl, they had come very near the truth. I fliall elfewhere fpeak of it more particularly ". We have flill the names of the ancient aftronomical periods j wkofe invention was due to the Chaldeans. Be- rofus has made ufe of them for his chronological cal- culations''. Yet thefe meafures of time, which were then in familiar ufe, are now but little known. Many difHculties arife about the number of years of which each of thefe periods was compofed. The efforts which fome modern critics have made to clear them up, do not hitherto give full fatisfadlion. That I may not in- terrupt the relation I am making of the altronomiical learning of the Babylonians, I fliall give an account of thefe different periods in a particular diil'ertation '^. The fylfem of comets which the Chaldeans had form- ed, merits alfo fomie attention. Apollonius of Hindus, z L. 17. p. irCo. A. * Ubo Emmins, and after him Munkeriis de intercalat. 1. 3. c. i. give us to underliand, that the year of the Chaldeans was only of 365 days. 'J hey fay, that to repair the confiifjon produced thr.High time, by the omiffion of the fourth of a day, thefe people compofed a month of it, which they added to their ordi- nary year at every 1 xo years; that by this means every izoth year confifted of 39S days, that is to fay, of 13 months. But thefe writers cite sio author of anti- quity in liipport of their opinion, and befides tlicy are formally contradiiftcd by Strabo, as we have feen. We may therefore boldly plac^ thisopinion in the num- ber of thofe airy fyllems, which have no other foundation than the imagination of the author who gave them birth. ^ In the differtation on the artronomical periods of the Chaldeans, at the end of this volume. ^ See Syncel. p. 17. ; Abyden. afui cuni. p. 38. C. '^ See, at the end of this volume, thediflertation oij the periods of the Chaldeans. Vol. III. N a cele- 98 Of Sciences » Book III, a celebrated aftronomer, tells us, that the Chaldeans, amongfl whom he had ftudied, regarded comets as planets whofe revolution was performed in orbits very excentric to the earth, and that thefe ftars became vifi- ble only in their progrefs through the lower part of that orbit. The fame aftronomers pretended alfo, accord- ing to Apollonius, to know the courfe of the comets and the duration of their periods "^. Pliny, Plutarch, and Stobffius, fpeak alfo very clearly of this fyflem of the Chaldeans *^. I imagine however that more was due to chance and uncertainty than to ftudy and experience f. The ancients knew nothing certain of this, nor of the greateft part of the phsenomena of phyfical allronomy. We may alfo place in the number of the aftronomi- cal attainments of the Chaldeans, the ideas they had formed of the extent of the circumference of the ter- reflrial globe. They had found out, it is pretended, that a man, walking a good pace, might follow the fun round the earth, and would reach the equinoctial at the fame time with that ftars; that is to fay, that in the fpace of a folar year, which the Chaldeans, as we have Icen, determined at 365 days and fome hours, a man d jlptttl Scncc. quxft. nat. 1. 7. c. 5. t. i. p. 810. Sc c. 17. p. 831. <^ Plin. 1. 1. fpft. 15. p. 89 ; Plut. t. I. p. 8<>j.; Stob. eclog. phyf. 1. 1. p„ 63. Pliny and Plutarch do not cxprefsly fay, this wjs the {j'.\em of the Chal- deans; \i\n wc may prefume, that the ancient philofophcrs of Greece learned a- mong thefe people what they (ay on comets. Scntrca and Stobseiis authorifc lis to believe it ; fince it appears by their writings, that this opinion upon h; cu- incts was very ar.ciently eftablillied in Clialdeu. f Seneca will furnilh us a proof of it in the fame paHage I have jaft cited, p. Pio. He fpeaks there of another artvonomer, nameii Epigenes, who fair!. Unit t!ic Chaldeans knew nothing cenain of the comets, and that they lo^-ked t)po'» tlicm a' meteors, kindled by the effort of ibme vortex of air violently agiratcd, Thefe coturadifiions oiiglu not to iurprife us. There were many fciioolsamonglk the Chaldeans. Pliny reckons three, 1. 6. c. i6. p. 331. IMlTerent fyftems wcr^ tanjjlu in ali ihefe fchools, according to the teUimony of Str;\bo, 1. i(5. p. lo?.!- Thus Apollonius related that wliich was adopted in the fchool where he had I'udicd, and Epigenes what was delivered in the one which he had followed ; and there were then no rcafons whirli conld j;i»e one fyflem tr.oT'; credit thin another. P Achill. Tat, ad Arati phinorr. c. i8. walkinc Book III. Of Sciences. 9$ walking at a good rate, might make the tour of the earth, and would do it effeftually, if he could always keep up an equal pace *. This is all we have been able to colleiSl: of mod pre- cifion upon the aftronomical learning of the Chaldeans. They had, as we fee, made fome progrefs in certain parts of that fcience; but there were many others, and thofe of the greatefl importance, which were abfolutcly unknown to them. The Chaldeans, for example, had but a very imperfed theory of folar eclipfes. They durd neither determine nor foretel them''. Their ignorance in this matter does not proclaim any very exacl: know- ledge, or very extenfive intelligence of the celeftlal phse- nomena. It may even be doubted, whether they did not acquire, in much later times, fome part of the dif- coveries which I have thought might be afcribed to them in the ages treated of in this third part of my work '. In reality, notwithllanding the conquell of the Babylonian empire by Cyrus, and afterwards by Alex- ander, the Chaldeans always continued to be held in great confideration, on account of the extreme refpeft which prepofTeffed the ancients in favour of the fkill which thefe priefts are faid to have acquired in judicial allrology. The deftrudion of the empire of Babylon did not then difable the Chaldeans from perfedling their aftronomical difcoveries; and Diodorus, from whom I have borrowed moll of the details I have here given ac- count of, was not acquainted with thefe aftronomers till long after the time of Alexander. There remains no more but that I take fome notice of the obfervatory of the Babylonians. The principal object of the ancient aftronoiners, was to perceive and catch the exad momxnt of the rihng and fetting of the • A man commonly mikes a league an hour; of confeqiience, could he always proceed without (lopping, he would make ^4 a-diy, and 8760 in 365 days. Wc know that the ciriumference of the j;lobe, about the equator, is about 9000 leagues. It refults from this calculation, that the Chaldean aftronomers h Died. i. a. p. 14s. i See Weidlcr, hift. aflron, c. 3. p. 35. N 2 (lars. ;[.o© Of Sciences. Book III. flars. The moft favourable places for this purpofe which they firft thought of, were extended plains, open on all fides, v/here the eye might difcover a vaft and un- bounded horizon. Plains were then, for many genera^ tions, the only obfervatories in ufe. But the civilized nations foon fought to proctire themfelves means of ob- ferving the courle of the ilars with more facility and exaftnefs. In this view they conftruded edifices whofe elevation gave them more advantage. The Babylonians were not the lall to avail themfelves of this praclice. I have already had occalion to fpcak of the temple of Belus, fo renov/ned amongfl thofe ancient people ". This edifice inclofed in its centre an extremely elevated tower, whofe conftruclion appears to have been more ancient that that of the temple itfelf '. It was from the fummit of this tower that the Chaldeans made their principal obfervations ". ARTICLE II. Of the Egyptians. THE Egyptians, after the Greeks, are the people of antiquity whofe progrefs in the fciences we can the mofl eafily trace. I have related in the preceding books, the diiferent v^ays that the Egyptians had regu- lated their year, firfl at 360 days and afterwards at '^^6^^ Let us examine whether, in the ages we are now going through, they had attained any greater degree of exactncfs. The fun employs in his annual revolution 365 daya and about fix hours. 1 have given account of the mo- tives which determined me to believe, that it was in thefc ages tliat the Babylonians had made difcovery of this overplus of the fourth of a day I am not ccjual- ly led to believe that the Egyptians had alio made the iame difcovery. Here are the motives which incline uie to think otherwife. k Sapra, book i. cliap. i. p. 57. 1 See Pridcaux. Iiifl. otthf Jews, t. i.l. :,p. iiS,i:i. 'P DioJ. 1 J. p. lij. Tu Book III. Of Sciences, loi Thales is the firfl of the Greeks who gave 365 days to the year. This philofopher lived aboui; the year 600 before the^Chriiliau sra. Hiftory remarks, that he had no other mailer than the Egyptians ". Therefore, in the time of Thales, the Egyptian year ftlli confided of no more than 365 days. Herodotus wrote in the fifth century before J. C. This great hiflorian, whofe teftimony is fo refpcclable in all that concerns the ancient Egyptians, fays, fpeak-. ing of the year of this people, that it confided of twelve months, each of thirty days, to w^iich five days more were added every year. By this means, continues he, they contrived to make the periodical return of the fea- fons anfwer to the fame months of the year. We fee by thcfe lalt words, that Herodotus had not perceived the inconvenience of the confufion ot feafons, which mull necelfarily happen in a long courfe of years of 365 days; and this is Hill another proof, that in his time the Egyptian year v*as limited to the like number of days. In fine, it appears from Strabo, thgit the Egyptians knew not the nccelTity of adding fix hours or thereabouts to the 365 days of the common year, till about the time that Plato and Eudoxus travelled amongft thcfe people. At lead, it is certain, from the teftimony of this geo- grapher, that thefe tv\'o philofophers learned this partis cularity from the Egyptian prieits, and that till this time the Greeks were ignorant of it °. There is then great appearance, that the Egyptian aftronomers made this difcovery in the interval of the time elapfed between the voyage of Herodotus and that of Plato into Egypt^ an interval of more than 8q years. The manner in which, according to Strabo, the priefts imparted thl;; to Eudoxus and Plato, ferves, I think, to confirm this opinion. He reprefents this knowledge as a fort of myftery which they would not communicate to any but privileged perfons i". The learned of Keliopolis, fays he, explained in fecret to our two philofophers the true duration of the folar year *'. It was even only by an abode of thirteen years, that Plato and " Di-g. Lscrt. 1. I. fc-gm. z-i. ; Clem. A!tx. OnM-.i. 1. i. p. jj-. V Stiabi •, I. «7. D. iijOj ii'^o. f Ibid. p. !!j9. ^' Strabo, ibid. 102 Of Sciences, Book III, Eudoxus could fo far merit the confidence of thefe priefts as to obtain the communication of this impo/tant difco- very '. We ought not, as to the rell, to be furprifed that the Egyptians ibould have then made a myftery of it. The more recent this difcovery was, the more hkely were they tc be jealous of it. It may be. faid, that if Herodotus has not fpoke of this overplus of the fourth of a day, it is, that, in all pro- bability, he may have been deceived by the practice of the Egyptians. This people had two computations of the year, the one civil, the other aftronomical f. This lail was of 365 days, and fome hours ; but their civil year had only 365 days ^ It was not without defign that the Egyptians had thus regulated it. They did not want their feftivials to return always to the fame day. On the contrary, their intention was, that they iliould fucceffive- ly run through all the feafons of the year ". The Egvp- tians admitted then no intercalation in their civil years. They were conilantly of 365 days", which occafioned their gaining a day every four years upon the true folar year, with which thefe vague and retrograde years met only every 1 460 years. It is only of this civil year of 2)^j :j days, it may be laid, that Herodotus intended to fpeak, by fo much the more as it fubfifled under that form a- mong the Egyptians, even many ages after that in which Herodotus wrote. We learn it in the writings of Ge- minus, of Cenforinus, and of Theon of Alexandria ". But if thefe two computations of the year had been known in Eg}^t in the time of Herodotus, is it to be fup- pofed that an hiflorian fo exad, and fo intelligent, would have negletlcd to have informed us of a particularity of this nature ? Would he, moreover, have advanced in fuch plain terms, that, by means of fuch a year, the E- gyptians contrived to make the periodical return of the •■ Id. ibid. f See Diid. 1. i. p. 59. ; Strabo, I. 17. p. 117 1. * See the mem. of the acad. of infcript. t. 14. p. 340, 350, 351. " Gemin. p. 33. Cenforin. c. 18. Theo. Alexandrin. frag, apnd Pctav. Uranolog. ■" Gem. Cenfor Tlieon. Died. Strabo, r/.^( J:tira, y See hcafubra citat. feafons Book III. Of Sciences, 103 feafons fall in the fame months of the year? It is mod certain, that Herodotus, otherwife greatly verfed in all the learning of the Greeks and Egyptians, was very ig- norant of aftronomy. We have already produced proofs of it, and the prefent example is a new conviftion. In effeiSl, if this great hiftojian had better underllood the time that the fun employs in performing his annual revolution, he would not have faid that a courfe of years of 365 days would procure the periodical return of the feafons in the fame months of the year. But this error into which Herodotus has fallen, is an incontellable proof that he knew no better; and this is the fenfible differ- ence we remark between this hiftorian and the authors lafl quoted. When thefe laft fpeak of the civil year of the Egyptians, whofe duration they mark at 365 days, there is not one of them but what mentions, at the fame time, that fourth part of a day by which the true folar year exceeds that of 365 days. Befides, Herodotus had ibjourned a confiderable time in Egypt. He had even, as appears by his writings, infmuated himfelf too far in- to the good graces of the prielts of that nation, for them to have refufed to reveal this difcovery to him, if they themfelves had at that time known it, as they afterwards did to Eudoxus and Plato. We fliould fay as much of Thales, fmce hiflory exprefsly remarks, that he had en- tirely gained the confidence of the Egyptian priefls *. After thefe reflexions, it appears to us impoihble to at- tribute to the Egyptians, in the ages we are now em- ployed on, the knowledge of the fix hours or therea- bouts by which the annual revolution of the fun exceeds 365 days. It is not to be prefumed, that the aflronomers of Egypt had m.ade very important difcoveries on the magnitude of the flars. We may judge of them by that which they gave the moon. They believed that planet to be 72 Tunes lefs than the earth ^. What Macrobius relates of the method, which the fame fages employed to find out ^ Diog. Lacrt. 1. i. fcgm. 17. • Plut. defaciein or!)e Unis:, p. 931. A. "thQ 154 Of Sciences. Book lit tlie proportion of the fun*s diameter to his orbit, is not very apt to give us a great idea ol" their aftrononiical dif- eoveries ^, The manner in which he fpeaics of it not permitting us, befides, to doubt that this praftice belong-^ ed to the ancient Egyptians : I fhall try to explain it *i According to Macrobius^ the aflronomers^ of Egypt placed lipori an horizontal plane an hemifpherical vafe, the interior furface of which carried a ilyle which pafied through its centre, and rofe at rip-ht angles upon the plane of the circle, of which the edges of this vafe made part. Thefe edges were divided into tv;o equal demi- crowns, of which one was fubdivided into twelve. parts alfo equal; that is to fay, into twelve fcgments of fif- teen degrees each. They turned this vale to the call in Inch a manner, that the pofition of the ftyle which they had adapted to it fliould anfwer precifely to that of the axis of the world, and that the twelve divihons juft mentioned^ fhould appear at the lower part, in fuch fort, that the diameter of the mouth of the vafe, which termi- nated thefe twelve parts, fiiould be found exactly paral- lel to the horizon. All this apparatus tended, as it is eafy to be conceived, only to produce the efFed: of an e- quino(Sl:ial dial, the conftruclion of which is infinitely more eafy and iimple. However tl"iat might be, it was, according to Macrobius, by the help of fuch an inflru- meiit, that the artrononiers of Eg)'pt imagined them- felves able to determine what proportion there was be- tv/een that part of the fun's orbit which is occupied by the body of that itar, and the whole of that orbit. The very day of one of the two equinoxes, fays that author, they obferved and miarked upon the edges of the mouth of their hemifpherical vafe, the point where fell the Iha- dow of the ftyle which palled through its centre, at the li In foinn. Scip. I. r."c. 20. p. 100, iScc. • Nothing is more obfcme th.in this explication given by Macrobius of the prorcdure ot the Fgyjnian sftronomers in tlic operation in qiuftion. I dare not ri.itter myfelf with Jiaving rendered, as exacflly as I could vvilh, the true fenfe of this author. But I am certain, that, in what manner fotvcr we imdcrftand tl'is pafrnj^e, vvc fli.dl never difcover any thii);^ in it crablc of j^iving us a great idea of this altrpnoniical operation. inflant Book III. Of Sciences. 105 inftant when the lipper edge of the fun's dl{k appeared upon the plane of the horizon. The evening of the fame day they obferved and marked in the fame manner, the point of the half circumference, oppofite to the edges of their inftrument, upon which fell the fliadow of the ftyle at the precife moment when the fun's difk began to touch the horizon with its lower edge. The dift'er- ence of the interval of the two points of fiiadow to the entire half-circumference, or 180 degrees, was found to be the ninth part of one of the twelve horarary divi- fions or I * degrees: from whence the Egyptians conclud- ed, that the diameter of the fun was precifely the two hundred and fixteenth part of its orbit *^ ; a conclufion which it is not eafy to reconcile to the moll fimple no- tions of elementary geometry *, but which it would be very eafy to rectify if the obje<5t were v/orth the pains, which I am very far from thinking. For, independently *^ Macrob. loco fupra at. • It fuffices to have read the three firft books of Euclid's elements, to be able to perceive that the rcfult of the operation of which Macrobius fpeaks, gives the femidiameter of the fun equal to the chord of an arch of 50 minutes of the circu- lar orbit which he defcribes ; whereas the Egyptian aftronomers made it equal to the arch itftlf of $0 minutes, fince they took the arch of 1° 40' for the precife nieafure of the diameter of that flar. The tranflator confelTes, that he could not obtain a clear idea of this inftru- ment either from M. Goguet or from Macrobius. That the reader may judge for himl'elf, lie has laid the original before him. ^.quino£liali die ante fohs ortum xquabiliter locatiim eft faxcnm vas in he- mifphxrii fpeciem cavata ambitione curvatum, infra per Jineas defignnto duo- dccim diei horarum numero, quas ftyli prorainentis umbra rum tranfitu folis prxtereundo diftinguit. Hoc eft autem, ut fcimus, hujtifmodi vadis officinm, ut tanto tempore a priore ejus extremitate ad alteram ufque flyli umbra per- currat, quanto fol medietatem cceli ab ortu in occafum unius fcilicet henii- fphasrii converfione metitur. Nam totius cceli integra converfio diem no^cm- que concludit, Et ideo conftat, quantum fol in circulo fuo meat, tantum in hoc Vdfe umhram meare. Huic igitur xquabiliter collocato circa tempus fnlis or- tus propiiiquantis inhilit diligens obfervantis obtutus : et cum ad primum folis radium, qucm de fe emifit prima fummitas orbis, emergens umbro de ftyli deci- dcns fummitatc primum curvi labri cminentiam contigit ; locus ipfc, qui UiT;ibr« primitias excepit, nota imprefTione lignatus e(t ; obfL-rvatumque quamdiu fuper ttrram ita folis orbis integer appareret, ut ima ejus fummitas adhuc horizorti videretur infidere, et mox locus ad quern umbra tunc in vafe migraverit, adnota- tus eft, habitaque ditnenfione inter ambas umbrarum not^S qua; integrum folis orbem, id eft, diametrum, natT de duabus ejus fummitacibus metiuntur, pars nona reperta eft ejus fpatii, quod a fummo vafis labro ufque id borje piimsc Ij. ream continetur. Vol. III. O of io6 Of Sciences,- Book III, of the mifreckdnlng which muft have been produced by the little exaftnefs of the fmgular inftrument fpoke of by Macroblus, the refradions, on the equality of which depended the juilnefs of the operation in queiiion, are greatly different morning and evening ; and the tranfparency of the air at the moment of the fun's mounting the horizon, is nothing near the fame as at the moment of its fetting. Again, to leave the relation of our author, all this operation of the Egyptian affrono- mers tended only on their part to determine the real magnitude of the fun's diameter. Of confequence, it could be of no ufe to them, further than they had been able -to find out the precife dinienlions of his orbit. And this is a point on which all the knowledge which Ma- croblus fuppofes them to have had, is reduced to very vague and uncertain conjectures. Other authors attribute to the Egyptians a method ftiil more defective, to determine the proportion of the fun's diameter to the orbit he defcribes. The moment they began to difcover the- firfl: rays of that ftar, they cau- fed, fay they, a horfeman to Itart, who galloped till the difk of the fun was entirely rifen. They then meafured the fpace which this horfeman had run in the time the fun had taken to rife upon the horizon ; and as they knew hov^ far the courier employed on this occafion could run in the fpace of an hour, they determined, by a rule of three, the time that the diameter of that ftar had employed to rife upon the horizon''. It is eafy to perceive how erroneous this way of meafuring time nmlt have been, and hovv?- little capable it was of fupplying the invention of clocks. As to the other aftronomical attainments which the ancients have attributed to the Egyptians, we fee few of them that can be faid to belong properlv to tlie ages we are nov/ cncacred in: but it is not the Icfs certain, that thofe people had then made fome progrefs in allro- nomy. They had particularly applied thenifclvcs to d Wcidlcr, b.:'.\. anrorom. c. 4. n. ii. p. 5S. fludy Book III. Of Sciences. 107 ftudy the motion of the ilars ^ The Egyptians arc faid to have known the caufe of the echpfcs of the moon. They knew that they were occafioncd by the fliadow of the earth, into which that planet then emerges f. The aftronomers of Thebes, or lichopolis in particular, were reckoned very ikilful in calculating of thefe phEenomena, and even the eclipfes of the iun, of v.hich they gave be- forehand a pretty juft and exa6l detail s. Hiflory has preferved us one celebrated example of this, on the fub- je6l of that famous eclipfe which feparated the armies of the Medes and Lydians the moment they o^vere en- gaged in battle. Thales had foretold that eclipfe ^, and, we have already feen that this philofopher owed all his aflronomical learning to the Egyptians. They had alfo fufpeded that the comets were liars that had periodical returns'. They had, moreover, attained the conRruclion of aflronomical tables, by means whereof they afcertain- ed, with tolerable exaclnefs, the revolutions of the pla- nets, with their dired, ftationary, and retrograde mo- tions '^. I have already given account of many of thefe aflronomical attainments in the firfl part of this work, in treating of the difcovery of the planets. Furthermore, the Egyptians are faid to have percei- ved that the fun was the centre of the motions of Mer- cury and Venus ; and that, in certain pofition?, thefe two planets paiTed fometimcs above and fqmetimes be- low the fun '. We ouglit to look upon this important difcovery as a proof how anciently obfervations were made upon the planets. But it appears certain to me, that the Egyptians had not yet acquired that knowledge of the motions of Mercury and Venus, in the times we are xiovj going through, Wc find no traces of it in the moil ancient authors. Vitruvius is the firfl who has * Diod. J. I. p. J9, or, pi- ; Srrabo, 1. 17. p. iifi. f Dioo. Laert. pioeem. iegm, ii. £ Diod. 1. i. p. 5:9. h Herod. 1. i. n 74. i Diod. 1. 1. p. 51. There is gre^t appearance that Pythagoras had drawn from Egypt the fyltem v.hich his difciptes delivered upon comets. See Artift. mcrereol. 1. 1. c. 6. iult; Plvrtarch. de placit. philof. 1. 3. c. a. ii::t. k Diod. 1. J. p. 59, pi, 91. I Macroh. in (bmn. Scip. 1. i.e. 19. p. 01, 53, See alfo Vitruv. I. p. c. 4. ; Mart. Capclla de nupt. Philol et. Merc. 1. 8. O 2 fpoke io8 Of Sciences, Book III. fpokc of it ; and It is very fmgular that Ptolomy, who was pofterior to Vitruvius, Ihould appear to have been abfolutely ignorant of that difcovery. For, if this great aftronomer had been acquainted with it, in all appearance he would never have contrived fuch a fy- flem as he has left us. There are great appearances, that the fyftem which fuppofes the earth as a planet to revolve round about the fun, was not abfolutely unknown to the Egyptians, even in the times wc are going through in this third part. We know, thatfome Grecian philoibphcrs, and particu- larly the difciples of Pythagoras, had a glimpfe, a very obfcure and imperfed one indeed, that our earth and the planets did revolve both round a common centre and round their own axis at the fame time ^. Diflicult would it be to explain what they underftood by this double motion which they gave to the planets ". 1 hey had no very clear ideas of the motion of the earth upon its own axis, nor of the ufe which might be made of it to explain the diurnal revolution *'. Their fyllem was extremely confufed and inexphcable *•. The manner in which they explained the apparent motions of the flars and of the heavens, by the rotatory motion of the earth, prefents contradic- tion upon contradidion<». However that may be, it is to the Egyptians, neverthclefs, that we ought to afcribe (hefe firil ideas. We know that the greatcfl; geniufes of Greece travelled into Egypt, and drew thence the learning with which they enriched their country. I re- peat it, after this faft, we cannot conceive how Ptolo- my, \vho had paffed his days in Egypt, could have been iT^norant of it, or, at leaft, how he comes to have ta- ken no notice of it. It is true, that the fyftem of tliis great aftronomer is in fome fort more conformable to our fenfes. It is fuiFicient for aftronomers who obfer.ve only the appearances of the celeltial bodies. But it vas not difHcult, by rcd"Kfyi,ng the ideas of the Py- Jn 3tP mem. of the acad. of infcription*, t. p. M p. i. & ^ " Ibid. p. ff. « §ec Flutarcli. dc placit. philof. 1 3 c. 13. j Achill. Tat. if^g. c. 10. y Sccirtm. of the jv:..J. ol' -iifrript. t. 9. Til. p. t, i, Jt 0. "J Ibid. p. j. thagoricians, Book III. Of Sciences. 109 thagoricians, to eftablifii notions much more fimple, much more conformable to the laws of nature, and for that very reafon more worthy of philofophers. Coper- nicus has well (hown us what advantage might be made of fuch difcoveries. But then the age of Copernicus was much more enlightened than that of Ptolemy. Be- fides, all the notions which I have been relating were rather conjectures and ideas formed at random, than difcoveries founded on reafoning and experience ^ This is perhaps the very reafon why Ptolemy, though he might have known them, would not take notice of them. Thefe refiedions, however, are foreign to our fubjeft. Let us return to the Egyptians, and fpeak of the ideas which thefe people appear to have had of the matter of which the fixed ftars and the planets were compofed. They faid, that the ftars were of fire '", and they cal- led the moon an ethereal earth '. I alfo take the Egyp- tians to have been the firft authors of the plurality of worlds. Orpheus is the mod ancient writer who has delivered that opinion amongft the Greeks". Proclus has preferved us fome verfes, in which we fee that the author of the Orphics placed mountains, men, and well- built cities in the moon ". It is alfo very certain, that the Pythagoricians taught, after Orpheus, that each planet was a world, confifting of earth, air, and asther'. Apparently thefe philofophers placed in thefe worlds all that may be in ours, fmce they believed them entirely alike. It is, moreover, from the Egyptians, that Or- pheus and the Pythagoricians held thcie fmgular opini- pns. For it is known, that Orpheus and Pythagoras "■ See infra what we fay on this pretended knowleJ^ic of the ancient phjlofch» phers. art. 4. f Diogen. Laert. pnrem. fegm. it. ' Pioc!. in Tim. 1. 1. p. 4$. ^ Plut. de placit. philof. 1. 1. c. ij.j Eufcb. pixpuiat. evang. 1. 15. c. 30. j Stob. 1. I. eclog. phyfic. p. 54. lin. 14. s In Tim. 1. 4. p. 183. We may doubt whether the poems formerly cited under the name of Orpheus, were really the work of this famous philofopher. It is certain nevertheleis, that thefe poems ueie extremely ancient. They were looked on as fuch in the time of Plato. \n Cn:!y!. p, 470. T.. See alfo Jamblic. de vita Pvtiiag. c. 34. p. i<}erifc it ; Idemqui (HipparchmJ aiifus rem, ethirn Deo imprcbum, cnuuinf- rare pcj}eris, jjdl.is, et fi.h-ra ad mnien exfimgere. Ycl without luch a catalogue wc do not concf ivc how there could cxii^ a Icicncc really worthy the name of alUo- noiiiy arith- Book til. Of Sciences, 1-25 arithmetical operations were executed by means of little Itones, which they ranged upon tables made on pur- pofe * ; and to write down the fum of thefe calculations the ancients had no other numerical hgns, than the let- ters of their alphabet. To determine eclipfes by fuch means, the procefs was more tedious and more diiHcult, than if we Ihould now-a-days undertake to calculate them with counters, and write the amount in Roman figures. I had almoil forgot to make one obfervation, which, however, I think eilential in the examination of the aftronomical learning of ancient nations. Some philo- fophers of antiquity appear at firfl: fight to have had a glimpfe of fome of tiiofe fhining truths which are the boad of modern ages. Certain authors have thought fit in confequence to advance, that the ancients knew much more of them than we iliould naturally be led to believe. But when we refled attentively on thefe pre- tended difcoverles, we very foon perceive, that all which we read on this fubjecl in the writings of the ancients, ought to be regarded as mere ideas advanced at ran- dom, without knov/ledge, without principles, and with- out any kind of foundation. If fome of the ancients, for example, have faid, that the earth was a fpheroid, flattened at the poles; that it revolved round the fun; that the comets were planets, whofe periodical revolu- rions were completed in a certain number of ages; that the moon might be habitable; that that planet was the occafional caufe of the flux and reflux of the fea, cr<:. ^j we ought not to regard thefe propofiiions in their mouth, as the effect and the refult of the knowledge which thefe philofophers had acquired. On the contrary, we ought to place them on the footing of thefe hypothefes which an uncertain and ill-regulated imagination daily pro- duces. 1 fay fo, becauie none of the ancient philofo- phers have been able to give reafons for what they deli- • See the epigram of the fecond hook of the Antholog)', which begins with thefe word';, KasXA/y?vu5 d L. I. fc-gm.iy. z Ibid, fcgtn. 14. coloflal Book III. Of. Sdcmccs. 133 cololTal flatues, tht number of which is faid to be fo confiderable, to tranfport and rear them upon their bafes ? I repeat it, geometry muft have directed thefe grand operations, and the Egyptians certainly joined theory to practice. Without fuch knowledge, mechanics can never reach a certain degree of perfection *. In this place, I think it will not be amifs to remark in what branch of the mathematical fciences the ancients were perfuaded each people particularly excelled; which we may eafily know by the kind of fcience they alligned to a nation by way of preference. They looked upon the Chaldeans as the inventors of aftronomy, the Phoenicians, of arithmetic; the Egyptians, of geo- metry, and in general of the mathematics ". Of confe- quence, the ancients were perfuaded, that each of thefe nations had carried the branch of the mathematical fciences I have mentioned, to a higher degree of per- feftion than the others. We become very fenfible, that this was the notion of the ancients when we read the life of Pythagoras wrote by Porphyrins. He fays, that this philofopher learned aftronomy from the Chaldeans, arithmetic from the Phoenicians, and geometry from the Egyptians t'. This choice is not made at random. He vouches the opinion of the ancients as to what branch of the fciences each nation was thought particu- larly to excel in. 1 clofe this examination of the progrefs of the ancient • It may perhaps be objected to me what I have faid above, book 2. c. x, p. 73. note •, on the fiibjedl of the Peruvians, who, without any knowledge of mechanics, executed fome works at leaft as confiderable as thofc of the Egyptians. To this I anfwer, that this example is not abfolntely conclnfive agaiuft the Egyp- tians. In etfL^t, independently of their edifices, hiftory tells us, that the mo(l ancient geometers of Greece had drawn from Egypt the firft: principles of their fcience. — The example of the Chinefe may alfo be brought againll me, and per- haps with more reafon. They, when the Europeans became acquainted with tiiem, had only the firit elements of geometry, though they had ftadicd artronomy for a long time. But fliil I anfwer, that thefe examples cannot be- conchifivea- gainft the Eg^-ptians, fince the Greek hiftorians acknowledge them for the inven- tors of geometry. '» Jamblich. de vita Pythag. c. 19. p. 134, & 135.; Porphyr. ibid. p. 8, & y. j Julian, apud Cyrill. 1. 5. b ir. vita Pythag. p, 8, & 5 = nations 134 ^f Sciences* Book III, nations In the dcmonftrative fciences, by a refieftion on the characleriJiical difference of genius of the Greeks, and of the Orientals. The Aflyrians, the Babylonians, the Phoenicians, and the Egyptians, owed only to them- felves the difcoveries they made in the fciences. Thefe people travelled little; neither does it appear, that they were polilhed by colonies fent from foreign countries. It was not thus with the Greeks ; notwithftanalng their pride and their prejudice, they have been obliged to ac- knowledge, that they were indebted for all their know- ledge to the Egyptians, to the Chaldeans, and to the Phoenicians. Greece, by ihe confelTionof her befl writers, had no other merit than that of perfecting the difco- veries communicated to them by Afia and by Egypt . The Greeks then, and confequently the Romans, owed all their lights to the very fame people, whom, in fuc- ceeding ages, they had the ingratitude, not to fay the iniolence, to call barbarians. ARTICLE III. Of the Greeks. I Shall enter into no detail upon the {late of geometry amongft the Greeks in the ages which employ us at prefent. I could not do it without repeating what I have already faid in the preceding article upon the dif- coveries attributed to Thales and Pythagoras. In cff'cft, thefe two philofophers were regarded in antiquity as the firft who gave the Greeks fome notions of geometry. We may therefore judge of the progrefs of that fcience in Greece, by the dilcoveries with which antiquity has honoured Thales and Pythagoras. It has been the fame with the fciences in Greece as with the arts. Amongft the different nations comprifed under the general name of Greeks, thofe who inhabited Afia were the firft amongft wliom the dcmonftrative fciences began to be perfected. Thales was of Ionia. : Diod. 1. 5- p, 375. We Book III. Of Sciences. i^$ We fee alfo, that, in the different countries of Afia Minor, appeared the firft and mod iDuilrious writers who have merited the attention of pofterity. 1 have faid it aheady, Greece in Europe was polilhed much later than Greece in Afia. This is a fact which it is needlefs to prove. CHAP. IV. Geography. I Have fpoke, in the fecondpart of this work, of the pro- grefs which the conquefts of Sefoflris had occafioned to be made in geography ^. There we have feen, that this prince caufed maps to be drawn of all the countries he paifed through, and that he took care to difperfe copies of them in many countries ^. I proceeded ta give an account of the maritime enterprifes of the Phoe- nicians, of the voyage of the Argonauts to Colchis, of the expedition of the Greeks before Troy, and of fome other fads which muil certainly have greatly contribu- ted to the progrefs of geography f. It appears, that this fcience continued conftantly du- ring a certain time to enrich itfelf more and more. The ages we are now going through, were, proportion con- fidered, very knowing in geography. We fee, by the writings of Homer, that, the Indies excepted, and fome of the northern parts of Europe, this poet knew almofl all the countries mentioned by .ancient geographers ^, He feems even not to have been ignorant, that the earth was furrounded by water on all fides''. Without doubt, this opinion was in a great meafure founded only on conjedlure. Many travellers informed them, that ha- ving advanced towards different extremities of the globe, they always found them bounded by a fea; and they concluded, that, in all appearance, it muff be the fame d Book 3. c. X. art. j. « Ibid. f See Ibid, book 4. g .See Strabo, 1, i. inif. ^ See the Iliad, I. iS. v. &06, Cot, on 1 3^ ^f Sciences. Book lll^ on all other fides *. I fhall allow, that Homer has fpoke of the ocean in a manner very obfcure, often even con- tradictory and ridiculous: neverthelefs, through all thefe clouds, we can difcern, that in his time they be- lieved our globe to be exadly furrounded by water. "We might alfo furmife, that this poet had fome ideas,- fome confufed notions of the temperature of the cli- mates fituated under the equator. The defcrlption which he makes of the fruit-trees of the gardens of Alcinous, gives me room to propofe this conjecture. Homer fays, that thefe trees are never without fruit ; that in the time that the firfl are ripening, new ones are forming The pear ready for plucking, fhows another juft appearing. The pomegranate and the orange have already attained their perfedion, at the fame time we fee others advancing towards it. The grape is puflied oif by another grape, and the falling fig gives place to another which follows it '. This picture is perfectly agreeable to the manner that trees produce their fruit under the equator. Is it a fidtion purely poetical, or can it be founded upon the knowledge which Homer might have had of the reality of the fact he advances? I ihould be pretty much inclined to the latter opinion. They might have had fome ideas of the temperature of the climates fituated beneath the equator, before the age in which Homer compofed the Odylfey. I have laid, in the fecond part of this work, that the Phoenicians had made ellabliihments on the weftern coafts of Africa, not long after the Trojan war ^. As thefe people were very bold and extremely enterprifing, nothing hinders us from believing that fome of their navigators might have penetrated as far as under the line. Thus, even before the age of Homer, they might have been acquainted with the climates fituated beneath the equator. It is eafy, moreover, to indicate another fource. • Strabo hlmfclf could not affirm, that the earth was AirroundcJ by wdter, but in the fame manner, that is to fjy, by flrong corjcOiire; fiip()OUcd by fome rela- tions which pave this opinion i kind ot evidence. i Odyir. 1. 7. V. 117, &c. H Uook 4. ch. >. The Bt»ok III. Of Sciences, 13^ The fcripture fpeaks of the frequent voyages maJe by the fleets ot Solomon to the land of Ophir and Tarihilh, under the conduct of the Phcenicians ». We are at thi.q time greatly divided upon the fituation of the countries defigncd by antiquity under thefe names: in effect, it is fcarce polhble to alcertain it to demonliiration. All \vc know pofitively is, that thefe countries mud have been at a good diliance from Elath and from Ezlon-geber, ports of the Red fea, from whence the fleets of Solo- mon departed^ they took three years to perform tlieir voyage. We know, moreover, that they returned lacen with gold and filver, gums, rofm, odoriferous woods, precious ftones, elephants teeth, and even apes and peacocks ^ All thefe circumltances lead m.c to prefume, that we ought to look lor Ophir and Tarihiih in Africa. I Ihall therefore fide with thefe who place thefe countries in the kingdom of Sohila, on the eallern coaft of Ethiopia: there we find all the ditferent pro- duclions I have here mentioned. It appears moreover, that this navigation mufl have been familiar to the Phoenicians from before the time of Solomon ". We are not ignorant, that to go from the Ked fea to Sofala the line nmil be paifed. Thus Homer, who was pofte- rior to Solomon by about an hundred years, may have been very well informed of the temperature of the cli- mate htuated under the equator. Of all the facls '■ have hitherto fpoke of, there arc none more remarkable than the maritime enterprife ex- ecuted by the orders of Nechos, King of Egypt, about the year 610 before J. C. This prince fcnt from the borders of the Red fea, a fleet conduced by the Phoe- nicians, with orders to keep always along the coall of Africa, to mak^ the tour of them, and to return to Egypt, by entering the Mediterranean at the pillars of .Hercules ; that is to fay, by the ftraits of Cadiz or Gib- raltar He was obeyed. The Phoenicians, on coming out of the Red fea, entered into the fouthcrn ocean, and conltantly followed the coaits. When autumn was come, they landed, fowed grain, waited the ripening, and ha- • I Kin s, c. p. V. 16. c:ip. lo. v. ii, n. •"^i 1 Kings, c. 10. V. II, ii. ° Ibid. c. p, v. 27. Vol. III. S vjng 13S Of Sciences. Book 111. mn^ got in their harvefl they embarked again. Thefe navigators employed two years in coafting Africa in this manner, to arrive at the pillars of Hercules; ar* rived at this ftrait, they palTed it, entered the Mediter- ranean, and reached the m.ouths of the Nile the third year of their courfe ^. Hiflory furnifnes us with no further fads, which we can make ufe of with relation to geography. Let us now coniider the ftate of that fcience in its mathematical part, and try to difcover the progrefs which may have been made in it in the ages which clofe this lad part of our work. I think that what conditutes the effence and the fcientifical part of geography v/as then little known. Adrononiy and geometry furnifh lights which are ne- cedary for that fcience, and I doubt w^hcther they as yet knew how to apply them to the purpofe. They were acquainted with many countries by the rela- tions of travellers; but they judged of their pofi- tions and of their refpeftive diltances in a very vague and uncertain manner, and they were by no means in a condition to determine them with any fort of preci- fion. The very ideas that they had of the figure of the earth, favour but too much of the ignorance of thefe little enlightened ages, in the mathematical part of geo- graphy. In the time of Homer they looked upon our globe as a flat furface, furrounded on all fides with wa- ter ^. i have already faid more than once, that this poet probably paiTed his life in dincrent countries ot Afia Minor; and it cannot be denied, that, for his time, he was very learned. His ideas of the figure of the earth might therefore be at that time the general opinion of the people of thefe countries. Even in the time of Herodotus this error was not yet well eradica- ted. He laughed at the authors, who, defa^ibing the cir- cuit of the earth, reprefented it round, as if, fays he, they had turned it on a w heel. Thefe are his terms ''. f Ilcrod. 1. 4. n. 41. P Iliad. I. 18. V. 6-^6, 6c».i Gemin, c. 13. j>. 54.; Vacrob. in Sonin. Sc'p, K I.e. 9. p. 15 1. •J I.. 4 n. »tf. As Book III. Of Sciences. 139 As to the Greeks of Europe, we do not find, that, before Anaxhnander, any one of them attempted to perfect geography by the affiftance of aftronomy and geometry. In eifect, the difciple of Thales paifed for the firil of the Greeks who had found the art of draw- ing maps ^ But what fliall we think of thefc geogra- phical produdlions, if it be true, as is allured, thaf Anaximander imagnied the earth to be made hke a cy- linder'^? Pythagoras paffed for the firfl: who thought of dividing the terreltrial globe into five zones in imitation of the celeltial ^ Be that as it will, the ignorance of the European Greeks in geography was extreme in all rcfpecls during many ages. They do not even appear to have known the difcoveries made in the ancient voyages I have fpoke of above. They were not abfolutely unknown to EIo- mer; I think I have fhown that fome very fenfible traces of them exifled in his poems: but thefe no- tions did not penetrate or receive credit amongfl the Greeks of Europe till very late. The hillorical part of geography v/as much more defeftive amongft them, in the ages pofterior to Homer, th-m in thofe in which thijj great poet lived. The fafts I am about to lay before my readers do not permit us to doubt of it. It is true, they are foreign to the epocha which I have prcfcribed myfelf; but 1 hope to be pardoned this digreihon, tlie rather as it will ferve to prove how uncertain and im- perfect was the knowledge of the ancients. Herodotus, who was pofterior to Homer by at lead 400 years, did not believe that the fea furrounded the earth. " I cannot help laughing," fays he, " at thofe " who pretend that the ocean flows round our conti- " nent. No proof can be given of it ". 1 believe," adds he elfewhere, " that Homer had taken what he " delivers about the ocean, from foms work of anti- " quity ; but it was without comprehending any thing " of the matter, repeating what he had read, without *• well underftanding v/hat he had read ^." r Sfrabo, 1, i. p. tj. f Plut. t. a. p. 855. D. Anaximenes, T.eacippus, aud Democritus liad n« fter ideas of ihe figin-e of the icrredrial globe. IbiJ. t Plut. ibid, p, b/6. B. u L. 4- n. 8. 36. 45. ^ L, ». n. tj. S 2 The l.\o Of Sciences. Book \\\. The famp Herodotus, fpeaking of the voyage round Africa, undertaken by the order of Nechos, does all in his power to make tlie relation he had heard of it ap- pear fufpicioug. Thofe circumftances which at this time are the mod capable of attefting the truth of it, are by iiim regarded as fabuloqs. He could not, for example, imagine, that thefe navigators had feen, as they faid, the fun in a contrary pofition to that in which he is feen in Europe y. In general, the manner in which this author, oth.erwife fo learned and fo judicious, explains hiinfelt Vipon this voyage, gives us plainly enough -to under- itand, that he comprehended neither the end nor direc- tion of it 2. Herodotus, however, was born in Afia Minor; but, according to all appearances, he left it ear- ly, and paffed his youth, and even the greatell part of ins life, in European Greece. I.et us produce proofs iHll more aftoni(hing of the in- Ciipaeity of the European Greeks in geography, in the ages pofterlor to Homer. At the time when Xerxes attempted to fubdue preece, therp arrived in Europe deputies from Ionia, demanding afliftance to deliver their country from the dominion of the Perfians. Thefe deputies Vi'ent to iEoina, where the naval forces of Greece were then alTcmbled. They laid open the fub- jccl of their embafly, and prayed, that the fleet might advance tov.ards Ionia: but their demand we^s rejeded. 'J'he Greeks never dared to pafs the ifland of Delos. They were hindered by two rcafons : Eirlt, they were ignorant of the courfe they were to hold beyond Delos to reach Ionia. In the fecond place, they were afraid of undertaking fuch a voyage, being pcrluaded that it was as far from iEgina to Samos, as from 7Egina to the pillars of Hercules ^ This lall motive fhows how y L. 4. n. 41. X''c rh ; becaufs they had no idea of the countries fituated beyond the line. The fpace I fpeak of comprehended about two thirds of Eu- rope, one third of Africa, an4 nearly a fourth of Afia. At that time therefore they knew only that part of the earth which lies beneath the ilorthern temperate zone, and they were ftill far enough from knowing exadly all the countries fituated beneath that zone. As to the ideas which the learned had formed of the reft of our globe, they were very little rational Moft ©f them were perl'uaded, that of the five zones only two were habitable; the excelfive cold on one hand, and the extreme heat on the other, rendering it impollible, as they imagined, to inhabit the other three *, Befid s, it was only by reafoning, and by the knowledge they had of the figure of the earth, that the philofophers of whom I fpeak, fuppoied that the fouthern temperate zone might be habitable. They knew that zone to be at the fame diftance from the eauator, as that which !j Geminiis, c. r;. p. jz. * Wttli lit a PilUiTc ot Plutarch, t. i. p. SgS. and one of Gennnus, c. r^. \vc mij^ht boldly r.ffiim tliit this was the general opinion ot the ancients j but Py- tiiLioorjs, accddino t ■) PlutLirch, thought that the torridzone niisilu he inhabirabif-. By the by, the realon which ;his philofopntr gave for thii>king i'o, proves i learly the extienic ignorance of thole times in phylics and gcogr.i|>liy. We Itx plainly that tlie ancients iVoke i^f thofi. uiattsis it liiidum, and wiibout any tort of pria- -inlci or knowledge. thcv 142 Q/" Sciences. Book III. they inhabited, and confequently that tlie temperature of the air ought to be nearly equal. They concluded, that one of thefe zones being inhabited, the other might be fo too; but further they had no certainty that it was fo. For far from having any commerce M^ith tlie people of thofe countries, they did not even think it was poffible to have any. " When wc fpeak," fays Geminus, " of the inhabitants of the fouthern zone, it *' is not as knowing that zone to be inhabited. We *' only believe that it may be fo: but further we have no " pofitive affurances of it =." Cicero was not much better informed. " Behold," he makes Scipio fay, behold the earth as furrounded with five zones, of which only two are inhabited; that in the middle being continually fcorched with the heat of the fun, w^hile it perpetually freezes beneath the two laft. ^' Again, men who inhabit the fouthern temperate " zone, are a fpecics that has nothing in common with « ours"." Pliny, fpeaking of the two temperate zones, fays po- fitively, that there can be no communication bctv/ecn their inhabitants, becaufe of the excefiive heat which burns that which feparates them ^ Macrobius, in fine, entering more at large into this fubject, alfures us, that the people of the two temperate zones have never had commerce together, and that it is even impoilible that they fliould ever have any, on account of the obftacles arifmg from the terrible heats of the torrid zone ^. They therefore admitted inhabitants in the fouthern temperate zone, only by conjedlure and mere probability, much about the fame manner as certain philofophcrs have fuppofed them in the moon ^. c Geminus, c. iv P- i°- Geminus lived in the times of Sylla and of Cijcro. Sec alfo Hygin. poet, artron. c. 8. p. 355. 'I In fomti. Scip. p. 6. t. 3. p. 417. Sec alfo Hyj^i.i. pott, aflron. 1. i. c. 8. ; Lucrcc. 1. J. V. los, 10(5. ': L. z. fea. 68. p. 107. f In fomn. Scip. 1. a. c. j. p. ijr, & 'ST- j Hygin. 10:0 cij. p. 3JJ. ; Died. \. T. p. 49. e Sizfii^ra, c. 1. art. a. p. 1:8; & 10^. A very Book III. Of Sciences. 143 A very (Iriking proof of the imperfection in which certain parts of the fciences remained fo long a time, is to fee antiquity continue almoft generally in that opi- nion, after what we ftill find in hiilory at this day of the different voyages made round Africa. For, indepen- dent of that which the Phoenicians undertook by order of Nechos, we knov/, that not many ages after the reign of this prince, Xerxes charged a Perfian of diflinftion with a like commiflion. This navigator, it is true, did not advance fo far as the Phoenicians I have fpoke of. But the leaft refult of his expedition muft have been in- dications of inhabitants in the fouthern temperate zone. He affirmed pofitively, that he had feen of them". Still more recent was the voyage of Hanno, an expe- rienced navigator, whom the Carthaginians fent to dif- cover the weflern coafls of Africa. Kis relation exifls at this day, and informs us, that tl"li^; captain had penetra- ted at leatl as far as the fifth degree of north latitude '. The hiilory of that enterprife, publilhed originally in the Punic language, was afterwards tranftated into Greek, and in that ftate has been handed down to us. We know how familiar the Greek was to the authors I have jufl fpoke of. By v/hat fatality then have the an- cients made no ufe of thefe difcoveries? and why do they feem to have fallen into oblivion almoft as foon as born ? As to v/hat more particularly regards the fuperficies of our globe, I mean the exacl and refpeclive fituation of the feas, the continents, and iflands ; the ignorance of the ancients was great upon all thefe heads. Wanting proper machines and aflronomical inftruments, they could not attain the exad: knowledge which we are now in poffefTion of. They could not make the obfervations which are the bafis and foundation of them. Thefe im- portant difcoveries were referved for the ages in which we live. In lefs than fifty years, geopraphy has more enriched itfelf, than in a fpace of near five thoufand. '' Herod. I. 4. n. 43. i Scs !cs ir-.er^i, de i'acad. des infcript, BOOK C 144 j BOOK IV. Of Comracrce and 'Navigation^ f |~*HE epocha we arc now going througli, onglit i to be regarded as one of thole which have been the inoft favourable to commerce and naviga- tion. The ages which clofe this laft part of our work, are the fliining ages of lyre. The Phoenicians them- felves were not the only people amongfl whom maritime traffic was then feen to flouridi. It was held in equal honour amongil many other nations. I have touched a little upon it in the preceding book, giving account of the progrefs of geography. The fads, of which it re- mains to fpeak, will confirm the ideas which my readers may have already formed of the piclurc they are about to be prefented with by the ages which at prefent en- gage our attention. 1 (liall unite in one and tlie fame point of view, all I have to fay in this lait part upon the frate of commerce and navigation, relative to the different nations who have applied themfclves to them. It is not poffible at this time to divide thefe two objects, and treat them feparately. C II A P. I. Of the Egyptians. TT/E have feen, in the preceding books, the avcrfion ' ' which the Egyptians had originally for the fea, and the little edeem they had for commerce*. I have ^ Part I. book. 4. taken Book IVi Commercs ^,nd Na'vigdtiom , 1 45 taken care to obferve, that though Sefoftris forgot no- thhig to make them alter this way of thhiking, he was not however able to deftroy it entirely ^. The firll monarchs who fucceeded this prince, either neglected commerce, or failed to make their fubjecls relifh it. For a lono: fcries of ae^fcs we do not find anv mention made of the commerce of the Egyptians : only as we find in the facred books, that, in the time of Solomon, many horfes were brought from Egypt for the fervice of that prince "", we may conclude that there may have been lb me direct traffic between the Egyptians and the If- raclites. But we may equally fuppofe, that this com- merce was carried on by the intervention ot third hands. We learn from the poems of Homer, and from the writings of Herodotus, that the Phoenicians kept up a continued correfpcndence with the Egyptians, and that there was a regulated commerce very anciently elta- bliflied amongft thefe nations ^ ; a commerce often fpoke of in fcripture ^. The Phoenicians were a long time the only nation to whom the ports of Egypt were open-. t*erhaps it was by this way that Solomon drew his horfes from Egypt. However that may be, it is not likely that the Egyptians went themfelves to traffic on the coalls of Judea. They never quitted their own country. That nation ad'ed formerly as mod of the Afiatic nations now^ act, who wait till the Europeans con^.e, and fetch their merchandifes^ and fupply them with what they may want. The Egyptians were in general fo little jealous of commerce, that they abandoned that of the Red fea to all the people who had a mind to exercife it. They per- mitted the Pha-nicians, the Idumeans, the Ifraelites, and the Syrians, to have fleets there fuccelTively e. It is equally certain, that, for a long courfe of ages, the Egyptians maintained neither merchants fleets nor naval forces . t> Part 2. book 4. c i Kings, c. 10. v. 18, 19 d Orlvli; 1. ,4. V. 18S, &c. ; HcroJ. 1. 1. n. i. ^ See Ifaiah, c. 13. v. 3. j Ezekiel, c. 17. v. 7. f See part 1. book 4. 8 See Prideaiix, hift. des Juifs, t. x. p. 9, 11, 15, 16, 17. Vol. III. T About 2 4^ Commerce and Na-vigaik',:. Book IV. About the latter times of the Egyptian monarchy, the fovcreigns who mounted the throne, at leno-th opened their eyes upon the importance and advantages ot commerce. Bocchoris, who reigned about the year 670 before J. C. publilhed very wife laws relating to this object ^ His fucceflors imitated him. The hifto- rians of antiquity afcribe to the lad monarchs of Egypt, the regulations concerning the trade and commerce of that empire '. It was alfo in the reign of thefe princes that the an- cient maxims of the Egyptians were abolifhed, in regard to flrangers, who had always been prohibited accefs to Egypt. Pfammetichus, who occupied the throne about 100 years after Bocchoris, opened the ports of his king- dom to foreign nations. He gave a favourable recep- tion particularly to the Creeks, and permitted many a- mongft them to form fettlemcnts upon the coafls of Egypt k. Nechos, fon and fuccefTor to this prince, took it fm- gularly to heart, to caufe commerce and navigation to flourifli in his dominions. With this view, he under- took to join the Mediterranean to the Red fea, by a canal which went from the Nile. This projeft, already attempted in vain by Sefoflris ', was not more fucccfsful under the reign of Nechos. He was obliged to aban- don it "■; but this defign fliows at leafl the defire which this monarch had to facilitate and extend maritime comm.erce in his kingdom. Nechos having renounced the enterprife I have been fpcaking of, turned all his attention to the marine. He taufed a number of ihips to be built, fome upon the Mediterranean, and others upon the Red fea °. His in- tention was to acquire an cxacl knowledge, not only of thofe feas, but alfo of that of the Indies. This mo- narch conceived projefts Itill more vaft. It was, in effe(5t, by his orders, that the Phajnicians undertook the voyage •> Diid. I. I. p. 50, 106. i I!)id. p. 78. ^ Htrod. 1. 1. 11. I ^4. ; DioJ. 1. i. p. 7S. t .Sec par: i. book i. "^ lkro(!. 1. 1. n. 1 j8. n Jd. iu.;j. round Book iV. Commerce and Navigation. 147 round Africa, of which I have fpoke in the preceding books °, and which I fliall again have occalion to re- fume. From that epocha, the Egyptian monarchs continued to employ themfelves greatly on the marine. They built fleets, and endeavoured to train their fubjetts to the fea: nor Vv'ere their cares and labours employed in vain. In the reign of Apries, grandfon of Nechos, the Egyp- tians found themfelves (Irong enough, and of futiicient experience at fea, to give battle to the Phoenicians, and defeat them p. This fad is the clearefl proof that can be cited of the progrefs which thefe people had then made in navigation, and of the degree of fuperiority which the naval forces of Egypt had acquired in fo iliort a time. Apries was fucceeded by Amafis. This prince, who fliould be regarded as the lad monarch of ancient Egypt, entered into all the views of his predeceilors, and feconded them perfectly, by favouring commerce with all his power, and attrafting ifrangers into Egypt by his benefadions 'i. If that monarchy had fubfiiled a longer time, it is to be prefumed, that commerce and navigation would have made a great progrefs. The Egyptians would at length have availed themfelves of the advantages of their fituation. In effect, there are few countries in the univerfe fo happily placed as Egypt with regard to, commerce. Equally in reach of the Red fea and of the Mediterranean, deflined, fo to fpeak, to ferve as a centre of union to Afia, Africa and Europe; Ihe is capable of attracting and embracing the commerce of all thefe different parts of the world. But the ancient monarchy of the Egyptians drew to an end, at the time when thefe people began to perceive their advantages. They were therefore unable to profit by them. The Egyptians, moreover, had carried into their marine and their trade, that fpiric of fmgularity which 2.hvavs characlerifed the nation. Theif fhins were built ® Supra, book 2. & book 3. p. 137. t' Herod. 1. 4. n. 161.; Diod. 1. i. p. 79. '^ Hc.rod. 1. i. a. 178, T 2. and 14^ Of Co?iwierc€ and Navigation, Book IV. and armed in a particular manner abfolutely different from that obferved by other nations, and their rigging and cordage difpofed in a falhion that appeared very lingular and fanta{lical^ As to trade, I have already faid, that the men difdained to meddle with it; all the traffic paffcd through the hands of women '". This is all we are able to fay of the ftate of commerce and navigation amongft the ancient Egyptians. We have not the lights and informations neceflary to treat of thefe two objects.. We are ignorant, for example, what were the particular objeds of the traffic of the Egyptians, and of their manner of exercifing trade, g,nd we are no better inftruded in the form and value of their coins. Scarce are we able to form any conjec- tures on this lall article *. I Ihall finifli \\n\h obferving, that as the Egyptians applied themfelves ferioufly to commerce only tov.ards the decline of their monarchy, thefe people, in all probability, had not time to become arquainted with all its branches, or to underftand all the Springs of a machine, fo ccfmplicated, fo vafl:, and fo difficult to comprehend. CHAP. 3i. Of the Fbccrucians. 1^/1 niatever idea I may have given before of the com- ^ ^ mcrce and wealth of the Phoenicians, it is nothing m comjr^rifon of that which v.e are to form of ihem in the ages we are now going through. Thefe people were then mailers of all the commerce carried on in the known worlJ. The empire of the iea v.as in their "^ Htrod. 1. 1. n. 3^. ^ Part i. liook 6. c. :. * Thefe is only room to prcfiime, that very anciently tlit F).'ypiuns made ufc of for comirercc, amonplt other pu'ccs of metal, lcavi.-«of "oltl, very lioli' , and healing on one fiilc tlie imprcfTion of a fort of rofc leaf*. Set li- "ecueil d' anti- iliii'vs de M. !c C-iintc d« C?ylns, t. :.. p. i6 ; ik. les mem. de Trcv. Mai i756» Jjand^: Book IV. Of Commerce and Navigation. 149 bands ; an empire which they had particularly merited by their il;il! and experience in navigation. We fee, in effed, that the Phoenicians were the people to whom other nations always applied when any great maritime enterprife was to be undertaken. The fleets which So- loman fent to the country of Ophir, were conduced by the Phoenicians ^; and it was the navigators of that na- tion whom Nechos charged with making the tour of Arrica"; an expedition which, the times confidered, demanded great courage, and very fuperior talents. Hitherto, that is to fay, in the firfl; and fecond part of this work, I have fpoke only of Sidon. I reprefented it as the molt confiderable and the moil opulent of all the cities then known in Phoenicia. But in the ages which at prefent fix our attention, that ancient capital was outihone by its colony of Tyre. The writers of antiquity are divided upon the epocha of the foundation of that city. W ithout entering into all the difcuffions we (hould be drawn into by an exact examination of their opinions, it fuffices to obferve, that, in the time of Homer, Tyre was as yet fo little famous, that he does not even mention its name. Sidon only is taken notice of in the writings of this great poet ^. Tyre, neverthe- lefs, was not 15ng of rifing into fame. We fee, that, ibon after the time of Homer, that city not only equal- led, but even furpafled Sidon. Ifaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and the other prophets, reprefent Tyre as the city of the greateit trade and wealth that had ever been in the uni- •verfe *. Its inhabitants joined mihtary fkill and bravery to the intelligence and adivity necelTary for maritime traffic. Many cities dependent upon Tyre, having under- taken to throw off her dominion, they had recourfe to Salmanafar king of AiTyria. That monarch efpoufed their interefts, and declared war againfl the Tyrians. *, I Kingt, c p. V. 29. ; z Chron. c. 8. v. 18. u S'lpra, book 5 p. 137. * See part a. book 4. c. ». * liaiuh pro^hsHeJ Dudcr the reign of Achaz, about the year 740 before J. C. I If 150 Of Commerce and Navigation. Book IV. He equipped a fleet of 60 fail; but that armament was beaten by a Tyrian fquadron, confifling only of 12 {hips. This adion rendered the Tyrians fo formidable at fea, that Salmanafar durft no more encounter them on that element. He judged it more advantageous to attack them by land, and therefore formed the fiege of Tyre, which he afterwards converted into a blockade. The place was foon reduced to grievous extremity, be- caufe the Affyrians had flopped up the aqueducts, and intercepted all the conduits, by which they could receive water. To remedy this inconvenience, the Tyrians fell to digging wells, and that expedient fucceeded fo well, as to enable them to hold out five years. Salmanafar then happening to die, the Afl'yrians raifed the fiege, and Tyre for that time efcaped the imminent danger •which threatened her''. This event happened about the year 720 before J. C. From that epocha, till the reign of Nebuchadnezzar, Tyre faw her commerce and her fplendor continually increafe. To give, in a few words, an idea of that city, and to jQiow how great was its wealth, and how exten- five its trade, I cannot do better than tranfcribe the ex- preffions the prophet Ezekicl has made ufe of to defcribe and chara^lerife Tyre in the days of her profperity *. " O Tyre," exclaims the prophet, " thou haft faid in " thyfelf, I am a city of perfect beauty. Thy neighbours " who built thee, have forgot nothing to embellilh ** thee. They have made the hull, and the diverfe " ftories of thy iliips, of the fir-trees of Senir. They '< have taken a cedar from Lebanon, to make thee a " maft. They have poliihed the oaks of BaHian, to " make thine oars. They have employed the ivory oi " the Indies, to make benches for thy rov.crs; and " that which comes from Italy, to make thy chambers. " Fine linen, with broidered work from Egypt, was " that which thou fpreadeft forth to be thy fall. Hya- y Mcnajider apud fofcph. antiq. 1. 9. c. 14- • Eztkiel prophcfieJ about the year SVS '^^a'V}gation. Book IV. fent occupies us. All that we have read in the prece- ding volumes, on the commerce and the marine of the Phoenicians, agrees equally with the commerce and marine of the Carthaginians. In that refpedl, I find no difference between one people and the other. We may add, that they were both equally decried for their bad faith, and perhaps very unjuftly. We are ac- quainted with the Phoenicians and the Carthaginians only from reports that are very fufpicious. To judge impartially of the chara£ler of thefe two nations, we fliould have had left us fome hidory of Phoenicia or oi Carthage, wrote by a Phoenician or a Carthaginian: we fliould then have been able to compare the different relations J and by that means to difcover the truth. c II A p, in. Of the Greeks, ^E ought to refer to tlie epocha that employs us at prefent, that of the origin of commerce and na- vigation amongft the Greeks. Thucydides obferves, that thefe people did not begin to apply themfclves fe- rioully to commerce till after the war of Troy ^. They gave themfelyes up to it with fq much the more ardour, as, their country being naturally poor and barren, u brifl; and extcnfive commerce could alone procure them that confideration and opulence which render a nation powerful and refpeftable. The hiftory of commerce and navigation amongil the Greeks in the ages which now fix our attention, doe^ not hov.'ever prefent us with objects as yet very fatis- fudory. We fee indeed fome cities of Greece, as well Afiatic as European, begin to additl themfelvcs to ma,- ritime traffic. But thefe firfl attempts were very feeble. Vhe Greeks were then neither induftrious enough, nor > T, I. p, II fuf. Bd'Ok IV. Of CQ)nmYc'e and Na-vigdtioii. 155 fufficiently intelligent, to eftablilli a great cdiilmerce. The arts and fciences had not as yet acquired any degree of perfedion in Greece, as 1 think 1 have fufficiently proved in the preceding books. Accordingly we fee, that gold and filvef were very fcarce, even towards the end of the ages which make the objedt of this lail part of our work. As to the ikill and experience of the Greeks in the marine, we may judge of it by a fimple reflection. It is certain, that thefe people never knew any other obferva- tion to dired the- courfe of their ihips, than that of the Greater Bear'. This hngle fad: is a proof of their ig- norance and incapacity. Let us add to this, what we have feen eife where, that, in the time of Xerxes, the Greeks ftill believed that it was as far from iEgina to Sa- mos, as from jEgina to the pillars of Hercules; and they knew not what courfe to hold, after paffing the ille of Delos to arrive in Ionia ^. . As to the force and burthen of their fhips, I have fpoke amply of them in the fecond part of this work. There my readers have feen that thefe veifels were very weak and very indifferent Their marine in that re- fped had made no progrefs Indeed, what idea can we form of them, when we fee that in the Peloponnefian war the Lacedaemonians tranfported their fhips by land from one fea to the other ". It even appears that this expedient was then in common ufe, and frequent enough °. After thefe fafts my readers mull not exped to reap much pleafure or fatisfadlion from the relation I am about to make of the (late of commerce and na- vigation amongil the Greeks, in the ages which at pre- fent engage our attention. I fhall run through the hiftory of the principal cities of Greece which were then dillinguifhed for them, fuccinclly and according to chronological order. 1 Arat. phxnom. v. 40. &c. ; Ovid. fad. 1. 3. V. icy.; Trift. 1. 4. Eleg. 3. imt. tn .^upra, book 3. chap. 4. p. 140. " Thucyd. 1. 3. n. 81. Sec .'jtrabo, 1, 8. p. 516. U 2 The i^6 Of Commerce and Navigation, Book IV. The inhabitants of the ifland of jEgina may be re- garded as the firfl people of Greece in Europe, who became coniiderable for their intelhgence in maritime traffic. We fee in effeft, that, foon after the return of the Heraclidse into Peloponnefus, the iEginetes had great commerce in Greece. They difimbarked at Cyl- lene, and after that made ufe of mules to tranfport their merchandize to the interior parts of the country ^, It was alio about thefe ages that this people thought of coining gold and filver into ftrong and heavy pieces of money q. If we believe fome authors, they were the firft amongft the Greeks who brought coined fpecie in- to ufe''. The -ffiginetes had attained the rendering their ifland the centre of all the commerce of Greece *", only by keeping up confiderable naval forces. It may be faid, that, in the ages I now fpeak of, they were regarded as the greateft maritime power in Greece ^ The -/Eginetes are even placed in the number of the nations who held the empire of the fea for a long time ". Neverthelefs, they could not maintain themfelves in that ftatc of opu- lence and profperity. The fcene which this people atled in Greece, was as fhort as it was brilliant. Dri- ven from their iiland by the Athenians, in the time C5f Pericles, the iEginetes could never recover that blow ". Their mwul pov/er was annihilated, and their com- merce brought very low. The Ccrinthiiins defcrve the next place after the JE- ginetes. They were very early diftinguiflied for their riches and their maritime force. It were difficult to find a city placed more favourably for commerce than was that of Corinth, Situated upon that neck of land which joins Peloponnefus to the continent of Greece, at P Paufaii. I. 8. c. 5. *1 Polliiif, I, J), c. 6. p. 10K7.; Ile'Xcliiiis, Tocat. Aiiyiixtof toutB-fi:^. ^ Marm. Oxon. epoch. i9. j .l^liaii. var. hi'.h 1. 11. c. 10. j 8u»bo, 1. 8. p. I Set Stralio, ibi.l. f Set Herod. I. 5. n. 85.; PIul in TKcir.irt. p. 11;. ; Piii*'. 1. 1. c. 19. u ttrabo, I. 8. p. 57<5. ; itlian. var. hlft. 1. li. c. 10.; r.ulcb. cluon. ). z. a. IJI4- p- 119. * .Sec Fvrizon. not. ad. ,Elian. I. 11. ch:ip. 10. an Book IV. Of Commerce and Navigation. 157 an almoft equal diftance from the two feas, that city feemed deflhied by nature to ferve as a flaple to all the people of thefe countries. The Greeks anciently traded more by land than by fea ^, and then all the commerce neceffarily palVed through the hands of the Corinthians. By this means, in ancient times, they amafled great wealth. Accordingly we fee the ancient poets of Greece frequently give Corinth the epithet of opulent 2. That city contained within its diflrift two ports, one fituated on the Sinus Saronicus, the other on the gulf called from Corinth Corinthiacus Sinus. The Corin- thians knew how to avail themfelves of the advantages of their pofition. They addided themfelves to naviga- tion, equipped fhips, foon after the Trojan war, to give chace to pirates, and proted: commerce ^ By this means Corinth was not long of becoming the flaple of all the merchandifes confumed in Greece''. Succefs encou- raged her inhabitants, the art of perfecling navigation was the objed of their ffcudy. They are faid to be the firit who changed the form of the ancient fliips. In- ftead of fimple galleys, the Corinthians built veifels of three ranks of oars '^. That invention mud have pro- cured them, for fome time, a kind of fuperiority at fea. However, we do not find that the Corinthians arc reckoned in the number of the nations who have held the empire of that element. There is mention only in Thucydides, of a memorable action between thefe people and the inhabitants of Corfou '^, about the year 660 before Jefus Chrlft. This was the mod ancient naval combat that is fpoke of in the chronicles of Greece « The pofition of Corinth was fuch, that that city might eafily have given law to all the Greeks. Commanding two feas, and upon the ifthmus that divides them, it had been eafy for them to have hindered one half oi Greece from communicating with the other. But the' genius and incHnation of the Corinthians led them ra- y Thucyd. 1. r, p. ix.: Strabo, 1. 8. p. 580, z Ham. liiid, 1. i. B. v. 77. ; TIjucyd. 1. I. p. 12. a Tiuicy, which was neither very large nor very commodious. In fine, we may fay that Lycurgus had forbid the Lacedaemonians to addict themfelves to the fea '^. Let us not then be furprifed that navigation was never held in great honour amongft this people. It is h Xenophon de rep. Laced, p. 597. ; .'Elian, var. hift. I. 6. c. (?. ; Plut. in Lyciirg. p. 44, 47, 54.; Nicol. Damafc. in excerpt. Valef, p. 511.; Philoltra: ■fita Apollon. 1. 4 cap. 31, * Ten minrr are 709 livres (5 s, 3 den. French money. i Pint, in Lyciirg y. 44. s Scralio, 1. 8. p. s8o. 1 See Thiicyd. i. i. n. 108. p. 7c, tt Plut. inrtit. Luc. p. 139. true.. J 5o Of Co7nmerce and Navigation Book IV.. true, that in fucceeding times Sparta, by certain cir- cumftances, found herlelf obliged to have fliips; but fhe was quickly difgufled with them". Neither was it by their maritime exploits that the Lacedaemonians be- came illuftrious. I might fpeak of many other nations, as well of Eu- ropean as of Afiatic Greece, who, towards the ages we are now employed upon, began to turn their views to commerce and navigation. For it is certain, that a great number of cities, of the ifiands and of the con- tinent, then addicted themfelves to maritime traffic. But their hiftory does not deferve a particular atten- tion, fmce it furniihes no details nor circumftances ca- pable of in(lru6:ing or enlightening us. I lliall only obferve, that the Rhodians may be juftly called the le- gillators of the fea. They were the firft who thought of reducing into laws the ufages of maritime traffic, and the police of the fea. Thefe regulations were found fo wife, that many other nations adopted them, and ordained the naval laws of the Rhodians to be followed for deciding the dilferences which might arife between the feafaring men and the traders. We know not in what age thefe laws were formed; only it ap- pears, that they were very ancient °. Furthermore, it is to this fpirit of commerce, which poflcfled the greatcfl part of the inhabitants of Greece, that thefe people were indebted for that degree of power and confideratiou which they enjoyed for fo many ages. A trading na- tion is, in general, an aflive and induftrious nation. Thefe qualities neceifarily influence the manners, and render the genius fit for great enierprifcs. Were it neccflary to prove this truth, I ffiould not want in- ftances of nations whom commerce has made to ilourilh. n Pint. inPit. Lac. p. 139. " Cicero, pro le^e Manil. n. 18. t. y p. 19.; Strabo, 1. 14. p. 954- We find at the end of tlie fecond volume of a woi k entitled Jui Grxco Ror.nf. printed at Francfort in I J96, ibme laws wrote in (ireek, and entitled iV Jof. antiq. I. 10. c. ii. fub. fi::. adverf. y'.ppion. 1. i. c. 7. j Hercd. 1. 1. p. IS*. ^ Supra, l>, 1. c. i. p. is, dra\v 1 66 Of the Art Military. Book V. draw the war into a country naturally defenfible; to make ufe of defiles, either to iiirprile or harrafs an ene- my in his march, or for fecurity againfl his attacks; to lay artful anibulcades; to prolong a campaign with addrefs; to avoid coming to a decifive adlion with an enemy fuperior in force; to reduce him at length to confume himfclf through fcarcity of provifions and fo- rage. Neither do wc fee, that thcfc people were either very fl;ilful or very attentive to take advantage of the difpofition of the ground, to chufe places where they might fupport their right or left by rivers, morafl'es, or heights, to prevent their being furrounded. They were equally ignorant of the art of- engaging a large army with one lefs numerous '. No mention is made of thele refources in the wars of the Afiatics. It appears, that marches, counter-marches, and, in fine, many other mi- litary manoeuvres were always unknown amongll them. I Ihall fay only a word of the ordinary confcquences of vitliory amongll the people of Aha. 1 have faid enough in the firit and fecond parts of this work, of the excelfes which the conquerors were originally ac- cuitomcd to. It was ftill the fame thing in the ages we are now going through. Their hiflory in that refpect is one continued fccne cf the moft horrible barbarities; and all I have faid of the firfl ages agrees but too well with thofe we are now employed upon. I need not therefore, I think, take the trouble of retouching that frightful piclure. I fliall remark one cuilom, of which we meet many examples in fcripture; a cuflom as bar- barous, and as contrary to the laws of nations, as the cruelties with which the firfl conquerors always fuUicd their vii5lories. Vx/'e fee the kings of Aflyria and of ('haldea, not content with hviving carried tiefolation and havock into the countries they had fubjedcd, carry a- way all the inhabitants whom the fv/ord had I'pared, and tranfport them into far diffant countries •"'. Thele con- querors, if wc may fay fo, regarded men as proJudions ' RoUin, hif}. anc. t. i. p. 419. "5 3, Kings, c. J?. V. 6. c. a^. v. 16. c. i;. v. 11. of BookV. Of the Art Military 167 of the earth, which they might indifferently tranfplant from one climate to another. I fliall ah'b make another refledion upon this fubjecl. After the fa els which my readers have feen, we fliould be led to believe that the earth mud formerly have been much lefs peopled than it is at prefent. In ancient times the people were almoll continually in arms. Perpetual w^ars, ravages, carnage, and the total deflruc- tion of cities, w^ere the ordinary coniequences of vifto- ry. We have feen proofs of it in the fate which befel Nineveh ", Samaria °, Tyre p, and Jerufalem "J, w ithout fpeaking of many other examples which 1 might cite. A country conquered then, was infallibly a country ruined and deflroyed. Even a confiderable time mult have paffed before it could recover ; fmce the conquer- or, as I have jufl faid, carried into captivity all that might have efcapcd the fury of the foldier; and how many families muft there not have periflied in thefe forced and cruel tranfmigrations? The manner in which they then made war, could not therefore fail to fweep from the earth the greateft part of its inhabitants. Afia in particular, the perpetual theatre of horrors and de- valtations, fliould very foon have found herfeif abfolute- ly defert and uninhabited. Neverthelefs, the fafts re- lated by ancient hiitorians atteft, that this part of the world was infinitely populous, even a few ages after thole we are now going through. It is, I own, a pro- blem which I cannot eafily folve. CHAP. II. Of the Greeks, IN the examination we are going to make of the (late of the art military amongft the Greeks, in the ao-es ° Toblt, c. 14. V. 14. edit, of the Septiiagint 5 Nahum. c. z. v. 8, 10, 13. c. 3. V. 7 ; Sophon. c. 2. v. 13, 15.; Ezekiel,c. 31. v. 3,&c. ; Herod. 1. i. n. io(5,; Diod. 1. 1, p. 141.; Strabo, 1. 16. p. 1071.; Alex. polyhilL apud Syncell. p. XIQ. " I Kings, c. 17. V. 5.; Hofea, c. 14. v. I.; Micah. c. I. v. C. " Sec; Supra, b. 4. c. 2, p. 151, >l j King?, c. 15. v. g, &c. now 1 68 Of the Art Military, Book V. now in qucflion, I fliall enter into no detail of the wars they might have had amongfl thetnfelves. That object is not worth the while. The hiftory of military events which then happened in Greece, is neither very inltruc- tive nor very interefling. I fhall therefore content my- felf with fpeaking, firit of the cuftoms which were common in general to all the Greek nation, and then of the practices which may be affirmed to have been peculiar to the Spartans and to the Athenians. Thefc two were without contradiction the firft, and even the only people, who, in the ages we are no\r employed on, had made fome progrcfs in the military urt. I need no other proofs of it than the fuperiority which Sparta and Athens fo long enjoyed over all the other cities of Greece. I do not, moreover, pretend to enter into any great details upon all the objefts I have indicated. As to the Athenians and Spartans in particular, I do not think there is occafion to dwell long upon their difci- piine and military cufloms, thefe objects being the bell known and the mod familiar. ARTICLE I. Of the Military P radices common to all the Tecpk of Greece, WHEN I fpoke of the military difcipline of the Greeks at the time of the Trojan war, I faid, that we did not fee very clearly in what manner they then levied troops. We can fpeak more affirmatively upon this fubjedt in the ages we are now going through. We know, that at Lacedaimon, for example, all the citizens were obliged to bear arms from the age of thirty years to that of fixty'. It was the fame thing at Athens. All the young Athenians caufed themfelves to be inrol- led in a public reglftcr at the age of i8 years, and en- gaged themfelves, by a folcmn oath, to fcrvc the re- ^ Potter archcolog. 1. 3. c. 2. public. teook Vi Df th€ Art Military. 169 public. That a£l obliged them to march on all occjl- fions that prefented till the age of fixty years f. We may conjedure that this ufage had equally place in all the other dates of Greece, who, in all probability, obferved in that refpeft the fame difcipline as Sparta and Athens. Let us alfo obferve, thatamongft all thefe people deferters vvere puniflied with death % and thofe branded with in- famy who in battle had abandoned their buckler ". In the earliefl times of Greece, the ioldiers made war at their own expence ^^ and we ought not to wonder at it. Wars of ambition were as yet unknown. They took arms only to defend themfelVes when attacked, and in hopes of plunder. All wars therefore were then either ufeful or neceflary, and every individual perfon- ally interefl:ed> Armies, befides, went but a very little dilfance from the di(lri£l where the troops which com- pofed them had been raifcd ; and they did not fail to return to it at the end of the campaign. The foldier therefore could eafily provide for his fubfiflence. The war of Troy excepted, many ages pafTed before the Greeks thought of carrying their arms out of their oWn country, and till that time their troops were not in ufe to demand pay; for, even in the expedition againft Troy, the bait of a rich booty made an ample recompenfe. The ambition of the Greeks having Increafed with their power, they wanted at length to take part in the events of other countries. Different circumftances engaged them in procefs of time often to tranfport their troops out of their own territories. Then the ftate was obliged to furniili particular fupplies for the fubfiflence of the armies which they fent into diftant countries. Although hiflory does not exprefsly fay, that Sparta gave pay to thofe of her inhabitants whom flie fent into Afia, yet it may be f Potter arclieolog. 1. 3. a %. t Lucian. in navlg. n. 3?. t. 3. p. 170. ^ See Plut. in Pcldp. p. 178. B. j S. fempiric. Pyrrhon. Hyppot. 1. j. c. 14. p. 181. ^ See part a. b. 5. chap. 3. Vol. IIL Y con- 170 Of the Art Military. Book V. conjeclured that the public treafare contributed to their maintenance. It is faid, that Lyfander caufed to be augmented the pay of the Lacedscmonians who ferved in the galleys, which that general condaded to the younger Cyrus ^ This faft anthorifes us to think, that the troops of Sparta were tlien in the ufe of receiving, pay. Till the time of Pericles, the foldiers at Athens had ferved the republic gratuitoufly; but under his govern- ment, the war being carried on at a diftance, in the Cherfonefus, in Thrace, in the iilands, in Ionia, &c. for many months together, the republic was obliged to pro- vide fubfiitence for citizens fo long abfent from their country, and, of confcquence, unable to procure the means of life. For the inhabitants of Attica were for the mod part artifans, and fubfu'led only by their la- bour and their inuuflry. The pay which the republic gave her troops was dated at two oboli a-day to a foot- foldicr, and one drachma to a trooper ^ . It is thus that ambition, in procefs of time, conftrained the Greeks to keep foldiers in pay which they had not originally done. The fads we have juft feen, are, it is true, poftcrior to the ages which clofe this third and laft part of our work. I have notwithflanding thought this digreflion necellary to give a complete idea of the military difci- pline of the Greeks, 1 return to the epocha which ought at prefent to occupy us. 1 have faid in the preceding volunie, that, according to all appearance, the Greeks, in the heroic times, were not very expert in the ai't of handling their arms *. I iiiall add, that it mud have been, flill the fame in the ages we are now going through. We know, in efFect, tiiat there never were any fencing-mafters amongft the Laceda;monians i';. and as for the Athenians, they only introduced that profellion in the eighth year of the Pc- loponncfian war ". Would not this fad lead us to think, >■ rhit. in Lyfand p- 43; B. a Pf^itttr archcol. 1. 3. c. 1. p. 431. * Sec pait X. book 5. c }. b Plato in Ladies, p. 4S1, 483. "■■ Ibi>l. Stc tht notes «f :M. D-cieripon ciju Ji.il-'iiui.-, p. 338.^ that Book V. Of the Art Military. 171 that the Greeks were not in ufe to exerciiTe their troops ill arms; and that, in this refpe(^, there was neither rule nor difciphne ainongft thefe people, every one being permitted to follow his own ideas and particular views? As to marches, encampments, evolutions, and other military operations, it is not polTible to fpeak of them. We have nothing that can indicate whether the Greeks, in the times I fpeak of, had any fixed principles, any conftant and uniform maxims upon thefe articles. £ fliould think in general, that thefe people had not as yet made any great progrefs in tadics. That fcience be- gan very late to receive clearnefs and form. I have proved elfewhere, that, at the time of the Trojan war, there was no cavalry, properly fo called, in the Grecian armies ^. The ages here in queflion offer a remarkable difference in this refpe£t. In them we fee the Greeks make ufe of cavalry, and have bodies of them in their armies. It might perhaps be interefling to fix the epocha of this change, and make known the authors of it 4 but it is not poffible, on this article, to gratify the curiofity of the reader. We are abfolutely ignorant by whom and at what tim-e cavalry was intro- duced into Greece. All we can fay of it is, that the iirft war of Meflene, whofc epocha falls about the year 743 before J. C. is the firfl occafion where hiftcry makes mention of cavalry in the Grecian armies ^. There were of them in the army of the Meffenians, and in that of the Lacedaemonians. Apparently this eflablifliment mufl have been pretty recent; for, befides that this ca- valry v.'as few in number, it was otherwife fo bad as to be fcarce of any ufe. Paufanias remarks on tins fub- jecb, that the inhabitants of Peloponnefus knew not as yet the art of well-managing a horfef. We may there- fore fuppofe, without giving too much to conje6lure, that the introduction of cavalry into the Grecian armies did not greatly precede the firfl war of Meifene. fl See part i. book 5. c. 3. ^ See Acad. ties infcript. t. 7. M p- 198, 317. f L. 4. c. S. p^ 300. ¥2 The 172 Of the Art Military. Book V, The Greeks, moreover, had always very few cavalry, Not that thefe people did not make great accoynt ot them. We fee, on the contrary, that they valued them highly; but the foil of Greece, generally fpeaking dry and barren, was never favourable for horfes. The foil of Thcfialy alone was fit for breeding and keeping horfes •, they degenerated every where elfe ^. It is not pofllble to doubt of this, when we fee that at the battle of Marathon, and at that of Platea, the Greeks had no cavalry, becaufe Theflaly was then in the power of the Perfians ^. The Grecian army was, notwithftanding, one hundred and ten thoufand flrong at the battle of Platea. The maintenance of a body of TheHalian ca- valry was befides fo expenfive, that the greater part of the Grecian cities were not in a condition to fiipport it. Accordingly whoever anciently could maintain horfes, was held amongfl th? Qreeks in the higheft confidera- tion 5. Let us remark, while we are on the fubjed of caval- ry, that no nation of antiquity knew the ufe of either faddles or ftirrups. No mention is made of them in ancient writers. Education, exercife, and ufe, had taught the horfemen pf thofe times to do without thefe helps. They knew how to fpring lightly on horfeback, and keep their feat without the help of either faddle or itirrups. Thofe who, through age or weaknefs had not the fame agility, took the ailiftance of another; or elfe they took the advantage of a great (tone, or fome other elevation, to mount on horfeback''. Thefe cuftoms do little honour to the genius and fagaclty of the ancients. We cannot fee without allonilhment, how little in- duflrious they were to procure themfelves certain con- renicncics w'hich we can hardly comprehend it poflible ever to have done without. Let us now fay a little ot the attack and defence of places amongfl the Greeks. s See Acad, des infcript. t. 7. M. p. 330. '' Herod. 1. 6. n. iiz. 1. 9. n. 118. i Ari'.h dc rep. 1. 4. cap. \. t. 2. p. 365. B. ^i Sre I'olt<-i;c anhco!. g. !. 3. rap. s. p. 435, Thi5 Book V. Of the Art Milifciry. 1 73 This part of the military fcience was ftill little known in Greece in the ages which employ us at prefent. In the war which the Lacedaemonians declared ac:ainft the Meifenians, we lee the city of Ithome fullain a fiege of 19 years, lefs by the ftrength of its fortifications than through the ignorance ot the befiegers. The defence of that place conhfted fokly in its pofition. It is feated upon a mountain of confiderable height, and fufficiently fteep ', to render the approaches to it very difficult to people of fo little experience in the art of befiegihg towns as the Greeks of thofe times. It is thus that many places were able, even before they had invented pny kind of fortifications, to fuftain very long fieges. Ariftolle tells us alfo, that the ancient cities of Greece were built in fuch a manner, that although they were not furrounded by walls, they were neverthelefs able to defend themfelves by the peculiarity of their conftruc- tion. All the flreets were fo narrow, and fo full of windings, that they could, with a fniall force, eafily flop an enemy at every ftep, and cruih him from the tops of the houfes •". Neither is Ariflotle the only writer of antiquity who has fpoke of this fad «. We even find examples of it amongft other nations befides the Greeks °. I do not at prefent fee any other objefts to indicate, on the Ifate of the art military in Greece. I fliall only remark one pra6lice which we cannot enough com- mend. It was the cuftom, after a battle, to affenible the army, to adjudge openly, and in prefence of all the troops, the prize of valour to him who fliould be thought to have deferved it ?. It were fupcrfluous to take up time with ihewing the eft'eft which fuch a cu- ftom mufh have had amongft a people fo greedy of glory and dillindion as were the ancient Greeks. We have feen elfewhere what were the laws of war I Paiif. 1. 4. c. 9. ; Strabo, I. 8. p. ss^. «" De rep. 1. 7. c. 11. n See DIoJ. I. 4. p. 311. ° See Ic Rcc. dcs voyages de la cogipagnie des Indes Hollandoife, t. 4, p. jj, f<- 54- P See Herod, 1. 8. n. 113.; Diod. fragm. t. 2. p. (J57. n. 10. amongd 174 Of the Art Military. Book V. amongft thofe people in the heroic times "i. They were not lefs barbarous in the ages that now employ us. The inhabitants of a taken city were immediately re- duced to llavery, and the place entirely deflroyed. I think that this ipirit of cruelty may be attributed to the political conftitution of Greece, where the republican government ruled, and was preferred to all others. In effect, it appears to me, by hiftorical proofs, tliat, ge- nerally fpeaking, the confequences of a vidory were al- ways more cruel in republics than in monarchical itates. It is even eafy to explain the reafon of it. Wars un- dertaken by monarchs are ufually regarded as perfonal, of fovereign againfl fovereign. The fubjecls are fcarce ever actuated by motives of private vengeance. Thence comes, in part, that humanity which takes place after vidory, and the good treatment which prifoners now meet with amonglt mod of the European nations. It mud be othervvife in republics. Guided by other prin- ciples and other interefts than monarchical flates, the wars they undertake are almoft always national. Every member of the (late takes a lively and perfonal concern in it, and in battle is necefl'arily llimulated by particular animoUty. Hence their victories mufl be attended with exceffes unknown in the wars of monarchs; and this we fee to have happened in all thofe of the Greeks. Thefe people, in the times I am now fpeaking of, were divided into an infinity of little republics; all the mem- bers of which had a jealous and perfonal hatred, from which they reciprocally fought to ruin and deltroy each other. ' After this general view of the flate of the art mill- , tary amonglt the Greeks in the ages which now em- | ploy us, we muft fay a word or two upon the dircipline peculiar to the Lacedaemonians and to the Athenians. Antiquity gives to Lycurgus the honour of all the re- gulations relating to war amongll the Lacedarmonians. We are therefore enabled to judge of the fkill of thefe people in the art military. It is not altogether the fame Sec p*rt ;. book 5. c. 3. witii Book V. Of the Art MUiiary. i y^ wkh the Athenians. Their progrefs in this refpe<5l was much flower. They began to form themfelves to the fcience oi" war, but a {liort time before the irruption of the Perfians into Greece. Neverthelefs, that I might leave nothing to defire upon this article, 1 have thought proper to anticipate the times a httle, and give an idea of the difciplinc and military capacity of the Athenians. ARTICLE II. Of the Military Difciprme of the Laceda?noniam. / E ought to regard the Lacediemonians as having been, of all the people of Greece, thofe who pol- felTed the military fcience in the moft eminent degree. All the laws of Sparta, and all the eflablifliments of Ly- curgus, tended to make as many foldiers as they rec- koned citizens in the republic. War was in fome fort the only objed; regarded at Sparta in the education of their youth ^ Alter this refledion, we are not to won- der that the Lacedaemonians were unrivalled in Greece, for experience, capacity, and exaftnefs of military dif- cipline. To thefe qualities they owed their fuccefs and their fuperiority. Amongft the Sparlans, as amongft the other people of Greece, the principal Itrength of the armies confid- ed in infantry. It was divided, let the term be allowed me, into a certain number of regiments, compofed each of four battalions. The battalion confifted of 128 men, and was divided into four companies of 32 men each^. All thefe bodies were commanded by officers of fubordinate ranks and employments ^ One of the two kings of Sparta was always placed at the head of the armies". The arms of the Lacedemonians confifted in great •■ 3ee Tint. In Lyciirg. f Thucyd 1 5. n. 68. ' Id. 1. J. n. 66. ; Xenoph. de republ. Ljced. p. 399. " Herod. 1. 5. n. 75. j Thucyd. 1. j. n. 66. ; Xenoph. dc republ. Laced, p. 40 r, Be 4c i, bucklers. 176 Of the Art Milifar}'. Book V* bucklers, lances, half-pikes, and very fliort fwords "", They had alio, if wc may call it fo, a fort of uniform for the Lacedaemonian troops. All the authors of an- tiquity agree that they were conftantly clothed in red. The choice of that colour was founded upon two mo- tives. They intended both that the foldicrs might the lefs perceive the lofs of blood, and to hide from the enemy the knowledge of the wounds they had made ^. Flutes were the military inftruments of the Lacedae- monians. They went always to battle to the found of that inllrument, in order, fays Thucydides, that march- ing at an equal pace, and as it \vere in cadence, they might be the lefs expofed to break their ranks. This was the principal object of the military difcipline of thefe people^. All their principles, all their tactic rules, and all their military precepts, tended to prevent the troops from ever being broken or difperfcd. They had provided for and obviated every event which might ex- pofe them to this danger. In this view the LacedsC" monians were forbid to ilrip the dead in battle ='. The fame may be faid of their maxim of never purfuing too ardently a flying enemy. The Lacedctmonians were very fenfible of the hazards they might incur on fuch an occafion. They wifely preferred moderation and caution to the advantage of killing fomc men the more '\ It even often happened, that their enemies having learned, that all who refilled were put to the fword, and that the runaways only were pardoned, preferred flight to refifl:ance ^. We ought alfo to befliow great praifcs on the maxim ■which Lycurgus had endeavoured to inculate with his ^ Plut. in Lycurg. p. ji. F. y XeiT ph. dc rep. I.aced. p. 399.; Pint inflit. Lac. p. 138. F.; /Tlian. var. kifl. 1. 6. c. 6. ; Val. Md\ . 1. i. c. 6. ; Siiidas, t. 5. p. 6ro. * L. 5. n. 70. ; Pint, ill Lycurg. p. 5 j. E. ; Paiif. 1. 3. c. 17. P- 15 '• '• 4- c. S . p. ^co. : Lucian. de r.iltat. n. 10. a .Lilian, var. I. ill. 1. 6. c. rt. ; Tint. t. 1. p. iiS. F. fc Pauf. 1. 4. c. 8. p. 3C0. ; Piui. iii Lycnr2. p. 54. A. «^ riut. ib'.d. people 6ook \^. Of 'the Art Military. tyy people. He forbade them to make war too often with the fame enemies, for fear of inrt:ru61:ing them, by lay- ing them under the frequent neceffity of defending themfclves <* Thefe fafts are, I think, fufficient to prove how greatly the Lacedaemonians had ftudied the mih- tary art, and the progrefs they had made in it. It mufl appear very aflonilhing, that a people, whofe grcatnefs of foul and whofe prudence we cannot too much commend, Ihould have been fo fubjedl to fuper- ilition as were the Lacedaemonians. They were fway- ed by this weaknefs to fuch a degree, as to make them rilk the fafety of their country. Hiftory has preferved us one very memorable example. From motives un- known to us at this day, the Lacedsemonians durft not take the field before the day of the full moon. At the time that the Perfians, with an army oi 300,000 men, were on the point of invading Greece, the Athenians, whom the (torm firft threatened, difpatched meifengers in great hade to Sparta, demanding fuccours. The anfwer they got in fo critical a conjuntlure was, that the Lacede- monians could riot march for fome time, becaufe their religion did not allov/ them to take the field before the full moon ^. The Lacedaemonians are liable to a reproach ftill more (liameful, and more eftential. They were no way fcrupulous on the article of probity. All means by which they might triumph, appeared to them good and lawful. Perfidy and breach of faith cod them no- thing f. They are alfo accufed of being the firft of all known nations, who attempted to corrupt with money the fidelity of the enemies generals, and rendering, fo to fpeak, their vidorics venal ^. In this refped:!:, the La- cedaemonians folloM^ed their prevailing talle. Thefe people, in general, made great account of cunning and of fraud. We know that theft was not only tolerated, . What we read in the prophet Daniel, 3 Djn. C-. 5. V. :.*, Q^Cu-t. 1. 5. c. i. r- -l^- j Apocalvpf. c, 18. v. 14. of Book VI. Manners mid Ciijloms, 1 87 of the feaft which Balthafar made for all his court, at the eve of the taking of Babylon by Cyrus, fuffices to give us an idea of the diflblutenefs and licentioufnefs ^ which reigned in the rcpails of the Babylonians '\ For, as 1 have already remarked, in great monarchies, we may judge of the manners of the people by thofe of their fovereigns. The loofenefs of this fort of feafts muft have been fo much the greater, as women were admitted to them'; and as fupper feems to have been the favourite meal of the Babylonians ■". I conjetlure, moreover, that thefe people eat lying upon beds ". The drefs of the Babylonians confifted of a tunic of lawn, which they wore next their fkin. It defcended in the eaftern mode to their feet. Above that they put a woollen robe, and again wrapped themfelves in a cloakj the colour of which was extraordinary white. The Babylonians let their hair grow, and covered their heads with a kind of bonnet or turban °. They were fliod with only a foal very thin and very light p. And for {lockings, they wore a fort of drawers or hofe "J, fuch, in all appearance, as the eaftern nations dill wear at this day. We know further, that amongfl the Babylonian?. every one wore a fignet on his finger, and never went out without having in his hand a (taff highly fafliionedj on the top of which there was in relief a pomegranate, or a rofe, or a lily, or an eagle, or fome other figure; for it was not allowed to carry a Half fimple and una- dorned: they were all to be fet off by fome ornament, fome apparent and diftinguifliing mark ^ The drefs which I have here defcribed, was that of the common people. But rich and dignified perfons k Chap, %. I Dan. c. j. V. z. ; Q^Curt. 1. j. c. i. p. 27:. ^ Dan. c. y. V. 5. c. 6. v. 18. n See Efther, c. i. v. 5.; Strabo, 1. 16. p. 1081. . y la.ibia. » Athen. 1. ij. c. 13. p. tfoj. ; Pint, in Artaxers. p. loii- ^ See book a. chap. i. p. 61. magnir Book VI. Manners and Cajloms, 1^9 magnificence reigned In the houfcs of that capital. But we are ignorant, as I have faid, in what the luxury of the Babylonians, in this refpeft, precifely confitled. As to the interior decoration of apartments, it ap- pears that thefe people were very curious and very nice ill moft part of their furniture, which, however, was never very confiderable aniongfl: the ancients for num- ber or variety. Their greateil luxury in this article confided in carpets, and in ornamental coverings for chairs and beds. Pliny fpeaking of a carpet fit for co- vering fuch beds as the ancients made ufe of at table, fays, that this piece of furniture, which was produced from the looms of Babylon, amounted to eighty-one thoufand feftertia t'. We may judge by this fum of the magnificence and curiofity of this fort of furniture. The fcripture alio makes mention of different velfels of ivory, of marble, and brafs, with which apartments were adorned at Babylon *=. It even appears, that many of thefe veifels were ornamented and enriched v.'lth pre- cious (tones'^; that is to fay, that they were intended much lefs for ufe than for luxury, parade, and oftenta- tlon. We may judge from thefe fafts, that all which induftry had then been able to invent for the richnefs of furniture, was greedily fought out by the Babylonians. I took care to remark, in the preceding volumes, that chariots had been in ufe in civilized nations Iroin all antiquity. But it is not the fame with litters, the invention of which I take not to be fo ancient, nor the ufe of them fo general as that of cars and chariots. To etfeminacy, tlie ordinary attendant of luxury, we may attribute the invention of Utters. This fort of carriage has been, in effect, but little known except in volup- tuous nations. Whatever may have been its origin and antiquity, the cuftom of being carried in litters and o- ther kinds of vehicles, was praclifed amongft the Ba- bylonians ^. Thefe dliierent forts of conveniencies b L. 8. feet. 74. p. 477. See alfo Mart. I. 14. epigram, ijo. Tliefe eighty ore thoufand fefterces come to 14,364 livres iz s- 5 j^'-l- of Frencli montyi ^ Apocdlypf. c. 18. V. II. a Aj^ocalypf. ibid. * Herod. 1. I. n. 193.; Apocalyf. c. 18. v, 13. could xgo Manners and CuJ}oms, Book VI. could not efcape a people fo fenfual, and fo fond of the comforts of life, as the inhabitants of Babylon were be- come in the ages 1 now fpeak of. We can fpeak but very imperfeclly of the pleafures and amufements of the Babylonians. Antiquity has tranfmitted nothing particular upon this article. We can only conjecture that thefe people had a great tafte for mufic. The fcripture expreJ'sly marks it. There we even find a pretty large detail of the different kinds of inftruments in ufe amongft tlie Babylonians f. But then this is all we can fay upon that fubjcct. For it is not poflible a'l this day to fpecily what were the inftruments ipoke of in fcripture, or how th'ey were played upon. We fliould alio place hunting in the number of the diverfions of the Babylonians ^. Thcfe people were fo paffionatcly fond of this exercife, and elieemed it fo great a pleafure, that, preferably to any other fubjedl, they chofc hunting-pieces of painting for their apart- ments •'. They even carried their talte for this kind of reprefentations fo far, as to have them embroidered on their clothes and on their furniture'. The pleafures of the table, mulic, and hunting, are all that we know of the diverfions which may have been in ufe at Babylon. Though I do not doubt but we may add dancing, for all there is no mention made of it in ancient writers. As to the rules of decorum and couimon practices of civil life, I remark, as an exception to the general maxims of the Afiatics, that, amongft the Babylonians, the women were not fhut up in the inner apartments, it appear::', on the contrary, that they lived fauiiliarly with the men. They were not only admitted to public fcafts''j they were alfo permitted to fee ffranger^, and to eat with them :. Yet for all this the Babylonians had r Dm. c. 3. V. 5. ; Apocaly;)!'. c. i3. v. i;. .. now in qucllioii. It may h !ve lice . only an imitation of the SatUinili j, and int'O'liicrd amoni; the C.ibvlonims after the conqucfts of AlcxatjUcr. \Vc know ilia' Bcrofus is poftcrior to that cvrnt. 1 Ifaiah, c. 13. v. 19.; Apocalyplc, c. 18. v. 3. "^ Q. Curt. 1. 5. c. I. p. 171. ^ Id. ibid. By Book VI-. Manners and Citjimi. "193 By a law, founded upon an oracle, it was ordained for all women to repair once in their lives to the tem- ple of Venus, and there profritute themfeivcs to ftran- gers ^ Here is the ceremonial which was obferved up- on thefe occafions. Every woman, on arriving at the temple of the goddefs, fat down, having her head crowned with flowers. In that edifice, there werc ma- ny galleries and windings where the flrangers remain- ed, whom the love of debauchery never failed to draw thither in great numbers. They were permitted to chufe her they liked bed amonglt all the women who came to fatisfy the law. The (Iranger was obliged, when he accolted the objecl of his choice, to give her fome pieces of money, and to fay when he prefented it, " I implore for thee the goddefs Mylitta*." He then led her to a retired place out of the temple, and fatis- fied his pallion. The woman could not rejeft the funi which was Oifered her, however fmall it might be, be- caufe it was a point of religion. Neither was ihe per- mitted to refufe the firfl flranger that offered himfelf. She was obliged to follow him, of whatever condition he might be*' As foon as the women had fatisfied the law, they offered, according to the cuftom prefcribed, a facrifice to the goddefs, and then they were at liberty to return to their houfes ; for when a woman had once fet foot in the temple, (he was not permitted to leave it without having fulfilled the obligation impofed upon her by the law ^. This obligation, moreover, was not exadly in force, except amongft the common people, and thofe of low condition. Women dillinguiihed by their rank, their birth, or their riches^ had found means to elude the law. They caufed themfelves to be carried in their lit- ter to the entrance of the temple; there, after having ta- ken the precaution to fend back all their attendants, they prefented themlelves for a moment, and for form only J', t Herod I. i, n. 109.; Strabo, 1. r6. p. 1081. • Tliis is the name the Babylonians gave to VeniiS. Herod. 1. i. n. 199. " Herod. I. i. n. ipp.; Strabo, 1. 16. p. io8i. ^ Herod, ibid. > Herod, ibid. Vol. IIL B b before: 1^4 Manners and Ciijloms. Book VI. before the flatue oi the gcddefs; they then immediate- 1-y left the temple, and returned home. This religious cullom, this obligation impofed upon all women, of proflituting themfclves publicly once in their lives, has been regarded, as I have already faid, by all the writers who have had occafion to treat of the manners of the Babylonians, as the perpetually fubfifl- ing caufe and principle of the depravation and extreme iicentioufnefs to which thefe people were abandoned. I dare affirm, however, that this cuftom, which at firfl fight appears fo fliocking, owed perhaps its origin lefs to corruption and diforder, than to the ideas with which the ancients were prepofl'effed on the fubjecl of the Di- vinity. Let us try to maintain this propofition. The ancients, whofe philofophical ideas were neither very juft nor very fublime, regarded the gods as beings in fonie fort jealous of the happinefs of men ^. They were particularly perfuaded in regard to Venus, that this goddefs inftigated the fex to impurity and diforder =». It is for that reafon, that they ordinarily placed her temples without the cities f>. We fee alfo, that maids, and even w-idows intending fecond marriages, did not fail, before their nuptials, to offer facrifices to Venus in order to render her propitious " For 1 repeat it, the ancients were intimately perfuaded, that this goddefs delighted in throwing the fex into diforders and de- bauchery. From thefe faiiiLS, which are very certain and un- doubted, I think, that the law which, amongft the Ba- bylonians and other people d, ordained women once in their lives to proditute themfelves to a llranger in the temple of Venus; I tiiink, I fay, that this law, far from having been cftablilhed to favour debauchery. ^ Herod. 1. i. n. 71. 1. 3. n. 40. a Ste Hor.i. Iliad, 1. z4 v. 30. ; Odyff. 1. 4. v. tSi, iCz. j Plut. t. x. p. M'?. D. p. 310. F. ; Ovid, mctsm. I. x. v. 138, &c. F..nor. I. 4. v. 157,; ApoUodor. 1. I p. 7. ; Hyt;in. fa-I). 58. ; Mjrti.il. I. i. epigram. 84. ; I'.mriin. I. 9. r. \(>. p. 741. ; Parti-.cn. Erot. c. s- i S^cliol. llj, ; Ci~rio r!c clivinat. palTim.; Diod. 1. 1. p. t4i, &c. ' Uaiah, c. 47. V. 9, li. ; fizck. c. ji. v. xi. ; Dan. c. 1. v. 10. c. 1. v. 1. c. i- V. 7. " Diocl. 1. z. p. 141. S- Srinlcy hirtorl.i pliilofoplii c, part u. f^ft. i, 11. cl. 1 I 1!. HI. Xenoph. Cvrn. 1. ?'. p. ^\6. h Xenoph. 1. 8. f. Ji?.; rUit. dc Fuft. Alex. p. 319, 330. i Id. ibid. their Book VI. - Manners and CiiJio}m-» cloi their eyes and eyebrows, paint their faces, and mingle artificial with their natural hair's Such was the attire of the men. As to that of the women, we can fay no- thing certain about it. Ancient writers give us no lights into this article. They only tell uS; that in Media the fex was remarkably beautitul '. The luxury of the table amongil the Medes was equal to that of drefs. In a feaft which Aftyages gave to Cyrus, there was the utmoll profufion, as well in the quality as the variety ot cookery and diverfity of meats "'. We fee alfo, that thefe people employed the precaution of elfaying the drink that was prefented to the king. The cupbearer, before he prefented the cup, poured Ibme drops into the hollow of his left hand, and talted it n. It would be curious enough to know, in wdiat pre- cifely confided the delicacy and magnificence of the Medes in refpe<5l to the luxury of the table.. But I al- ready laid, that ancient writers have entered into no de- tail upon this article. I am of opinion, that no very high idea fliould be formed of the talent of thefe peo- ple for the elegance and delicacy of good cheer. I judge fo from the manner of eating in ufe at this day throughout all the eaft. We know that the art of cookery is there in very narrow bounds; and I think, that in this refpedt it has been the fame in all times. For, as I have more than once had occafion to obferve, cuftoms have varied very little amongft the orientals. However that may be, debauches at table were ex- ceffive amongft the Medes. They got drunk at it very frequently. The monarchs were no more referved up- on this article than ttie loweft of their fubjecls °. Hifto- ry has preferved one inftance of their intemperance, too ftriking to be paffed over in filencC. In the war k Xenopli. Cyrop. 1. r. p, ;. This fort of paint confifled in a dark colour, with which the ai-.cicnts tinged their eyebrows and eyelids, to make iheir eyes appear larger and more lively. 1 Xenoph. Cyrop. 1. 5. p. 50.; Anabas, 1. 3. p. 130 m Xencph. Cyrop. 1. i. p. $. " Xenoph. Cyrop. 1. i. p. C ° Xenoph. 1. i. p. G, Vol. III. C c which 202 Mariners and Cujloms. Book VI . which Cyaxares, the lad of the Median kings, made a- gainll the Babylonians, Cyrus, who had joined his arms to thofe of that prince, finding a favourable occafion of beating the enemy, fet out at night, at the head of all the cavalry. Cyaxares, on the contrary, paiTed that fame night in a debauch, and carried it fo far as to get drunk with all his principal officers '"'. Mufic, amongll the Medes, was called in to heighten the pleafures of the tabic. They fung and played free- ly upon inltruments. The monarchs themfelves took part in this diverfion, and generally in all that could animate feflal jollity 'i. Dancing alfo may be reckoned amongll the pleafures of the Medes; they gave into it with great ardour and tranfport'. Hunting was alfo one of the exercifes which employ- ed the fovereigns of Media the mod agreeably. In or- der to take this pleafure with the more facility, they had even taken care to inclofe large parks, in which were kept hons, boars, leopards, and (lags *". It is impoflible to fay any thing certain of the man- ner in which the houfcs of the Medes may have been built. We can only conjefture, that thcfe people made a great part of the decorations of their edifices confiit: in the diverfity of colours with which they painted them on the outfide. I think I may propofe this conjecture from what Herodotus relates of the walls of Ecbatana. That city was inclofed with feven circuits of walls, dif- pofed in fuch a manner, as that, from without, the firfi did not intercept the view of the entablature of the fe- cond, the fecond of the third, and fo on of the red. The battlements of the fird wall were painted white, thofe of the fecond black, of the third purple, of the fourth blue, of the fifth orange; and of the two lad circuits, the battlements of one was gilded with filver, the other with gold ^ From thefe facts I imagine, that P Xcnpli. Cyrop. I. 4, p. 6i. <3 Xciuph. Cyrop. 1. i. p. 6. 1. 4. p. f>i. ■■ Ibid. 1. i. p. tf. f IbjJ. 1. 1. p. 7, 8, & 9. ' L. 1. 11. 9°. the Book VI. Manners and Cuftoms. 203 the Medes were probably in ufe to paint the outfide of their houfes with different colours; a cuftom which we know to be pradifed at this day in feveral countries. As to the interior decoration of apartments aniongfl thefe people, we can fpeak of it but imperfedly. Only I think we may affirm, that tapeftry was in ufe amongft the Medes. This fort of furniture was in effed: known to the Perfians"; and we know that the Pcrfians had borrowed from the Medes all that could contribute to luxury and magnificence ''. We may even fay that ta- peflry could not be merely a matter of luxury amongfl the Medes. Media is in general a pretty cold country, and for that reafon the cuftom of lining apartments with tapeflry mufl have been both very ufeful and very neceffary. At the court of Ecbatana fhone particularly that pomp and magnificence of which ancient writers give us fo high an idea. If their teflimony is to be admit- ted, it was even from the Medes that mofl of the eaftern nations had borrowed the ceremonial which was ob- ferved at the courts of the fovereigns oft hat part of the world ^. We may judge of the exterior pomp that fur- rounded the perfon of the kings of Media, by that fu- perb cavalcade of which Cyrus thought fit to give a fpeclacle to his newly-conquered fubjefts. The pre- parations of that feaft were entirely ordered according to the cuftoms of the Medes ^ In fme, we fliall form a flill higher idea of the grandeur and fumptuoufnefs which reigned at the court of the fovereigns of Media, if we recollecl the manner that the writers of antiquity fpeak of the magnificence which fhone at the court of the kings of Periia; for, as 1 have already laid, the ce- remonial obfervcd at the court of the kings of Perfia, was only an exad and faithful imitation of that of the kings of Media. " Plut. ill Themift, p. izS, 117.; In Artax. p. lojfi. 5 TertiiUlan. Je cnltii feniiii. 1. 1. p. 151. " - trabo, 1. II. p. 707. : Xenopb. Cyrop. 1. 8. p. 141. V Stfabo, 1. II. p. 7P7, & 798. ^ Xcnoph. Cyrop. 1. 8. p. tid. Sec. C C 2 It 204 Manner's and Cujloms. Book VI. It is alfo from the Medes that the Perfians had re- ceived that profound veneration which they felt for the perfons of their kings \ The refpecl: which the Medes bore their fovereign was fuch, that they durfl not fpit, nor even laugh in his prefence ^. His orders were al- ways fpeedily and punctually executed. The hiftory of the Medes is not enough known for us to be able to fpeak with any exav:l:nefs of the cuffoms which they obfcrved in the ordinary courfe of civil life. I Ihall only remark in the manners of this people, one fmgularity, well worthy of notice. In certain cantons of Media, polygamy was not only permitted, it was even authorifed by an exprefs law, which ordained every inhabitant to marry and maintain at leaft feven wives. In other cantons it was precifely the contrary. A woman was allowed to have many hufbands, and they looked with contempt on thofe who had lefs than live "'. As to the particular charadler of the Medes, we may affirm it in general to have been very brave and very warlike. I have already laid, that they palTcd for the fird people of Alia who had introduced difcipline into armies '^. We know alfo, that the Mcdcs had taught the Perlians the art of war, and particularly, to handle the bow and the javelin with dexterity ". I do not think, that the Medes ever made themfclves very remarkable for Ikill in the fciences. My authority for thinking io, is, that they are no where quoted in the number of nations amongfl whom the fciences were anciently feen to tlourifli. As to arts and manutadures, it is to be prefumed, that whatever related to them was carefully fought out by the Medes. It cannot even be doubted, alter what * Strabo, 1. ii. p. 797. b llerod. 1. i. n. 99. •^ Strabo, 1. i\. p. 75^. To thiii .'-ay m feyerjl cai idhs of ludla women arc pfimittcd to have many hiilbands. Voyage dc Franc. Pyrard, p. 174. ; Lcttr. tdif. t. ic, p. II. J Supra, bocji 5. c. i. p. 164. <^ Strabo, 1. 11. p. 7^7. Book VI. Manners and Cujloms, 205 we have fcen of their ruling tafle for pomp and magni- ficence, luxury and effeminacy. I fliould think as to the red, that vain-glory and effe- minacy, vices which the Medes are fo often taxed with by all the writers of antiquity, did not begin to be in- troduced into that nation, and to corrupt its manners, till after the dcftruftion of the em.pire of Affyria. Till that time, the Medes did not form a monarchy power- ful and opulent enough to abandon themfelves to luxury and pleafures. Belides, before this event they faw themfelves furrounded on all hdes with powerful and warfike enemies, (the Affyrians and Babylonians), who forced them to be vigilant and attentive, to avoid be- coming quickly their prey. The Medes in this pofition had too many meaiures to guard, and too many precau- tions to take, to allow them to abandon themfelves with excefs to luxury and fenfuality. But the monarchs of Media, by overturning the throne of Nineveh, deliver- ed themfelves from a dangerous neighbourhood, which however was neceffary to render their fubjefts aftive and vigilant. In fine, the riches with which thefe princes and their troops glutted themfelves at the fack of Nine- veh, and, above all, the daily and habitual communica- tion with a foit and voluptuous people, fuch as were then the Afiyrians, corrupted their manners, and made them foon degenerate from thole of their anceftors. What gave the finiihing Itroke to the Medes, was their ynion and incorporation with the Pprfians under Cyrus. From that epocha, there is no more mention of the Medes in hiffory. CHAP. II, Of the Egyptians,. IN the preceding volume, and even in this one, I have laid before my readers, under different articles, all that might concern the laws, arts, Iciences, manners i^nd cuitoms of the Egyptians. But I deferred till now the 2,oG , Mamicn and Cujloms. Book VI. the refuming all thefe different obje6ls, and the bring- ing them under one and the fame point of view, to draw, in confequence, one general and colledive pic- ture of the charader of the Egyptians, and to make known the particular genius of that nation. I take this to be the place to prefent at one view, and under the fame afpecl, all the different traits that antiquity- may have furniHied upon this object. I lliall explain then in few words, the idea I have been able to form of the Egyptians, and fhall trace from fads the charader of this people, fo boalled of in all ages. The Egyptians rendered themfelves famous in anti- quity by their laws, their arts, and their fciences. In effe6l, that nation becoming quickly civilized, made, in confequence, fome early dii'coveries, and even a pretty rapid progrefs in feveral branches of the arts and fciences. This merit Ihould not be denied the Egyp- tians: but otherwife, 1 fee nothing that can ferve to diftinguifli them in a manner very advantageous ; I even think myfclf authorifed to refufe them the greateft part of the eulogies that have been always fo liberally he- flowed upon them. The Egyptians did invent fome arts and fome fciences, but they never had the ingenuity to bring any of their difcoveries to perfection. I have expofed their want of tafte, and 1 venture to fay of talent, in architecture, in fculpture, and in painting f. Their manner of praclifmg phyfic was abfurd and ridiculous *. I'he knowledge they had of aflronomy and geometry, was but very im- perfeft. Their discoveries are far enough from enter- ing into any comparifon with thofe which the Greeks made afterwards in thefe two fciences m fine, the Egyptians have had neither genius, ardour, nor talent for commerce, or for the marine and art military As to civil laws and political conflitutions, the Egyp- tians had indeed fome vrry good ones ; but otherwife there reigned in their government a multitude of abufes ;■ S'.'pra, booj: i. c. s. 5 S?e part :. booJ; 3. c. i. nrt. i. ani^ Book VI. Manners and Cujloim. 207 and effential defers, authorifed by the Iravs and by their fundamental principles of government •', As to the manners and cuftoms of this people, we have feen to what a height indecency and debauchery were carried in their public feafts and religious cere- monies i. The public cult which a nation fixes to ho- nour the Deity, bears the flainp of that nation's cha- racter; neither was the morality of the Egyptians ex- tremely pure; we may even affirm, that it offended a- gainft the firfl rules of reditude and probity. We fee, that the Egyptians bore the higheft blame of covetouf- nefs, of ill faith, of cunning, and of roguery fe. It appears to me to refult from all thefe fafts, that the Egyptians were a people induftrious enough, but as to the reft, without tafte, without genius, without dif- cernment. A people who had only ideas of grandeur ill underftood, and whofe progrefs in all the different parts of human knowledge never rofe beyond a flat me- diocrity. Knavifh into the bargain, and crafty, foft, lazy, cowardly, and fubmiffive; and who having per- formed Ibme exploits to boaft of in diftant times, were ever after fubjed:ed by whoever would undertake to fubdue them. A people, again, vain and foolifli enough to defpife other nations without knowing them '. Su- per ftitious to excefs ""•, fmguiarly addided to judicial aftrology ", extravagantly befotted with an abfurd and monftrous theology °. Does not this reprefentatlon fufficiently authorife us to fay, that all that fcience, that wifdom, and that philofophy, fo boafted of in the Egyp- tian priefts, was but impofture and juggling, capable of impofmg only on people fo little enlightened, or fo ftrongly prejudiced, as were anciently the Greeks in favour of the Egyptians * ? Let us remark neverthelefs, that even admitting the^ fi Supra, book i. c. 4. p 17, &c. i See part r. book 6. c. 1. k Src Plato de rep. 1. 4. p. 641. de leg. 1. j. p. Bjt. ; Stephan. Byfant. vore A/yvWl(5H, p. 38. ; Suidas, vote Aiyvrfita^ft*, t. i. p. 643. 1 Set Herod. I. z. n. 41. ^ See part. i. book 6. c. ». n See Heiod. 1. ^. Ji. 8i. ; Diod. 1. i. p. 91, ik. 91- ", Cicero de divinat. J. t. n. I. 5 Plut. conviv. fap. p. 149. A, ° See part i. book 6. c 1, * See afta philol'oph. t. 1. p. 1x9, &c. (534, &c.; CoarLngius debermst. ins I. !. I. c. :i.3 Scr.erloHC irr.ixtiitac. I'ucr, c. 7. p. 190. teftimonv 2o8 Manners and Cujionis. Book VI. teflimony of the ancients, the eulogies they have been pleafed to pour upon Egypt, refpecl only her laws, her police, her arts, and her mathematical knowledge; but fall not at all upon thofe productions which belong pro- perly to genius and tafte. Neither Greece nor Rome have ever praifed the eloquence, the poetry, the mufic, the architecture, the fculpture, the painting of the Egyptians. I Ihall fay as much of what concerns an ob- ject much more effential, medicine We fee, that nei- ther the Romans nor the Greeks ever vaunted of the knowledge of thefe people in navigation, commerce, or the art military 1 fee nothing then but the philofophi- cal and moral ideas ot the Egyptians, which antiquity feems to have held in feme efteem ; but beyond that, I think I have good grounds for maintaining, that the Egyptians had but very confufed notions, and very im- perfect ideas of all the other objects of human know- ledge. I fliould be greatly tempted to compare this na- tion v^^ith the Chinefe. I think a good deal of refem- blance and conformity is to be perceived between one people and the other *. CHAP. III. Of the Grecians, TN that infinite number of difl'erent people which an- -^ ciently inhabited Greece, 1 fee only two, the Lace- dcemonians and the Athenians, whofe manners and cu- Itoms deferve a particular attention T\\ii others oifer no fads fuliiciently Itriking, nor any varieties important enough, to engage us to dwell upon them. With very little difference, we may judge of the inclinations and cuitoms ot all the Greeks, by the n:anncrs and by the way of living of the Lacedaemonians and Athenians. In the picture v/hicii I am about to prefent, 1 ihall ul': the fame method as I have already done in other articles ; * To maliC an crti.iMtc of ilie arts, fciencjf, liws, police, and morals of tlic Chinclir, Tec AnlOii's voy.i^'., buok 3. c. 10. that Book VL Manners and Cufioms* 209 that is, I fhall fpeak of them very fummarily. Longer details would be ufclefs, and would only multiply repeti- tions. That matter has been fufficiently treated of ia many works, which are in the hands of all the world. ARTICLE L Of the Lacedemonians. THERE are very few nations amongfl whom the legiilature has attended to the regulation of man- ners and of the ordinary cuftoms of civil life, by pofi- tive laws. The Lacedccmonians are to be placed in the fmall number of people, who have had a code for their manners and their cuitoms. The ordinances of Ly- curgus take in equally the general police of Sparta, and the actions of its inhabitants in private life. We are fo well inftruded in the aufterity and rigidity of the dif- cipline to which the Spartans were bound up, that I do not think it neceffary to infill upon it. It is fufficient to fay, that the mod indifferent a£lions were not free at Sparta, nobody had pov/er to regulate his life by his own will, every thing to the ilighteil ileps was fubjed- ed to one common and uniform rule p. A Spartan was not permitted, for example, to marry when he thought proper, to fee his wife when he chofe, nor to abide with her as long as he would wifli ''. Nei- ther was he at liberty to drefs for himfelf the kind of food he liked, nor to eat in private. Every inhabitant was obliged to take his repaft in the pubhc halls, and to content himfelf with what was there ferved up. The tables were each of about fifteen covers. They eat their feparate melfes, ieated without regard to eafe ^ The kings of Sparta themfelves were obliged to this P See Xenoph de republ. Laced, p. 39J ; Plut in Lycurg. p. J4. '1 Xenoph. p. 59 j.; Plut. in Lycurg. p. 48. ^ Atheii. 1. 4. p. 141 , ; Serv. ad .^neid. 1. 7. v. 17^. Vol. m. D d kind CIO hlanyiers and Ctifioms, Book VI. kind of life. Agis having returned from gaining a great viclory over the Athenians, thought he might fup at home with his wife. He fent in confequence for his commons. The Polemarchs refufed it him, and he was obliged to go eat at the public table *". Neither fenfuality nor gluttony found there their gra- tifications. The meats they ferved were neither choice nor nicely cooked. They confided of bread and wine, cheefe, dried figs, and fome morfels of flelh meat coarfely drelfed^; and even of them they prefented to the guefts only the quantity abfolutely neceffary for the neceffities and for the fupport of life ". To appear too fat and too well fed, was not allowed at Lacedaemon. A Spartan who was found in over good cafe, was fe- verely puniflied and corrected of it ". After having eat and drunk very fobcrly, they returned home in the dark, for it was exprefsly forbid to be lighted home at Sparta y. The Spartans maintained the fame limitations and the fame coarfenefs in their drcfs as at their tables. Win- ter and fummer they wore the fame kind of clothing, tvhich was very fliort and very fimply made up ^. They did not (have, but, on the contrary, affe<5led to wear very long and bufliy beards ^ Their greateft finery confifled in the beauty of their hair The Spartans wore it very long, and took extremely great care of it ^ Their manner of drcfling it was to divide it equally on each fide of the head *^. The Spartans were otherwife very dirty and llovenly about their perfons, being al- i Julian, var. hift. 1. i. c. 34. ; Plut. in Lycurg. p. 45, 46. t Pint. ibid. p. 4(5. The moft cxquifite of all thcfs diflies was a kind of pottage known in antiquity by the name of hlaik irrAh. We c^innot, at this day, dtfine cxatftly what this fort of ragout was. But to judge of it by what aiuicnt authors lay. the I;lack broih of the Spartans tnuft have been but a forry kiud of food. Sec Ciccr. Tui-- culjn. I. 5. n. 34.; Phit. in Lycurg. p. 146. " Phit. p. 4j, 46. ^ yKiiau. var, hi(l. 1. 14. c. 7. V Plut. p, 4<5. 2 'Ihuuyd. 1. I. p. 7.; Plut. t. X. p. 137.; Xenjph. p. 394, S: 357. 3 Plut. t. a. p. 2 3*. E. ,^cc Mturf. milctil. l,ar. I. i. c. 16. b Herod. 1. 7. n. ao3. ; Strabo, 1. C. p. 416. ; Plut. in Lycurg. p 53.; P«uf. t. 7 c- '4- ^ Plut. in Lycurg. p. 53. lowed Book VI. Manr^rs and Cujionu. 11 \ lowed to bathe and perfume themfelves only on certain days prefcribed. However, they were obliged to keep their clothes unrent and in good condition ; for they did not fail to punifli thofe who appeared not to take care enough of them ^. The Spartans were neither more free nor more nice in their houfes and furniture, than in their board and drefs. We may judge of it by an ordinance which Ly- curgus had made on that article. It bore, that the ceilings of houfes fliould be made with an axe, and the doors by a faw, without the aid of any other tool ". vSuch houfes as the legillator intended, exempted the inhabitants of Sparta from luxury and expence. In effeft, as Plutarch judicioufly obferves, there is no man fo fooliih as to carry into houfes fo coarfely built as thofe I fpeak of, either ftately beds, purple coverlets and tapeftry, veifels of gold and filver, or, in a word, any kind of magnificence^. The pleafures and amufements of the Spartans were anfwerable to all this. Their diverfions were the moft ferious and of the leaft variety. The Spartans knew no amufements but hunting and the different exercifes of the body; and under this name I comprehend dancing, which was, properly fpcaking, amongfl: thefe people only a kind of military exercife 2. The Spartans had alfo a kind of mufic; but very hmpie, not to fay very rude^. Befides, all that can properly be calletl pleafures and amufements were banilhed Sparta '. They would not even permit theatrical reprefentations ^^ which were the delight of all the other cities of Greece. The private and particular occupations of the Spar- tans were, if poflible, more limited and more reilrained than were their pleafures and amufements. The citizens <3 pint. t. X. p. 50, S17, 1^9.; Xenoph. p. 198. 5 vElim. var. hift. I. 14. c. 7, ^ Pint, in Lycurg. p. 47.- f Ibid. E Pkit. p, S4- j Xenoph. p. jp;, h Pint. p. S4-j Arid, de rep. 1. 8. c. 5.; (^nntjliaO. inftit. 1. ;. c. 10. j jElian. 1. IX. c. 50. i Plain de leg. 1. I. p. 775. F. •i Plut. inftit. Lac. p. 339. D d a . of 1 1 2 Manners and Cujlmns. Book VL of Sparta, could know neither domellic economy, nor bufmefs, nor lavv-fuits, as all their goods were in common, and as befides they never meddled with com- merce, every kind of traffic being exprefsly forbid them 1. This is not all ; they could exercife no me- chanic art, not even cultivate their lands. This care was left entirely to llaves ^. As to the fciences and belles letters, we know that they never were held in honour artionglt the Spartans. Thefe people learn- ed nothing but what was abfolutely neceiTary to be known for the neceffities of civil life ". We may there- fore affirm, that the Spartans, according to the inten- tion of Lycurgus, were extremly idle the grcateft part of their lives. Accordingly, we fee that they pafled their time in difcourfe, and converfmg in the common halls, where they aflembled every day on that account »; and even the fubjefh of their converfations was limited and regulated by the- laws. They could only treat of certain matters p. Such was the life of the Lacedaemo- nians, which gave room for this bon mot fo famous in antiquity. They boafted to Alcibiadcs, the contempt which the Lacedaemonians fliewed for death. " I do *' not wonder at it," faid he ; " it is the only means they " have of freeing themfelves of that perpetual irkfome- " nefs and conftraint which is caufed by the life they are " obliged to lead "." The Spartans were condemned to that fad and r'lftere lire from the inftant of their birth. For fathers and mothers were not intrufted with the education of their children. They were obliged to place them as foon as born in the hands of a certain nuniber of perfons appointed to the care of their bringing up. All the children of Sparta were, in confcquence, fed, clothed, and lodged, in a word, brought up in a uni- form manner. Nothing, moreover, could be more hard and rigid than the education they received. They • Sec fupra, bopk 4. chap. 3. p. lyp. fn Pint, in Lyt urg. p. 54.. j ,iLliaii. var. liifK I. 13. c. 15. " Pint, in Lycurg. p. 50. o Ibid. p. 54, & JJ. P Sec Pint, il.'id. p. 45, 51, 5<;. <5 JEliin. var hid, 1. 13. c 3S, Sec alfo Athcn. 1. 4. r. 6. p. 1 35. ne ve r Book VI. Mminers and Ci'Jioms . 213 never allowed them more than one very flight and very ilender meal, fcarcefufficienttofupportthem. They were forced to go continually without flioes and flockings, covered in all feafons with a fimple cloak. For the mofl part, they were even forced to perform their exercifes entirely naked. They were befides very ill lodged, and deprived of every kind of amufement and recreation, which is cuflomary to allow youth. In fchool they continually propofed grave queftions, which they were obliged to anfv\^er juftly and quickly. If not, they might cxpe6t to be puniflied grievoufly, and without mercy. It is thus that children at Sparta v/ere held in perpetual confinement and conftraint, without being able to find any place where they might be a fmgle moment with- out fomebody after them to check and to chailife fe- verely even the flighteft faults'". The pedantic rigour of the Spartan difcipline had but too much influence on the manners of the inhabitants. It had made them contract a harPn and fevere character, let us even fav a fierce and cruel one. I need brino^ no other proof of it than the behaviour of the Spartans to their Haves, fo well known in antiquity by the name of Helots *. They treated them with more hardnefs and barbarity than a civilized nation would treat brute beafts f- Their mailers were exprefsly forbid to give them their liberty, or to fell them out of the territory of Laconia'. The Spartans carried their cruelty fo far, as to oblige the Helots to receive a certain number of lafnes every year, without having deferved them, only with a vicv/ of keeping them in mind of their obedience. If any one •■ Xenoph. de rep. Laced, p, 393, 51^4, 35J. ; Pliit. in Lycurg. p. 45, 50, $1.; Cicero, Tufciil. 1. 1. n. 14. ' The origin of the n-inie Helots was probaMy this. IIelo« was an ancient city of Laconia, which, under feme pvetCixe, the Spartans attacked, and, on their he- coming maflers of it, they reduced all the inhabitants of it to flavery. Tlie Spartans, in proce's of rime, by new conqnefts mnkinn new fi3ve=, they called them all Hckt-. TliU? this particular name became a general denomination for all who were afterwards reduced to fiavery amongfl the Spartans. Sec Acad, des infcript. t. 13. m. p. i8i. f See Piut. in I.ycnrg. p. 57.; A*,! :n. J. 6. p. 171. A. 1. 14. p. 657. ' Acad, des ini'cript. r. 13. M. c. :7s. 9^ % 1 4 Manners and Cii/ioms. Book VI. of thefe unhappy flaves feemed, by his advantageous mien, or the beauty of his (hape, to rife above the con- dition he was born in, they put him to death; and his mafter was fined, in order that he might take care, that, by his ill treatment of the reft: of his flaves, none of them might thereafter offend the eyes of the Spartans by their exterior quahties. A cap and a coat of dogs fkin was all the clothing of the Helots. They could punifli them for the fmalleft: fault; and however inhu- mane was the treatment they met with, thefe unhappy ilaves had no power to reclaim the authority of the laws. Such v/as the excefs of their mifery, that they were at the fame time the flaves of the public and of private people. They were lent in common. In fine, for the height of contumely and abafement, the Helots were often forced to drink to intoxication, and in that condition were expofed to the eyes of the young peo- ple, in order to infpire them with horror for a vice which fo much degrades human nature. The Spartans even often joined perfidy to cruelty to deftroy thefe unhappy viclims, when their number in- creafmg too much gave caufe to fear their undertaking fome enterprife. Hillory informs us, for example, that, on a certain occafion, the Lacedaemonians, anxious a- bout the number of Helots which were difperfed •throughout the ftate, and feeking to get rid of them without riik, pretended to give freedom to many of them, in order, as they faid, to incorporate them after- wards in the troops. Under this pretext, they gave cut, that the moft robuft and molt valiant of the Helots liad only to prefent themfelves to be inrolled. On this news, a multitude affcmbled full of courage and of good-will. Amongft thofe who offered themfelves, they picked out two thoufand whom they regarded as the moft; capable of any great enterprife. They crown- ed them on the fpot with flowers, and led them in great pomp into the temples oC Sparta ; but foon after thefe ' two Book VL Manners and Cnjloms. 1 1 5 two thoufand Helots difappeared, without its ever being known what became of them ". On another occafion, fome Helots, condemned to death for we know not what crime, took refuge at Tasnaros, a promontory of Laconia, where Neptune had a temple greatly revered. The ephori were not afraid to drag them thence, and lead them to execu- tion. That adion has appeared fliocking even to pro- fane authors. They all looked upon the earthquake which then happened, the moft horrible that had been heard of, as the efFecl of the refentment of Neptune a- gainft the Spartans, who had dared to violate the afylum of Tasnaros ■^. What fhall we fay, in fine, of that abominable inftl- tution, defigned in ancient authors under the name of the ambufcade? Here is their account of it. From time to time, thofe who were appointed to govern the youth of Sparta, chofe out amongit their pupils fome of thofe who appeared the boldefl and mod prudent. They armed them with poniards, and gave them neceflary vidluals for a certain number of days. In this plight, they fent thefe young people to beat the fields each on his own fide. Thefe fcouts, thus difperfed, had orders to hide themfelves in the day-time, in covered places or caverns. As foon as night came, they quitted their ambufcades, and took the high roads, where they ilaughtered all the Helots they met; a cruelty by fo much the more eafy to commit, as the wretches they attacked were not allowed to carry arms. Sometimes even thefe alTaiTms marched in plain day-light, and kil- led fuch of the Helots as appeared the itrongeft and moll robufl y The cruelty and treachery which the Lacedemonians ufed towards their flaves, was alfo very familiar to them towards all whom they thought it their intereft to op- prefs. 1 have cited a very (triking example of it in the " Thucydi^. 1. 4. n. 80. p. sS;.; Diod. 1. u. p. jij. ; Plut. in Lycurg. p. ^ Acad, des infcript. hco at. p. 475. >' Pint, in Lycurg. p. 3CJ. Sec alfo Athcn. I. 14. p. (5,7. preceding 2 1 6 Manners and Cujioms, Book VI. preceding book ^. But it may not be improper to pro- duce fome others. Alcibiades, whofc courage and capacity were known to the Lacedaemonians, had been obliged to go feek an afylum v/ith the younger Cyrus, brother of Artaxerxes, King of Perfia. He was not long there without pene- trating the fecret defigns of this prince, and difcovering the objed: of the preparations he faw him make. Taken Vi^ with the means of raifmg his opprefled country, Al- cibiades thought he fhould infallibly fucceed, if he could inform Artaxerxes of the projefts which Cyrus plotted againft him. In effeft, a difcovery of that importance could not have failed to conciliate the favour of the monarch, and he would have undoubtedly obtained the fuccours he had need of for the re-eflabliihment of the affairs of Athens. Full of thefe ideas, Alcibiades took the road to Perfia. But the Lacedaemonians advertifed of the motives of his journey, and convinced that their affairs were ruined without refource if they did not find means of getting rid of Alcibiades, they employed for that end the blacked of all villanies. This great man was then in the government of Pharnabazus. The Lacedaemonians wrote to that fatrap, to engage him to deliver to them, at any price whatloever, an enemy fo formidable. Pharnabazus, gained over by their offers and their promifes, ferved them to their wifli, and caufed Alcibiades to be affal^lnated^ The manner in which the Lacedaemonians ufed the advantages they had obtained over the Athenians in the Peloponnciian war, were alone fufficient to cover them for ever with infamy and difgrace. In that city, fo dear to all Greece, they exercifed the molt horrible cruelty. Tiiey put to death, fays Xenophon, more perfons in eight months of peace than the enemies had killed in thirtv vears of war '^. All that then remained at Athens z Chip. 1. p. 177. See alfo Lilian, var. Iiifl. 1. 6. chap. 7. " Cornel. Ncpos, in AKibi.;d. n. 5. Sec; Diod. I. 14. p. C47. ; Pint, in Al- cil.i-J. p. 11?. ; Jiidin. I. ?. c. 8. I) Xfiiopii, dc rcb. ^^li, Gi*c. 1. a. p. 178. of Book VI. Manners and Cnjioms, iiy of perfons of any diftin^lion, left it to fcek fome where an afylum where they might Hve in fafety The Lace- daemonians had the inhumanity to endeavour to de- prive thefc unhappy fugitives of that laft refort. They forbade by a pubhc ediil: the cities of Greece to give them flicker, commanded that they ihould deUver them to the thirty tyrants who then ravaged Athens, and condemned to a fine whofoever fliould oppofe the exe- cution of this cruel edift ", The conduch which the Lacedaemonians, nearly about the fame time, obferved with regard to Syracufe, proves ilill better with that fpirit what people was ani- matedj and what were the fundamentals of their policy. The Syracufans were then difputing their liberty againit Dionylius the tyrant, and had juli received a confider- able check. In thefe circumflances, the Lacedeemonians deputed one of their citizens to Syracufe, in appearance to teitify the part they took in the misfortune of that town, and to offer fuccours; but in reality to ftrengthen Dionyfius in the refolution of maintaining himfelf, and bringing his cnterprife to an ilfue, hoping that this prince once become powerful would be of great ufe to them for the future ^ In fine, Herodotus fays plainly, fpeaking of the Lacedeemonians, that thofe who knew the genius of that people, knew well that their adlions commonly contradicted their words, and that they could in no manner be trufled ^. What ideas mull fuch traits as thefe give us of the characler of the Lacedaemonians ? I pafs over in filence a reproach that might be made them on flill better grounds for their barbarity to their children Every year a feafl was celebrated in honour of Diana, and then all the children of Sparta were whipped till the blood ran down upon the altars of that inhuman goddefs. What brutality! thus to lacerate the bodies of thefe innocent viftims, under pretence of accufloming them to fupport pain without impatience? c Diod. 1. 14. p. 541, &c. ;. Juflin. I. 5. c 9. ; Plat, in Lyfandr. p. 448. d Diod. i. 14. p. 646. * L. 9. n. J3. Vol. in. E e They 2 1 8 Maimers and Cujlonu, Book VI. They carried it to fuch excefs, that fome were often feen to expire in that cruel ceremony. It was perform- ed in prefdnce of all the city, mider the eye of fathers and mothers, who beholding their children all covered with blood-fores, and ready to give up the ghofl:, ex- horted them to endure the number of hdhes that were to be inflidedf, without fending forth a cry, or giving the lead fign of pain. What name fnall we give to this pretended fortitude ? What, moreover, fliall we think of that obftinate and exafperated animofity with which the youth of Sparta fought with each other on certain days of the year? TlTey divided themfelves into two bands, which repair- ed by different roads to a certain place before agreed upon. The fignal given, thefe young people fell upon each other tooth and nail, hand and foot, kicking, cuf- fing, and biting with all their force, and even tearing out each other's eyes. " You fee them," fays Paufanias, " fight it defperately, fometimes one againit one, fome- " times by little bands, fometimes, in fme, all together, " each troop making the utmoft efforts to drive back ^ *' the other, and overthrow it in the water which fur- ^' rounded the field of battle «." Again, what Ihall we fay of that more than inhuman courage, with which, at Sparta, a mother received tlic news of the death of her children flain in battle? That lofs not only extorted no fear, but it even caufed a cer- tain joy and fatisfadion, which Ihe haflcned to Ihew in public ''. Thefe fame women, however, teflified the greatelt dejedion and moll abjeft pufillanimity, when they faw Epaminondas, after v/inning the battle of Leudra, march ffraight to Sparta. They ran up and down all in defpair, tilling the air v.'ith lamentable cries, and caufed more diforder and confufion than the ene- mies themfelves ■. What was then become of that fe- rocious courage, and that barbarous offentation, with which the Spartan women delighted to infult nature on f Cicero, Tufciil. I. i. n. 14.; Nicho!. Dimafccn. in excerpt. V..Lf. p. 51;. ; Pint, in Lycurg. p. 51. ; Pauf. 1. 3. c. 16. « L. 3. c. 14. '> Pliit. in Agelil. p. 612.; -^lian. var. hiO. J. \%. c. 15. 5 Xeiiopii. Ji: rcb. gc(t. Gr. 1. 6. p. 370. ; Pint, in Agtf:!. p. Cij. C. fuch Book VI. Manners and CifjJoms. •219 fuch Ill-timed occafions as tliofe which informed them of the lofs of their children ? I cannot alfo omit taking notice of that examination which they made, at Sparta, into the conRitutions of new-born children. As foon as a boy was born, he was carried into a certain place where he was vifited by the elders of each tribe. If he appeard to them to be delicate, weak, in a word, of a conflitution which did not promife, in appearance, firm and vigorous health, they condemned him to perifli without pity, and he was thrown direftly into a quagmire fituated at the foot of the mountain Taygeta ^. What has been faid is, I think, fufficient to prove, that on all occafions the Spartans feeni to have been bent to ftlfle the voice of nature and the cries of huma- nity, often even in contradiction to all reafon and pru- dence. In effed, we are taught by experience, that many children whom it was thought impoflible to rear for feme days after their birth, have enjoyed, as they grew up, the firmed and moil robuft itate of health. Without going from Sparta, we have a convincing proof of this in the perion of Agefilaus. This prince, who was born lame, and came into the world with a complexion fo feeble and fo delicate in appearance, that they had no hopes of being able to rear him; Age- filaus notwithftanding lived four-fcore and four years ; and in the courfe of that career, what fervices did he not render his country '? The auflerity, and, if I dare call it fo, the pedantry of the lavv's of Lycurgus, might make us believe that chaftity was one of the principal virtues which he had taken care to inculcate into his people; but in this re- fpe£l we fhould be greatly miflaken. How aftonifliing is it to fee, that this famous legiflator had not fo much as thought of making public decency and decorum re- fpeclable? To what a degree mud not the ufe of public baths, common to men and women, have been deftruc- k Plijt. loco e'lt. p. 49. 1 See Plut. in AgcfiL E e 2 tive !j20 Manners and Cujloms. Book VI. live of all modefly, baflifulnefs, and decency of behavi- our'"? xA.nd then thofe plays where young perfons of both fejfes fought naked againft each other, and danced promifcuoully in the fame condition"? What confe- quences had not jill this on the manners of the Spartan -^vomen? They were vitious and dilfolute to fuch a height, that the ancients have reproached the Spartans as Ihamefully diftinguifned by their debauchery from all the other people of Greece °; debauchery, moreover, authorifed by the very lav/s of Lycurgus. This legilla- tor feems to have iludied to find means of abolilhing all the ideas which fliould be entertained of conjugal fidelity. An old man, for example, who had a young and handfome wife, might, without offending decency or the laws, offer her to a wellrmade and robult young man. And this old man was allowed to own and bring up as his own, the child that fprung from that adultery. This was not all. A lufty, well-fliaped young fellow that faw another have a handfome and agreeable wife, might demand the hufband's permiffion to have dealings with her, under the pretext of giving the (late children, who fliould be well made and of good conftitution; and a huiband was not at liberty to rejeft fuch a demand?. In a word, the Lacedaemonians mutually lent their wives with the utm-ofl: eafe, and without the fmallefi: de- licacy q. Their hiftory furnifhes an event on this fuh-^ jecl which 1 think fingu^ar in its kind. In the war which the Lacedaemonians declared againft the Meffenians, they bound themfelves by the moil ter- rible oaths, not to return to Sparta till they were re- venged for the injury they had received. That war drew into length, and the Spartans had already been 'Ti Acad, (les infciipt. t. i. II. p. ict. n Pint. p. 47, & 48. o Arift. (if rep. 1 i c. 9 p. 319 Euripides gives the Spartan women the epithet of Avoa'>tts<»Me, va'-A cif-ijijjimc nppctcn/es, Androoi. v. 595. Thcodor'^' rcpr"achc<; thini witli havirx^ " been fiil/icft to fati'fy their con(btutior\ vvi;h ^'•whonafoevcr they thou>;ht ^ood." Dc ciirand. Giic. afft£lion. feft. 10. p. P Xenop de rep Lac. p. jo?-; I''"'- in r.vcnrg. p. 49.; in >vU''i.i, p. 76. <\ Wiiol. Darrafccn. in c.\tipt. Y'"''^'^ P- i.-'^. ten Book VI. Manners and Ciiftomu 121 ten years before Meflene, without being any thing far- ther forward. They began then to apprehend that a long- er abfence would infenfibly unpeople their city. To ob- viate this inconvenience, they took the ilrange refolu- tion of fending back to Sparta, all thofe who had joined the army fmce their taking the above-mentioned oath, and to abandon to them the wives of the other Spar- tans who were bound to remain before Meflene *. Thofe who fprung from that illegitimate commerce, were c?^.\cd Partbenians ; a name expreflive of the origin and caufe of their birth ^ The known indecency of drefs of the Spartan wo- men, was a natural confequence of the bad education they received, and of the little care that was taken to infpire them with thofe fentiments of modefty and re- ferve fo becoming in the fex Their robes were made in fuch a manner that they could not move a flep with- out difcovering their legs, and even their thighs'^; an immodeity exclaimed againfh by all writers of anti- quity ^ Arillotle wifely obferves, that the little regard they had at Sparta for baflifulnefs and decorum, was the fource of all the diforders that reigned in that city ". In the Andromache of Euripides, Peleus reproaches Menelaus with being the caufe of the diflblute condutl jof Helen by the bad education he had given her ^. 1 hefe women however, fuch as they were, governed • JuRjn. 1. ?. c. 4. fays very plainly, that it was on the complaint of f clr wives who by no means agreed with fo long a widowhood, that the Spartans •; ok. the refbliition I fpeak of. See alfo Strabo, I. 6. p. 417, & 418. f Juftin. I. 3. c. 4.; Diod. 1. 15. p. S4- ; Strabo, 1. 6. p. 4x7, & 428. ; Servhj ad ytneid. 1. 3. v. 55 1. ( Virg. ./Lneid. 1. i. v. 315, 310.; P!iit, p 76, & 77. t See Pliu. in Numa, p, 75, & 77. j Clem. Alex, pxdag. I. a. p. 138.; 1 oJ- liix. 1. 7. c. 13. fe^m. sj. " De rep. 1, i.e. 9. p. 318. 5^ A£l. 3. fccn. *. verf. 595, &c. Wa might conclude from this faft, that the diforder of the women of Sparta was as old as the mod ancient ages of Greece : and I am much inclined to believe it. Perhaps abb Euripides nukes Ptdeus fpeak on that o.calion only relatively to the indecency which reigned in the rnanners of tlie Spartans when that tragedy was compofed. Howevi-r tliat may lie, Lycurgiis is extremely blanieabie for not having remedied that difordcr, and 4k». havingj on thv; c^nitrary, authorifed it by his l3*s. 222 Manners and Cujloms* Book VI. the minds of their hufbands with the mofl: abfolute do- minion. They not only ruled in their own houfes, but alfo the whole ftate. The Spartans communicated to their wives the clofeft and moft important fecrets of the ftate. They even did it with lefs referve than thofe would converfe with their hufbands on their private and domeftic affairs y. Accordingly Ariftotle afferts, that it was never poffible to reform and regulate the man- ners of the Spartan women, becaufe of the too great afccndant they had acquired over their hufbands ^ : an afcendant the more aftonifliing, as the Spartans, like ail the Greeks, appear to have been fmgularly addifted to that abominable paffion, as unnatural as oppofite to the mere light of nature ^ Yet the fex at Sparta was in general very beautiful ^ Let us fum up, from all we have faid, the general and ruling character of the Lacedsemonians. Thele were, without contradiction, the braveft, the moft war- like, the beft fkilled in the art military, the moft politic, the firmeft in their maxims, and moft conftant in their defigns, of all the people of Greece: but at the fame time they were an imperious and auftere people, .de- ceitful, intraflable, haughty, cruel, and perfidious ; ca- pable, in a word, of facrificing every thing to ambition and to intereft, and holding in contempt the fine arts and the fciences. Accordingly Lycurgus appears to have been folely occupied with the care of ftrengthen- jng their bodies, and to have entirely neglected the forming of their hearts, and cultivation of their minds. Let us not therefore wonder that the character of the Lacedssmonians, naturally rugged and auftere, often degenerated into ferocity ; a vice which fprung from their education, and which alienated the good-will of all their allies. A people who paffed their whole lives in correding or being corrected by others ^^ in giving T Arid, de rep. 1. i.e. 9.; Plut. in Lycurg. p. 47, 58.; in N'lima, p. 77.; In Aj;id. & Cleoni. p. 798. z .S;e Pint, in Lycurg. p. 50, & ji. ; Xenoph, He rep. Laced, p. jpy. » Td. ibid t> Athcn. I. 13. p. 166. '^ Sec Xenoph. dc rep. Laced, p. 394, 39s, & 396. ; Plut. in Lycurg. p. 46. S3> SN S>- J Mciirf. mifccUa ix. Lac. 1. i. c. 3. grave Book VI. Manners and Cujloms, il^ grave precepts, or receiving them from rigid cenfors, ■who always mingled aufterity with their lellbns ; fuch a people, 1 fay, could never contract a mild and humane behaviour, or render their private converfation agree- able, In a w^ord, the Spartans feem to have been ob- ftinately blind to the moll valuable endowments of hu- man nature ''. Such were the manners, fuch the genius of a people admired by all antiquity, and propofed by profane authors as a model of wifdom and virtue. Sparta, moreover, offers a very ftriking example of the facility with which men run always into extremes. When, by the vidories of Lyfander, the ufe of gold and filver was introduced into that republic, and had banifhed the ancient aufterity of manners, then did thefe famous Spartans directly abandon themfelves to all the excelTes of luxury and debauchery. The fofteft and moll magnificent beds, the eafieft and moil deli- cate cufhions, the moft exquifite wines and perfumes, the nicell meats, the richell and higheft wrought plate, the rarefl and moft fuperb tapeflry, none of thefe were too good for the Spartans ^. Nothing befides could appeafe their infatiable cupidity. It was then a prove b in Greece, that gold and filver were indeed feen to en- ter Sparta, but no one ever faw thefe metals return. ARTICLE II. Of the Athenians, '' i 'HE manners of the Athenians offer the moft *- ftriking and dired contrafl: with thofe of the La- jcedsemonians. It were even difficult to find a wider difference between any two cities, however diffant, than was in the character and common cuftoms of civil life araongft the Athenians and the Lacedssmonians. Thefe rf See Arift, de rep. I, 8. c. 4. ° See Athen, I. 4. p, 141, & 14J, ; Pint, in Agid. Sc Cleom. p. 79$. two 2:24 Mdnfiers and Cufto7iis, Book VI. two cities were neverthelefs near enough neighbours^ and made equaliy a part of one and the fame nation. 13ut by To much as mens aftions and even their thoughts, if we may fay fo, were condrained and limit- ed at Sparta, by fo much were they free and indepen- dent at Athens In a word, thefe two republics were acl:uated by views altogether oppofite, anc: by principles entirely different. The reader will foon fee a very plain proof of this, in the few details which I {hall give of the manners and cultoms of the Athenians. An Athenian was free to feed, clothe, and lodge him- felf as he M'ould, He was alfo at liberty to give him- felf to any art or fcience that he thought proper. In. fine, the choice of his occupations Vy'as not regulated or reflrained by any law. He might pafs his time in the manner that appeared to him the mofi: convenient, provided it was not in abfolute idlenefs In this refpecc Athens and Laceda;mon thought very differently of the private life and daily employments ot their citizens. We have feen, that Lycurgus had forbid the Spartans to ap- ply to any mechanic art, to bufy themfelves with any domeftic economy, and even to cultivate the fciences. By this means he had impofed the hard neceffity of palling the greateft part of their hves in idlenefs and want of work. Solon, more enlightened than Lycur- gus, had, on the contrary, been fenfible, that fioth and too much leifure are more to be feared than all the vices that can reign in a flate. It was to prevent the in- trodudion of thofe that he appointed the Areopagus to watch the private conduct of the inhabitants of Athens, and to take cognifance of the means which individuals employed for their fubfiflence. This legillator had even ordained punilhments for thofe who Ihould pafo their lives in entire idlenefs f. The effeft of a police fo wife and fo attentive, was the flourifliing at Athens of the fine arts, of manufac- turers, of commerce, of navigation, fciences, eloquence, in liiort, of all the knowledge which can advantageoufly ( Pint in Lye irg. p. 545 in Soion. p. 9c. E. ; :n Apophthegm. Lac. p. aii.C. diftinguifli Book Vt^ Mannefi Und Cdjlom. 225 diftiriguilh a nation. But at the fame time, the great tidies introduced into ^Ithens by arts and commerce, produced the lame eifechs that they have always pro- duced amongft all nations. I would lay an exceilive mclination for pageantry, luxury, and magnificence, joined to an extreme love ot pleafure and fenfuality, Athens, after Solon's tiriie, very foon became a volup- tuous city, and its inhabitants yielded but too readily to the allurements of fenfual pleafure. The tables of rich and opulent perfons were ferved \Yith exquiiite luxury. The extenfive coinmefce of the Athenians enabled them, as Xenophon remarks, to live toluptuoully, and to procure all the delicacies which foreign countries could then fupply e. We muft how- ever do julUce to this people. It appears, that, in ge- neralj the Athenians were rather dainty and delicate, than addi^led to gluttony and drunkennefs. I do not find in antiquity, that they w6re ever taxed with com- mitting exceffes in eating and drinking; we can even aifert, that the commoii people were fober and frugaP'. Let us fay further, that among the Athenians the great- eft feftai pleafure confiiled in a fCow of learned, fprlght- ly, and polite conveffatiort, as agreeable, in a word, as ufeful and interelting. • The banquet of Plato and that of Xenophon give us a model of the ordinary table-talk of the Athenians, and it is thus that they prevented the two extremes of licentious mirth and irkfome weari* nefs", w^hich prefide but too often at moll long meals. To the charms of converfation, the Athenians added, in their repafts, that of liftenmg to the recital of fome poetical performance, or of hearing fome fkilful mufi- cian ^^■.t\g-, accompanied with his lyre; often even they introduced male and female dancers into their banquet- ting-room. Mufic and dancing, among thefe people, made one of the principal and moil ufual entertain- ments at their feafts. For the reif, we know, that the g De rep. Athen. p 40;. h See Potter Archeolog. 1 4. c. 18. p. 743. ; Cafaubon. in not. ad Athen. 1. Vol. III. F f women 2 26 ' Mannen and Ciijloms, Book VI, women did not eat with the men ', and that fupper was the favourite meal of the Athenians ^. Let us add, that they eat crowned with flowers, and lying upon beds >. The Athenians were very magnificent and curious in their drefs. They wore long robes of linen extremely fine, dyed purple or other precious colours ^. Beneath thefe robes they had tunics of various forms and kinds'*. Their fingers v/ere loaded with jewels and rings of great price. They wore magnificent girdles, rich and ele* gant buikins ». Their hair was very artfully arranged, curled, and laid back round the forehead by hooks of gold, made in the form of graihoppers p. For the reft, it does not appear, that the Athenians were in ufe to cover their heads, or that they wore any thing that could ferve for that purpofe ^. This luxury and mag- nificence of drefs extended even to the Haves. Xeno- phon tells us, that a citizen of Athens could fcarce be at all diflinguiflied from a flave by the richnefs of his clothing, or by any other external mark ^ We have feen in the fecond part of this work, that anciently the Greeks went always armed. The Athe- nians were the firft who renounced that barbarous and ferocious cuftom. From the time that they believed public fafety and tranquillity well eflabliflied in their If ate, they ceafed to go continually girded with a fvvord, and no longer v/ore it, except when going to war f. The ladies of Athens were very careful of their drefs, and commonly employed the w4iole morning in it. Their toilette confifted of numerous articles. They made ufe of paint, and of all fuch drugs as they ima- gined proper to cleanfe and beautify the ikin. They took alfo great care of their teeth, blackened their eye- brows, and applied red to their lips. 'Ihe art of com- i r.es Liician. Plutarrli, &c, k Pht. Xcn. Plut. &:c. I Potter Archeolog. I, 4. c. i:>. >» Thiirydid. I. i. p. . o Ploto, ibid. P Thncydid. Clem. Alex. Athen. hco ct. 1 See Luf~iin in A.narharfi, n. 16. ' V'-. v.-p. Athcn. p. 403. r Thucyjid. I. i, p. 6. n. 5. pofing Book VI. Jslamicn and CnJloms)€ iiy pofing head-drefies, was their principal occupation. They employed the mofl precious eJfiTcnces in perfuming their hair, which they commonly dyed black or Ibme other colour, and then arranged in various curls by tneans of hot irons. A part of it was laid back and dif- pofed upon the forehead, the rell was fuifered to flow loofe, and play negligently upon the fnoulders. The" drefs of the legs and feet of the Athenian ladies was alfo extremely neat and elegant. As to their clothes, they were compofed of extremely light and fine fluffs. They took care to have their robes always clofe upon the bofom, and that they (hould advantageouily fhew the fhape ^ We do not find ^vith all this, that the women of A- thens were ever reproached in antiquity with the fame indecency of drefs, the fame depravation of manners, or the fame ambition as the wamen of Sparta. As to this laft article, efpecially, it does not appear, that the Athe- nian women had any influence in the government of the ftate. I hey lived, in general, very retired in their apartments, fcarce ever appearing in public, and with- out having any free communication with men, a cuflom which had place amongft moil of the people of Greece. I have (hewn elfewhere, that, amongft the AtheiVi- ans, the external architecture of their houfes could nor have any great appearance or fplqndor ". But, in the infide, they were highly liniihed and very voluptuous. The rich fpared nothing to procure themfelves, in that refpeft, all the conveniencies and all the omsments pof- fible. They had large gardens within their walls, dii- pofed in the moft commodious manner for the differ- ent bodily exercifes, fuch as wreflling, running, &c. in which the Athenians greatly employed thcmielvcv. They had alfo bathing-rooms, with all that belonged to them necelfary for refining upon that pleafurc ''. Tiie tafte which the Athenians had for painting, fcuip'nr.!, and, in general, for all the arts of luxury and delight,, does not permit us to doubt, that their apartments vvpr- * IL.ucian. Amor. n. 39, & 40. " Supra, book 1. c. 3. p. 87. *■ Xcroph, dc rep, Athen. p, 40J. F f 2 furnlfiicii 2^8 planners and GuJio?)is. Book VI. furnilhed with piftures, flatues, and rich veffels. We know alfo, that part of the hixury and fumptuoufr.ei's of thele people confided in the bcanty and richnefs of the beds and of tlie carpets which they fpread upon their floors and their feats. Ahhough the marine was the principal pccupatlon of the inhabitants of Athens, and men of all ranks took upon them to handle the oar ^, yet was this people by no means afiecicd with that roughnefs which feamen are generally accufed of. On the contrary, nothing is more celebrated in antiquity, than the politenefs of the Athenians: a polit^nefs which reached even to ■ tlic dregs of the people . I'he Atticifmdilfinguilhed the inhabi- tants of Athens, as much as the urbanity did afterwards diitinguifli the inhabitants of Rome. 1 own, however, that it is difficult to find that politenefs and that delicacy of tafte fo boafledofjin thofepbfcenities which were conti- nually heard in the theatre of Athens. The comedies of Anifophanes are full of grofs images, which amonglf us the rnoil impudent and diflblute man would be a- ihained of. I (hall fay the fame of thofe bitter railleries, of thofe grofs and indecent fallies which were uttered iu the public aifemblies. Nothing is more diftant from the idea which we muff naturally form of polite- nefs, than the manner in which -^^Ifchines and Demof- thenes treat each other in their harangues. They inter- change the mofl atrocious abufe. 1 ihould think, moreover, that thefe faults niay be attributed to tlie form of government of Athens. In republics men eahly agree to look upon unbound- ed headlong liberty as the mofl precious attribute of hum.anity. ' They ufually make perfctl equality conf.H: in unlimited freedom of fpeech. This fentiment always imprints on republican fpirits a certain afperity which mull necellarily affecl the manners 1 have already told the reader, that there were feY«' towns in Greece where the tafte for pleafure was m.ore lively than at Athens. They were palfionately fond ol fi-'auing, I'lmting, nuific, dancing, and particularly c . ■ Xei,.ofih. I'e rcr. ..Vtbcn. p. 4-.'4. ' thrntiical ■gook VI. Manners and Cufcoms* ?^Z9 theatrical reprefentatlons. The Athenians had alfo Or ther forts ot public fpedacics. Thefe were the parades and religious proceiiions whichi op certain days of ths year were made with great cereii)ony, pomp, and mag- nificence. The gay youth of Athens had alfo their par- ticular taftes, as is ui'ual in all rich and opulent cities; they were fond of fplendid frolics, ot uncomiiion kind$ of dogs, of having fine horfcs and many of them; of keeping courtei'ans and female dancers ^. Ihe children of Pififtratus were accufed of introducing into Athens a tafte for debauchery and libertinifm ". The courtefan^ however were in great favour in the tim.e of Solon''. It was, to fpeak of it by the by, the only idea the Ather nians had of gallantry. For never did the Greeks know real love, nor any thing belonging to it Their hearts and minds were abfolutely abandoned to that dc- teilable paflion fo totally oppofite to the tafle for wo- men % with whom, befides, the men lived not in dc- meflic fociety. We mufl allow, however, that notwithftanding the diforders of the youth, inevitable in great cities, de- cency of manners and public decorum were very mucU refpefted at Athens. A citizen who had been feen to enter a tavern to eat and drink, was dillionoured for ever. No more was neceifary to caufe a fenator to be baniflied from the Areopagus ''. An archon convicted pf being drunk, v;as for the firft time condemned to a heavy fine, and in cafe of relapfe, was puniilied with death ^. Hiflory has even handed down t\To remark-. able examples of the refpecf which the Athenians had for public decency and modefty In the war which Phihp King of Macedcn carried on agair.fi: them, one of his couriers was feized. They read all the letters he parried, except thofe which Queen Olympia the wife cf z 3cc riut. in Alcibiaa. ; Athen 1. ii. p. sji. '^ Arhen. ibid. Pififtratus was cotemporary v>ich Solor.. b Athtn. 1. I 3. p. s6p. c t^ee Herodot. 1. i. n. 135.; Pint in Solon, p. 79. in Themi'T. eC Alcibiaci.- ■pa^.'n.; Cicero l^ilciil. C>iii(h 1. 4. n. ^3.; \^w\i.n pafjlm. ; Atiien. 1. 1 3. p 55.;, & 6ci. ; Menag. in not. ad. Diog. iii. I. i. n 57 ; FolUx, 1,3, c. 0. fegm. 80. Pliilin 230 Manners and Cii/ioiin. Book VL Philip had wrote him. Thofe the Athenians fent back to that prince with the feals unbroken, being flopped from opening them by the confideration of the rcfpe£l which is due to the fecrets which may be between hufband and wife ^ The fame Athenians having or- dered, that ftrid fcarch iliould be made after the pre- fents which Harpalus, by order of Phihp, had diftribut- ed to the orators of the city, they did not permit the houfe of Calhcles, who was then newly married, to be fearched, and that out of refped for his fpoufe, who was then lodged there «. I forgot to put in the number of the common plca- fures of the Athenians, that of their walks, the chief dehght of which always confided in the charms of con- verfation. I iliall moreover remark, that what we call play in our days, was fcarce known at all to the an- cients; and that is a very notable difference between their manners and ours. I'heir walks, and their various bodily exercifes, fcrved them in place of it. Befides, as 1 have faid, they did not live with the ladies. As to the particular occupations of the Athenians, they cannot have failed of them. Commerce alone, to which they were greatly addifted, fufficed to fill up a great part of their time. A good deal too was en> ployed in foliciting and conducing their affairs; for thefe people were fond of chicane and law-fuits''. They were obhged, befides, to carry on intrigues to pay their court, and to inftruft themfelves in the private and public interefls of the ftate, fince every citizen of A- thens had a fliare in the government of the republic. For this reafon it is, that eloquence was fbhiglily ho- noured amongfl the people. It was eloquence that led the way to thehighelt offices, that ruled inthe alfcmblies, in a word, that decided every thing, and gave an almoft io- vereign power to thofe who polfelfed the talent of fine fpeaking. To the ftudy of rhetoric, the Athenians ulii- aily joined that of philofophy, anvl under that deno* f riut. in Demofih. p. 898. ! Frl. iLid. p. Sj^. '> Sec the wafps ot Ariflojih-snrs, anJ C^lri'.b'^D. iij Atli-ii. I. 14, r. ip ;. : ro. niinatign Book VI, Manners and Cujiojus* 23 1 mination we ought to comprife all the fciences which compofe or have any relation to it. Furthermore, though the education and way of liv- ing at Athens was fo different from thofe of Sparta, the Athenians were not eiTentially lefs brave or lefs warlike than the Spartans. The battles of Marathon, of Sala- min,andof Platea, without mentioning a number of other very memorable actions, are teftimonies of the bravery and magnanimity of the Athenians fufficiently authentic to make it needlefs to infifl upon it. They arc perhaps the only nation in the univerfe who, according to the remark of Athenseus, clothed in purple, and decked in all the ornaments of drefs, have beaten and difperfed formidable armies i. Glory had the fame effecl on the minds of the Athenians, that difcipline produced in thofe of the Spartans. For never people had more of a fenfe of honour, or were m.ore greedy of glory and of praife, than were the Athenians. If there was the greateft oppofition between the man- ners of the Athenians and tliofe of the Lacedaemonians, there was, if the exprelTion may be allowed, fiill more between the effence of their genius and of their charac- ter. Cruelty was the ruling propenfity of the Spartans, mildnefs was in general the ground of the charader of the Athenians. The difference between them, in this refpeft, is eafily feen in the manner of treating the flaveq amongft each of the two people. I have already fhewu to what cxcefs of outrage the Spartans were carried a- gainll: their flaves. The Athenians, on the contrary, treated them with great humanity. Their condition was infinitely more gentle at Athens than in any other city of Greece *■. They had an aftion againft their mafter* on account of outrage and ill ufage K If the fad war, proved, the mafter was obliged to fell his flave, who, v\fhile the procefs depended, might retire into an afylum deflined to fecure him fcom all violence "". The liberty iAthen. I. iz. p. jiz. k Demofth. Philipp. 3. p. 38 ?. < Athen. !. 6. p. sff. 117. f H^rrod, 1. 8. n. a IJ. !'.id. *f they Book VI. Manners and Cuftoms. 241 ** they change their charader even in difgracc. I can- " not,'* continues Euripides, " approve the cuftora of " the Greeks of forming numerous affembhes to ho- " nour fuch frivolous diverfions. For let one of them " excel in wreftling, let him be nimble in the race, let " him know how to throw a quoit, or apply a vigorous *' blow on the jaw of his antagonifl:, what is his coun- " try the better of thefe fine talents, or of the honour " he gains by them? Will he repulfe the enemy by the " force of his quoit, or put him to flight by exercifing " himfelf in the race armed with a buckler? Thefe foU " lies are not the bufinefs of the field," &c. ' It is thus that the inflitution of the public games of Greece, that is to fay, one of the fined and wifeft inventions, was infenfibly corrupted, and "at laft degenerated fo far as to become a mod pernicious abufe. I muft alfo take notice, that the bed writers of anti- quity have thought it jud to attribute to the fpedlacle of the Athletes, that infamous palhon to which the Greeks were but too much addicted. This fort of aclors al- ways appeared in public entirely naked. The nature of the exercifes which made the fubjeft of the games I fpeak of, joined to the heat of the climate, and the fea- fon of their celebration *, neceilarily required them to be naked. The Athletes were accudomed to that indecency from their earlled youth; for to fucceed in the profel- fion which they embraced, they could not apply to it too early. The habit of appearing before each other continually naked, foon dedroyed every fentiment of modedy, and introduced amongd the Greeks that hor- rible corruption with which they have been fo often re- proached"; a depravity which was moreover fomented by the little commerce and familiarity which fubfided in that nation between the fexes. 1 have already fpoke i Acad, dcs infcript. t. i. M. p. ziy. See alfo Lucian in Anaclinnl ; Atlien. 1. 10. p. 413, 414.; Pint, qua'ft. Rom. p. 174. * It was in the month of July. k Mil?! tjuiJem li.cc in Cr.cccrum gymn.iftis uafj cfl>ifie:uik virlclur, in q::ihui ifcl lihen & cone effi flint amores. Cicero, Tufciil. qiiselh 1. 4.11.33. Ennius had laid before Cicero, Fljgitii principhnn cjl rudare inter cives ccrpifa. Apii.i Cicer. loco cit. Sec alio Pint. t. a."^' 2''4, 751. Vol. III. H h © 242- Manners and Cujloms* Book VI, of it '. I fhall only add, that the women never affifted at the public games. They were even forbid mider grievous penalties to approach the place where they were celebrated ". It remains, that I fpeak a word of the theatre of the Greeks, and of the tafte which the Athenians particu- larly had for that diverfion. We know, that theatrical repreientations took birth amongft the Greeks, and that to them alone the invention is due; we may fix the epocha of it to about the year 590 before Jefus Chrilt. Thele fpe£lacles were in ule only at certain times of the year, and particularly at the celebration of the fealf s of Bacchus. I Ihall not flop to examine the origin and various progrcfs of the theatre aniongfh the Greeks. The rea- der may confult on this fubjecl the authors who have made it the principal object of their refcarches. Some fummary ideas will, I think, be fufficierxt for the end I have propofed. It is to the Athenians, without contradidion, that the Greek theatre is indebted for that degree of perfection to which we fee it was carried. They fpared nothing that could any wife contribute to it. This people, vo- luptuous, but delicate in their pleafures, eftablilhed a concourfe of authors, and commifl'aries named by the ftate, to judge of the merit of the pieces. None were allowed to be played till they had firfl undergone ex- amination ". That which obtained the plurality of fuf- frages, was declared vidorious, crowned as fuch, and reprefented at the expence of the republic with all pof- fible pomp and magnificence. It is eafy to perceive how much ardour and emulation thefe difputes and thefe • Supra, p. 117. ^ i^.lian. var. hift. 1. lo. c. i.; Panf I $. c. 6. We mufl however in tins rcfpei^ ilo jiilHcc to the Greek?. Tlie 1-iw which forhidc the women to alGll at the pulilic gin^es, was verj- wife, and very conformable to pn^^lic decency and rno(le(l\ Decorum derrandcd that the fcx lliould not be admitted to moft of thefe ipt^acics, w'^'-.rc the adtovs always appeared entirely flrippcd of clothing. •T Sec Plut. in Cimone, p. 483. E. public jfeook Vl. . Marnier s and Cujloms. 24.3 public rewards muft have excited amongft the poets, and how much fuch an ufage niuft have contributed to the perfection of dramatic pieces in Greece. . We cannot in this refpecl but applaud the Athenians for the tafte and fcnhbility they teltified for theatrical reprefentations ; a diverlion the moft ingenious, the tnoi'l noble, and the moft ufeful, perhaps, that can be procured for the multitude. But we muft at the fame time condemn the excefs into which this people fell in the end. The Athenians very foon carried their eager- nefs and their paffion for the theatre to fuch a point, as to make it their fole occupation, and even to facrifice to it the intcrefts of the ftate. The funds deftined for their armaments by fea and land, were employed and confumed in the fervice of the drama. " They are " more affiduous at the fpcctacles," fays Jullin, " than *' at military exercifes. The theatres are full, but the *' camps deferted. Bravery, capacity, and the art of " war, are reckoned for nothing. Great captains are " no longer applauded. There are no acclamations " but for good poets and excellent comedians °." Tliefe reproaches are not exaggerated. It is certain, by the unanimous teftimony of antiquity, that, in the time of Pericles, the Athenians gave up all bufmefs, and neglected all affairs, to employ themfelves entirely with the theatre. We fee alfo, that to embellifli it, and have the pieces that pleafed them played with all the apparatus and all the magnificence they could admit, they drained the treafure and refources of the ftate ^. If Solon had been believed, this tafte for dramatic pieces had foon fallen, or at leaft would not have caufed fo many diforders. Thefpis, who is commonly' looked upon as the inventor of the theatre, by reafon of the improvements he made in the firft eifays that Greece had feen of this fpeftacle, fiourifiied in the time of Solon. This great iegillator would judge of that no- o L. 6. c. 9. P Demofthen. Phiiipp. i. p. 52. C. ; Clynth. j. p. :.j. ; Flut. t. 1. p. 34S, 349, 7iOj 7". H h 2 velty 244 Manners and Cujioms. Book VI. velty by himfelf. Thefpis played his own pieces, as was the cuitom of the ancient poets. When the reprefenta- tion was finiihed, Solon called Thefpis, and afked him, if he were not alhamed to he thus before fo many perfons. Thefpis anfwered, that there was no harm in thefe lies and thefe fidions, which were only made in fport, and for diverfion. " Yes," replied Solon, ftriking the ground Itrongly with his ilick, " but if we fuffer and *' approve this fine fport, it will foon make way into *' our contrails and all our affairs ''." We muft allow, neverthelefs, that the Greek trage- dians always preferved great refpett for virtue, juftice, purity of manners, and public decency. Their poems abound in admirable maxims ; but we cannot too much exclaim againft the licence which reigned in the Greek comedy. I have fpoke elfewhere of the grofs obfceni- ties fo abundant in the comedies of Ariftophanes ^ I have nothing more to fay of them. I fhall only remark, that, befides their indecency and grolfnefs, the moft mercilefs fatire, the rougheft and moft biting, reigns through them all. The comic poets of thofe times took all liberties and fpared no body. The generals, the magiftrates, the government, the people, even the gods themlelves *, all was abandoned to their fatiric bile. The excefs was carried fo far, that they were not at the , pains to difguife even the names of the perfonages they would defame. Every one was introduced upon the ftage under his true name *". This was not all : for fear that a refemblance of names might caufe mi- ftakcs, and leave fome uncertainty in the minds of the fpedators, they gave the a^iors mafks which reprefent- edas far as was poflible, the vifage and phyfiognomyof '^ Plut. in Solon, p. ps- *" ■^•'/"•a, p. ii3, * We muft, however, in tliis rcfpecft, remark one fingular exception. Ari- ftopiianes, the moft licentious, witliout contiaJiiflion, of all the comic poets of the ancient theatre, never durft allow himA-lf any liberties againft Ceres, nor in ge- neral againft any thin^ which might relate to the worfhip of that goddcfj. ' Sec Ariftyphan. in inibib. in tqnitib, 5;c. thofe Book VL Manners and Cujioms, 245 thofe they wanted to expofe to the derifion of the pub- lic ^ Such, for a long time, was the Grecian comedy ; that is to fay, it was a fpeftacle equally licentious and fatirical, without decency or modefty, without refpe<51; of perfons, without regard to morals, for which nothing was facred, and where they might openly defame all whom they thought fit to render the objed of pubhc contempt. The magiftrates were at length obliged to reprefs that pernicious abufe, and to reflrain, by fevere prohibitions, the unbridled licence of the comic au- thors". Thefe wife regulations gave birth to what the ancients have called the 7iew comedy, which then be- came only an imitation, and a fine and delicate fatire on the manners of private life. They no longer brought upon the ftage any but feigned adventures and fuppofed names. As this advantageous change was brought a- bout in ages greatly pofterior to thofe whofe manners I have undertaken to paint, I fliall dwell no longer upon this fubjed ''. * See les mem. it I'acad. des infcript. t. 4. p, 134, &c. u See Cicer. philofophic. frag. t. 3. p. 393. "* Herat, ars poet, v. sSi. &c. REC A- [ h6 ] RECAPITULATION. BY bringing together all I have faid of the ftate of ancient nations, in the ages which elapfed from the deluge to the time of Cyrus, it is eafy to perceive how greatly human knowledge was formerly bounded and imperfeft. Politics, laws, arts, fciences, commerce, navigation, the art- military, even the manners, that is to fay, the principles and turn of mind the mod efl'en- tial and mod neceffary for the prefervation and happi- nefs of fociety ; all thefe great objects were, if we may fo exprefs it, but as yet in the rough draught in the time of Cyrus, and yet the reign of this prince preced- ed theChriftian sera only 536 years. A flight detail will convince us of the truth of all thefe propofitions. During all the fpace of time that we have run over, they had but very imperfeft notions of the great art of government. The mod part of political and civil laws were obfcure and defective, often even pernicious or ri- diculous, in a w'ord, without form or order. The rights of nations were unknown, and morality in general htile underflood; it even often authorifed principles which led directly to the greatell vices. As to that political fyftem which now takes in and regards the whole uni- verfc, we may affirm, that the ancients had no idea of it. There was then no power who tliought of keening np a regular correfpondence in the different parts of the known world. The leagues even which neiglibouring itates might have amongft themfelves, were but mo- mentary. The prefent inltant was all that was re- garded. The confequences of any ftep or event were rarely forefeen and examined into. They formed no political fyftem. Every ftate ftood fmgle, and gave little attention to the general motions of the machine. Accordingly they were not accuftomed to keep ambaf- fadors refident in foreign courts. The ancients were not enough enlightened to perceive the utility of this fort Book VI. Manners and Cnjloms, ■247 fort of privileged fpies *, who, attentive to the minuteft fteps, are able to penetrate and lay open the projefts which may be formed by a too enterprifmg power. Thus the famous fyflera of the balance of power, the objecl; of modern politics, far from having been followed anciently in any part of the univerfe, does not even ap- pear to have ever entered the head of any politician of antiquity. What I have juft "aid of laws and politics, may very well be applied to the arts. The nations 1 have had occafion to fpeak of, had, in certain refpedls, made but a very middling progrefs in the general circle of them. They had indeed fome rich and curious manufactures of (luffs. They underftood the working of metals. They had raifed fome ftruftures of aftonifhing gran- deur and richnefs; in a word, they handled the chifel, the punch, and the graver. Yet thefe fame people were- deftitute of mod of the conveniencies of life, which are jiow regarded, and juftly too, as very eifential, or, at leaft, as mod agreeable. The ancients were abfolute- ly ignorant of the fecret of procuring them. I have given fufficient proofs of this, as often as I have had occahon to treat upon the fubje£l. We muft fay the fame thing of the fciences. We cannot refufe to the Egyptians, Babylonians, Phoeni-' cians, and Greeks, a pretty extenfive knowledge in allronomy, geometry, and mechanics. Yet they were never able to foar beyond a certain pitch, for want of knowing how to procure themfelves many helps, which are abfolutely neceffary to the progrefs of the fciences I fpeak ot. They wanted, for inftance, pendulums and telefcopes, and, in a word, many other inftruments, without which aflronomy and geography can acquire abfolutely no kind of precifion. The ancients were deftitute of even the moft ordinary and indifpenfable means of afcertaining their difcoveries. The reader may recal what I have faid upon the tedious and auk- ward manner of writing in the early times, upon the in- • It is thus that one o.f the greatcU politicians of the lad age defined ambafla- dox-s and envoys. conveniencies 248 Manners and Cujtoms. Book VI. conveniencies of the form of books, and upon the dif- ficulty of carrying, and, in general, of obtaining the reading of them ^. It was anciently only by force of tra- velling that fome knowledge could be acquired. As to phyfics and natural hiflory, we know that they were al- moft entirely unknown to the ancients. For commerce and navigation, it is certain that the Phoenicians particularly had made a confiderable pro- grefs, and not a few difcoveries, confidering the obfta- cles they had to furmount. But if, at the fame time, we refled upon the faulty conflruclion of their fhips, tshe imperfedVion of their manner of working them, their abfolute want of inftruments proper to direft their jiiavigation, and the clumfmefs, in a word, of all their praftices, we fhall admire the courage of thefe people rather than their fkill. We muft applaud their courage for daring fuch enterprifes with fuch poor helps, and at the fame time be convinced of their inferiority in re- fpeft to the difcoveries we are at prefent poitefled of. It appears to me, that the ancients were very enter- prifmg, but very little enlightened. The art of war v/as to the full as imperfect as any of the objeds I have juft fpoke of. We fhould never have done, if we were to point out in detail the imper- fection of the military manoeuvres of the ancients in the ages which have fixed our attention, and fhew all that failed them in point of art, fkill, and capacity. I think it fufficent to refer to what I have faid on the fubjed in the different parts of my work. I fhall do the fame with regard to the manners. The reader may have remarked in all the articles where I have had occafion to treat of this objed, to what a de- gree the manners of the firft people were unprincipled, barbarous, grofs, and vitious. Their want of delicacy, and their ignorance of the firft principles of morality, are perceptible where-ever we confult ancient hiflory. I do not therefore fear to affert, that in all the fpace =« See part i. book 2. chap. 6. p. 187, 188,; book ?. cli.ip. ;. art. «. of Book VI. Manners and Cujioms, 249 of time we hive here gone over, human knowledge was yet mod limited and moft imperfedl. Amongft nioft na- tions, laws, arts, and fciences were yet almofl in their Infancy. The Egyptians, the Babylonians, and the Phoenicians, who Ihould certainly be placed in the rank of the moll civilized nations that have appeared in an- tiquity, had made but a very middling progrefs in each of the obieds I have indicated. As to the Greeks, who in courfe of time every way called the Egyptians, Br^ylonians, and even the Ph<3enicians ; the Greeks were yet very ignorant in the time of Cyrus, the epocha of the third and laft part of our work. Near two ages elapfed between thofe M^hich clofe our refearches, and the times in which the Greeks made moft of the difco- veries which obtained them that glory and juft efteem they yet at prefent enjoy, and of which nothing can ever rob them. No body has yet furpaffed them in poetry, in eloquence, nor in the art of writing hiftory. It is not quite the fame thing with the demonftrative fciences, nor even with many parts of the arts. It muft be allowed, that, if we except' architefture *, fculpture, and the graving of precious ftones, no comparifon can be made between what the Greeks knew of the objefts I have juft indicated, and what we know of them at prefent. • Let us obfeive, neverthelefs, in relation to architecture, that the Greeks had indeed a very juft and refined tafte for the conftruflion of grand edifices j but I do not think it was the fame with refpe£t to private buildings. I think I may affirm, that they knew not the art of difpofing them fo elegantly and fo commo- dioufly as is the praftice with us at this time. Vol. III. I i D I S- C 250 ] DISSERTATION I. On the Valuation of the Greek Money and Meafures* I Have often had occafion, in the courfe of the work which I prefent to the pubHc, to fpeak of an- tique money and meafures. As it is to the Greeks that we are indebted for the greateft part of the know- ledge that remains to us of profane antiquity, it is al- moft always to the Grecian ttandard that we are to re- duce the money and meafures of ancient nations. I have therefore thought it proper to give a valuation of thofe monies and of thofe meafures, which fhould jufti- fy the proportion which I have ellabliihed between them and ours. Eefidcs, by confulting this kind of table, the reader will be enabled to make, with eafc and by himfclf, the redudions which 1 may have omit- ted. There is perhaps no fubjed which has more exercifed the critics, than the determination of ancient monies and meafures. Perhaps, however, there is none which is yet enveloped in greater obfcurity. I am very far from flattering myfelf with having made this matter clear. I propofe only to fay what appears to me the mofl pro- bable on a fubjeft fo uncertain, without pretending in any manner to give an abfolute exclufion to the valua- tions which have already been imagined, and to which 1 have not thought myfelf obliged to conform. C H A P. I. Of the Grecian Money. THE value of coins, we know, depends upon their llandard, i, confifted of (even grofs 3,2f grains ^. We know that the drachma, which was a filver coin, weighed the eighth part of a Roman ounce 'J. The pro- portion of the other Attic coins is alfo known ; fo that the determination of the ancient Roman pound carries along with it that of the weight of the Greek coins. But this determination, fuch as it has been made by GaiTendi, appears to deferve admiffion only by fo much :-is nothing more precife and more exa£t may be obtain- ed upon the object here in quefhion. It fuppofes in effeiSt, that the weight of the well-water which this phi- lofoplier made ufe of to find the capacity of the Farne- iian congius, is equal to that of wine; a fuppofition de- monftrated falfe by experience, which fhews us, that wine is ahvays lighter than water, efpecially than well- water, which of all frefli waters is the heavieft. Let us add, that the model of the Farnefian congius which Gafl'endi made ufe of, may poflibly have not been pre- cifely of the fame capacity as the original vefTel. Thefc, v\^ithout doubt, were the confiderations which afterwards engaged M. Auzout, of the academy of fciences, in a journey which he made to Rome towards * See the tabic at flie end of this diflirtation. • Ij' Vii. ia - - - - ' - - - in librii pars cf} qu.t ntciyls in anno. i":inniiis in carmine de ponderibiis & nienfuris, •■■ Vid. Gafiend. in vit.i I'eirelkii, 1. i. p. 73. tl i^»tty,u.vi ») To oycooy t;?? kyxicci, Hefych, in v-ce Agaj^iwi- Dracbinx OlIj L-ilimm inuiamfttcluiii. Ilyeronim. in cap. 4. Tzek. Vhda til drachmii bis qnrtucr. F;mr.iii5, locy cit. the DISSERTATION 1. 253 end of the laft century, to repeat the experiment of Gaffendi upon the congius of the palace of Farnefe it- felf. Inftead of well-water which Gaffendi made ufe of, M. Auzout employed fpring-water extremely light. The original congius was found by this experiment to contain lix pounds twelve ounces feven grofs and 48 grains Paris weight, of water of the fountain of Trevi\ I think therefore, that we may conclude from this fa£l, that the ancient Roman pound was the tenth part of this weight, that is to fay, ten ounces feven grols twelve grains, and the ounce precifely of feven grofs nineteen grains. I own, however, that the argument drawn from the difference of the fpecific gravity of wine and of wa- ter, militates almoft as much againft the experiment of M. Auzout, as againft that of Gaffendi. Reafoning therefore would feem to lead us to eftimate the Roman ounce at about feven grofs ttt only*. Neverthelefs here are in two words the reafons which determine me in favour of the opinion 1 have thought fit to embrace. The fame M. Auzout I have fpoke of, fatisfied him- felf, that the modern Roman pound was of ten ounces feven grofs twelve grains, and the ounce of feven grofs nineteen grains. It follows then, that the Roman pound and ounce of the prefent times are perfectly equal with the antique Roman pound and ounce, fuppofmg, as we havefaid, that the Roman congius fliould contain precifely ten pounds weight of fpring-water. This perfeft rela- tion between the ancient pound and the modern, (a re- lation which cannot have been the effed of chance), feems to demonftrate, that the Roman pound has re- ceived no change for upwards of feventecn centuries, efpecially if there is room to fufpeft, that the ancient Romans knew not the difference of weight between wine and water, or that at lea ft they had no regard to it, in fixing the f!andard of their meafures; and of this ^ See torn. 6. ties anc. mem. cic I'acad. dcs fc'enc. p. * This detciminatiDH is drawn from the proportion between tlie fpecific pravity of water and of Burgimninn wine, whicli refults from the calculations of M. Eifenfchmid in his treatill- Jc fonder, ct Tnertf:;'. veicr. Argcntoruii, in i%°. lyoS. there 254 DISSERTATION I. there is the cleared proof in the poem of Fannius, which we have already cited more than oncef. The value of the ancient Roman ounce being once well determined, and of confequence the weight of the Attic drachma, which was the eighth part of it; we fhall eaiily come at the weight of the other Greek coins, fuch as the talent, the mina, and the obolus. The drachma, in effed, contained fix oboli, the mina loo drachmas, and the talent 60 minas «. The whole then may be reduced to a Ihort calculation which gives the values thus * : The Attic talent weighed, of marks, ounces, grofs. grains. Paris weight - - 85 o 7 66 The mina - - - '325 y^ The drachma - - o o o 65^ The obolus - - 000 ic|-| According to this calculation, fuppofmg filver of fitty livres tournois the mark, livres. fob. deniers. The Attic talent was worth 4256 3 8 ^ The mina - - 70 iS 8 8^ The drachma - - o 14 2 ay|^ The obolus - - - 2 o o \^\-%i To this very fummary epitome, I have thought fit to limit what I had to fay upon the valuation of the Greek monies, and upon the proportion they might bear to ours. Let us pafs on to their meafures. f L:lr£ -at v:en:orant Icjfurnfcxtarlus addity Sett puros pcndas lalices, feu dona Li/f':. HiCC tajnen ajjcrju faciti jnnt crcd'tia nobis, Nanitjue nee erran/es uiidis lrh!>;:tibus a-mnes, Kic ir.crji puteis latices, out foiite pcrenm Manantes p.ir pondus habeut : non deniquc vina, ^ta cjnipi, aul edict ir.tperve, aut aiiic tulcrc. * 'Ya,/\cti76V .... f<>»» iav I'. K ol fitii e^x^uuv ^' , yi }■, t^ce^ii o*«'>,*'w i^. Stiid. voce T«A«vTe», t. 3. p. 42s. Sec alfo the beginning of the oration of Demorthenes againfl PantaEnetus. • .■:":v ihc uhk it the end of tliis diflertation. CHAP. DISSERTATION I. Q55 CHAP IL Of the Grecian Meafures. IT is at lead as difficult to determine exadly the value of the Grecian meafures, as that of their money. The ftadium, for example, was amongft the Oreeks an itinerary meafure which is mentioned every inftant in ancient authors. But they by no means Agree upon the determination of that meafure. In effea;, we fee, that the length of the ftadium varied greatly according to times and places. There was no more unifor^nity amongll the ancients in regard to that meafure, than there is now amongft us upon the length of our leagues, and in general upon that of all the itinerary meafures which are aftually in ufe in Europe. But as there is a- mongft us a medium league, to which it has been a- greed to refer all meafures of the fame name; fo amongft the Greeks there was a common mean ftadium, to the determination of which I have thought proper to confine my felf here. The ordinary ftadium, and that moft univerfally adopted, confifted of fix hundred Greek feet ^ The Plethra, another kind of meafure, made the fixth part of the ftadium'. The arura was the half of the ple- thra". The orgia was fix feet •; and, laftly, the cubit a foot and a half™. We know that the Greek foot ■was more than the Roman foot by the 24th part of this lall °. The determination of the Grecian meafures is of ^ Ta TciSiCi iyji vo^a? y/- Suid. in voce STaJiOK, t, 3. p. 357. ' "E%«< TO -rhiS^iv rro^sc? g. Smd. voce YlAiS^of. k 'H «g8§« vroeeti 'tx,ii v . Id. voce A^iS^xia, f^ncurtg. Aix.tt f/.v^MOii o^yviuf «s» ^iXioi rci^iot. Herod. 1. 4. o. 41- " Tlyiyyi; Ui *^ 'yiutrv ^tfj. Heyfch. voce T{yix,vi' n Stadium centum vighiii quinqua twjircs ej^cit pajus, hoc ejl, pedes fexccntos v'tgititi quinque. Flin. 1. a. i'eCt. ii.p. 8(5. Now the ftadium, which, as we have juft feen, was prccifely 600 Greek feet, could not be 615 Roman feet, unlcfs the Greek foot was to the Roman in th€ proportion of ij to 14. con-t 256 DISSERTATION I. confequence as intimately connected with that of the Roman foot, as the eftimate of the Attic coins is with that of the Roman pound. Two ancient authors tell us, that the Roman am- phora, a kind of liquid meafure, fmce it contained eight congii, was precifely a Roman cubic foot °. The water which this meafure contained, mud have weigh- ed, by the experiment of M. Auzout, 54 pounds 7 ounces 5 grofs and 24 grains, Paris weight. Suppofmg, from the experiments of M. Eifenfchmidt, that the weight of the fpring-water which M. Auzout made ufe of was 371^ grains to the cubic inch, (of the royal flandard foot), the capacity of the amphora mud have been fuch as, according to the Stereometrical rules, its fide fhould be lefs than eleven inches i of a line, but more than eleven inches t of a line. The Roman foot mud of confequence be eltimatcd at about eleven inch- es a hues. Yet I think with M de la Hire, that we ought to reckon the antique Roman foot precifely ele- ven inches of the Royal ftandard meafure. I refer the reader to the memoir which that academician gave in upon this fubjed, to fee the grounds of this valuation ''. 1 fhall content myfelf with obferving only, that the Ro- mans were never great mathematicians. I have proved above, that they reckoned nothing for the overplus of the weight of water more than of wine in the ftandard of their meafures. They may therefore very well have neglefted and reckoned for nothing the three fourths of a hne, or thereabouts, by which the fide of the cube, which ferved for the matrix of their amphora, furpaffed their lineal foot. This con- je<^ure will appear lefs difficult to be believed, when o ^ladrantiil vocahant antiqui amphoram, quod vas pedis quadrati o3o el quadra- g'wta ci'pil/exlur'.os. Fellus i>occ Qnadrantal. ^uddraiital vu:i cBa^'iutit pondo Jul, congiui v'lni decern, ponds fiet. I Jem, voce Puiira pondera. Pes hn^o fpit'io, atque alto, latoqiie nolctiir; j1/i9ulus ut par fit, qucni cluudit litiea trip/ex. ^itiiticr, f! ijiuidris, viedhitn (in^altir inane, Aniphji-ii fii eithus. . . . Fann. c inches. lines. The fbadlum was - 95 2 II The plethra - - i5 5 5 10 The arura i. - 7 5 8 1 1 The orgia The cubit - - 5 I 8 • 5 9 2- It refults from this calculation, that 24 ordinary fta- dia were only nine fathoms one foot feven inches 2a lines more than our common league of 22821. fathoms. I fhall fay nothing of the other ftadia, as fuch a difcuf- fion could be of little ufe to the work I have underta- k^n. This were the place to fpeak of the dry and liquid meafures, and of the weights which the Greeks made ufe of in commerce. But we are almoll entirely defti- tute of points of comparlfon to fix the value of thefe \veights, and of thefe meafures. I fliall therefore fay but little upon this fubjed. Fannius, whorn I have already cited fo often, tells us, that the Attic pound was to the Roman as j ^ to 96, or as 25 to 32 «■. We fee alfo, in the fame poet, that the amphora or Attic cadus, which was a liquid meafure, was equal to three Roman urns, or to a Roman am- phora and a half ^ Laftly, we read in the life of Atti- cus 1 See the treatlfe of M. Pirird, de menfur. f Unci > fit drachmls h'^s quatuor .... Unaaq-48 cubic inches. I fjy fiip ofed, becauCe thele calculations are not perfedlly conformable to the rcuilt j;iven by tiie dimcnfions of the cvhndr.'cal llandards of the mcafiires 1 fpcak of; Uimenfb.is relative to the caj)acit)- affi^ccd to thefc meafures by the regulations. D I S S E R. DISSERTATION IL On the ajlronomical Periods of the Chaldeans, E are not ignorant of the ufe and advantage of afi:ronomical periods in the fupputation of time. We know alfo thmt the ancients had contrived many of them compofed of a certain number of their ^-ears. Thefe periods were different according to the ufe the)i were defigned for, and to the form of th^ year eftabhflied amongft: the nations who had con- trived them. 1 he names of three famous periods in- vented by the Chaldeans are handed down to us : the Scjrcsj the Neros, and the So/os *. Berofus made ufe of them in compofmg his chronological calculations, and fixing the epochas of his hiftory of Babylon b. It was by thefe meafures of time, that he had regulated and determined the duration of that empire, and the length of the reigns of the different fovereigns who had go- verned it. The amount of the Saros^ of the Nercs, and of the Sofos, were certainly well known and well determin- ed in the times that Berofus compofed his hiilory. But the ancient monuments of the Babylonians are now no more. It is even many ages fmce they difappeared. It is not therefore aftonifliing that there fliould reign many contradittions amongft modern authors, as well upon the number of years that compofed thefe famous periods, as upon the ufes they may have been adapted for. Let us try, however, by bringing together the different traits which are found fcattered in ancient au- thors, to give fome light into a queftion fo obfcure and fo difficult. It is certain, by the teflimony of all antiquity, that » Syncell. p. 17. ; Abyden. apnd ci\md. p. 38. C, b ^yncell. p. 17. A. K k 2 i.h^- •;.6o D I S S E R T xi T I O N II. the Saros, the Neros, and the Sofcs, were cycles which contained a certain number ot years •=. We ought not to hiien to lome writers recent enough, who without any foundation would infinuate, that the periods I fpeak of ihould be reduced to periods of days only. It is a chi- mera which defer ves no attention. We fliall refute it in a moment. Without deigning therefore to dwell any longer upon it, let us examine what may have been the real amount of thefe cycles, and what their ufe in .aftronomy. Let us begin witli the Saros ^ which, of all the periods ot the Chaldeans, appears to have been the moit celebrated in antiquity. Many authors have fpoke of it ^ : but they do not agree upon the number of years of which that period was formed. Let us fee whether it be poilible to determine it at this day, and difcover by that means what may have been the ufe of this cycle. Syncellus tells us, after Berofus, Abydenus, Alex- ander Polyhiftor, &:c. that the Saros was a period of 3600 years*. We know of no aftronomical operation to which a period of that kind can be applied. Suidas, an author cotemporary with Syncellus, or at leaft but jittle before him, gives to the Saros a very different a- mount That author fays, that it was a period com- pofed of lunar months, the fum total of which was eighteen years and an half f. Suidas cites no ancient author to warrant this fa£l, and does not tell us from what authority he gives the Saros an amount fo different from that we have juft feen Though we fliould a- gree with Suidas that the Saros might have been cpmpofed of 222 lunar months, yet we do not fee what might have been the ufe of fuch a period. We might fufped, it is true, that there is an error in the text ot Suidas, and that, inftcad of 222 lunar months, we fhould read 223. We might even bring a pallage of Pliny to fiipport this conjecture. Pliny was indeed acquainted with a period of 223 lunar months *. <■ Bcrof. Abydcii. & ^yr.rcW. krh r'll. t! Bcrof. /.bytlen. SvnccU. Jucii.cil.y Suidas in ^ci^ci, t. 3. p. 28?.} he- /vchjus in r«f»f ; I'hjvcrin. &.r. P. !•», idy & 39. f Jll Xr-Qr.i. t 3. n. jSp. 9 L. i. iWi. 10. p. 79'. "-^ In '\ DISSERTATION IT. 261 Ifl all the editions anterior to that of P. Hardouin there had crept in a vitious reading, which, no doubt, had prevented a due attention to the amount and merit of that period The former reading of the text of Pliny was 2Z3 months. M. HaUey, who was not lefs diflin- guiilied for his profound erudition, than by being one of the greatefr aftronomers of his age, was the firft who perceived that falfe reading of the editions ot Pliny. He propofed the amendment of this vitious palTage, and to read 223 months inftead of 222 ''. What was only conjetlure on the part of this learned man, has been found, by the refearches and difcoveries fmce made, to be the true reading of Pliny '. It is therefore now no Ioniser doubtful, that Pliny was acquainted with a pe- riod compofcd of 223 fynodic lunar months. M. Halley wanted, with Suidas, to identify this period with the Saros of the Chaldeans ; and this is the conclufion he draws from it. From demonftrating that the amount of the Saros mud have been fixed at 223 lunar fynodic months, that is to fay, of 29 days and an half each, it refults, fays M. Halley, that this cycle contained near 1 8 of our years; a calculation, adds he, which agrees pretty well with the amount that Suidas gives the Saros^. This difcovery, continues M. Halley, places in its full light the fls.ill of the aflrouomers of Chaldea. In effed:, that period farnifl:ies a very eafy method of predifting eclip- fes within the limits of the error of half an hour only '. Diodorus was, therefore, ill informed when he advanced that the Chaldeans had only a very imperfect theory of the eclipfes of the moon, and that they durll neither de- termine nor foretel them "'. Such is the reafoning of M. Halley; but I think his conjectures much more ingenious than folid. The tefti- mony of Suidas being fupported by the fuffrage of no author of antiquity, cannot balance that of Berofus, nor of the other writers who give 3600 years to the Saros. h Tranf. Fhilof. n'', 194. anu. 1691. p. 53^.; Acta eruJit. Lipf. ann. 1691, ?. ii5- i ^'ce the note of P. Hardouin. IcM at. k Supra, lococii. 1 Sir<; the elogiuTO of M. liallcy, Acad des fciciices. ir.:i. ir^-j "• P^C. ^ L. i. 1). S4S. Bcfidc^, a62 DISSERTATION II. Befides, Suidas afligns, not eighteen years, but eighteen and an half to the total revolution of the Saros; and we k w, that in aOronomy much lefs than fix months will confound the whole refult of a period. In fine, Suidas gives the Saros only 222 lunar months, and not 223. In vain would we correct this text by that of Pliny. Nothing can lead us to furmife, that this laft had in view the Sarcs of the Chaldeans. I am perfuad- ed, that this period was indeed compofed of a certain rumber of lunar months; the name alone indicates it* : but I do not fee that it is poflible at this time to deter- mine precifely what was the number |. We muft there- fore give up the fearch of the Saros, fince we can never hope to know what was the amount, nor, of confe- quence, what the ufe of it. Let us go on to the exa- mination of the other Chaldean periods, that is to fay, of the Neros and of the Sofos. The revolution of the Ne?'os was of 600 years ". In- dependent of the authors I have already cited, Jofephus the hiftorian appears to have been acquainted with this period. Speaking of the long life of the firft patriarchs, he thus expreffes himfelf. " Amongft other views " which God had had," fays he, " in granting to the " firft patriarchs a life fo long as that atteiled by the ** facred books, he defigned to enable them to perfed; " geometry and aflronomy which they had invented; " for,'* adds he, " they could not have foretold with " certainty the 7notions of tbejiars, if they had lived lefs " than 600 years, becaufe, in that fpace of time, is ac- *' compliflied the great year '>J'* Jofephus, • The name of Saros, given to this period, would alone fuffice to prove that it was compofed of lunar months. The word Suros anfwers cxaftly to the Chaldean word ^jr, which (ignifies mcnjiruui or litnaris. + Though we (hould even grant with M. Plalley. that we ought to read in Suidas 113 lim.ir months, his rcalbnintr would not I)c the more jufi. M. le Gtn- til has, in effcft, demoiillratcd the total and abfoh.te inipcrtcOion of that period fo vaunted by M. Hallcy. Acad, df^ fciences, ann. 17S. P L. 1. p. 145. • Epigiiiis gravis au^or imprimis, I.-7. fe£t S7- P- 4'3- »l J^ud I'lia. loiOiii. f Syaccil, p. i-}, ^ -.8. nation, DISSERtAtldN IIT. 273 nation, with intention to pafs upon pofterity for the firft Ibvereign of Babylon ^ It is thtis that Berofus thought to juftify the chafins and want of fa^ls with which he might well have been feproached. Impoilors are fubjed to betray themfelves On one hand, Berofus excufes the void which is found in his hiflory, by laying it upon Nabonaffar*s having deftroyed all the monuments of the kings his predecelfors ; and, on another, he affirms, that he had found, at Babylon, re- cords which ran back. 150,000 years. One of thefe re- lations is certainly falfe and forged. Let us rather fay, that the fuppreffion of all the hiflorical monuments of the Babylonians by Nabonaifar, is a tale invented by- I'erofus, to colour over the impoffibifuy he found of fil- ling up, in a fatisfadory manner, the times anterior to the reign of that prince. But it is dwelling too long upon a chimera, unknown, as I have already faid, to the higheft" and founded part of antiquity. It appears proved, on the contrary, that the Babylonians were very little folicitous about writing their hiftory Even their aflronomical obfervations were very unexad: till the reign of Nabonaifar. It was not till after that monarch, that the Babylonians began to in- troduce fome order into their chronology, and to write cxaftly the date and feries of their celeflial obferva- tions ^ Thefe fads appear certain, not only by the teilimony of ancient hiftorians, but alfo by that of the moft celebrated aftronomers of antiquity. Hipparchus, Timochares, Ariftyllus, Ptolemy, &c. who had examin- ed with great care the monuments of ancient nations, make mention of no aflronomical obfervation anterior to the reign of Nabonaifar ". Let us now examine the fource of the Egyptian anti- quities. It is neither purer nor more authentic than that of the Babylonian antiquities. It does not even rife abfolutely fo high. Manetho, as I think 1 have al- f Apud Syncell. p. 107, t See ibid. «* See Marlh. p. 474. ; Staiiky de Chald. philof. left. 1. c. i. p. xiio. Vol,. III. M mt ready 274 DISSERTATION III. feady proved, was inconteftably the author of it *. This Egyptian prieil, to give fome colour to his impoftures, has employed a different artifice from that of Berofus ; btit it is not more difficult to difcover the weaknefs of it. The Egyptians, like mod ancient nations, pretended to have been originally governed by the gods. Mane- tho availed himfeif of that popular opinion to eftabliih the antiquities of his nation. According to him, Egypt had been at firft governed by a great number of gods y, fome' of whom had reigned more than 1200 years each *. Manetho had even made a particular epocha of the reign of Vulcan, the firfl: of thofe gods, who, ac- cording to his chronicle, had governed Egypt for 9000 years*. It is after this calculation, no doubt, that Dio- dorus has faid, that the Egyptians afligned to the reign of the gods a fpace of 1 8,000 years ''. The term is ftill modefl; for, according to other chronologers, the Sun, to whom they gave the honour of having tirft: govern- ed Egypt, had reigned there 30,000 years <^. This reign of the gods was, as we perceive, an excellent refource for lengthening out the duration of the Egyptian em- pire, as far as they thought proper; for, I have already laid, fome carried it to 100,000 years'*, others to 48,863 % fome to 36,525 f, and, in a word, to 33,000, to 23,000, to 10,000, &c^ It is true, the Egyptian prielfs, to give authority to their lies, advanced, that, fmce the origin of their m.onarchy, they had obferved 373 eclipfes of the fun, and 832 of the moon^ But the refiedion I made above on the few refources which Hipparchus, Ptolemy, &c. had found in the aftronomi- cal records of the Babylonians, fuffice to deftroy all thefe falfe allegations. In efl'ect, no obfervations were * Supra, p. 170. y Syncell. p. »8. ^ DioJ. 1. i. p. 30. a Syncell. p. 18. l> L. I. p. 53. c Synccll. p. 51. d Auguft. de civit. Dei, L 18. c. 40. ^ Diog. Laert. in proocm, fcgm. x. f Syncell. p. 51. C. 8 Diod. I. i. p. J?, 30, x6, i%. ^ Diog. Lacrt. loco cit. known DISSERTATION III. ^^^ known in antiquity more ancient than thofe of the Ba- bylonians J. Neverthelefs, they went no farther back than to about the year 747 before the Chriftian sera"^. The fecond method which Manetho put in praftice to lengthen out the duration of the Egyptian mo- narchy, was a little lefs grofs than that 1 have juft fpoke of. It has been fhewn, that Egypt, like all the other countries of the univerfe, had been originally divided into many little dates '. Inftead of inflruding us in this fa£t, and giving us feparately, the catalogue of the princes who had reigned at the fame time over different parts of Egypt, Manetho found it more to his purpofe, to unite the whole in one and the fame catalogue. He would, in confequence, have it believed, that every one of thefe princes had fucceffively reigned over all Egypt. It is thus that this impoftor contrived to make out that aftonilhing lift of fucceihve dynafties fpoken of by fome authors, who wrote fmce Manetho. But the artifice has been difcovered a long time, and proved fo as to admit of no reply "'. We know, in a word, that Ma- netho had contrived all this fine chronology only by the example, and in imitation of Berofus ". Let us now fpeak of the 11,340 years, which, ac- cording to Herodotus, the Egyptian priefts gave to thfc duration of their monarchv. V\'e fee, '\t once, that there is a great difference between this calculation and that given out in Plato ; fmce, according to this philo- fopher, the Egyptians, in the time of Solon, reckoned only about 9000 years of antiquity, and yet there were i Symplidus in lib. I. Ariftote], de coelo, fol. ii. rc?.6. in 1. j.fol. il"?. , verfo. k Marrti. p. 474. I Part :. b. i. p. 14. "> Sec Marili. p. 13, 15, & 19. ; Pezron. antiq. dcs. tems, c. 13. p. i6j, ; Newton, chronol. of Egypt, p. ii6, 117, & 177. ; Lcn^kt, aietbodc, t. i. p. 17?. j Acad, des infcript. t. 19, p. 14, i j, 17, jj, 14, :<>. Let us obfcrve, that no mention i; made of ilifte pretended dyn-drties in }Ie- rodotns, the mofl ancient hiflorian we have of profane ar.tiqniry, and who, bc- fides, appears fo *ell inllruded in the hiftory of F^ypt. He doci not even ap- pear to have iinown the word dy:ic.T:r(. Neither is it mcnticicd in DitidoriiE. '^ See Syncell. p. 16. M m 2 ]»ll^ a;^ DISSERTATION TIT. but an hundred years between Solon and Hero-^otuSo But I have already faid it, even this lafl calculation icill offends greatly on the fcpre qf fidelity and exa6tnefs. Some very plain reflexions will, I think, be fufticient to demonflrate the little credit that is to be given to it. Let us call to mind that conceited opinion which the Egyptians always had of the antiquity of their origin °, and the affei^tatipn with >vhich they made a parade of it p, above all towards the Greeks ''. This principle ad- mitted, every thing leads us to believe, that the Egyp- tian priefls would pniit no ocgafiqn of prefenting to Solon and Herodotus, calciilatipns proper to maintain their ridiculous pretenfion. It was, moreover, very (cafy for them to imppfe in this article. The Greeks, in general, were not difpofed to cpntradift the Egyp- tians. Befides, the ancient nations applied themfelves yery little to chronological difcuffions. Each had for- merly a fair ftage for difplaying the rnpfl ahfurd fables about their origin. The flightefl attention, neverthelefs, would have been fuflicient to have fhewn Herodotus, that the narration of the Egyptian priefls deftroyed itfelf. They reckoned from their firfl king to the time of Sethon 341 genera- tions, 341 kings, and 34.1 pontiffs ^ Such a concurrence is not in the order of n^iture. There did not, therefore, needmuch^ judgment to perceive, how much fuch a fact Svas cpntradidpry. But I haye already faid it, the Greeks did not look fo narrowly, efpecially in regard to the Egyptians Furthermore, there is even no appearance that it was originally poilible to keep an exad account of the firft reigns, coiifidering the little care, and even the little means that ihe f4rfl people had to preferve an cxa6t remembrance of events ^ I fiiall add, that in regard to the Egyptians in parti- cular, their ancient annals mufl have been in great dif; ° Sec Herod. 1. ». n. i. P See Ifaiah, c. 79. v. 11. *1 See Plato in Tim. ji. 1043, ^ 1044. r Herod, i. a. n. 141. f Sec wlut I have faid upon this Aihjert in the chapter where I treat of the «r'gtn of writi^^. P^rt 1. b. i. c. 6. order. DISSERTATION III. 277 order, Hiftory does not permit us to doubt it. We fee, that when Cambyfes, the fon of Cyrus, became mafter of Egypt, he perfecuted the priefrs, that is, the learned of the country, and fet fire to the temples ^ It was, v/e know, in thefe temples that the Egyptians preferved their annals, the cuftody of which was intruded to the priefts". It may be judged, what degree of certainty the hiftory of Egypt may have obtained fmce that event. Artaxerxes Ochus gave it "afterwards a ftroke at leall: as fatal. This prince caufed all the copies of tiie facred archives to be tranfported into Perfia \ Bagoas, one of his eunuchs, fometime after, fay they, obtained for the priefts a permiffion to ranfom them. But this laffc fa6l appears to me fufpicious. It may very well have been invented only to give fome appearance of truth to the Egyptian antiquities, by making it believed, that they refted upon authentic monuments, fuch as the fa- cred archives, which contained the whole hiftory of the mation. However that may be, fuppofing even that thefe ancient depofits were reftored to the Egyptians, wjc are fcnfible that they could not be in a good condi- tion. It is probable, that thofe who carried them off, would not take all the precautions neceifary to prevent thefe manufcripts from fuffering by their tranfportation. into Perfia, and they mult alfo have been impaired in bringing back from Perfia into Egypt. All thefe voyages mult infallibly have fppiied and confiderably (damaged the ancient regilters. Upon the whole, and this is a reflection to which I do not fee that any thing folid can be oppofed, if the Egypti:ins and Babylonians had preferved records as precife and as exact as they 'vi^ould perfuade us, why- does their reign fo much confufion and uncertainty in their chronology? v/hy do the calculations prcfented by writers ot antiquity differ from each other fo exceilive' ly as we havefeen? why, in a word, do the annals pf t Herod. 1. 3. n. a?, Sc 37. ; Diod. 1. i. p. 55. ; Plin. I. 35. feet. 14. p. ^-j?. ; Strab. I. I 7. p. 1 1 70. C. " h'lato, p. 1043.. ; D,ior!. 1 i. p. 84. 1. z6, p, Itf,.^ ."^vrcell. d. 4c. 7., ? Diod. i, JO. r. i;i. ■ 278 DISSERTATION Tft. Babylon and of Egypt afford, for fo many ages, only fimple catalogues of kings, without relating the leafl faA or fmalleft event? But, will they fay, the mod of thefe kings were indolent princes, whofe aftions did not de- ferve to be tranfmitted to pofterity. Be it fo; but un- der thefe fame idle kings, there muft neceflarily have happened fome events, efpecially during fo long a feries of ages as that here in queftion. Whence comes the profound filence in this refpedl, that is remarked in the hiftories of Egypt and Babylon, hiflories, which, ne- verthelefs, recite the names of all thefe fovereigns, and even the precife duration of their reigns? Was it not incomparably more eafy to retain the memory of the principal events which happened in thefe reigns, than, the names of fo many fovereigns, and, above all, than the number of years that they were faid to have occu- pied the throne. A comparifon will place this objec- tion in its full light. The laft kings of the Merovingian race, for example, are reproached with having palfed their lives in (hame- ful idlenefs, which has even given them the name of the Slothful Kings. The detail of their adions is now en- tirely unknown to us. Even the precife duration of many of their reigns, fuffers many difficulties. Never- thelefs, we are not ignorant of the principal events which then happened in France. It is true, we lofe fight of the monarchs, but we fee the actions of their mayors of the palace. In a word, the hiilory of France furnifhes, in thefe obfcure reigns, the detail of many events ; fuch, for inllance, as battles, foundations of mo- nafteries, diffenfions, commotions, Itatutes, &:c. It was not the fame with the Egyptian and Babylonian chro- nicles. In them were found the names of a number of kings, and the precife duration of their reigns ; but bc- 3^ond that, no detail, no mention of any event fallen out in thofe times in Egypt, or at Eabylon. This f.nglc re- fleftion fuffices, I think, to unmalk the impofturc of B rofus and Manetho, It is not difficult to forge at random a lift of king ;, and to ?S[\^n at plcalurc any du- ration to their reigns; but it it v.ox fo calV to arrange an uiil::- DISSERTATION III. 279 uninterrupted feries of events relating to each other, conneded, in fine, and continued for thoufands of ages. Accordingly we fee, that the found judges of antiquity were the firft to turn into ridicule thefe fabulous chro- nicles which prefented no fad:, nor any event. Cicero cxprelTes his fenfe of them in the inofl: formal terms y. Diodorus gave no faith to them^. Ariftotle, by what appears, was far from being convinced of that high antiquity which the Egyptians were fond of boaft- ing *. Plutarch formally combats it ''. Varro, one of the moft learned men who perhaps ever appeared, makes the origin of this people go no higher back than to a little more than 2000 years before the times in which he wrote <= ; that is to fay, to about the year 2120 before the Chriftian sera, Herodotus himfelf does not feem to have given much credit to the 1 1,340 years which were mentioned to him by the priefts of Egypt. I judge fo by the manner in which he treats the fucceflbrs of Menes, who, he fays, was the firil fo- vereign of Egypt. He paflfes over a feries of kings to the number of 330, declaring, that he does not dwell upon them <^. Herodotus undoubtedly regarded that lift as apocryphal and forged, the rather as, by the con* feiTion of the Egyptian priefts themfelves, no event of which it was poflible to fay any thing, could be found in the whole duration of the reigns of thefe pre- tended kings ^ Diodorus has done much the fame thing. Of 470 kings and five queens which in the an- nals are faid to have occupied the throne fucceflively f, y Contemnamtti etiam Balylonics Condemnemus Inquam hot, aut J}(iltitia, aut vsnitatis, aut imprudentU, qui CCCGLXX. millia anmrum, tiiy ipft dicunl, monumentls comprebenfa continent, et mcntiri judicemus, tiec fcculorum reliquerum judicium, quod de ipfn futurum fit pertimefcere. De diria. L i. n. 109. z I-. I. p. 30. 1. X. p. 145. » Metereolog. 1. i. c. 14. p. J47. D. b In Nnma, p. 71. B. c Apud Augttftin. de civit, Dei, 1. 18. c. 40. Sec alfo A. Gell. L 14. c. <. p. 4 L. z. n. 100, lOT, & loi. ^ Ibid. n. loi. f L. i. p. P- 3ij &C. Diod. 1. I. p. 36, & 37, P See Herod. 1. z. n. 124.; Dlod. 1. i. p. 73.; Plin. 1. 35. {e{\. 14, & 17, 1 Apud. Jof. antiq. 1. 10. c. 11. fub fin. This faft without doubt is exag- gerated , but however it proves the conftant practice in Afia of emptoyitig very iittlc fir.ie in the conHruflion of the mofl immenfe works. «■ Mirtini, hift. de la Cliine, 1. 6. t, x. p. 40, & 41. Vol. III. N n menfe 282 D I S S E R t A T I O N III. menfe enterprifes executed In a very little time by the Orientals ^ It muft certainly have been the fame a- mongd the Egyptians. Thus their obeliiks, their py- ramids, their palaces, their temples, &c. can by no means authorife the conjectures that are attempted to be drawn from thefe monuments to eflablifh the anti- quity of the Egyptian empire. All thefe allegations fall of themfclves. The facls which the reader has juft feen deflroy them abfolutely. It even appears to me demonftrated, that the Egyp- tians had not much more knowledge of archite6ture, of Iculpture, and of the fme arts in general, than the Peruvians and the Mexicans. For example, neither one nor the other knew the fecrct of building of vaults ^ What remains of foundery, or fculpture, is equally clumfy and incorreft. I think this obfervation abfolutely elfential. This fort of fkill in reality cannot be acquired but by length of time. The Egyptian monarchy, though much more ancient, and though it continued for many more ages than that of the Peruvians and of the Mexicans, yet did not fubfn'l long enough for thefe people to acquire the lights and the fkill which they have always failed of in many branches of the arts. The Egyptians, as well as the Peruvians and Mexicans, were even dcflitute of certain arts, to which their feeming meannefs, and more our habitual ufe of tliem prevent lis from giving attention; but the invention of which has done more honour to human genius, than all the prodigious monuments I have fpokc of. It were ft ill vain to attempt to elfablifii the pretended antiquity of the Egyptians upon the progrefs that thefe people had made in the demonftrative fcienccs. Their knowledge in this refpeft was very imperfea. The reader may recoiled the details 1 entered into upon this f See Thift. gen. des Huns par M. . gen. lies voyages, t. 13. p. j8o. ; GHrcihllb dc la Vega, I. 7. c. ix. t. ». p. 101. ; Hili Jc^ Iiicas, t- I. p. iCt', Mem. de I'acad. eV Berlin, f. 1. ann. 1746. p. 44>- fubjea DISSERTATION III. 283 fubjeft in the article of fciences ". One fingle exzimpie is enough to (hew the httle extent of their dilcovcrics. In the time of Herodotus, that is to fay, about the vcar 450 before the Chriftian jera, the Egyptian aftrononiers did not yet know, that the length of the folar year is more than 365 days ^. We may judge by this fa£l, which is very certain and well proved, of the progrefs which the ancient inhabitants of Egypt had made in the demonflrative fciences. In a word, and this is a reflec- tion that cannot be too much infilled upon, near 500 years before J. C. Democritus and many other philo- fophers, who maintained, that the world had had a be- ginning, applied themfelves to prove the newnefs of it by all the means that hiflory and critical knowledge could furnifh; yet we do not fee, that it was ever un- dertaken to refute them folidly'', although nothing would have been eafier if the pretended antiquities of the Babylonians and Egyptians had had any realonable foundations. Let us finifh by a glance upon the antiquities of the Scythians. They vi'ili employ us but a moment. Thefc people, according to Trogus Pompeius, and of Juflin his abridger, were acknowledged to be of more ancient origin than the Egyptians 2. The Scythians, hoviever, in the time of Herodotus reckoned only one thoufand years of antiquity*. We may moreover apply with great juftice the re- fleclions I have here made upon the antiquities of the Babylonians and Egyptians to thofe of the Chinefe. Ac- cording to the popular ideas of the Chinefe, the origin of that nation would afcend to thoufL^ds of ages. 1 fay according to the popular ideas, becauie the learned of China are the firil to dieride and give up that fabulous antiquity ''. That pretenfion is not even very ancient in " Part z. book 3. c. a. part 3. book 3. c. a. art. a. * See fifpra, book 3. c. 1. p. loi, loi. y See Jaquelot, differt. fur I'cxirtence de Dleu, t. 1. p. 16s, S:c. 2 L. a. c. i.p. 60. ^ L. 4. n. 5, 7. b Martini, hift. de la Chine, t. 1. p. 7.; Ixttr. etiif. t. zi, p. up, no. ; Hift. des Huns pir, M. de Gai^ries, t. i. part. i. p. 1, & 3. N n 2 Chiniv 284 DISSERTATION III. China. It arofe in pretty modern times'^; another con- formity with the Egyptian and Babylonian antiquities, unknown, as I have made it appear, to the mod ancient and moft learned writers of Greece and Rome. Befides, what dependence can we have upon the certainty of the Chineie chronology for the early times, when we fee thefe people unanimoufly own, that one of their greateft monarchs interefled in the deflrudion of the ancient traditions, and of thofe who preferved the memory of them, caufed all the books which did not treat of agri- culture, or of medicine, or of divination, to be burnt, and applied himfelf for many years to detlroy whatever tould recall the knowledge of the times anterior to his reign*. About forty years after his death, they want- ed to re-eftablifli the hiftorical monuments. For that purpofe they gathered together, fay they, the hearfays of old men. They difcovercd, it is added, fome frag- ments of books which had efcaped the general confla- gration. They joined thefe various fcraps together as they could, and mainly endeavoured to compofe of them a regular hiflory. It was not however till more than 150 years after the deflrudion of all the monuments, that is to fay, the year 37 before J. C. that a complete body of the ancient hiflory appeared. The author him- felf who Qompofed it, Sfe-Ma-tfiene, had the candour to own, that he had not found it poilible to afcend with certainty 800 years beyond the times in which he wrote Such is the unanimous confeffion of the Chinefe ^. I c See riiifloiie aLre^ee de raflronomie Chinoife par le P. Gaubil, dansles ob' fervntions mutacm. du F .Souciet, t. a. p. 16, 17. & Thift. dcs Huns par M. dc Giiiniics, t I. part. I. p. ». • This tn-eiit liappercd 113 years before the Chriftian sra, by llic order of Chi-Hoaniti. '1 liis monarch, exrepting his averfion to letters, was a very great prince. His abilities and firmnefs were cqiiil, and he Aiccecdcd in the execiitian of his pri)]e£t of (upprc(nng all hiftorical books. That dcOru^ion was by fo much the more ff>mpUtc, as the ufc of paper was not known at that time. They drew characters upon tablets or upon little plates of bamboo, which rendered tlie fmall- r(l writing of cnliderablc bulk, and, of confequcncc, very difficult to concc.il. A' id. des infcript. t. 10. p 381. t. 15. p. 519. ; Relat. du royaume de Siam par la Loubcre, t. z. p. 37(5, 4< 377- li Acod. ('es inlcript. t. ic. p. 381, 381, 383, 388. t. 15. p. 506, 518, ji?, leave DISSERTATION III. 285 leave to be judged, after fuch a fact, the certainty of their ancient hiilory *. Accordingly we find, in treating- of it, unfurmountable difficulties and contradidions. The variations that are remarked in the principal epo- chas% prove, that the hiflory of the Chinefe has no fu- pcriority nor any advantage over other profane hiflo- ries. There runs through it an uncertainty like that which the chronologilts find in their refearches into the hiilory of the Babylonians, the Egyptians, and in that of the firfl kings of Greece Befides, it is equally deftl- tute of facts, circumffances, and details. As to the aftronomical obfervations on which it has been attempted to eftablifli the pretended antiquity of the Chinefe, it is long fmce the celebrated Caiiinif, and many other writers of merit ^, have faid enough of them to difcredit all that apparatus vifibly inferted after date. The forgery is even lb plain, that it has been * The only monuments upon which the ancient hifrory of the Chinefe can be cfi'jblilhed, are, i. Some fragments of the moral works of Confucius, and a vei-y dry and fhort chronicle of the hiflory of his province. That chronicle afcends only to the year 7zi before J. C. Confucius lived about the year 450 bef re .he Chriflian jera. A.ad. des infcript. t. 10. p. 381. t. 15. p. 540. z. A moral work of the philofopher Meng-tze who lived about the year 310 before J. C. Ibid. t. 18. p. ic6, ik 107. 3. The Tf:hou-chc::, a very i'ummary chronicle, compofed about the year Z99 before J. C. and found about the year 164 of the Chriflian xra. Ibid. t. 15. p. 537. t. 18. M. p. 115, jiS, & ii8. 4. The body of hiftory com- poled by SJe-yia-tf.ene, and publifhed the year 37 before J. C. Ibid t. 15. p. 54:, Sle-Ma-tfiene is looked upon as the father of hiflory amongft the Chiuele. A collection of the fadfs comprifed in all thefe monuments, would Icarce make a little volume in ii° of ordinary print All the other Chinefe writers are greatly poflerior to thofe I have named. Yet it is very certain, that tnc^- have had no other helps, and that no other ancient monument has been yet dilcovered. Acad, des it cript. t. 18. M. p. 194. ^ See I'hift. gen. des. Huns par M. de Guignes, t. 1. p. 5, 6, 10, 74, &:c. ; Acad, des infcript. t. 10. p. 381, 388, 393, &c.; Journ. des {czw December 1757) P- 8i7> & ^i8' f Anc. mem. de I'acad. des fcienc. t. 8. p. 184, 303, 307. S Jaquelot. diflcrt. fur rexiftencc de Dieu, t. a. p. 97, ici, & ic;.; Acciers. relat. des Ind. & de la Chine, p. 350, 3J4, 358. ; Spectacle de la nature, t. 6. p. 37.; M. Freret, dans les mem. de I'acad. des infcript. t. 10. p. 303, 394, 3;;, 395. t 18. p. 198, 110, ill, i8o. It is true, that in the fequtl M. Freret feems to give up that notion ; but I own, that the reafons which appear to have convinced him, pciUiaJe me not at all. See t. i8, p. 142, 5: 147, &;. perceived It 86 DISSERTATION HI. perceived by fome of the literati ^, notwithftanding the little notion which the Chinefe in general have of criti- cal knowledge. We may affirm boldly, that till the year 206 before J. C. their hiftory deferves no faith '. it is a continued junible of fables and contradictions ^^, a monllrous chaos from which nothing coherent and reafonable can be extracted. What we know of the origin of the greateil part of the arts and fciences, would alone fuffice to demonitrate the falfity and the ridicule of all the fabulous antiquities I have here fpoke of. We fee very clearly the mod elTential difcoveries, the mod neceffary arts take rife or introduce themfelves fucceffively in the different parts of the univerfe. We can even trace their progrefs to a certain point, and difcover enough of it to be convinced, that our whole knowledge is not very ancient. The newnefs of arts and fciences is a fcnfible proof of the little antiquity of the world. We fhould not at this day have the leaft trace, the fmallefl veftige of their origin, if it was as diftant from us as the pretended chronicles of certain nations would make us believe. Neverthelcfs the reader may have remarked, that we are by no means deftitute of lights and information upon all thefe ob- jeds. This reflexion is by fo much the more ftrong, and proves fo much the better the little antiquity of the world, as the tradition of the earliefl: events could only be prefervcd by the memory. It is a proof, moreover, the force of which has been felt by fuch of the ancient phi- lofophers as are the leaft to be fufpefted of credulity. The newnefs of arts and fciences has ahvays been the principal argument they made ufe of to maintain that of the world '. We may draw a proof equally invincible from the imperfedlion of many of the arts in the ancient world, ^ Acad, des infcript. t. lo. p. 396. t. 18. M. p. lio, iii, 239. i Acad, dcs infcript. t. 10. p. 380, 381, 388. k Jiquelot, loro c:t. p. p8, &c. ; Spe^adede la nat. t. 8. p. jj, Sc iC. • Sec Lucret. 1. $. v. 331, &c. ; Macrob. in fomn. Scipion. 1. 1. c. 10, p. ijj. Sec aifo Jatjuclot, did fur resilience dc Dicu, t. 1. c. iz. antj DISSERTATION III. 287 and of all the fciences which depend upon length of time and experience. I might fpeak alfo of the abfo- lute ignorance of even the moft civilized of the ancient nations, touching a great number of moftufeful and mod important difcoveries that we enjoy at this time. But I think 1 have faid enough upon all thefe objeds in the courfe of my work, to be difpenfed with infifting upon them any longer. D I s s E n. i: -.38 ] DISSERTATION IV. Examination of a Paffagc of Di odor us, taken from the Se- CO? id B-ook of that Hijiorian, N° 142. HE faft which we are about to examine in this diflertation, has an intimate relation with the antiquities of the Egyptians, on which we were employed in the preceding one. For this reafon, and that I might leave nothing to wifh for upon that fubjed, I have thought proper to give a particular attention to it. The reader will eafily perceive, that, apart from fuch a confideration, the paflage of itfelf would not de- ferve the fmalleft refle£lion. The paffage in wliich Herodotus has tranfmitted to us the tradition of the fa£l intended for the fubjecl of this diiTertation, has given a great deal of trouble to mo- dern critics, without any of them having accomplilhcd the clearing it up in a fatisfadory manner. We do not flatter ourfelves with better fuccefs. On the contrary, the few refleftions we are about to propofe, tend only to (hew, that it is morally impoffible to make out a rea- fcnable meaning from the exprellions of Herodotus in this paifage. The text in quedion has been hitherto very ill ren- dered in all the tranflations commonly made ufe of; for which reafon, we have thought fit to begin by giving a literal and faithful verfion of it. " They (the Egyptian priefls) faid, that during this *' time, (the time in qucftion was 1 1,340 years, which, '' according to the fabulous tradition of the Egyptians, *' had elapfed from the origin of the Egyptian monarchy " to the reign of Sethon), the Egyptian prielts then " faid, that, during that interval of time, the fun had " rifen four times where he is acculiomed commonly *' to fet; to wit, that twice that ftar had rifen where he now DISSERTATION IV. 289 '' now fets, and twice had fet where he now rifcs; but ** that this had occafioned nothing extraordinary in '* Egypt, either in regard to the produftions of the " earth, or in regard to the overflowings of the *' Nile, or in regard to diflempers, or in regard to " mortality." Such is the literal tranllation of the paf- fage we are to dilcufs. We have abfolutely neglcded ftyle and elegance, left we fhould have failed in point of fidelity. There are, I believe, few perfons who do not, at the firft glance, perceive fomething ambiguous in this nar- ration of Herodotus. The moft natural fenfe that can be given to the words of this hiftorian, is, that, during the 11,340 years in queftion, the diurnal motion of the fun had changed at two different times, and had after- wards, at two different times, returned to be the lame that it was before the firft of thefe two variations which I fuppofe; infomuch, that, in the courfe of the 11,340 years in queftion, they had feen, during four different parts of that period, the fun move one way, and during two other parts move the contrary way, and that ^Iter^ nately. Here is in what precifely confifts the great difficulty of the palTage that we examine. If Herodotus had faid, that, during the courfe of the 1 1 ,340 years in queftion, the fun had fet three times where he is accuftomed to rife, and that twice that ftarhad rifen where he now fets, the fact had been certainly very extraordinary, yet it would not have been abfolutely inconceivable. But that two changes of ftate, which bring precifely only two returns to the primitive pofition, fhould, by their com- bination with the primordial ftate, furnifh, during any time whatever, four alternatives pf that primordial ftate, this implies contraditfflon. A very fimple example will make this be perceived with the utmoft evidence. Let us obferve a tre-e for two fucceeding years. If the obfervation begins in fummer, we fhall fee this tree thrice clothed with leaves, and twice ftripped of thcni during that fpace of time j and that alternately. If the Vol. UI, O o. obfcr. 290 DISSERTATION IV. obfervation begins in winter, we fliall fee, on the con- trary, this fame tree ftripped of its leaves at three dif- ferent times, and it will be feen clothed with leaves during only two of the live alternatives it midcrgoes in the courfe of the two years in queftion; being ftripped of its leaves, will be the primordial ftate of that tree in the fecond cafe. It will be the contrary in the firft. But in one and the other cafe, two changes of condition operate only three alternatives in the primordial ftate. It is confequently ab'urd and contradidory, that two changes of the diredion of the diurnal motion of the fun, during any period whatever, fliould ever operate four alternatives of the ftate in which that diredion was, when the period in queftion began. It is this abfurdity, without doubt, which has led the common interpreters of Herodotus to tranllate the paf- fage we difcufs in a manner entirely different from ours. They make Herodotus fay, " that, during the courfe of " 11,340 years which had, they faid, preceded the " reign of Sethon, the fun had rifen four times in an " extraordinary manner, to wit, that twice he had rifen " where he now fets, and twice he had fet where he is '* now accuftomed to rife." But in avoiding one rock, have not thefe interpreters fplit upon another, at leaft as dangerous as that they want- ed to fliun, by putting Herodotus in contradiction with himfelf in the fame phrafe? According to theni, that hiftorian fays at firft, that, during the 1 1,340 years he fpeaks of, the fun had rifen four times in an extraor- dinary manner; and then immediately they make He- rodotus fay, that during this fame time the fun had rifen twice where he commonly fcts, and let twice where he is accuftomed to rife; that is to fay, that twice only the fun had rifen and let in an extraordinary man- ner. Was there ever a more palpable contradiclion ? Independently of the two explications which we have juft examined, which are both at the bottom alike con- tradictory and abiurd, only with this difference, never- theltfs, that in one of them the contradiction is Icls ftriking DISSERTATION IV. 291 ftriklng than in the other, fome commentators propofed a third interpretation of it. If we may beheve thefe new critics, Herodotus has faid, not that the fun had rifen four times in an extraor- dinary manner, during the period in queflion, but that the courfe of this ftar had undergone four changes; to wit, two in his rifmg, and two in his fetting. This ex- plication, as we fee, is not much more fatisfaclory than all thofe I have juft given an account of. When the fun rifes where he commonly fets, it is neceflary that he fet where he is accuilomed to rife, as we have already made it to be obferved more than once; of confequence, two changes in the rifmg of the fun, and two changes in his fetting, will never make more than two, and not four changes in his diurnal motion, Befides, this fenfe is abfolutely contrary to the text of Herodotus, who makes ufe of a term which cannot exasSily fignify any other thing than the rifmg of the fun * ; and never the motion or the courfe of that fl.ar. From all thefe refledions we ought to conclude ne- ceflarily, that the paffage in queflion, taking it accord- ing to Herodotus's own expreffions, is fufceptible of no reafonable explication. Yet I think I difcover in it a glimpfe of an ancient tradition upon an extraordinary event, which well deferves our attention to difcufs it. It is folely upon this objed that we fhall employ our re^ fledions. Whatever fine genius Herodotus had received from nature, and however extenfive was his knowledge in many refpecls, we may very eafily convince ourfelves that he was very weak on the fide of aflronomy. When he relates, for example, that maritime expedition which the Phoenicians undertook, by order of Nechos King of Egypt, round Africa, fetting out by the ports of the Red fea, and returning again by the Mediterranean, he cannot perfuade himfelf, that thefe travellers had, as they reported, feen the fun upon their right hand " j that is to fay, that they had feen him reach, and even * ' Af ecTuXcci. a Book 4. n.'fa. Q o 2 pafs 292 DISSERTATION IV. pafs their zenith, and be fucceflively on each fide of their firll vertical point *. Yet this ta6l has nothing a- ftonifbing for any one who has the leaft tincture of cofmography. It were not difficult to find other proofs of the little knowledge that Herodotus had of aftronomy b. What we have jufl faid, is enough to (hew, that it is no won- der that this hiflorian fliould have advanced an aftrono- niical paradox. We may even add, that the Egyptian priefls, from whom Herodotus fays he received the fatt he relates, had no doubt imparted itintheirufual manner, that is, greatly wrapped up, and abfolutely enigmatical. Herodotus, in relating it, will have completed its ob- fcurity, by not comprehending the language of the Eygyptian priefts. If we might confider in this fenfe the paffage we ex- amine, it were eafy to get rid of the perplexity, by fay- ing, that Herodotus intending to fpeak of a mattef which he underftood not, and which it was even dif- ficult that he fliould underfi:and, it would be in vain for us to endeavour at this day to come at his meaning even from himfelf. But this palTage, fuch as it has come to us, is not lefs (hocking to good fcnic than to aflronomy, as we have fliewn above. Herodotus, though little verfed in that fcicnce, was not the lefs a genius of the firfl order, and polfefied of as much judgment as any writer of all antiquity; it would thereiore, in our opi- ilion, be doing outrage to his memory to look upon this • To underfland this pafl.iqc, we miift know, that the ancients, to determine the pofitinn of the four cardinal points, with rdpcdt to any (pr^ator, fuppolVd him turned towards the \ve(K Standiti.!; in that maiuie-.-, he had the north to his right, and the foutli to his left. We may ("ec in the fir(l bnok ot the Meteor? of Clcomedcs, p. i j. upon what that Aippofition is fonndcd. From tliat fiirtora it is eafy to fee, that ihofe whoinliabit the northern part of the torrid zone have the i'an on the ri;;ht, that is, to the north, duriii;j nil the time whiwh that ftar employs In ritnninjT throngh the northern fij^ns. Th( A.-, on the contrary, who arc in the ibutlicrn psrt, have the fiii) on their left, that is, to the f nth only, when his me- ridionjj declination cxtetds tlic ittiti'.de of tlicir hdhiration •> See 1. 1. n. jz. the inor.rtrous calcnhition of intercalary months which that author ma^cs Soion make. Sec allb^ii/'/a, book j. ch.«p. i. ait. i. p. loo, Sc 101. paflagc DISSERTATION IV. 293 paflage as fubfifting at this day, fuch as it came from the hands of its author. Tiicre is all appearance, on the contrary, that the text is confiderably altered in that place, as in an infinity of others, where the errors of tranfcribers were, however, much lefs to be feared. No body, I believe, is ignorant that there are few ancient authors whofe text has fuft'ered fo much from the in- juries of time and the errors of tranfcribers, as that of Herodotus. It were necelfary, of confequence, before we undertake to explain the palfagc in queftion in a fa- tisfaftory manner, to reftore it by the authority of fome manufcript, fuch as perhaps is not to be found. For want of fuch help, the modern critics have aban- doned themfelves to abundant conjeftures, which, for the moil part, appear at fir.T: fight weak, and even often ridiculous. We have therefore thought them unworthy of notice. One there is, however, which being truly ingenious, deferves, for that reafon, a particular attention, though, to fay the truth, it has no more folidity than the other conjedlures by which the paffage in queflion has been attempted to be explained. A modern author, who has jultly obtained the mod brilliant reputation, by an union of various talents rarely to be found in one and the fame perfon, has placed this laft conjefture in all its light. We rather chule to refer thofe who would be acquainted with this fyftem to what he fays of it, than to give a detail which would never have the elegance and amenity which that ingenious writer has diffuffed over all the fubjeiSls he has undertaken to handle. The rea- der will find in his work all that can be faid in favour of that opinion, and even fo-ne of the reafons which may render it problematical ''. For what remains, if the tradition of a change in the motion of the fun was related only by Herodotus, I think that the critics would have given lefs attention to the <= Elements of Newtojj's phUofophy made eafy to all th? world, by M. dc Vol- taire. paf- 294 DISSERTATION IV; paflage of that author; but we find this fame tradition in many other writers, always indeed in a very confuf- ed manner. Plato relates in one of his dialogues, that, in the time of Atreus, the motion of the firmament had changed, in fuch a manner that the fun and all the flars had be- gun to rife where formerly they had fet, and to fet where they had been accuflomed to rife; in a word, the machine of the world was moved in a way contrary to that in which it had been before. He accompanies this relation with fo odd a detail of the effects of this change, and with fuch fingular phyfical explications, that it is eafy to fee he Ipoke only from a tradition extremely confufed and perplexed '^ We judge alfo from a pal- fage in his Timseus, where, in two words, he brings in this event, that Solon who was the firft who made the Athenians acquainted with it, had drawn it from Egypt, that is, from the fame fource as Herodotus «. Pompo- nius Mela fpeaks alfo of the fame tradition f ; fo does Plutarch^, Diogenes Laertius, and many other writers of antiquity •>. They appear all to have had fome know- ledge of a period like that which is the fubjed of this diflTertation ; but none of thefe authors have fpoke of it in an intelligible manner. They exprefs themfelves for the moft j)art with as little exadnefs as Herodotus. Upon the whole, bringing together the different tefti- monies cf antiquity which may have any relation to the palfage we examine, they all agree in telling us, that the Egyptians, and, perhaps, even fome other ancient nations, had prelerved a confufed tradition of one or more chancres which tlie diurnal motion of the fun had undergone, although otherwife moft of thefe teftimonies are totally repugnant with refpecl to the nature, the number, the time, and the duration of ihefe changes. d In politico, p. J 3 J. ^ In Tim. p. 1045, &c. f I... i. c. j(. p. 60. K De placit. pliilof. I. 1. c. 14. p ^po, & 891. h Achil. i'atius tie Arati | ha;ijotn. c. 24. p. 147. Solinus, c. 31, p. 44. G. &C. This DISSERTATION IV. 295 This agreement upon the fundamental point of the nar- ration of Herodotus, is that, no doubt, which has piqued the curiofity of the learned. It has made them believe, that it might be poffible to difcover what could have given rife to the belief of a fad fo extraordinary. As the little conformity amongfl: ancient authors with regard to the manner in which this phsenomenon was operated, joined to the circumftances which had accompanied it, left an open field for the imagination of our modern writers ; they have abandoned themfelves to conjectures one bolder than another. I think, that their example gives me a right to venture one alfo, which, befides the novelty of it *, will have at lead the advantage of being founded on authentic fa£ls, and not on doubtful fuppo- fitions, or upon aftronomical intelligence too high for the times in queftion in this diifertation. Holy fcripture has preferved the hiflory of two mira- culous events, concerning the diurnal motion of the earth. The firft happened under Jolhua, when the courfe of that ftar was fufpended during a w^iole day or thereabouts >. The fecond came to pafs under the reign of Hezekiah, when the fun was feen to go back conii- derably, and probably about 150 degrees". Both thefe fads are anterior to the reign of Sethon; the firft of thefe prodigies even preceded the reign of • The explication \ am about to propofe, occurred to me before reading what P. Calmet fays in few words upon this palTage of Herodotus, in a preliminary dii- fertation at the head of the fecond book, of Kings. He has laid down only the foundation and principles of it. I think I have further unfolded that idea. i Jofhua, e. lo. v. li, & 13. ; Ecclefiuftic. c. 46. v. $• It is of little import- ance, as to the reality of the miracle in itfelf, wlicther we admit tJie nc.v fyflem which makes the earth turn round the fun, or whether we follow the ancient opi- nion of that ftar's turning round the earth. Wliatever fyftcm we embrace, the event I fpeak of will be neither lefs real nor Icfs miraculous in appearance. fc i Kings, c. io. v. 9, &c. ; 1 Chron. c. 3*. v. 14 ; llai.ah, c. 38. v. 7, & 8.; Ecclefiaftic. c. 48, v. ij, & 16. The facred text fays, that the Ihadow went baclt ten degrees upon the dial of Ahaz. There is great appearance, that each of thefe degrees indicated an hour, and that, of confequence, the fun went hack 150 de- grees of the parallel he defcribcd that day. But as this eftimate is not ubfolutely certain, I would not prccifely determine \vhat intti val of time anf^ercd to each of thefe decrees. Atreus 296 DISSERTATION IV. Atreus by about 200 years. This lafl mufl have pro- longed the day for one half of the earth, and the night for the other half of the hemifphere, in a manner too fenfible not to have been remarked, efpecially by na- tions who had any tindure of agronomy. The circumftances oi the fecond miracle muft have been ftill more ftriking. Suppofmg, that the retrogra- dation of the fun was then 150 degrees; it is neceflary that that ftar (hould have rifen upon more than three thoufand leagues of country fuccelhvely, and that at the fame point of the horizon where he had fet fome hours before; that afterwards he Ihould have refumed his firft courfe. For the fame reafon, they mufl have feen him, in the Extent of more than three thoufand leagues of our globe, fet where he had rifen, and rife anew where he had laft fet. With regard to the reft of the earth, the day muff have been confiderably lengthened in one part, and the night muft have been as much longer in the oppofite part. There were (fuppofmg al- ways the retrogradation of the fun of 150 degrees) ten hours at leaft from the fun's rifmg upon the horizon at Jerufalem, when the miracle I fpeak of happened. By this means, the moft fenfible effeds fell upon the ocean. This, no doubt, was the occafion that profane authprs have had but a very confufed notion of it. Of all the regions of our continent, thofe in which this prodigy muft have manifefted itfelf in the moft ftriking manner, are the Eaft Indies, and the m.oft weftern part of Afri- ca, countries of which we have no hiftorical monument. It may have been alfo, that the fun having gone back with regard to judea precifely to the point of his rifmg, might really have fet during fome minutes for Egypt, and for the moft weftern countries at the fame pomt where he had rifen, and rifen foon after refuming his ordinary courfe precifely where he had fet. In Egypt, where the air is always ferene, they might have feen that this pro- digy was operated by a real retrogradation of the fun ; in Greece, where, on this fuppolition, the phenomenon muft DISSERTATION IV. 29^ muft have been more fenfible, the clouds having hidden his dilk, was enough to have caufed the fudden darknefs which muft, for fome time, have covered the whole country, to be attributed to an eclipfe '. In a word, we may find a thoufand reafons for the filence of molt pro- fane authors, as well as for the various alterations which thofe who fpeak of a change in the diurnal motion of the fun, may have made in the tradition of this memo- rable event. Befides, I find no motive which fliould hinder us from acknowledging in it the foundation and the principle of that fame tradition *. The flrongeft allegation that can be brought againffc the explication which I propofe, is, without doubt, the opinion of many interpreters and commentators upon the holy fcripture, who will confine the miracle operat- ed under Hezekiah to a fimple retrogradation of the fhadow of the fun, independent of the courfe of that ftar, and that again only upon the dial of Ahaz. But I do not fee why they will have that retrogradation ot ^he fhadow not to have been the natural and phyfical effeft of the adual retrogradation of the fun ; why the fame power, who had really fufpended the courfe of that ftar, to give Jofhua time to finiih the defeat of the ene- mies of his people, fhould not have really changed it in confideration of a juft and religious prince? The fcrip- ture tells us, that Berodach^Baladan, King of Babylon, fent to compliment Hezekiah upon the recovery of his health ", Nobody is ignorant how great, in thofe times, was the power of the kings of Babylon, and how much they thought themfelves above other fovereigns. We knoY/ alfo to what a ftate of weaknefs the kingdom I See Plut. de placit. pliilofoph, 1. a. c. 14. p. 8po, & 8pi. • It ftioiild be remarked, thai an aftual retrogradation of the fun, fuch as ac- cording to us canie to pafs in the reign of Hc?iekiah, is the only means of pror ducing the phenomena related by Herodotiu, wilhont canfing altrration in the temperatur? of the places where they are undergone. On the contrary, the mov- ing of the poles, an explication to which fome modern critics feein to Incliae, would make the fame places fuccf {Tively undergo the moil oppoHtc temperatyrcs. JP 2, Kings, c. 20. V. ij, Vo;.. IIL P p •! ^gS DISSERTATION IV. of Judah was then reduced. Whence then could pro*, ceed that ftep of I'uch a monarch as Berodach-Baladar^ towards Hezekiah? Is it not probable, that the mira- cle operated in favour of this prince was the principal caufe, a miracle to which the Babyloniajis, amongft whom aftronomy was then greatly cultivated, could not help giving a particular attention? This is not even a fimple conjedlure on our part; it is a fa6t of which fa^! cred fcripture does not permit us to doubt. It informs us, that the ambafladors of the Babylonian monarch were fpecially charged with informing themfelves of the prodigy which had happened upon the earth". I am therefore perfuaded, that the miracle wrought in the time of Jofliua, joined to that which was wrought fome ages after in favour of Hezekiah, were the origin, and fourcc of all thofe confufed traditions related in an-? cient writers upon the change which the courfe of the fun had twice undergone *. ■ 3, Chronic, c. 3Z. v. 31. Aft:?men in legitione priiicipum Babylonis quimif-' fi fuerant ad cum, nt intcrrogarent de poitento quod acciJerat fiiper terrain, &c. • To form a jufl idea of the cirL(n:s produced by the rctrogradation of the fun, fuch as we underfbnd it, we fliall fuppofc that ftar to have been in the equator the day that this miracle happened, that this retrogradation was of ijo degrees, and thdt it was four in the afternoon at Jerufalcm it the inftajit when the lliudo\v began to go back ; or, what comes to the fame thing, that the Am was at that moment diflant ijo degrees from the pointof his riling, aiid that, of confequence, liis retrogradation brought him back to that fame point. Then plaeing Jerufaicm, Miith moft geographers, at the i^th degree ■ f longitude, the 87th & ii57th degrees feparated that part of our globe which had day, from that which had night, at the rnoment when the retrogradation of the iun began ; th;.t is to fay, that America, Africa, Europe, and Afia, as far as the mouth of the Indies or thereabouts, then enjoyed the hght of the fun, while the refl of the world was plunged in darkncfs. On the contrary, at the moment when the retrogradation of the fun brought him back to the fame point where he had fet out ten hours before, the meridian which pafles by the 57th degree of longifi'de, feparated the lightened from the darkened nemifphere. By that, all Afta, except Anatolia, and almoft all the Pacific ocean, had then day; but America, as well as Eunpe, and Africa, had night in almoft all their extent. The inhabitants of the Mogul, of the Indies, of China, of Ja- pan, &c. in a word, all the nations which lie between the 87th and the 137th de- grees of longitude, muft have feen the fun rife anew upon their horizon, at the fame point where he had fet fome time before, and fet, after he had rcfumcd his primordial direction, at the fame place where his retrograde motion had made hinx laftrifc. ' ' DISSERTATION IV. 299 On tlie contrary, on each fide of the firft merulian, as fjr as the S7th degree of Jongitade on one fide, and the i(54th on the other, reckoning according 10 a re- trograde Older ; that is to fay ii- E;^ypt, in Greece, in Italy, &c.they muft have feen the fun recurning to let pretifely where he had rilen, and fbon after refiime his ordinary courfe, and rife anew where he had juft fet Between the jyrh and the 87th degree, as in Arabia and in Perfia, the day mutt have lafted ten hours longer than ordinary. The moftlcnfiole effeci of the miracle muft have been a kind of balancing of the fun's difk. We are ex'.remety far from giving this explication as preferable in itfelf to any of the other hypothcfes, of which a number may be equally agreeable to the text of holy fcripture. We may alTign to the fun what northern or fouthern declina- tion we will. We may in the hollow of rocks, that they dwch in defcrts, and, lived in fociety with ail the other creatures. They had no thought of doing any injury to the beafts, and the beafts did not think of hurting them. But in the fuc- ceeding ages they became too wife, which made the animals rebel; armed with claws, teeth, horps, and ve- nom, they aifulted man, and man was not able to rcfift them: Yeou-tfao reigned then. He was the firft who built houfes of wood, in the form of birds nefts ; he per- fuaded ni(?n to retire into them to avoid the wild beafts. f Ysnc-tfire was miniftcr of ftatc under three kings ©f Tfi, he iraj cotcmporary ivi:h K©uitac-tf:;. • They EktraBs from the Clnnvfe Hi/loridns;. ^pj Irhcy did not know as yet how to cultivate the earth, they lived on herbs and fruits. They drank the blood of animals, they devoured their flefh quite raw, they fwallowed the hair and the feathers. This is what they fay of Yeou-tfao-chi: after him comes Soui-gine, found- er of the 12th dynafty. Soui-erine-chi is efteemed the inventor of fire. o On the fummit of the mountain Pou-tfcheou, fays an Author, are to be feen the walls of Juftice. The fun and the moon cannot approach them; there is no difference of fcafons there, nor viciffitudes of days and nights. This is the kingdom of light oU the confines of Si-ouang- mou ^ A faint (a great man) went to make a tour be- yond the bounds of the fun and moon : he beheld a tree, and upon that tree a bird, who made fire come out of it by picking it. He was furprifcd at this ; he took a branch of this tree, and from thence flruck firej from whence they called this great perfonage Soui-gine. Other authors fay alfo, that Soui-gine made fire with a certain kind of wood, and taught men to drefs their viduals. By this means all difeafes, and all diforders of the fiomach and bowels were prevented. In this he followed the direftion of heaven, and from thence was named Soui-gine. -. They fay further, that, in the days of Soui-gine, there was much water upon the earth, and that this prince taught men the art of fifliing. He muft, of confe- il'aence, have invented nets or lines, which invention is after this afcribed to Fou-hi. One Long-lna, or Dragon-horfe, brought him a kind of table, and the tortoife letters. Soui-gine is the firft to whom they apply this event, but the fame thing will be faid in the fequel of feveral others. Soui-gine was the firfl who gave names to plants and animals; and thefe names (fay they) were fo exprellive, that the nature of every thing was known by its name. 2 Si-ouang-mou fignifies literally the ?tiother of the king of the ice/?. This is the name of a kingdom which the Chinefc place in the weft of Ta-th(ine, of the Lke called Weak IVater, and of the defert named the running fands. if fVeakivaier ii the dead fea, Si-ouang-mau niay be Egypt. Vol. III. Qji He 3o6 ' Extra fls from the Chinefe Hyiorians, He invented weights and meafures for the regulation of commerce, which had been unknown before him. Anciently (fays an author) men married at fifty, and women at thirty years of age: Soui-gine fhortened this period, and appointed that youjig men ihould marry at thirty, and girls at twenty, Lallly, the Liki fays, that it was Soui-gine who firft taught men urbanity and politenefs. It now remains to fpcak of Yong-tching-chl, the found- er of the thirteenth and laft dynafty of this period. In his time, they ufed flender cords on which they tied various knots, and this ferved them inftead of writing b. But, after the invention of letters, how could they return again to the ufe of thefe cords, which is fo limited and imperfed? This, as you perceive, implies a contradiction. 1 come to the ninth Ki or period, named Cbene-tong. This ninth period will bring us down to the times of Fou-hi. It comprehends twenty-one kings, whofe names are as follow: 1. Sfe-hoang or Tfang-hie. 2. Pe-hoang-chi. 3. Tchong-hoang-chi. 4. Tai-ting-chi. 5. Kouene-lienc. 6.r Ycne-chi. 7. Tai-chi. 8. Tching-hoei-chi. 9. Li-lou or lloei-chi. 10. Sohoang-chi 11. Nuei-touane-chi. Liu-pou-ouci fays plainly, that Sfe-hoang made let- ters. This Sfe-hoiuig is called alfo ^fang-hie. Some hiftorians place him under Hoang-ti, whofe minifter they make him ; wliile others make him a fovereign prince, and much anterior to Hoang ti, as you fee: but I fliall leave to the Chinefe to fettle this point. h Thi Peruvian? xifcd this kind of writing Kfore the Spitiiards con<)ytiin and ^vf^ftaXtKti, that ij,to fay, into character'; re- pre entative of ol'iedls, and allegorical charad^eres, to which wc may refer the fix rules of the Chinese here mentioned. In like manner again, as the Chincfe fay of the inventors of wri.ing, that they viewed the heavens to obtain models of this writing, fo lihewifc Sanchoniatho fays of Thaant or Mercury, that he imitated heaven in forming tlic facred characters. Apud Eule'i. przp. evapg. I i.e. »c. * The rclij^ioiis monn '.nnt of the Greeks were originally conftruftcd in this manner. See Pint. t. i. p. 478,. A. the Exiracls from ihe Chincfe Hlfiorians. 309 the weights of thhigs. By this means he ruled the world in peace. Ho fignifies merchandile in general. Formerly they WTote limply hoa^ which fignilies ex- change. Thefe merchandifes (they fay) conlided in metal, kine; in precious itones,^?^; in ivory, tcbi: in fkins, pi; in coined money, tfuene; and in iluffs, pqu; Sec. They then denominated money (as is done dill) by the name of the reigning family. That of Hiene-yuene was one inch feven lines, and weighed twelve tc.bu, [the tchii is the 20th part of ?i yo, and a jo weighs 1200 little grains of millet]. They then engraved letters on their money (as is dill done at prefent). It is for this reafon that irn-tfcej lexers, fignifies alfo a piece of money, which is called hkewife ktni, and tfuene, and iao. Tcho-jong (i6th emperor of the 9th period) hearing at Cane-tcheou the finging of birds, compofed a mufic of union whofe harmony penetrated every where, touched the intelligent fpirit, and calmed the heart of man, in fuch a manner that the external fenfes were found, the humours in equilibrio, and the life very long. He called this mufic T/ie-ouerie, that is to fay, temperance, grace, and beauty f. But the defign, and in fome fort the only aim of the ancient mufic of the Chinefe, according to their au- thors, was the harmony of the virtues, the moderation of the paluons, elegance of manners, and, in a word, every thing that can contribute to the perfed:ion of a good and wife government, &:c. For they were per- fuaded that mufic was capable of working all thefe mi- racles. It is difficult for us to believe them in this, efpecially when we confider the mufic which is at pre- fent ufed amongft them. But I appeal to the Greeks, I It is thus Lucretius fays, that mufic was, modelled after the finging of bird?. At I'lquidas avium voces imltnrie'- ore Ante fuit mullo, (juatn ieiii/i canmna cantit. C.ncehbrjre h.miiics ^''Jj'ctJt, aurej>i'ie juvarii. who 3IO Exira^ls from the Chinefe llijhrlam. who related as aftonilliing effecls from this agreeable invention, whilll the modern Greeks, Hke moft part ot the Orientals, have no mufic but a wretched and con, temptible monotony. Befides, we fhall have occafion elfewhere to treat of mufic a little more at large. The 17th king of the 9th period is named Hao-yng. In his time they cut down the branches of trees to kill t>eafts with. Men were few. Nothing but vaft forefts were every where to be feen, and thefe frightful woods were filled with wild beafts. How contradidory is this, and how incompatible with the times in which this prince is faid to have reigned! The 1 8th king of the 9th period is called Teou-tfao- rhi. We have feen in the preceding period, a prince of the fame name. The Ouai-ki places this king at the beginning of the laft ki, and gives him for fucceffor Soui-gine. At this rate nine entire periods, or ki, muft ^ave elapfed before men knew how to build huts, or had the ufe of fire. Lopi follows another method : he has ranged Yeou-tfao-chi and Soui-ginc in the preced- ing period; and although the king we arc now fpeaking of bears the fame name, he fpeaks of him quite diflcri ently. The 19th king of the 9th period is named Tjchu-ftang' ch'i. They fay that he commanded Sfee-kouei to make a kind of guitar with five fl:rings named fe, to remedy the diforders of the univerfe, and prefcrve every thing that had life. Tht 20th king of the 9th period is named Tue-kbaiig-^ chi. In his time, the waters did not flow, the rivers did not purfue their ufual courfe, which occalioned a great number of difeafes. Yne-khang inftituted the dances called Ta-vou (grand dances), with a view to prefcrve health: for, as Lop: fays, when the body is not in motion, the humours have not a free courfe; matter is amafled in fomc part, from whence come difeafcs, which all proceed from fomc ob- ilrudion. TliP Estracls from the Chinefe Hi/ionam. 311 Tlie Chinefe alfo imagine, that a man's virtues may be known by his manner of touching the lute and drawing the bow, &c. Thus the Chinefe make dances as well as mufic have a reference to good government; and the Liki fay, that we may judge of a reign by the dances which are ufed in it. The 2 1 ft and laft king of the 9th period is named Vou-hoai chi ; but they relate nothing of this prince which is worthy of notice. This is all that the fabulous times contain. If thefe times cannot enable us to fix the real epocha of vsrious inventions, (as the Chinefe are fo full of contradidions about the time of thefe different difcoveries), we fee at leaft from them, that the origin of arts has been much the fame among them as among other nations. We are now come down to Fou-hi, who is confidered by the Chinefe hiftorians as the founder of their monarchy. What they fay of this prince and his fucceifors, has ibme more folidity in it than what we have hitherto feen. FO U-H 1. The Ouai-ki, quoted in the Chinefe annals, thils de- fcribes the manners of mankind in thefe days. " In the *' beginning, men differed nothing from other animals *' in their way of life. As they wandered up and down *' in the woods, and women were in common, it hap- *' pened that children never* knew their fathers, but *' only their mothers. They abandoned themfelves to " luft without fliame, and had not the leaft idea of the " laws of decency. They thought of nothing but " fleeping and fnoring, and then getting up and yawn- " ing. When hunger preffed them, they fought for " fomething to eat; and when they were glutted, they '' threw the reft away. They eat the very feathers and " hair of animals, and drunk their blood. They clothed " themfelves with Ikins quite hairy. The Emperor " Fou-hi ^12 Exlracls from the Ch'mefe Hifiorlan's. •'^' Foil hi began by teaching them to make lines for' '• catching lilh, and fnaies for taking birds It was for *^' this, that this prince was named Fou-hi-chi. He *' taught them further to feed domellic animals, and " to fatten them for flaughter; for which they gave *' him the hrname of Yao hi-chi.^^ It feems evident, that the ancient Chinefe had at firft no otlier habitation than caves, the hollows of rocks and fiatural dens. 1 hey were then infefted with a kind of infcill or reptile called iang; and when they met, they aiked one another, Are you troubled with iangsf To this day they make ufe of this exprcilion, in aiking after any perfon's health t Cotiei tang { What difcafe have youf IIov/ do you dof" Vou-iang, 1 am without /^;;^-; that is to fav, 1 am hearty, in perietf health, without any ailment. It would be fuperfluous to relate here, what the Chi- nefe fay, in their annals, of the invention of characters, and of coua, after what has been faid by F. Couplet and fo many others on that fubjed. I fliall only addj that the treatife Hi-tfee^ bears, that, at the beginning, na- tions were governed by means of certain knots which they made on llender cords: that afterwards the faint introduced writing in their place, to afiift the mandarins in performing all their offices, and the people in examin- ing their conduct; and that it v/as by the fymbol . ■ Kouai, that he conduced himfelf in the execution of his work. Lopi, whom we have fo often quoted already, fays, that tou hi extracted from the fymbol of fix lines every thing that concerned good government. For ex- ample, '- — "" Li gave him the hint ot making lines for hunting and fiiliing, and :hele lines were anewoccalion of inventing ftuifs for garments. Lopi adds, that it is a 8 This is th 'rcatifc in r v-Hion. C -fachisis the author of it, it is a com- iftf'itary on t ' -Itin^;. '^" cy call this .■ >:nmcntary, out ot rcfntift to hk ay- thor, Ju-Uhou:..., the ^rcat tradition. It ihould be wrote Hi-lfcc, m.d not I'-tjce. ml flake Extracts fro7n the Ch'incfe Hij}orians. JM miftake to imagine, that, in the times of Foii-hi, they ftill ufed cords tied and knotted, and that books were not introduced till under Hoang-ti. Fou-hi taught men to rear the fix domeftic animals i, not only fou food, but alfo for viftims, in the facrifices which they offered to Clmic, and to Ki ". They pretend that Fou-hi regulated the rites Kiao-chene. Fou-hi alfo inllituted marriage; before this the inter* courfe of the fexes was indifcriminate; he fettled the ceremonies with which marriages were to be contrafted, in order to render this great foundation of fociety re- fpeiSlable. He commanded the women to wear a dif- ferent drefs from that of the men, and prohibited a man's marrying a woman of the fame name, whether a relation or not, a law which is adually ftill in force. Fou-hi appointed feveral minifters and officers to af* fill: him in the government of the empire. One of thefe officers made the letters, another drew up the calendar, a third built the houfes, a fourth prac- tifed medicine, a fifth cultivated the ground, a fixth was the mafter of the woods and waters. They pretend that Fou-hi applied himfelf very much to afhronomy. The Tcheou-pi-fouane fays, that he di- vided the heavens into degrees. Lopi takes notice, that properly the heavens have no degrees, but that this term is ufed with relation to the path of the fuu in the courfe of a year. The period of fixty years is reckoned due to Fou-hi. The 'JTiene-piene fays plainly, that this prince made a calendar to fix the year, and that he is the author of Kia-tfe. The Sane-fene fays the fame thing; and the Hane-Ii-tchi fays, that Fou-hi m^ade the firft calendar by tile Kia-tfe ; but the Chi-pene afcribes this to Hoang-ti. This is one of thefe contradictions fo common in the Chinefe hifiorians. The fam.e Fou-hi, they fay, made arms and ordained k The fix domeftic anlmalf, arcordin;; to the Chinefe, arc the horfe, the ox, the hen, the Iiog, the dog, and the iheep. i Chine, the i'pirit of heaven, and Ki, the fplrit of the eartli. Vol. III. R r „ punilliments ' 314 ExtraEis from the Chinefe Hi/ionam» punifliments. Thefe arms were of wood, thofe of Chin-nong were of il:one, and Tchi-yeou madefome of metal. Fou-hi drained off the waters, and furrounded the cities with walls. In the mean time, as Chin-nong is effeemed the firft who made walls of ftone, we mufl fuppofe, that thofe raifed by Fou-hi were only of earth or brick. Fou-hi gave rules to mufic. Thofe who afcribe this fine art to Hoang-ti are deceived (or vice verfci). After Fou-hi had invented filhing, he made a fong for the fifhers. It was from his example that Chin-nong made one for the labourers. Fou-hi took of the wood of Tong ; he made it hol- low; and of it made a kine (a lyre, or what you pleafe to tranllate it) feven feet two inches long; the firings were of filk, to the number of 27; he commanded this inftrument to be named Li. Others fay it had but 25 ilrings, others 10, and others only 5; (which of them ihall we believe?). Befides, others make this inftrument only three feet fix inches fix lines in length. Fou-hi made this inftrument, fay fome, to ward off enchantments, and banifli impurity of heart. He took of the wood o^fang, and made alfo a guitar of 2,6^ or rather of 50 firings. This inftrument ferved to adorn the perfon with virtues, and to regulate the heart, &c. Lailly, he made a third inftrument of baked earth ; after which, . fay they, ceremonies and niufic were in high efteem. The money which Fou-hi introduced, was of copper, round within to imitate heaven, and fquarc without to refemblc the earth '. He himfelf made trial of many medicinal plants. I The Cliincfe reprefcnt the earth fquare. TIms ignorance of the figuri of our globe h ts notliinp in it I'l ijirifinn;, when wc confnlcr how little progrefs artronn. rtiy lias made in Chini. I rejj.ird fuilher this error, pcipituited among tlie Chi- nefe vulgar, as ari(ln(T from hcnre, that they give thefe denomindti.ins to the Chi- hcfe empire, which bclon;; only to the whole glohc. Sucli, for cximple, is the cx- prefTion Tkicve-hia, word for word iiif trior hi\ncii,ox thut vh'ch is under heavat, a name by which they commorily diftiiiuuifh that empire in their hooks. Now, under the Kmpcrors Vao, Chmii-, and Yn, they made fevcral divilions of ih.at empire, ar.d one arrnnn oilier,;, hy wlilcli they ri-prtlciitrd it p^rfcifiiy fqiiarc, in order to drreiniiiic, hy this means, the u to ilic tail, anil S.in-uuci to tlic weft ; for ihcfc vycrc, in the lim^s of Yao and Ciiiiiir, tii^ litnits and extrcmiti( o. China. AniQn^ Extracls from the Chbicfe Hiftorians* 317 Among the fucceflbrs of Chin-nong they place Hoang-ti, and the rebel Tchi-yeou, whom they makethe inventor of arms of iron, and feveral kinds of punilh- ments. Tchi-yeou had the power of raifing mifts and darknefs extremely thick. Hoang-ti knew not how to attack and overcome him. He accompiifhed it, how- ever, by forming a car, on which he placed a figure whofe arm of itfelf always turned to the fouth, in order to point out the four regions *. Hoang-ti ufed the lance and buckler. Tchi-yeou ordered fabres, lances, and crofs-bows, to be made. They afcribe to Hoang-ti the kia-ife^ or cy- cle of 60 years, or at lead Ta-nao made it by his di- reclion. The Mandarin Tfang-kiai was charged to compofc hiflory. Yong-tcheng made a fephere which reprefent- ed the celeflial orbs, and difcovered the polar ftar. Li-cheou regulated numbers, and invented an indru- nient for computation, like to, or the fame with, that which is ftill in ufe in China and India; and of which Martini, in his decades, and la Loubere, in his voyage to Siam, have given us the defign and defcription. Ling-lune, a native of Yuene-yu in the weft of Ta- hia, (that is, Khorafl'an), took reeds in the valley of Hiai-ki ; he cut two of an equal length, and blew into them : this gave occafion to the invention of bells. He adjufted twelve of thefe reeds to imitate the fong of fong-hoang, the royal bird, (one of the fabulous birds of the Ghinefe). He divided thefe reeds into twelve lu ; fix ferved to imitate the fong of the male, and fix that of the female. Finally, this man brought mufic to per- feclion, and explained the order and arrangement of different founds. By means of thefe lul-lu, he governed the Khi of the Yne and of Yang, he determined the change of the four feafons, and gave calculations for fiftronomy, geometry, and arithmetic. Yong-yuene, by order of Hoang-ti, made twelve bells * Some modern authors fancy th?y perceive in this the invenuf n of the ccra- pafi, of 31 8 Extracts from the Chinefe Hi/iorlans. of copper, which correfponded to the moons, and fenced to adjuft the five tones, and fix the feafons, &c. fables. Koang-ti invented a kind of diadem or tiara, called Miene. He ordered a blue and yellow robe to be made for himfelf, in imitation of the colours of heaven and earth. Having viewed the bird Hoei, and confidered the variety of its colours, as well as thofe of the flowers, he made garments be dyed of different colours, to make a dillintlion between the great and fmall, the rich and poor. Nin-fongandTche-tfiang invented mortars for pound- ing rice; kettles or chaldrons : they invented the art of building bridges, and of making Ihoes ; they made cofEns for the dead ; and men reaped great advantages from all thefe inventions. Hoei invented the bow, Y- meou arrov/s ; Khy-pe invented the drum, which made a noife like thunder; trumpets, and horns, which imi- tated the voice of the dragon. Kong-kou and Hoa-hu, by order of the Emperor Hoang-ti, hollowed a tree, of which they made a (hip ; of the branches of the fame tree they made oars ; and by this means they were able to penetrate into places which feemed inacceifible, and where men had never been. For the tranfportation of merchandife by land, they alfo invented chariots under this reign, and trained' oxen and horfes to draw them. Hoang-ti alfo turned his thoughts to buildings, and gave models of them. He built a temple called Ho- kongy in which he facrificed to Chang-ti, or to the Su- preme Being. With a view to facilitate commerce, Hoang-ti ft ruck money, railed kinc-tao, knife of metal , becaufe it had the ih Firmicus, \nfoL Roma^ I499« Junius de piclura veterum, mfol. Rofcrodami, 1694. Juflini hiftoriee (variorum), in 8". Lugdimi Batavonim, 1719- K. KIrcher (Athanaf.) la Chine illuflree, mfol. Amjterd^ 167'. Ejuidem obelifkus Pamphilius, mfol. Kom(2, 1658. Kuhnius in notis ad Mliani var. hid. in 4°. L. LAet, defcription des Indes Occidentales, mfol Leydc^ 1640. Leges Salicas, dans le recueil des hiftoriens de France par 13. Bouquet. Lenglet, methode pour etudier I'hiftoire, in 4". Paris, 1734- Lefcarbot, hiftoire de la Nouvelle France, in 8°. Paris, i6« I. Lettres edifiantes de quelques millionaires de la Coni- pagnie de Jefus, in 12°. Paris^ 1717, &c- ^c. ^c. Luciani opera, cum notis variorum, in 4". Aniftelod. I743-* M. MAcrobii opera, cum notis variorum, in 8^ Lugduni Batavorum, 1670. Maiilct, 334 Table of the Names of the Authors, Maillet, defcription de TEgypte, publiee par M. I'Abbe Mafcrier, in 4°. Paris ^ ^7 35- Manetho, aptid Syncellum & Jofepbum. Marc Paul (voyages de) dans recueil des voyages falts en Afie, public par Bergeron, in 4°. La Haye, I73<^. Marculphi formulas veteres inter hiftoris Franc, fcrip- tores, ex edit Benedidinorum, iny^/. P^r//* 160. Marmora Arundelliana, aliaque academ. Oxonienfis, in fol. Londini, 1732. Marfham chronicus canon, \vifol Londini, 1672. Martianus Capella de nuptiis Mercurii & Philologiae, in 8'^ ex officina Plantiniana^ iSPO- Martini, hifloire de la Chine, in 12°. Paris ^ 1692. Megaflhenes, ^/z^<^ Eufebii prasp evangel & Jofepbum. Memoires de Tacademie de Berlin, in 4''. Berlin, ^']'\S* wJPhotium. Opufcula mythologica, &c. in 8° Anijielodami, 1688. Origenes contra Celfum. Ejufdem philocalia, in 4°. Cantcibrigi^, 16 yy. Otho Spcrlingius de nummis non cufis, in 4°. Amjiel. 1700. P. 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Roma, x ^50. / have 711 de ufe of both thcfe editions, Piganiol de la Force, defcription de la France, in 1 2°. P:ris, 172-2. Pindarus, mfol. Oxomi, '697. Plantonis opera omnia, mfol. Frajicofurti, 1602. Plinii liiitoria naturalis, edif. Harduini, in fol. Paris., Plutarchi opera omnia, mfol Lutetia Parif or. typis re- giis, 1624. Pococke's defcription of the Eafl. mfol. Lo7idon, 1743. Po'vseni flratagemata, in 8° Lugduni Bat.iiwrum, 1 09 i . Poliucis (tul ) Onomalticon, mfcl. A?nJielodami, 1706. Polybii hifLoria, mfol. pa} if. J609. Pomponius Mela de iitu orbis, in 8°. Lugduni Batavo- rum, 1722. Porp^'vrius de abHinentia, in i2°» Lugduni, 1620. Phorphyrius de vita Pythagoras, in 4^ Amficlcd. 1707. Potteii archasologia Orseca, mfol. Lugduni Bita-joiiim, 1702. Pridcaiix, hifloire des Juifs, in 12". Paris, 17.^2. Principes du droit politique, in 12°. Amjlcrdanu '75^. Prociiu ^able of the Names of the Authors, 337 Proclus in Timseuni Flatonis, in t. 2°, ofer, Platonis in fol. B a file a, 1534 Procopii hiltoria, \n.fol. Parif e typographia regia^ 1662- 166^. Ptolemaei Almageft. five magnet conftru<5tionis, &c. in JoLBafiUa, 15 3S. .. . . Q^ QUintibani inftitution. orator. &:c. mf A. Parif. 1725. QiiiniUoCurcius, cum notis var. in 8^. L.Bat.iS^Q. R. RAmufio racok. delle navigationi, &c viaggi, &c. in . fol. in Venetia^ 1563. Recueil d'antiquiies, par M. le C. de Caylus, in ^^. Pa- ris, 17 S2 175^- Recueil des voyages qui ont fervi a retabliflement &: aux progres de la coinpagnic des Indes Orientales, for- mee dans les Provinces Unies des Pays-Bas, in 12^. Amft 1725. Recueil des voyages au Nord, in J2°. j^mjlerdanif 1731. Regime fcicntiarum acadcmias hiftoria, autorc J. B. Du- chamel, in 40 Paris, 1701. Reland diffcrtationes mifceilaneiE, in 8**. Trajedi ad Rhenum, 1706-7 8. "* Relation (nouvelle) de la Gafpefie, par le P. le Clerc, in 12^. Paris, 1691. Relation de la haute Ethiopie, dans le Recueil des voy- ages pubiiCS par Melchifedec Thevenot. Relation de la riviere des Amazones, par leP. d'Acug^ na, in 12®. Paris, 1682. Republique (nouvelles de la) des lettres, in 1 2". Am- Jlerdam, 1715 &c. &;c. &c. Relpublica, five Status regni Scotiae & Hibernise, di- verlornm autor. in 16°. Lugduni Batavorum, 1627. Rhetores Grasci veteres, in fol. Fendns, edit. Aldin, 1527. Rhodigini (Ludovici Lcel 1) lechones antiques, &c. in fol Francofwtt, 1666 Roilin, hiftoire ancienne, in 1 2°. Paris^ 17 aq. S. SAlmafii Plinianse exercitationes, in fol. Parif. 162^. Salmafii Pimiaiiie exerciMtiones, in fcl. Trajt^ti ad Vol. lil, U u RkenwH, 33^ Tt^bk of the Names of the Authors* Rhenum^ i68v9. Ikavemad-^ ufe of hoih thep editions. Scaligeri (Jofephi) notas in chronic, r-ufebii, \nfol. Am- fielodami^ 16^8. Schefferusde militia navali veternrn, in 4°. Upfaliay 1694. Schcerlone annoenitates littcrarise, in 8"'. Francofufti, 1725-1731- Scheuchzer (phyfique facree trad, du lat. de Jean-Ja- ques), A/nJler^am, 17^2, is^ Jiiiv. in fol. SchoLiten (voy igcs de) dans le Retueil des voyages qui ont fcrvi a i'etabliflemcnt de la compagnie tics Indes Hollandoife. Scriptores rci ruilicae veteres Latini, in 40 Lipfia^ 1735. Selden dc diis Syris, in b°. Jmjieicdami^ l6^:o. Senac, nouveau cours de chymie, in 12®. Paris, ^757' Scnecas (L.Annaei) opera omnia, in ii9.JjfiJI:elcdaimyi6y2» Servius. See Virgilii opera. Sexti Empirici opera omnia, in fol. Lipf^-^ 1718. Sicard, (mem. du P. hicard), dans les Memoires des miffions du Levant. Sigonius, apud Gronovii thefaurum antiquitat. Grseca- rum. Simpliciusin Ariftotel. de ccelo,in/. Paris, ibyy. B. Varenii gcographia generalis, in S° Cantabrigi^, i6&r. Varro, apud S. Augufl. dt civitate Dei, & inter icripto- res rei rufticae vcter. l.atin. Ubo Emmius, apud Gronovii thefaurum Grasc. anti- quitatum. Virgilii opcra^ in 4'^. Amjtelodami, 1746. Vitruve 34© 'Table of tlje 'Names of the Authors* "Vitruve (traJuftion de) par Pt-rrauk. See Perrault. Vopifcns inter hiftoiae Augu.'i^ Icriptores, in fol. Pa' rif. 1620. Voffius de idol litria, in fol. Amjielodami^ 1700. Voyage a I'equateur, par M de la Condamine, in 4^. Paris .^ de l^imprimerie rcyale, i 7 5 1 . Voyage au Peiou, par D. Antoine d'Ulloa, in 40. Am^ Jlerdam. 17^2. Voya^^e d'Anfon, in 40. Amft'erdam., ^749- Voyage de Benjamin de I u ele, dans le Recueil dcs voyages publics par Bergeron, in 4^'. La Haye, ^735' Voyage de Bernier, in 12". Am/ierdam, 1699. Voyages de Vincent le Blanc, in 4". Paris, 1749. Voyage de la Baye de HuUfon, in 12*^. Paris, 1649. Voyage de Plan Carpin, dans le Recueil des voyages publics par Bergeron, in 4^. La Haye, i;35. Voyages de Coreal, in 12^. Bruxelles^ '736. Voyages de Dampier, in 12^. Amjlerdam^ 1701. Voyage de Frezicr, in 4^. Paris., ij 16. Voyage d't.gypte, par Granger, in 12^. Paris., J745* Voyages de la Boulaye-le-Goulz, in 4^'. Paris^ it'57* Voyage de J. de Lery, in 12^. Paris., 1-550. Voyages dc la Hontan. in 12°, La Haye, 1706. Voyages de Franfois Pyrard, in 4*. Paris., '^79' Vuyage deslndes Orientales. par Cane, in iz'^. PariSt '699- Voyage de Schaw, in 4^. La Haye. 1743. Voyage de Wafer, a la luite des voyages de Dampiei. Voyages d'Ovington, in 12^. Paris., ^7^5- Voyage du Levant, par P. Lucas, in 12°. Rouen^ 1710,-1724. Uranologion D. Patavii, in fol. P